Baroque Seville: Sacred Art in a Century of Crisis 9780271079431

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Baroque Seville

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BAROQUE SEVILLE Sacred Art in a Century of Crisis

Am a n da Wu n de r

The Pennsylvania State University Press University Park, Pennsylvania

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Publication of this book has been aided by a grant from the Millard Meiss Publication Fund of the College Art Association. This publication is made possible in part from the Barr Ferree Foundation Fund for Publications, Department of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Wunder, Amanda Jaye, 1972– , author. Title: Baroque Seville : sacred art in a century of crisis / Amanda Wunder. Description: University Park, Pennsylvania : The Pennsylvania State University Press, [2017] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Summary: “Explores the making of seventeenthcentury Seville’s greatest Baroque monuments. Conceived as a spiritual solution to Seville’s problems, these works had a profound real-world effect on the city in crisis. Examines Baroque art as a collaborative process involving not only painters but altarpiece designers, plaster carvers, embroiderers, printmakers, and authors”— Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2016023514 | ISBN 9780271076645 (cloth : alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Christian art and symbolism— Spain—Seville—Modern period, 1500– | Art, Baroque—Spain—Seville. | Art, Spanish— Spain—Seville—17th century. | Group work in art—Spain—Seville—History—17th century. | Seville (Spain)—History—17th century. Classification: LCC N7962.S48 W86 2017 | DDC 709.03/2—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc. gov/2016023514

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Copyright © 2017 The Pennsylvania State University All rights reserved Printed in China Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802–1003 The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of American University Presses. It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ansi z39.48–1992.

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For Shamus and Anders

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Madrid

Guadalquivir River

Monastery of San Agustín

Seville Cádiz

San Esteban Mañara palace Casa de Pilatos

Calle Real

Santa Catalina

San Luis de los Franceses

Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes

Hospital of the Buen Suceso

Calle de Ab ades Pinelo palace

Plaza de la Feria

Archbishop’s palace Plaza del Pozo Santo

San Salvador

San Andrés

s

ierpe Calle S

Reales Alcázares

Plaza de Santa Marta

Plaza de San Francisco

Plaza de la Contratación

Lonja

Cathedral

Hospital of San Juan de Dios Alameda de Hércules

v

Alhóndiga

Puerta de la Macarena

Hospital of San Bernardo

Puerta de la Carne San Bartolomé Santa Maria la Blanca Villamanrique palace Santa Cruz

Sagrario va Calle Géno Hospital of the Santa Caridad Puerta del Arenal

Magdalena

Postigo del Carbón

San Pablo

Torre del Oro

al

en

Ar Gu

ad

alq

uiv

ir R

ive

Triana Bridge

r

100

200

300

400

500

600m

N

Monastery of La Cartuja

Seville in the seventeenth century Shaded area indicates the former Jewish quarter. Drawing by Maura Whang.

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Contents

List of Illustrations  ix Acknowledgments xv Currency, Weights, and Measures  xviii Introduction   1

1 The Art of Disillusionment: The Patronage of Mateo Vázquez de Leca 21

2 The Piety of Powerful Neighbors: The Renovation of Santa María la Blanca 45

3 A Temporary Triumph: The Seville Cathedral’s Festival for San Fernando 73

4 The Nobility of Charity: The Church and Hospital of the Santa Caridad 97

5 The Phoenix of Seville: Rebuilding the Church of San Salvador 125 Conclusion 147 Chronology 155 Notes 157 Bibliography 181 Index 201

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Illustrations

1

Virgin of the Kings in procession outside the Royal Chapel of the Seville cathedral on the feast of the Assumption, August 15, 2015. Photo: Luis Manuel Jiménez Domínguez. 2

2 Procession of the Virgin of the Kings in Front of the Northern Steps of the Seville Cathedral, mid-seventeenth century. Oil on canvas, 4´ 11½˝ × 8´ 10¼˝ (151 × 270 cm). Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández). 4 3

Attributed to Alonso Sánchez Coello, View of Seville, last quarter of the sixteenth century. Oil on canvas, 4´ 11˝ × 9´ 10˝ (150 × 300 cm). Museo de América, Madrid. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York. 8–9

4 Sebastián Conde, iron cross (La Cruz de la Cerrajería), 1692. Formerly on Calle Sierpes. Plaza de Santa Cruz, Seville. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (Gpedro). 16 5

Plano topographico de la M. N. y M. L. ciudad de Sevilla, commissioned by Pablo de Olavide, 1771. Designed by Francisco Manuel Coelho and engraved by José Amat. Engraving and etching, 3´ ⅘˝ × 4´ 6˝ (93.5 × 137 cm). Facsimile edition, Madrid: Grupo Eulen, 1992. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Archivo Municipal de Sevilla. 18–19

6 Attributed to Pedro Camprobín, Death and the Gentleman, mid-seventeenth century. Oil on canvas, 3´ 3⅓˝ × 5´ 3¾˝ (100 × 162 cm). Hospital of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York. 23 7

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The Seville cathedral, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Archivo Municipal de Sevilla. 23

8 Juan Martínez Montañés and Francisco Pacheco, Christ of Clemency, 1603–6. Polychromed wood, 6´ 2⅘˝ tall (1.90 m). Capilla de San Andrés, Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  24 9 Plan of the Seville cathedral, begun ca. 1433. Drawing by Maura Whang.  26 10 Oratory, Pinelo palace, Seville, first quarter of the sixteenth century, reconstructed in the 1970s. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York.  28 11 Francisco de Zurbarán, Visit by Saint Thomas Aquinas to Saint Bonaventure, ca. 1629. Oil on canvas, 7´ 5˝ × 8´ 4¾˝ (226 × 256 cm). Destroyed 1945; formerly KaiserFriedrich-Museum, Berlin. Photo: bpk, Berlin / Gemäldegalerie / Art Resource, New York.  28 12 Francisco de Zurbarán, The Crucified Christ with a Donor, 1640. Oil on canvas, 8´× 5´ 6˝ (244 × 167.5 cm). Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid. Photo © Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid.  29 13 The Christ of Clemency seen from below. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  29 14 Juan de Arfe, custodia, 1580–87. Silver processional monstrance, 12´ 9½˝ tall (3.9 m). Displayed for Corpus Christi on a processional float covered with eighteenthcentury embroidered silver-lamé panels, main chapel, Seville cathedral. Photo © José Ramón Pizarro—www.photaki.es.  32 15 Juan de Roelas, Procession Celebrating the Immaculate Conception in Seville on June 29, 1615, 1616, detail. Oil on canvas, whole work 10´ 8⅓˝ × 6´ 5½˝ (326 × 197 cm). Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York. 34

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16 Francisco Pacheco, The Virgin of the Immaculate Conception and Mateo Vázquez de Leca (?), 1621. Oil on canvas, 6´ 6¾˝ × 4´ 11˝ (200 × 150 cm). Colección Marqués de la Reunión de Nueva España, Seville. Photo courtesy of Fondo Gráfico, Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, Seville (Eugenio Fernández Ruíz).  35 17 Virgin of the Kings, first half of the thirteenth century. Wood covered with polychromed kidskin, with articulated limbs, 5´ 9⅓˝ tall (1.76 m), holding an articulated sculpture of the Christ Child, perhaps of a later date. Royal Chapel, Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  38

26 Martín Moreno, high altarpiece, 1657–58. The sculpture of the Virgin of the Snows is attributed to Juan de Astorga, nineteenth century. Church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville. Photo: Raúl Salamero Sánchez-Gabriel. 53 27 Miguel de Zumárraga, Alonso de Vandelvira, and Cristóbal de Rojas, church of the Sagrario, Seville, 1618–62. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York.  54

18 Juan Pantoja de la Cruz, Portrait of Queen Margaret of Austria, 1606. Oil on canvas, 6´ 9½˝ × 4´ (207 × 122 cm). Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid. Photo © Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid.  39

28 Pedro, Pablo, and Miguel de Borja, plasterwork ceiling, church of the Sagrario, Seville, 1652–57. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández). 55

19 Procession of the Virgin of the Kings in Front of the Northern Steps of the Seville Cathedral, mid-seventeenth century (fig. 2), detail. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  40

29 Plan of the church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville, 1662–65. Drawing by Maura Whang.   58

20 Luis Ortiz de Vargas, altarpiece of the Virgin of the Kings, 1643–49. Royal Chapel, Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández). 42 21 Francisco Meneses Osorio, The Virgin of the Kings, 1696. Oil on canvas, 6´ 10˝ × 4´ 6¾˝ (208 × 139 cm). Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid. Photo © Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid.  43 22 Facade of the church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville, Gothic portal after 1391, with a double bell-gable by Pedro Sánchez Falconete added in 1651. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (Anual).  46 23 The church and plaza of Santa María la Blanca, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Archivo Municipal de Sevilla.  47

Illustrations

24 Old main synagogue, Segovia, midfourteenth century (rebuilt after it was destroyed by fire in 1899). Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York.  49

x

25 Martín Moreno, altarpiece of the Great Conception, 1656–63. Sculpture of the

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Immaculate Conception by Alfonso Martínez, 1656–58. Chapel of the Concepción Grande, Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  52

30 Interior of the church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville. Photo: Raúl Salamero Sánchez-Gabriel. 59 31 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, The Foundation of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome: The Dream of the Patrician and His Wife, 1664–65. Oil on canvas, 7´ 7⅓˝ × 17´ 1½˝ (232 × 522 cm). Frame digitally removed. Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid. Photo © Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid.  60 32 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, The Immaculate Conception, 1664–65. Oil on canvas, 5´ 7¾˝ × 9´ 9¾˝ (172 × 298 cm). Musée du Louvre, Paris. Photo © RMNGrand Palais / Art Resource, New York (René-Gabriel Ojéda).  61 33 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Portrait of Don Justino de Neve, 1665. Oil on canvas, 6´ 9˝ × 4´ 3˝ (206 × 129.5 cm). National Gallery, London. Photo © National Gallery, London / Art Resource, New York.  61 34 Ephemeral altar in Valencia, 1662. Engraving in Joan Baptista de Valda, Solenes fiestas, qve celebro Valencia, a la Immacvlada Concepcion de la Virgen Maria (Valencia, 1663), 100. 4o. Courtesy of

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the Hispanic Society of America, New York. 64 35 Hernando de Ballesteros the Younger, one of Los Gigantes, 1579–81. Embossed and engraved silver candlestick, 6´ 3˝ tall (1.902 m). Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  64 36 Facade of the Villamanrique palace, Plaza de Santa María la Blanca, Seville, early seventeenth century. Photo: Amanda Wunder. 67 37 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Jacob’s Dream, ca. 1660. Oil on canvas, 8´ ⅘˝ × 11´ 9¾˝ (246 × 360 cm). The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. Photo: HIP / Art Resource, New York.  67 38 Matías de Arteaga, Holy Mary the White of Seville (Virgin of the Snows), 1665. Engraving in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca (Seville, 1666), fol. 169r. 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York.  68 39 Procession route, festival of Santa María la Blanca, August 10, 1665, indicated on a detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Archivo Municipal de Sevilla.  69 40 Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca (Seville, 1666). 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York. Photo: Shamus Adams.  71 41 Pedro de Villafranca, Catafalque for King Philip IV at the Royal Convent of La Encarnación, Madrid, designed by Sebastián Herrera Barnuevo. Engraving in Pedro Rodríguez de Monforte, Descripcion de las honras qve se hicieron a la Catholica Magd. de D. Phelippe quarto Rey de las Españas y del nuevo Mundo en el Real Conuento de la Encarnacion (Madrid, 1666). 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York.  74 42 Sketch of the catafalque for King Philip IV at the Seville cathedral in March 1666. Archivo de la Catedral de Sevilla, Fondo Capitular, sec. iii, sign.: 09278. Photo courtesy of the Archivo de la Catedral de Sevilla. 75

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43 Effigy of King Fernando III in the Royal Chapel of the Seville cathedral. From the Cantigas de Santa María, Florence Codex, last third of the thirteenth century, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, ms B.R. 20, fol. 12r. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York.  76 44 The Saint-King Fernando III with the Halo of Sanctity. Title page of the Coronica del sancto rey don Fernando tercero deste nombre (Seville, 1516). Folio. Courtesy of the Biblioteca Histórica de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Sign. BH FG 2035. 77 45 Charles Audran, Ferdinandvs III Hispaniæ Rex, 1630. Engraving in Canonizationis servi Dei Gloriosissimi, Invictissimi, ac Sancti Regis D. Ferdinandi III (Rome, 1638). 4o. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.  80 46 The Monument, 1562, with later additions, in the retrochoir of the Seville cathedral during Holy Week, 1960. Gilded and polychromed wood, 98´ 5˝ tall (30 m). Photo: Antonio Palau, 1960. SGI FototecaLaboratorio de Arte, Universidad de Sevilla. 83 47 Juan de Valdés Leal, The Triumph, 1671. Etching, 21¼˝ × 13˝ (54 × 33 cm), in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla (Seville, 1671). Courtesy of Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University.  84 48 Approximate three-dimensional model and ground-floor plan of the first story of the Triumph. Drawing by Maura Whang. 85 49 The making of the Triumph (detail of fig. 47). Courtesy of Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University. 86 50 Pedro Roldán and Luisa Rafaela Valdés y Morales, San Fernando, 1671. Polychromed and gilded wood, 5´ 8˝ tall (1.73 m). Sacristy, Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  88 51 San Fernando in procession on the feast of Corpus Christi, 2008. Photo: Joaquín Gómez. 89

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52 Matías de Arteaga, The Royal Chapel of the Seville Cathedral, 1671, detail. Etching, whole work 18˝ × 12˝ (45.7 × 30.5 cm), in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla (Seville, 1671). Photo courtesy of the Frick Art Reference Library (George Koelle). 90 53 King Fernando III’s sword, thirteenth century, with later additions. Steel blade, silver and crystal hilt, 3´ 8˝ (112 cm). Seville cathedral. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández). 91 54 Procession route, festival of San Fernando, May 25, 1671, indicated on a detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Archivo Municipal de Sevilla. 92 55 Matías de Arteaga, The Giralda Decorated for the Beatification of Fernando III, 1672. Etching, 17 ⅜˝ × 10 ⅝˝ (44 × 27 cm), in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla (Seville, 1671). Courtesy of Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University.  94 56 Bernardo Simón de Pineda, Pedro Roldán, and Juan de Valdés Leal, high altarpiece, 1670–75, detail. Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Pedro Feria Fernández. 98 57 The old Royal Shipyards, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Archivo Municipal de Sevilla. 99 58 Facade of the Mañara palace, Calle Levíes, Seville, ca. 1520s–30s, with later reforms. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (Anual). 101 59 Principal patio of the Mañara palace, Seville, with marble columns and fountain by Antonio Maria Aprile, 1532. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (José Luis Filpo Cabana). 101

Illustrations xii

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60 Pedro Sánchez Falconete, facade of the church of the Santa Caridad (San Jorge), Seville, 1645, with an attic by Leonardo de Figueroa added in 1682 and painted ceramic tiles by José García added in 1733. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York.  104

61 Juan de Valdés Leal, In the Blink of an Eye (In Ictu Oculi), ca. 1671. Oil on canvas, 7´ 2⅘˝ × 7´ 1˝ (220 × 216 cm). Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Pedro Feria Fernández. 105 62 Juan de Valdés Leal, The End of Worldly Glory (Finis Gloriae Mundi), ca. 1671. Oil on canvas, 7´ 2⅘˝ × 7´ 1˝ (220 × 216 cm). Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Pedro Feria Fernández.  105 63 Interior of the church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Pedro Feria Fernández. 106 64 Paintings and altarpieces (ground level) at the church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Drawing by Maura Whang.  107 65 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Saint Elizabeth of Hungary Curing the Sick, ca. 1672. Oil on canvas, 10´ 8˝ × 8´½˝ (325 × 245 cm). Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Pedro Feria Fernández.  110 66 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Saint John of God, ca. 1672. Bernardo Simón de Pineda, altarpiece of the Annunciation, ca. 1670–72, with a painting by Bartolomé Esteban Murillo added in 1686. Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo © White Star / Monica Gumm / imageBROKER / age fotostock.  111 67 Pedro Roldán, Christ of Charity, altarpiece by Bernardo Simón de Pineda, ca. 1670– 72. Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Pedro Feria Fernández.  112 68 Gravestone of Ana Josefa López de Zúñiga, 1673. Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Amanda Wunder.  113 69 Plan of Santa Caridad church and hospital, Seville, 1645–82. Drawing by Maura Whang. 115 70 Bay of the old Royal Shipyards (Reales Atarazanas), Seville, 1252. Courtesy of Fondo Gráfico, Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, Seville (Juan Carlos Cazalla Montijano).  116 71 Infirmary of the Hospital of the Santa Caridad, ca. 1930. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Fototeca Municipal de Sevilla, Archivo Serrano. 116

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72 Twin patios of the Hospital of the Santa Caridad, 1677–82. Photo: Manuel Cohen /​ The Art Archive at Art Resource, New York. 117 73 Miguel Mañara’s quarters at the Hospital of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Amanda Wunder.  118 74 Lucas Valdés, The Venerable Nobleman Don Miguel Mañara, 1679. Engraving in Juan de Cárdenas, Breve relacion de la muerte, vida, y virtudes del venerable cavallero D. Miguel Mañara Vicentelo de Leca (Seville, 1679). 4o. Courtesy of Yale University Library, Robert B. Haas Family Arts Library Special Collections.  120 75 Juan de Valdés Leal, Miguel Mañara Presiding over a Meeting of the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad, 1681. Oil on canvas, 6´ 5⅕˝ × 7´ 4⅗˝ (196 × 225 cm). Hospital of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York.  121 76 Lucas Valdés, Reception of Traveling Priests at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 1690s. Oil on canvas, 21⅗˝ × 27⅗˝ (55 × 70 cm). Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, Seville. Fundación FocusAbengoa, Seville.  122 77 Lucas Valdés, Care for the Venerable Priests in the Infirmary of the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 1690s. Oil on canvas, 21⅗˝ × 27⅗˝ (55 × 70 cm). Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, Seville. Fundación Focus-Abengoa, Seville.  123 78 Virgin of the Waters, second half of the thirteenth century, remodeled and repainted in the seventeenth century. Polychromed wooden sculpture with articulated limbs, 4´ 3⅕˝ tall (1.3 m). Church of San Salvador, Seville. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York. 126 79 The church and plaza of San Salvador, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771. Photo © ICAS-SAHP, Archivo Municipal de Sevilla.  127 80 Courtyard, church of San Salvador, Seville. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (José Luis Filpo Cabana).  128 81 Interior of the Great Mosque, Córdoba. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (James Gordon). 128

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82 Antique columns in the Plaza de San Salvador, Seville. Photo: Amanda Wunder. 129 83 Alonso Martín Braones, Exortacion a la piedad, y magnificencia sevillana (Seville, ca. 1694). 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York.  130 84 Facade of the Hospital of San Juan de Dios (also known as Nuestra Señora de la Paz), Plaza de San Salvador, Seville, early seventeenth century. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (Anual).  134 85 Plan of the church of San Salvador, Seville, 1674–1712. Drawing by Maura Whang. 136 86 Facade of the church of San Salvador, Seville, 1674–1712, with ornamental stone carvings added in the nineteenth century. Photo © Julia Muñoz Lozano—www. photaki.es. 137 87 Leonardo de Figueroa, dormer windows and dome of the former church of San Pablo (present-day parish church of the Magdalena), Seville, 1691–1709. Photo: Amanda Wunder.  138 88 Lorenzo Fernández de Iglesias, main portal of the archbishop’s palace, Seville, 1703–5. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (Jebulon). 138 89 Leonardo de Figueroa, drum, dome, and lantern of the church of San Salvador, Seville, 1709–11. Photo: William Perry © Dreamstime.com. 139 90 Interior of the church of San Salvador, Seville. High altarpiece by Cayetano de Acosta, 1770–78. Photo: William Perry © Dreamstime.com. 140 91 Pablo Legot, Transfiguration, 1631. Oil on canvas, 11´ 8¼˝ × 7´ 1˝ (356 × 216 cm). Frame carved by Juan de Dios Moreno, 1712. Church of San Salvador, Seville. Photo courtesy of the Cabildo Catedral de Sevilla (Pedro Feria Fernández).  142 92 José Maestre, altarpiece of the Virgin of the Waters, 1726–55. Church of San Salvador, Seville. Photo: Jozef Sedmak. © Dreamstime.com.  144 93 Attributed to Leonardo de Figueroa, twin towers and dome of the church of San

Illustrations xiii

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Luis de los Franceses, Seville, 1699–1731. Photo: Wikimedia Commons (José Luis Filpo Cabana).  145 94 View of Seville, 1726. Oil on canvas, 3´ 6½˝ × 7´ 11⅓˝ (108 × 242 cm). Casa Consistorial (Ayuntamiento de Sevilla), Seville. Photo: Album / Art Resource, New York. 148–149 95 The Giralda decorated for the coronation of King Felipe VI, June 2014, Seville. Photo: Enrique Ayllón González.  152

Illustrations xiv

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Acknowledgments

Research for this book was supported by the Fulbright Program, the Spanish Program for Cultural Cooperation, the American Philosophical Society, the Bibliographical Society of America, the Princeton Committee for Italian Studies, the University of New Hampshire Graduate School, and the UNH Center for the Humanities. Funding for images was provided by a George Shuster grant from Lehman College, a PSC-CUNY Research Award, and the Barr Ferree Foundation Fund for Publications through the Princeton Department of Art and Archaeology. The Barr Ferree Foundation Fund and the College Art Association’s Millard Meiss Publication Fund supplied generous subventions for this book’s publication. I would like to acknowledge the institutions that granted me access to their collections and permission to reproduce images, and to thank the librarians, archivists, and other staff members who kindly assisted me in person and from a distance. In Seville: the Archivo de la Catedral, the Archivo General del Arzobispado, the Archivo Municipal, the Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, the Cabildo Catedral, the Fundación Focus-Abengoa, the Museo de Bellas Artes, and the Biblioteca and Fototeca of the Universidad de Sevilla. In Madrid: the Archivo Histórico Nacional, the Biblioteca Nacional de España, and the Biblioteca Histórica Marqués de Valdecilla at the Universidad Complutense. In Rome: the Vatican Secret Archives. In New York: the Hispanic Society of America, with special thanks to Patrick Lenaghan and John O’Neill. I am indebted to the staff in the Interlibrary Loan department at the Mina Rees Library of the CUNY Graduate Center, who made it possible for me to complete this book in New York. Fernando Quiles García at the Universidad Pablo de Olavide and Teodoro Falcón Márquez and Teresa Laguna Paúl at the Universidad de Sevilla cordially answered many queries and shared their research and expertise on the art history of Seville. At the Real Academia de Bellas Artes de Santa Isabel de Hungría, Margarita Toscano San Gil and Ramón Corzo Sánchez have offered invaluable assistance and countless kindnesses over the years. Assembling the illustrations for this book proved to be an unexpected pleasure, since it gave me the opportunity to work with Maura Whang, M.Arch., who prepared the plans and the frontispiece map, and Pedro Feria Fernández, whose beautiful photographs of the Seville cathedral and other churches illustrate the following pages. Enrique Ayllón González, Joaquín Gómez, Luis Manuel Jiménez Domínguez, and Raúl Salamero Sánchez-Gabriel generously contributed their captivating photos of Seville’s sacred spaces and celebrations, which offer visual testimony to the continued

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Acknowledgments xvi

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vibrancy of the seventeenth-century artworks and traditions that are the subject of this book. This project has its roots in an undergraduate year spent in Seville with the UNC in Sevilla program, through which I had the good fortune of studying Spanish at the Giralda Center with Rosario Trigos Delgado and my first introduction to Spanish history at the Universidad de Sevilla. Two extraordinary historians and advisors—Laurie Nussdorfer at Wesleyan University and Anthony Grafton at Princeton University— patiently instructed me in the tools of their craft and inducted me into the wondrous world of the rare-books room. During my years of graduate study in the History Department at Princeton, Patricia Fortini Brown and her graduate students in the Department of Art and Archaeology were essential interlocutors to whom I owe my art-historical education. I was also fortunate to work with Kenneth Mills, William Jordan, and Theodore Rabb and to meet the inimitable Teofilo Ruiz during my years at Princeton. Jonathan Brown provided expert advice as I was writing my dissertation and first formulating the ideas for this book. For many years I have leaned upon the generosity of Spanish historians James Amelang, Jodi Bilinkoff, and Richard Kagan, who began as unofficial mentors and became terrific friends. More recently, Evelyn Welch has been a source of valuable support. Gridley McKim-Smith read an early version of this manuscript and provided the encouragement that launched the book into existence. My approach to this book was shaped by my experience as a fellow in the Department of European Sculpture and Decorative Arts at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2005–6. It is a pleasure to express my gratitude to museum fellowship coordinator Marcie Karp and to thank the staff at ESDA and the Antonio Ratti Textile Center. During my year at the Met and in the years since, I have learned a great deal from Thomas Campbell, Daniëlle Kisluk-Grosheide, Charlotte Vignon, Ian Wardropper, and Melinda Watt. I would like to thank colleagues past and present at the History Department at the University of New Hampshire, the History Department at Lehman College, and the Art History program at the CUNY Graduate Center. At Lehman, Marie Marianetti has been unfailingly supportive as department chair, Timothy Alborn read and critiqued my manuscript, and Jeannette Graulau answered questions about early modern currency and economic history. Carmen Saen-de-Casas tirelessly assisted with the translations in this book and brought great humor to the task. I also thank my colleagues in the Art History program at the CUNY Graduate Center for welcoming a historian into their department, with special thanks to chairs Kevin Murphy, Claire Bishop, and Rachel Kousser, and to Assistant Program Officer Andrea Appel, for moral support and space to work. Clare Carroll, coordinator of Renaissance Studies, has made the Graduate Center an intellectual home for early modern studies. Graduate research assistants Ian Wallace and Rachel Valinsky assisted in the preparation of this manuscript. While this book was in progress, I received helpful comments from colleagues at a National Endowment for the Humanities summer seminar at the Boston Athenaeum,

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directed by Richard Wendorf; the symposium “Urban Empire: A Symposium on Cities of the Early Modern Hispanic World,” organized by Laura Bass and James Boyden at Tulane University; and the symposium “Sacred & Profane in the Early Modern Hispanic World,” held in conjunction with the spectacular exhibition Sacred Spain, curated by Ronda Kasl at the Indianapolis Museum of Art. I benefited from feedback on chapter drafts presented at the Wesleyan Renaissance Seminar and at Richard Kagan’s graduate seminar at Johns Hopkins University. I owe enormous thanks to Eleanor Goodman, executive editor at Penn State University Press, not only for making it possible for this book to be published in full Baroque splendor but also for being such a dynamic proponent of early modern Spanish historical studies. I am very grateful to Jesús Escobar for identifying my work as a future Penn State book and for his guidance on writing about Baroque Spanish cities. It has been a privilege to work with the staff at the press, including Hannah Hebert, Patty Mitchell, Jennifer Norton, Charlee Redman, Laura Reed-Morrisson, and Regina Starace, and with copyeditor Keith Monley. Mark McDonald read most of this manuscript in progress and profoundly influenced its development. Generous friends who read some or all of the text at various stages include Laura Bass, Jodi Bilinkoff, Katrina Olds, Christine Philliou, Caterina Pizzigoni, James Saslow, Ashli White, and Chuck Wooldridge. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank Bethany Aram, Cristian Berco, Charles Bodie and Maria Caba, Kathleen Christian, Blake De Maria, Heather Ecker, Andy Graybill, Guy Lazure, Ruth MacKay, Mariola Merino, Heather and Vernon Hyde Minor, Mary Elizabeth Perry, Carmen Ripollés, Jarbel Rodríguez, Kristin Roth-Ey, Kateri and Zach Stewart, Dannielle Tegeder, and Tanya Tiffany. For making it possible for me to spend as much time on this project as it required, with peace of mind, I am very grateful to Sarah-Lois Seixas, Elisabeth Ambesi, Gloribil Minaya, Fanny E. de Jesús, Olga Abreu, and Anabel Ureña. Every member of my family—John, Susan, and Nell Wunder, and Barb, Mark, Laura, and Maddie Rock—contributed to this book in his or her unique way. Dear friends Charo Trigos, Antonio Gil, and Paloma Arribas have made Seville and Madrid a home away from home. Most of all I thank Shamus Adams and Anders Wunder Adams, and dedicate this book to them.

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Currency, Weights, and Measures

The basic unit of account in seventeenth-century Spain was the maravedí (mr.). In the documents cited in this book, most payments are recorded in reales or ducados, with the following relative values: 1 real = 34 mrs. 1 ducado = 11 reales = 375 mrs. Maravedíses, reales, and ducados could be either silver (plata) or less valuable copper (vellón); the documents do not always specify. The silver peso (peso de plata) was worth 8 reales (272 mrs.) before the currency reform of 1686; thereafter it was known as the peso escudo or escudo and was worth 10 reales (340 mrs.). Weights were measured by the onza (1 oz.), libra (1 lb.), and arroba (25 lbs.). The standard unit of linear measurement was the vara (33˝).

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Introduction

When news reached Seville in the winter of 1649 that plague had been spotted on the coast of Spain, the city council made the disastrous decision to keep the city gates open to commerce. Rumor had it that the plague was brought to Seville by a man from Cádiz who was lodging in a house near the Tower of Gold (Torre del Oro), next to the river (see the frontispiece map of Seville, with place-names mentioned in the text). Within two days of the man’s arrival, everyone in the house where he was lodging was dead.1 As the contagion spread inside the city, local authorities did what they could to contain it. Plague victims were quarantined in hospitals outside the city walls, and their contaminated clothes and possessions were destroyed in bonfires. The bodies of the dead were carted to mass graves on the outskirts of town, and aromatic herbs were burned in the streets to purify the air. Sevillians diligently applied these pragmatic secular measures—medios humanos (“human methods”), as they were known at the time—according to Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga (1633–1680). But they placed more trust in medios divinos (“divine methods”), the Sevillian chronicler explains, electing “to beg for clemency and placate divine justice.”2 The medios divinos that Sevillians employed during the plague of 1649 included “prayers, rogations, acts of penitence,” and “processions of light and blood” with penitents carrying candles and flagellants whipping themselves.3 At the height of the plague, on June 26, 1649, Seville’s secular and religious authorities led a joint procession around the steps of the cathedral with a sacred sculpture, the Virgin of the Kings (Nuestra Señora de los Reyes) (fig. 1). After the procession, there was palpable relief from the plague, Ortiz de Zúñiga reports. Then, on July 2, the Cristo de San Agustín—a fourteenth-century sculpture of the crucified Christ that had a reputation for working miracles—was brought from the Augustinian monastery, outside the eastern city

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walls, to the cathedral, in the city center.4 A crowd of people followed the life-size Gothic crucifix through the streets “with sorrowful cries,” Ortiz de Zúñiga writes, in “a display of the greatest emotion and spiritual remorse.”5 After spending the night at the cathedral, the image of Christ was returned to the monastery of San Agustín the following day. From that point forward, the plague was in retreat. By the end of the month, the plague hospitals had been closed, and the elite citizens who had fled to the countryside had returned back home. When it was all over, approximately sixty thousand people—half of Seville’s population—had died.6 The Cristo de San Agustín was credited with ending the worst epidemic in the city’s history, thus confirming the sculpture’s reputation and affirming the efficacy of the medios divinos. Early modern Europeans, Catholics and Protestants alike, routinely interpreted natural disasters as divine punishment and promoted religious action as the most effective solution. Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti advocated spiritual remedies when plague struck his bishopric of Bologna in 1575; the parliamentarian and diarist Sir John Oglander interpreted the rains, floods, and harvest failure that struck England in 1647 as divine punishment for the civil war.7 Six years after the plague of 1649, the Andalusian lawyer Francisco Salado Garcés published a book in which he promoted medios humanos for combating the disease but argued that divine methods should always be tried first, since “plague and contagion come to the world because of the sins of men, and they are the reason for it.”8 Prayers and processions were emergency measures to be undertaken in moments of crisis, but it would be infinitely better to avoid divine punishment in the first place. A city had recourse to different kinds of medios divinos in order to cultivate divine favor. Reforming immoral behavior was perhaps the most difficult. More feasible projects included building or decorating a church, promoting a local saint for beatification or canonization, and founding a new charitable institution. Such communal displays of devotion and good works were strategies for strengthening a city’s spiritual defenses. Sevillians made a massive investment in long-term medios divinos in the troubled decades of the seventeenth century. Sculptors carved a fleet of new processional sculptures that painters brought to life with realistic flesh tones, while embroiderers and goldsmiths crafted opulent gowns and crowns for venerable old images like the Virgin of the Kings. Seville was turned into an open-air church for religious feast days and special celebrations when triumphal arches were erected in the streets and plazas, precious reliquaries and liturgical vessels were brought outdoors and displayed on temporary altars, and building facades were covered beneath rich fabrics, tapestries, and paintings (fig. 2). Seville’s most privileged citizens served the poor and needy at new charity hospitals that were built with opulent churches. Between the 1660s and 1720s some thirty-two religious buildings—parish churches, monasteries and convents, and other sacred structures—were built, rebuilt, or renovated beyond recognition, and an even greater number of altarpieces and chapels were added to existing structures.9 Monumental paintings and gilded altarpieces adorned the walls of old and new churches, whose ceilings were covered with ornaments made from carved plaster

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Fig. 1 Virgin of the Kings in procession outside the Royal Chapel of the Seville cathedral on the feast of the Assumption, August 15, 2015.

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Fig. 2 Procession of the Virgin of the Kings in Front of the Northern Steps of the Seville Cathedral, mid-seventeenth century. Oil on canvas, 4´ 11½˝ × 8´ 10¼˝ (151 × 270 cm). Seville cathedral.

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(yesería). Imposing new church facades rose over the busiest streets and plazas in the city, while colorful tiled domes and bell towers redefined the skyline. The investment in medios divinos in the seventeenth century had a profound impact on the outward appearance and ritual practices of Seville and continues to define the city and its selfimage to the present day.10 With the proliferation of new religious buildings and the renovation of old ones, Seville became a giant construction site in the late seventeenth century. The Baroque aesthetic that was transforming cities all across Spain at this time left an especially strong imprint on urban development in Seville, where it found unique expression.11 The profusion of ornament, the mixture of media, and the theatrical panache that are all characteristic of the Baroque interacted with Seville’s multilayered history, autochthonous building materials, and religious traditions to create a distinctive local variant of the style.12 The richness and splendor so typical of the arts in this era were fraught with meaning in the city that served as Europe’s gateway to New World treasure. Renowned for their conspicuous consumption at the height of Spain’s transatlantic trade in the sixteenth century, Sevillians would channel the secular splendor to which they had become accustomed into devotional art and architecture when their fortunes began to fade. ♦ ♦ ♦ Nestled in a crook of the Guadalquivir River fifty-four miles inland from the Atlantic Ocean, Seville had a long history as an international port and commercial center that dated back to its founding by the Romans.13 During the city’s Islamic era (712–1248), such exotic goods were available that it was said, “If thou seekest for birds’ milk, by Allah thou shalt find it in Seville.”14 International trade continued to thrive in Seville after the Christian conquest of the city in 1248. The Guadalquivir bustled with ships traveling to Seville from Christian and Muslim lands—from Alexandria, Aragon, Catalonia, Ceuta, England, France, Genoa, Tangier, “and from many other places beyond the seas,” according to the late thirteenth-century General History of Spain.15 In the last decade of the fifteenth century, Seville was home to a thriving community of Genoese merchants who helped finance Columbus’s maiden voyage across the Atlantic in 1492.16 The monarchs Isabella I and Ferdinand II (r. 1474–1516) rewarded Seville with a monopoly over Spain’s new colonial trade. All ships going to and from the Americas had to stop first in Seville, where the House of Trade (Casa de Contratación) was established in 1503. Lope de Vega called Seville the “port and gateway to the Indies, through which it could be said that the universal sustenance of Spain enters twice a year.”17 The playwright was referring to the biannual sailings of the merchant ships in fleets (flotas), one that left Seville in August for Tierra Firme (Panama) and stopped in Cartagena and La Havana before returning in May or June, and another that sailed to New Spain (Mexico) in April and came back in July. The late sixteenth-century View of Seville attributed to the court painter Alonso Sánchez Coello depicts the activity in the area known as the Arenal, the sandy stretch of riverbank between the pontoon bridge linking Seville and Triana, on the left, and the thirteenth-century watchtower, the Tower

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Baroque Seville 6

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of Gold, on the right (fig. 3). A pulley machine next to the tower was used to unload the boats and galleys that transported goods to the Arenal from the large galleons that survived the treacherous transatlantic crossing.18 In 1574 the Sevillian doctor Nicolás Monardes described the “incredible wealth” that came to Seville from the New World: gemstones, exotic animals and hides, valuable dyes, cotton, copper, sugar, gold, and silver—most of all silver—17,637 tons of which passed through Seville between 1503 and 1660 before flooding the European markets.19 Sevillians exchanged their own native produce and imports from the Indies with European cities such as Antwerp and Florence in return for tapestries, books, silks, gold thread, paintings, and other fine goods.20 The precious raw materials and luxury products that arrived at the Arenal were loaded onto ox-drawn carts and driven into the city. New World treasure transformed Seville from a well-to-do regional capital into one of the largest, wealthiest, and most cosmopolitan cities in the early modern world. Merchants from all over Spain and Europe—especially Flanders and Italy—flocked to Seville, and so did foreign artists and craftsmen, who were attracted by the opportunities that could be found there. Seville became a major center for the Atlantic slave trade after the Spanish annexation of Portugal in 1580 and had the largest population of slaves in Spain.21 The total population of Seville doubled between 1500 and 1588 to reach an estimated 150,000, which made it one of the most populous cities in Europe at that time. Significantly smaller, Rome in 1580 had a population around 80,000, and Madrid’s was about 65,000 at the end of the sixteenth century.22 Seville’s population growth gave rise to a building boom in domestic and public architecture. Between 1561 and 1588 an estimated 2,456 new houses were built to accommodate the burgeoning populations of Seville and Triana, the neighborhood across the river where many shipbuilders and sailors lived.23 During the sixteenth century medieval Seville became a modern city with urban planning ideas, building materials, architects and craftsmen imported from Italy. The monumental building projects of the sixteenth century were primarily secular in nature and used a classicizing vocabulary to communicate Seville’s newfound imperial status: a new town hall, a public park (the Alameda de Hércules), and the monolithic Lonja, which was built next door to the cathedral to house the Casa de Contratación.24 The gates in the ancient city wall were renovated in the form of triumphal arches, like the one that can be seen on the right-hand side of the city view attributed to Sánchez Coello (fig. 3). The gate, called the Postigo del Carbón after the coal that was sold in its vicinity, was refashioned as a triumphal arch adorned with shields and statues in 1566.25 When King Philip II (r. 1556–98) visited Seville in 1570, the unrenovated parts of the city along the king’s procession route were covered with temporary architecture and tapestries to fabricate a unified vision of Seville as a “New Rome.”26 The city councilmen dressed in floor-length robes of purple velvet in imitation of ancient Roman senators to greet their monarch.27 Seville was the most expensive city and the one with the highest standard of living in sixteenth-century Spain.28 By midcentury, working-class Sevillians owned

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luxury goods that used to belong exclusively to the upper classes, such as jewelry of precious metals and gemstones, and garments and household textiles made from sumptuous fabrics—damask, velvet, and taffeta—sometimes even trimmed with gold. Meanwhile, the upper classes acquired luxury goods in greater quantity and variety than ever before.29 The high demand for luxury goods in Seville supported a wide range of specialized local craft industries. Pearls alone required three different kinds of specialists to sort, pierce, and string them into necklaces. The arts of silversmithing and embroidery reached their apogee in Seville in the sixteenth century. Luxury goods were sold on the cathedral steps (Las Gradas), in the silk market (Alcaicería de la Seda), and in the shops on Calle Sierpes. Local historians like Luis de Peraza and Alonso Morgado proudly described Sevillians’ fine dress, magnificent palaces, quality craftsmanship, and luxury markets as evidence of their city’s greatness, while foreign visitors marveled at the treasures they saw average citizens wearing in the streets.30 Conspicuous consumption came to define Seville’s reputation and self-identity, both at home and abroad, in the sixteenth century. Seville’s wealthy merchants were renowned for their ostentatious displays of luxury goods. Like their counterparts in Renaissance Florence and Venice, the merchants of Seville—a group that included many foreigners and families of Jewish origins (conversos)—sought to assimilate into the upper echelon of society by building splendid Renaissance palaces and filling them with sumptuous furnishings, artworks, and other precious objects.31 Social boundaries were fluid in sixteenth-century Spain, most of all in the cosmopolis of Seville, where wealthy newcomers married local noblewomen and positioned their sons among the local nobility by buying titles from the Spanish Crown and purchasing seats on the exclusive cathedral chapter and city council. This made Seville’s wealthy newcomers the legal equals of the old nobility, but they lacked the traditional signs of status in Spanish society—the proverbial “lance and ancient shield on a shelf” inherited from noble ancestors who had fought the Moor centuries before.32 Seville’s nouveau riche compensated with public displays of their wealth. In 1571 one sympathetic observer warned Seville’s “merchants with an appetite for nobility” to avoid ostentatious displays of property, servants, jewels, and other luxuries, for a merchant who was seen spending a lot would be suspected of cheating his customers.33 But successful merchants like Gaspar de Arguijo, a Canary Islander who settled in Seville around 1565, paid no heed to the warning. Having made a fortune in the slave trade, Arguijo amassed an impressive collection of urban and rural properties, including a palace in central Seville that he filled with treasures. His son, the poet Juan de Arguijo, inherited the family fortune in 1594, when his father died, and spent it all by 1608, when he lost the family palace to his creditors.34 The story of Juan de Arguijo’s bankruptcy—the subject of gossip and fascination in his hometown—epitomized the city’s collective fall from fortune at the turn of the century.35 Seville’s problems began in the 1580s, when merchant galleons were conscripted for Philip II’s disastrous attempt to invade England; half the commercial fleet was destroyed with the Spanish Armada. Transatlantic crossings of the flotas ground to

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Introduction 7

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Fig. 3 Attributed to Alonso Sánchez Coello, View of Seville, last quarter of the sixteenth century. Oil on canvas, 4´ 11˝ × 9´ 10˝ (150 × 300 cm). Museo de América, Madrid.

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Baroque Seville 10

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a halt between 1586 and 1589.36 Then the 1590s brought a combination of bad weather, harvest failures, and floods that left Seville’s population weak and susceptible to the plague that arrived in 1599.37 The plague was still active when a cathedral prebendary (racionero) named Francisco Porras de la Cámara (d. 1616) wrote a gloomy letter in 1600 to Grand Inquisitor Fernando Niño de Guevara, who was about to take office as archbishop of Seville (r. 1601–9). Porras warned the incoming archbishop that the situation in Seville was dire: “I regret to inform Your Grace that the calamities suffered by my city and your episcopacy are not only pestilences, sicknesses, shortages, and other needs and miseries, for in every way Seville is among the most lost and hopeless cities in all his majesty’s kingdom.”38 God was using the plague to punish Seville for its sins, Porras explained, comparing the disease to a torture device called the “scorpion” (alacrán)—a whip with barbed ends like a scorpion’s stingers that had been used to torture the early Christian martyrs.39 “I am very fearful that God’s punishments will not cease if we do not stop offending Him,” Porras wrote. He called upon Niño de Guevara to lead a complete spiritual and cultural reform in Seville in order to regain divine favor.40 The situation in Seville only worsened over the rest of the century, as natural and man-made disasters barraged the city (see the chronology at the end of this book). Imports of American silver began to diminish after 1592 as the accessible ores at the top of the Cerro Rico (“rich mountain”) of Potosí (Bolivia) were depleted.41 Transatlantic traffic declined over the seventeenth century, such that the registered tonnage carried between Spain and its colonies fell by 90 percent.42 At the same time, the shallow bed of the Guadalquivir was shrinking, its sandbar growing, as the river filled with lost tonnage, sunken ships, and runoff from frequent floods.43 Seville experienced one of the worst floods in its history during the winter of 1626. Another flood, in March of 1649, cut the city off from food supplies and set the stage for the deadliest epidemic in the city’s history. At midcentury, the population of Seville was already down from a high of 150,000 to 125,000; the plague reduced that number by half, leaving Seville about where it had been back in 1492.44 When the French diplomat François Bertaut visited Seville in 1659, ten years after the plague, he was unimpressed by what he saw. “Arriving in Seville, one cannot believe that it deserves the great reputation it has acquired,” he wrote. “It is on a large plain on the bank of the Guadalquivir River, which is not very large, and where there is a pontoon bridge that is very ugly. There are no longer ships, because they all go to Cádiz.”45 Seville had been losing trade to coastal Cádiz for decades before the Crown officially moved Spain’s transatlantic port there in 1680. It was a devastating blow to the city on the Guadalquivir. That same year, Seville was struck by an earthquake. More floods and famines followed in the 1690s. In his chronicle entry for the year 1700, Lorenzo Bautista de Zúñiga looked back at the era that had just come to a close and described it with apparent exhaustion as “the ill-fated century” (el siglo fatal).46 Seville’s problems took place within the context of a general seventeenth-century crisis of national, continental, and even global proportions.47 Spain fell from its position

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of prominence abroad and was besieged by economic and political crises within its own shrinking borders. Historians have long debated the causes and chronology of Spain’s decline, and some scholarship has argued that the Spanish economy actually rebounded in the last decades of the seventeenth century.48 What is indisputable is that there was a profound sense in seventeenth-century Spain that something had gone terribly wrong. The term “decline” (declinación) began to appear around 1600 in the writings of political and economic reformers (arbitristas) like Martín González de Cellorigo, as John H. Elliott has pointed out.49 González de Cellorigo claimed that everything in Spain was in decline—population and productivity, agriculture and industry, manliness and morality—and he placed much of the blame on New World wealth. Easy money from the Americas was having a pernicious impact on the Spanish character, he claimed, by creating a society of idle men and rapacious women who consumed everything and produced nothing.50 González de Cellorigo went so far as to say that Spain would have been better off altogether without American treasure: “If all the gold and silver that the Spanish have found and continue to discover in the New World were to enter Spain, it would not make the country so rich, so powerful, as it would have been without it.”51 The sense of disillusionment expressed by González de Cellorigo would be exceptionally keen in Seville, as the epicenter of Spain’s colonial trade and the city that had been changed by New World wealth more than any other. Across Spain, individuals and institutions in big cities and small villages turned to medios divinos in the seventeenth century. On the national level, the Castilian Cortes voted in 1617 to elevate Saint Teresa of Ávila to patron of Spain (alongside the traditional patron, Saint James, or Santiago), as a religious solution to the problems that were plaguing the Kingdom of Castile and the Spanish Crown.52 Locally, communities in the beleaguered diocese of Cuenca, in a bid to win the protection of the saints, built a large number of new rural shrines during a period of declining population and dwindling resources between 1583 and 1654.53 Such investments in supernatural solutions to Spain’s problems were combined with pragmatic measures as part of an overall reform program. Medios divinos and medios humanos were complementary, not contradictory, as Baltasar Gracián explains in The Art of Worldly Wisdom (1647): “Human means must be sought as if there were no divine ones, and divine ones as if there were no human ones.”54 According to Gracián’s maxim, equal effort should be put into medios divinos and medios humanos without privileging one over the other. But Seville’s local authorities were notoriously bad at the medios humanos. Sevillians accused their Crown-appointed royal governor (asistente) and city councilmen (veinticuatros) of negligence during the flood of 1626, when the men who were supposed to be guarding the city gates went home to sleep as the rising river waters broke through and flooded the city.55 In the aftermath of the flood, Seville’s master of public works, Andrés de Oviedo, proposed an ambitious plan to protect the city from future flooding by cleaning out the riverbed and digging canals.56 The damaged city walls were repaired, but none of Oviedo’s long-term solutions was carried out. His proposal to build a permanent replacement for the old

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Baroque Seville 12

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pontoon bridge between Seville and Triana was not realized until the iron bridge named for Queen Isabella II was built in 1852.57 The Seville city council’s previously mentioned decision not to close the city gates in 1649 contributed to the enormous loss of life during the plague, according to Francisco Salado Garcés’s account.58 Local leaders in Cádiz, however, effectively quarantined their city and avoided the worst of the epidemic—a key factor in the rise of Cádiz to take Seville’s place in the second half of the century.59 Inept in their handling of the medios humanos, Seville’s elites were remarkably conscientious when it came to the medios divinos. They showed great tenacity, spending decades pursuing the canonization of Fernando III and rebuilding the old church of San Salvador, to name two long-term religious projects. They invested enormous sums of money in religious art and architecture—sometimes on ephemeral decorations that lasted only a few days or weeks before they were destroyed. Such magnificent public displays have been characterized by some scholars as an authoritarian effort to preserve a conservative regime and divert the masses from their real problems.60 But another side to the story has received less attention. Large-scale investments in sacred art and architecture (whether permanent or temporary) provided employment for local craftsmen and stimulated depressed local industries—not just in construction but in all of the related crafts that were involved in decorating a sacred building or holding a public procession.61 In other words, medios divinos served a pragmatic function and thus doubled as medios humanos. In seventeenth-century Italy there was “a growing awareness that magnificence in the form of elaborate public works was good for the economy, especially at times of unemployment,” according to Peter Burke.62 No less aware than their Italian counterparts, Seville’s elites used their patronage of medios divinos to stimulate the local economy. One example from the archive of the Seville cathedral illustrates this point. In 1691 all Seville was anxiously awaiting the arrival of the treasure ships that were traveling across the Atlantic unprotected because the Armada had been diverted to respond to a French attack on Catalonia. The noblemen who governed the guild of Indies merchants, the Comercio de las Indias, asked God to keep the fleet safe and offered a gift to enhance the divine cult. When the fleet arrived in Seville unscathed, the comercio showed its thanks by commissioning a set of red-velvet hangings trimmed in gold to adorn the massive columns behind the choir in the Seville cathedral. After examining fabric samples from Granada, Toledo, Córdoba, Genoa, and elsewhere in Italy, and assessing the quality of their color, weight, and durability, a panel of judges determined that the silk from Seville was superior to them all. The comercio ordered four thousand varas of crimson velvet—over two miles of fabric—to be manufactured in Seville.63 This lucrative commission was a bright spot in what was otherwise a bleak period for silk manufacturing in the city.64 The comercio’s “opulent gift” made its debut during Holy Week in 1694 and was celebrated in a printed pamphlet.65 Through this commission, the elite men who governed Seville’s Indies trade performed a devotional act for the benefit of the city and gave a hand to a struggling local industry. In return they won public acclaim for their generosity and piety.

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Religious patronage was an obligation among the nobility in Habsburg Spain.66 In seventeenth-century Seville, the most renowned patrons of public sacred art were local noblemen who could trace their origins back to Italy or Flanders and who inherited fortunes that their fathers or grandfathers had made in Seville’s transatlantic trade. A New World heir of Corsican descent named Mateo Vázquez de Leca (1573–1649) was an important early seventeenth-century patron who has been overshadowed by his more famous successors. Vázquez de Leca experienced a dramatic conversion around 1600, which led him to renounce the decadence of his youth and devote his fortune to pious patronage and devotional consumption—that is, conspicuous consumption in the sacred sphere.67 He was a role model for the cathedral canon Justino de Neve (1625–1685) and the layman Miguel Mañara (1627–1679), the two most influential patrons of the post-plague generation. Through their energetic leadership and lavish investments in medios divinos, these prominent New World heirs overturned the negative reputation that men of their backgrounds had acquired as “a class of useless idle people,” as Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra characterizes them in one of his short stories set in Seville.68 They were publicly celebrated for their pious patronage, which was detailed in hagiographic biographies published in the later seventeenth century.69 One of them—Miguel Mañara—was promoted for beatification. Seville’s New World heirs worked closely with the city’s leading artists, who benefited socially from these collaborations. The changing status of the artist in seventeenthcentury Seville was part of a broader phenomenon taking place in early modern Europe.70 Seville’s painters, sculptors, and architects were still governed by medieval craft guilds that had been established in the second half of the thirteenth century (and whose rules remained legally in effect until 1813). The guilds administered entry examinations, organized quality inspections, and strictly prohibited any guildsman from working outside his own medium. The city ordinances, which compiled the various guilds’ rules and regulations into one volume for the first time in 1527 and were reissued unchanged in 1632, did not distinguish fine artists from practitioners of the other “manual trades” (oficios mecánicos): in the book the painters (pintores) appear between the fishermen (pescadores) and the tailors (sastres), each group defined by the tools of their trade, whether paintbrushes, fishing rods, or needles.71 But by the 1630s select artists in Seville—most notably the sculptor Juan Martínez Montañés (1568–1649) and the painter Francisco de Zurbarán—had achieved individual fame and were issuing challenges to the constraints of the traditional guild system. The Seville-born painter Diego Velázquez reached the pinnacle of society in 1659, toward the end of his life, when he was accepted into the exclusive military order of the Knights of Santiago, which restricted membership to noblemen of pure Catholic ancestry and only admitted members after intense scrutiny.72 Although Velázquez rose to fame through his virtuoso achievements in the secular art of portraiture at the court in Madrid, sacred art was the key to social success in his native Seville. The artists who led Seville’s major public religious projects became household names and bequeathed a legacy of nobility to their heirs. The painter Bartolomé Esteban Murillo (1617–1682) had a son, Gaspar, who became a canon of the Seville cathedral.

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Pedro Duque Cornejo, grandson of the renowned sculptor Pedro Roldán (1624–1699), continued the family trade into the eighteenth century and lived like a gentleman, using the honorific “Don” before his name.73 In seventeenth-century Seville, new institutions were created that fostered exchange and interaction between artists outside of their guilds and brought artists together socially with their aristocratic patrons. Foremost among them was a shortlived but influential drawing academy that met for the first time in January 1660. The academy started with twenty-four members under the leadership of two painters, Bartolomé Esteban Murillo and Francisco de Herrera the Younger, who served as its first copresidents. It included professional painters, sculptors, and architects, who met for nightly drawing sessions with live male models in a renovated room at the Lonja. They were joined by noblemen like the cathedral official Juan de Loaysa (1633–1709), who dabbled in painting as a hobby, and high-ranking aristocrats like Manuel Luis de Guzmán y Zúñiga (1627–1692), the Marquis of Villamanrique, who served as the academy’s official “protector.”74 Artists and their aristocratic patrons also met on common ground as members of various religious organizations, including the mystical Congregation of the Pomegranate (Congregación de la Granada) and a group devoted to “Holy Charity,” the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad. The social spaces of these religious brotherhoods and the drawing academy united artists and their patrons in pursuit of common spiritual and intellectual interests. Two noblemen who belonged to Seville’s inner circle, Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga and Fernando de la Torre Farfán (1609– 1677), eulogized the leading members of the drawing academy in books that include some of the first art-historical writings on seventeenth-century Sevillian artists.75 Outside of institutional structures, artists reinforced their personal and professional ties between one another and with their patrons in a variety of ways. Seville’s elites served as godparents for their favorite artists’ newborn children. Miguel Mañara, for example, was the godfather of two of Murillo’s sons, in 1650 and again in 1651. When Murillo was on his deathbed, in 1682, he named his patron Justino de Neve as an executor of his will. Artists strengthened their interpersonal bonds with their colleagues by serving as godparents at baptisms, witnesses to contracts, and guarantors for real-estate transactions. The joiner and sculptor Bernardo Simón de Pineda (1638–ca. 1702) was the godfather of a daughter born in 1666 to the painter Juan de Valdés Leal (1622–1690), with whom he often collaborated on altarpiece commissions. When Pineda witnessed the marriage of another one of Valdés Leal’s daughters, Luisa Rafaela, to the sculptor Felipe Martínez in July of 1672, he declared of the bride and groom that he “had known them ever since they were born.”76 From cradle to grave, Seville’s most esteemed artists and their patrons bound themselves together in a tightknit social circle that fostered a culture of collaboration. Artistic production in Baroque Seville was fundamentally collaborative, as artists from different guilds worked together to create elaborate multimedia ensembles. The intention of this book is to examine these collaborative artworks in their original architectural, urban, and ritual contexts.77 The illustrations in these pages reflect the

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rich variety of material objects that made up Seville’s visual culture, including paintings and polychromed wooden sculptures, gilded altarpieces, carved plaster ornaments, marble fountains and columns, tombstones, tiled domes, silverwork, etchings, printed pamphlets and festival books. Altarpieces (retablos) play an important role in this book and require a word of introduction. A seventeenth-century Spanish church typically contained small altarpieces along its side naves and a larger one—the high, or main, altarpiece (retablo mayor)—at the end of the central nave. Depending on its size, an altarpiece might be one or several stories tall, with columns framing a central painting or sculpture. The wooden frames were carved and put together by a joiner, called an ensamblador; a sculptor (escultor) would contribute three-dimensional figures of saints and biblical characters. The frame and sculptures would be painted, gilded, and sometimes treated with a technique known as estofado, which involved applying a layer of gilding over paint and scratching into the surface to imitate the appearance of a sumptuous fabric.78 Luxury textiles and other objects made from precious materials were an essential element of any permanent or ephemeral display of sacred art in seventeenth-century Seville, although they have been neglected in art-historical scholarship.79 The word alhajas, derived from Arabic, was used generically at this time to describe a wide variety of valuable objects for secular or ecclesiastical use, including jewelry, clothing, textiles, and furniture.80 Life-size wooden sculptures of the Virgin were dressed in fashionable gowns and adorned with jewelry and crowns made from precious metals and gemstones. Altars were covered with embroidered silks and set with silver and gold liturgical vessels. Paintings were hung on church walls in ornate carved and gilded frames. On special occasions, paintings were taken outdoors and hung from building facades on strips of velvet or cloth of gold. Wherever sacred paintings and sculptures were displayed, alhajas enhanced their value and prestige. Very few textiles from this period survive, but written sources often describe them in enough detail to reconstruct their appearance and the contributions that they made to the adornment of sacred spaces. The five chapters in this book examine some of the most important and influential collaborative projects of sacred art in seventeenth-century Seville, with a focus on the dynamic period of the 1660s and 1670s. The purview of this book excludes Diego Velázquez, who left Seville for Madrid in the early 1620s, and Francisco de Zurbarán, who worked primarily for private monastic foundations before he too left for the court in the 1650s.81 Each of the following chapters emphasizes the social function of sacred art in a particular historical moment. The first chapter explores how one wealthy New World heir, Mateo Vázquez de Leca, reinvented himself as a pious public patron in the first half of the seventeenth century. The next three chapters examine Justino de Neve and Miguel Mañara’s collaborations with the leaders of the Seville art academy on permanent and ephemeral projects: the opulent renovation of the parish church Santa María la Blanca in the early 1660s, the festival at the Seville cathedral celebrating the beatification of San Fernando in 1671, and the church and hospital of the Santa

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Fig. 4 Sebastián Conde, iron cross (La Cruz de la Cerrajería), 1692. Formerly on Calle Sierpes. Plaza de Santa Cruz, Seville.

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Caridad that were built in the 1670s. The final chapter examines the construction of San Salvador, one of several important old churches that were demolished and rebuilt in the later seventeenth century. The rebuilding of San Salvador suggests the important practical and symbolic roles that the construction of sacred structures played in Seville during a period of crisis. The streets and plazas of Seville were thoroughly sacralized by Baroque interventions large and small, like the iron cross that was installed on Calle Sierpes in 1692 (fig. 4).82 The city itself became an outdoor stage set for daily acts of devotion and extraordinary celebrations that came to define Sevillian life and civic identity in the seventeenth century. When he visited Seville in 1672, the French cartographer Albert

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Jouvin de Rochefort marveled at the public demonstrations of piety and unity he saw in the city: “I could not help but admire the beautiful custom and laudable devotion of the Spanish, who all stop working and going about town at the same time when the cathedral bell rings the call to prayer. Even horsemen and coaches out in a hurry come to a halt, everyone kneeling in place to say the Ave Maria—such that at this moment you do not hear in the city a single sound, as if it were the middle of the night.”83 The Sevillian author Alonso Martín Braones (1644–1695) describes how “all qualities of people”—including men, women and children, blacks, Gypsies, and guttersnipes (gente del Rastro)—would spontaneously flood the streets to sing the rosary.84 Seville’s sacred cityscape, religious campaigns, and public devotions all contributed to the impression of unity in what was actually a very divided city.85 Incidents of iconoclasm in the 1690s, when unidentified perpetrators reportedly insulted and defaced street images of the Virgin, suggest that not everyone was on board with the program (or that the authorities feared this was the case).86 Generally speaking, religious art, architecture, and festivals promoted civic unity and identity in seventeenth-century Seville. But more precisely, public sacred artworks operated within particular neighborhoods to shape the identities of the elites who, for the most part, commissioned them.87 This book examines the social function of sacred art in several different neighborhoods, each with its own distinctive history, character, and role within the city. The topographical map of Seville (fig. 5) commissioned in 1771 by royal governor Pablo de Olavide provides a detailed view of the city as it was shaped by the Baroque building boom of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Each of the following chapters focuses on a different part of the map, from the narrow streets of the former Jewish quarter (judería) to the sandy riverfront of the Arenal, to the commercial zone around the Plaza de San Salvador. As visitors have been doing for half a millennium, we begin in the city center at the great Gothic cathedral that is the heart of sacred Seville.

Fig. 5 (overleaf ) Plano topographico de la M. N. y M. L. ciudad de Sevilla, commissioned by Pablo de Olavide, 1771. Designed by Francisco Manuel Coelho and engraved by José Amat. Engraving and etching, 3´ ⅘˝ × 4´ 6˝ (93.5 × 137 cm). Facsimile edition, Madrid: Grupo Eulen, 1992.

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The Art of Disillusionment

1

The Patronage of Mateo Vázquez de Leca

Mateo Vázquez de Leca was an exemplary New World heir, the public face of spiritual reform in early seventeenth-century Seville. His father was a Ligurian merchant who had settled in Seville and married a woman from a powerful family of Corsican descent. Mateo was named for his uncle, King Philip II’s personal secretary at the court in Madrid.1 Thanks to his uncle’s influence, the teenaged Vázquez de Leca—who had been destined for a career in the Church—was named archdeacon of Carmona, one of the highest-ranking offices at the Seville cathedral. The archdeacon was celebrated for spending his inheritance on pious philanthropic endeavors. He could be seen in his coach going to give clothes and shoes to needy children in Seville’s poorest neighborhoods. He made generous donations to the Seville cathedral and gave exceptionally lavish gifts of alhajas to celebrate the cult of the Virgin of the Kings. His own home and apparel were notably austere, and he was known for dressing in humble garments of dun-colored wool even in the heat of summer.2 But rumor had it that the archdeacon of Carmona had not always lived such an exemplary life, that he had once been a dissolute young man who spent his fortune on profane pleasures—until a supernatural encounter led him to change his ways. The legend of Vázquez de Leca appeared in print for the first time in 1663. A paragraph about the archdeacon’s extraordinary conversion was included in a hagiography of Vázquez de Leca’s spiritual mentor, Fray Hernando de Mata (1554–1612), written by a monk named Pedro de Jesús María.3 The Jesuit hagiographer Gabriel de Aranda published a much longer, more detailed account in his 1692 life of the Sevillian priest and would-be saint Fernando de Contreras. Aranda claimed that his was the definitive version, based on stories he had heard as a child from reputable men who were the archdeacon’s contemporaries.4 According to Aranda, Vázquez de Leca’s conversion

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occurred in the spring of 1600—a year of plague that marked a turning point in Seville’s history and ushered in a troubled new century. It took place during the annual Corpus Christi festivities, when Vázquez de Leca was confronted by Death in the guise of a tapada: a seductive woman who covered her face with a veil so that only one eye was exposed (fig. 6).5 Here is Aranda’s dramatic account of the events: That one Corpus Christi day (which seems to have been in the year 1600), the archdeacon cut a very dashing figure in the procession, wearing a smart transparent surplice and a diaphanous cassock that showed off the very rich brocade vestments he debuted that day. He attended the parade of floats in front of the great doors of the Seville cathedral, making a grand show of his splendid appearance on that special day, and spent plenty of time at the cathedral seeing and being seen. When it was almost dusk, a veiled woman signaled him to follow her into the Royal Chapel. He followed, not knowing what she wanted. Anxious to know with whom he went, he asked her to reveal her face. And when she did as he asked, what was revealed was Death in the form of a horrifying skeleton, displayed for him to see.6

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Vázquez de Leca retreated from the chapel making “gestures of fright and signs of penance” and repeating the word “eternity” (eternidad) over and over again. He rushed from the cathedral to his home nearby, on Calle de Abades (fig. 7, upper left corner), where he changed out of his parade finery and put on a set of clothes borrowed from a servant. He went to visit a local holy man named Hernando de Mata, who counseled him to abandon “worldly excesses and vain ostentation” and to devote his wealth to the Church and charitable works instead.7 Vázquez de Leca subsequently emptied his home of luxuries, which were auctioned on the steps of the Lonja, the monumental square building next door to the cathedral, which had been built to house the Casa de Contratación (fig. 7, no. 152). The Lonja was the hub of Seville’s New World trade; it was also where the belongings of the dead were auctioned to the public. Thus the auction of alhajas that Mateo Vázquez de Leca had inherited from his merchant father symbolically declared the death of the New World heir. Such tales of disillusionment (desengaño) were ubiquitous in seventeenthcentury Spanish arts and letters. Mateo Vázquez de Leca’s story resembles the famous conversion of Saint Francis Borgia (1510–1572), the highborn aristocrat who joined the Jesuits and was canonized in 1670. As recounted in the 1592 hagiography by Pedro de Ribadeneyra, Borgia experienced a profound conversion upon seeing the hideous cadaver of the once-beautiful empress Isabella, which revealed to him “the vanity of everything that men of the world esteem and pursue with such yearning.”8 The still-life painter Pedro Camprobín represented the trope of disillusionment in a striking mid-seventeenth-century vanitas (fig. 6). When the young dandy in the painting encounters Death disguised as a tapada, the outcome is inevitable: once he sees the skeleton beneath the veil, the frivolous youth will reject the worldly pleasures

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Fig. 6 Attributed to Pedro Camprobín, Death and the Gentleman, mid-seventeenth century. Oil on canvas, 3´ 3⅓˝ × 5´ 3¾˝ (100 × 162 cm). Hospital of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Fig. 7 The Seville cathedral, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771.

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piled on the table in front of him—the musical instruments, books, playing cards, coins, and weapons—and turn his attention to eternal spiritual matters.9 If he fails to do this in a timely manner, then he will meet a terrible end in the fiery pits of hell—like Don Juan Tenorio, the ill-fated trickster in Tirso de Molina’s famous play El burlador de Sevilla, which was first published in 1630. It is impossible to know how complicit Mateo Vázquez de Leca was in shaping the narrative of his own disillusionment, which was not written down until fourteen years after his death. But the archdeacon’s actions suggest that the hagiographies and fictional tales of disillusionment so popular in his time served as a template or guide as he improvised his own life story.10 This chapter explores Vázquez de Leca’s long patronage career, which evolved over almost fifty years as he felt his way into his new role as a disillusioned man and pious patron of public sacred art. His commissions are documented in the detailed contracts he negotiated with artists, in the records of the Seville cathedral, and in the biography by Gabriel de Aranda, who had access to the archdeacon’s personal papers.11 Vázquez de Leca invested in a diverse portfolio that included sculpture, architecture, altarpieces, public festivals, music, textiles, and silverwork. He was not a major patron of painting, even though he lived at a time when great painters such as Velázquez and Zurbarán were active in Seville.12 The primary beneficiary of Vázquez de Leca’s largesse was the Seville cathedral, which was the geographic center of the archdeacon’s world; he held an ecclesiastical appointment there and lived less than one city block away for most of his life. Mateo Vázquez de Leca would have an enormous impact on the devotional culture of seventeenth-century Seville, beginning with his first and most famous commission: a life-sized crucifix called the Christ of Clemency.

Fig. 8 Juan Martínez Montañés and Francisco Pacheco, Christ of Clemency, 1603–6. Polychromed wood, 6´ 2⅘˝ tall (1.90 m). Capilla de San Andrés, Seville cathedral.

A Painted Adornment for Private Devotions In April of 1603, when he was twenty-nine and a half years old, Vázquez de Leca contracted the best sculptor in Seville, Juan Martínez Montañés, to make a life-sized wooden crucifix representing Christ still alive on the cross. He intended to hang the crucifix in his personal oratory at home as an instrument for his private devotions. Martínez Montañés expressed a “great desire to make and finish a piece, like this one, that stays in Spain and is not carried off to the Indies or other parts” like so many of his sculptures, which were made for export to Peru.13 Martínez Montañés’s sculpture was polychromed by Francisco Pacheco (1564–1644), a painter who prided himself on his ability to achieve lifelike effects without resorting to false eyelashes or other tricks.14 The crucified Christ that Martínez Montañés and Pacheco made for Vázquez de Leca is one of the best-known Spanish Baroque sculptures and is acclaimed today, as it was in the seventeenth century, for its stunning realism and emotional power (fig. 8). At some point in its history the sculpture came to be known as the Christ of Clemency (Cristo de la Clemencia), but the name does not appear in any documents from

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Fig. 9 Plan of the Seville cathedral, begun ca. 1433. Drawing by Maura Whang.

Main Chapel and High Altar

Royal Chapel Chapel of the Concepción Grande

Giralda Chapel of the Pomegranate

Pulpit

Patio de los Naranjos

N

Church of the Sagrario

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1

5

Puerta de la Asunción

Choir

10m

the seventeenth century, when it was referred to simply as the “crucified Christ,” “the most Sacred Image . . . of Holy Christ,” or “the famous Christ,” as Francisco Pacheco proudly called it.15 Vázquez de Leca would have known Martínez Montañés and Francisco Pacheco through their mutual connections to Fray Hernando de Mata, the charismatic leader of the mystical Congregation of the Pomegranate.16 Pacheco includes Mata among the “illustrious and memorable men” in his famous manuscript of “true likenesses.” In the brief biography that accompanies his chalk portrait of Mata, Pacheco praises the preacher’s personal austerity and reveals that he had the gift of prophecy.17 Mata was an early and vocal supporter of the Immaculate Conception, the belief that the Virgin Mary had been conceived without the stain of original sin. His group’s activities centered around the Seville cathedral, where the members met in the Chapel of the Pomegranate and gathered to hear Mata preach from a stone pulpit on the eastern cloister of the courtyard called the Patio of the Orange Trees (Patio de los

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Naranjos) (fig. 9). Mata’s followers came from the secular and religious spheres and included aristocrats, high-ranking clergy, and upper-middle-class artisans (silversmiths, tailors, painters).18 Martínez Montañés was one of six elect members of the Congregation of the Pomegranate with whom Mata shared the group’s closely guarded secrets. Vázquez de Leca and Pacheco were supporters of Mata but do not seem to have been members of his inner circle.19 In the 1620s the Congregation of the Pomegranate was suspected of the so-called Illuminist heresy (Alumbradismo) and was targeted by the Spanish Inquisition, but no charges were ever proved. When they searched the homes of the group’s members, agents of the Inquisition found copies of the Dark Night of the Soul, by the sixteenth-century mystic Saint John of the Cross.20 In his writings, Saint John of the Cross instructs his reader to meditate upon the sufferings of Christ in order to attain a close, personal relationship with God. The Christ of Clemency was an instrument to assist Vázquez de Leca in his private meditations. Saint John of the Cross writes that it is acceptable for a person at the beginning of his spiritual journey to use “painted adornments” (ornatos pintados), as he calls sacred images. “Visual objects of devotion” are useful to those who “have not yet weaned or detached their desire from things of the world,” he explains, comparing a person who relies upon images to a child who is given an object to hold in one hand so that he will not cry when an adult takes another object from him. But the mystic warns that images can distract from prayer and “interior recollection” when too much pleasure is taken in them. Although he discourages readers from forming attachments to particular images, Saint John says that devotional images made by skilled artists are better at inspiring devotion than lesser artworks.21 The Christ of Clemency excelled in this regard. Thanks to the extraordinary quality of its artistry, it was a suitable substitute for the profane treasures of a New World heir who had turned to spiritual matters but was not yet ready to give up alhajas altogether. When the Christ of Clemency was finished, in 1606, Vázquez de Leca was living next door to the Hospital of Santa Marta, on a tiny plaza just behind the cathedral, as seen on the Olavide map (fig. 7, no. 144). The archdeacon had moved there the year before from his previous residence on Calle Bayona (Ce Baiona on the Olavide map), on the other side of the cathedral.22 The Plaza de Santa Marta is a pocket-sized plaza paved with pebble stones and surrounded by modest whitewashed buildings with iron grilles and balconies. Vázquez de Leca had the Christ of Clemency installed in his oratory, a common feature in the homes of Seville’s secular and ecclesiastical elites. Nobles and clerics used their domestic oratories for prayer and contemplation and for private performances of the Mass.23 These domestic chapels might be decorated with traditional ceramic tiles and carved plasterwork, like the oratory at the Pinelo palace, on Calle de Abades, which was owned by a cathedral canon named Jerónimo Pinelo (d. 1520), whose father had been a very successful merchant from Genoa (fig. 10).24 Domestic oratories usually included devotional images—“painted adornments,” Saint John of the Cross would have called them—that had some special

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Fig. 10 Oratory, Pinelo palace, Seville, first quarter of the sixteenth century, reconstructed in the 1970s. Fig. 11 Francisco de Zurbarán, Visit by Saint Thomas Aquinas to Saint Bonaventure, ca. 1629. Oil on canvas, 7´ 5˝ × 8´ 4¾˝ (226 × 256 cm). Destroyed 1945; formerly Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum, Berlin.

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significance to the household, and a crucifix hanging above the altar. It was common practice to cover the devotional images with a curtain when they were not being used. A crucifix for domestic use is depicted in Francisco de Zurbarán’s Visit by Saint Thomas Aquinas to Saint Bonaventure, a thirteenth-century encounter that the artist has set in a seventeenth-century Spanish interior (fig. 11). The scene takes place in Saint Bonaventure’s study, where the Franciscan saint pulls back a curtain to unveil a crucifix with a living Christ, like the Christ of Clemency, to show his distinguished visitor. Devotional images in oratories tended to be small, like the crucifix in Bonaventure’s study, but the Christ of Clemency is more than six feet tall. It was common to see life-sized sculptures of Christ inside churches and outdoors on floats during processions, but it was unusual to have such a large piece of sculpture in a private residence. Commissioned privately for Vázquez de Leca’s personal use, the Christ of Clemency was an extravagant example of devotional consumption. The contract for the sculpture clearly indicates how the archdeacon planned to use it. In his detailed instructions to Martínez Montañés, Vázquez de Leca specifies that the sculpture of Christ be alive and looking down, as if speaking to the person praying below him. “And thus the eyes and face must have a certain severity, and the eyes must be completely open,” the contract stipulates.25 The Christ of Clemency could not have hung very high overhead on the wall of Vázquez de Leca’s oratory, which presumably was a small room of typical height. When the archdeacon knelt to pray beneath the sculpture, he likely occupied approximately the same position with respect to it as the unidentified man in Zurbarán’s painting of a donor kneeling at the foot of a crucified Christ (fig. 12). From this vantage point, Vázquez de Leca could gaze into the open eyes of the Christ of Clemency and see the lips parted, as if Christ were speaking to him (fig. 13). If he looked directly in front of him, the archdeacon would see the sculpture’s exceptionally graphic feet, with thick triangleheaded spikes driven through the delicate metatarsal bones, forcing the toes to splay rigidly (fig. 8).26 In the privacy of his own home, Vázquez de Leca would have spent countless hours meditating upon the pains and sufferings of Christ and acquiring an intimate familiarity with Martínez Montañés and Pacheco’s sculpture.

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According to Saint John of the Cross, devotional images like the Christ of Clemency were only meant to be used temporarily, for “the spiritual person that would make progress must strip himself of all those pleasures and desires wherein the will may rejoice, for pure spirituality is bound very little to any of those objects.”27 After living with the Christ of Clemency for eight years, Vázquez de Leca gave away the sculpture in September of 1614. Stripping his oratory of its central adornment was a sign of the archdeacon’s spiritual advancement. He may have been preparing for this moment for some time. In January of 1611 Vázquez de Leca had requested and received permission from the cathedral chapter to cut a passageway between his house and the next-door church of Santa Marta—perhaps anticipating that he would be spending more time in the church and less in his oratory.28 He donated the Christ of Clemency, along with a set of altar decorations made from rich black velvet trimmed with gold fringe, to the Carthusian monastery (La Cartuja) in Triana—a distant location that he might not be too tempted to visit.29 The sculpture was moved to the Seville cathedral after the dissolution of the monastery in 1835. Today Vázquez de Leca’s devotional aid hangs high above an altar in a chapel at the cathedral, where it is seen from a

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Fig. 12 Francisco de Zurbarán, The Crucified Christ with a Donor, 1640. Oil on canvas, 8´ × 5´ 6˝ (244 × 167.5 cm). © Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid. Fig. 13 The Christ of Clemency seen from below.

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distance, through the iron bars of a tall grille, a setting vastly different from the intimacy of the archdeacon’s private oratory. After their successful collaboration on the Christ of Clemency, Juan Martínez Montañés and Francisco Pacheco made at least half a dozen more masterpieces together over the course of a partnership that lasted for a quarter century.30 But Vázquez de Leca never commissioned another large-scale work of polychrome sculpture or any other major works of religious art for his personal use.31 The archdeacon shifted his patronage from the private to the public sphere, where he would play an important role shaping devotional practices in Seville.

Public Patronage and Popular Acclaim

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Ten years after he commissioned Juan Martínez Montañés to make the Christ of Clemency, Mateo Vázquez de Leca launched his career as a public patron. He rose to prominence by supporting popular religious devotions to the Eucharist and the Virgin. As Seville’s economic and political power declined, public displays of religious devotion became an increasingly important component of the city’s identity. Vázquez de Leca was a leading figure in this movement and proved to be a savvy director of religious festivals. He used dazzling displays of alhajas and entertaining spectacles of dance and music—which had been denounced by Saint John of the Cross as “ridiculous and undevout things”—to rally the public to greater devotion.32 He also used his wealth and influence to promote Seville’s religious agenda in Madrid and Rome. These activities made him one of the most acclaimed and influential public figures in seventeenthcentury Seville. In January of 1613, at the age of thirty-nine, Vázquez de Leca started his career in public patronage by establishing a massive endowment to fund the Seville cathedral’s annual Corpus Christi celebrations that spring and “every year perpetually forever more.” As a condition of his gift, Vázquez de Leca asked the canons who governed the cathedral to name him deputy (diputado) in charge of the festival for the rest of his life.33 Corpus Christi was one of the most important annual holidays in Seville, as it was throughout Spain and across early modern Europe.34 It was also the anniversary of Vázquez de Leca’s spiritual conversion. In the early seventeenth century the Seville cathedral was well known for the magnificence of its Corpus celebrations, which combined solemn religious ceremonies with popular entertainments. The week of festivities began with a public parade led by a huge papier-mâché dragon, the Tarasca, that played to the crowds. At the end of the procession, the Blessed Sacrament was carried on a float in an enormous silver monstrance (custodia) that Juan de Arfe had made for the cathedral in the 1580s (fig. 14). Made from 753 pounds of silver, Arfe’s creation represented the moment when Seville was at the height of its wealth and power; Alonso Morgado boasted that no other church in Spain had a custodia as large, heavy, rich, and expensive as the one at the Seville cathedral.35 According to Gabriel de Aranda, the

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cathedral’s Corpus festivities grew even more splendid and more popular every one of the thirty-six years that Vázquez de Leca was in charge.36 Vázquez de Leca’s endowment paid for six days of religious services every year, with daily Masses, sermons by famous preachers, and a variety of musical performances with songs in Latin and in Spanish so that “the people might be moved to greater devotion,” as the archdeacon explained.37 The entertainments took place in front of the massive gilded high altarpiece in the cathedral’s main chapel (which can be seen in the background of figure 14). The chapel and altarpiece were decorated for the occasion with “such richness, majesty, grandeur, ostentation, scents, and lights that it is impossible to comprehend the sight of it all,” Pablo Espinosa de los Monteros wrote in 1635.38 The abbot Alonso Sánchez Gordillo left a detailed description of the decorations as they appeared in the 1630s. A silver lamé cloth of honor with a gold sun embroidered in its center hung from the high altarpiece and served as the backdrop for a gold monstrance covered with pearls and precious stones that contained the Blessed Sacrament. Temporary altars were set up in the chapel to display liturgical silverwork— candlesticks, censers, ewers, crosses—and precious reliquaries, including a famous bejeweled reliquary known as the Tablas Alfonsinas, which contained the relics of three hundred saints. The chapel floor was covered with fabrics and rugs, strewn with roses brought daily from the gardens of the Real Alcázar, and illuminated with over four hundred candles. Every aspect of the chapel’s decorative program was carefully coordinated: the tapers cut to exactly the same height, the colors perfectly matched.39 The cathedral’s dancing choirboys, the niños seises, wore special outfits of red-and-white silk breeches and doublets—the colors of the wine and bread of Communion—for their afternoon performances in front of the high altarpiece.40 In the decades that followed his original endowment, Vázquez de Leca gave the cathedral many gifts of alhajas to enhance the Corpus festival. In 1636 he donated a rich fabric cover made of white silk embroidered in gold for the platform used to carry Juan de Arfe’s silver monstrance in procession (an embroidered cover from the eighteenth century is seen in figure 14). Two years later the archdeacon had a silver dinner service he inherited from his father melted down and made into a hundred candlesticks for the cathedral. In 1642 he presented the cathedral with new vestments made from rich white silk spangled with gold.41 With his commissions of ecclesiastical alhajas, Vázquez de Leca drew upon the connoisseurship of fine textiles and silverwork that he had acquired as a wealthy young man. As an adult, the archdeacon transferred his patronage of the luxury arts from the secular to the sacred, from the private to the public sphere. As the case of the hundred silver candlesticks illustrates, he literally transformed the profane luxuries of his inheritance into sacred treasures for the Church. Vázquez de Leca exerted enormous influence at the cathedral in the years immediately following his Corpus donation. In 1615 he used his clout to win support for a proposal that would radically and permanently transform the cathedral’s Patio de los Naranjos, which had remained more or less unchanged since the twelfth century. His idea was to build a new parish church on the western end of the patio for the populous

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neighborhood around the cathedral.42 The church of the Sagrario, as it came to be called, was the most ambitious building project undertaken in the center of Seville since the Lonja was built in 1584–98. The architect Miguel de Zumárraga designed the new church with a severe three-story facade made of expensive imported stone like that of the cathedral (see fig. 27).43 When the first stone was set in the Sagrario’s foundation in 1618, Vázquez de Leca missed the official ceremony. The archdeacon had gone to Rome, where he would spend most of his forties working on behalf of his fellow Sevillians, lobbying for the Church to recognize the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin. The archdeacon became an important player in the so-called Marian War, which had erupted in Seville in 1613.44 The opening shot in this war of words was fired by a Dominican prior who scandalously preached that the Virgin had been conceived with original sin, “like you and me and Martin Luther.”45 Immaculists—a group that included the members of the Congregation of the Pomegranate—wanted the pope to recognize the Virgin’s Immaculate Conception as official Church dogma. The Immaculist movement was popular across Spain and enjoyed strong support at the court, but no city was more closely aligned with the cause than Seville. The city’s elite religious institutions—the archbishop, the cathedral chapter, and various religious orders—all promoted the Immaculate Conception, which inspired public demonstrations in 1613 and over the rest of the century.46 Mateo Vázquez de Leca played a leading role in the effort and was praised by preachers like Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, who declared in a sermon on June 26, 1618, that the Virgin herself had selected the archdeacon to press her pious cause.47 Vázquez de Leca worked closely with a priest named Bernardo de Toro (1570– 1643), who had taken over leadership of the Congregation of the Pomegranate after Hernando de Mata’s death in 1612. Toro’s life story closely paralleled that of Vázquez de Leca. Like the archdeacon, he had inherited a New World fortune and reportedly spent his youth on frivolous pursuits, until Mata staged an intervention and inspired him to devote his money and his musical talents to the Church.48 Vázquez de Leca and Toro collaborated with Miguel Cid, a local tailor, to produce one of the most effective weapons in the Marian War: a simple song known by its opening line, “Todo el mundo en general.” “The whole world loudly proclaims, chosen Queen, that you were conceived without original sin,” the song begins. Miguel Cid wrote the lyrics, Toro set them to music, and Vázquez de Leca paid to print four thousand copies of the sheet music. The printed song-sheets were distributed to schoolteachers along with instructions to teach the song to their pupils and send the children out to sing it “in their homes and in the streets, at all times of day and night.”49 In June of 1615 a reported two hundred thousand people took to the streets singing the song in a massive public demonstration of support for the Immaculate Conception. This procession is the subject of a famous painting by Juan de Roelas that shows the streets of Seville packed with people young and old, black and white, male and female, clerical and lay, noble and common, all singing “Todo el mundo en general” (fig. 15).50 Like Miguel Cid’s lyrics, Roelas’s painting represents Seville as a city united in chivalrous defense of the Virgin.

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Fig. 14 Juan de Arfe, custodia, 1580–87. Silver processional monstrance, 12´ 9½˝ tall (3.9 m). Displayed for Corpus Christi on a processional float covered with eighteenthcentury embroidered silver-lamé panels, main chapel, Seville cathedral.

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Fig. 15 Juan de Roelas, Procession Celebrating the Immaculate Conception in Seville on June 29, 1615, 1616, detail. Oil on canvas, whole work 10´ 8⅓˝ × 6´ 5½˝ (326 × 197 cm). Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid.

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In the summer of 1615 Toro and Vázquez de Leca took the campaign for the Immaculate Conception to the court in Madrid, where they were granted audiences with the king. Philip III (r. 1598– 1621) approved their plan to embark upon a diplomatic mission to Rome, with expenses to be paid by the archdeacon.51 Vázquez de Leca and Toro arrived in Rome in December of 1616. Ten months later, Pope Paul V (r. 1605–21) issued a decree forbidding anyone from speaking publicly against the Immaculate Conception. The news was celebrated with a series of festive processions in Seville, where Vázquez de Leca and Toro were credited with winning this Immaculist victory. One of the most spectacular festivals was sponsored by the guild of silversmiths, who hosted a parade in November of 1617. At the head of the procession, Seville was allegorically represented by a person dressed in gold fabrics and wearing a jeweled headdress with a model of the city on it. At the end of the parade, actors dressed in spectacular costumes and costume jewelry represented the pope and cardinals, the king of Spain, and other members of the royal family. They were led by two actors dressed “in clerical garb, with hood and tassel,” who were playing the roles of Bernardo de Toro and Mateo Vázquez de Leca. These were the men whose “spiritual zeal” had brought about the papal proclamation favoring the Immaculate Conception, as a pamphlet describing the procession explains.52 While Vázquez de Leca and Toro were in Rome promoting the Immaculate Conception, they acquired loyal followers back home in Seville who clamored for their portraits. The Immaculist ambassadors seem to have been especially popular among women. Their “spiritual daughters” (hijas espirituales) included both nuns and noble laywomen. Gabriel de Aranda recounts a story about one female admirer who wrote to Toro asking for his portrait. When he humbly demurred and sent her a crucifix instead, she secretly hired an artist to capture his likeness while he was saying Mass in Rome. Aranda describes the Roman portrait of Toro as a skillfully painted likeness of the priest with the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception and a banderole bearing the

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Fig. 16 Francisco Pacheco, The Virgin of the Immaculate Conception and Mateo Vázquez de Leca (?), 1621. Oil on canvas, 6´ 6¾˝ × 4´ 11˝ (200 × 150 cm). Colección Marqués de la Reunión de Nueva España, Seville.

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inscription “Without Original Sin.”53 The portrait was copied and distributed among Toro’s devotees, including three nuns at the convent of San Leandro, who were moved to tears and experienced “other supernatural effects” when they contemplated the image.54 Francisco Pacheco’s portrait of a man in clerical dress kneeling before the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception (fig. 16) has been identified as the portrait of Vázquez de Leca that formerly hung in a family chapel at the no-longer-extant monastery of Nuestra Señora del Valle.55 Pacheco signed and dated the painting in 1621, while Vázquez de Leca was still in Rome, which means that the artist would have painted the portrait from memory or using older drawings.56 The Virgin in this portrait is young and fair, with a brilliant yellow aureole behind her back. She hovers above the Guadalquivir River, with a ship beneath her feet. The Tower of Gold appears in the foreground, with the cathedral and its belltower, the Giralda, in the distance.57 The man at her feet looks away from the viewer, deep in spiritual contemplation.58 It is a portrait of a man possessed of “saintly zeal, Christian gravity, fervent devotion, and noble authority,” which was how one Trinitarian preacher described the archdeacon.59 Mateo Vázquez de Leca and Bernardo de Toro sent home letters—some of which were printed—reporting on their progress in Rome. “I assure you that for fifteen days we have not eaten or slept, visiting these cardinals and making petitions,” Toro wrote in a letter published in 1624.60 Vázquez de Leca and Toro’s reputation as devoted public servants lobbying on behalf of the Immaculate Conception was well publicized in sermons, portraits, processions, and printed pamphlets. Their public image departed dramatically from the stereotype of the feckless New World heir that was usually associated with men of their background. Mateo Vázquez de Leca and Bernardo de Toro redefined themselves as generous benefactors of the Church and special protectors of the Virgin. Toro spent the rest of his life lobbying for Seville’s religious causes in Rome—and perhaps avoiding the Inquisitorial inquiry that had been launched into the Congregation of the Pomegranate, as historian Antonio Domínguez Ortiz suggests.61 While Toro remained in Rome, Vázquez de Leca, after eight years abroad, returned to Seville, where he would spend his remaining years promoting public devotion to the Virgin through increasingly ostentatious gifts of alhajas.

Alhajas for the Virgin of the Kings

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In 1624 Mateo Vázquez de Leca moved back into his house on the Plaza de Santa Marta, where he would live until his death, twenty-five years later. At some point after his return to Seville—the sources give conflicting dates—he installed a coffin in the oratory where he used to keep the Christ of Clemency.62 Vázquez de Leca planned to be buried in the coffin and kept it in sight “to have ever fresh in his memory the reminder of death,” according to Pedro de Jesús María, who himself had seen the casket inside the archdeacon’s home.63 According to Gabriel de Aranda, the coffin’s interior was painted with a portrait of Vázquez de Leca as a dead man and had an inscription—“Eternity,

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Eternity, Eternity”—recalling the archdeacon’s exclamation after his life-changing encounter with Death in the Royal Chapel of the Seville cathedral. It was, Aranda said, a very “effective disillusionment.”64 With an eye toward the afterlife, Vázquez de Leca was scrupulously austere, gravitating toward the macabre, at home on the Plaza de Santa Marta. At the same time, he was making gifts of extraordinary opulence to the cathedral, most of all to the Virgin of the Kings. The Virgin of the Kings was Seville’s most important civic devotional image. Seventeenth-century scholars give conflicting accounts of her origins, which date to the reign of Fernando III (r. 1217–52). Pablo Espinosa de los Monteros claims that she had been given to King Fernando by his cousin, the sainted King Louis IX of France.65 A Sevillian notary named Juan de Ledesma tells a different story. According to Ledesma, Fernando III commissioned an artist to make a sculpture that would capture the likeness of the Virgin as she had appeared to him during the siege of Seville. He was disappointed with the resulting image, which was beautiful but did not resemble the Virgin he had seen (this sculpture, known as the Virgin of the Waters, is discussed in chapter 5 below). Two mysterious young artists, a sculptor and a painter—angels in disguise—subsequently presented themselves to Fernando III at his encampment outside the city walls and produced a sculpture that perfectly reflected his vision of the Virgin.66 This was the Virgin of the Kings (fig. 17). Fernando venerated the Virgin of the Kings in his personal oratory for the duration of the siege. After conquering Seville, Fernando III made his triumphal entry on December 22, 1248, with the Virgin of the Kings carried on a silver throne at the head of the procession. The king consecrated Seville’s Great Mosque as a cathedral; just a few years later, he was buried at the cathedral in what was designated the Royal Chapel. The Virgin of the Kings was installed above Fernando’s tomb, in an altarpiece commissioned by his son Alfonso X, known as “the Wise” (r. 1252–84). The altarpiece, now disappeared, was described in 1635 as “a portable altar of silver made in the form of a tabernacle.”67 The old mosque was later razed and replaced with the Gothic cathedral that stands there today. Alfonso X’s altarpiece for the Virgin of the Kings was reinstalled in the new Royal Chapel built between 1552 and 1575. On festive occasions—including the annual feast of the Assumption of the Virgin and Saint Clement’s Day, which marked the anniversary of the conquest of Seville—the Virgin of the Kings was removed from her altarpiece, mounted on a silver float, and carried outdoors in procession. During moments of crisis—such as famine, flood, drought, or plague—Sevillians turned to the Virgin of the Kings as one of their most powerful protectors. On twelve occasions in the seventeenth century she was taken out in extraordinary processions of rogation as a medio divino.68 The Virgin of the Kings, which art historians have identified as a work of French craftsmanship from the first half of the thirteenth century, is an early example of an imagen de vestir, that is, an image made to be dressed with real clothing.69 The body beneath the garments is a roughly carved scaffolding with articulated joints that make it possible to move the sculpture’s arms and legs and nod her head “as if she were alive,” Juan de Ledesma says, “and thus you can sit her down, or stand her up, and make her

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Fig. 17 Virgin of the Kings, first half of the thirteenth century. Wood covered with polychromed kidskin, with articulated limbs, 5´ 9⅓˝ tall (1.76 m), holding an articulated sculpture of the Christ Child, perhaps of a later date. Royal Chapel, Seville cathedral.

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arms do any action that you want them to.” The sculpture measures slightly over five feet nine inches tall standing on foot, although she is traditionally displayed seated with the Christ Child on her lap. Her hands and face—the only parts of the sculpture that are exposed—are covered with a fine layer of kidskin painted with flesh tones. She has long hair made from strands of gold thread attached with tiny nails to her head, which is always covered. When Ledesma described the Virgin of the Kings in 1633, the image was 386 years old but still “so pretty, perfect, and put together, and without the slightest imperfection, exactly as if they had finished making her today, a miraculous thing and much admired.”70 The Virgin of the Kings may have stayed the same, but the clothes she wore changed along with women’s fashions over the centuries. In the mid-fourteenth century she, like the ladies at the royal court, wore a dress and sleeveless overdress (pellote), probably made from Nasrid silks.71 In the late fifteenth century Queen Isabella I gave the Virgin of the Kings an updated wardrobe that included a white patterned velvet loba, a style of sleeveless robe that the queen had made popular, as well as a silk shirt and headdress decorated with gold embroidery by her own 72 hands. The practice of dressing sacred images in secular fashions came under intense scrutiny in the sixteenth century and was denounced by Saint John of the Cross as a “detestable custom” that was “little more than a dressing of dolls.”73 In 1563 the Council of Trent decreed that images could not be “adorned with a seductive charm,” and placed local authorities in charge of defining and maintaining standards of decency.74 In Seville, Archbishop Niño de Guevara called a synod in 1604 to address, among other things, the question of “how images of Our Lady and other female saints must be dressed and adorned.” The gathering of high-ranking churchmen—among them the archdeacon of Carmona, Mateo Vázquez de Leca—produced for the archbishopric of Seville a new set of constitutions that prohibited dressing images in wigs, collars,

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or “indecent clothes.”75 While the specific injunctions against wigs and collars seem to have been observed, the attire of Seville’s female imágenes de vestir became more opulent than ever in the decades that followed the publication of Niño de Guevara’s constitutions in 1609. The failure to implement real reform might be attributed to the fact that the men entrusted with enforcing the rules—men like Archdeacon Vázquez de Leca—were the very ones commissioning the most ostentatious gowns and accessories for the Virgin. In 1637 Vázquez de Leca gave to the Virgin of the Kings a dress and matching robe worth the staggering sum of 4,000 ducados. He made the gift in the name of a colleague at the cathedral, a priest named Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, but years later was identified by Gabriel de Aranda as the real donor.76 Aranda gives a detailed description of the outfit, which does not survive today, as “a most precious costume of a complete dress with a royal robe, not just of brocade but embellished with raised gold embroidery, as richly worked as human industry can achieve.”77 Aranda calls the dress a saya entera, that is, a two-piece garment with a bodice and cone-shaped skirt.78 Queen Margaret of Austria (r. 1599–1611) wore the style, as seen in a royal portrait from 1606 (fig. 18). Vázquez de Leca intended for the Virgin of the Kings to wear his gift “to go out in public, outside of her chapel,” on the annual feast of the Assumption and “on other occasions for Sevillians to beg for her favor in their hardships and to give thanks to God for their good fortunes,” Aranda explains.79 This special ensemble might be depicted in an anonymous mid-seventeenth-century painting showing the Virgin of the Kings in procession along the northern steps of the Seville cathedral (fig. 19).80 The clothing seen in the painting, made from an elaborate fabric richly worked in gold, matches Aranda’s description of Vázquez de Leca’s gift. As seen in this painting

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Fig. 18 Juan Pantoja de la Cruz, Portrait of Queen Margaret of Austria, 1606. Oil on canvas, 6´ 9½˝ × 4´ (207 × 122 cm). © Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid.

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Fig. 19 Procession of the Virgin of the Kings in Front of the Northern Steps of the Seville Cathedral, mid-seventeenth century (fig. 2), detail.

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and others from the period, the Virgin of the Kings wears a white headdress (toca), like that of a widow or nun, which covers her long gold hair beneath its closefitting hood and drapes over her neck and shoulders.81 The wide lace ruff that Queen Margaret wore with her saya entera had been explicitly forbidden for sculptures of the Virgin by Niño de Guevara’s constitutions. Vázquez de Leca made another major donation to the Virgin of the Kings in 1643, this time to decorate her altar for the feast day of Saint Joachim, father of the Virgin Mary. The holiday celebrated on March 20 had special significance for Vázquez de Leca, who had said his first Mass in the Royal Chapel on this day in 1602. In 1635 he had honored Saint Joachim by establishing an endowment for the annual celebration of his feast day at the cathedral; he also commissioned new sculptures of Saint Joachim and his wife, Saint Anne, to adorn the high altarpiece in the main chapel.82 His gift in 1643 included another set of clothes for the Virgin of the Kings (“an expensive dress of cloth of gold, richly garnished,” Aranda records) and a crimson curtain and a fringed border (cenefa) for her altarpiece.83 He also paid to regild the backdrop of Alfonso X’s altarpiece for the Virgin of the Kings, which was decorated with gilt silver plates embossed with the heraldry of Castile and León. But the fresh gilding clashed with the rest of the medieval structure, so Vázquez de Leca decided to commission a brand new one to replace it.84 In 1645 the archdeacon hired Luis Ortiz de Vargas (ca. 1588–1649) and his wife, Mariana de Soto, to make a new altarpiece for the Virgin of the Kings “with the decency, veneration, and cult that such a great relic deserves.”85 Ortiz was a well-established architect, joiner, and wood-carver known for his profusely ornamented altarpieces.86 He was contractually obligated to finish the altarpiece for the Virgin of the Kings within eighteen months but was making such slow progress that Vázquez de Leca—who was now in his seventies and ailing—worried that he would not live to see it finished. The archdeacon changed the terms of his will to make the Virgin of the Kings his heir and to dedicate his fortune to her altarpiece.87 In March of 1647 Ortiz and Vázquez de Leca appeared before a notary and witnesses to renegotiate the terms of their contract. The wood-carver blamed the delay on the archdeacon, who, he claimed, had altered the original “design and plan, adding to it and making it richer and more expensive.”88

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Vázquez de Leca denied this but agreed to pay 800 ducados more than the originally contracted fee of 2,500 ducados so that Ortiz would finish the job. When the altarpiece was finally finished a year later, Vázquez de Leca gave Ortiz a bonus of 200 ducados, for a grand total of 3,500 ducados. This was a large sum but still considerably less than the 4,000 ducados that he had spent on the embroidered brocade dress and mantle for the Virgin of the Kings a decade earlier.89 Ortiz de Vargas designed his altarpiece for the Royal Chapel to showcase the Virgin of the Kings and her rich collection of alhajas (fig. 20). Instead of confining the image inside a recessed niche, he built a platform projecting out from the altarpiece to display her throne.90 The canopy above the throne incorporates gilded silver plates and a rosette from the thirteenth-century tabernacle that Ortiz’s altarpiece replaced.91 The new two-story altarpiece is abundantly adorned with Ortiz’s signature ornaments— winged cherubs, angel heads, and fruited garlands—which are meticulously recorded in Francisco Meneses Osorio’s 1696 painting (fig. 21). In the lower portion of the altarpiece, niches contain carved figures of the Virgin’s parents, Saint Anne and Saint Joachim. A half-length bust of Saint Joseph is flanked by two putti-Atlases who bear the weight of the platform supporting the Virgin’s throne. In Meneses’s painting, the Virgin of the Kings wears a dress and mantle of brown fabric adorned with gold ogival lattices connected by royal crowns. The wide skirt completely covers the platform, which must have been specially designed to accommodate the large farthingales that were in fashion in the seventeenth century. The silk curtains and fringed border that Vázquez de Leca donated to the chapel in 1643 can be seen at the top of Meneses’s painting. The curtains are pushed to the side to reveal Ortiz’s altarpiece, which is surmounted by the banner embroidered in gold letters: “Conceived Without Original Sin in the First Instant of Her Being.” Vázquez de Leca’s commissions for the Virgin of the Kings—the clothing, altarpiece, and other decorations—were rich enough to rival or replace gifts from kings and queens. Remarkable for their opulence and ostentation, they were also a bit oldfashioned. The saya entera made from gold-embroidered brocade was a style of dress that had been popular at the beginning of the century but had fallen out of favor among fashionable women, who were wearing a controversial new farthingale called the guardainfante in the 1640s.92 As to the altarpiece he commissioned for the Royal Chapel, its ornaments were up to date, but its architecture was rather staid compared to contemporary works by Felipe de Ribas, who introduced to Seville the twisting Solomonic columns Gian Lorenzo Bernini had popularized in Rome.93 Vázquez de Leca’s dispute with Ortiz de Vargas suggests that the archdeacon in his seventies was just as exacting and hands-on a patron as he had been four decades earlier, when he gave Juan Martínez Montañés such precise instructions for the Christ of Clemency. He must have been equally involved in the undocumented commissions for the garments that he gave to the Virgin of the Kings. All of these gifts were meant to be used on special occasions—for celebrations on feast days and for processions in times of trouble—when their splendor would rally public devotion and honor Seville’s most powerful Marian

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Fig. 20 (overleaf ) Luis Ortiz de Vargas, altarpiece of the Virgin of the Kings, 1643–49. Royal Chapel, Seville cathedral.

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image. As such, they were gifts that performed an important civic service. For the donor himself, alhajas donated to the cathedral were a socially acceptable form of conspicuous consumption. It is tempting to see the Virgin of the Kings as a substitute for the archdeacon, who renounced the pleasures of silks and brocades for his own person and lavished them on the wooden armature of the Virgin instead. ♦ ♦ ♦ Mateo Vázquez de Leca lived to see his altarpiece for the Virgin of the Kings completed, but not much longer. June 11, 1649, at the age of seventy-six, the archdeacon fell victim to the plague along with tens of thousands of Sevillians. The sculptor Juan Martínez Montañés and the ensamblador Luis Ortiz de Vargas also lost their lives that summer. All Seville turned into a charnel house as the bodies of the dead accumulated more quickly than the living could dispose of them. When he wrote about that terrible summer decades later, Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga—who had been a teenager at the time—recalled with repulsion the stench of the bodies piled on carts that rolled through the city. Despite the chaos of the times, Vázquez de Leca was buried with all the dignity and ceremony befitting one of Seville’s most exalted citizens. His body was displayed at the Hospital of Santa Marta, despite the risk it posed for spreading contagion, before being buried at the Dominican church of San Pablo, in accordance with the wishes the archdeacon had expressed in his will.94 Two weeks after Vázquez de Leca succumbed to the plague, the Virgin of the Kings was removed from her new gilded altarpiece and carried around the cathedral in the procession of rogation that preceded the epidemic’s end. Vázquez de Leca’s patronage thus came to an end, as it had begun, in a year of plague. Today Vázquez de Leca is best remembered for the Christ of Clemency, but this was just the first of many commissions in a wide-ranging and long-spanning career. The archdeacon’s patronage of ecclesiastical alhajas over five decades contributed to the

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Fig. 21 Francisco Meneses Osorio, The Virgin of the Kings, 1696. Oil on canvas, 6´ 10˝ × 4´ 6¾˝ (208 × 139 cm). Museo Nacional de Escultura, Valladolid.

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escalating opulence of Seville’s devotional culture and lent it the weight of his moral authority. Vázquez de Leca forged a new role for the New World heir in Sevillian society as a leader of local religious causes and patron of public sacred art. After the plague, the next generation would follow in his footsteps.

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The Piety of Powerful Neighbors

2

The Renovation of Santa María la Blanca

The renovation of a diminutive parish church called Santa María la Blanca—“Holy Mary the White”—was the first major new construction project in post-plague Seville.1 The narrow facade of the medieval building is modest and unimposing (fig. 22), but behind the plain Gothic arch facing the street is “a little cup of gold whose exquisiteness astonishes,” as one admiring cleric described the church in the early eighteenth century. Every surface is covered with carved plaster ornaments, painted and gilded decorations, glazed ceramic tiles, and monumental paintings by Bartolomé Esteban Murillo (fig. 30).2 The renovation of Santa María la Blanca between 1662 and 1665 was the first and most extreme example of the “baroquification” (barroquización) of a medieval church in seventeenth-century Seville.3 Its transformation into a “modern building that redounds greatly to the glory of Seville” was carried out, Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga explains, “at the expense of the piety of powerful neighbors . . . principally by means of the singular devotion and religious generosity of Don Justino de Neve.”4 Justino de Neve stepped into Mateo Vázquez de Leca’s shoes in the decade after the plague to become his generation’s leading patron of public sacred art. Like Vázquez de Leca, Neve was a New World heir of foreign origins—his merchant grandfather had moved to Seville from Flanders—who made his career at the Seville cathedral. Neve used his wealth and status to support a wide range of religious projects, but he is best remembered as a patron of painting. He had a large collection of paintings and worked closely with Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, the most popular painter in postplague Seville, on personal and public commissions.5 Murillo and his colleagues at the Seville drawing academy, founded in 1660, collaborated with Neve on a series of major public projects in the 1660s and 1670s, beginning with the renovation of Santa María la Blanca.

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The artistic significance of Neve and Murillo’s work at Santa María la Blanca is widely appreciated and has been thoroughly studied, but less attention has been paid to its sociohistorical and urban contexts. As seen on the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 23), the church of Santa María la Blanca (no. 42) was located across from a large, irregularly shaped plaza just up the street from the city gate called the Puerta de la Carne (no. 14). In the seventeenth century the neighborhood around Santa María la Blanca—where Neve and Murillo both lived—was one of the most exclusive residential areas in Seville. The renovation of this parish church was a pious work—a medio divino—in the years after the plague of 1649. It was also an ostentatious display of wealth by an elite enclave at a time of increasing inequality and heightened social tension in the city. This chapter examines the artistic activity that took place at Santa María la Blanca in several stages between 1650 and 1665. In the years immediately following the plague, individual patrons made a series of uncoordinated additions and improvements to the church, including a new high altarpiece that Justino de Neve commissioned in 1657. Several years later Neve and his neighbors undertook a total renovation of the interior; when it was done, they celebrated the church’s reopening with a lavish public festival in August of 1665. The following year, a noble cleric and parishioner of the church named Fernando de la Torre Farfán published a book-length account of the events. Like all festival books of its time, Torre Farfán’s Festivals Celebrated by the Parish Church of Santa María la Blanca (1666) is an incomplete and idealized account, but it is the most thorough and detailed eyewitness source available.6 His ekphrastic descriptions of the church and its festive reopening are all the more valuable in the absence of visual evidence—there are no known plans, prints, or drawings depicting the church before or after its renovation or the ephemeral decorations mounted for the celebration. The archival evidence documenting the renovation of Santa María la Blanca is fragmentary but has grown, thanks to the work of art historians Teodoro Falcón Márquez, Peter Cherry, Fernando Quiles García, and others, who have discovered important, previously unknown records. In addition, a major restoration of Santa María la Blanca, begun in 1999, uncovered new information about the medieval building that was hidden beneath a layer of Baroque ornament in the 1660s.7 This new archival and archaeological evidence makes it possible to reconstruct with greater accuracy than ever before the early history of Santa María la Blanca and the renovation that turned it into the most opulent sacred space in Seville.

Fig. 22 (opposite) Facade of the church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville, Gothic portal after 1391, with a double bell-gable by Pedro Sánchez Falconete added in 1651. Fig. 23 The church and plaza of Santa María la Blanca, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771.

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A Prestigious Church with Many Prominent Neighbors Santa María la Blanca was one of dozens of churches dedicated to the Virgin Mary in seventeenth-century Seville. In his Antiquities of Seville (1634), Rodrigo Caro counted thirty-eight of them, including the Seville cathedral. Less than a hundred years later, that number had grown to forty-seven, according to the reckoning of Francisco José Aldana y Tirado, who boasted that Seville had as many churches dedicated to the Virgin as had Rome.8 Among the Sevillian churches, Santa María la Blanca was one of the oldest and most esteemed, renowned for the holiness of its titular image and the social status of its neighbors, as Alonso Sánchez Gordillo explains: A new parish church was built in 1480 in Seville for the Holy Virgin, Our Lady, with the title Holy Mary of the Snows, known in vulgar, common Castilian as Santa María la Blanca. It had been a synagogue of the Jews who lived in Seville until they were expelled from the city. Inside the temple is a very holy image that is venerated and visited with noteworthy religion and devotion, whose feast is celebrated on the fifth day of the month of August. It is one of the nine churches of Our Lady that are visited on her feast days, and in its neighborhood or parish live many prominent people. . . . In honor of this holy image there are many perpetual memorials and chaplaincies in her church, a sure sign of the people’s veneration for her and how they revere and respect her devotion.9

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When Sánchez Gordillo was writing, in the 1630s, Santa María la Blanca was an important center of Marian devotion in Seville. The church had a complicated multiconfessional history, as Sánchez Gordillo suggests, although its origins date back even farther than he implies. Santa María la Blanca had been a synagogue before it became a church, as Sánchez Gordillo says, but he does not mention its earlier history as a mosque. After the Christian conquest of Seville, in 1248, a closed Jewish quarter was created in the southeastern quadrant of the city (see the frontispiece map of Seville), and the three small mosques within its walls were converted into synagogues.10 The one that eventually became Santa María la Blanca was built using some of the walls from the mosque that came before it, and the former sahn (courtyard) on the northern side of the building served as its main entrance.11 Its three naves were divided by walls with horseshoe arches and clerestory windows beneath a flat wooden ceiling, like the main synagogue in Segovia, which was built around the same time (fig. 24). The synagogues in Seville’s Jewish quarter were plain and unpretentious inside and out, in keeping with medieval laws that limited their height and restricted their decoration.12 Seville’s Jewish community was destroyed by a brutal pogrom that swept across Spain in 1391. The small synagogue by the Puerta de la Carne was converted into a parish church and placed under the supervision of the Seville cathedral.13 The exact

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date of Santa María la Blanca’s founding is undocumented, but it certainly took place well before 1480 (the date given by Sánchez Gordillo). The synagogue’s interior remained much the same, but its entrance was moved to the western side of the building, across the street from the plaza, and the new door was framed with the pointed stone arch that serves as its main entrance today (fig. 22).14 Like the famous synagogue-turned-church of Santa María la Blanca in Toledo, the Sevillian church was named in honor of the miraculous founding of the Roman basilica Santa Maria Maggiore. The miracle occurred on August 5 in an unspecified year during the reign of Pope Liberius (r. 352–66), when the Virgin Mary appeared in a dream to a wealthy Roman patrician and his wife. She instructed the couple, who had no heirs and planned to bequeath their fortune to the Virgin, to build a church in her honor. That night snow fell on the Esquiline Hill and outlined the site of the future Santa Maria Maggiore. The Virgin who appeared to the Roman couple came to be known as the Virgin of the Snows—in Spanish, Santa María de las Nieves or Santa María la Blanca—and her feast was celebrated on August 5 to commemorate the miraculous summer snow in Rome. At the church of Santa María la Blanca in Seville, there was a painted wooden sculpture of the Virgin of the Snows that had a reputation for working miracles. Local legend claimed that the sculpture was a gift to the city from King Alfonso X, who praised it in one of his songs for the Virgin, the Cantigas de Santa María.15 José Alonso Morgado examined the sculpture in 1882, after it had been replaced with an image that is attributed to Juan de Astorga. According to Morgado, the medieval Virgin of the Snows measured almost four feet five inches tall and had originally been carved in the round with sculpted garments. At some later date the sculpture was recarved and fitted with movable limbs so that it could be dressed in real clothing.16 This was not uncommon in Seville in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when numerous antique images of the Virgin were converted into imágenes de vestir like the Virgin of the Kings.17 As Sánchez Gordillo notes, the Virgin of the Snows at the church of Santa María la Blanca had many prominent devotees in the seventeenth century. The former judería was one of the most elite neighborhoods in Seville, home to titled aristocrats and wealthy merchants who lived in sprawling palaces behind distinguished Italianate facades.18 The splendid Casa de Pilatos, home to the dukes of Alcalá, had a marble portal in the shape of a triumphal arch that was imported from Genoa in the 1530s. Another Genoese portal, with an unusual frieze of ox skulls, marked the entrance to

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Fig. 24 Old main synagogue, Segovia, mid-fourteenth century (rebuilt after it was destroyed by fire in 1899).

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a large palace on Calle Levíes that was built in the 1530s by a family of merchants, the Almanza, and was later purchased by a Corsican named Tomás Mañara (see fig. 58). Just up the street from Santa María la Blanca, the marquises of Villamanrique lived in an enormous fourteenth-century palace that was updated with a grand classicizing facade early in the seventeenth century (see fig. 36).19 Manuel Luis de Guzmán y Zúñiga, the fourth Marquis of Villamanrique, was baptized at Santa María la Blanca in 1627 and would become one of the church’s greatest benefactors.20 Justino de Neve also lived nearby in a palace on the Plaza de San Bartolomé. In May of 1652 the noble neighbors of Santa María la Blanca were called to arms to defend their neighborhood. A bread riot had begun in the working-class neighborhood around the Plaza de la Feria and spread across the city as rioters sacked homes in search of grain. Other bread riots had erupted across southern Spain that spring in response to food shortages and exorbitant prices caused by poor harvests and rampant inflation.21 In Seville, the rebels broke into the Alhóndiga, the building where grain was stored. It was also where weapons and armor imported from Milan had been stockpiled in preparation for a British invasion after Francis Drake attacked Cádiz in 1596. The local elites who wrote the history of the 1652 uprising expressed their disdain for the lower-class rebels—“rogues, all of them, and vile”—and mocked the adolescents who wore moldering backplates on their chests and carried rusty pikes as long as the boys were tall.22 The Sevillian nobility coordinated themselves into neighborhood patrols—Melchor de Melo Ponce de León, a knight of Calatrava, was in charge of guarding the Puerta de la Carne, at the end of Calle Santa María la Blanca—and suppressed the rebellion with ease.23 The leaders of the bread riot were executed, their heads displayed on the Macarena gate and at the Plaza de la Feria, where the uprising had begun. There would be no further challenges to noble authority in Seville for the rest of the seventeenth century.24 Although it was quickly suppressed, the bread riot of 1652 revealed fissures in Sevillian society that were usually hidden beneath the surface. It was precisely during this period of heightened class antagonism that the privileged neighbors of Santa María la Blanca began to make significant changes to their venerable but antiquated church. By this time the building was four hundred years old, outmoded and dilapidated. Just as the Sevillian nobility was reaffirming its authority in the wake of the demographic disaster of the plague and the unnerving violence of the bread riots, the patrons of Santa María la Blanca took the first steps to modernize their modest church so that its physical appearance would reflect its prestige and that of its prominent neighbors.

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New sacramental and baptismal chapels were built at Santa María la Blanca between 1642 and 1646—the first significant construction on the building since its conversion from a synagogue into a church.25 Work on the church accelerated after the 1649

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plague.26 A cathedral prebendary named Mateo Coello donated a large painting by Murillo of the Last Supper for the new sacramental chapel in 1650.27 Over the next decade a number of different patrons—primarily men affiliated with the cathedral— hired Seville’s leading artists to embellish the old church with new paintings, carvedwood choir stalls and altarpieces, and architectural additions. These commissions, made without any apparent overarching plan in mind, updated the appearance of the former synagogue without fundamentally altering its medieval character and structure. Among the artistic works that took place at Santa María la Blanca in the 1650s, the most significant projects were the bell tower that was added to the front facade and the new high altarpiece that was built to house the Virgin of the Snows in the main chapel. In 1651 the cathedral canons Alonso Ramírez de Arellano and Diego de Espinosa hired Pedro Sánchez Falconete (1587–1666) to build an addition to Santa María la Blanca’s unprepossessing facade. Sánchez Falconete was one of the most highly respected and well established architects in Seville; since the 1630s he had been the lead architect (maestro mayor) for both the cathedral and the municipal government.28 At Santa María la Blanca, Sánchez Falconete built a new double bell-gable (espadaña)—a vertical wall with two arched openings for church bells—above the main entrance (fig. 22). The espadaña was a traditional element of Spanish religious architecture that first appeared in Seville in the fourteenth century and proliferated in imaginative new forms in the 1600s.29 These bell-gables joined church towers and domes to form a celestial city high above the streets of early modern Seville, as it has been eloquently described by Vicente Lleó Cañal.30 In the early 1650s the new bell-gable at Santa María la Blanca literally raised the church’s profile by elevating its facade above the other buildings on the densely built city block. Justino de Neve was elected in 1655 to his first term as the Seville cathedral’s president of chapels, which made him responsible for the maintenance and upkeep of the cathedral’s dependent churches, including Santa María la Blanca. Neve was a fervent devotee of the Virgin of the Snows and attended services every evening at the church, which was close to his home on the Plaza de San Bartolomé.31 On July 23, 1657, Neve appeared before the cathedral canons to speak on behalf of the parishioners of Santa María la Blanca, who had gathered donations to build a new altarpiece for the Virgin of the Snows. According to the meeting minutes, “the chapter thought that this was a good idea and thanked him for his good work.” The canons authorized Neve to sell the old altarpiece and apply the proceeds to building a new one.32 This would be the thirty-two-year-old Neve’s first commission of public sacred art. In August of 1657 Neve hired a wood-carver named Martín Moreno (d. ca. 1677)— who had made a new set of choir stalls for Santa María la Blanca the previous year—to design and carve the new altarpiece for the Virgin of the Snows.33 Martín Moreno was at the height of his career, having recently finished carving an enormous three-story altarpiece dedicated to the Immaculate Conception at the Seville cathedral (fig. 25). This altarpiece, known as the “Great Conception” (Concepción Grande), in a large chapel of the same name (see fig. 9), was built with the bequest of a wealthy Portuguese merchant,

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Fig. 25 (overleaf left) Martín Moreno, altarpiece of the Great Conception, 1656–63. Sculpture of the Immaculate Conception by Alfonso Martínez, 1656–58. Chapel of the Concepción Grande, Seville cathedral. Fig. 26 (overleaf right) Martín Moreno, high altarpiece, 1657–58. The sculpture of the Virgin of the Snows is attributed to Juan de Astorga, nineteenth century. Church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville.

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Fig. 27 Miguel de Zumárraga, Alonso de Vandelvira, and Cristóbal de Rojas, church of the Sagrario, Seville, 1618–62.

Gonzalo Núñez de Sepúlveda, who—like the legendary benefactors of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome— had had no children and left his fortune to the Virgin Mary. Moreno employed massive Solomonic columns covered with deeply carved reliefs of grapes and vines (symbols of the Eucharist) to frame the titular image, a six-and-a-half-foot-tall sculpture of the Immaculate Conception by Alfonso Martínez.34 The sculpture was mounted on a polychromed wooden base with an inverted crescent moon and a cluster of carved angel heads beneath the Virgin’s feet. Moreno adapted features of his design for the altarpiece of the Great Conception to suit the smaller space in the main chapel at Santa María la Blanca, where he built a one-story altarpiece with a recessed niche for the church’s titular image (fig. 26). The Virgin of the Snows is framed by Solomonic columns that lack the intricate carvings of Moreno’s giant columns at the cathedral. The medieval image at Santa María la Blanca was mounted on an elaborate new polychrome base that combined the iconography of the Virgin of the Snows with that of the Immaculate Conception (fig. 38). Fernando de la Torre Farfán describes the mount with characteristically poetic language: “It is in the form of a celestial throne, suspended on drifting clouds with the help of choirs of angels and cherubs, and all raised above a snow-capped mountain, which explains the dedication to this great matron and recalls the Roman miracle.”35 The high altarpiece for Santa María la Blanca was finished by July of 1658.36 When it was installed in the main chapel, Moreno’s freshly gilt Baroque altarpiece certainly would have made the rest of the church look old-fashioned and worn-out by comparison. A few years later, inspired by good news from Rome and artistic developments at home, Neve and his neighbors undertook a radical renovation that would complete their church’s baroquification.

Festival and Ornament

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On the feast of the Immaculate Conception, December 8, 1661, Pope Alexander VII (r. 1655–67) said Mass at the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore and then issued the papal bull known as Sollicitudo Omnium Ecclesiarum. Alexander VII’s bull brought an end to the Marian War by silencing all opposition to the Immaculate Conception. Previous bulls issued by Popes Paul V in 1616–17 and Gregory XV in 1622 had expressed papal support for the Immaculate Conception, but Alexander VII went further than his predecessors by imposing harsh punishments on anyone who spoke against the Immaculist position and condemning hostile publications to the Index of Prohibited

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Books. The pope’s decree “filled Christendom with happiness,” Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga wrote, “and especially Spain and Seville.”37 The celebration that took place in Seville in the summer of 1662 set the stage for a series of increasingly elaborate public festivals that would captivate the city over the next ten years. News of Alexander VII’s bull reached Seville in January of 1662, just as work was coming to a close on the Sagrario church (fig. 27). It was Mateo Vázquez de Leca who had proposed the idea of building the new parish church on the Patio de los Naranjos, next door to the cathedral. Begun in 1618, the construction of the imposing stone building proceeded slowly and came to a complete stop in 1649, when the unfinished church became an impromptu burial ground for 1,550 victims of the plague.38 Construction resumed after the plague had passed, and was brought to a close thanks to contributions from the cathedral canons, including Justino de Neve, who had been promoted to this position in November of 1658.39 The Sagrario was finished in 1662 by the architect Pedro Sánchez Falconete under the direction of the cathedral’s majordomo of building works (mayordomo de fábrica), Alonso Ramírez de Arellano.40 Ramírez de Arellano hired Pedro de Borja (born ca. 1622) and his brothers, Pablo and Miguel de Borja, to decorate the Sagrario’s vaulted ceiling. Pedro de Borja belonged to the guild of painters and gilders, but he is best known for his innovative and influential work in carved plaster (yesería).41 Plasterwork decorated with inscriptions and geometric patterns had been used to adorn secular and sacred buildings in Andalusia during the Islamic era and remained popular in the centuries after the Reconquest. At the Sagrario, the Borjas used this traditional local material in a new way by carving the white clay into exuberant Baroque ornaments.42 Curling foliage, cartouches, and angel-Atlases in deep relief cover the four vaults of the Sagrario’s ceiling (fig. 28). The striking contrast between the Sagrario’s severe, rectilinear exterior and its whimsical, curving interior decorations illustrates the stylistic shift from classical to Baroque that had taken place in Spanish architecture at midcentury.43 The Sagrario’s decorated ceiling was highly esteemed by contemporaries like Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, who praised Pedro de Borja’s “gorgeous fantasies” and “splendid caprices” and lamented that they were made from “such fragile material.”44 (As Ortiz de Zúñiga predicted, many of the ornaments at the Sagrario have been lost; today the ceiling is covered with a fine net to catch falling pieces of plaster.)

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Fig. 28 Pedro, Pablo, and Miguel de Borja, plasterwork ceiling, church of the Sagrario, Seville, 1652–57.

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In the summer of 1662 Sevillians celebrated the opening of the Sagrario church and Alexander VII’s Immaculist bull together in one great festival, the first in postplague Seville. The festival was sponsored by the Brotherhood of the Santísimo Sacramento (Holy Sacrament), a religious organization based at the Sagrario. It took place over several weeks in June and July and included days of sermons, Masses, fireworks, and a poetry competition in the cathedral’s Patio de los Naranjos. The high point was a parade around the cathedral on June 26. A processional float shaped like a boat, designed by Pedro de Borja, carried Juan Martínez Montañés’s celebrated sculpture of the Immaculate Conception, La Cieguecita, through streets adorned with fabric hangings, triumphal arches, and temporary altars.45 At the climax of the procession, as the consecrated host was being carried into the Sagrario church, a worker who was hanging decorations from the roof fell to his death. It was “a misfortune that caused some distress on this otherwise festive and happy day,” an anonymous eyewitness recorded in an unpublished manuscript.46 This unhappy incident did not appear in the official, expurgated version of events by the poet Fernando de la Torre Farfán. His Panegyric Temple to the Poetic Contest Celebrated by the Distinguished Brotherhood of the Holy Sacrament, Debuting the Great Building of the New Sagrario (1663) devoted over five hundred pages of florid prose to the festival decorations, processions, and poetry competition.47 Countless festival pamphlets had been published in Seville in the first half of the seventeenth century, but this was the first book-length festive volume printed in the city since Juan de Mal Lara’s account of King Philip II’s royal entry in 1570.48 Torre Farfán’s Panegyric Temple included an engraved frontispiece depicting the Sagrario and a portrait of the author by Matías de Arteaga (1633–1703). Trained as a painter, Arteaga was a founding member of the Seville drawing academy; he was a learned man who owned a large library that included at least one book in Latin.49 The Panegyric Temple was the first collaboration between Arteaga and Torre Farfán, who would go on to produce important books commemorating festivals celebrated at Santa María la Blanca and the Seville cathedral. The decoration of the new Sagrario church inspired the neighbors of Santa María la Blanca to look at their own church with fresh eyes. The festival was still under way at the Sagrario when Justino de Neve appeared before the cathedral chapter on June 19, 1662. “The parishioners of Santa María la Blanca wish to decorate the ceiling of the church with plaster vaults, at their cost,” Neve announced to his colleagues. Praising Neve for the zealousness with which he had cared for and decorated the church, the canons gave him carte blanche to proceed as he saw fit.50 Demolition began just a few weeks later.

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The renovation of Santa María la Blanca was justified, and even required, by Alexander VII’s papal bull Sollicitudo Omnium Ecclesiarum, according to preachers who delivered sermons at its grand reopening. The little Sevillian church had been built at a time when

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the purity of the Virgin was being questioned and debated, a Dominican theologian named Antonio de Vergara explained. But when Alexander VII silenced all opposition to the Immaculate Conception, “the old Temple was not sufficient to celebrate such great news.” The church’s parishioners had an obligation to “build a new one or renovate the old one such that it is like new,” Vergara claimed. “Everything must be new” in order to serve the Immaculate Conception, a Mercederian preacher declared, “and it must be novel.”51 Donations from the church’s wealthy neighbors paid for the dramatic renovation of Santa María la Blanca. Justino de Neve and the Marquis of Villamanrique are presumed to have made significant contributions, which were supplemented by donations from less well known supporters like Rufina de Pineda. She was a widow who gave 4,900 reales to Santa María la Blanca in honor of her husband, who had been a merchant captain and knight of Santiago.52 When the widow Pineda died, in 1692, her funeral eulogy praised the wealthy woman, who had renounced personal ostentation and “contributed very large sums to a great many churches for the ornaments and splendor of the Divine Cult.”53 The renovated Santa María la Blanca would redound to the collective honor of the noble neighbors, women as well as men, whose donations funded the work. Neve entrusted the renovation of the church to Juan González (1606–1674), an architect who had previously worked on the fourteenth-century parish church of San Andrés.54 As seen on a plan of Santa María la Blanca after González’s renovation, the architect did not alter the former synagogue’s three-nave floor plan (fig. 29). The horseshoe arches in the original dividing walls were reshaped, and the old stone pillars supporting them were replaced by new red jasper columns (fig. 30).55 The most dramatic and daring aspect of the renovation was removing the church’s flat wooden ceiling and replacing it with barrel vaults that could be covered with plaster ornaments like the ones at the Sagrario. González’s contract stipulated that he would be responsible for paying the costs of any damages caused by the demolition.56 After successfully taking down the old ceiling, González built vaults over each of the three naves and added a cupola with skylights above the transept. The new vaults and cupola made Santa María la Blanca taller, lighter, and brighter, radically changing the church’s appearance even though its footprint remained the same. González’s modernization of Santa María la Blanca inspired imitations that were not always so successful, like the attempted renovation of the Dominican church of San Pablo that caused the entire building to collapse in 1691 (see chapter 5). In accordance with the plan that Neve had presented to the cathedral chapter, the new ceiling of Santa María la Blanca was adorned with carved plaster. The whiteness of the decorations took on special significance in the context of a church dedicated to the Virgin of the Snows and the Immaculate Conception. The Borja brothers were probably involved in carving the ornaments, which may have been designed, as some scholars believe, by the sculptor Pedro Roldán. The novel decorative technique first introduced at the Sagrario was taken to a new extreme at Santa María la Blanca. Every

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Paintings by Bartolomé Esteban Murillo (1664–65):

surface of the church’s ceiling was covered with carved plaster in an “ornamental delirium never seen in Seville,” in the words of art historian Alfredo J. Morales.57 3 4 The deepest and densest carvings can be 2 Cupola 1 found in the cupola, which is packed with curling leaves, cupid heads, clusters of fruit, spiraling ribbons, and a model of the Giralda. Court The plaster decorations at Santa María yard la Blanca framed a set of four major paintings by Murillo (all of which were stolen during the French occupation of Seville in 1810; for the paintings’ original locations, see fig. 29). Two large lunette-shaped canMain Entrance vases beneath the cupola introduced the Virgin of the Snows at the end of the nave by telling the miraculous foundation story of Santa Maria Maggiore.58 In the first painting, the Virgin appears to the Roman patrician and his wife, who are asleep at home (fig. 31). The second painting depicts the couple telling their astonishing story to Pope Liberius, who then leads a procession up the Esquiline Hill, where a miraculous summer snow has fallen. Two smaller arched canvases painted by Murillo were installed at the eastern ends of the side aisles beneath the curved vaults: a painting of the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception (fig. 32), on the left, and a celebration of the Eucharist on the right. When he was working on these paintings, Murillo lived very close to the church of Santa María la Blanca. He had moved to the neighborhood in 1663, when he rented a house with a garden on the Plaza de los Leones. The upwardly mobile painter’s neighbors included some of his best patrons, such as the Marquis of Legarda, the Marquis of Villamanrique, and Justino de Neve.59 Murillo may have painted some of his patrons’ likenesses in his paintings for Santa María la Blanca, which include numerous portraits of unidentified subjects whose identity has been the source of much speculation. Teodoro Falcón Márquez has suggested that the Roman patrician and his wife (fig. 31) could be portraits of the Marquis of Villamanrique and his wife, Ana Dávila Osorio (d. 1692). Fernando de la Torre Farfán mentions that Murillo’s painting of the Immaculate Conception (fig. 32) includes portraits of individuals living and dead, but he identifies only one of them—the church’s deceased parish priest, Domingo Velázquez Soriano—and does not say which portrait is his. The parish priest could be the man wearing a white surplice and holding his hands in a steeple position. The dark-haired man with a neat moustache and goatee who clasps his hands to his chest, on the far left, bears a strong resemblance to Justino de Neve, whose portrait Sacramental Chapel

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1. The Dream of the Patrician and His Wife 2. The Visit of the Patrician and His Wife to Pope Liberius 3. The Immaculate Conception 4. Faith, or the Church Triumphant

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Fig. 29 Plan of the church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville, 1662–65. Drawing by Maura Whang. Fig. 30 (opposite) Interior of the church of Santa María la Blanca, Seville.

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High Altar

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Fig. 31 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, The Foundation of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome: The Dream of the Patrician and His Wife, 1664–65. Oil on canvas, 7´ 7⅓˝ × 17´ 1½˝ (232 × 522 cm). Frame digitally removed. © Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid.

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Murillo painted around the same time (fig. 33). Some scholars have suggested that the man with his back to the viewer, instructing the boy at his side in the mysteries of the Immaculate Conception, could be the Marquis of Villamanrique with his teenage son Melchor.60 If the individuals in Murillo’s paintings at Santa María la Blanca are indeed donors, which seems very likely, then they certainly would have been recognized by the church’s neighbors in the 1660s, although their identities will remain a mystery to us barring the discovery of new documentation. Beneath Murillo’s paintings every inch of the church was covered with decorations (fig. 30). The dividing walls in the nave were gilded and painted with white ornaments simulating the three-dimensional plasterwork overhead. A six-and-a-halffoot tall ceramic skirt around the walls was painted with geometric patterns in blue and white, the colors of the Immaculate Conception. New liturgical ornaments and furnishings were fashioned out of luxury materials to match the church’s interior. The fonts for priests to wash their hands were carved from the same red jasper quarried in Antequera that had been used to make the church’s columns. A set of doors made from mahogany and adorned with large brass studs was installed at the main entrance, and mahogany chests were made to store the vestments.61 Almost all of the old altarpieces were replaced, except for Murillo’s Last Supper in the sacramental chapel and Moreno’s altarpiece for the Virgin of the Snows.62 It was impossible to replace everything, however, and some older items remained in use. An inventory taken in 1685 reveals that the church’s liturgical linens, for instance, were old and in poor condition and that the rug in the main chapel was “very worn-out from age.”63 When it was unveiled, the floor-to-ceiling ornamentation of Santa María la Blanca was a striking novelty in Seville. It was the first example in the city of the Baroque style that later came to be known as horror vacui, “fear of emptiness.”64 The total renovation of the church commemorated Pope Alexander VII’s proclamation by creating the

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Fig. 32 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, The Immaculate Conception, 1664–65. Oil on canvas, 5´ 7¾˝ × 9´ 9¾˝ (172 × 298 cm). Musée du Louvre, Paris. Fig. 33 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Portrait of Don Justino de Neve, 1665. Oil on canvas, 6´ 9˝ × 4´ 3˝ (206 × 129.5 cm). National Gallery, London.

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impression that a brand-new building had replaced the old one. This was a carefully crafted illusion, for most of the original structure remained hidden beneath fresh layers of plaster, paint, and gold. Today Santa María la Blanca overwhelms visitors who pass through its Gothic portal and find themselves enveloped by its snow-white splendor. The church’s stunning effect was even stronger when it first opened its doors in 1665 to Sevillians familiar with the old medieval church. One Augustinian preacher expressed his amazement at what he saw inside: I confess that when I heard it said they were going to renovate this holy temple, I expected nothing more than what the word “renovation” suggests. I hoped that they would stop the threat that old age posed to this building and that they would manage to give it more light, and make it whiter, and save it from the injuries of time. That is all I expected. And what is it that we have before us? A temple that is completely new in everything and cannot be recognized by those who saw it before.65

Splendor and Authority

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On May 18, 1665, Justino de Neve appeared before his fellow canons at the Seville cathedral and presented his plans for a festival to celebrate the reopening of Santa María la Blanca. It would take place during the first week of August to coincide with the feast day of the Virgin of the Snows. So that the festival would have the “splendor and authority” Neve desired, the cathedral canons agreed to lend him “all of the ornaments, hangings, and silver” he might request. The canons also thanked their colleague for his “zeal and care” in renovating Santa María la Blanca “without having cost the cathedral chapter a single cent.”66 The precious objects borrowed from the cathedral were one aspect of an elaborate program of decorations and performances in and around the church over the course of the ten-day celebration. From the spectacular fireworks display on the opening night to the climactic procession with the Virgin of the Snows on the final day, the festival for Santa María la Blanca was designed to convey the “splendor and authority” of the parish church and its neighbors for the rest of the city to see. The festival for Santa María la Blanca employed the kinds of pyrotechnics and theatrical devices that religious and secular authorities were using to amaze and impress crowds in cities across Europe in the second half of the seventeenth century.67 Fernando de la Torre Farfán describes the dazzling display of fireworks in the Plaza de Santa María la Blanca that opened the festivities on the evening of August 1. An abundance of loud firecrackers compensated for the absence of rocket launchers, which would have been too dangerous to use in the densely built neighborhood, as Torre Farfán explains. Later that night an ephemeral castle surmounted by a seven-headed dragon was set ablaze to represent the triumph of religion over evil.68 The spectacle continued the next morning inside the church, where a silver “cloud” (nube) had been

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installed beneath the cupola. The cloud that Torre Farfán describes was probably made from a wooden frame covered with painted canvas or papier-mâché and hung with a pulley system, like the cloud machines that Gian Lorenzo Bernini was making in Rome around the same time.69 After the inaugural Mass at Santa María la Blanca, the cloud beneath the cupola opened up during the singing of the Gloria to release a shower of flowers, birds (presumably fake ones, although Torre Farfán does not say), and slips of paper printed with Immaculist verses.70 The festivities continued inside the church for another week, with daily morning sermons and afternoon performances of the cathedral choirboys, the niños seises, who were dressed in their Immaculist costumes of blue and silver breeches with matching plumed hats. The cathedral lent blue cloths to adorn the altars and a splendid floral rug from France to cover the steps leading to the main chapel.71 On festive occasions it was common practice to decorate church interiors with rich fabric hangings. When the church of San Pablo celebrated the beatification of Pedro de Arbués in September 1664, for example, its walls, doorways, and pillars were covered with crimson velvet trimmed in gold.72 But the walls of Santa María la Blanca—which were “dressed always in their own finery” after the renovation, as Torre Farfán puts it—were left uncovered for the grand debut.73 Outside, the church facade was freshly painted with trompe l’oeil brickwork and geometric patterns (as seen re-created in fig. 22).74 A twenty-two-foot length of crimson velvet trimmed in gold hung from the church’s bell-gable and displayed a gigantic painting of the Immaculate Conception by Juan de Valdés Leal, a colleague of Murillo’s who had been elected president of the Seville drawing academy in 1663.75 The Plaza de Santa María la Blanca served as an outdoor church, treasury, and museum during the festival.76 The centerpiece of the plaza’s decorations was an enormous altarpiece with spiral columns painted to look like marble that framed a large painting of the Immaculate Conception by Murillo from Neve’s private collection.77 In front of the altarpiece, a set of steps covered with embroidered fabric displayed precious reliquaries borrowed from the Seville cathedral and a sculpture of Fernando III, who was being promoted for beatification by the cathedral chapter (see chapter 3). The arrangement of alhajas would have looked like the display that can be seen in a contemporary engraving from Valencia depicting one of the altars erected in that city to celebrate the Immaculate Conception in 1662 (fig. 34). The engraving clearly indicates the scale of the altar, which is more than twice as tall as the men standing around admiring it.78 For Seville’s festival, the Plaza de Santa María la Blanca was covered with expensive rugs and illuminated by lanterns and candles. The cathedral lent a set of four silver candlesticks called the Giants (Los Gigantes), which master silversmith Hernando de Ballesteros the Younger had made in 1579–81 (fig. 35). Each one of the richly ornamented Gigantes measures six feet three inches tall and weighs over 336 pounds.79 It was not unusual for precious objects to be displayed outdoors on festive occasions in seventeenth-century Spain, but the alhajas that were used to decorate the Plaza de Santa María la Blanca in August of 1665 were unprecedented in their quality and quantity.

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The plaza’s decorations also included a display of paintings that art historian Javier Portús Pérez has called “the most important public exhibition of paintings in the Spanish Golden Age.”80 The outdoor picture gallery featured paintings by the most celebrated sixteenth- and seventeenth-century European artists, including Titian, Rubens, Artemisia Gentileschi, Raphael, Jusepe de Ribera, and Rembrandt. The imported paintings were displayed next to works by local artists Francisco Pacheco, Luis de Vargas, Juan de Roelas, Alonso Cano, Francisco de Herrera the Elder, Francisco de Herrera the Younger, and, of course, Murillo. The masterpieces exhibited in the plaza came from the palaces in the neighborhood, which had some of the best picture collections in Seville. Justino de Neve owned 160 paintings, including eighteen by Murillo. The impressive painting collection at the Casa de Pilatos had been diminished after the Duke of Alcalá died, in 1637, but still had important works like Jusepe de Ribera’s startling portrait of the bearded woman Magdalena de Ventura. Melchor de Melo Ponce de León owned paintings by Murillo, Velázquez, and El Greco.81 The temporary display of paintings in the Plaza de Santa María la Blanca gave the rest of Seville a rare glimpse into the privileged world that was usually hidden behind closed palace doors. Across the street from the plaza, rich fabrics and monumental paintings from the private collection of the Marquis of Villamanrique were exhibited on the front of his family palace (fig. 36).82 Its monolithic facade was unusual in Seville, where most palaces were built on narrow, winding streets that prohibited impressive views.83 The Villamanrique palace was exceptionally well suited for displaying large-scale decorations as it was done Rome.84 Lengths of gold cloth attached to the upper frieze covered the top story of the palace; above the front door, the family coat of arms was embroidered in gold. Paintings “of enormous size and even greater pictorial skill,” in Torre Farfán’s words, hung like tapestries on the lower level of the palace.85 The paintings depicted scenes from the lives of the Old Testament patriarchs Abraham and Jacob. Five paintings from the life of Jacob by Murillo survive today.86 The scenes from the life of Abraham, all of which have been lost, were probably made by Ignacio de Iriarte, a member of Murillo’s drawing academy who specialized in landscape painting.87 Hanging outdoors on the front of the Villamanrique palace, these splendid paintings flaunted the marquis’s wealth and taste to the crowds that thronged the street and plaza of Santa María la Blanca during the festival week. Murillo’s surviving scenes from the Jacob series indicate that the subject matter of these ostentatiously exhibited paintings also promoted their noble patron in a more subtle fashion. The life of Jacob, the biblical patriarch who was blessed with many children and massive wealth in return for pious service to God, suggested that the kind of material prosperity the marquis and his well-to-do neighbors enjoyed was divine reward for Christian virtue.88 One of Murillo’s pictures—Jacob’s Dream (fig. 37)—is explicitly related to the renovation of Santa María la Blanca, although previous scholarship on the painting has overlooked the connection. Jacob’s Dream represents the well-known episode from the book of Genesis (28:11–19) in which Jacob dreams of a ladder ascending to heaven while he is sleeping out in the open. The next morning he

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Fig. 34 Ephemeral altar in Valencia, 1662. Engraving in Joan Baptista de Valda, Solenes fiestas, qve celebro Valencia, a la Immacvlada Concepcion de la Virgen Maria (Valencia, 1663), 100. 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York. Fig. 35 Hernando de Ballesteros the Younger, one of Los Gigantes, 1579–81. Embossed and engraved silver candlestick, 6´ 3˝ tall (1.902 m). Seville cathedral.

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Baroque Seville

takes the stone that he had used for a pillow the night before and anoints it as an altar to mark the place where the staircase to heaven had appeared. It is the same place where his grandfather Abraham—the subject of the lost paintings by Iriarte—had built an altar before him (Genesis 12:8). Years later God instructs Jacob to return to the site and build a new altar to replace the simple stone he had laid there before (Genesis 35:1–15). As the preachers who spoke at the reopening of Santa María la Blanca explained, the story of Jacob’s two altars provided biblical justification for the radical renovation of the Sevillian church. The Marquis of Villamanrique and his wealthy neighbors thus were modern-day Jacobs when they rebuilt the old Santa María la Blanca “with better and more festive pomp” to fulfill divine will.89 The Marquis of Villamanrique sponsored the final day of the festival, which concluded with a parade on the afternoon of August 10. The procession began with the papier-mâché Tarasca and Giants that rallied the crowds on Corpus Christi. Next came the nobility, carrying red candles in their hands, led by the marquis. Five of the noblemen who marched in the procession, including the Marquis of Villamanrique, can be identified as individuals who had taken up arms to suppress the bread riot in 1652.90 Six noblemen were elected to keep the procession in order, among them a knight of Calatrava named Miguel Mañara, who was head brother of the elite Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad (see chapter 4). After the secular nobility came churchmen representing the religious orders, the parish churches, and the cathedral, all dressed in their most splendid vestments and carrying crosses and candlesticks. They were followed by the cathedral choir, singing traditional popular songs (coplas).91 The music announced the arrival of the Virgin of the Snows at the end of the parade. The medieval sculpture was mounted on the Virgin of the Kings’s canopied silver float, on loan from the cathedral (the float is pictured in fig. 19). The Virgin of the Snows was dressed for the day in a new dress and mantle made from white wool embroidered with palm leaves and stars in silver and blue thread. The outfit was a gift from the Marchioness of Villamanrique, who had embroidered the garments herself. While her husband marched in the public procession, the marchioness displayed her piety and generosity through the gift of her handiwork, which is depicted with precision in an engraving by Matías de Arteaga (fig. 38).92 As seen in Arteaga’s portrait of the Virgin of the Snows, the skirt is too wide to fit inside the niche of her altarpiece.93 The Christ Child cradled in the Virgin’s left arm is dressed in a gown with matching embroidery, and both images wear crowns. An inventory describes the Virgin’s crown as “an imperial crown of Our Lady of gilded silver embellished with precious stones.”94 The Virgin of the Snows had a new set of hands, according to a sermon delivered at the festival. The original hands were hidden inside the cavity of her body, the preacher revealed.95 Like the architectural interior of Santa María la Blanca, the body of the church’s titular image was remodeled such that almost all of its original surfaces were concealed beneath a layer of modern ornament. The Virgin of the Snows was covered head to toe with Baroque alhajas that left only her face exposed.

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Fig. 36 Facade of the Villamanrique palace, Plaza de Santa María la Blanca, Seville, early seventeenth century. Fig. 37 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Jacob’s Dream, ca. 1660. Oil on canvas, 8´⅘˝ × 11´ 9¾˝ (246 × 360 cm). The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg.

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Fig. 38 (opposite) Matías de Arteaga, Holy Mary the White of Seville (Virgin of the Snows), 1665. Engraving in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca (Seville, 1666), fol. 169r. 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York. Fig. 39 Procession route, festival of Santa María la Blanca, August 10, 1665, indicated on a detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771.

The procession with the Virgin of the Snows marked the ancient neighborhood of Santa María la Blanca as a special, sacred space. The eclectic architecture of the streets and plazas around the church was covered by decorations—blue fabrics, paintings and sculptures of the Immaculate Conception, tapestries, flowers, and towers of alhajas—which temporarily created an aesthetically unified Baroque cityscape. Unlike most religious processions in Seville, this one did not include a visit to the cathedral. Instead, it traced a loop around the four blocks immediately north of the church (fig. 39), on those streets that were wide enough to accommodate the canopied processional float.96 The route took the Virgin of the Snows past the noble residences in the neighborhood: the Villamanrique palace; the Casa de Pilatos; the Marquis of Legarda’s palace, on Calle del Vidrio; and Justino de Neve’s home, on the Plaza de San Bartolomé. At the end of the day, the Virgin of the Snows was carried back home and reinstalled in her gilded altarpiece. “In this way,” Torre Farfán says, “after greeting us in our houses, she returned to her own.”97 The festival for Santa María la Blanca differed markedly from the massive celebration of the Immaculate Conception that had taken place fifty years earlier, when a reported two hundred thousand Sevillians of all classes had gathered in the streets around the cathedral singing “Todo el mundo en general.” Whereas the festival of 1615 had brought all Seville together, the one that took place in August 1665 set the elite neighbors of Santa María la Blanca apart. The outdoor festival decorations showcased the residents’ wealth and designated the blocks around the church as a special zone of Immaculist devotion. The route of the procession on the final day of the festival

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drew a border around this privileged space within the “City of the Most Holy Virgin,” as Sevillians proudly called their hometown.98 The neighbors of Santa María la Blanca had demonstrated their exceptional piety by renovating their parish church, and like the biblical Jacob, they could expect God’s blessings in return.

Print and Memory

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When the festival was over, the artworks and treasures that had been used to decorate the streets, plazas, and palaces around Santa María la Blanca were returned to their rightful owners, and the neighborhood resumed its everyday appearance. The renovated church would remain as a longstanding testament to the piety of its neighbors, but the festival would be forgotten unless its memory was preserved in print. Two months after the event, in October of 1665, the censors of Seville’s vicar-general authorized the publication of Fernando de la Torre Farfán’s Festivals Celebrated by the Parish Church of Santa María la Blanca in Honor of the New Brief Conceded by Our Most Holy Pope Alexander VII in Favor of the Purest Mystery of the Immaculate Conception.99 The author was a lifelong neighbor of Santa María la Blanca: he had been baptized in 1609 in the adjacent parish of San Esteban, and he was living within the parish of Santa María la Blanca at the time of his death in 1677. Torre Farfán had a close relationship with Justino de Neve, who was his designated heir and executor of his will.100 Torre Farfán’s book was printed in 1666 by Juan Gómez de Blas, whose printshop on Calle Génova was one of the most prolific and distinguished presses in Seville.101 Torre Farfán wrote that the objective of this book, which he dedicated to the Virgin Mary, was to disseminate the glories of the Immaculate Conception “around the entire globe.”102 But judging from its rarity today, the book was probably printed in a small edition and made for a local audience. Unlike Joan Baptista de Valda’s book commemorating Valencia’s Immaculist festival in 1662—which included prints illustrating twenty-eight processional coaches (carros), a triumphal arch, and nineteen altars (e.g., fig. 34)—Torre Farfán’s book for Santa María la Blanca had only one illustration: Matías de Arteaga’s engraving of the Virgin of the Snows (fig. 38).103 The Festivals Celebrated by the Parish Church of Santa María la Blanca is a handsome but modest quarto volume, about eight inches tall (fig. 40). It was made to be held in the hand and read—perhaps while seated in a leather armchair at a velvet-covered table, as Justino de Neve appeared in his portrait by Murillo (fig. 33). Neve owned two copies of Torre Farfán’s book, according to a posthumous inventory of his personal library.104 He and his neighbors composed the most likely readership for a book that described the renovation and reopening of their church in such minute detail. Without illustrations to supplement his text, Torre Farfán was responsible for bringing the decorations and events to life through words alone. It is a testament to his success that scholars have been able to re-create the ephemeral altarpiece in the plaza and other decorations based on his descriptions.105 He paid careful

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Fig. 40 Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca (Seville, 1666). 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York.

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attention to paintings, as Javier Portús Pérez has noted, and singled out for praise the “distinguished Bartolomé Murillo,” whom he called the “Sevillian Apelles,” after the acclaimed ancient Greek painter.106 The Marquis and Marchioness of Villamanrique are the most prominent patrons in the book, which describes the splendid decoration of their palace and the conspicuous role the noble couple played in the public procession. Torre Farfán never mentions Justino de Neve, who humbly stayed out of the limelight. But everyone would have known that Neve was the primary benefactor of Santa María la Blanca’s lavish renovation, even before Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga named and praised him in the Annals, published in 1677.107 ♦ ♦ ♦

Powerful Neighbors

For the patrons and artists who contributed to the renovation of Santa María la Blanca, the church’s reopening was a great public success and a stepping-stone

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The Piety of

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to personal and professional advancement. Four months after the church reopened, Justino de Neve was promoted to majordomo of building works at the Seville cathedral. This made him one of the city’s most powerful public patrons, with a large budget at his disposal to maintain and augment the cathedral’s collection of sacred art.108 It was a sign of Bartolomé Esteban Murillo’s rising social status that the painter was admitted in the summer of 1665 into the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad, an aristocratic religious group whose members included titled noblemen like the Marquis of Villamanrique.109 The marquis, for his part, became the honorific patron (protector) of the Seville drawing academy in 1673. Four years later, the marquis left his palace on Calle Santa María la Blanca for the royal court and had Murillo’s enormous paintings of the life of Jacob transported to Madrid.110 Surely he would have taken a copy of Torre Farfán’s little festival book with him too. Reading the poetic prose of his former neighbor in the comfort of his new home, the marquis could relive that August afternoon when all Seville had seen Murillo’s paintings on the front of his palace and watched him lead his noble peers in solemn procession before the Virgin of the Snows. He could close the book with satisfaction.

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A Temporary Triumph

3

The Seville Cathedral’s Festival for San Fernando

Less than six weeks after Seville celebrated the reopening of Santa María la Blanca, all Spain went into mourning for King Philip IV, who died on September 17, 1665. The king’s body was entombed at the Escorial’s Royal Pantheon shortly after his death, and funeral rites were performed in the Spanish capital at the end of October. The royal exequies in Madrid took place at the Royal Convent of La Encarnación, where a three-story funerary monument designed by Sebastián Herrera Barnuevo was erected inside the church and illuminated by 1,298 candles (fig. 41). Compared to catafalques that had been made for Philip IV’s ancestors, this one, at just over fifty-four feet tall, was rather small.1 It was rivaled and even surpassed by splendid monuments honoring the Spanish king in cities across Spain, Italy, and Latin America. Detailed prints commemorate catafalques for Philip IV in Florence, Rome, Milan, Naples, Palermo, Mexico City, and Lima, as well as in Madrid.2 Seville’s might have been expected to be among the best. When Philip II had died, in 1598, the catafalque erected in the Seville cathedral was so extravagant it inspired Cervantes to write a sonnet poking fun at the city for spending so much money on something so temporary.3 Much had changed in Seville over the intervening years. In the fall of 1665 Seville’s municipal government requested a loan from the Council of Castile to help cover the costs of its exequies for Philip IV. While waiting for an answer, the city council went ahead and started building an elaborate three-story catafalque with a budget of 43,000 reales de vellón. But the carpenters had to abandon the unfinished work when news arrived that the loan had been denied.4 Philip IV was six months dead when a catafalque was finally built in the main chapel of the Seville cathedral in March of 1666. A sketch of the monument—which did not merit a commemorative print—shows just how modest it was (fig. 42).5 As

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Fig. 41 Pedro de Villafranca, Catafalque for King Philip IV at the Royal Convent of La Encarnación, Madrid, designed by Sebastián Herrera Barnuevo. Engraving in Pedro Rodríguez de Monforte, Descripcion de las honras qve se hicieron a la Catholica Magd. de D. Phelippe quarto Rey de las Españas y del nuevo Mundo en el Real Conuento de la Encarnacion (Madrid, 1666). 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York.

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seen in the drawing, the two-story catafalque was not much taller than the six-footthree-inch candlesticks—Los Gigantes (see fig. 35)—that stood beside it. A traditional catafalque was a three-dimensional structure with four decorated sides, but this one had a single facade painted with trompe l’oeil arches. On top of the second level, there was an empty coffin covered by a brocade cloth, with a crown and scepter resting on a pillow, like the display at the center of the catafalque in Madrid. Unlike the monument in Madrid, which was richly adorned with skulls and ivy and royal symbols, the only decoration on the Sevillian structure was the Spanish monarch’s coat of arms. It was a pathetic display, unworthy of a great city, that revealed just how wretched Seville’s finances were in the second half of the seventeenth century.

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Five years later, in May of 1671, the economic situation in Seville was no less dire when a spectacular monument measuring almost a hundred feet tall was built inside the Seville cathedral at a cost of 13,400 ducados (fig. 47).6 The Triumph (Triunfo), as the structure was called, was the centerpiece of the Seville cathedral’s festival celebrating the beatification of King Fernando III, known as San Fernando. Justino de Neve coordinated the festival, which is exhaustively described in the third and final installment of Fernando de la Torre Farfán’s festival-book trilogy.7 Unlike his previous publications, this one includes a series of printed illustrations by Matías de Arteaga and Juan de Valdés Leal, who depicted the Triumph and other ephemeral decorations they had made for the occasion. This book was a unique achievement in the art of printmaking in seventeenthcentury Spain. It was also an incredibly expensive luxury object that cost the cathedral chapter 143,000 reales—that is, well over three times the budget of the catafalque for Philip IV that the city council had been unable to build for lack of funds.8 During a period of profound financial crisis, why would the Seville cathedral chapter invest so much money in a festival to honor a king who had been dead for over four hundred years? The answer lies in the purpose of the festival, which is often mistakenly described as a celebration of San Fernando’s canonization. In fact, the abundant archival material makes clear that the event commemorated Fernando’s beatification, which was a lesser honor.9 The Seville cathedral’s festival and the extraordinary artworks produced for it were designed to promote Fernando’s canonization with full pontifical honors in Rome. The festival was the culminating moment of a fifty-year-long religious campaign to win divine protection by creating a new patron saint for Seville. “A saintking is a strong wall for cities in that he not only defends them while living but also secures them after his death,” the celebrated preacher Ignacio Coutinho pronounced in a sermon at the Seville cathedral.10 Sevillians’ growing devotion to San Fernando during

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Fig. 42 Sketch of the catafalque for King Philip IV at the Seville cathedral in March 1666. Archivo de la Catedral de Sevilla, Fondo Capitular, sec. iii, sign.: 09278.

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the troubled decades of the seventeenth century had deep roots in the historic relationship between their city and the thirteenth-century king.

Canonization as Spiritual Fortification

Fig. 43 Effigy of King Fernando III in the Royal Chapel of the Seville cathedral. From the Cantigas de Santa María, Florence Codex, last third of the thirteenth century, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, ms B.R. 20, fol. 12r. Fig. 44 (opposite) The Saint-King Fernando III with the Halo of Sanctity. Title page of the Coronica del sancto rey don Fernando tercero deste nombre (Seville, 1516). Folio. Courtesy of the Biblioteca Histórica de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Sign. BH FG 2035.

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Seville and its cathedral had a special connection to King Fernando III. “What is Seville? What is her cathedral? What is not owed to San Fernando?” Ortiz de Zúñiga asks, reminding his readers that “the temple that enjoys such opulence arose on foundations opened by his sword.”11 After conquering Seville in 1248, the king converted the city’s Great Mosque into a cathedral and dedicated it to the Virgin Mary. He established his court in Seville and, after his death in 1252, was buried there at the cathedral according to his wishes. In 1279 Fernando’s son and successor, Alfonso X, commissioned a family tomb with life-sized effigies of himself and his parents, dressed in real clothes and jewels, for the Royal Chapel.12 After the rebuilding of the cathedral the effigies were moved into the new Royal Chapel, along with Alfonso’s tabernacle for the Virgin of the Kings, in 1579. As seen in a late thirteenth-century miniature from the Cantigas de Santa María, the effigy of King Fernando sat enthroned and raised a sword in his right hand (fig. 43). The sculpture was dressed in a rich robe and a gold crown inlaid with precious stones. The sword—depicted in outsized proportions in the Cantigas miniature—was said to be the one Fernando had used to conquer Seville (although its ornamental pommel suggests this was a ceremonial sword never used in battle).13 According to the seventeenth-century royal chronicler Alonso Núñez de Castro, it was called Gladius Hispalensis, the “Sword of Seville.”14 The armed effigy at the Royal Chapel represented Fernando as Seville’s protector—in death as he had been in life. In 1345 Hernán Pérez Guzmán observed that people suffering from maladies would visit the Royal Chapel and be cured of their afflictions after kissing Fernando’s sword.15 By the mid-fourteenth century King Fernando III’s tomb had become the site of a popular devotional cult, where his remains were venerated as the relics of a saint.16 Unlike his cousin Louis IX of France, who was canonized in 1297, Fernando’s sainthood was not officially recognized in Rome. Nonetheless, in Seville he was treated like a saint, called “el santo,” and depicted with a halo. Images typically represented San Fernando with the attributes of a saint and those of a king, as seen on the frontispiece of the Chronicle of the Saint-King Don Fernando III (1516) (fig. 44). Seated on a throne, Fernando holds a scepter in one hand and a globe emblazoned with the insignia of his two kingdoms, Castile and León, in the other. He wears a royal crown on his head, which is encircled with the radiance of sanctity. By the seventeenth century images of San Fernando could be found

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all over Seville, in secular and religious spaces, public and private places: a fresco on a city gate, a portrait at the Royal Palace (Real Alcázar), altarpieces at parish churches, a carved wooden table at city hall, a leather wall hanging (guadamecí) at the grain exchange, and cheap devotional prints tacked to the walls of laypeople’s houses. There was even a picture of San Fernando at the fish market near the Puerta del Arenal. As Sevillians traveled the world in the sixteenth century, so did the cult of San Fernando. A Franciscan reported seeing his likeness in a remote village in Paraguay whose indigenous residents credited Fernando with saving them from a terrible pox.17 The cult of San Fernando was so deeply entrenched that most Sevillians were surprised by the launch in 1623 of a movement to canonize him. “It comes as news to the common people to see the canonization being raised now, because they believed that the saint-king had been canonized,” wrote Hipólito de Vergara, a municipal official who participated in the campaign.18 The effort to canonize Fernando was spearheaded by a group of secular noblemen inspired by the canonization of four new Spanish saints in 1622. That year Teresa of Ávila, Ignatius Loyola, Francis Xavier, and Isidore the Plowman were all recognized as saints in a spectacular ceremony at St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome.19 Saint making was an intensely political process in Counter-Reformation Europe, and the bounty of new Spanish saints in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries reflected the power and influence of the Spanish monarchy in Rome at that time.20 The early 1620s thus seemed an auspicious moment to present Fernando’s candidacy. In 1624 Seville’s noble representative to the Cortes, Juan Ramírez de Guzmán, presented a petition asking King Philip IV to back Fernando’s canonization in Rome. The Sevillian nobleman appealed to the monarch’s desire to see his kingdom “restored to its former splendor” and pressed the king’s obligation to his illustrious ancestor.21 Philip agreed to support the cause, which would add a saint to the Spanish Habsburgs’ family tree, something that other European dynasties already had.22 In 1624 the king paid homage to San Fernando in the Royal Chapel during a brief visit to Seville. The campaign to canonize Fernando became increasingly fervid in the winter of 1626, when disaster struck Seville. That January, after a period of heavy rains, the Guadalquivir River overflowed its banks and broke through the city gates. Sevillians were accustomed to floods—the Guadalquivir flooded at least once every ten years in the early modern era—but the flood of 1626 was exceptionally severe and left a third of the city underwater for a month.23 Residents responded with an outpouring of religious demonstrations and public penance. “In these days,” a printed newsletter reported, “many penitents could be seen in the streets, and generally there were great acts of penance, fasting, and flagellation, and a great frequency of communion.”24 The “affliction and fatigue” caused by the flood led Sevillians to turn to God and the saints, Ortiz de Zúñiga explains, and thus helped “inflame the desire for the canonization of our saint-king.”25 Processions and acts of devotion in the midst of a crisis were the spiritual equivalent of sandbagging walls that had been breached already. The canonization of Fernando, on the other hand, was a long-term medio divino that would permanently strengthen Seville’s defenses by giving the city a “strong wall” in the form of a saintly protector.26

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Sevillians already had a pantheon of local saints—including the archbishop brothers Isidore and Leander and the virgin-martyr sisters Justa and Rufina—to call upon in moments of crisis.27 In the seventeenth century Sevillians promoted several candidates for sainthood, including Fernando Contreras (1470–1548) and Sor Francisca Dorotea (1558–1611). But it was Fernando III who rallied the greatest resources and received the most attention.28 The decision to promote one potential saint over another was not arbitrary or accidental—San Fernando clearly had something to offer that the other candidates did not.29 His popularity in seventeenth-century Seville seems to have had more to do with his reputation as a strong, effective king than with his record for working miracles. Other local saints had much more impressive credentials with respect to protecting the city from disaster—Justa and Rufina, for example, were credited with saving the Giralda from an earthquake on more than one occasion. The few miracles attributed to San Fernando were relatively minor: a peasant finding his lost cow, a poor maiden receiving a dowry, a slave winning his freedom.30 But if San Fernando’s miracles were modest, King Fernando III’s accomplishments were not. Seventeenth-century Sevillians looked back at his reign as a golden age very different from their own era, as a time of “great fertility, abundance, health, peace, and joy,” when Seville was free of hunger, plague, rebellion, and misfortune.31 In contrast to Fernando III, who had chosen to live and die in Seville, Spain’s Habsburg kings rarely, if ever, visited the city. When Philip IV came in 1624, it was to ask for money. The medieval monarch entombed in the Seville cathedral had more to offer, it seems, than the living king in Madrid. Supporters of Fernando’s canonization moved swiftly after the flood of 1626. The archbishop of Seville, Diego de Guzmán (r. 1625–31), commissioned a Jesuit named Juan de Pineda to comb through written evidence of San Fernando’s heroic virtues and miracles. Six months later Pineda published his report in a handsome volume that he presented in person to Philip IV.32 With the king’s approval, the canonization case was sent to Rome, where Bernardo de Toro became Fernando’s advocate. Toro sought and obtained permission to print a portrait of King Fernando III with the halo of a saint. This was an important step toward canonization, since it demonstrated the Church’s recognition of Fernando’s saintly status. A printed portrait of a candidate for sainthood was an essential promotional tool for disseminating a would-be saint’s image, thereby broadening his or her cult among the people, and cultivating the support of influential cardinals.33 In 1630 the official image of San Fernando was printed in Rome, its expenses paid by Mateo Vázquez de Leca (fig. 45).34 It was made by the French printmaker Charles Audran, who used a Flemish print as a model, according to a letter from Bernardo de Toro to Juan de Pineda.35 The new portrait broke with the tradition of depicting Fernando in medieval garb, seated on a throne, and instead followed the conventions of Habsburg royal portraiture. The king stands in an active pose in a space decorated with props—a baton on a cloth-covered table, a curtain wrapped around a column—that had appeared in royal Spanish portraiture ever since Titian painted his famous portraits of Charles V (r. 1516–56).36 Fernando holds the orb and sword that appeared in older

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Fig. 45 Charles Audran, Ferdinandvs III Hispaniæ Rex, 1630. Engraving in Canonizationis servi Dei Gloriosissimi, Invictissimi, ac Sancti Regis D. Ferdinandi III (Rome, 1638). 4o. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid.

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images, but he is dressed in the Habsburg style, with modern armor and a ruff. After this print reached Seville, local artists, including Francisco Pacheco and Francisco de Zurbarán, painted a flurry of portraits of the modern new San Fernando.37 San Fernando’s popularity was growing in Seville in the early 1630s, when Pope Urban VIII (r. 1623–44) issued a papal bull that halted his canonization and threatened the very existence of his cult. Coelestis Hierusalem Cives (1634) prohibited Catholics from venerating anyone who had not been beatified or canonized by the pope—and the procedure for winning papal approval of a preexisting cult would be long, tedious, and very expensive. Up until this time, the expenses of Fernando’s canonization had been shared between the monarchy in Madrid and the city council, archbishopric, and cathedral in Seville. In 1634 the canons on the Seville cathedral chapter unanimously resolved to cover all the costs themselves.38 Among all the competing institutions with a stake in Fernando’s canonization, the Seville cathedral chapter had the strongest interest in the matter. It had vast financial resources, which the canons distributed selectively. After the flood of 1626 the cathedral chapter vigorously fought the city council’s efforts to tax its properties in order to pay for repairs to the damaged city walls. A lawyer argued on behalf of the canons that their duty was to protect the people of Seville by offering prayers and Masses, not by paying taxes—even if they were for the public good.39 The cathedral chapter refused to contribute money for brick-and-mortar repairs to the physical walls around Seville but spared no expense on the city’s spiritual fortifications. Over the next four decades, procurators appointed by the Seville cathedral chapter gradually built the case to canonize Fernando in accordance with the new rules. They gathered an enormous body of evidence to send the cardinals in the Congregation of Sacred Rites, who would judge the case. The cathedral’s procurators called upon Sevillians from all walks of life to testify on San Fernando’s behalf. Scholars provided evidence from manuscripts and printed books that proved his extraordinary virtues. Medical doctors examined his body at the Royal Chapel and certified that it

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was miraculously incorrupt. Artists, including Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, inspected antique images of San Fernando proving that Sevillians had been venerating him as a saint for over a hundred years.40 And ordinary citizens spoke about the miracles Fernando had worked on their behalf when they prayed to him and asked for his help. The case moved forward in fits and starts. In 1655 the Congregation of Sacred Rites declared that San Fernando’s cult could be celebrated in Seville, but nowhere else. The cathedral chapter continued to build its case and in May of 1668 sent a dossier to Rome with 1,423 pages of evidence.41 On March 3, 1671, news arrived in Seville that Pope Clement X (r. 1670–76) had beatified Fernando the month before.42 Unlike a canonization, which made it mandatory to celebrate a saint’s cult throughout the entire Catholic world, a beatification was geographically limited. The decree of beatification that the pope signed on February 7 granted permission for all the territories in the Spanish kingdom to celebrate San Fernando’s cult on May 30 every year. Clement X also allowed Spanish churches— including the church of San Giacomo in Rome—to hold an extra festival that year in honor of the beatification. The Seville cathedral chapter remained determined to win a formal papal canonization and would use the beatification festival to promote the cause. The festival was scheduled to take place the last week of May, which meant that there were less than twelve weeks to prepare.

Staging the Festival of the Century Festivals celebrating San Fernando’s beatification would take place in cities across the Spanish world—from Madrid to Málaga to Mexico City—but none would rival the one in Seville.43 Early modern festivals were, as Teofilo Ruiz describes them, “an elaborate, polite, but intricate dialogue between political forces.”44 Through its festival for San Fernando, the Seville cathedral chapter engaged in a carefully crafted dialogue with powerful interlocutors, including the royal family in Madrid and the pope and cardinals in Rome. These dignitaries would not attend the event in person, but they could experience it vicariously through a printed illustrated festival book after the fact. In order to impress its sophisticated audience, the Seville cathedral had to stage a festival that would surpass all the rest, and produce the most ambitious festival book ever made in the city. The cathedral chapter turned to the experienced team of artists and patrons who had worked together at Santa María la Blanca six years earlier. Justino de Neve was the obvious choice to chair the festival-planning committee. He was unquestionably the most experienced person for the job, with one major festival under his belt and with an intimate knowledge of the cathedral’s physical plant and artistic patrimony as the building’s majordomo. Neve selected his junior colleague and protégé, the cathedral prebendary (racionero) Juan de Loaysa, as his second-incommand. In a brief autobiography, Loaysa proudly wrote that Neve “did not want any other colleague on this committee except for me.” (The cathedral chapter appointed

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another racionero, Juan Bonifaz, to the committee, but the archival materials suggest that he played a relatively minor role.)45 Loaysa had much in common with his mentor. Like Neve, he had been born in Seville to a merchant family of Flemish origins (his maternal grandfather was from Antwerp). He shared Neve’s interest in painting and was an amateur painter himself. As a dues-paying member of Murillo’s drawing academy, he would have come to know Seville’s leading artists during nighttime drawing sessions in their studio at the Lonja.46 Neve and Loaysa assembled a team with five prominent artists from the academy. It was not uncommon for important artists to work on festival decorations—Rubens, Bernini, and Velázquez designed ephemera and staged spectacles for their patrons. But it was extraordinary to have five leading artists from each of the major disciplines working together as a team of equals, which is precisely what took place in Seville in the spring of 1671. Neve’s team included the painters Murillo and Juan de Valdés Leal, the painter-printmaker Matías de Arteaga, and the sculptor Pedro Roldán—each of whom had worked with Neve at Santa María la Blanca. The fifth member of the team, Bernardo Simón de Pineda, was younger than the others and a relative newcomer. Within the larger group, Pineda, Roldán, and Valdés Leal were a tight-knit unit. The three had been making altarpieces together since 1668—Pineda designed and carved the architectural frames, Roldán made the sculptures, and Valdés Leal painted and gilded the ensembles. When Neve recruited them to work at the cathedral in the spring of 1671, they were working on the high altarpiece at the church of the Santa Caridad, which would be their masterpiece (see chapter 4).47 For Pedro Roldán and Juan de Valdés Leal, work on the cathedral’s festival was a family affair. Roldán had a spacious workshop in the parish of San Marcos, where he was assisted by a large team of apprentices and members of his own brood. One of those children, a daughter named Luisa Roldán (1652–1706), is said to have assisted her father with his famous sculpture of San Fernando.48 Valdés Leal lived and worked with his family on Calle Amor de Dios near the parish church of San Andrés, headquarters of a religious brotherhood of painters, in which he was an active and leading member. His wife, Isabel de Morales y Carrasquilla, was also a painter. Their daughter Luisa Rafaela Valdés y Morales (b. 1654) and son Lucas (1661–1725) helped with the festival decorations and festival book (which are described below). An army of craftsmen descended upon the Seville cathedral in the spring of 1671. Ortiz de Zúñiga claims, perhaps with only slight exaggeration, that the festival “employed all Seville’s artists—painters, architects, and sculptors—with countless craftsmen from the inferior, if necessary, professions.”49 They had before them the daunting task of decorating the second largest church in Christendom (surpassed in size only by St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome). The cathedral’s master of ceremonies, Juan de Quesada y Possesorio, kept a notebook between March 3 and June 6, 1671, in which he recorded almost daily entries describing the frenetic work at the cathedral in the weeks leading up to the festival.50 The Gothic building’s vast interior and dozens of chapels, the Sagrario church, and the Patio de los Naranjos would be blanketed with ephemeral architecture

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and alhajas: triumphal arches, silks and tapestries, altars displaying sculptures of San Fernando, and paintings depicting his greatest triumphs.51 Among the prodigious artworks produced that spring, two in particular—Valdés Leal’s architectural Triumph and Roldán’s sculpture of San Fernando—featured prominently during the festivities and then were preserved for posterity.

A Triumphal Machine Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga credits the painter Juan de Valdés Leal with proposing the “sublime idea” of building “a triumphal machine,” dedicated to San Fernando, “in imitation of the ones erected to the classical heroes.” According to seventeenthcentury usage of the term máquina, a “machine” was a “sumptuous edifice” that was “great and inventive.”52 An enormous, magnificent machine was the hallmark of a world-class festival in seventeenth-century Europe. It would not be easy to impress an international audience accustomed to being astonished by inventive ephemera—like the giant “volcano” that erupted on the Spanish Steps in Rome to celebrate the birth of the Dauphin in 1662.53 The cathedral chapter approved Valdés Leal’s proposal on April 14, 1671—just forty days before the festival was scheduled to begin—and devoted vast resources to the project.54 By giving this ephemeral structure a name—it was called the Triumph from its inception—its makers signaled their intention to build something unique that would be worth remembering after it was gone. Valdés Leal’s Triumph was modeled after the Monument (Monumento), a gilded wooden edifice a hundred feet tall that displayed the Eucharist during Holy Week at the Seville cathedral. A mid-twentieth-century photograph shows the Monument mounted between the gigantic pillars of the nave behind the choir, with the crucifix at its summit disappearing into the vault above (fig. 46). Holy Week monuments were common in Spanish churches, but the Seville cathedral’s Monument was “the most illustrious one in all the churches of Christendom because of its great size, singular design, and high status,” according to proud local historian Pablo Espinosa de los Monteros.55 When the Monument was built, in the late 1500s, it was—like Juan de Arfe’s silver custodia—intended as an ostentatious symbol of the Seville cathedral’s

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Fig. 46 The Monument, 1562, with later additions, in the retrochoir of the Seville cathedral during Holy Week, 1960. Gilded and polychromed wood, 98´ 5˝ tall (30 m).

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Fig. 47 Juan de Valdés Leal, The Triumph, 1671. Etching, 21¼˝ × 13˝ (54 × 33 cm), in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla (Seville, 1671). Courtesy of Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University.

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Fig. 48 Approximate three-dimensional model (a) and ground-floor plan (b) of the first story of the Triumph. Drawing by Maura Whang.

a

b

wealth and power. Although it was meant to be temporary, the Monument proved so popular that it was rebuilt year after year despite its deteriorating condition. As the cathedral’s mayordomo de fábrica, Neve oversaw a renovation of the Monument in 1668; his successor, Loaysa, undertook a more extensive restoration in 1688–89 that involved recarving its sculptural decorations.56 The Monument was permanently retired in 1960. Like the Monument, the Triumph was a multilevel wooden structure with four facades that was erected in the nave between the choir and the Puerta de la Asunción. The main (west) facade is depicted in Valdés Leal’s printed view of his creation (fig. 47). The pillars around it were decorated for the occasion with lengths of velvet and brocade, swags, bows, and the heraldic insignia of Castile and León, as shown in Valdés Leal’s etching. The Triumph was a hybrid structure, according to Antonio Bonet Correa’s analysis, that combined elements from funerary monuments (like the catafalque for Philip IV in figure 41) and triumphal arches.57 The ground level of the Triumph consisted of eight outer triumphal arches with an enclosed domed space at its center (fig. 48). Unlike the single-sided catafalque for Philip IV that had been built in the Seville cathedral six years earlier (see fig. 42), the Triumph was a work of real architecture. A wooden railing was built around it to keep the public out.58 Torre Farfán devotes over a hundred pages to describing the complex iconography of the Triumph, whose every surface was covered with emblems, legends, and scenes illustrating Fernando’s military and spiritual accomplishments. Its inscriptions were written in Latin for an elite, international audience (unlike those on the ephemeral altarpiece built on the Plaza de Santa María la Blanca in 1665, which were in Castilian for local visitors).59 The imagery on the main facade of the Triumph, read from bottom to top, tells the story of Fernando’s transformation from a worldly king into a heavenly saint. On the ground level, beneath the cupola at the center of the structure, an image of San Fernando kneels before a woman with a papal tiara and miter, an allegory for the Catholic Church. Both of these figures were carved in the round, painted, and

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Fig. 49 The making of the Triumph (detail of fig. 47). Courtesy of Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University.

dressed in expensive embroidered robes. On the next level, a painting depicts Fernando’s victorious entry into Seville after the Reconquest: the king, in the lower left-hand corner of the painting, points toward a canopied float carrying the Virgin of the Kings. At the pinnacle of the Triumph, a ten-foot-tall sculpture of Fernando raises his royal crown to the heavens as a halo descends from a cloud bearing the name of God in Hebrew letters. God is recognizing Fernando’s heroic virtues and his military conquests, which are illustrated by the shields, turbans, and scimitars of vanquished Moors on top of the triumphal arches. Juan de Valdés Leal and Bernardo Simón de Pineda built the Triumph in forty days with a team of ninety-eight craftsmen supervised by Juan de Loaysa.60 “By day and by night, I helped out and worked very hard on the building of the Triumph,” Loaysa recalled years later in his memoir.61 The canons permitted Loaysa’s team to work without pause inside the cathedral, even during services, except for those that required absolute silence. Valdés Leal commemorated the making of the Triumph in the bottom register of his print (fig. 47). A conversation group of three figures includes a self-portrait of Valdés Leal (fig. 49, center), who gesticulates with his right hand while presenting his plan for the construction to two robed cathedral canons, presumably Neve and Loaysa. One of the canons leans forward and adjusts his glasses to scrutinize the drawing. Behind them, Bernardo Simón de Pineda directs a subordinate crouched on the floor taking measurements. By showing the process alongside the finished product, Valdés Leal demands that the men who made the Triumph be remembered along with their triumphal machine.62 The building of the Triumph was an extraordinary performance. It demonstrated the Seville cathedral chapter’s ability to harness enormous resources in a very short period of time and to spend a vast sum of money—13,400 ducados—on something that would exist for only two weeks. The Triumph was designed to impress not only the people who came to see it at the Seville cathedral but, perhaps even more important, the audience of secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Madrid and Rome who would read about it in Torre Farfán’s book and see it in Valdés Leal’s etching. Built to be destroyed, the Triumph was a long-term investment in the greater goal of seeing San Fernando raised to the altars in Rome.

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While celebrating San Fernando’s beatification, the Seville cathedral chapter had an opportunity to promote his canonization by disseminating new images of the

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saint-king. Portraits in every conceivable artistic medium were made to decorate the Seville cathedral and to give away as gifts. Carved likenesses decorated the chapels inside the cathedral and the altars that were set up outside in the streets.63 At the Sagrario church, which did not yet have permanent altarpieces, Arteaga, Pineda, and Murillo staged an illusionistic scene of the king guided by Faith into the city of Seville.64 A portrait of San Fernando on crimson velvet hung from the Giralda tower. Printed portraits were dropped from the rafters of the cathedral onto the audience below during the festival. Luxury prints made on vellum or silk and embellished with gold were given to cathedral officials, city councilors, inquisitors, and the archbishop.65 Almost all of these images were lost or destroyed after the festival was over, but a wooden sculpture carved by Pedro Roldán and painted by Luisa Rafaela Valdés y Morales was saved. Today it is displayed in the sacristy of the cathedral, among its most valuable treasures (fig. 50). Roldán’s life-sized sculpture is a conventional image that hews closely to the official portrait of San Fernando printed in 1630 (fig. 45). As in the Roman print, Roldán’s saint-king steps forward with his right foot and holds his sword with his right hand while raising a globe in his left. The thirteenth-century king is anachronistically dressed in Habsburg-era armor, puffy breeches, and a ruff. According to Ortiz de Zúñiga, Roldán carved this sculpture in just a few days.66 Torre Farfán claims that the Seville cathedral chapter had commissioned Roldán to make this sculpture, even though there were already “many and excellent simulacra of the saint-king,” because it wanted one that “would exceed them all in craftsmanship and skill.”67 But future critics would not count this hastily executed piece among Roldán’s finest works. In 1800 Juan Agustín Ceán Bermúdez claimed that the cathedral chapter initially rejected the sculpture and accepted it only after Luisa Roldán had made some improvements to it.68 The wood sculpture was painted by the seventeen-year-old Luisa Rafaela Valdés y Morales. She stood in for her father, who was preoccupied with the Triumph and “overwhelmed by so much work.”69 Valdés Leal’s daughter was known for her skill at estofado—the technique of scratching decorative patterns into oil paint that has been applied over a layer of gilding—which she used on San Fernando’s damascened armor and brocaded breeches. She gilded and painted the sculpture just as quickly as Roldán had carved it, according to Ortiz de Zúñiga.70 A document in Fernando’s canonization files notes that Valdés y Morales was very sick when she was called upon to paint this image, but that she “prayed for the help of San Fernando, and taking up the brush with great faith when her fever rose, suddenly she was completely cured.”71 The painter’s recovery imbued this sculpture with special properties from the moment of its creation and provided further evidence of Fernando’s miracle-working powers for his canonization. The new sculpture of San Fernando was dressed with real garments and accessories, which included a gold halo, a sword, and a silk robe brocaded with castles and lions and lined with fur. These three items cost 27,687½ reales—close to four

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times as much as the sculpture.72 The sculpture also wore two expensive pieces of jewelry: a gold pendant necklace with an image of the Virgin of the Kings, and a large diamond broach to fasten the cloak. Like the gowns and crowns used to dress images of the Virgin, the wearable treasures that adorned this sculpture of San Fernando demonstrated the prestige of the image and displayed the wealth and magnificence of its patron (in this case, the Seville cathedral chapter). They also heightened the lifelike qualities of the polychromed wooden sculpture, most of all when it was carried in procession.73 Today, when San Fernando is dressed in a modern robe and carried on a silver float through the streets of Seville during the annual Corpus Christi parade, the sculpture appears much as it did at the time of its debut (fig. 51). Dressed in its royal regalia, Roldán’s sculpture of San Fernando was placed on display in front of the cathedral’s high altarpiece. The decorations of the main chapel do not appear in any printed images but are described in detail by Torre Farfán and other authors, like the anonymous poet who wrote these lines: In the center of the great transept a famous statue substitutes for the person of San Fernando, well impersonated.74

The idea that an image of a saint could substitute for the holy person being depicted was a fundamental precept of the Catholic Church, although the Council of Trent was careful to specify that sacred images were only prototypes representing the likenesses of the saints—that they did not have divine qualities in and of themselves.75 Royalportrait theory was rather different: Spanish subjects were encouraged to treat likenesses of their kings as the literal embodiment of the royal person. Spanish Habsburg monarchs relied upon images to substitute for their physical bodies and maintain their royal authority across vast realms.76 Any image of San Fernando had an inherent

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Fig. 50 (opposite) Pedro Roldán and Luisa Rafaela Valdés y Morales, San Fernando, 1671. Polychromed and gilded wood, 5´ 8˝ tall (1.73 m). Sacristy, Seville cathedral. Fig. 51 San Fernando in procession on the feast of Corpus Christi, 2008.

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Fig. 52 Matías de Arteaga, The Royal Chapel of the Seville Cathedral, 1671, detail. Etching, whole work 18˝ × 12˝ (45.7 × 30.5 cm), in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla (Seville, 1671). Courtesy of the Frick Art Reference Library.

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dual nature as a sacred image that was also a royal portrait. Roldán’s sculpture served both functions during the Seville cathedral’s beatification festival. Its designation as the saint-king’s substitute was what made Roldán’s sculpture so special and elevated it above all the others. On the afternoon of May 25, San Fernando was removed from the altar in the main chapel and placed on a platform covered with white fabric embroidered in gold. White candles cast flickering light upon the sculpture’s gilded armor, brocaded cape, gold and diamond jewelry. It was carried to the Royal Chapel, where effigies of King Charles II (r. 1665–1700) and Queen Mother Mariana of Austria knelt in veneration of the Virgin of the Kings (fig. 52). The living monarchs did not attend the festival in person—Charles II did not visit Seville once over his long reign—and so sculptures carved in the round took their place. In Arteaga’s print, a sculpture of San Fernando (probably not Roldán’s) is mounted inside a full-body halo atop a silver reliquary box containing the real king’s remains.77 When San Fernando’s float arrived at the Royal Chapel, the Virgin of the Kings was there to greet him, mounted on her own canopied float and dressed in a jewel-encrusted​ ensemble. Two royal officials came out of the sacristy carrying a thirteenth-century

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standard and Gladius Hispalensis—King Fernando’s sword (fig. 53). Seville’s royal governor, Pedro de Villela y Zorrilla, placed the weapon at the feet of the sculpted saintking.78 Generations of kings and their representatives had carried this sword in procession to legitimize their rule “with the ballast of history,” in the words of historian Teofilo Ruiz.79 This religious and historical relic conveyed legitimacy upon Roldán’s San Fernando too, as the authentic substitute for its original owner. Villela y Zorrilla carried the sword at the head of the procession out of the cathedral, followed by the floats bearing the images. The procession of San Fernando with the Virgin of the Kings evoked the famous triumphal entry into Seville after the conquest of 1248 and seemed to bring King Fernando III back to life: “When the sovereign effigy saw his ancient grateful streets, it was as if the heavenly spheres parted,” Torre Farfán wrote, referring to the massive crowds that had come to see the parade.80 Following the Corpus Christi route, the parade traced a loop around the most powerful sacred and secular institutions in the city (fig. 54). It began on the western side of the cathedral and went down Calle Génova to the Plaza de San Francisco, where the city hall and the royal tribunal were located. The next major stop was the Plaza de San Salvador, site of the wealthy collegiate church of the same name. The procession continued on Calle Placentines and went past the archbishop’s palace before reentering the cathedral through the door next to the Giralda. The sword and the Virgin of the Kings were returned to the Royal Chapel, and Roldán’s San Fernando was reinstalled on its temporary altar in the main chapel.81 It had been, Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga proclaims, “the happiest day that Seville had seen in 422 years.”82 On the surface, Pedro Roldán’s San Fernando was not remarkably different from all the other sculptures made in Seville for the cathedral’s beatification festival. It was carved by the city’s most accomplished master sculptor, richly polychromed and gilded by a talented young painter, but it was made in haste and was an entirely conventional image. What made this particular sculpture special was the unique role that it played during the festival as the one and only substitute for San Fernando. Dressed in costly garments and accessories, Roldán’s San Fernando was united with the sword that the living king had held with his own hands, and traveled through the streets that the conquering hero had traversed with his own feet. For a few weeks in the spring of 1671, Seville’s royal protector, absent over four hundred years, was present once again.

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Fig. 53 King Fernando III’s sword, thirteenth century, with later additions. Steel blade, silver and crystal hilt, 3´ 8˝ (112 cm). Seville cathedral.

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Fig. 54 Procession route, festival of San Fernando, May 25, 1671, indicated on a detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771.

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Print as Luxury In the weeks that followed the festival, the cathedral chapter dismantled its decorations slowly and reluctantly. Roldán’s sculpture remained on display for San Fernando’s feast day, May 30, and for Corpus Christi afterward. The cathedral’s master of ceremonies recorded that the sculpture was put away on June 4 and “was not put up again.”83 Five weeks later the canons voted to have “a decent wooden box” made to store the life-sized effigy.84 On June 6 the sumptuous fabrics hanging on the massive pillars inside the cathedral and the banners and streamers decorating the Giralda and Sagrario were all taken down. The cathedral chapter decided to leave the Triumph standing for just a few more days “so that the out-of-towners who had not yet seen it could still see it put together.” Finally, on June 8, the Triumph and all other remaining decorations were cleared away. The canons were sorry “to see the destruction of something so fine and beautiful, and that had cost so much money,” Quesada wrote.85 On the day the Triumph was demolished, the cathedral chapter formally commissioned Fernando de la Torre Farfán to write a festival book describing the dismantled decorations with the rhetorical flourishes for which he was known.86 The cathedral chapter had intended all along to preserve the memory of its decorations in a printed book, as Quesada’s notebook makes clear.87 Like any festival book, this one would

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commemorate the events for readers who had not experienced them in person and preserve them for future generations. But Torre Farfán’s Festivals of the Seville Cathedral for the New Cult of King San Fernando also had another, higher purpose, which the cathedral chapter’s meeting minutes explicitly reveal, and that was “to advance and facilitate his canonization.” The cathedral chapter paid half the book’s expenses (71,500 reales) out of its general account and the rest with funds in a special account dedicated to San Fernando’s canonization.88 The book was designed as a luxury gift for highranking secular and religious authorities whose support was needed for a successful outcome in Rome. Cardinals, archbishops, ambassadors, viceroys, the king of Spain, and the pope would all receive copies of Torre Farfán’s book. These were people who owned copies of the most sumptuous festival books ever made—books like the Pompa Introitus (Antwerp, 1641–42), a massive tome nearly two feet tall, with thirty-eight enormous engravings based on ephemeral architecture designed by Peter Paul Rubens.89 Seville’s artists were familiar with this spectacular book—Valdés Leal depicted the Pompa Introitus among the vanities of life in one of his paintings for the church of the Santa Caridad (see fig. 61)—but nothing like it had ever been made in Seville. Sevillian printshops tended to produce cheap books and pamphlets of exclusively local interest; high-quality printed books and artistic prints were usually imported.90 The official print portrait of San Fernando (fig. 45), for instance, was commissioned from a French engraver working in Rome. A few impressive illustrated books were made in Spain before 1671—the royal printer in Madrid published an account of Philip III’s 1619 visit to Portugal that is notable for its artistic prints—but not in Seville.91 Coordinated by Justino de Neve, the Festivals of the Seville Cathedral was the first and last lavishly illustrated book made in seventeenth-century Seville. Printed in a folio edition, it is significantly larger than Torre Farfán’s earlier books (but still only half the size of the Pompa Introitus). It includes twenty-one pages of etchings, nine of them printed on sheets of paper larger than the book itself. The principal printmaker was Matías de Arteaga, who signed eight of the prints. His contributions included exterior views of the Seville cathedral, reproductions of Murillo’s “true likeness” (vera effigie) of San Fernando and a conventional portrait by Francisco de Herrera the Younger, and the “perspectival altar” that was installed in the Sagrario.92 Valdés Leal—who had been hired by the Seville cathedral chapter to make printed images of San Fernando prior to the beatification—made an etching of the Triumph and another of a triumphal arch that adorned the cathedral’s main door.93 Matías de Arteaga’s brother, Francisco, and Valdés Leal’s children, Luisa Rafaela and Lucas, contributed forty-four small etchings of the emblems that adorned the Triumph. The Festivals of the Seville Cathedral functions as an interactive work of art. Too large to hold in one’s hands while reading it, the book is meant to be placed on a table and admired. Each of the large prints, which are folded or pleated to fit inside the pages, presents itself as a surprise for the reader to open and discover. The first to appear is Arteaga’s vertical image of the Giralda, which had been decorated for the festival with

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colorful streamers and banners (fig. 55).94 It was not unusual for the Giralda to be adorned on a festive occasion, but this was the first image to capture the moment. The largest print was Valdés Leal’s Triumph (fig. 47), which is twice the size of the book. It was also printed and distributed as a stand-alone work of art.95 Each illustration is inserted next to the relevant passage of Torre Farfán’s text, which supplies the reader with information about color, texture, and context that is missing from the two-dimensional black-and-white images. A large foldout plan of the cathedral, with all of its chapels labeled, permits a studious reader to identify the locations of the decorations. Torre Farfán’s book was ready for publication in 1671, the date on the colophon, but its illustrations were not finished until the following year. The cathedral chapter ordered a large print run of the book—two thousand copies—from a printshop on Calle Génova run by the widow of Nicolás Rodríguez.96 The copies of the book intended as gifts for important people required special bindings that would reflect the relative statuses of their recipients. The cathedral chapter discussed this diplomatic matter at several meetings in the fall of 1672. The canons determined that the gift book for Philip IV’s illegitimate son, Don Juan José of Austria, had to be bound more expensively than the one for the president of the Council of Castile. Accordingly, Don Juan’s copy was bound in velvet with silver corners and a silver coat of arms at a cost of 1,772 reales de vellón.97 Even more expensive and sumptuous bindings would be made for Pope Clement X, King Charles II, and Queen Mother Mariana of Austria. The cathedral chapter intended to bind each of their copies in engraved silver plates, but the silversmith was unable to complete the plates for the pope, who was presented with a copy in crimson velvet with the pontifical arms in silver instead.98 These lavish bindings—none of which is known to have survived—would have been uncommonly rich, even in the most elite European libraries. Bound in silver and velvet, the Festivals of the Seville Cathedral was turned into a luxury object worthy of princes and popes.99 The carefully bound books were distributed by canons who were selected to travel to Rome and Madrid. A canon named Diego de Castrillo took a hundred and fifty copies, “some gilded, others not,” to Rome for cardinals, monsignors, prelates, and judges on the Roman Rota.100 Juan de Tejada went to Madrid with two hundred copies, which he distributed among government officials and titled nobility at the court. The cathedral’s gift won a positive reception from Madrid’s elites, according to a letter that Tejada sent back home. He reported one noble recipient’s gracious acceptance of the book “as a jewel of his highest estimation.”101 Additional copies were sent to Spanish ambassadors and viceroys, colleges and universities, and religious communities. The cathedral council received many thank-you notes, including one from Mariana of Austria. The queen mother thanked the canons for their “attention and zeal” to San Fernando’s cult and assured them that she considered herself to be well served by their efforts. Don Juan of Austria wrote from Zaragoza promising that he would look at his velvet-covered book “with great pleasure” and offering to assist the Seville cathedral however he could.102

Fig. 55 Matías de Arteaga, The Giralda Decorated for the Beatification of Fernando III, 1672. Etching, 17⅜˝ × 10⅝˝ (44 × 27 cm), in Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla (Seville, 1671). Courtesy of Marquand Library of Art and Archaeology, Princeton University.

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The Festivals of the Seville Cathedral was a singular achievement. Its printed illustrations introduced the Seville academy artists to an international audience and inspired printmakers at home and abroad to copy and imitate their work.103 Arteaga’s festive print of the Giralda and Valdés Leal’s monumental Triumph became two of the most iconic images of seventeenth-century Seville. The artistic success of this extraordinary book has overshadowed the disappointing results of the religious cause for which it was commissioned. ♦ ♦ ♦

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On June 9, 1671—the day after commissioning Torre Farfán’s festival book—the cathedral canons wrote to Mariana of Austria declaring their intention to persevere until Fernando was recognized in Rome as a saint. “Until seeing our saint canonized, we will work with the same zeal and care as up until now,” they assured the queen mother.104 Six months later the cathedral chapter paid Juan Oliver to write a pamphlet, in which he argued that Fernando only had to be added to the official calendar of saint days for his canonization to be considered complete.105 This was accomplished in September of 1672, when San Fernando’s name first appeared in the Roman martyrology. Influential Sevillians, including Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, continued to press for a pontifical canonization, but the campaign lost momentum.106 This was reflected by the stalled plans to renovate the Royal Chapel after Fernando’s beatification. Bernardo Simón de Pineda designed a new altarpiece to replace the one that Luis Ortiz de Vargas had made in the 1640s, which already seemed old-fashioned, but the plans never left the drawing board.107 The silversmith Juan Laureano de Pina made a spectacular new silver-andcrystal sepulchre for San Fernando’s relics, which took almost thirty years to finish (it can be seen beneath Ortiz de Vargas’s altarpiece in figure 20).108 San Fernando never was declared a universal saint at St. Peter’s. More than anything else, this reflects the decline of the Spanish monarchy’s power and influence in Rome in the second half of the seventeenth century.109 There was nothing that anyone in Seville could have done to change the outcome. The Seville cathedral canons were at the mercy of the Crown even when it came to the saint-king’s artifacts in their own care. After Fernando’s beatification, the canons petitioned the court to reinstate their long-lost privilege to carry his sword in procession. The sword had become a religious relic when San Fernando was beatified, they argued, and thus should no longer be handled by a layman, not even a royal governor. Their petition was denied.110 The dispute over San Fernando’s sword illustrates what a potent political tool the medieval king was in seventeenth-century Spain. Over the five-decade-long canonization campaign, and most of all during the climactic festival in 1671, Sevillians manipulated the saint-king’s image to promote their interests among powerful audiences in Madrid and Rome as they sought to fortify their spiritual defenses at home. The campaign would have an enduring legacy thanks to the iconic imagery that preserved the Seville cathedral’s temporary triumphs, while its failures were forgotten.

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The Nobility of Charity

4

The Church and Hospital of the Santa Caridad

When the festival for San Fernando was over, Bernardo Simón de Pineda and his colleagues resumed their work in progress at the church of San Jorge, better known as the church of the Santa Caridad. Pineda had won the competition to design the church’s high altarpiece with a bold plan that resembled a theatrical stage set (fig. 56). Enormous spiral columns and a canopy frame a sculptural ensemble carved by Pedro Roldán and polychromed by Juan de Valdés Leal. The life-sized figures enact the entombment of Christ in front of a painted perspectival view of Calvary to create a stunningly illusionistic effect. The turbaned figures of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea lower the lifeless body of Christ into his tomb, while the women behind them weep and mourn. Two men hoist a heavy slab into position to seal the tomb as Saint John, center stage, lifts a white shroud to cover Christ’s body and gazes into his face for the last time.1 The artists who staged this realistic scene, as members of the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad, knew firsthand what it was like to carry and bury a dead body. The charitable organization had been founded in 1565 to bury the poor and the unclaimed dead: executed criminals, suicides, and unidentified corpses that washed up along the banks of the Guadalquivir River.2 Under the leadership of Miguel Mañara, who served as head brother between 1663 and 1679, the Santa Caridad’s mission expanded to care for the living as well as the dead. Mañara oversaw the building of the brotherhood’s landmark church and hospital near the river, in a block of buildings in the Arenal that previously housed the Royal Shipyards (Reales Atarazanas) (fig. 57). As seen on the Olavide map of Seville, the Santa Caridad (no. 139) was located between the Royal Artillery Arsenal (no. 156) and the Royal Customs House (no. 154). The most privileged men in Seville served the poor with their own hands at the new hospital, which

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became the headquarters of a charitable movement that spread to cities and towns across Andalusia in the later seventeenth century.3 The expansion of the Santa Caridad took place at a time when the need for poor relief in Seville was desperate. In 1667 the brotherhood conducted a survey of Seville’s “secret and public” poor that revealed the extent of suffering in the city. Previously well-off families had fallen into poverty, including some “very prominent people,” with the decline of Seville’s economy. As the survey showed, people who once lived very comfortably and used to give alms to the poor now wanted for bread to eat and a place to sleep. And those who had been poor before were worse off than ever, lacking even clothing to cover themselves.4 It was a fundamental tenet of the Catholic Church that well-to-do Christians were obliged to help the less fortunate, for which they would be rewarded in the afterlife. “Charity was established not so much for the poor as for the rich,” in the words of an anonymous Sevillian cleric, who explained that God, in his infinite wisdom, had created the poor so that the rich could win salvation.5 A community that engaged in collective acts of charity could expect to enjoy divine favor and protection. It was well known, for example, that the city of Valencia had been spared from the plague of 1600 after the local government built a home for retired prostitutes at the urging of the Venerable Francisco de Niño Jesús.6 In the 1660s and 1670s noble and upwardly mobile Sevillian men—titled aristocrats, captains of commerce, and distinguished professionals—flocked to join the Santa Caridad. The art and architecture of the brotherhood’s church and hospital in the Arenal effectively promoted the organization’s charitable mission and recruited new members by representing charitable work as a noble activity. Most scholarship on the Santa Caridad and its artistic patrimony focuses on the singular personality of Miguel Mañara and the famous paintings he commissioned from Murillo and Valdés Leal, although, as Francisco Collantes de Terán pointed out in 1886, the dominance of Mañara overshadows the contributions of other “pious men” (and pious women too, as his research reveals).7 Similarly, studies of the pictorial program at the Santa Caridad church tend to overlook the broader context of the rich multimedia setting for which they were made. This chapter examines the fashioning of Miguel Mañara as the ideal nobleman in the social context of his times and explores lesser-known aspects of the Santa Caridad’s church and hospital, where the hard work of caring for the poor became a sign of social distinction.

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Fig. 56 (opposite) Bernardo Simón de Pineda, Pedro Roldán, and Juan de Valdés Leal, high altarpiece, 1670–75, detail. Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Fig. 57 The old Royal Shipyards, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771.

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Charity, Nobility, and Masculinity

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When Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga completed his Annals of Seville in the late 1670s, the “famous Hospital and Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad” was a prestigious organization of more than “three hundred of the most noble, most wealthy, and most esteemed and preeminent men from the secular and ecclesiastical estates in all the Republic.”8 The organization had not always been so illustrious. Originally comprising respectable property owners who were neither rich nor noble, the Santa Caridad began to change in the late 1650s, after the election of a titled aristocrat—the Marquis of San Miguel—as its head brother.9 This Sevillian brotherhood was one of many religious charities that were taken over by urban elites in Spanish and Italian cities in the seventeenth century. But unlike the Santa Caridad in Toledo and the Compagnia dei Poveri (Company of the Poor) in Bologna, the Santa Caridad in Seville restricted membership to men and cared only for poor men at its facilities.10 This all-male institution exerted a profound influence on the culture of masculinity in Seville at a time of changing ideals and expectations. Seventeenth-century Spanish men—the nobility in particular—were experiencing an “acute crisis of masculinity,” in the words of historian Elizabeth A. Lehfeldt.11 Critics blamed Spain’s political, economic, and military problems on what they perceived to be a decline in Spanish manhood. They denounced contemporary noblemen for being effeminate and unproductive, and nostalgically extolled the medieval knights who had waged war against the Moor during the Reconquest. In the second half of the seventeenth century, poverty and disease far surpassed the Moor as the gravest threat to Sevillian society. At this time, charitable work for the poor emerged as a way for aristocratic men to fulfill their traditional role as protectors of society. Like military service, working with the poor was considered to be “a very heroic act,” as the Sevilleborn Jesuit Juan de Cárdenas (1612–1684) described it. According to him, Seville’s nobility were rehabilitated through their charitable activity: “Ever since the nobility of Seville applied itself to this kind of work in the house of the Santa Caridad, you have seen in the gentlemen of this city a great change in customs, with general application to virtuous deeds.”12 The Santa Caridad thus offered a solution to the crisis of masculinity by redefining nobility as the performance of heroic acts of charity. It was in this milieu that Miguel Mañara emerged as a role model who embodied the new ideal of noble manhood. Mañara had impeccable social credentials and a dramatic conversion story that captivated his contemporaries and later generations. Born in Seville to a wealthy Corsican merchant, Mañara was raised in a splendid Renaissance palace on Calle Levíes, in the wealthy neighborhood of Santa María la Blanca (figs. 58 and 59). He grew up attended by slaves and surrounded by luxuries from all around the world: Genoese marbles, Flemish tapestries, Egyptian carpets, Chinese painted screens, German writing desks, and Italian silks.13 He was a member of the exclusive military order of Calatrava and wore its red insignia—a Greek cross with fleurs-de-lis on the ends—emblazoned on

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Fig. 58 Facade of the Mañara palace, Calle Levíes, Seville, ca. 1520s–30s, with later reforms. Fig. 59 Principal patio of the Mañara palace, Seville, with marble columns and fountain by Antonio Maria Aprile, 1532.

his black cloak (as seen in fig. 75). In 1648, when he was twenty-one years old, Mañara inherited the family palace and fortune upon his father’s death. A few months later he married a grandee’s daughter, Jerónima María Carrillo de Mendoza. After his wife died unexpectedly, in 1661, Mañara experienced a profound conversion that led him to join the Santa Caridad and devote himself to charitable works. In his writings Mañara claims to have lived a life of extreme depravity, having committed “a thousand abominations, excesses, adulteries, imprecations, scandals, and thefts” before his conversion. His first biographer, Juan de Cárdenas, dismissed Mañara’s “confessions” as an exaggeration.14 But the legend that Mañara created continued to grow after his death, such that later generations would confuse him with the fictional Don Juan of Seville and the historic Mateo Vázquez de Leca.15 Mañara was personally connected to Vázquez de Leca, who had been godfather to one of his brothers. He certainly would have heard the story of the archdeacon’s supernatural conversion, which was first published in 1663—the same year Mañara became head brother of the Santa Caridad.16 Vázquez de Leca and Mañara shared a similar background as New World heirs of Italian descent, and both men experienced religious conversions in their early thirties that inspired them to reject worldly pleasures and turn their attention to spiritual matters. But whereas Vázquez de Leca was a man of the church, Mañara was and remained a layman. He retained his secular status and continued to wear the insignia of Calatrava for the rest of his life. Historical records of Mañara’s business transactions testify to his uninterrupted engagement in worldly matters in the 1660s, even after his election as head brother of the Santa Caridad.17 Like Vázquez de Leca, Mañara became increasingly morbid and abstemious with age, but in the years immediately following his conversion, he combined worldly nobility with pious charity in a way that proved immensely attractive to his peers. The Santa Caridad had about a hundred members, many of them merchants and artisans of Flemish descent, when Mañara joined in 1662. After his election as head brother the following year, the brotherhood was inundated with membership

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applications. Over the next sixteen years, 558 new members joined the Santa Caridad. Among them were 22 titled aristocrats and 54 knights from the noble military orders of Calatrava, Santiago, Alcántara, and San Juan.18 In July of 1665 Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga— who was a knight of Santiago—petitioned to join with this note: “If it seems to you that I am suitable, please receive me into your company, which would be of great comfort and value to me.” The brothers voted on Ortiz de Zúñiga’s petition over a year later, and he was welcomed into the group on September 17, 1666.19 Other high-ranking aristocrats who joined the Santa Caridad included the Marquis of Villamanrique, who served the brotherhood as a steward (prioste), and Pedro Núñez de Villavicencio, a knight of Malta who was also a serious artist and member of the Seville drawing academy.20 In 1673 the Duke of Medinaceli—royal advisor to King Charles II—honored the Santa Caridad with his application for membership.21 Nobility was not a requirement for joining the Santa Caridad, but membership was restricted to so-called old Christians who could prove their “pure and honorable ancestry.”22 This excluded mulattos, recent converts to Catholicism, heretics sentenced by the Inquisition, and descendants of Muslims (moriscos) or Jews (conversos). The Santa Caridad’s “purity of blood” (limpieza de sangre) statutes were typical of elite secular and sacred institutions in Spain and Spanish America, including Seville’s cathedral chapter and the military orders. The statutes of Seville’s Colegio Mayor, for example, excluded blacks, mulattos, Gypsies, and native peoples of the Canary Islands.23 The Santa Caridad also rejected men who worked jobs considered to be vile or low, or who had been sentenced to public shaming by the secular authorities. Seville’s top artists were welcomed into this exclusive organization. Matías de Arteaga joined in 1664 and was followed the next year by Bernardo Simón de Pineda and Bartolomé Esteban Murillo. Of Murillo the brothers said, “it seems to us that he will be of great service to God Our Lord and to the poor, as much for his succor as for his art, which will adorn our chapel.”24 Valdés Leal’s membership petition was accepted in 1667, after an investigation into his ancestry concluded that he was an old Christian despite concerns that his Portuguese-born father could have been of Jewish descent (many Spanish Jews had fled to Portugal after the expulsion of 1492).25 There is no record of Pedro Roldán’s joining the Santa Caridad, but it is likely that he too would have been a member. Once accepted, all brothers of the Santa Caridad were to be treated equally and were forbidden from using titles of distinction when addressing one another.26 This was quite unusual. Juan de Cárdenas recalled a memorable moment when the Marquis of Villamanrique and the Marquis of Algaba—two of the brotherhood’s highest-ranking members—entered a meeting late and everyone rose to give them seats. Mañara pounded on the table and told them all to sit back down, for the etiquette that governed the world outside did not apply inside the Santa Caridad.27 The Santa Caridad’s ethos of equality would have appealed particularly to wealthy merchants without noble titles, who were some of the organization’s most generous supporters. Even as the Santa Caridad’s members elided social distinctions among themselves,

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they were careful to honor differences of status among the poor whom they served. When transporting the sick to hospitals, they used sedan chairs of higher or lower quality depending on the status of the patient. One donor, Captain Luis Fernández de Luna, left a bequest for the brotherhood to build a shelter for poor priests and other honorable patients that would be separate from the general population.28 The Santa Caridad’s rulebook, published in 1675, defined the brotherhood’s mandate to welcome and assist “any poor person who should come (except for women).”29 The brotherhood’s own survey in 1667 had revealed that the majority of Seville’s poor— 88 percent of those surveyed—were women, among whom widows were exceptionally vulnerable.30 The Santa Caridad provided dowries to poor girls and assistance to respectable “shamefaced poor” women but limited its direct interactions with the poor to men.31 This was not unusual in early modern Spain, where men were more likely than women to receive charity at residential institutions.32 Under Mañara’s direction, the Santa Caridad inspired many imitations. In 1673 Miguel Mañara’s neighbor, Justino de Neve, revived a languishing charity group dedicated to “the assistance, healing, and hospice of all the poor, needy, sick, and traveling priests.”33 Under Neve’s leadership, the Brotherhood of the Venerables Sacerdotes (Venerable Priests) welcomed an influx of noble brothers, some of whom also belonged to the Santa Caridad. Whereas the Santa Caridad was primarily, though not exclusively, composed of laymen, the Venerables Sacerdotes included many members from the church hierarchy and enjoyed financial support from the archbishopric. The Santa Caridad’s influence spread quickly beyond Seville. In the town of Utrera, twenty miles away, a group of distinguished noblemen founded their own brotherhood in 1667. Over the next few years, new charitable organizations were established in Carmona, Gibraltar, and Cádiz. Nine brotherhoods across Andalusia sought affiliation with the Santa Caridad in Seville during the years of Mañara’s leadership.34 The Santa Caridad brought together men from different lineages, occupations, and economic positions who shared at least one quality in common: the good fortune that distinguished them from the poor men they served. It was typical in the later seventeenth century for elite charitable organizations like this one to commission spectacular sacred artworks exhibiting their wealth and piety to the general public.35 In the early 1670s the fortunate brothers of the Santa Caridad spent lavishly on devotional consumption at their church, which was decorated by its own members. Valdés Leal and his colleagues proved to be “very useful and of much benefit” to the Santa Caridad, just as the aristocratic brothers who admitted them had envisioned.36

Devotional Consumption Since the late sixteenth century, the Santa Caridad had kept a small chapel dedicated to Saint George (San Jorge) in the Arenal, outside the city walls. Facing the Guadalquivir River across a stretch of undeveloped land called the Resolana (fig. 57), the church of

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San Jorge was brought to ruin by frequent flooding. In the early 1640s the brotherhood decided to build a new, larger church above ground level “so that it would be possible to say Mass and sermons at all times without being stopped by inundations from the river.”37 The architect Pedro Sánchez Falconete designed a new church for the Santa Caridad with a simple twostory facade (figure 60 shows the church’s elevation; the embellishments on the facade are later additions).38 Construction began in 1645 but proceeded slowly without adequate funding. When Mañara was elected head brother of the Santa Caridad in 1663, the unfinished church was a wreck, its dirt floor covered with excrement from the coveys of doves that came and went through its open roof.39 Mañara completed construction on the church in 1670 and supervised the decoration of its single-nave interior with an elaborate program of paintings, sculptures, altarpieces, and alhajas by the best artists and craftsmen working in Seville. According to Mateo de Victoria, the Santa Caridad’s secretary, the brotherhood spent more than 100,000 ducados—that is, over a Fig. 60 Pedro Sánchez Falconete, facade of the church of the Santa Caridad (San Jorge), Seville, 1645, with an attic by Leonardo de Figueroa added in 1682 and painted ceramic tiles by José García added in 1733.

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million reales—on the church’s decorations.40 Miguel Mañara—who was an amateur painter—closely supervised the pictorial program at the church.41 The paintings, whose iconography is thoroughly examined in a classic essay by Jonathan Brown, reflected the ideas expressed in Mañara’s Discourse on Truth (Discurso de la Verdad), a short spiritual treatise published in 1671.42 The church’s carefully coordinated ensemble of images exhorted the Santa Caridad’s brothers to save their souls by performing charitable works for the poor. The lesson begins at the entrance to the church with a pair of paintings by Juan de Valdés Leal that hang in the tenebrous, low-ceilinged space beneath the upper choir (see the plan of the church, fig. 64). In the picture on the left-hand side of the vestibule, a malevolent skeleton carrying a coffin, shroud, and scythe tramps upon the vanities of life—among them the Pompa Introitus, open to a page with a triumphal arch—and snuffs out a candle, as the inscription says, “in the blink of an eye” (In Ictu Oculi) (fig. 61). The painting on the other side of the vestibule depicts in gruesome detail what happens after Death

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has paid his visit (fig. 62). In the foreground of the picture, which is set inside a crypt, insects crawl over the decomposing cadaver of a bishop. The scroll beneath his coffin proclaims “the end of worldly glory” (Finis Gloriae Mundi). The corpse on the righthand side of the painting wears the insignia of Calatrava and bears the features of Miguel Mañara, according to his contemporary biographer Juan de Cárdenas. Mañara commissioned this portrait of himself as a dead man—like Vázquez de Leca before him—to remind himself where his life would end, Cárdenas explains, and hung it in this public place “so that everyone who entered that church would benefit from the same enlightenment.”43 The hand of Christ descends from the top of the canvas holding a scale to weigh a man’s vices against his virtues. The results will determine the fate of his soul. To tip the balance to the side of salvation, he must perform the Acts of Mercy enumerated in the Gospel of Saint Matthew (25:34–36). The biblical verses in Latin are inscribed in gold letters around the vestibule frieze above Valdés Leal’s paintings. Beyond the shadows of the vestibule, the church opens into the taller, brighter space beneath a barrel-vaulted ceiling and a dome covered with white plaster ornaments and frescoes of saints painted by Valdés Leal (fig. 63). Along the walls of the nave are small gilded altarpieces by Bernardo Simón de Pineda, who also carved the church’s elaborate mahogany pulpit. Above the side altarpieces there used to hang a set of large paintings by Murillo depicting the first six Acts of Mercy: feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, sheltering the homeless, clothing the naked, caring

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Fig. 61 Juan de Valdés Leal, In the Blink of an Eye (In Ictu Oculi), ca. 1671. Oil on canvas, 7´ 2⅘˝ × 7´ 1˝ (220 × 216 cm). Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Fig. 62 Juan de Valdés Leal, The End of Worldly Glory (Finis Gloriae Mundi), ca. 1671. Oil on canvas, 7´ 2⅘˝ × 7´ 1˝ (220 × 216 cm). Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville.

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for the sick, and visiting the imprisoned. Only the paintings representing the first two Acts of Mercy— Moses Striking the Rock and the Feeding of the Five Main Chapel and High Altar: Thousand—remain in situ today in gilded frames The Burial of Christ above the altarpieces of the Virgin of Charity and Saint Joseph.44 Ornately carved plaster plaques above the pictures bear Latin inscriptions: “Remember, dear brothers, the hungry poor”; “Remember, dear brothAltarpiece of Altarpiece of the Virgin of Charity Saint Joseph ers, the thirsty poor” (the Feeding of the Five Thousand and its plaque are visible on the right-hand wall in figure 63). At the end of the aisle, Pineda’s gilded Pulpit high altarpiece represents the seventh and final Act of Mercy—burying the dead—with its dramatic reAltarpiece of the Altarpiece of Christ of Annunciation Charity enactment of the entombment of Christ. At the top of the high altarpiece, an allegorical figure of Charity in a billowing red dress raises a torch, beckoning the Murillo, Murillo, Saint Elizabeth of Saint John of God church’s visitors to follow her. With its sophisticated Hungary imagery and Latin inscriptions, the message of the Santa Caridad’s decorative program was directed Valdés Leal, specifically at the brotherhood’s elite members and Finis Gloriae Mundi Valdés Leal, In Ictu Oculi potential recruits from the upper classes. The pictorial program at the church was complemented with a rich ensemble of alhajas that Mañara curated no less carefully. According to the brotherhood’s secretary, Mañara was a connoisseur of the decorative arts, “extremely curious in all of these things and very intelligent in all the arts.” He personally designed liturgical objects for Fig. 63 (opposite) the church, whose silver and gold chalices, crosses, aquamaniles, salvers, and decanters Interior of the church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. were “the most expensive and by the best artisans that could be found.”45 The main chapel was a treasury of ornaments from all around the globe: a silver lamp and chain from Fig. 64 Paintings and altarpieces (ground Lima, a stone altar table top from India, altar cloths and vestments made from sumptu- level) at the church of the Santa ous silks imported from Italy. Between 1670 and 1679 the Santa Caridad spent 266,595 Caridad, Seville. Drawing by Maura Whang. reales on textiles and silverwork. In contrast, Murillo was paid only 61,275 reales—which was a generous fee—for his six paintings of the Acts of Mercy.46 When the church of the Santa Caridad opened its doors in 1674, the once humble chapel in the Arenal had become “one of the most privileged social spaces in Seville,” in the words of historian José Manuel Díaz Blanco.47 The extraordinary ensemble of artworks by the most esteemed artists of the day made the church a major attraction. “Its grandeur and excellence can only be appreciated by sight,” Ortiz de Zúñiga wrote, “which is why it is visited by all who seek out the most worthy places in this great The Nobility of Charity 48 city.” Burial at the Santa Caridad became a sign of social distinction, and members of the brotherhood paid handsomely for the privilege of joining the poor in the church’s 107

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crypts. The gravestones lining the floor make an important contribution, usually overlooked, to the church’s decorative program by linking the qualities of charity and nobility through their inscriptions.

Tombstone Rhetoric The first member of the Santa Caridad to be buried at the church was Bernardo de Valdés y Godoy. A merchant who dealt in precious metals, Valdés was known to his contemporaries as “the man with the best credit in Seville.”49 In his last will and testament, Valdés bequeathed a large portion of his estate to the Santa Caridad in exchange for the right to be buried in its church. He left instructions for his family coat of arms to be displayed on his tomb in the main chapel (see figure 64 for the location of the high altar and the side altarpieces mentioned below). The church in the Arenal was still under construction when Valdés died, in 1655, so he was buried temporarily at the church of San Alberto. By the time the church of the Santa Caridad was ready to receive Valdés’s remains, a cultural shift had taken place at the brotherhood, now under the leadership of Miguel Mañara. The head brother objected to Valdés’s provision to have a coat of arms on his tombstone and convinced the donor’s descendants to replace that symbol of worldly status with the instruments of Christ’s Passion.50 Since Bernardo de Valdés had purchased the exclusive right to be buried in the main chapel of the Santa Caridad, subsequent donors who wished to be buried there were restricted to the main body of the church. A brother named Gregorio Pérez was the first to claim his place. In December of 1670 Pérez signed papers promising to finance an altarpiece in return for burial privileges. The altarpiece, which was named after a small antique sculpture known as the Virgin of Charity, was made by Bernardo Simón de Pineda at a cost of 20,000 reales. It was installed on the left-hand side of the church, between the pulpit and the main chapel. Pérez was buried nearby with a small plaque in the shape of an inverted triangle to mark his grave. A short, simple inscription was carved into the red marble of his tombstone: This chapel and tomb belong to Gregorio Pérez and his heirs and descendants year of Our Lord 1671.51

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The inscription on Pérez’s tombstone is modest, but the intricately carved and gilded altarpiece nearby speaks eloquently of his wealth and generosity. Across the aisle, an almost identical inscription marks the grave of Francisco del Castillo, who donated 18,000 reales for the altarpiece of Saint Joseph, also made by Pineda.52

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The tombstone of Juan Bazán y Figueroa, Lord of La Granja, is much more elaborate. He was the first titled nobleman to be buried at the Santa Caridad. Descended from a long line of aristocrats, Bazán inherited his name and title from a distinguished ancestor who had died in battle against the Moors in 1483.53 Dedicated to the principles of the Santa Caridad, he requested a poor man’s burial and was carried to his grave on a simple wooden bier.54 Bazán was interred in a prime piece of real estate at the front of the church, on the right-hand side of the nave. His tombstone bears the following inscription: Here lie the bones and ashes of our very beloved brother Don Juan Bazán y Figueroa, Lord of La Granja, gentlemanin-waiting to Don Juan of Austria, who in his great humility gave orders to be buried in this sepulchre so that all would step on him. Pray to God for him. He died in the year of Our Lord 1671.55

A crude outline of a skull and crossbones is carved beneath the inscription. The text on Bazán’s tombstone highlights his aristocratic title and connection to the royal family and contrasts those credentials with his humble last wishes. This was the first tombstone at the church to use the word “humility” (humildad), which was becoming synonymous with “nobility” at the brotherhood. The Lord of La Granja’s rhetoric of humility inspired another titled nobleman, Fernando de Villegas, to follow his example. Villegas was a knight of Santiago who became the first Marquis of Paradas when granted that title by King Charles II in 1676.56 A member of the Santa Caridad, Villegas was also the copresident of the Brotherhood of the Venerables Sacerdotes. He died in 1676, shortly after receiving his title, and was buried at the front of the Santa Caridad church, across the aisle from Bazán. The dramatic inscription on his tombstone evokes the image of the crypt in Valdés Leal’s morbid painting Finis Gloriae Mundi (fig. 62) with its claim that the Marquis of Paradas “out of great humility gave orders to be buried in this sepulchre, considering it more valuable to be among the bones of the poor than among the ashes of princes.”57 By suggesting that Villegas could have been buried with royalty had he so wished, the inscription on his tombstone represents his decision to be buried at the Santa Caridad as the ultimate sign of nobility. Having two titled aristocrats buried at the front of its church, thereby associating the organization’s charitable work with social status, was a powerful way for the

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Fig. 65 (opposite) Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Saint Elizabeth of Hungary Curing the Sick, ca. 1672. Oil on canvas, 10´ 8˝ × 8´½˝ (325 × 245 cm). Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Fig. 66 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Saint John of God, ca. 1672 (left). Bernardo Simón de Pineda, altarpiece of the Annunciation, ca. 1670–72, with a painting by Bartolomé Esteban Murillo added in 1686 (right). Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville.

Santa Caridad to recruit new members. The paintings above those graves reinforced the message that real nobility was expressed through humble service to the poor. The brotherhood commissioned Murillo to paint the images of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary (fig. 65) and Saint John of God (fig. 66, left), two lay saints from distinguished families who had founded charity hospitals for the poor. Saint Elizabeth (1207–1231, canonized in 1235), daughter of King Andrew II of Hungary, founded a hospital at Marburg Castle and was a tertiary (lay member) of the Franciscan Order. Saint John of God (1495–1550, beatified in 1630 and canonized in 1690) was born in Portugal to a poor but respectable family and founded a charity hospital in Granada. Murillo’s paintings of the two saints were finished in 1672 and mounted across from each other in richly carved and gilded frames.58 The painting of Saint Elizabeth, above Bazán’s grave, depicts the princess dressed in a Franciscan habit and wimple serenely washing the wounds of a young boy, assisted by two elegantly dressed female attendants. In the background, the saint and her assistants appear again serving a meal to the poor inside an elegant Renaissance palace.59 Murillo’s companion painting of Saint John of God hangs across the aisle, above Villegas’s tomb, on the left-hand side of the church. In the dark of night, Saint John of God, having knelt to pick up a sick man and take him to hospital, is surprised by the appearance of an angel come to lighten his load. According to their rulebook, members of the Santa Caridad were obligated to carry any poor invalid they encountered in a public place to their headquarters in the Arenal.60 Murillo’s paintings of Saint John of God and Saint Elizabeth of Hungary spoke directly to the Santa Caridad brothers by representing elite laypeople like themselves performing the difficult tasks their brotherhood required of them. The paintings also served to attract visitors to the sides of the church, where they would step on the two noble graves.

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Over the centuries so many people have stood in front of Murillo’s Saint Elizabeth that Juan Bazán’s gravestone beneath it is worn smooth, its inscription almost illegible—fulfilling the nobleman’s final wish, “that all would step on him.” Of the twelve tombstones that were installed in the church of the Santa Caridad in the seventeenth century, three mark the graves of women. Women were not allowed to join the brotherhood, but they did make significant donations to the organization and attended services at its church. Two of those women were Juana del Castillo and María de Zurriago, who left endowments to the Santa Caridad for Masses to be said in their names.61 They were buried on the left-hand side of the church, beneath the altarpiece of the Annunciation (fig. 66, right).62 The altarpiece and tombstones were commissioned by María de Zurriago’s son, Antonio Enríquez Jansentol, who was married to Juana del Castillo’s daughter. The inscriptions on the graves identify Jansentol, whose merchant father had moved to Seville from Flanders, as a Flemish translator for the Spanish Inquisition.63 Across the aisle from Castillo and Zurriago, a noblewoman named Ana Josefa López de Zúñiga, daughter of a marquis, was buried beneath the altarpiece containing Roldán’s graphic sculpture, the Christ of Charity (fig. 67).64 She did not commission the altarpiece, but López de Zúñiga indicates in the inscription on her tombstone, which echoes Juan Bazán’s, that it was her own choice to be buried at the Santa Caridad: “Out of great humility she gave orders to be buried in this sepulchre so that all would step on her” (fig. 68).65 The rhetoric of humble nobility was expressed most explicitly on the tombstones of two wealthy merchants who were buried at the Santa Caridad in 1679 and 1683. The first, Captain Juan de Ribón, had made a fortune in transatlantic trade and promised half of it to the Santa Caridad for the relief of the poor. When he died, in 1679, Ribón was buried near the altarpiece of the Virgin of Charity. The marker spells out the charitable works of the deceased, “who tirelessly served the poor and promoted the construction of this holy hospital with his help and care. While he lived, he shared his goods with them, and in his death, he left them his entire estate. He was truly charitable and humble.”66 An even longer eulogy was inscribed on the tombstone of Antonio de Lemos, a merchant of Galician descent who was serving as the head brother of the Santa Caridad when he died, in 1683. Lemos was buried at the foot of the baptismal font on the right-hand side of the church’s entrance with a plaque that

Fig. 67 (opposite) Pedro Roldán, Christ of Charity, altarpiece by Bernardo Simón de Pineda, ca. 1670–72. Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville. Fig. 68 Gravestone of Ana Josefa López de Zúñiga, 1673. Church of the Santa Caridad, Seville.

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detailed his selfless service to the poor and expressed the ethos of the Santa Caridad in one line: “He was humble because he was noble.”67 As the tombstones at the Santa Caridad reveal, the definition of nobility—and the etiquette for expressing social status on a memorial—changed markedly between the 1650s and 1670s. When the financier Bernardo de Valdés wrote his will in 1655, status was conveyed by a family coat of arms. When they were forbidden from displaying such worldly symbols on their tombstones, Seville’s elites developed a new code for expressing nobility, through declarations of humility. Like clothes or coaches or any other public expression of status, the tombstone inscriptions at the Santa Caridad grew more extravagant and ostentatious over time. The rhetoric of humble nobility was used by women as well as men, by the old nobility and the new, and by wealthy merchants. Burial at the Santa Caridad brought distinction to the deceased and to their descendants. In return, their impressive titles ennobled the sacred space of the brotherhood’s church.

Theater of Charity

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Between 1673 and 1682 the Santa Caridad built a new hospital for the poor, where its elite brothers would perform the humble acts of charity that were extolled by the tombstones and altarpieces in their church. They had been operating a men’s shelter since 1664 in a warehouse next to the church, where beggars and travelers received food, beds, and a warm fire in the winter. Whenever a sick man appeared on their doorstep, the brothers would take him to one of Seville’s approximately twenty hospitals, which served different populations based on age, gender, and illness.68 In 1672 the brotherhood decided to build its own hospital for men who were rejected by all the others—“those poor whom no one wants and who have no cure”—such as lepers, consumptives, paralytics, and sufferers of an ulcerous skin disease called noli me tangere (touch me not).69 The new hospital wards (salas) would be connected to the church by a pair of elegant patios (fig. 69). The complex also included meeting spaces, gardens, and living quarters for caregivers and for a few exceptional brothers who chose to reside among the poor. The new Hospital of the Santa Caridad was a theater for the performance of charity, where members of the brotherhood attempted to fulfill the obligations that their organization imposed on them and where Miguel Mañara performed the extreme acts of humility that would make him a candidate for beatification. The Santa Caridad was one of several new hospitals founded in Seville in the seventeenth century to meet the growing demand for social and medical services. The first was the Hospital of the Buen Suceso, founded in 1635 by a Franciscan brotherhood to care for patients who had been released from other institutions. The second, on the Plaza del Pozo Santo, was founded in 1666 by a group of religious women (beatas) to serve invalid women.70 Work proceeded slowly on those two hospitals, both located in a working-class neighborhood in northern Seville, but construction of the Santa Caridad’s new hospital

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Sala de la Virgen (1676–77)

Sala de Cristo (1673–74) Faith Patios (1677–82)

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was quick and efficient thanks to generous donations from the brotherhood’s members and outside benefactors. The Brotherhood of the Venerables Sacerdotes followed suit and, with financial support from the archbishop, built its own hospital in the heart of the old Jewish quarter, which opened its doors to sick and traveling priests in 1679.71 The Pozo Santo was finished in 1683 and the Buen Suceso in 1690, although its church was not completed until 1730. The building history of the Hospital of the Santa Caridad reveals that the brotherhood’s priority was to meet an urgent Church Charity demand for hospital beds as quickly as pos(1645–70) sible. Assisted by the archbishop, Mañara negotiated with the Crown for permission to build an infirmary in one of the long, vaulted bays of the Reales Atarazanas (fig. 70).72 In just over a year the thirteenthcentury shipyard was converted into an infirmary with a capacity for fifty hospital beds; the renovation was financed by a Sevillian merchant named Mateo de Soto, who made a donation of 16,000 ducados to the Santa Caridad from his deathbed. The renovation efficiently made use of the original Gothic structure: the sides of the bay were filled in, and a row of marble columns divided it lengthwise into two long, narrow corridors (fig. 71). New groin vaults separated the corridors into thirteen sections each for hospital beds. At the end of the ward was an altar with a polychromed statue of Christ where Mass would be said daily, and patients would take communion every Sunday. The new infirmary, called the Sala de Cristo, was ready to receive its first patients in the summer of 1674.73 Two years later the Santa Caridad began to convert an adjacent bay of the Atarazanas into a second ward, the Sala de la Virgen. Bernardo Simón de Pineda made its altarpiece, and Valdés Leal carved its wooden sculpture of the Virgin of the Rosary (a rare three-dimensional work by the painter). The altarpiece was funded by Francisco Gómez de Castro, a rich merchant unaffiliated with the Santa Caridad who surprised the organization with an enormous donation of 300,000 ducados.74 After the first two infirmaries were finished, construction began on pair of patios at the front of the hospital. They were built by the architect Leonardo de Figueroa (ca. 1655– 1730), who was appointed the hospital’s master of works in 1679.75 The two square patios are joined by a covered walkway and surrounded by arcaded galleries on simple classical columns imported from Genoa (fig. 72). The patios unified the Santa Caridad complex by 1

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5

10m

Fig. 69 Plan of the Santa Caridad church and hospital, Seville, 1645–82. Drawing by Maura Whang.

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Fig. 70 Bay of the old Royal Shipyards (Reales Atarazanas), Seville, 1252. Fig. 71 Infirmary of the Hospital of the Santa Caridad, ca. 1930.

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joining the western ends of the infirmaries to the side entrance of the nearby church. Arcaded patios, a characteristic feature of hospital architecture in Renaissance Italy, had been brought to Spain in the sixteenth century.76 Courtyards filled important practical, social, and medicinal functions. They provided sheltered passage between a hospital’s wards and its church, and a public space for patients, staff, and visitors. Like monastic cloisters, they were places for quiet contemplation and devotional reading, two spiritual activities considered essential for healing.77 Visitors to the Santa Caridad are urged to meditate upon the virtues of Faith and Charity that are represented by allegorical sculptures in the patios’ fountains. In less than ten years the Santa Caridad had a finished hospital with 134 beds to receive the poor.78 According to the 1675 rulebook, every patient would be welcomed at the hospital with a warm embrace from a member of the brotherhood, who would wash and kiss his feet, shave his face, and dress him in a new shirt before tucking him into bed. Reading between the lines, the sources suggest that members of the Santa Caridad found their work at the hospital difficult and demanding, and that the reality of serving the poor was very different from the idealizing images of poverty that adorned their church. The rulebook ordered brothers to overcome the revulsion they might feel before a patient, “for as covered in sores and revolting as he might be, you must not turn your faces away, but rather with fortitude offer up this mortification to God.”79 The recipients of the brothers’ charitable acts would not necessarily respond with gratitude, as they did in Murillo’s paintings of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary and Saint John of God. Juan de Cárdenas described the poor patients at the Santa Caridad as insolent and grasping, constantly asking for things, “as if they were legally entitled,” and complaining “when they were not given everything they demanded.”80 Anticipating the potential for conflict between the brotherhood’s elite members and their poor charges, the rulebook warned that any brother who should “lay a hand on any poor man or seriously abuse him with words” would be expelled from the organization.81

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Fig. 72 Twin patios of the Hospital of the Santa Caridad, 1677–82.

After working a shift at the hospital, most members of the Santa Caridad returned to their own comfortable, well-appointed homes, which might be decorated with romantic paintings of the poor in elaborate gilded frames.82 It was the ultimate act of humility for a member of the brotherhood to live full time among the poor, which is what a priest named Gaspar de San Vitores chose to do. In 1674 San Vitores donated 6,000 pesos to the Santa Caridad and moved into the recently finished Sala de Cristo. He lived at the hospital until his death, in 1677, and was buried in the brotherhood’s church near the altarpiece of Saint Joseph. The inscription on San Vitores’s gravestone describes his remarkable conduct: “Not content with having given his estate to the poor, he gave himself to them, moving into this holy house to serve them.”83 Miguel Mañara followed San Vitores’s example and moved into the hospital in October of 1677, when he was fifty years old. He occupied a pair of small rooms on the second floor, above the church’s sacristy, with an antechamber that served as a study connected to a sleeping space through an arched doorway (fig. 73). Like Mateo Vázquez de Leca before him, Mañara was increasingly austere with age. Several years before moving into the hospital, he had left the family palace on Calle Levíes for a modest house on the Plaza de la Contratación (present-day Calle Miguel Mañara) that was closer to the Arenal. Mañara gradually reduced his possessions, including his vast collection of alhajas, which were sold at auction or used to decorate the Santa Caridad church. After Mañara’s death, his colleagues would describe the saintly minimalism of his quarters at the hospital, where he slept on a bed made from planks covered with sackcloth. His gold-embroidered silk bedding had been cut up and converted into altar cloths for the church downstairs.84

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Fig. 73 Miguel Mañara’s quarters at the Hospital of the Santa Caridad, Seville.

Toward the end of his life, Mañara acquired a reputation for self-mortification while treating the poor at the hospital. He cared for patients whose wounds were so repugnant that the other brothers could not bear to look at them. His peers marveled to see Mañara kiss the suppurating wounds of one patient and drink the vomit of another.85 Miguel Mañara died on May 9, 1679, during a fever epidemic that swept through Seville that spring. Six days later Justino de Neve wrote a letter to Mañara’s nephew, Juan Gutiérrez Tello de Guzmán, lamenting the passing of the man who had been “a mirror of such heroic virtues.” The Jesuit preacher Tirso González used similar language when he wrote that God had put Mañara on earth to serve as a “mirror of virtue for all the nobility of Seville.”86 Through his personal example, Mañara had inspired hundreds of privileged men to join the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad and perform the challenging charitable work that was needed at its hospital. The death of its charismatic leader threatened the Santa Caridad’s ability to inspire elite men to engage in hands-on work with the poor.87 Mañara’s friends and followers sought to keep the noble charitable movement alive by creating a cult around their departed leader, whom they began to venerate as a saint immediately after his death.

Mirror of Sanctity

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In order to treat Mañara with the pomp and dignity that the Catholic Church accorded to its holiest men and women, his successors subverted the doctrine of humility and equality that he had espoused. The viewing of Mañara’s body before his funeral was restricted to members of the brotherhood, priests and monks, and other distinguished guests. Like the decomposing knight in Valdés Leal’s Finis Gloriae Mundi (fig. 62), Mañara was wrapped in a white shroud with the red insignia of Calatrava on the shoulder. The select men who were admitted to the viewing kissed Mañara’s feet; one of them, Juan de Cárdenas, reportedly sobbed and repeated over and over again, “I venerate you as the body of a saint.”88 During the funeral, which was open to the public, the Santa Caridad’s chaplain and other priests stood guard over the bier to protect Mañara’s body from the crowds of people who sought to rip off pieces of his shroud to keep as relics. Mañara had left instructions in his last will and testament that he be buried without a coffin and carried to his grave on a poor man’s bier, like Juan Bazán before him. A plaque marked the site of Mañara’s tomb, in a crypt at the front of the church, with the words he had chosen: “Here lie the bones and ashes of the worst man there ever was in the world.

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Pray to God for him.”89 Even in death, Mañara was imitated by his peers. When Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga redacted his last will and testament in 1680, he left instructions for his body to be shrouded in a mantle bearing the insignia of his military order, that of Santiago, “in the same form and manner as the venerable Don Miguel Mañara.”90 On May 31, 1679, the brothers of the Santa Caridad elected Pedro Corbet (1634– 1699) to succeed Mañara as head brother. Like Mañara, Corbet was a layman (a navy admiral by profession), a noble knight (he belonged to the Order of Santiago), and the heir to a New World fortune (descended from a Flemish merchant family that had settled in Seville in the 1560s).91 Shortly after taking office, Corbet sought the archbishop’s approval to move Mañara’s grave from the front of the church to a place of honor by the high altar. On July 9, Mañara’s crypt was opened in the dark of night—to avoid causing a commotion among his followers—so that Corbet could assess the body’s condition. The architect Leonardo de Figueroa accompanied him as a witness. They reported that Mañara’s body was “dry and whole,” uncorrupted and odorless despite the heat of summer.92 Five months later, Mañara was disinterred and prepared for reburial. The body was wrapped in a fresh shroud in place of the original one, which had already rotted. In direct contravention of Mañara’s instructions, he was reburied in a sumptuous coffin lined with white silk and covered with red velvet trimmed in gold.93 His new grave lay on the right-hand side of the main chapel, next to Bernardo de Valdés. Thus it came to be that neither man buried beneath the high altarpiece had his final wishes met. The financier’s tombstone lacked the symbols of family honor he had desired, and he had to share with someone else the chapel he had claimed for himself. The head brother who joined him there had asked for a poor man’s grave but was laid to rest in splendor instead. Stories of miracles worked through objects that Mañara had owned or touched began to circulate in Seville. A priest named Juan Carrillo was cured of a high fever after putting on a shirt that had belonged to Mañara. A knight of Santiago was suffering from a fierce headache, which disappeared when he placed some of Mañara’s papers on his head.94 Formal beatification proceedings began in the summer of 1680 with the depositions of twenty men and women who had known Mañara well. The witnesses included Justino de Neve and two other cathedral canons, members of the Santa Caridad, knights from the military orders of Alcántara and Calatrava, two serving women and a page who had worked for Mañara, and his nephew Juan Gutiérrez Tello de Guzmán. They all testified to Mañara’s heroic virtues, religious devotion, and reputation for sanctity. They recounted the story of Mañara’s conversion and described how he had rejected all worldly pleasures, including the drinking chocolate that he loved. They described his humility in serving the poor at the Santa Caridad, and they recounted his most extreme acts of self-mortification in graphic detail.95 After the witnesses’ testimony had been gathered, the files were inexplicably placed in storage at the archbishop’s palace and remained there until 1761, when they were finally sent to Rome (the case is still pending today).96 Juan de Cárdenas’s hagiographic biography of Mañara was published within months of his death. Like so many of Mañara’s admirers, Cárdenas described his subject as

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Fig. 74 Lucas Valdés, The Venerable Nobleman Don Miguel Mañara, 1679. Engraving in Juan de Cárdenas, Breve relacion de la muerte, vida, y virtudes del venerable cavallero D. Miguel Mañara Vicentelo de Leca (Seville, 1679). 4o. Courtesy of Yale University Library, Robert B. Haas Family Arts Library Special Collections.

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“the mirror of sanctity” that reflected the image everyone wanted to imitate.97 His book begins with a printed portrait that literally presents Mañara to the reader as a mirror image (fig. 74). The engraving, by Lucas Valdés, shows an ornamental border surrounding a bust-length portrait of Mañara that could represent either a reflection in a mirror or a framed portrait.98 Mañara holds up a copy of his spiritual treatise, The Discourse on Truth, and gazes out at the viewer, as if urging him to read it. The frame is inscribed with a line from Psalm 40: “Blessed is he that considereth the poor: The Lord will deliver him in time of trouble.” The cartouche beneath the frame identifies the subject of the portrait as “the venerable gentleman Don Miguel Mañara,” who “died with a reputation for great holiness.” The portrait does not include a halo, which had not been approved in Rome. Mañara’s status as a secular nobleman is signaled by the starched collar (golilla) around his neck and the insignia of Calatrava on his left shoulder. Inserted between the pages of Cárdenas’s biography, Valdés’s portrait worked in tandem with the text to help its readers—those of Mañara’s own gender and class in particular—to model themselves after this “mirror of sanctity” so that they too would see images of noble charity reflected in the looking glass. While Lucas Valdés’s print communicated intimately with individual readers of Cárdenas’s book, his father’s large-scale portraits of Mañara spoke collectively to the brothers of the Santa Caridad and their affiliates. In 1681 Juan de Valdés Leal finished a large portrait of Mañara for the general meeting room at the Santa Caridad (fig. 75). According to Pedro Corbet, the Mañara in Valdés Leal’s picture appears just as he had, seated at a table, when he used to preside over the brotherhood’s meetings.99 On the table in front of him are the urns that served as ballot boxes, and the Santa Caridad’s symbol of a wooden cross on a flaming heart. Valdés Leal depicted Mañara in his prime, without any signs of the physical mortifications to which he subjected himself in his later years.100 Mañara lectures animatedly to his listeners, outside the picture frame, who are hushed by a young boy dressed in the hooded robe of a hospice

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Fig. 75 Juan de Valdés Leal, Miguel Mañara Presiding over a Meeting of the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad, 1681. Oil on canvas, 6´ 5⅕˝ × 7´ 4⅗˝ (196 × 225 cm). Hospital of the Santa Caridad, Seville.

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Fig. 76 Lucas Valdés, Reception of Traveling Priests at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 1690s. Oil on canvas, 21⅗˝ × 27⅗˝ (55 × 70 cm). Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, Seville. Fundación Focus-Abengoa, Seville.

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nurse. The flesh-and-blood Mañara could command two hundred brothers to absolute silence during meetings “just by raising his eyes,” Cárdenas recalled. 101 After Mañara’s death, this painted portrait stood in for the man who had been such a commanding presence, and made the absent leader present for the brothers who had followed him into the Santa Caridad. In 1682 Pedro Corbet received a letter from a brotherhood in Málaga requesting a portrait of Mañara to hang in their headquarters. Founded in 1488 with the mission of burying the dead, Málaga’s Santa Caridad—like the one in Seville—fell into decline before its revival in the second half of the seventeenth century. In May of 1682 twenty-five new members joined all at once and committed to follow the same rulebook as the brotherhood in Seville. The Málagan brothers were noblemen, clergy, merchants, and professionals who looked to Miguel Mañara as their role model. Corbet promised to send them a painting by the hand of Valdés Leal and asked if they wanted a bust-length portrait of Mañara holding his Discourse on Truth or a larger painting like the one hanging in the Santa Caridad’s meeting room. For the Málaga brotherhood Valdés Leal made a variation of the latter that depicted Mañara standing in a meeting room next to a table and lecturing from his Discourse on Truth. The artist finished the picture in 1683, and Corbet sent it as a gift to the brothers in Málaga. They hung the likeness of Mañara in their meeting room “to have him present” so they could follow his example.102 That summer, the brotherhood began to build its own hospital, which opened its doors to Málaga’s poor in June of 1685. The founding of this new charity hospital reveals just how successful Mañara’s followers were at maintaining the momentum of the charity movement after his death. Brotherhoods modeled after Seville’s Santa Caridad continued to be revived or founded in towns across southern Spain into the 1730s.103 Back in Seville, Pedro Corbet became the face of noble charity for the next generation. After serving as head brother of the Santa Caridad, Corbet was chosen to succeed Justino de Neve, who died in 1685, as the leader of the Venerables Sacerdotes. Under Corbet, the architect Leonardo de Figueroa finished building the hospital’s church, and Lucas Valdés took over its decoration from his father, who had suffered a debilitating stroke in the early 1680s.104 At the church’s entrance Valdés painted a pair of frescoes that memorialized the hospital’s founders. The frescoes are terribly degraded today but are survived by a pair of oil paintings the artist made as models.105 The first

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picture is set in the gallery around the hospital’s main patio, where two traveling priests arrive and are greeted by Justino de Neve and Fernando de Villegas, who extend their hands in welcome (fig. 76). The copresidents stand by the gallery wall on the right-hand side of the picture, Neve in clerical robes and his trademark goatee, Villegas in a doublet and breeches, holding his hat in his hand. In the second picture, Pedro Corbet and his brother, the cathedral canon Luis Corbet, attend to patients in one of the hospital’s infirmaries (fig. 77). Pedro Corbet is the gentleman in the long Louis XIV–style periwig serving a beverage on a tray to a bedridden tonsured priest. Corbet’s luxuriant mane of false hair, an extremely expensive accessory, was the height of fashion in the 1690s.106 Corbet is positioned so that the red cross of Santiago that he wore on the left side of his cloak is hidden from view, but his appearance and his actions clearly demonstrate his noble status. Humbling himself in service to the poor, the fashionably bewigged leader of the Venerables Sacerdotes was the picture of nobility as it had come to be defined in the final decades of the seventeenth century. ♦ ♦ ♦ Miguel Mañara and his brothers at the Santa Caridad made charity fashionable in Seville through personal example and patronage of sacred art. Their lavishly decorated church in the Arenal enhanced the brotherhood’s prestige and promoted its message that charity was a noble endeavor. All this spending on devotional consumption did not distract from or diminish the charity’s ability to provide poor relief, as it seems to have done elsewhere.107 To the contrary, after the opening of its famous church, the Santa Caridad attracted major donations from Seville’s wealthiest merchants and was able to expand its services to the poor by building a hospital next door. When Miguel Mañara died, in 1679, the situation in Seville was even worse than it had been sixteen years earlier, when he was elected head brother of the Santa Caridad. The troubles had begun in the spring of 1677 with heavy rains that ruined the annual harvest and ushered in the worst food shortages, inflation, and hunger the city had experienced since midcentury. On one day in 1678 twenty thousand hungry people reportedly turned out when the Santa Caridad was distributing bread on the steps of the Lonja. Two years later Seville was struck by a drought so severe that the Cristo de San Agustín was taken out in a procession of rogation for the first time since the plague of 1649.108 The effects of these natural disasters were compounded by the Crown’s

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Fig. 77 Lucas Valdés, Care for the Venerable Priests in the Infirmary of the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 1690s. Oil on canvas, 21⅗˝ × 27⅗˝ (55 × 70 cm). Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, Seville. Fundación Focus-Abengoa, Seville.

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decision in 1680 to transfer Seville’s monopoly over New World trade to Cádiz—a move that devastated the Sevillian economy and forced even more people into poverty.109 Seville’s new charity hospitals responded directly to crisis by providing urgent services—food, shelter, and medical care—to the poorest and neediest populations. They performed another, less overt kind of social service, before they ever opened their doors, by converting donations from wealthy benefactors into wages for the local artisans who built and decorated the new buildings. The next chapter examines the social impact of construction at the church of San Salvador, whose rebuilding was the most ambitious and challenging project undertaken in seventeenth-century Seville.

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The Phoenix of Seville

5

Rebuilding the Church of San Salvador

In 1669, a year of drought, Archbishop Antonio Payno Osorio (r. 1663–69) and the canons of the Seville cathedral paid a visit to the Virgin of the Waters (Nuestra Señora de las Aguas) (fig. 78) at the parish church of San Salvador. For centuries Sevillians had turned to this sacred image for assistance in times of excessive or insufficient rains. According to Alonso Sánchez Gordillo, the Virgin of the Waters originally belonged to King Fernando III and was donated to San Salvador when he replaced her with the Virgin of the Kings.1 Sometime in the seventeenth century the image was converted into an imagen de vestir with the head and hands attached to a new body and repainted.2 The church of San Salvador was located just north of the cathedral, between the Plaza del Pan, named for the bakers who used to sell their wares there, and the larger Plaza de San Salvador, which was bordered by arcaded shops selling shoes, candles, lace, and hemp ropes (fig. 79). The center of the Plaza de San Salvador bustled with fruit and vegetable vendors, day laborers waiting for work, shoppers, and also pickpockets, according to a short story by Cervantes.3 San Salvador was Seville’s largest and wealthiest church, after the cathedral, and it was the only collegiate church (Colegiata) in the city. Its governing chapter of ten canons, selected by the archbishop and the pope, came from the uppermost echelon of Sevillian society.4 It was also the oldest church in Seville: originally built as a mosque in the ninth century, it had been converted into a church after the Reconquest of 1248 and named San Salvador, “Holy Savior.” The building was over eight centuries old when Archbishop Payno paid his visit in 1669. The archbishop discovered that San Salvador was in a ruinous condition, its roof propped up to keep it from caving in. He condemned the building and ordered its demolition “before any fatality came to pass.”5

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Fig. 78 Virgin of the Waters, second half of the thirteenth century, remodeled and repainted in the seventeenth century. Polychromed wooden sculpture with articulated limbs, 4´ 3⅕˝ tall (1.3 m). Church of San Salvador, Seville.

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Forty-three years and three archbishops later, a monumental new church opened its doors on the Plaza de San Salvador (fig. 86). Rebuilding the church of San Salvador was a massive undertaking that was delayed by financial and technical problems. It ended up costing a staggering 230,000 pesos escudos, according to the church chapter’s calculations.6 After the building was finished, in 1712, it took almost seventy years to decorate its interior. San Salvador was rebuilt when Seville was at its nadir, devastated by losing to Cádiz its monopoly over transatlantic shipping. “If we are all in need, for you hear nothing in Seville but laments, see nothing but poverty, entire parishes without neighbors, then where has the money come from to build such a proud and magnificent temple?” asked the Sevillian cleric Francisco José Aldana y Tirado. He provides answers to this and other key questions about the rebuilding of San Salvador in an unpublished manuscript commissioned by one of the church’s canons.7 An exceptionally rich repository of archival sources supplements Aldana’s official history with documents detailing the demolition of the old San Salvador and the building of its replacement.8 The extensive documentation of San Salvador makes it possible to examine the relationship between construction and crisis in late seventeenth-century Seville: the impact that a major architectural project had on the community during a period of high unemployment and need, and the ways that economic exigencies shaped the building process and the aesthetics of the finished product. Unlike the churches of Santa María la Blanca and the Santa Caridad, San Salvador was not supported by an elite donor base and did not have a primary individual patron like Justino de Neve or Miguel Mañara (although an archbishop did claim all of the credit once the church was almost finished). San Salvador was a community project that engaged a diverse cross section of Sevillian society: churchmen and seamen, silversmiths and chocolate vendors, widows and beggars, nuns and noblemen. As the Plaza de San Salvador turned into a construction site, the work had a ripple effect throughout the city, beginning

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with the demolition of the decrepit old building that had stood there for almost 840 years.

Demolition and Recycling San Salvador was one of only two former mosques still in use as churches in the seventeenth century.9 The mosque of Ibn Adabbas, as it had been known, was completed in the year 830 and served as Seville’s principal mosque until an even larger one—with its famous minaret, the Giralda—was built in the twelfth century. There was a small minaret and a courtyard of ablutions (sahn) planted with orange trees at the northern entrance to Ibn Adabbas, both of which are clearly visible on the Olavide map of 1771 (fig. 79). A small portion of the original courtyard survives today (fig. 80). An open arch connected the sahn to the oratory that was razed to build the new church of San Salvador. The interior of the oratory would have resembled that of the Great Mosque in Córdoba (fig. 81), on a smaller scale, with nine naves divided by red-and-white horseshoe arches on top of marble columns recycled from earlier Roman and Visigothic structures.10 The mosque’s oratory was not significantly changed when it was converted into a church in the thirteenth century. Built “deep and buried” below ground level—a “crude staircase” of twenty-two steps led down to the church from the southern entrance, on Calle Culebras—the interior of the old San Salvador was “dark and gloomy,” according to Aldana, who saw the church before it was razed. Light that came through the windows was blocked by the rows of marble columns—“the height of a man, and not very tall”—that held up the horseshoe arches.11 The subterranean, low-ceilinged building was not ideal, but in the seventeenth century it was richly appointed with modern paintings, sculptures, and altarpieces that reflected the church’s wealth and status. On the eve of the demolition, the canon Cristóbal Vega inventoried San Salvador’s collection of artworks, which included a prized sculpture of Saint Christopher (1598) by Juan Martínez Montañés, in a chapel that belonged to the glove makers’ guild, and a painting of the Transfiguration of Christ (1631) by the Luxembourgian artist Pablo Legot, which served as the high altarpiece. A gilded altarpiece with Solomonic columns had been made sometime in the mid-seventeenth century to house the church’s venerable sculpture of the Virgin of the Waters. Sumptuous double-layered curtains of gauze and taffeta covered the church’s sacred images when they were not in use. San Salvador’s collection of art and alhajas was moved into storage at the Sagrario church in preparation for the demolition, which commenced in August of 1671.12 Emilio Gómez Piñol has suggested that the cathedral’s celebration of San Fernando’s beatification in May of

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Fig. 79 The church and plaza of San Salvador, detail of the Olavide map of Seville (fig. 5), 1771.

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Fig. 80 Courtyard, church of San Salvador, Seville. Fig. 81 Interior of the Great Mosque, Córdoba.

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1671, and the religious fervor that it generated, may be what motivated the canons of San Salvador to take action, two years after Archbishop Payno had condemned the old building.13 An architect named Esteban García, master of works for the archbishopric of Seville, supervised the demolition of the old San Salvador. Under García’s direction, the ancient building was painstakingly deconstructed over three years. Salvageable materials, including wood, marble, tile, and metal, were preserved and recycled, to be reused in the new church or sold to the public. This kind of organized manual deconstruction was not unusual in early modern Europe.14 It was also being done in Rome, where the massive construction on St. Peter’s Square during the pontificate of Alexander VII created a booming market in recycled building materials (which the Romans called cementi).15 Like Baroque Rome, Seville fed its late seventeenth-century building boom with the detritus of its own demolition. The deconstruction of San Salvador generated modest revenues to help rebuild the church, as it also supplied secondhand building materials, architectural elements, and ecclesiastical ornaments for secular and sacred buildings all over the city. Spolia from the old San Salvador can be seen today in the arcades around the Plaza de San Salvador, which are supported by antique marble columns from the ninth-century mosque (fig. 82).16 Most of the materials salvaged from the building were woven invisibly into the fabric of the city. People from all walks of life purchased bits and pieces of the deconstructed church. One gentleman spent 1,500 reales on a large lot of chestnut beams and planks, which were used to build houses in front of the Alhóndiga, the grain exchange near the church of Santa Catalina. A widow purchased a single plank of wood for 82 reales. A hosiery merchant paid 374 reales for a marble pillar. Don Jerónimo de Ribera bought a window grille from the church’s patio (206 reales), and another customer claimed an iron balcony (260 reales). The cheapest items for sale were tiles, which sold in lots of twenty-five for 5 reales. The single most

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Fig. 82 Antique columns in the Plaza de San Salvador, Seville.

expensive item was the church’s Holy Week monument, which was bought by the nuns at the convent of Espiritu Santo for 1,400 reales. These purchases appear on a document from 1672 recording the sale of recycled materials totaling 26,530½ reales, which would go toward the new church.17 Everyone who purchased a piece of the old San Salvador thus contributed his or her small part to building its replacement. The documented deconstruction of San Salvador sheds light on practices then in use across Seville. San Salvador was the first of three major churches that had to be razed in the late seventeenth century. It was followed by the Dominican church of San Pablo (the present-day parish church of the Magdalena), a fourteenth-century building that collapsed during an attempted renovation in 1691 (as mentioned in chapter 2). The architect Leonardo de Figueroa was in charge of that project, which involved enlarging the church’s windows and adding a vaulted ceiling that could be covered with plaster ornaments, like those at the church of Santa María la Blanca. Several pillars inside the church gave way, and the old wooden ceiling collapsed, “terrifying the monastery and neighborhood with a great crash.”18 Four years later, in May of 1695, the Jesuit novitiate church on Calle Real (present-day Calle San Luis) was condemned when “a piece of adobe from the wall next to the high altar caved in, giving no small fright to the priest who was saying Mass and his assistant.”19 Like San Salvador, both of these churches were replaced by splendid new ones. The Dominican and Jesuit churches were probably deconstructed and recycled using the methods seen at San Salvador. This approach to demolition was ideally suited to the circumstances of late seventeenthcentury Seville, where a large number of construction projects were generating demand

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for secondhand building materials, like in Alexander VII’s Rome. The profits generated by the sale of recycled building materials may have been modest, but every bit counted in the tough economic climate of the 1690s.

Fundraising and Donations

Fig. 83 Alonso Martín Braones, Exortacion a la piedad, y magnificencia sevillana (Seville, ca. 1694). 4o. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York.

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San Salvador’s canons struggled to raise funds and faced stiff competition from other churches in their quest for donations. All the monks of San Pablo—even the prior—took turns standing at their church’s doors collecting alms for its rebuilding.20 The Jesuits, who were especially strapped, printed a pamphlet invoking recent Jesuit martyrs in the Mariana Islands in their effort to inspire support for the future church of San Luis de los Franceses.21 The strategy chosen by the canons of San Salvador was to seek small gifts from a large number of donors. They publicly asked for alms and donated their own wages and alhajas to the church, according to the church chapter’s records of their fundraising methods. The church received large gifts from three successive archbishops, who contributed a combined 43,000 pesos escudos, which amounted to 19 percent of the final costs. But the remaining 81 percent—187,000 pesos escudos—came from much more modest donations.22 When the canons of San Salvador launched their fundraising campaign in the early 1670s, they focused their efforts on the neighborhood around their church. San Salvador served the fourth most populous parish in the city and was home to many merchants and craftsmen, who sold their wares on Calle Sierpes and in the luxury market (the Alcaicería de la Loza) where silks and silver were sold just off of the Plaza del Pan (fig. 79).23 Printmakers and blacksmiths lived and worked one street over, on the jagged Calle de las Siete Revueltas (Street of Seven Turns). The renowned altarpiece maker Bernardo Simón de Pineda was a long-term resident of the parish, which was also home to the painters Pedro Camprobín and Sebastián Llanos y Valdés and the sculptor Francisco Antonio Gijón.24 The church’s historian, Francisco José Aldana y Tirado, lived nearby on Calle Tundidores (the upper half of present-day Calle Hernando Colón).25

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Starting in 1671 the canons of San Salvador went door-to-door asking neighbors to commit to monthly payments of “100 reales, or 50, or 20, or 10, or whatever they could.”26 One account book records receipt of 44 donations ranging from 28 to 2,200 ducados in 1671, which was the first year of the campaign. The number of donations peaked in 1676; among the 339 donations recorded that year was one from a chocolate vendor named Pedro Romero, who gave 150 ducados as a form of penance. The number of donations dropped precipitously to 58 the following year.27 As Seville’s economic situation deteriorated in the later 1670s and the church’s benefactors grew old and died, the canons of San Salvador began to look further afield. They followed the money to Cádiz and sent an energetic canon named José Fernando de León y Ledesma (d. 1724) there to solicit donations. After successfully petitioning King Charles II for a license to gather alms in the Indies, the canons of San Salvador began to send collection boxes on the galleons headed to Caracas and Buenos Aires.28 In 1687 León was elected the next prior of San Salvador. As he supervised the rebuilding of the church over the next quarter century, Prior León solicited gifts in the form of alhajas—luxury goods that could be sold at auction and converted into cash. León led by his own example, according to Aldana, who claims that the charismatic prior “gave all of his alhajas for the service of this church” on three different occasions. He charmed others into doing the same, wooing donors “with his attentions and affections.”29 In the early 1690s Prior León collaborated with a local poet named Alonso Martín Braones to reinvigorate the lagging fundraising effort, and together they took to the streets in search of donations.30 Braones wrote a four-page verse pamphlet—the Exhortation to the Piety and Magnificence of Seville, for the Needs of the Building of the Distinguished Collegiate Church of Our Lord San Salvador, in the Very Noble and Very Loyal City of Seville (ca. 1694) (fig. 83)—that encouraged all Sevillians, no matter how poor, to give what they could to San Salvador: Go into your home, and look calmly at your alhajas, and give them some thought, and you will find that many are unnecessary and only serve vainglory. Oh, if you were to dedicate them to this work, how you would become worthy of history! Oh, if you were to inspire others by your example, how quickly this temple would be raised by God!31

The fine print at the end of the pamphlet promised donors a forty-day indulgence. Aldana exultantly describes how Sevillians responded to the call with a flood of alhajas. “The women gave their rings, their jewels, necklaces, bracelets, and other jewelry of silver and gold” to rebuild San Salvador. The new church began to rise as its neighbors emptied their own homes of “draperies, pictures, prints, mirrors, bedspreads,

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Baroque Seville

tablecloths, rugs, runners, and rich clothes.” When it became known that construction had stalled for lack of funds, “it began to rain beds, buffets, chairs, stools, desks, bureaus,” and precious items of crystal, coral, emeralds, and porcelain. Husbands and wives robbed their own homes, as Aldana puts it, to give their household goods to the church without telling their spouses.32 Aldana’s account is corroborated by archival evidence, which shows that average Sevillians really did donate their alhajas to San Salvador. Those gifts could be quite modest: one woman, for example, donated a pair of red hose that fetched 26 reales at auction.33 These gifts of alhajas turned into wages for the workers who labored on the construction site at the Plaza de San Salvador. Donors were well aware that their gifts were a form of social welfare. One donor earmarked his contribution to pay the wages of one peon—an unskilled day laborer—one day a week.34 This fits into a broader pattern of elites’ use of construction as a form of social assistance in seventeenth-century Europe. In the 1650s Pope Alexander VII was using building projects to relieve unemployment in Rome (although evidence suggests that construction workers on those projects were paid less then the work was worth).35 Seville’s late seventeenth-century building boom provided jobs to skilled and unskilled workers during a time of high unemployment and chronic underemployment. A survey taken by the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad in 1667 revealed that many craftsmen had fallen into poverty with the decline of local industry. Professional carpenters, bricklayers, and blacksmiths were out of work or unable to support their families with the meager wages they earned.36 As the shops in Seville’s silk market (Alcaicería de la Seda) were shuttered, skilled silk workers sought employment as peons working construction.37 It is impossible to say how many men were employed in the building of San Salvador, much less at the dozens of other construction sites in the city, but we do know how much they received when they picked up their weekly wages on Saturdays. A peon was paid 4 reales for a day’s work of carrying buckets of water and baskets of bricks to the construction site. Trained journeymen (oficiales) such as bricklayers, stonemasons, carpenters, and lathe operators earned 6 to 8 reales a day, while the master craftsmen who supervised their work earned 9 or 10. The wages at San Salvador were consistent with what workers were earning at other construction sites around town, but those wages remained stagnant over the duration of the project: a day laborer or carpenter working at San Salvador in 1712 was earning the same daily wage as a man who had worked on the construction site twenty-five years earlier.38 Some donors gave of themselves, working for free on the construction of San Salvador. Like hands-on charitable work with the poor, labor on the construction of a sacred building was a good work that would earn spiritual rewards and praise from one’s peers. Aldana describes how Sevillians “impatient to expedite the construction came many times to work on it as peons” and donated their wages back to the church. The noble church canon Francisco de Chaves “would lend a hand in an instant if he saw that it was necessary to pick up a pickax, a hoe, or a basket, and with this

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humble action he inspired his neighbors and even the finest gentlemen of the city to follow him.”39 Similar stories were told about the rebuilding of San Pablo. After the Dominican church collapsed in 1691, “many gentlemen and clergymen” removed their capes and helped the monks clear away the rubble, according to an anonymous account of the church’s rebuilding. “Even women wanted to help, to lend a hand,” the source reports, “which, for the sake of decency, was not permitted.”40 Aldana represents the construction site on the Plaza de San Salvador as a rallying point for the city, a place that brought Sevillians of all classes together in a common endeavor. The men and women who donated to the church’s rebuilding came from a cross section of society—rich and poor and in between. Wealthy supporters included Captain Andrés Bandorne, who made a gift of 1,000 escudos de plata, and Francisco Gómez de Castro (also a major benefactor of the Santa Caridad), who donated over 20,000 pesos de plata.41 On the other end of the spectrum, a poor invalid on crutches and his wife contributed 100 reales de vellón. The majority of donors were people of better-than-average means from the worlds of craft and commerce—jewelers, pharmacists, silversmiths—who lived and worked in the parishes of San Salvador and the nearby cathedral.42 Aldana describes the finished San Salvador as a testament to this pious communal effort. “There is not a single atom in this holy church that does not proceed from the devout charity of the faithful of this very noble city,” Aldana effuses. “Its walls, pillars, pavements, and ceilings all say that this temple is theirs.”43 San Salvador was not the only church built with small donations: Nuestra Señora de la O was similarly financed by its neighbors in working-class Triana. The little church was completed in just five years between 1697 and 1702.44 The much larger church of San Pablo—which is comparable in size to San Salvador—was finished in less than twenty years, funded by the wealthy Dominican order and substantial donations from wealthy merchants and landowners in Spain and Latin America.45 San Salvador was delayed for decades thanks to its perpetual funding shortages, but also because of the complexity of the design and the technical problems that bedeviled the project in its early years.

Building in Calamitous Times “It is very worthy of note,” Aldana wrote after San Salvador was finished, “that in the most calamitous and miserable times that Seville has ever seen, a temple for God Our Lord has been built that is so grand, so majestic, so marvelous, with no consideration of the costs.” Aldana claims that San Salvador was finished and decorated “at full cost, without overlooking a single atom in finishing its adornment and beautification, inside and out.”46 In reality, though, political and financial issues forced San Salvador’s canons to compromise and economize on their church’s design and decoration. The economic exigencies of the times also led a new generation of architects, Leonardo de Figueroa

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Fig. 84 Facade of the Hospital of San Juan de Dios (also known as Nuestra Señora de la Paz), Plaza de San Salvador, Seville, early seventeenth century.

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foremost among them, to develop innovative decorative solutions using cost-effective, locally available materials, which had a tremendous impact on the city’s appearance. The church on the Plaza de San Salvador today thus reflects the challenges of building in calamitous times and the creative solutions they inspired. Construction began on the new San Salvador in 1674 under the direction of Esteban García, the architect who had supervised the old church’s demolition. The design for the new church’s facade was fashionable and grandiose. It featured twin towers, which would mirror the pair on the Hospital of San Juan de Dios across the plaza (fig. 84), and a set of six Solomonic columns designed by Bernardo Simón de Pineda.47 García ran into trouble when he discovered underground waters, which impeded him

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from laying the foundations for the northern tower. Construction on the tower had to be abandoned after a special task force of experts that included Pineda, Pedro Roldán, and Juan de Valdés Leal was unable to solve the problem. In October of 1678 García was fired and replaced by a new master of works, Pedro Romero. Then, one year later, the pillars and arches that García had built collapsed. Writing fifteen years after the disaster, a young architect named Alonso González explained that it had resulted from using “pillars of such low quality.”48 García probably had been trying to economize by making hollow pillars out of stone and filling them with brick and rubble compacted with lime. They would have collapsed if their wooden supports were removed before the lime was completely dried.49 The canons of San Salvador filed a lawsuit against Esteban García (its outcome is unknown) and abandoned the complex design that they had chosen for their church.50 The collapse of 1679 had a profound impact on the approach the canons took to the second, successful attempt to rebuild San Salvador. They simplified the design, brought in experts from outside Seville who had experience building large churches, and used expensive, high-quality materials where it counted. Before beginning to rebuild, the canons sent the revised plans to Eufrasio López de Rojas, master of works at the Jaén cathedral, for approval. The foundations and marble column bases that remained from Esteban García’s ill-fated construction were reused for the church, which followed the original design of three naves (fig. 85). Once construction was under way, José Granados was brought in from Granada, where he was master of works at the cathedral, to inspect the work in progress. Based on his recommendation, the large pillars inside the church were built with solid stone imported from the mountains of San Cristóbal, the same quarry that had supplied the Seville cathedral. Also like the cathedral, the collegiate church was built above ground level, with a set of steps leading to the main entrance, on the Plaza de San Salvador.51 The facade was made from economical cut brick, with imported stone used sparingly as a decorative accent around the three doors and round windows (fig. 86). The result was monumental and impressive, but rather plain and conservative by contemporary standards. The new San Salvador already had been built up to its roofline when the canons hired Leonardo de Figueroa to take over as maestro mayor in 1696. At that time Figueroa was Seville’s most sought-after architect, known for his technical mastery and decorative artistry. A native of Utiel (in the province of Valencia), Figueroa had moved to Seville in the early 1670s. He contributed to the works in progress at the hospitals of the Santa Caridad and the Venerables Sacerdotes and rose to take the reins as master builder in charge of both of those projects.52 His first opportunity to build a church of his own design came at San Pablo, after the church collapsed during its failed renovation under Figueroa’s supervision. He rebuilt San Pablo with remarkable speed: within just five years he had completed the dormer windows at the top of the church that bear the date 1696 (fig. 87). Figueroa’s most important innovation at San Pablo was the large dome that he built on an octagonal drum, the first of its kind in Seville.53 Every surface of the drum is decorated with a rich variety of clay ornaments in contrasting

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textures and colors, with brilliant blue ceramics against a background of ochre and sienna.54 The dome is covered with blue High Altar and white glazed ceramic tiles that are divided into segments by yellow ribs ending with ceramic heads of black-faced Indians wearing feathered headdresses (a motif Altar of the Virgin of the Waters gesturing at San Pablo’s historic role as the point of departure for Dominican Figueroa’s Dome evangelizers sailing to the Americas).55 At the top of the dome, a colorful lantern adorned with grotesque figures supports an iron crown and cross. Figueroa’s dome for San Pablo is more than just decorative: it is also very sturdy and well built. An architect who examined its underpinPlaza de San Salvador nings during a restoration in 1989–91 reported finding “an obsessive application of reinforcements and safety precautions” beneath its colorful exterior.56 The canons of San Salvador hired Figueroa to build for their church a magnificent dome that would rival the one at San Pablo. But Figueroa’s design for San Salvador’s dome was undermined by a power struggle between the church’s canons and the archbishop of Seville, Manuel Arias y Porras (r. 1702–17). In return for a major donation of 28,000 pesos escudos, the archbishop demanded that the church be finished without any unnecessary ornamentation. He reproached the church canons for their excessive spending on “vain and superfluous splendor” and forbade any additional decoration without his written authorization. As Emilio Gómez Piñol has pointed out, Archbishop Arias was not opposed to ornament in and of itself—just a few years earlier he had commissioned an elaborate new carved stone portal for the entrance to the archbishop’s palace (fig. 88).57 His confrontation with the canons of San Salvador over the decoration of their church concerned politics—not morals or aesthetics—as he asserted his power over a rival institution. Leonardo de Figueroa was a casualty of the austerity plan the archbishop imposed on San Salvador. The architect was fired in August of 1711, as soon as he finished building the church’s dome. According to the church canon Cristóbal Vega, the archbishop declared “that for what was left to do, such a great master was not necessary, that a solid craftsman would be sufficient.”58 Figueroa was replaced by the archbishop’s own architect, Diego Antonio Díaz, who supervised the finishing touches on the church over the six months leading up to its grand opening, in February of 1712. The drum and lantern of Figueroa’s dome were never finished. The carved finials and pilasters that were supposed to be decorated with the kinds of Plaza del Pan

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Fig. 85 Plan of the church of San Salvador, Seville, 1674–1712. Drawing by Maura Whang. Fig. 86 (opposite) Facade of the church of San Salvador, Seville, 1674–1712, with ornamental stone carvings added in the nineteenth century.

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Fig. 87 Leonardo de Figueroa, dormer windows and dome of the former church of San Pablo (present-day parish church of the Magdalena), Seville, 1691–1709. Fig. 88 Lorenzo Fernández de Iglesias, main portal of the archbishop’s palace, Seville, 1703–5. Fig. 89 (opposite) Leonardo de Figueroa, drum, dome, and lantern of the church of San Salvador, Seville, 1709–11.

Baroque Seville

colorful geometric shapes and caprices that can be seen at San Pablo (fig. 87) were left monochrome white (fig. 89).59 The struggle between the archbishop and the canons at San Salvador reached its climax with the commission for the cross that would crown Figueroa’s dome. Archbishop Arias promised to pay for a new gilded iron cross, but he insisted that it be an archiepiscopal cross with two arms, like the one atop the entrance to the archbishop’s palace (fig. 88). Rather than see the symbol of the archbishop’s office on top of San Salvador, Prior León gathered donations to make a cross with one arm mounted on a globe, which was the traditional symbol of the collegiate church.60 San Salvador’s iron cross was forged by a blacksmith who lived nearby on Calle de las Siete Revueltas. The globe, made of 482 pounds of bronze, was cast in two halves in Triana by Matías Solano and his sons. It was painted blue and encircled by a gilded banner inscribed with Solano’s name and the year 1711. Solano’s globe was raised into position above the lantern at the end of August; after being blessed, the gilded iron cross followed on September 7 (today the cross and globe lack their original paint and gilding, as seen in figure 89). Finished but incomplete, San Salvador’s dome was unveiled for the first time on October 16, 1711. “The scaffolding around the dome was just removed,” the church chapter meeting minutes report, “and it was revealed to be the most beautiful one in Spain.”61

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The Phoenix Reborn With its dome rising 131 feet above the floor, the new San Salvador was tall and filled with light (fig. 90)—in striking contrast to the ancient mosque that it replaced. Decorating the church’s vast interior would be an extremely expensive, long-term project. Whereas the elaborate floor-to-ceiling decorative programs at the much smaller (and better funded) churches of the Santa Caridad and Santa María la Blanca were finished in just a few years, it would take more than six decades to decorate the church of San Salvador. For the grand opening, in 1712, the original altarpieces from the old San Salvador were taken out of storage and hastily renovated. A published pamphlet humorously describes the hurried installation of the saints in their new chapels: “Where does San Fernando go? . . . What should we do with Saints Justa and Rufina?”62 The altarpieces were ill suited to the new chapels, which were much larger than the old ones, but they provided economical stand-ins until permanent altarpieces could be custom-built for the space. San Salvador’s old altarpieces were readied for their reinstallation in just a few weeks and at minimal expense, according to Prior León’s records. The one dedicated to San Fernando was cleaned and varnished and “some heads of Moors” were repainted at a cost of 95 reales. The altarpiece of the sister saints Justa and Rufina was repainted and tiled for 252 reales. Three journeymen worked for nine days on the altarpiece of Saints Crispin and Crispinian (290 reales), while four men worked for eight days on that of Saint Anne (365 reales). More time and money went into the altarpiece for the Virgin of the Waters. Four journeymen worked on it—carving, painting, and gilding— for thirteen days at a cost of 535 reales.63 The altarpiece was too small for its new chapel on the right-hand side of the transept (see the plan of the church, fig. 85), so “pieces from other altarpieces were added until they filled in the gap.”64 During the decades that San Salvador was under construction, the Virgin of the Waters had received numerous gifts of alhajas—including a white lamé dress and an embroidered border for her altar—which added some luster to the antique image and her makeshift altarpiece.65 The most expensive and time-consuming project was the restoration and reframing of Pablo Legot’s Transfiguration (fig. 91). The painting represents the miraculous moment when Christ revealed his divine nature to his disciples by physically transforming before their eyes, floating above the ground and radiating light from within. Legot’s composition is based on Raphael’s famous painting of the subject (completed in 1520), which was known in Seville through an engraving by Agostino Veneziano.66 Legot’s Transfiguration, framed in a carved and polychromed altarpiece, had occupied the place of honor above the high altar at the old San Salvador. It took six days to “retouch” (retocar) the eighty-year-old canvas, which is over eleven and a half feet tall. Juan de Dios Moreno was paid 1,650 reales de vellón to carve a new frame.67 The collegiate church’s signature cross and globe can be seen at the top of Dios Moreno’s richly gilded frame, directly in line with the white-robed figure of Christ. The reframed Transfiguration was placed at the head of the new San Salvador in the space for the high

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Fig. 90 Interior of the church of San Salvador, Seville. High altarpiece by Cayetano de Acosta, 1770–78.

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Fig. 91 Pablo Legot, Transfiguration, 1631. Oil on canvas, 11´ 8¼˝ × 7´ 1˝ (356 × 216 cm). Frame carved by Juan de Dios Moreno, 1712. Church of San Salvador, Seville.

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altar, where the church canons would perform their daily liturgies.68 Beneath the altarpiece of the Transfiguration there was installed a large black marble plaque with an inscription in gold capital letters naming “the most excellent Lord Don Manuel Arias, most dignified archbishop of Seville,” as the generous benefactor who had “finished and crowned this temple” by “giving more than 28,000 pesos.”69 An attack of palsy kept the archbishop from attending the opening celebration, but his gift was well publicized during the event and in the pamphlets published afterward.70 An anonymous author calling himself El Constante compared the archbishop to Augustus Caesar, the Roman emperor who claimed to have found Rome a city of brick and left it one of marble. “Seville owes you too, supreme Augustus”— El Constante addressed Archbishop Arias—“seeing that you transformed her ruins into a divine edifice.”71 In another pamphlet, Fernando Díaz Coronado publicized the donation of 28,000 pesos and credited the archbishop with finishing San Salvador with the “fervent and powerful, charitable impulse of his devotion.”72 Compared to Torre Farfán’s Festivals of the Seville Cathedral (see chapter 3), the pamphlets that celebrated the opening of San Salvador were short, cheap, and forgettable. Sometime after the church’s opening, a silver altar frontal was placed over the commemorative plaque (which was rediscovered during the church’s renovation in the early twenty-first century).73 But the publicity that accompanied the archbishop’s gift in the early eighteenth century permanently established his reputation as San Salvador’s greatest benefactor, such that the small donations made by ordinary citizens were largely forgotten by future generations. The pamphlets commemorating the debut of San Salvador compensate for their lack of illustrations with learned metaphors and ekphrastic descriptions. Fernando Díaz Coronado guides his readers on a virtual tour of the church and exhorts them to

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appreciate its special features: the pleasing facade and broad staircase, the spacious interior and enormous stone pillars, the colorful tiles on the dome, the bronze globe and iron cross above the lantern. “Do you think that you will find anything like it, even if you circle Seville two thousand times?” Díaz Coronado asks rhetorically.74 A pamphlet called The Sevillian Phoenix, by the pseudonymous Possidoro Oricastreo, compares San Salvador to the mythical bird that lives for five hundred years and dies so that another can be born from its remains.75 The author stretches his metaphor with an extended comparison between the anatomy of the phoenix and the architecture of the church on the Plaza de San Salvador: There you see, in body and soul, a bird as a Temple; it is, although of lime and stone, better than one of flesh and bone.

If the church is a bird, then the central nave is its body, the side naves are its wings, and the stone pillars inside are the phoenix’s legs. The roof is the chest, and the dome rising above it is the bird’s head, with skylights for eyes. The iron cross at the top of the dome is a crest of feathers, and “the facade is the rose-colored fan displaying its magnificence.”76 Work at San Salvador continued long after the church opened its doors. The old altarpieces were slowly replaced with custom new ones that were given to the church by craft guilds, religious brotherhoods, canons, and wealthy merchants. Those altarpieces were delayed by the same financial difficulties that had plagued the building of the church.77 The guild of glove makers commissioned a new altarpiece for their sculpture of Saint Christopher by Juan Martínez Montañés, and this was carved and ready to be installed by 1734, but it took another twenty years for the guildsmen to raise enough money to have it gilded.78 The monumental new altarpiece for the Virgin of the Waters was carved and assembled between 1726 and 1731 and gilded in 1753–55 (fig. 92), marking nearly thirty years from the inception of the project to its completion. As the finished work reveals, trends in altarpiece design had changed since building began on the new San Salvador, with tapered square columns called estípites replacing the spiral columns that had been ubiquitous in the late seventeenth century. San Salvador’s decorative program was finally finished in 1778 with the installation of the high altarpiece by Cayetano de Acosta, which was funded by a wealthy merchant named Manuel Paulín Cabezón and his son-in-law, Francisco Javier Carasa (fig. 90).79 Pablo Legot’s painting of the Transfiguration, which had occupied the place of honor at the old and new churches of San Salvador for almost a hundred and fifty years, was relegated to the confined space of the sacristy, at the back of the church (as seen in fig. 91). Over a hundred years after Archbishop Payno had paid his visit to the Virgin of the Waters and discovered the ruinous condition of the old San Salvador, the new church was finished.

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♦ ♦ ♦ “This marvelous temple is an atom in Seville,” Aldana wrote, reminding his readers that San Salvador was but one among dozens of sacred structures that were built in the city between the 1660s and 1720s.80 The church was unique in many ways, including the status of the institution, the physical size of the building, and the technical problems that arose during its construction. Nonetheless, the history of San Salvador offers general insights into the building boom that was taking place in Seville at that time. San Salvador shows how the demolition of old churches fed the construction frenzy by providing used materials from carefully deconstructed buildings. It also reveals that construction sites served as recycling centers for alhajas, places where luxury goods were converted into worker wages. The phoenix was an apt metaphor, not only for San Salvador but for all Seville, where bold new Baroque churches emerged from the rubble of their predecessors. The building of San Salvador illustrates some of the ways that the economic crisis of the seventeenth century shaped the design and decoration of Seville’s new churches. During their failed first attempt to rebuild San Salvador, the canons sought to build something quite ambitious but took disastrous shortcuts with the building materials. The collapse of San Salvador in 1679—which was followed by public concern over cracks that appeared in the Sagrario church after an earthquake in 1680 and the dramatic cave-in at San Pablo in the 1690s—prompted Sevillians to be on heightened alert and attuned to structural concerns.81 When it came to decorating those buildings, architects like Leonardo de Figueroa turned necessity into a virtue by using cheap local clay to adorn building exteriors with exposed brick, colorful tiles, ceramic ornaments, and fanciful terra-cotta figures. Figueroa had a long and prolific career after his dismissal from San Salvador. At San Luis de los Franceses, which replaced the Jesuit novitiate church condemned in 1695, Figueroa designed a facade with the twin towers that San Salvador lacked, and he constructed a dome larger than any he had built before (fig. 93). In his eighties when

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Fig. 92 (opposite) José Maestre, altarpiece of the Virgin of the Waters, 1726–55. Church of San Salvador, Seville. Fig. 93 Attributed to Leonardo de Figueroa, twin towers and dome of the church of San Luis de los Franceses, Seville, 1699–1731.

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he died, Figueroa left behind a dynasty of architects—his sons Matías José (1698–1765) and Ambrosio (1700–1775) and his grandson Antonio Matías (ca. 1734–1796)—who continued his work in Seville and Triana and spread the distinctive Figueroan style to the neighboring provinces of Málaga, Huelva, and Cádiz.82 Figueroa’s legacy was put to the test on November 1, 1755, when shocks from the Lisbon earthquake reverberated throughout southern Spain. Seville began to shake at one past ten in the morning. Some three hundred houses were destroyed, and five hundred more were damaged.83 In the aftermath of the quake, a variety of publications sought to explain the disaster through science (Physical Dissertation on the Origin and Formation of the Earthquake), religion (Motives That Fomented the Wrath of God, as Revealed by the Frightful Earthquake), and poetry (Metrical Lamentable Relation of the Ruin Caused by the Earthquake).84 A pamphlet claiming to be the “true account of the horrifying earthquake” described the devastation: In ten minutes’ time, the houses were unhinged, the Towers turned to rubble, the walls broken apart, the whole City shakes, its Outskirts flattened, the Convents destroyed, Domes falling down.85

The dome at the Jesuit Professed House, which had been built in the sixteenth century, was severely damaged. An anonymous pamphlet attributed to Matías José de Figueroa describes how his father’s buildings fared: “Although they shook with significant shudders during the earthquake, their lanterns, despite their great height, did not suffer the slightest damage.”86 Built to last beneath their ornamental exteriors, all of Figueroa’s domes survived.

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Conclusion

The splendid domes of San Pablo, with its regal crown, and San Salvador, with its cross and globe, adorn the skyline of Seville in an anonymous view painted in 1726 (fig. 94, nos. 12 and 15). When they were first unveiled to the public, what did those domes and other building projects of the era mean to the people of Seville? The individuals who left written records of their reactions were aristocrats and clergymen like Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga and Francisco José Aldana y Tirado, whose words have been quoted so often in the pages of this book. These men left valuable records and often had insightful things to say about art and architecture, but theirs was only one perspective. To Aldana, San Salvador’s dome was a symbol of “the native generosity, nobility, and great loyalty of Sevillians.”1 This Baroque monument would have meant different things to other people. To the archbishop, for one, it was a sign of his thwarted ambition to crown the dome with the cross symbolizing his office. For the blacksmith who forged its iron cross and to the ceramicists who made the colorful tiles covering its surface, the dome at San Salvador meant bread on the table in lean years. As to the men and women who had purchased remnants of the old San Salvador or donated their alhajas to fund the rebuilding effort, they would have been reminded of their own contributions every time they crossed the Plaza de San Salvador. Sevillians may have experienced Baroque art and architecture differently depending on whether they were young or old, rich or poor, builders or donors, neighbors or not, but public sacred artworks still played an important role in shaping the collective identity of the city. When the city view attributed to Sánchez Coello (see fig. 3) was painted, at the end of the sixteenth century, Seville was defined by the transatlantic trade that packed the Guadalquivir with ships from around the world and turned the Arenal into a hive of commercial activity. That cosmopolitan city prided itself on

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Fig. 94 View of Seville, 1726. Oil on canvas, 3´ 6½˝ × 7´ 11⅓˝ (108 × 242 cm). Casa Consistorial (Ayuntamiento de Sevilla), Seville.

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the conspicuous consumption of its citizens. By the time of the 1726 view, in which the port appears comparatively deserted, Sevillians had redefined their self-identity through public displays of devotion. Baroque buildings, altarpieces, sculptures, and paintings are lasting expressions of that devotion, but the artworks that survive today are just the tip of the iceberg—“the physical traces of much vaster, largely ephemeral visual cultures,” as Genevieve Warwick has written of Bernini’s Rome.2 The spectacular multisensory, multidimensional festivals of the era are survived only by silent printed books. Gone without a trace are most of the precious textiles and silverwork that were essential in displays of devotional consumption. The making of Baroque Seville destroyed much that came before it. Describing the “overwhelming victory of the Baroque world” in Seville, Vicente Lleó Cañal evokes the image of a Roman army razing the ancient city of Carthage.3 A recurring theme throughout this book has been the ways that artistic commissions and construction projects interacted with and transformed the remains of the past, the medieval past in particular. The mosque of Ibn Adabbas—which had been one of the largest physical structures remaining from Seville’s Islamic era—was demolished to make way for the new San Salvador. A plain little synagogue by the Puerta de la Carne was transformed beyond recognition into the opulent jewel box that is the church of Santa María la Blanca. Gothic arched bays from the old Reales Atarazanas, used to build ships in the reign of Alfonso X, became the church and sick wards of the Santa Caridad. Seville’s most antique and revered images of the Virgin—the Virgin of the Kings, the Virgin of the Snows, the Virgin of the Waters—were cocooned in embroidered gowns and ensconced in gilded altarpieces. The king who had led the Reconquest of Seville, Fernando III, was revived as the city’s protector, his image updated, his role as a cult figure and civic symbol expanded. Participating in medios divinos, like renovating Santa María la Blanca or promoting San Fernando’s canonization, was a way for Seville’s elites, secular and ecclesiastical, to fulfill their traditional obligation to protect the city in exchange for the privileges they enjoyed in it. The most zealous leaders of Seville’s religious causes and the most generous patrons of public sacred art—men like Vázquez de Leca, Neve, and Mañara— shared a common background as men of foreign origins who had inherited New World fortunes. They wielded enormous influence in Seville, where they were celebrated for their piety and patronage. Artists also benefited socially from participating in the major religious projects of the era, and they were welcomed to the upper echelon of Sevillian society. Much more than hired hands, artists like Murillo, Valdés Leal, Roldán, Pineda, and Arteaga collaborated with their aristocratic patrons as members of the same religious organizations who had a vested spiritual interest in their commissions. Perhaps unexpectedly, the evidence shows that women were involved in many of these projects as patrons and as artists. Wives, daughters, widows, and nuns were also painters, sculptors, donors, and consumers of sacred art. Elite women played a different public role than their male counterparts—during the festival for Santa María la Blanca, for example, the Marchioness of Villamanrique was represented by her needlework,

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while her husband marched in procession with the Virgin of the Snows. But women participated in the same rhetoric of disillusionment and humility as the men, and they won public acclaim for their pious works. Sevillians responded to the crises of the seventeenth century by commissioning public sacred art, which fulfilled various functions in the city. As medios divinos, sacred artworks rallied citizens around pious causes and demonstrated their collective devotion, with the goal of placating an angry God and pleasing the saints who might intercede on the city’s behalf. As medios humanos, these commissions provided social services at a time of need—sometimes directly, as in the case of building a new charity hospital, and sometimes indirectly, by supporting local crafts and industry. Spiritually and economically, sacred art was a strategic investment during a period of crisis. There must have been a psychological benefit as well, for these projects were a concrete way for people to take action and assert some degree of control at a time when their fate seemed to rest upon the whims of an angry God in heaven and those of indifferent or incompetent leaders in Seville and Madrid. ♦ ♦ ♦ As this book was being written, the lessons of the seventeenth century became unexpectedly relevant in the aftermath of the financial crisis that erupted in Spain in 2008. La crisis, as it is known, brought about record unemployment and evictions, painful cuts in salaries and services, and a rise in poverty so severe that the Red Cross appealed for donations to help the needy in Spain for the first time in the charitable organization’s history.4 In Seville, sacred art and architecture from the Baroque era emerged as important symbols of tradition and civic unity as the city struggled to handle the crises of the twenty-first century. In June of 2014 the Seville cathedral chapter celebrated the crowning of a new king, Felipe VI—after the unexpected abdication of his scandalplagued father, King Juan Carlos I—by decorating the Giralda with flags, pennants, and streamers (fig. 95). Re-creating in living color the iconic print of the Giralda adorned for San Fernando’s beatification (see fig. 55), the coronation decorations inspired joy and marvel and served as a temporary distraction from the troubles of the times, as they had back in 1671. The restoration of sacred monuments emerged as a contentious issue in the years of la crisis. The successful €12 million restoration of San Salvador was finished and the church reopened just months before the housing market crashed at the end of 2008, but other churches remained closed and hidden under scaffolding for years after the crash. History repeated at the church of Santa María la Blanca, whose neighbors raised €350,000 to restore their church while the city was in the throes of the crisis.5 Yet the restoration of the church’s deteriorating plaster ornaments was delayed by the failure of the Ministry of Culture (Consejería de la Cultura) to make good on its promised contribution to the effort. The long-delayed restoration of another church, Santa Catalina, triggered acts of protest by its neighbors and exacerbated the crisis of confidence in local leadership. The fourteenth-century church, with Baroque additions by Leonardo de Figueroa and his sons, was declared unsafe and closed to the public in 2004. Ten

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years later the church was still closed, and repairs had not yet begun. Supporters of the church issued dire warnings that the building threatened collapse at any moment and required immediate intervention. They launched a campaign to shame the government into action. Posters went up on balconies around the neighborhood demanding that Santa Catalina be restored and reopened. In front of the church’s Gothic portal, a white sheet was hung with a message spray-painted in red: “This is the shame of our city.”6 The protests at Santa Catalina reveal the potent symbolism of a church’s material condition in troubled times. Today the restoration of a religious building—which would have been described as a medio divino in the early modern era—is presented in scientific and historical terms as preservation of cultural patrimony. Unchanged by the centuries is the visceral response that a crumbling church evokes as the physical embodiment of the city’s vulnerability. During the protracted crisis that was the seventeenth century, local elites channeled their resources into sacred art and architecture, which stood in public as visible evidence of their efforts to protect Seville by investing in medios divinos. Then as now, the preservation of sacred structures was a political necessity made all the more urgent in a time of crisis.

Fig. 95 The Giralda decorated for the coronation of King Felipe VI, June 2014, Seville.

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Chronology

Baroque Seville: Artworks and Historical Events 1599–1601 Plague

1603–5 Guadalquivir River floods, followed by scarcity and famine

1603–6 Juan Martínez Montañés and Francisco Pacheco, Christ of Clemency

1615 Festival of the Immaculate Conception

1618–62 Construction of the church of the Sagrario

1624 King Philip IV visits Seville



1626 Severe flooding



1627 Inflation and shortages



1630 Charles Audran, official print portrait of San Fernando, Ferdinandvs III Hispaniæ Rex



1631 Pablo Legot, Transfiguration, church of San Salvador



1636 Drought, grain shortage



1642 Flooding damages the Triana bridge

1643–49 Luis Ortiz de Vargas, altarpiece of the Virgin of the Kings, Royal Chapel, Seville cathedral 1645–70 Church of the Santa Caridad, designed by Pedro Sánchez Falconete 1647–48 Harvest failure, famine

1649 The great plague

1650–52 Harvest failure and food shortage, popular revolt in May 1652

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1652 Pedro de Borja begins plaster ornaments inside the Sagrario church

1656–63 Martín Moreno, altarpiece of the Great Conception, Seville cathedral 1657–58 Martín Moreno, high altarpiece, church of Santa María la Blanca

1660 Founding of the Seville drawing academy

1662–65 Renovation of the church of Santa María la Blanca and paintings by Bartolomé Esteban Murillo

1665 Festival celebrating the reopening of Santa María la Blanca

Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, portrait of Justino de Neve Death of King Philip IV

1666 Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca

1669 Drought 1670–75 Bernardo Simón de Pineda, Pedro Roldán, and Juan de Valdés Leal, high altarpiece, church of the Santa Caridad

1671 Seville cathedral chapter’s festival for the beatification of San Fernando

Fernando de la Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla Valdés Leal, In Ictu Oculi and Finis Gloriae Mundi, church of the Santa Caridad

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1671–74 Demolition of the old church of San Salvador



ca. 1672 Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, Saint Elizabeth of Hungary Curing the Sick and other paintings for the church of the Santa Caridad

1691–1709 Church of San Pablo collapses and is rebuilt by Leonardo de Figueroa

1673–77 Construction of the first two infirmaries at the Hospital of the Santa Caridad

1683 Months of drought alternating with torrential rains

1691–92 Floods 1693–94 Harsh winter in 1693, drought in spring 1694, food shortages and famine

1673–79 Construction of the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes



1674–78 First rebuilding of the church of San Salvador (failed)

1699–1731 Rebuilding of the Jesuit novitiate church, San Luis de los Franceses





1677 Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, Annales eclesiasticos, y secvlares de la mvy noble y muy leal civdad de Sevilla

1677–78 Shortages, high wheat prices, famine

1679 Death of Miguel Mañara

1680 Earthquake strikes Seville

Port of the Indies trade moved from Seville to Cádiz

1700 Death of King Charles II

1709–11 Figueroa builds the dome at the church of San Salvador

1712 Opening of the church of San Salvador



1717 Spanish Crown moves the Casa de Contratación from Seville to Cádiz



1755 Lisbon earthquake

1679–1712 Second rebuilding of the church of San Salvador

1697 Flood

1770–78 Cayetano de Acosta, high altarpiece, church of San Salvador

1681 Juan de Valdés Leal, Miguel Mañara Presiding over a Meeting of the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad

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Notes

Titles of primary sources and quotations from them retain the nonstandard spelling and capitalization of the originals.

Abbreviations ACS Archivo de la Catedral de Sevilla AGAS Archivo General del Arzobispado de Sevilla AHN Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid AMS Archivo Municipal de Sevilla ASV Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Vatican City BCC Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, Seville BNE Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid BUS Biblioteca de la Universidad de Sevilla HSA Hispanic Society of America, New York

Introduction 1. “Relacion del contagio que padecio esta ciudad de Sevilla el Año de 1649,” in BCC ms 59-1-5, fols. 52r–105v, here at fol. 52v. 2. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 4:402: “los divinos para implorar la clemencia, y aplacar la Justicia divina.” 3. Ibid.: “oraciones, rogativas, penitencias, procesiones de luces y de sangre.”

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4. The Cristo de San Agustín, which was destroyed by fire in 1936, is described in Gutiérrez, El Cristo de San Agustín, 33–38. 5. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 4:404: “con dolorosos clamores, espectáculo de suma ternura y espiritual compuncion.” 6. Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 133. 7. Mormando, “Introduction,” 22; Lisa Jardine, “Droughts, Deluges and Raging Debates,” review of Global Crisis: War, Climate Change and Catastrophe in the Seventeenth Century, by Geoffrey Parker, Financial Times, April 26, 2013, http:// on.ft.com/11r2YMQ. 8. Salado Garcés, Varias materias, fols. 23v, 25v: “por los pecados de los hombres viene al mundo la peste y contagio, y ellos son la causa de dello.” 9. A list of new and renovated religious buildings is compiled in a 1726 manuscript by the Sevillian cleric Francisco José Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fols. 92v–94r. 10. On urban history and the “self-image” of the city, using Barcelona as an example, see Amelang, “Comparing Cities.” 11. For an overview of urban development in Seville over the centuries, see Historia del urbanismo sevillano. For comparisons to other Spanish cities, see Bonet Correa, “Las ciudades españolas del Renacimiento al Barroco,” and Escobar, “Baroque Spain: Architecture and Urbanism for a Universal Monarchy.” 12. See Snodin, “Baroque Style.” On the Sevillian variant of Baroque architecture

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and ornament, see A. Sancho Corbacho, Arquitectura barroca sevillana, 13–42. 13. On Seville’s early modern history as a port city, see O’Flanagan, “Seville,” in Port Cities of Atlantic Iberia, 39–79. 14. The thirteenth-century scholar Ashshakandí quoted in al-Makkari, History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain, 1:57. 15. Alfonso X, king of Castile and León, “Seville (1248),” from chap. 1127 of the Estoria de España, in Smith, Christians and Moors in Spain, 2:54–59, quote on 57. 16. See Pike, Enterprise and Adventure. 17. L. de Vega, El peregrino en su patria, 353–54: “puerto y puerta de las Indias, por donde todos los años se puede decir que entra dos veces en ella el sustento universal de España.” 18. On the carrera de Indias, see Morales Padrón, La ciudad del Quinientos, 186–93; on the activity at the Arenal, Morales Padrón, Sevilla y el río, 25–29. 19. Monardes, Primera y segvnda y tercera partes de la historia medicinal, fol. 1v: “riqueza increyble.” On the importation of sixteen million kilograms of silver, see Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716, 183. 20. Mercado, Suma de tratos y contratos, 314. 21. Pike, Aristocrats and Traders, 170–72. 22. On the growth of Seville’s population, see Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 71–73. The population of Rome is cited in Partner, Renaissance Rome, 1500–1559, 83; the population of Madrid, in Ringrose, Madrid and the Spanish Economy, 1560– 1850, 23. The only cities with populations greater than 150,000 in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries were Amsterdam, Constantinople, London, Milan, Naples, Paris, and Venice. Mols, “Population in Europe, 1500–1700,” 42. 23. Pike, Aristocrats and Traders, 111–13. 24. On the building of the Lonja, see Pleguezuelo Hernández, “La Lonja de mercaderes de Sevilla.” 25. Albardonedo Freire, El urbanismo de Sevilla, 286–90. 26. Lleó Cañal, Nueva Roma, 234–40. 27. The ephemeral decorations for Philip II’s royal entry are detailed in the festival book by the Sevillian humanist Juan de Mal Lara, Recebimiento qve hizo la mvy noble y muy leal Ciudad de Seuilla; see fols. 36r–v on the councilmen’s gowns. Mal Lara’s text is thoroughly analyzed in Ruiz, A King Travels, 90–99. 28. Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 68.

29. Morell Peguero, Mercaderes y artesanos, 131–40. 30. See the manuscript history of Seville written in the 1530s by Peraza, Historia de Sevilla, 58–61, 69, 72–75, and the history published in 1587 by A. Morgado, Historia de Sevilla, fols. 55v–56r. A Polish visitor to Seville in 1595 described his surprise on seeing an artisan’s wife wearing valuable pearls to church; Adamczyk, “Diario de una peregrinación por Epaña,” 427. 31. On domestic goods and social status in Andalusia, see Urquízar Herrera, Coleccionismo y nobleza. On Venice, see De Maria, Becoming Venetian. On Florence, see Aste, “Merchant Banker’s Ascent by Design.” 32. Pike, Aristocrats and Traders, 24. Quote from Cervantes, Don Quixote, 19. 33. Mercado, Suma de tratos y contratos, 125: “los mercaderes con apetito de nobleza”; 147. 34. Vranich, “El negociante tinerfeño Gaspar de Arguijo,” 7–8, 49–51. See the 1600 inventory of Juan de Arguijo’s luxury possessions in Vranich, “Lujo y ostentación.” On Juan’s loss of the family fortune, see Vranich, “Introducción biográfica,” 25. 35. The story of Juan de Arguijo’s fall was recounted by his friend Rodrigo Caro, Varones insignes, 111–12. 36. O’Flanagan, Port Cities of Atlantic Iberia, 48. 37. Carmona García, Crónica urbana del malvivir, 261–65. 38. Porras de la Cámara, “Memorial del licenciado Porras de la Cámara,” 552: “no sólo . . . me lamento á V. S. Ill.a que las calamidades que padesce mi patria y su esposa ser solamente pestilencias, enfermedades, chareztias y otras necesidades y miserias, empero á toto genere está Sevilla de las más perdidas y rematadas ciudades que tiene su magestad en todos sus reinos.” 39. Ibid., 551. “Alacrán,” in Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española, 37. 40. Porras de la Cámara, “Memorial del licenciado Porras de la Cámara,” 551: “estoy muy temeroso que no cesarán sus castigos si no cesan nuestras ofensas.” 41. Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain, 26–30. 42. García-Baquero González, Andalucía y la carrera de Indias, 91–93. 43. Morales Padrón, Sevilla y el río, 47–48. 44. Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 73.

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45. Bertaut, “Journal du voyage d’Espagne,” 125: “En arrivant à Seville on ne peut se persuader qu’elle soit digne de la grande reputation qu’elle s’est acquise. . . . Elle est dans une grande Plaine au bord du Guadalquevir qui n’y est pas fort grand, & où il y a un pont de batteaux qui est fort vilain. Il n’y a plus presentement de Vaisseaux, à cause que tout va à Cadiz.” 46. Zúñiga, Annales eclesiasticos, y seglares, unpag., año 1700. 47. The classic account of Seville’s decline in the seventeenth century is Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla. For the Castilian, European, and global contexts, respectively, see Thompson and Yun Casalilla, Castilian Crisis of the Seventeenth Century; Rabb, Struggle for Stability in Early Modern Europe; and Parker, Global Crisis. 48. See Kamen, Spain in the Later Seventeenth Century, and Storrs, Resilience of the Spanish Monarchy. 49. Elliott, “The Decline of Spain,” 217–40, in Spain and Its World, here at 219; this article, first published in Past and Present in 1961, launched a series of articles by historians debating Spanish decline. See also “Self-Perception and Decline in Early Seventeenth-Century Spain” and “Art and Decline in Seventeenth-Century Spain,” in ibid., 241–61 and 263–86. The author revisits the subject of decline in History in the Making, 114–35. 50. On the persistent myth of Spanish idleness, see MacKay, “Lazy, Improvident People.” 51. González de Cellorigo, Memorial de la política necesaria y útil restauración a la república de España, 50: “si todo el oro y plata que sus naturales en el Nuevo Mundo han hallado y van descubriendo le entrase, no la harían tan rica, tan poderosa, como sin ello ella sería.” 52. Rowe, Saint and Nation, 6–7. 53. Nalle, God in La Mancha, 174. 54. Gracián, Pocket Oracle and Art of Prudence, 94. In Spanish: “Hanse de procurar los medios humanos como si no hubiese divinos, y los divinos como si no hubiese humanos.” Gracián, Oráculo manual y arte de prudencia, 429. 55. Borja Palomo, Historia crítica de las riadas, 249, 264–69. 56. Oviedo, Memorial de Andres de Oviedo. 57. Salas, Sevilla y sus puentes, 11–17. 58. Salado Garcés, Varias materias, fol. 87v. 59. Parker, Global Crisis, 617.

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60. Maravall, Culture of the Baroque (La cultura del Barroco, 1975), and Bonet Correa, Andalucía barroca. On the legacy of Marvall’s thesis, see Bass, “Comedia and Cultural Control.” 61. On the short- and long-term impacts of a building boom on a city’s economy, see Goldthwaite, Building of Renaissance Florence, 422–25. 62. Burke, “Conspicuous Consumption in Seventeenth-Century Italy,” 136. 63. “Colgadura de terciopelo carmesi p[ar]a esta Santa Ig[lesi]a la Semana Santa y el dia del Corpus. O admirable Commercium!” in ACS viii: 7, libro 63(5), fols. 126r–127v. 64. See Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 50. 65. [Descripcion lirica del Monumento de la Catedral de Sevilla], 19: “dadiva opulenta.” A 1695 drawing by Lucas Valdés features the new curtains hanging in the cathedral during Holy Week; see Morales, “Un dibujo del Monumento.” 66. See Banner, Religious Patronage of the Duke of Lerma, 7–46. 67. Torre, Il consumo di devozioni. 68. Cervantes, “The Jealous Extremaduran,” in Exemplary Stories, 147–80, quote on 153. 69. Mañara is the subject of a full-length hagiography by Cárdenas, Breve relación de la muerte, vida y virtudes del venerable caballero Don Miguel Mañara (1679). Vázquez de Leca and Neve are both profiled in Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios (1692), 867–969 on Vázquez de Leca, 459–66 on Neve. 70. For an introduction to the subject, see Barker, Webb, and Woods, Changing Status of the Artist. On Spain in particular, see Martín González, El artista en la sociedad española, and Trusted, Arts of Spain, 143–57. 71. Romero Muñoz, “La recopilación de ordenanzas,” 231; Ordenanças de Seuilla (1527), fols. clix verso–clxix recto; Ordenanças de Sevilla (1632), facsimile ed., fols. 159v–169r. 72. On Velázquez’s career at court, see Brown, Velázquez: Painter and Courtier, and Tiffany, Diego Velázquez’s Early Paintings, 125–49. 73. On Duque Cornejo’s pursuit of social status, see Herrera García, El retablo sevillano en la primera mitad del siglo xviii, 372–80. 74. On the history of the Seville academy, see Corzo Sánchez, La Academia del Arte de la

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Pintura de Sevilla; on its drawing practices, see Cherry, “Murillo’s Drawing Academy.” 75. Portús Pérez, “Discourses on the Art of Painting in Seville.” 76. Documents in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 375, 377, 395–96, on Murillo; 574 and 581, on Pineda and Valdés Leal, quote on 581: “les conocía desde nacieron.” 77. See the pioneering 1998 book by Susan Verdi Webster, Art and Ritual in GoldenAge Spain, on Sevillian processional sculptures in their ritual context. A pair of innovative museum exhibitions in 2009 explored the ways that different media worked together to shape the sacred in early modern Spain; see the exhibition catalogues by Kasl, Sacred Spain, and Bray, Sacred Made Real. 78. Berg Sobré, “Sculpted Retable in Spain”; Martín González, El retablo barroco en España. 79. On the historiography of the luxury arts and the causes of their neglect, see Belozerskaya, Luxury Arts of the Renaissance. 80. The Real Academia Española’s Diccionario de autoridades (Diccionario de la lengua castellana, 1726) defines alhaja as follows: “Nombre genérico, que se dá à qualquiera de las cosas que tienen alguna estimación y valór; pero mas contrahidamente à todo aquello que esta destinádo para el uso y adorno de una casa, ù de las personas: como son colgadúras, camas, escritórios, &c. ò vestidos, joyas, &c.” Http:/web.frl.es/ DA.html. 81. There are extensive bibliographies on both painters’ careers in Seville; in English, see Tiffany, Diego Velázquez’s Early Paintings, and Baticle, Zurbarán. 82. Bonet Correa, Andalucía barroca, 250. 83. Jouvin de Rochefort, Voyage d’Espagne et de Portugal, 246–47: “Je ne puis que je n’admire la belle coustume & loüable devotion des Espagnols, qui lors que la grosse cloche de la ville tinte le pardon, tout cesse en mesme temps de travailler & d’aller par les ruës, les cavaliers & les carosses s’arrestent quand mesme on iroit pour des affaires pressées, on demeure tout court pour dire l’Ave Maria, chacun à genoux au lieu où il se rencontre; en sorte que dans ce moment on n’entend par toute la ville plus de bruit que si c’êtoit en plein minuit.” 84. Braones, Noticia de la fiesta, unpag. [fol. 1v]: “todas calidades de gentes.”

85. On sacred art and social conflict in an earlier period of Seville’s history, see Pereda, Las imágenes de la discordia (English translation forthcoming). 86. These iconoclastic incidents are mentioned in Zúñiga, Annales eclesiasticos, y seglares, unpag., años 1691 and 1696. The events of 1691 are described in detail in Braones, Noticia de la fiesta. 87. See Natalie Zemon Davis’s seminal exploration of religion, community, and urban spaces in “The Sacred and the Body Social in Sixteenth-Century Lyon.”

Chapter 1 1. The 1918 biography, Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 1573–1649, remains the definitive source on the archdeacon’s life; on his uncle, Lovett, Philip II and Mateo Vázquez de Leca. 2. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 959–60. 3. P. de Jesús María, Vida, virtvdes, y dones, fol. 126v. 4. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 874. 5. On the figure of the tapada, see Bass and Wunder, “Veiled Ladies of the Early Modern Spanish World,” and Peraita, “‘Like a Portable House.’” 6. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 874: “Que vn dia del Corpus (que parece fue el año de 600.) aviendo lucido mucho el Arcediano en la Procession, assi en lo transparente y aseado de la sobrepelliz, como en la sotana casi de soplillo que llevaba debaxo, para lucir vn vestido de brocado muy rico que avia estrenado aquel dia: aviendo assistido à los Carros que à la Puerta Grande de la Iglesia se avian representado, y hecho alarde de su bizarria aquel dia en especial, y passeado bastantemẽte la Iglesia lo restante de la tarde ò ya por ver ò ser visto; vna muger tapada, siendo ya casi al anochecer, le hizo señas la siguiesse hàzia la Capilla de N. Señora de los Reyes. Fuesse tras ella, ignorando lo que le queria: y desseoso de ver con quien iba, le pidiò se descubriesse; y haziendolo ella assi, se descubrió debaxo de aquel mãto la Muerte en vn horroroso esqueleto que se le ostentò á la vista.” Cf. P. de Jesús María, Vida, virtvdes, y dones, fol. 126v, in which Vázquez de Leca’s conversion takes place during Corpus Christi in 1602, when the archdeacon encounters a tapada on the steps of the Lonja and

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follows her to the working-class neighborhood of the Feria, where she reveals herself as Death in disguise. 7. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 875: “ademanes de assombrado y muestras de arrepentido”; 876: quoting Mata, “profanidad y vana ostentacion.” 8. Ribadeneyra, Vida del P. Francisco de Borja, fol. 16v: “la vanidad de todo lo que precian, y con tanta ansia procuran los hombres del mundo.” Ribadeneyra’s life of Borgia may have served as a “recruitment tool” for upper-class men like Vázquez de Leca, as suggested by Bilinkoff, “A Christian and a Gentleman,” 455. 9. On vanitas paintings and disillusionment, see Jordan and Cherry, Spanish Still Life, 22, and Valdivieso, Vanidades y desengaños. 10. According to theories of performativity, this would be a “semi-scripted” performance. Burke, “Varieties of Performance in Seventeenth-Century Italy,” 17. 11. Most of these documents are transcribed in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca. Vázquez de Leca’s patronage is the subject of two articles by José Gámez Martín: “Las dotaciones de Mateo Vázquez de Leca en honor al Santísimo Sacramento” and “El mecenazgo artístico de Mateo Vázquez de Leca en la Capilla Real de Sevilla.” 12. Vázquez de Leca did give a large painting of the Immaculate Conception to the Colegio de San Hermenegildo and an “esteemed painting” (quadro estimable) of the Descent from the Cross to the Discalced Carmelite convent of Santo Ángel. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 958. 13. The original contract for the Christ of Clemency—at the Archivo de Protocolos, Seville—is transcribed in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, doc. 51, 236–39, here at 237: “gran deseo de acauar e Hazer Vna pieça semejante a esta para que quede en españa y no se lleue a las yndias ni a otras partes.” On Martínez Montañés’s works for export, see Trusted, “Exotic Devotion,” 256, and Proske, Juan Martínez Montañés, 132–33. 14. Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, 500. On Pacheco’s polychromy of the Christ of Clemency, see Bray, Sacred Made Real, 25. 15. Hazañas y La Rúa, Váquez de Leca, 237: “Xpo crucificado” (1603 contract); 101n2: “la Sacratísima Imagen . . . del S.to Chisto [sic]” (1614 donation document). Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, 725: “el famoso Cristo.”

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16. On the Congregation of the Pomegranate, see Lleó Cañal, “Seville in the Golden Age.” 17. Pacheco, Libro de descripción de verdaderos retratos, 383–89. On Pacheco’s book, see Cacho Casal, Francisco Pacheco y su “Libro de retratos,” and Cacho Casal, “‘True Likeness.’” 18. Domínguez Ortiz, “La Congregación de la Granada,” 645–46. 19. On Martínez Montañés’s relationship with Mata and the Congregation of the Pomegranate, see Passolas Jáuregui and López-Fé y Figueroa, Juan Martínez Montañés, 1:258–67. On Vázquez de Leca, see González Polvillo, “La Congregación de la Granada,” 67. On Pacheco, see Lleó Cañal, “Seville in the Golden Age,” 107–8. 20. Domínguez Ortiz, “La Congregación de la Granada,” 638, 644. 21. John of the Cross, Subida del monte Carmelo, 330–34; English translation, Ascent of Mount Carmel, 318–21. 22. Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 82–83, 86. 23. Private oratories were carefully regulated by ecclesiastical authorities, and their licenses reveal fascinating details about domestic interiors and noble residences. González Moreno, “Documentación sobre oratorios”; Vinuesa Herrera, “Oratorio y capillas privadas.” 24. Falcón Márquez, La Casa de Jerónimo Pinelo, 33–34, 46. A spectacular domestic oratory survives at the Casa de Pilatos. Lleó Cañal, La Casa de Pilatos, 18–19. 25. Doc. 51 in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 237: “y assi a de tener los ojos y Rostro con alguna seberidad y los ojos del todo abiertos.” 26. Delgado Roig, Los signos de la muerte, 114. 27. John of the Cross, Ascent of Mount Carmel, 321. 28. Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 95. 29. Ibid., 101n2. 30. Martínez Montañés and Pacheco made sculptures of Saint Dominic (1605–9), the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception at El Pedroso (1606–8), Saint Jerome at the monastery of San Isidoro del Campo in Santiponce (ca. 1611), Saint Ignatius Loyola (1610), Saint Francis Borgia (1624), and the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception known as La Cieguecita (1628–31) at the cathedral. Passolas Jáuregui and LópezFé y Figueroa, Juan Martínez Montañés, 3:48–55, 60–67, 102–20, 148–51, 250–53, 274–80.

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31. Vázquez de Leca commissioned a small statue of the Christ Child known as “el Sevillano,” which he donated to a Teresian convent in the Andalusian town of Beas. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 958; Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 154. 32. John of the Cross, Ascent of Mount Carmel, 319. 33. Doc. 71 in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 258–64; 259: “en cada un año perpetuamente para siempre jamas.” 34. On the Corpus Christi festivals in early modern Spain, see Ruiz, A King Travels, 266–82. On the festival in Seville, see ibid., 277–78, and Lleó Cañal, Fiesta grande. 35. Before later additions were made to it, Arfe’s custodia weighed 341,614 grams. Palomero Páramo, “La platería en la catedral de Sevilla,” 636. A. Morgado, Historia de Sevilla, fol. 104r. 36. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 945. 37. Doc. 71 in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 260: “el pueblo pueda ser mouido a mayor devocion.” 38. Espinosa de los Monteros, Teatro de la Santa Iglesia, fol. 98r: “ta[n]ta riqueza, Magestad, gra[n]deza, ostentacion, olores, y lumbres, q[ue] no es possible comprehendello todo la vista.” 39. Sánchez Gordillo, Religiosas estaciones, 137–39. 40. On Vázquez de Leca’s donation and the Corpus dances of the niños seises, see Rosa y López, Los seises de la catedral de Sevilla, 248–52, and Brooks, Dances of the Processions of Seville, 71–72. 41. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 946–48. 42. Doc. 74, extracts from the cathedral Actas Capitulares related to the construction of the Sagrario church, in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 271–73. 43. See Falcón Márquez, El Sagrario de la catedral de Sevilla. 44. See Kendrick, “Marian War.” 45. Quoted in Lleó Cañal, “Seville in the Golden Age,” 102. 46. See Sanz Serrano, Fiestas sevillanas de la Inmaculada Concepción. 47. Sarmiento de Mendoza quoted in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 116–17. 48. Toro’s conversion story is recounted in Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 856–58. 49. Toro and Cid, [“Todo el mundo en general”] (untitled and undated song-sheet): “Todo el mu[n]do en general a vozes Reyna escogida diga q[ue] sois co[n]cebida

sin pecado original”; “en sus casas, y por las calles a todos tiempos, de dia, y de noche.” 50. Valdivieso, Juan de Roelas, 55–60. 51. On Toro and Vázquez de Leca’s embassy to Rome, see Cacho Casal, “Una embajada concepcionista a Roma.” 52. Copia sexta, unpag.: “en abito Clerical, con borla y capirote”; “Espiritual zelo.” The events described in the pamphlet are summarized in Sanz Serrano, Fiestas sevillanas de la Inmaculada Concepción, 126–28. 53. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 864. A portrait by Francisco Pacheco of a dark-haired man with the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception is identified as a likeness of Bernardo de Toro in González Polvillo, “La Congregación de la Granada,” 69–72. 54. P. de Jesús María, Vida, virtvdes, y dones, fol. 117v: “otros sobrenaturales efectos.” 55. González Polvillo, “La Congregación de la Granada,” 67–69. 56. On Pacheco’s working methods for making portraits of absent subjects, see Cacho Casal, “‘True Likeness,’” 396–405. 57. On the iconography of the Immaculate Conception, see Stratton, Immaculate Conception in Spanish Art; on Pacheco’s influential images of the Immaculate Conception, Tiffany, Diego Velázquez’s Early Paintings, 29–33. 58. The Pacheco portrait is described as an “homage” to the archdeacon by González Polvillo, “La Congregación de la Granada,” 59. 59. Fr. Miguel Ruiz quoted in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 116: “‘zelo santo, gravedad cristiana, devoción fervorosa y autoridad generosa.’” 60. This letter reported the establishment of a new noble military order devoted to the Immaculate Conception. Vázquez de Leca and Toro, Relacion de la institvcion, unpag.: “Certificole ha quinze dias que no comemos, ni dormimos, visitando estos señores Cardenales, y haziendo memoriales.” 61. Domínguez Ortiz, “La Congregación de la Granada,” 642. 62. Pedro de Jesús María indicates that the coffin was installed twenty years before the archdeacon’s death, which would be 1629, while Aranda dates it to 1641. Jesús María, Vida, virtvdes, y dones, fol. 127v; Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 961–62. 63. P. de Jesús María, Vida, virtvdes, y dones, fol. 127v: “por tener sie[m]pre fresca en la memoria la consideracion de la muerte.”

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64. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 962: “eficaz desengaño.” 65. Espinosa de los Monteros, Teatro de la Santa Iglesia, fol. 12v. 66. Ledesma, “Imagenes de Maria Santissma.” BCC ms 59-4-19, fols. 32v–34r. 67. Espinosa de los Monteros, Teatro de la Santa Iglesia, fol. 12v: “vn Altar portatil de plata hecho a modo de Tabernaculo.” The tabernacle’s appearance is reconstructed in Sanz Serrano, “Imagen del antiguo tabernáculo de plata.” 68. The Virgin of the Kings was taken out in processions of rogation in 1605, 1606, and 1616 for drought; 1624 and 1626 for floods; 1636 for drought and food shortages; 1649 for plague; 1664, 1669, 1680, and 1683 for drought; and 1691 to beg for an heir to the Spanish Crown. Carrero Rodríguez, Nuestra Señora de los Reyes y su historia, 85–87. 69. See the detailed description of the sculpture in Hernández Díaz, La Virgen de los Reyes, 25–29. On imágenes de vestir, see Webster, Art and Ritual in Golden-Age Spain, 59–65. 70. Ledesma, “Imagenes de Maria Santissma.” BCC ms 59-4-19, fol. 32r: “como si estubiera viua, y aßi pueden sentarla, ô en pie, y los brazos hazen todas las acciones que quieren que hagan”; fol. 34r: “tan linda, perfecta, y acabada, y sin ninguna diminucion, de la mesma manera, que si oy la acabaran de fabricar, cosa milagrosa, y de grande admiracion.” 71. The garments (“mantos, pelotes, é sayas”) are described by Hernán Pérez de Guzmán, quoted in Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 2:143. 72. The loba was a long garment, usually worn by academic men, that briefly became fashionable among women during Isabella’s reign. Anderson, Hispanic Costume, 243–44. Queen Isabella’s gifts to the Virgin of the Kings are detailed in an inventory of 1500; Laguna Paúl, “El imperio y la corona de Castilla,” 225, 234–35. 73. John of the Cross, Ascent of Mount Carmel, 310–11. 74. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 216. 75. Niño de Guevara, Constitvciones del Arçobispado de Seuilla, fol. 86r: “Como se han de vestir, i adereçar las imagines de nuestra Señora, o de otras sanctas”; “ni con habito indecente.” On the controversy over costuming Seville’s Virgins in secular

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dress, see Webster, Art and Ritual in Golden-Age Spain, 114–29. 76. The gift of this dress for the Virgin of the Kings appears in the records of the Seville cathedral chapter, ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 56, August 14, 1637, fol. 65v. Aranda seems to have made an error when he dated the gift to 1645 (Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 943). The donation and the confusion over it are discussed at length in Gámez Martín, “El mecenazgo artístico,” 658–61. 77. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 943: “vn preciosissimo vestido de Saya entera y Manto Real, no solo de brocado, pero realçado todo de reliebes de oro, tan ricamente bordado quanto alcança la industria humana.” 78. On the saya entera, see Bernis, El traje y los tipos sociales en El Quijote, 221–33. In 1635 the Jesuit Bernardino de Villegas singled out the saya entera as an especially indecent garment for images of the Virgin. Villegas, La Esposa de Christo, 431. 79. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 943: “para salir en publico fuera de su Capilla”; 944: “en las demas ocasiones que para implorar los Sevillanos su favor en sus trabajos, y para dar gracias à Dios en sus buenos sucessos.” 80. The painting in figure 19 might represent the August 15 feast of the Assumption of the Virgin (as it is identified in Cherry, “Justino de Neve,” 34); it is more commonly associated with Seville’s 1662 festival for the Immaculate Conception (see Falcón Márquez, “Procesión con motivo del estreno”), although the visual evidence in the picture does not match textual descriptions of that event (see Sanz Serrano, Fiestas sevillanas de la Inmaculada Concepción, 178–79). 81. On the toca, see Bernis, El traje y los tipos sociales en El Quijote, 298–99. 82. Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 77; Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 879, 956. 83. Documentation of the donation of curtains and cenefa may be found in P. de Jesús María, Vida, virtvdes, y dones, fol. 127v, and Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 942–43, quote on 942: “vn costoso vestido de tela de oro, guarnecido ricamente.” 84. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 943. 85. See the notarized contract between Mateo Vázquez de Leca and Luis Ortiz de Vargas, March 22, 1647, in López Martínez, Notas para la historia del arte, 109–12, here at

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109: “con la decencia benerazion y culto que a tan grande Reliquia se debe.” 86. Bernales Ballesteros, “Noticias sobre el escultor y arquitecto Luis Ortiz de Vargas”; Dábrio González, “El retablo en la escuela sevillana del Seiscientos,” 194. 87. Vázquez de Leca’s testament of August 2, 1645, is transcribed in Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, doc. 110, 349. 88. For the contract, see López Martínez, Notas para la historia del arte, 109: “la traça y planta añadiendo y haciendola mas Rica y costossa.” Aranda attributes the delay to the altarpiece’s detailed decorative program (“arquitectura muy prolixa”) without assigning blame. Aranda, Vida del siervo de Dios, 943. 89. See the receipt for payment made to Luis Ortiz de Vargas, March 6, 1648, in López Martínez, Notas para la historia del arte, 112. 90. The altarpiece is described in Bernales Ballesteros, “Noticias sobre el escultor y arquitecto Luis Ortiz de Vargas,” 127–28. 91. Laguna Paúl, “Mobiliario medieval,” 69. 92. Wunder, “Women’s Fashions and Politics.” 93. For example, Ribas used Solomonic columns in an altarpiece (destroyed) he made for the convent of the Merced in 1646. Martín González, El retablo barroco en España, 13. 94. Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 154. The sculptor Juan Martínez Montañés also received a proper funeral service, with bells and mourners and candles, before he was buried at his parish church of La Magdalena. Proske, Juan Martínez Montañés, 136.

Chapter 2

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1. I am grateful to Teodoro Falcón Márquez for answering questions and sharing in advance some of the findings from his monograph La iglesia de Santa María la Blanca, which was published as this book was going to press. 2. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 92v: “una tazita de oro que admira su primor.” On Santa María la Blanca’s role in the evolution of ornament in Seville, see Recio Mir, “Génesis del ornato barroco sevillano.” 3. On the barroquización of Romanesque and Gothic churches in Castile, see

Rodríguez G. de Ceballos, Arquitectura barroca en Castilla-León, 33–35. 4. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Annales (1677), 817: “obra moderna de las que mas ilustran a Seuilla . . . à expensas de la piedad de poderosos vezinos . . . por medio principalmente de la singular deuocion, y liberalidad Religiosa de Don Iustino de Nebe.” 5. A 2012 exhibition at the Prado Museum in Madrid was devoted to Neve and Murillo’s collaborations; see the exhibition catalogue edited by Gabriele Finaldi, Murillo and Justino de Neve: The Art of Friendship. On Murillo’s popularity among private collectors, see Kinkead, “Artistic Inventories in Seville,” 120; see Angulo Iñiguez, Murillo, for a catalogue raisonné and biographical study of the artist. 6. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca. 7. The archaeological findings and their implications are explained by the architect who directed the restoration, Óscar Gil Delgado, in his essay “Una sinagoga desvelada en Sevilla.” 8. Caro, Antigvedades, fol. 67v. Aldana y Tirado, “Templos que en . . . Sevilla ay dedicados à María Ss.” AMS xi, Papeles del Conde de Águila, Libros en Cuarto, t. 16, no. 16 (micro. no. 42), fols. 82r–85r. 9. Sánchez Gordillo, Religiosas estaciones, 224: “En la iglesia parroquial nueva que el año de 1480 se hizo en Sevilla a la Virgen Santísima Nuestra Señora con el título de Santa María de las Nieves, en vulgar común castellano Santa María la Blanca, que hasta entonces había sido sinagoga de los judíos que vivían en Sevilla, y fueron echados de ella, está la santísima imagen cuya festividad se celebra a los cinco días del mes de agosto, la que es venerada y frecuentada del templo con notable religión y devoción. Y en el barrio o collación de ella, vive mucha gente principal y es una de las nueve casas de Nuestra Señora que se visitan en sus festividades. . . . A honra de esta santa imagen hay en su iglesia muchas memorias y capellanías perpetuas, señal cierta de la veneración en que el pueblo la tiene y como la reverencia y respeta su devoción.” 10. See Ecker, “Conversion of Mosques to Synagogues in Seville.” 11. Gil Delgado, “Una sinagoga desvelada en Sevilla,” 84. 12. On the architecture and decoration of medieval Spanish synagogues, see Dodds, “Mudejar Tradition and the Synagogues

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of Medieval Spain”; on legal restrictions, see Czekelius, “Antiguas sinagogas de España,” 331–32. 13. A second synagogue was converted into the parish church of Santa Cruz (destroyed in 1810, site of present-day Plaza de Santa Cruz); see Cómez Ramos, “La antigua sinagoga del barrio de Santa Cruz.” A third synagogue was converted into the church of San Bartolomé in the late fifteenth century (demolished and rebuilt 1779–1806). 14. Gil Delgado, “Una sinagoga desvelada en Sevilla,” 92–93. 15. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Annales (1677), 817. 16. J. A. Morgado, “La imagen de Ntra. Sra. de las Nieves,” 87. 17. Webster, Art and Ritual in Golden-Age Spain, 65. 18. See the map of Seville’s sixteenth-century palaces in Oliva Alonso, “De arquitectura doméstica sevillana,” 240–41. 19. On Seville’s Renaissance palaces, see Falcón Márquez, El Palacio de las Dueñas, 25–76. 20. Taggard, Murillo’s Allegories of Salvation and Triumph, 108. 21. On the circumstances leading to the Seville riot, see Carmona García, Crónica urbana del malvivir, 272–76. For the broader Andalusian context, see Parker, Global Crisis, 280–82. 22. Joseph Maldonado Dávila y Saavedra, “Tratado verdadero del motin que hubo en esta Ciudad de Seuilla este Año de 1652,” in BCC ms 59-1-5, fols. 110r–155v, here at fol. 116v: “gente picara toda, y vil.” 23. Like his uncle Maldonado Dávila y Saavedra, Ortiz de Zúñiga used inflammatory language denouncing the rebels in his account of the bread riot, Anales, 5:75–103; on the participation of the Marquis of Villamanrique and Melo Ponce de León, see ibid., 5:86, 89. 24. Domínguez Ortiz, La Sevilla del siglo xvii, 26–29. 25. Arenillas, Del Clasicismo al Barroco, 176. 26. On the resumption of artistic activity in Seville after the plague, see Quiles García, “Resurrección de una escuela.” 27. Falcón Márquez, “Church of Santa María la Blanca in Seville,” 68. 28. On Sánchez Falconete and his work at Santa María la Blanca, see Arenillas, Del Clasicismo al Barroco, 176, 230–37. 29. See Calderón Quijano, Las espadañas de Sevilla. 30. Lleó Cañal, Nueva Roma, 250. 31. Cherry, “Justino de Neve,” 35, 41.

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32. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 64, July 23, 1657, fol. 40r: “lo tuvo el cab[ild]o por bien que se hiziesse y le dio las gracias por la buena obra.” 33. The contract between Neve and Moreno was first documented by Quiles García, Teatro de la gloria, 388–89. 34. On the attribution of the Great Conception altarpiece to Martín Moreno and his use of Solomonic columns, see Falcón Márquez, “El arquitecto de retablos y escultor Martín Moreno,” 74–82. 35. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 3v: “Es todo en forma de Trono celestial, suspendido en nubes, y zelages, que ayudan Choros de Angeles, y Cherubines, y todo elevado sobre vn Monte de Nieves, que explican la advocacion de la grande Matrona, y recuerdan la maravilla Romana.” 36. Falcón Márquez, “El arquitecto de retablos y escultor Martín Moreno,” 82–83. 37. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:137: “llenó de alegria á la Christiandad, y especialmente á Espana y á Sevilla.” 38. Falcón Márquez, El Sagrario de la catedral de Sevilla, 12. 39. Documented by Cherry in Finaldi, Murillo and Justino de Neve, 148. 40. Arenillas, Del Clasicismo al Barroco, 131–36. 41. Documents on the Borja brothers may be found in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 75–80. 42. On the European context for Borja’s Baroque ornament, see Snodin, “Baroque Style,” 106–8. 43. Bustamante García, El siglo xvii: Clasicismo y Barroco, 37–88. 44. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:154: “bellísimas fantasías”; 158: “caprichos tan bizarros,” “tan fragil materia.” 45. Falcón Márquez, “Procesión con motivo del estreno”; Sanz Serrano, Fiestas sevillanas de la Inmaculada Concepción, 171–80. 46. The anonymous manuscript is attributed to the city alderman Pedro de Rojas; “Memorias de diferentes cosas,” BCC ms 59-1-3, fol. 312v: “desgracia que desasonô parte del contento deste dia tan festiuo, y alegre.” 47. Torre Farfán, Templo panegirico, al certamen poetico qve celebro la hermandad insigne del Smo. Sacramento, estrenando la grande fabrica del Sagrario nuevo. . . . 48. Mal Lara, Recebimiento qve hizo la mvy noble y muy leal Ciudad de Seuilla.

Notes to Pages 48–56 165

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Notes to Pages 56–63 166

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49. The most complete study of Arteaga’s work as a printmaker remains the 1978 article by Antonio de la Banda y Vargas, “Matías de Arteaga, Grabador”; there is a substantial corpus of documents related to Arteaga in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 18–47. On Arteaga’s library, see Kinkead, “Tres documentos nuevos del pintor don Matías de Arteaga y Alfaro,” 348. 50. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 66, June 19, 1662, fol. 38v: “los parroquianos de s[an]ta M[arí]a la blanca quieren labrar los techos de dicha Iglesia, de bobedas de yeso, a su costa.” 51. Sermon by Fray Antonio de Vergara, in Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 65r–77r, quote on fol. 76v: “no bastava el antiguo Templo para festejar tanta nueva, hagase vno nuevo, ò pongase tal el antiguo, que lo pongan como nuevo.” Sermon by Fray Francisco Fregoso, in ibid., fols. 111v–128v, quote on fols. 124r–v: “todo ha de ser nuevo. . . . claro está, que si todo sirve al Mysterio de la Concepcion, ha de ser nuevo, y ha de ser novedad.” 52. On private donations to Santa María la Blanca, see Cherry, “Justino de Neve,” 41; Pineda’s donation is documented by Cherry in Finaldi, Murillo and Justino de Neve, 149. 53. Flores y León, Oracion fvnebre panegirica, 8: “para los ornamentos, y explendor del Culto Divino concurriò en muchissimas Iglesias, con gastos muy crecidos.” 54. Arenillas, Del Clasicismo al Barroco, 205–7. 55. Gil Delgado, “Una sinagoga desvelada en Sevilla,” 74–76. 56. Contract between Neve and Juan González, July 8, 1662, in Arenillas, Del Clasicismo al Barroco, 361–64; clause on damages on 362. 57. On the authorship of Santa María la Blanca’s plasterwork designs, see Morales, La piel de la arquitectura, 151; 152: “delirio ornamental, nunca vista en Sevilla.” 58. Finaldi, Murillo and Justino de Neve, 102–8. 59. On Murillo’s residency in the neighborhood of Santa María la Blanca, see Angulo Iñiguez, Murillo, 1:69–72; see the painter’s rental agreement, May 31, 1663, in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 385. 60. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 5v. Different portrait identifications are proposed by Falcón Márquez and Gabriele

Finaldi in Finaldi, Murillo and Justino de Neve, 68 (Falcón Márquez) and 113 (Finaldi). 61. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 6r. 62. The only other old altarpiece that was preserved intact was the one containing Luis de Vargas’s 1564 painting of the Piedad. Falcón Márquez, “Retablos y esculturas,” 313. 63. “Inventario de los bienes” (1685), ACS 0, libro 99, fols. 24r, 26r: “muy gastada por ser antigua.” 64. On the horror vacui aesthetic in Seville, see Recio Mir, “Génesis del ornato barroco sevillano,” and Lleó Cañal, “Barroco y retórica.” 65. Sermon by Fray Francisco de Burgos, in Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 90r–101r, quote on fol. 96r: “Confiesso que quando oì dezir que se renovava aqueste Santo Templo, solo se este[n]diò mi espera[n]ça a lo que suena aquesta voz, Renovacion. Esperè que se acudiesse al riesgo que amenazava la antiguedad a este edificio: que se procurasse darle mas luz, y que se blanqueasse, y redimiesse de las injurias del tiempo. Hasta aqui se estendiò mi espera[n]ça. Y què es que llegamos a ver? Vn Templo en todo novissimo, y que no es possible que le conozca[n] los que antes lo viero[n].” 66. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 68, May 18, 1665, fol. 31v: “lucimiento y autoridad”; “todos los ornamentos, colgadura, y plata”; “zelo y cuidado”; “sinque al Cab[ild]o le aya costado vn marauedi.” 67. On fireworks, see Bonet Correa, Fiesta, poder y arquitectura, 23–26, and Tierney, “Fireworks.” 68. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 15r–16r. 69. Warwick, Bernini: Art as Theatre, 27. 70. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 16v–17r. 71. Ibid., fols. 16v, 64r. 72. The decoration of San Pablo is described in the Relacion svmaria de las festivas, fols. 5r–6v. On the importance of textiles as festival decorations, see Cámara Muñoz, Arquitectura y sociedad en el Siglo de Oro, 151–52, 220–21. 73. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 5v: “vestidas siempre de sus proprias galas.”

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74. On Santa María la Blanca’s exterior wall paintings, see Aguilar Gutiérrez and Arenillas, “Las pinturas murales.” 75. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 12v. Valdés Leal’s painting for the festival probably resembled his Immaculate Conception (1659–60), today at the church of the Magdalena, as seen in Valdivieso, Valdés Leal, 152–53. On Valdés Leal’s presidency of the drawing academy, see Corzo Sánchez, La Academia del Arte de la Pintura de Sevilla, 56–68. 76. See Morales Folguera, “El arte festivo en el espacio urbano,” for a discussion of festivals and urban spaces in Andalusian cities. The decoration of the Plaza de Santa María la Blanca is described in Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 6v–10v. 77. The painting was Murillo’s Inmaculada Concepción de los Venerables, now at the Prado Museum in Madrid. See the drawings reconstructing the altar in Sanz Serrano, Fiestas sevillanas de la Inmaculada Concepción, 182, and Finaldi, Murillo and Justino de Neve, 119. 78. The Valencian altar, which measured 20’ 9” high (30 palmos), featured a life-size sculpture of the Immaculate Conception and a mechanical dragon that emitted a hissing noise; the altar niche was covered with red velvet, the steps with crimson silk fabric decorated in silver and blue. Pedraza, Barroco efímero en Valencia, 102–3. 79. Palomero Páramo, “La platería en la catedral de Sevilla,” 614–15. 80. Portús Pérez, “Discourses on the Art of Painting in Seville,” 48. The exhibition is described in Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 12v–13r. 81. On Neve’s picture collection, see Finaldi, “Art of Friendship,” 21–22. On the collection at the Casa de Pilatos, see Brown and Kagan, “Duke of Alcalá,” and Lleó Cañal, “Art Collection of the Ninth Duke of Medinaceli.” Melo Ponce de León’s inventory may be found in Kinkead, “Artistic Inventories in Seville,” 140. 82. For a description and building plans of the palace, see Vázquez Consuegra, Sevilla: Cien edificios, 12–15. Known today as the Palacio de Altamira, the Villamanrique palace has served as the Sede de la Consejería y Viceconsejería de Cultura

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since its renovation in 1999, described in La restauración del palacio de Altamira. 83. The facade may have been designed by Cristóbal Ortiz, the master of works for the archbishopric of Seville, who worked for the Marchioness of Villamanrique in the 1640s. Arenillas, Del Clasicismo al Barroco, 104–5. 84. On the festival decorations of Roman palaces, see Dandelet, “Setting the Noble Stage in Baroque Rome.” 85. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 13v, as translated in Portús Pérez, “Discourses on the Art of Painting in Seville,” 50. 86. The five pictures in Murillo’s series on the life of Jacob are (1) Isaac Blessing Jacob and (2) Jacob’s Dream (both at the Hermitage, St. Petersburg); (3) The Meeting of Jacob and Rachel (National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin); (4) Jacob Laying Peeling Rods Before the Flock of Laban (Meadows Museum, Dallas); and (5) Laban Searching for His Stolen Household Goods in Rachel’s Tent (Cleveland Museum of Art). On Murillo’s Jacob series, see Angulo Iñiguez, Murillo, 2:29–34; Taggard, Murillo’s Allegories of Salvation and Triumph, 69–80; Mulcahy, “‘Meeting of Jacob and Rachel’”; and Stratton-Pruitt, Bartolomé Esteban Murillo, 137–41. 87. On the painter Iriarte, about whom very little is known, see Valdivieso, Historia de la pintura sevillana, 237–39. 88. This interpretation is suggested by Taggard, Murillo’s Allegories of Salvation and Triumph, 106–15. 89. Fray Francisco Fregoso in Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 112v: “con mayor, y mas festiva pompa.” Fray Antonio de Vergara, in ibid., fols. 76r–v, similarly explains the connection between Jacob’s dream and Santa María la Blanca. 90. The Marquis of Villamanrique, Juan de Saavedra y Alvarado, Alonso Verdugo de Albornoz, Juan Gutiérrez Tello Mañara y Vicentelo, and Melchor de Melo Ponce de León are named as participants in suppressing the bread riots (Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:82, 86, 89) and in the parade of Santa María la Blanca (Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 166v). 91. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 154r, 166r–168v.

Notes to Pages 63–66 167

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Notes to Pages 66–75 168

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92. The Marchioness of Villamanrique also donated a matching embroidered frontal for the altar of the Virgin of the Snows; it is described in a 1685 inventory, “Inventario de los bienes,” ACS 0, libro 99, fol. 22v: “Vn frontal bordado a plumajes y otras labores sobre lana blanca con seda celeste y ojuela de plata sin flocadura.” 93. Martínez Amores, “La Virgen de las Nieves,” 31. 94. “Inventario de los bienes,” ACS 0, libro 99, fol. 4v: “Una corona ymperial de n[uest]ra s[eño]ra de plata dorada y guarnezida de pedreria.” The Virgin’s accessories are described by Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 169r–v. 95. Sermon by Pedro Francisco de Levanto, in Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 30v– 63v, esp. fols. 44v–46v; as noted by Falcón Márquez, “Retablos y esculturas,” 305. 96. The map in figure 39 is based on the procession route as described in Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fols. 170r–173v. The route is reconstructed slightly differently on the map in Sanz Serrano, Fiestas sevillanas de la Inmaculada Concepción, 191. 97. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 174r: “Assi bolviò a su Casa la que saliò a saludarnos en las nuestras.” 98. Saying quoted in Sánchez Gordillo, Religiosas estaciones, 54: “Ciudad de la Virgen Santísima.” 99. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, Capilla de la Sta. Iglesia Metropolitana, y Patriarchal de Sevilla: En obseqvio del nvevo breve concedido por N. Smo. Padre Alexandro VII en favor del Pvrissimo Mysterio de la Concepcion. . . . 100. Méndez Bejarano, Diccionario de escritores, 3:16–18. 101. Domínguez Guzmán, La imprenta en Sevilla, 36–37. 102. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, unpag. front matter: “por todo el Orbe.” 103. Mínguez, González Tornel, and Rodríguez Moya, La fiesta barroca, 1:31. 104. Inventory nos. 162 and 180 in Cherry, “Palabras y obras pías,” 404–5. 105. Sanz Serrano, Fiestas sevillanas de la Inmaculada Concepción, 181–86. 106. Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol.

13r: “insigne Bartolome Murillo”; fol. 4v: “Apeles Sevillano.” Portús Pérez, “Discourses on the Art of Painting in Seville,” 48–51. 107. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Annales (1677), 817. 108. Cherry, “Justino de Neve,” 36. 109. Murillo’s petition to join the Hermandad de la Santa Caridad was accepted on June 14, 1665. León Domínguez, La Caridad de Sevilla, 110. 110. On the Marquis of Villamanrique’s protectorship of the Seville academy, see Corzo Sánchez, La Academia del Arte de la Pintura de Sevilla, 79. On his move to Madrid, see Brooke, “Seville and Beyond,” 51.

Chapter 3 1. On Philip IV’s catafalque at La Encarnación, see Orso, Art and Death at the Spanish Habsburg Court, 65–70. On royal catafalques and funeral ceremonies in general, see Soto Caba, Los catafalcos reales del Barroco español. 2. On the Italian and American catafalques for Philip IV, see González Tornel, “‘Grande quien llora e inmortal quien muere.’” 3. Pérez Escolano, “Los túmulos de Felipe II y de Margarita de Austria,” 155–72. Miguel de Cervantes, “Al túmulo del Rey Felipe II en Sevilla” (sonnet 177) is translated into English in Martín, Cervantes and the Burlesque Sonnet, 210. 4. Baena Gallé, “En torno a las exequias de Felipe IV en Sevilla.” 5. The sketch was first published and described by Baena Gallé, Exequias reales, fig. 7, 83–87. 6. The Triumph’s height (36 varas) and cost are recorded in ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, April 14, 1671, fol. 26v, and June 3, 1671, fol. 39v. 7. Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla. On the Seville cathedral chapter’s festival book, see Bonet Correa, “El poeta Torre Farfán”; Balsinde Rodríguez and Sáenz Báscones, “Un ‘Torre Farfán’ en la Biblioteca del Palacio”; and Mulcahy, “Celebrating Sainthood, Government, and Seville.” 8. Half of the book’s cost was paid with an account that had been established to promote Fernando’s canonization, as discussed below. ACS viii: 3, libro

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37(7), “Quentas de la beatificación y canonización,” fols. 88r–v. The cathedral master of ceremonies recorded a total cost of 13,130 ducados de vellón. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, April 4 and 14, 1671, unpag. note at the end of the manuscript. 9. Wunder, “Search for Sanctity in Baroque Seville”; Rubio Merino, “Fiestas de la Iglesia de Sevilla,” 192; Vincent-Cassy, “El rey Fernando III.” The dossier on San Fernando at the Vatican Secret Archive consists of eight volumes, in Spanish, of evidence collected between 1627 and 1671, and the same material translated into Latin and Italian (ASV Riti 1098–1112 and 6855n2). There are copies of the files at the Seville Cathedral Archive in a section devoted to San Fernando (ACS viii: 3). These archival materials were first explored in depth by Quiles García, “En los cimientos de la Iglesia sevillana.” 10. Coutinho, Promptvario espiritval de elogios de los santos, 200: “es tan fuerte muro para las ciudades vn Rey Santo, que no solo las defiende viuo, sino las assegura muerto.” 11. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:236: “¿Qué es Sevilla? ¿qué su Iglesia? ¿qué no se adeuda á San Fernando? Sobre los cimientos que abrió su espada, se levantó la máquina de la opulencia que goza.” 12. Laguna Paúl, “Devociones reales e imagen pública en Sevilla,” 144–54. 13. Herráez Martín, “La espada de Fernando III el Santo,” 338. 14. Núñez de Castro, Vida de San Fernando, fols. 203r–v. 15. Pérez Guzmán manuscript transcribed in Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 2:144. 16. On the rise of San Fernando’s cult in Seville, see Chamberlin, “‘Unless the Pen Writes as It Should.’” 17. These images and others are described in witness testimony that was gathered for Fernando’s canonization between 1648 and 1652: ASV, Congr. Riti 1108—e.g., fols. 44v, 87v, 177v, 216v–217r, 226r–227v, and 297v–300v. 18. Vergara, Del Santo Rey D. Fernando, fol. 84v: “hace nouedad a la gente plebeya, el ver tratar agora de esta Canonizacion; porque creia, que el santo Rey estaua Canonizado.” 19. See Anselmi, “Roma celebra la monarchia spagnola.” 20. On the politics of canonization in the Counter-Reformation, see Burke, “How to Be a Counter-Reformation Saint”; cf.

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Ditchfield, “How Not to Be a CounterReformation Saint.” On saint making and “Spanish triumphalism” in Rome, see Dandelet, Spanish Rome, 1500–1700, 170–87. 21. Quoted in Ortiz de Zúniga, Anales, 4:304: “‘restituido en su antiguo esplendor.’” 22. On the role that Philip IV’s court played in San Fernando’s canonization, see Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño, “Santo y rey.” 23. On the flood of 1626, see Borja Palomo, Historia crítica de las riadas, 230–69. 24. Envndacion de Sevilla por la creciente de sv rio Gvadalqvivir, unpag.: “Vieronse estos dias muchos penitentes por las calles, y generalmente avia gra[n]des penitencias, ayunos, y diciplinas; con gra[n] frequencia de comuniones.” 25. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 4:318: “afliccion y fatiga”; “fervorizarse el deseo de la canonización de nuestro Santo Rey.” 26. Coutinho, Promptvario espiritval de elogios de los santos, 200: “fuerte muro.” 27. Seville’s saints are catalogued in Quintanadueñas, Santos de la civdad de Sevilla. The popularity of Seville’s existing saints waxed and waned during these years, as examined in Berenberg, “Patrons and Petitioners.” 28. On Seville’s seventeenth-century canonization campaigns, see Quiles García, Por los caminos de Roma. 29. María José del Río Barredo makes this point in her discussion of Madrid’s selection of Saint Isidore as its patron saint; see Río Barredo, Madrid, urbs regia, 96. 30. San Fernando’s miracles are collected in J. de Pineda, Memorial de la excelente santidad y heroycas virtvdes del Señor Rey Don Fernando, 164–71. 31. Quintanadueñas, Santos de la civdad de Sevilla, 190: “crecida fertilidad, abundancia, salud, paz, y contento.” 32. J. de Pineda, Memorial de la excelente santidad y heroycas virtvdes del Señor Rey Don Fernando; the book’s commission and presentation in Madrid are discussed in Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 4:319–21. 33. Falomir Faus, “Imágenes de una santidad frustrada”; Aranda Bernal and Quiles García, “El valor de la imagen.” 34. Hazañas y La Rúa, Vázquez de Leca, 144. 35. BNE res/227/48: Bernardo de Toro, “Carta del P. Bernardo de Toro al P. Juan de Pineda sobre la pintura del retrato del Rey Fernando III, con motivo de su canonización,” Rome, September 10, 1629. On the creation and distribution of the official

Notes to Pages 75–79 169

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Notes to Pages 79–87 170

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Roman portrait, see Quiles García, Por los caminos de Roma, 71–75. 36. On Spanish court portraiture, see Brown, “La monarquía española y el retrato de aparato.” On seventeenth-century reimaginings of medieval saints, see Carlos Varona, “‘The Authority of Sacred Paintbrushes.’” 37. Cintas del Bot, Iconografía del rey San Fernando, 78–83. 38. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 4:355. 39. Brochero, Por la Santa Iglesia de Sevilla, fols. 1r, 14r. 40. On Murillo’s work for the canonization campaign, see Quiles García, “En los cimientos de la Iglesia sevillana,” 204–10; Quiles García, Por los caminos de Roma, 58–71; and Wunder, “Murillo and the Canonisation Case of San Fernando.” 41. ASV, Congr. Riti 1107. 42. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:229–35, describes firsthand the arrival of the news at the Seville cathedral and provides the text of Clement X’s decree in Latin and Spanish. 43. Madrid: [Ossorio], Descripcion de los altares, colgaduras, adornos, y asseos; Málaga: Noticia de las fiestas qve la S. Iglesia Catedral de Malaga celebrò; Mexico City: J. de la Vega, Sermon en la solemne fiesta, qve la imperial corte de Mexico, celebrò. 44. Ruiz, A King Travels, 159. 45. Loaysa, “Biografía,” 36: “no quería otro compañero en esta Comisión que yo.” The appointments appear in ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, March 5, 1671, fol. 16v. 46. Loaysa’s name appears on the academy roster in 1669–70. El manuscrito de la Academia de Murillo, 38. 47. See the contracts for altars at the Hospital de la Misericordia (1668) and Santa Caridad (1670) in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 575–77. 48. On the Roldán workshop, see Bernales Ballesteros, Pedro Roldán, 28–29. 49. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:242: “empleo á todos los artífices Sevillanos, Pintores, Arquitectos y Escultores, con otros innumerables de inferiores, sí precisas profesiones.” 50. On the planning and preparations for the festival, see Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, April 4 and 14, 1671, unpag. 51. The decorations, which are described at length in Torre Farfán’s Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla,

are summarized in Rubio Merino, “Fiestas de la Iglesia de Sevilla,” 196–212. 52. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:237: “sublime idea . . . una máquina triunfal . . . imitando las que la antiguedad erigia á sus heroes.” Covarrubias defines máquina as “fábrica grande e ingeniosa,” with fábrica defined as “cualquier edificio suntuoso.” Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española, 530, 736. 53. Fagiolo dell’Arco, La festa barocca, 407–12. 54. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, April 14, 1671, fol. 26v. 55. Espinosa de los Monteros, Teatro de la Santa Iglesia, fol. 92r: “el mas principal de todas las Iglesias de la Christianidad, por su mayor grandeza, traça nu[n]ca vista, y por su profunda consideracion.” 56. On the physical evolution of the Monument, see Lleó Cañal, “El Monumento de la catedral de Sevilla.” On the renovation under Neve, see Cherry, “Justino de Neve,” 38; on Loaysa’s restoration, see García Hernández, “Las imágenes escultóricas.” Lucas Valdés made a large drawing of the Monument in 1695 that is currently displayed in the reading room of the archive in the Seville archbishop’s palace. See Morales, “Un dibujo del Monumento.” 57. Bonet Correa, “La arquitectura efímera del Barroco en España,” 38. 58. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, May 27, 1671, unpag. 59. Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla, 21–122; Torre Farfán, Fiestas qve celebro la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Maria la Blanca, fol. 8v. 60. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:242. 61. Loaysa, “Biografía,” 36: “de día y de noche asistí y trabajé mucho en la fábrica del Triunfo.” 62. On Valdés Leal’s self-portrait and its artistic precedents, see Portús Pérez, “Discourses on the Art of Painting in Seville,” 54. 63. Sculptures (simulacros) are mentioned in Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla, 120–21, 157, 192, 218, 312. 64. The altar’s scenography is examined in Ferrer Garrofé, “Murillo escenógrafo.” 65. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, May 25 and 30, 1671, unpag. 66. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:243. 67. Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla, 275: “muchos, y Excelentes Simulacros del

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santo rey”; “los excediesse en Hechura, y Primor à todos.” 68. Ceán Bermúdez, Diccionario histórico, 4:236. 69. Unidentified document at ACS quoted in Salazar y Bermúdez, “Datos sobre la iconografía de San Fernando,” 35; also in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 579: “‘agobiado por tanto trabajo.’” 70. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:243. 71. Unidentified document at ACS quoted in Salazar y Bermúdez, “Datos sobre la iconografía de San Fernando,” 35; also in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 579: “‘imploró el auxilio de San Fernando y tomando el pincel con gran fe cuando le subía la fiebre, quedó de súbito completamente curada.’” 72. The sculpture of San Fernando (its carving and estofado and the pedestal) cost 7,300 reales. Falcón Márquez, “Valdés Leal y la arquitectura sevillana,” 158. The accessories are described by Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla, 275, 324. 73. On the activation of sculptures in procession, see Webster, Art and Ritual in Golden-Age Spain, 166–68. 74. Descripcion de las fiestas, unpag.: “En medio del gran cruzero / sostituye la persona / de San Fernando vna estatua, / bien imitada, famosa.” 75. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, 215–17. 76. See Falomir Faus, “Imágenes de poder y evocaciones de la memoria,” and Bodart, Pouvoirs du portrait sous les Habsbourg d’Espagne, 323–95. 77. Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla, 149–50, 324. 78. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, May 25, 1671, unpag. 79. Ruiz, A King Travels, 92. 80. Torre Farfán, Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla, 324: “al dar Vista la Soberana Efigie à sus Antiguas Agradecidas Calles, pareciò que se rasgavan los Orbes Superiores.” 81. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, May 25, 1671, unpag. 82. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:247. 83. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, June 4, 1671, unpag.: “no se puso mas.” 84. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, July 10, 1671, fol. 51r: “vna decente caxa de madera.”

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85. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, June 6, 1671, unpag.: “para que los forasteros que no le ubiesen visto, le viesen todavia puesto”; “ver desbaratar vna cosa tan bella y hermosa, y que tanto dinero auía costado.” 86. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, June 8, 1671, fol. 40r. 87. Quesada refers to “the book that is going to be printed about everything.” Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, May 24, 1671, unpag.: “el libro que de todo se a de imprimir.” 88. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, June 18, 1672, fol. 41r: “para adelantar y facilitar su canonizacion.” The expenses are recorded in ACS viii: 3, libro 37(7), March 27, 1672, fols. 88r–v. 89. Gevaerts, Pompa Introitvs honori serenissimi principis Ferdinandi Avstriaci, commemorated Prince Ferdinand of Austria’s triumphal entry into Antwerp after his victory over the Protestants at Nördlingen in the Thirty Years’ War. The cathedral canon Gaspar de Murillo (son of the painter) owned a copy valued at 50 reales, which made it one of the most expensive books in his collection. Montoto, “La biblioteca de Murillo.” 90. The practice of importing books to Spain predated the era of reproductive printing. Griffin, Crombergers of Seville, 3–4, 11–14. 91. Lavanha, Viage de la Catholica Real Magestad del Rei D. Filipe III. N.S. al Reino de Portvgal. On artistic printing in Spain, see Carrete Parrondo, Checa Cremades, and Bozal, El grabado en España: 268–88 on illustrated festival books, 350–74 on printing in Seville. 92. Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, May 24, 1671, unpag.: “un Altar perspectival.” Torre Farfán and Ortiz de Zúñiga credit Murillo with designing this altar, which was actually the work of Arteaga. See Roda Peña, “Nuevas noticias sobre Matías de Arteaga,” 54–55. 93. Valdés Leal’s earlier work for the canonization campaign is documented in ACS viii: 3, libro 37(7), January 19, 1671, fols. 85v–86r. 94. The Giralda’s decorations are described in Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, May 18, 1671, unpag. 95. McDonald, Renaissance to Goya: Prints and Drawings from Spain, 37, 160. 96. The publisher of Torre Farfán’s first two festival books, Juan Gómez de Blas, had died in 1667. On the printmakers,

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Notes to Pages 95–100 172

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see Domínguez Gúzman, La imprenta en Sevilla, 36–38; on the number of copies, Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, April 4 and 14, 1671, unpag. note at the end of the manuscript. 97. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, November 7, 1672, fol. 82v. On March 15, 1672, Canon Juan de Tejada was paid 30,124 maravedís de vellón for half the cost of binding the copy for Don Juan of Austria. ACS viii: 3, libro 37(7), fol. 88r. 98. The book bindings for the pope and the Spanish monarchs are described in Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:249; ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, October 7, 1672, fol. 70v; and Quesada, “Cuaderno,” ACS iii, libro 49, undated, unpag. note at the end of the manuscript. 99. Luxury textile bindings were featured in a 1998 exhibition at the Museo Nacional de Artes Decorativas in Madrid; see the exhibition catalogue by Crespí de la Valldaura, Piel de seda. On luxury bindings and their meanings, see Nieto Alcaide, “Bookbinding, an Artistic Language,” and Checa Cremades, Los estilos de encuadernación, 506–7. 100. ACS i, Autos Capitulares, libro 71, November 7, 1672, fol. 83v: “dorados vnos, y otros no.” 101. Letter from Don Juan Tejada y Aldrete (December 20, 1672), in ACS viii: 3, libro 35(5): “como joya de su m[ay]or estimacion.” 102. Letter from Queen Mother Mariana of Austria (January 17, 1673), in ACS viii: 3, libro 35(5): “atencion y celo.” Letter from Don Juan of Austria (January 24, 1673), in ibid.: “con mucho gusto.” 103. The prints in Torre Farfán’s Fiestas de la S. Iglesia metropolitana, y patriarcal de Sevilla were copied in Papenbroeck’s Acta Vitae S. Ferdinandi (Antwerp, 1684); see Banda y Vargas, “Un plagio flamenco a los grabados del libro de Torre Farfán.” They later inspired Pedro Tortolero’s illustrations in Zúñiga’s Annales eclesiasticos, y seglares . . . de Sevilla (Seville, 1748). 104. Letter from the Seville Cathedral Council to Queen Mother Mariana, June 9, 1671, in AHN, Consejo, leg. 17140, exp. 5: “hasta ver canoniçado a n[uest]ro santo obraremos con el mismo çelo y cuidado que hasta aora.” 105. Oliver was paid 9,013 reales de vellón from the account dedicated to Fernando’s canonization. ACS viii: 3, libro 37(7), fol. 87r. Oliver, Por el Santo Rey D. Fernando Tercero

de Castilla, y Leon: Sobre qve no es necessario canonizarlo. 106. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:249. 107. Pleguezuelo Hernández, “Un proyecto de Bernardo Simón de Pineda.” 108. H. Sancho Corbacho, “Historia de la construcción de la urna de plata.” 109. Vincent-Cassy, “El rey Fernando III,” 52. 110. Rodríguez Zapata, Glorias históricas, 180–81.

Chapter 4 1. On Pineda’s design for the altar, see Ferrer Garrofé, Bernardo Simón de Pineda, 51–66; on its theatrical effects, Orozco Díaz, El teatro y la teatralidad del Barroco, 129–31. 2. On the early history of the brotherhood, see Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 293. 3. The collected essays in Campos y Fernández de Sevilla, La Iglesia española y las instituciones de caridad, offer a panoramic view of religious charities in Spain. 4. Survey of 1667 quoted in Carmona García, El extenso mundo de la pobreza, 47: “‘secretos y públicos’”; 49: “‘gente muy principal.’” The original documents, in the archive of the Santa Caridad, are analyzed and quoted extensively in ibid., 39–51. 5. Exhortacion qve haze a los devotos de la congregacion de Venerables Sacerdotes, 150 [sic; actually 146]: “La limosna no tanto por los pobres, quanto por los ricos fue instituida.” 6. J. de Jesús María, Historia de la vida, y virtudes del venerable Hermano Fray Francisco del Niño Iesvs, 65–90. 7. Collantes de Terán, Los establecimientos de caridad, 86: “piadosos varones.” Scholarship after Collantes de Terán has continued to focus on Mañara; for bibliography, see the 2010 exhibition catalogue Miguel Mañara: Espiritualidad y arte en el Barroco sevillano. 8. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:143–44: “famoso Hospital y Cofradía de la Santa Caridad . . . trescientos de los mas nobles, mas caudalosos, y mas estimados y primeros en todo de la República, en los dos estados secular y eclesiástico.” 9. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 527–28. 10. On Toledo’s Santa Caridad, see Martz, Poverty and Welfare in Habsburg Spain, 189–90; on the ennoblement of Italian charities and Bologna’s Company of the

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Poor, Terpstra, Cultures of Charity, 266, 270. 11. Lehfeldt, “Ideal Men,” 475. See Villaseñor Black, Creating the Cult of St. Joseph, on the Church’s promotion of Saint Joseph as a role model for Spanish men in response to the crises of the seventeenth century. 12. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 27: “una obra muy heroica”; “pues desde que la nobleza de Sevilla se aplicó á este género de ministerios en la Casa de la Santa Caridad, se ve en los caballeros desta ciudad una gran mudanza de costumbres, con general aplicación á las obras de virtud.” 13. See the household inventory recorded on May 24, 1648, following the death of Tomás Mañara. Oliva Alonso, Casa-palacio de Miguel Mañara, 482–89. 14. Miguel Mañara’s testament as quoted in Martín Hernández, Miguel Mañara, 49: “‘mil abominaciones, soberbias, adulterios, juramentos, escándalos y latrocinios.’” On Mañara’s early life and conversion, see Cárdenas, Breve relación, 4–11. 15. See, for example, Lauriño, Personajes señeros de Andalucía, 63–64. On Mañara’s legend, see Piveteau, El burlador y el santo. 16. P. de Jesús María, Vida, virtvdes, y dones, fol. 126v. 17. Vila Vilar, “Algo más sobre D. Miguel Mañara.” 18. Abadía Flores, Los flamencos en Sevilla, 104. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 526–27, 539, 551n55. 19. Chaves Rey, Cosas nuevas y viejas, 63–64, quote on 63: “‘si les pareciese soy apropósito, me reciban en su compañía, que para mí será de todo consuelo y estimación.’” 20. The Marquis of Villamanrique is named as an officeholder in Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 195; on Núñez de Villavicencio, see González Ramos, Pedro Núñez de Villavicencio, 47–48. 21. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 366–67. 22. Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 117: “limpia, y honrada generacion.” 23. Martínez, Genealogical Fictions, 207. 24. Quoted in León Domínguez, La Caridad de Sevilla, 110: “‘nos parece será muy del servicio de Dios n[uest]ro s[eñ]or y de los pobres, tanto para su alivio como por su arte para el adorno de nuestra Capilla.’” 25. Valdivieso, Valdés Leal, 13, 22n13. 26. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 530–31. 27. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 30–31.

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28. Carmona García, El sistema de hospitalidad pública, 342; Collantes de Terán, Los establecimientos de caridad, 89. 29. Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 186: “qualquiera pobre que llegare (como no sea muger).” 30. Carmona García, El extenso mundo de la pobreza, 41–42. 31. For example, in 1668 the widow Catalina de Angulo left a bequest for “mujeres pobres vergonzantes.” Collantes de Terán, Los establecimientos de caridad, 94. On the donation of dowries, see Perry, Crime and Society, 183. 32. Fink De Backer, Widowhood in Early Modern Spain, 254–56; Tikoff, “Gender and Juvenile Charity.” On gender and charity in Seville, see Perry, Gender and Disorder in Early Modern Seville, 153. 33. Hermandad de la Santa Casa Hospicio de Venerables Sacerdotes, Regla, y estatvtos, from the rulebook title page: “el amparo, curación y Hospicio de todos los Sacerdotes pobres, desualidos, enfermos, y peregrinos.” 34. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 546–48; Camino Romero, “La Hermandad de la Santa Caridad de Sevilla y sus afiliadas.” 35. Terpstra, Cultures of Charity, 249. 36. Valdés Leal’s admission into the Santa Caridad, quoted in Valdivieso, Valdés Leal, 22n13: “‘mucho util y provecho.’” 37. “Papeles de la Caridad,” in BCC Fondo Gestoso, vol. 11, fol. 99v: “para que en ella se puedan deçir en todo ti[em]po missas y sermones sin que las abenidas del Rio lo ympidan.” 38. On the eighteenth-century decorative additions to the facade, see Ramos Suárez, “La fachada de la iglesia de San Jorge.” 39. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 35. 40. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 423n62. Granero estimates that the cost was probably closer to 80,000 ducados; ibid., 417. 41. A landscape by Mañara is listed on the inventory of paintings owned by cathedral canon Andrés de León y Ledesma in Gestoso y Pérez, Memorias antiguas sevillanas, 11. 42. Brown, “Hieroglyphs of Death and Salvation.” 43. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 79: “para que gozasen de la misma luz todos los que entrasen en aquella Iglesia.” 44. Murillo’s other four Acts of Mercy were stolen during the Napoleonic invasion and are scattered around the world: Christ Healing the Paralytic at the Pool of Bethesda

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Notes to Pages 107–113 174

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(National Gallery, London), Abraham and the Three Angels (National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa), The Return of the Prodigal Son (National Gallery, Washington, D.C.), and The Liberation of Saint Peter (Hermitage, St. Petersburg). On the spoliation of the Santa Caridad, see Ramos Suárez, “La ocupación napoleónica y el patrimonio pictórico.” 45. Victoria quoted in Beatificationis et canonizationis, 319: “‘curiosísimo en todas estas cosas y muy inteligente en todas artes’”; and in Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 416: “‘lo más costoso y de los mejores artífices que podía conseguir.’” 46. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 416–17, and Borja Palomo, Noticia histórica, 16. 47. Díaz Blanco, Así trocaste tu gloria, 248: “uno de los espacios sociales más privilegiados de Sevilla.” 48. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:145: “solo la vista puede ser digna investigacion de sus grandezas y excelencias, y se hace frequentar por esto de quantos buscan lo mas digno de ser visto de esta gran Ciudad.” 49. Consulta del Consejo de Indias, October 7, 1653, quoted in Álvarez Nogal, “Un comprador de oro y plata,” 85: “‘el hombre de maior crédito de Sevilla.’” 50. Beatificationis et canonizationis, 314. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 320–21, 413–14. 51. “esta capilla y ent[i]erro / es d[e] gregorio per[e]z / y d[e] svs hered[e]ros / y svcesores / año d[e]l s[eño]r / d[e] 1671.” Tomb transcriptions are my own unless otherwise indicated. 52. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 414, 422n44; Valdivieso and Serrera, El Hospital de la Caridad de Sevilla, 52–53, 58–59nn19 and 22. 53. Salazar y Castro, Historia genealogica de la casa de Silva, 611. 54. Beatificationis et canonizationis, 214. 55. “aqví yacen los hvesos y / ceniças d[e] nvestro mví a[-] / mado hermano d[on] jvan / bazan y fig[v]eroa s[eño]r de la / granja gentilhombre / d[e] camara del s[eño]r d[on] jvan / d[e] avstria / el qval por sv mvncha hv[-] / mildad se mando enterrar / en esta sepvltvra para qve / todos lo pisen rvegven a / dios por el fallecio año / d[e]l s[eño]r d[e] 1671.” 56. Fernando de Villegas’s letter of nobility was illuminated by Lucas and Luisa Valdés with his family coat of arms. The document was sold by Ader Auction House (Paris) on June 28, 2012.

57. “por sv mvcha hvmildad / se mando enterar en esta / sepvltvra / estimando en mas estar / entre los gvesos d[e] los pobres / qve entre las cenicas / d[e] los principes.” 58. On the frames, see Jiménez Peces, “La enmarcación de los lienzos,” 781–83. 59. For a description of Murillo’s Saint Elizabeth and its conservation, see Cansino Cansino, Ferreras Romero, and Martín García, “Recuperación de una obra de Bartolomé Esteban Murillo.” 60. Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 118. 61. An anecdote in Cárdenas, Breve relación, 31, attests to women’s attendance at the church of the Santa Caridad. On the donations by Juana del Castillo and María de Zurriago (spelled “cvriago” on the tombstone), see Collantes de Terán, Los establecimientos de caridad, 87–88. 62. Pineda’s altarpiece originally displayed a painting of the Annunciation by Ignacio de Iriarte, which was replaced with one by Murillo in 1686. Valdivieso and Serrera, El Hospital de la Caridad de Sevilla, 49; 58n13. 63. On the Jansentols, see Abadía Flores, Los flamencos en Sevilla, 135. Jansentol’s patronymic is shortened to “TOL” on the two tombstones, which are incorrectly transcribed in González de León, Noticia artística, 2:314–15. 64. According to González de León’s transcription, the inscription on López de Zúñiga’s tombstone—which is partially hidden beneath an altar table today—identifies her as the daughter of the “marques de vayes”; this is probably Francisco López de Zúñiga, Marquis of Baides and Count of Pedroso, who was governor of Chile between 1639 and 1644. González de León, Noticia artística, 2:317. A brother of the Santa Caridad named José de Echevarrieta paid for the altarpiece by Pineda with the Christ of Charity by Roldán; see Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 415, and Valdivieso and Serrera, El Hospital de la Caridad, 51, 58n17. 65. Transcribed in González de León, Noticia artística, 2:317: “por su mucha humildad / se mando enterrar en esta / sepultura para que todos / la pisen.” 66. On Ribón’s donation, see Collantes de Terán, Los establecimientos de caridad, 90–91. Transcribed in González de León, Noticia artística, 2:313–14: “el qual / incansablemente sirvió á los pobres / y con su asistencia y cuidado / fomentó la

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fábrica de este Sto. Hospital, / partió con ellos, mientras vivió / sus bienes; / y en su muerte, les dejó toda / su hacienda; / Fué verdaderamente charitativo / y humilde.” 67. The life of Antonio de Lemos is briefly recounted in his funeral oration (Sermon funebre) by Juan de Rioja. Transcribed in González de León, Noticia artística, 2:319: “Fué humilde porque fué noble.” 68. See the typology of hospitals in early modern Seville in Carmona García, Los hospitales en la Sevilla moderna, 22–33. 69. Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:166–67. Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 188: “aquellos pobres que nadie quiere, y no tienen cura.” 70. Collantes de Terán, Memorias históricas de los establecimientos de caridad, 207–17, 231–32. 71. On the architectural history of the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, see Valdivieso and Fernández López, “El patrimonio artístico,” 26–39. 72. On the Reales Atarazanas, see Fernández López, Andalucía, 266–67, and HerreraRuíz, “Perduración y transformación,” 937–38. 73. On the construction of the Sala de Cristo, see Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 357–61. On its altar, see Valdivieso and Serrera, El Hospital de la Caridad, 25. On religious services at the hospital, see Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 188. 74. On the altar of the Sala de la Virgen, see Valdivieso and Serrera, El Hospital de la Caridad, 26. On Valdés Leal’s sculpture of the Virgin of the Rosary, see the catalogue entry by José Roda Peña in Miguel Mañara: Espiritualidad y arte en el Barroco sevillano, 126–27. Documentation of Gómez de Castro’s bequest may be found in Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 590. 75. On the construction of the patios at the Santa Caridad, see Valdivieso and Serrera, El Hospital de la Caridad, 28–30. 76. A pair of adjacent patios with Tuscan columns based on Italian models was built at the Hospital de Tavera in Toledo in the 1540s. Wilkinson, Hospital of Cardinal Tavera in Toledo, 73–79. 77. Henderson, Renaissance Hospital, 113, 140–42. 78. There were 50 beds in the Sala de Cristo; 58 in the Sala de la Virgen; and 26 more in a third wing, the Sala de San Antonio, which was completed in 1682. Carmona García, El sistema de hospitalidad pública, 344.

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79. See Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 79–80, on the reception of new patients; 81: “por muy llagado, y asqueroso que esté, no bueluan el rostro, sino con fortaleza, ofrezcanle à Dios aquella mortificacion.” 80. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 128: “como si fueran deudas de justicia”; “cuando no se les da todo lo que piden.” 81. Hermandad de la Santa Caridad, Regla, 99: “pusiere las manos en algun pobre, ó le tratare grauemente mal de palabra.” 82. On Murillo’s pictures of poor children, see Brooke and Cherry, Murillo: Scenes of Childhood. 83. Transcribed in González de León, Noticia artística, 2:316: “‘no contentandose / con haber dado su hacienda / á los pobres / se dió a si mismo / entrandose en esta Santa casa / á servirlos.’” On San Vitores’s donation to the Santa Caridad, see Collantes de Terán, Los establecimientos de caridad, 89–90. 84. Beatificationis et canonizationis, 325–26. I thank Antonio Domínguez at the Santa Caridad for allowing me to view and photograph Mañara’s quarters. 85. Ibid., 327–28. 86. Don Justino de Neve, letter to Juan Gutiérrez Tello de Guzmán, May 15, 1679, quoted in Cárdenas, Breve relación, 137: “‘espejo de tan heroicos virtudes.’” Tirso González, letter to Juan de Cárdenas, January 20, 1680, in ibid., 162: “‘espejo de virtud á toda la nobleza de Sevilla.’” 87. Elites in Bologna ceased their hands-on work with the poor following the death of the charismatic leader Bonifacio dalle Balle, as described in Terpstra, Cultures of Charity, 274. 88. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 602: “‘Venérote como cuerpo de santo.’” 89. See ibid., 606, on the funeral; Mañara’s last testament on 604: “‘Aquí yacen los huesos y cenizas del peor hombre, que ha habido en el mundo. Rueguen a Dios por él.’” 90. Notarized testament of Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, February 13, 1680, in Chaves Rey, Cosas nuevas y viejas, 84–85, quote on 85: “en la forma y manera que lo fué el venerable señor D. Miguel Mañara.” 91. On the Corbet family, see Abadía Flores, Los flamencos en Sevilla, 57–58, 86–87, 105. 92. Testimony quoted in Beatificationis et canonizationis, 385: “‘enjuto y unido.’” 93. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 608–11. 94. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 141–42.

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Notes to Pages 119–126 176

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95. Beatificationis et canonizationis includes many extracts from the witnesses who testified in Mañara’s beatification hearings. 96. Granero, Don Miguel Mañara, 611–12. 97. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 132: “el espejo de santidad.” 98. On Valdés’s engraved portrait, see Fernández López, Lucas Valdés, 142. 99. Pedro Corbet in a letter to Francisco Ramírez de Arellano of the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad in Málaga, December 22, 1682, quoted in Camino Romero, “Don Miguel Mañara y Vicentelo de Leca,” 324. 100. Velázquez’s 1620 portraits of Madre Jerónima de la Fuente also avoided displaying the physical effects of the Toledan nun’s extreme self-mortification; see the discussion of “pictorial decorum” in Tiffany, Diego Velázquez’s Early Paintings, 70–72. On Valdés Leal’s portrait of Mañara, see Valdivieso, Valdés Leal, 250. 101. Cárdenas, Breve relación, 30: “con sólo levantar los ojos.” 102. Document dated March 2, 1683, quoted in Camino Romero, “Don Miguel Mañara y Vicentelo de Leca,” 325: “‘para tenerle pressente.’” On the Málaga painting, see the catalogue entry by Enrique Valdivieso in Miguel Mañara: Espiritualidad y arte en el Barroco sevillano, 130–31, and Valdivieso, Juan de Valdés Leal, 197–98, 272. 103. Camino Romero, “La Hermandad de la Santa Caridad de Sevilla y sus afiliadas,” 150–59. 104. On the church of the Venerables Sacerdotes and its decoration, see Valdivieso and Fernández López, “El patrimonio artístico,” 39–111. 105. Fernández López, Lucas Valdés, 64–65, 90–91. 106. On the fashion for wigs in seventeenthcentury Europe, see Corson, Fashions in Hair, 215–25; 223 on their expense. Lucas Valdés portrayed Corbet wearing the same style wig and the insignia of Santiago in a bust-length portrait (Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 1699). Fernández López, Lucas Valdés, 96–97. 107. Nicholas Terpstra has found that charitable groups in Bologna spent less on services to the poor as they spent more on sacred art and architecture. Terpstra, Cultures of Charity, 249. 108. See the additions made in 1737 to the manuscript of Sánchez Gordillo, Religiosas estaciones, 264–67.

109. Carmona García, Crónica urbana del malvivir, 276–78; Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 144.

Chapter 5 1. Sánchez Gordillo, Religiosas estaciones, 223–24. 2. Hernández Díaz, La Virgen de los Reyes, 31–33; Roda Peña, “Esculturas marianas hispalenses de raigambre marinera,” 324–28. 3. Albardonedo Freire, El urbanismo de Sevilla, 219–22; Pleguezuelo Hernández, Arquitectura y construcción en Sevilla, 76; Cervantes, “Rinconete and Cortadillo,” in Exemplary Stories, 85–120, here at 91–92. 4. Constitvciones, reglas, y establecimientos del prior, y canonigos de la Iglesia colegial de nvestro señor San Salvador, fol. 1v. 5. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 67r: “antes que sucediesse alg[un]a fatalidad.” Archbishop Payno’s visit is also described in Espinosa y Cárzel, “Continuación de los anales,” 296. 6. “Libro de Agua y otras cosas” (1569–1725), AGAS, Fondo Colegiata del Salvador, Justicia, libro 723, fol. 11r. 7. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 90r: “Si todos tenemos necesidad, pues otra cosa no se oye en Sev[ill]a que lamentos, no se ve mas que pobreza, enteras Parroq[uí]as sin vecinos, de donde ha salido el dinero para fabricar tan arrogante y magnifico templo?” There is a brief biographical sketch of Aldana in Labrador Herraiz, DiFranco, and Rico García, Cancionero sevillano B 2495 de la Hispanic Society of America, 20–21. Aldana’s manuscript was known to nineteenth-century scholars, including Justino Matute y Gaviria, who derided its pompous style and obsequious approach to its subject in his Hijos de Sevilla, 1:256–57, and José Gestoso y Pérez, who published excerpts from the manuscript in his Sevilla monumental y artística, 3:341–58. The manuscript’s whereabouts were unknown in 2000, when Emilio Gómez Piñol published his exhaustive study of San Salvador, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador; it is now in the collection of the Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid, where it is catalogued under the name “Tirado de Aldana.”

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8. The archive of the church of San Salvador (Fondo Colegiata del Salvador) is deposited at the Archivo General del Arzobispado de Sevilla. Additional materials collected by José Gestoso y Pérez are at the Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, Fondo Gestoso, vol. 33. 9. The church of San Bartolomé, in the judería, was the only other church that predated the Reconquest; built as a mosque and converted into a synagogue before its 1470 consecration as a Christian church, San Bartolomé was, however, eventually demolished and rebuilt (1779–1806), producing the church that stands there today. García Gutiérrez and Martínez Carbajo, Iglesias de Sevilla, 256; Morales, Guía artística de Sevilla, 1:124–26. 10. Excavations undertaken during a major restoration of San Salvador (2003–9) brought to light new information about the mosque of Ibn Adabbas, which has been published by the project’s lead architect, Fernando Mendoza, in La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 59–101. 11. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, 44v–45r: “hondo y soterrado”; “escalera tosca”; “llobrego, y oscuro”; “de la altura de un hombre, y no muy alto.” 12. “Planta, y forma, y apeo del estado que tenia la Yglesia Collegial de nuestro Señor San Saluador de Seuilla antes que se deriuase para haçerla de nueba, como se ba labrando,” in BCC, Fondo Gestoso, vol. 33, fols. 413r–433r: fol. 418r on Martínez Montañés’s Saint Christopher, fols. 419r–v on the altarpiece of the Virgin of the Waters. The old San Salvador’s decorations and Vega’s inventory are discussed in Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 127–39; see 470 on the storage of San Salvador’s altarpieces at the Sagrario. 13. Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 109–12. 14. Known today as “green demolition,” manual deconstruction experienced a revival starting in Oregon in the 1990s. Byles, Rubble: Unearthing the History of Demolition, 186–89. 15. Habel,“When All of Rome Was Under Construction,” 95–96, 100–104. 16. Mendoza, La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 65. 17. “Memoria de los materiales de texas y leña y demás cossas q[ue] se an vendido de la yglesia del Salu[or]” (1672), in AGAS, Fondo Colegiata del Salvador, Fábrica,

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libro 568, fols. 415r–418v. The document is discussed in Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 159–60. 18. The ill-fated renovation of San Pablo is described in fascinating detail in an anonymous manuscript: “Fabrica del Templo del Real Conuento de San Pablo en esta Ciudad de Seuilla” (1708), BUS, A Mont. ms C26/1(13b); fol. 367v: “atemorizando el conuento, y vezindad con el gran golpe.” The collapse of San Pablo is also described in Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales, 5:13–14n1, and Espinosa y Cárzel, “Continuación de los anales,” 427–28. 19. Para mayor honra, y gloria de Dios, unpag. [fols. 1r–v]: “se derrumbò un pedazo de tapia de la pared inmediata al Altar mayor con no pequeño susto del Sacerdote, que dezia Missa, y del que le ayudava.” On the church of San Luis de los Franceses, see Banda y Vargas, La iglesia sevillana de San Luis de los Franceses, and Ravé Prieto, San Luis de los Franceses. 20. “Fabrica del Templo del Real Conuento de San Pablo en esta Ciudad de Seuilla” (1708), BUS, A Mont. ms C26/1(13b), fol. 369r. 21. Para mayor honra, y gloria de Dios, unpag. [fol. 2r]. 22. Archbishops Ambrosio Ignacio Spínola y Guzmán (r. 1669–84), Jaime de Palafox y Cardona (r. 1684–1701), and Manuel Arias y Porras (r. 1702–17) gave 7,000, 8,000, and 28,000 pesos escudos respectively. “Libro de Agua y otras cosas” (1569–1725), AGAS, Fondo Colegiata del Salvador, Justicia, libro 723, fol. 11r. 23. In 1588—when the most reliable census data for early modern Seville was recorded—the four most populous parishes were the cathedral parish of Santa María (3,183 vecinos, or taxpaying heads of households), Santa Ana in Triana (3,115 vecinos), San Vicente by the river (2,770 vecinos), and San Salvador (1,866 vecinos). Pike, Aristocrats and Traders, 12–13. 24. Documents signed between 1665 and 1689 attest to Bernardo Simón de Pineda’s residence in the parish of San Salvador. Kinkead, Pintores y doradores, 55–56, 297, 571, 577. The other artists’ residences are documented in ibid., 90–91, 267–68, 509–10. 25. Matute y Gaviria, Hijos de Sevilla, 1:257. 26. “Libro de Agua y otras cosas” (1569– 1725), AGAS, Fondo Colegiata del Salvador, Justicia, libro 723, fol. 12r: “cien

Notes to Pages 126–131 177

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Notes to Pages 131–133 178

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R[eale]s cinquenta o veinte o diez, o lo que pudieran.” 27. “Memoria de las mandas y limosnas q[ue] entran en el arca de dos llaues para la obra de la Yglesia Mag[istra]l de nr. sr. S. Salu[ad]or desde Prim[er]o de octub[r]e de 1671 años,” in AGAS, Fondo Colegiata del Salvador, Fábrica, libro 568, fols. 1r–50v; Pedro Romero appears on fol. 42v. 28. Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 191. 29. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 86v: “dio todas sus alajas p[ar]a el servic[i]o de esta igl[esi]a”; “Con sus atensiones, y cariños.” León’s donations to San Salvador are described in El Salvador en el IAPH, 20. 30. Prado Sagrera, “‘Exortación a la piedad y magnificencia sevillana,’” 45. There is a biography and bibliography of Braones in Méndez Bejarano, Diccionario de escritores, 1:81. 31. Braones, Exortacion a la piedad, y magnificencia sevillana, unpag. [fol. 2v]: “Entra en tu casa, y mira sin çozobra / tus alhajas, y de ellas has memoria, / y muchas hallaràs que estàn de sobra, / y solo sirven a la vana gloria; / O si las dedicaras a esta obra, / como te hizieras digno de la historia! / O como si a otros dieras este exemplo / presto de Dios se levantara el Templo!” 32. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fols. 10v–13v; 10v–11r: “Las mugeres daban sus sortijas, sus joyas, gargantillas, pulseras, y demâs prendas de plata, y oro”; 11r–v: “colgaduras, quadros laminas, espejos, colchas, sobremesas, alfombras, tapetes y vestidos ricos”; 11v: “y empezaron a llover camas, bufetes, sillas, taburetes, escritor[i]os, papeleras.” 33. Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 192. 34. Ibid., 157. 35. Habel, “When All of Rome Was Under Construction,” 105–6. 36. Carmona García, El extenso mundo de la pobreza, 44, 48. 37. A 1679 survey of shops in the Alcaicería de la Seda (located between the Plaza de San Francisco and the cathedral, on the lower half of present-day Calle Hernando Colón) found that twenty-one of the thirty-four shops had closed, as cited in Domínguez Ortiz, La Sevilla del siglo xvii, 140–41. On silk workers working construction, see the letter of complaint by Seville’s guildsmen to the city council in

Domínguez Ortiz, Orto y ocaso de Sevilla, 171. 38. Compare worker wages recorded at San Salvador in 1687 and 1712 in BCC, Fondo Gestoso, vol. 33, fols. 313r–320r and 479r–485v. In 1684–86, peons working at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes were earning 3.5 to 4 reales per day; carpenters and other journeymen were earning 6 to 8 reales; the master of works, Leonardo de Figueroa, earned 10 reales per day. “Libro de gastos de la obra (1684–1694),” AGAS, Archivo Hermandad Venerables Sacerdotes, leg. 4, exp. 3, unpag. 39. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 10v: “impacientes porque se apressurassen la obra, assistian muchas veces a servir de peones en ella”; fol. 73r: “si le parecia necesar[i]o cojer un pico, una azada, o una espuerta, al instante echaba mano, y con esta humilde acc[ió]n le seguian los vecinos, y aun los primeros cavalleros de la ciudad.” 40. “Fabrica del Templo del Real Conuento de San Pablo en esta Ciudad de Seuilla,” BUS, A Mont. ms C26/1(13b), fol. 368r: “muchos caualleros, y ecclesiasticos”; “hasta las mugeres querian ayudar, echando mano . . . lo qual no se permitio por la decencia.” 41. On Gómez de Castro, see chapter 4. Andrés Bandorne (Van Dorn) was a major donor to the Seville cathedral and other churches. See Quiles García, “El arte en un emporio mercantil,” 74–75. 42. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fols. 87v– 89r. Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 157–58. 43. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 87v: “Que no ay en este s[an]to templo atomo que no sea procedido de la devota caridad de los fieles de esta nobiliss[im]a ciudad . . . sus paredes, pilares, pavim[ien]tos y techumbre vocean, que es suyo este templo.” 44. Gestoso y Pérez, Sevilla monumental y artística, 3:410; Falcón Márquez, “Pedro Romero,” 233. 45. San Salvador measures 2,300 square meters, San Pablo 2,368 square meters, according to the Seville property registry: Sede Electrónica del Catastro, sedecatastro.gob.es, consulted June 18, 2014. On the funding of San Pablo, see Llaguno y Amírola, Noticias de los arquitectos, 4:85–86.

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46. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 89v: “es muy digno de notar, que en los t[iem]pos mas calamitosos y miseros, en que jamâs se ha visto Sev[ill]a, se le haya fabricado a D[io]s n[uest]ro S[eño]r un templo tan grande, tan magestuoso, tan curioso, tan sin reparar en los gastos”; fol. 90r: “a toda costa sin excusar atomo que concluyesse a su adorno, y hermosura, p[o]r lo inter[io]r y exterior.” 47. There are no extant drawings for this facade, which was based on a design in Sebastiano Serlio’s Books of Architecture (printed in Spain in 1552). See Mendoza, La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 121, for a hypothetical drawing of the facade. On Serlio’s influence in Spain, see Kruft, A History of Architectural Theory from Vitruvius to the Present, 219–28. 48. Alonso González, “Pareceres y otros documentos acerca de la obra de la iglesia colegial de nuestro Señor S. Salvador de Sevilla, asi en favor de lo que se va labrando, como en contra: Año 1694,” in Llaguno y Amírola, Noticias de los arquitectos, 4:199–201, quote on 200: “pilares de tan mala calidad.” 49. Mendoza, La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 122–23. 50. Llaguno y Amírola, Noticias de los arquitectos, 4:65. 51. Mendoza, La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 108, 126–29. 52. On Figueroa’s origins and early years in Seville, see Herrera García and Quiles García, “Nuevos datos sobre la vida y la obra de Leonardo de Figueroa.” On his life and career, see Rivas Carmona, Leonardo de Figueroa. 53. Physical evidence suggests that Figueroa’s dome at San Pablo was based on instructions in Fray Lorenzo de San Nicolás’s 1639 treatise, Arte y uso de Arquitectura. Jiménez Martín and Pinto Puerto, “Restauración de la iglesia de la Magdalena,” 193. 54. On Figueroa’s use of color and texture, see Morales, “Leonardo de Figueroa y el Barroco polícromo en Sevilla.” 55. Huerga, Los dominicos en Andalucía, 245–47. 56. On the restoration of 1989–91 and its findings, see Pinto Puerto, “El cimborrio de madera del antiguo convento,” 865: “una obsesiva aplicación de refuerzos y elementos de seguridad.”

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57. Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 212–16; Arias quoted on 238n17: “‘vana y superflua hermosura.’” 58. Vega quoted in ibid., 218: “‘que para lo que faltaba que hacer no era menester tanto maestro, que con un buen oficial bastaba.’” 59. Ibid., 217. 60. Ibid., 218–19. 61. The globe weighed 19 arrobas and 7 libras. See AGAS, Fondo Colegiata del Salvador, Secretaría, Acuerdos Capitulares, libro 12, fols. 324v–325v, on the making of the cross and globe; fol. 327r: “se acabo de quitar el andamio de la media naranxa y se descubrio que es la mas hermosa que ay en España.” 62. Oricastreo, El fenix sevillano, fol. 5r: “Adonde và San Fernando? / . . . Que hazemos / con Santa Justa, y Rufina?” 63. “Pintura, dorado, resanar, encarnar algunos lienzos, retablos, y otras cossas desde 1 de nov[iembr]e 1711 hasta 21 feb[rer]o 1712,” in BCC, Fondo Gestoso, vol. 33, fols. 315r–316v, quote on fol. 315v: “vnas cavezas de moros.” 64. AGAS, Fondo Colegiata del Salvador, Secretaría, Acuerdos Capitulares, libro 12, fol. 333r: “se añadio de otros pedasos de retablos hasta llenar todo el gueco.” 65. Ibid., fols. 142v, 342v. 66. On Legot’s Transfiguration, see Valdivieso and Serrera, Historia de la pintura española, 297. 67. “Pintura, dorado, resanar,” in BCC, Fondo Gestoso, vol. 33, fols. 314r, 316v. 68. Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 475–76. 69. “‘El Excmo. Sr. D. Manuel Arias, dignísimo arzobispo de Sevilla . . . acabó y coronó este templo . . . dando más de 28,000 pesos escudos.’” Plaque transcribed in Mendoza, La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 132. 70. Llaguno y Amírola, Noticias de los arquitectos, 4:68. 71. El Constante, Descripcion breve del nuevo templo del Salvador, unpag., stanza lviii: “A vos tambien, Augusto soberàno, / . . . / Debe Sevilla el ver que sus ruìnas / Transformasteis en fabricas divinas.” 72. Díaz Coronado, Elogios en estilo metrico, unpag.: “el ferviente, y poderoso, / Caritativo impulso de su zelo.” 73. Mendoza, La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 132.

Notes to Pages 133–142 179

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74. Díaz Coronado, Elogios en estilo metrico, unpag.: “Te parece, que tiene semejante, / Aunque à Sevilla dès dos mil rodeos?” 75. Ovid, Metamorphoses, bk. 15, lines 392–407, pp. 612–13. 76. Oricastreo, El fenix sevillano, fol. 2v: “Pues veisle aqui en cuerpo, y alma, / vn paxaro como vn Templo; / que es, aunque de cal, y canto, / mejor que de carne, y hueso”; fol. 7r: “el rosado abanico / es la fachada; advertiendo / que haze pompa.” 77. For a chronology of the altarpieces, see Mendoza, La iglesia del Salvador de Sevilla, 213–15. For a description of each one, see Halcón, Herrera, and Recio, El retablo barroco sevillano, 255–61. 78. Gómez Piñol, La Iglesia Colegial del Salvador, 446–47. 79. El Salvador en el IAPH, 35. The Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico conserved and restored San Salvador’s altarpieces during the church’s restoration in the first decade of the twenty-first century. 80. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 92v: “esse maravilloso templo es un atomo para Sev[ill]a.” 81. Falcón Márquez, El Sagrario de la catedral de Sevilla, 109–11; Gómez Piñol and Gómez González, El Sagrario de la Santa Iglesia Catedral de Sevilla, 13. 82. On the careers of Figueroa’s descendants, see the chapters on each in A. Sancho Corbacho, Arquitectura barroca sevillana. 83. Aguilar Piñal, Historia de Sevilla: Siglo xviii, 99. 84. Martínez Molés, Dissertacion physica; Olazaval y Olayzola, Motivos, que fomentaron la ira de Dios; and Metrica lamentable relacion de los estragos. 85. Relacion veridica del horroroso terremoto, unpag.: “y en diez minutos de tiempo, / se

desquiciaron las Casas, / las Torres se hacen pedazos, / las paredes se desgaxan, / toda la Ciudad se mueve, / sus Harrabales se aplanan, / los Conventos se destruyen, / cayendo medias Naranjas.” 86. [Figueroa], Pregunta, que hace un Geographo á un Artifice Architecto, 5: “pues aunque se cimbraron con bastante bamboneo en el Terremoto, sin embargo de sus muchas elevaciones, no padecieron la mas leve ruina sus Lanternas.”

Conclusion 1. Aldana y Tirado, “Antiguedad del sagrado templo,” BNE mss/23130/1, fol. 100r: “la native generosidad, nobleza, y summa lealtad de los sevillanos.” 2. Warwick, Bernini: Art as Theatre, 7, citing Aby Warburg. 3. Lleó Cañal, Nueva Roma, 13: “la arrolladora victoria del mundo barroco.” 4. “Red Cross to Make Spain Appeal as Economic Crisis Bites,” BBC News, October 9, 2012, http://www.bbc.com /news/world-europe-19881851. 5. Aurora Flórez, “El renacimiento de Santa María la Blanca,” ABC de Sevilla, January 25, 2013, http://sevilla.abc.es​/ sevilla/20130125/sevi-santa-maria-blan​ ca-201301252050.html. 6. “Esta es la vergüenza de nuestra ciudad.” Photo posted on February 29, 2012, on the Facebook community website, “Restauración de la iglesia de Santa Catalina de Sevilla.”

Notes to Pages 143–153 180

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Index

Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations. Acosta, Cayetano de: high altarpiece, church of San Salvador, 140, 143, 156 Aldana y Tirado, Francisco José: on churches in Seville dedicated to the Virgin Mary, 48; manuscript history of San Salvador (“Antiguedad del sagrado templo de Nuestro Señor San Salvador de Sevilla, iglesia colegial”), 126, 176n7; on rebuilding of San Salvador, 131–33, 145, 147; residence, 130 Alexander VII, Pope: bull Sollicitudo Omnium Ecclesiarum, 54–55, 56; construction projects, 128, 132 Alfonso X, King of Castile and León, 37, 49, 76 Algaba, Marquis of, 102 alhajas (valuable objects), 15, 36–43, 63, 131–32, 160n80. See also jewelry; silverwork; textiles Alonso Morgado, José, 49 altarpieces: characteristics of, 15; church of San Salvador, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 156; church of the Santa Caridad, 97, 98, 105, 106, 107, 108, 111, 112, 113, 155; church of Santa María la Blanca, 51, 53, 54, 155; ephemeral, 63, 85, 87; of the Great Conception (Seville cathedral), 51, 52; Hospital of the Santa Caridad, 115; restoration of, 141; for the Virgin of the Kings (Seville cathedral), 40–41, 42, 43 Antiquities of Seville (Caro), 48 Aranda, Gabriel de, 21, 25, 30, 34, 36, 37, 39–40 Arbués, Pedro de, Saint, 63 archbishop’s palace, 136, 138 architecture. See Baroque art and architecture Arfe, Juan de: custodia, Seville cathedral, 30, 32, 33, 83

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Arguijo, Gaspar and Juan de, 7 Arias y Porras, Manuel, Archbishop of Seville, 136, 138, 142, 177n22 Arteaga, Francisco de, 93 Arteaga, Matías de, 56; brother of the Santa Caridad, 102; The Giralda Decorated for the Beatification of Fernando III, 93, 94, 95, 151; member of drawing academy, 56; portrait of Torre Farfán, 56; prints in Torre Farfán’s Festivals of the Seville Cathedral, 75, 93; The Royal Chapel of the Seville Cathedral, 90; San Fernando’s beatification festival, 82, 87; Virgin of the Snows, 66, 68, 70 Art of Worldly Wisdom, The (Gracián y Morales), 11 Astorga, Juan de, 49; Virgin of the Snows, 51, 53 Audran, Charles: San Fernando, 79–80, 80, 93, 155 Ballesteros, Hernando de, the Younger: Los Gigantes, 63, 64, 74, 75 Bandorne, Andrés, 133 Baroque art and architecture: collaborative production of, 14–15; destruction of older buildings, 150; economic crisis of 2008 and, 151–53; ephemeral, 12, 15, 62, 70, 75, 82–83, 93, 150; horror vacui (fear of emptiness) style, 60; reconstruction of churches, 145, 147; stylistic shift to, 55; surviving artifacts, 150; urban development and, 5, 16. See also sacred art Bazán y Figueroa, Juan, Lord of La Granja, 109, 111, 113, 118 bell-gable (espadaña), 46, 51 Bernini, Gian Lorenzo, 41, 63, 82 Bertaut, François, 10

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Bonet Correa, Antonio, 85 Bonifaz, Juan, 82 bookbindings, 95, 172n98–99 Borgia, Francis de, Saint, 22, 161n30 Borja, Miguel and Pablo de, 55, 57 Borja, Pedro de, 55, 56, 57, 155 Braones, Alonso Martín, 17, 130, 131 brotherhoods: of Málaga, 122; of the Santísimo Sacramento (Holy Sacrament), 56; in Seville, 14. See also Santa Caridad (Holy Charity), Brotherhood of the; Venerables Sacerdotes (Venerable Priests), Brotherhood of the Buen Suceso, Hospital of the, 114, 115 Burke, Peter, 12

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Cádiz, 10, 12, 50, 103, 124, 131, 146, 156 Calle Sierpes, 7, 16, 130 Camprobín, Pedro de, 130; Death and the Gentleman, 22, 23, 25 Cano, Alonso, 65 canonization: distinguished from beatification, 75, 81; informal, 76; as medio divino, 3; papal bull by Urban VIII on, 80; political aspects of, 78; printed portraits and, 79; San Fernando, campaign for, 78–81, 86–87, 96; Sevillian candidates for, 79; of Spanish saints in Rome (1622), 78 Carasa, Francisco Javier, 143 Cárdenas, Juan de, 100, 101, 102, 105, 116, 118, 119, 120, 122 Caro, Rodrigo, 48, 158n35 Carrillo, Juan, 119 Carrillo de Mendoza y Castrillo, Jerónima María, 101 Casa de Pilatos, La (Pilate’s House), 49, 69; collection of paintings at, 65; domestic oratory, 161n24 Castillo, Francisco del, 108 Castillo, Juana del, 113 Castrillo, Diego de, 95 Ceán Bermúdez, Juan Agustín, 87 Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de, 13, 73, 125, 158n32 charitable work: in Bologna, 100, 175n87, 176n107; Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad, 99–100, 118, 123; crisis of masculinity and, 100; of Mañara, Miguel, 101, 118, 123; as noble activity, 99–100; as performance, 114–18; in Valencia, 99 Charles II, King of Spain, 90, 96, 131, 156; royal effigy in the Seville cathedral, 90 Chaves, Francisco de, 132 Cherry, Peter, 47 Christ of Clemency, 24, 25–26, 27, 28, 29, 29–30, 155

Chronicle of the Saint-King Don Fernando III, 76, 77 churches: dedicated to the Virgin Mary, 48; fundraising campaigns, 130; Jesuit novitiate, 129; Nuestra Señora de la O, 133; reconstruction of, 145, 147; San Bartolomé, 177n9; Santa Catalina, 151, 153; Santa Cruz, 165n13; Santa Marta, 29. See also Sagrario, church of; San Luis de los Franceses, church of; San Pablo, church of; San Salvador, church of; Santa Caridad, church of; Santa María la Blanca, church of Cid, Miguel, 33 Clement X, Pope, 81, 95 Coello, Mateo, 51 Collantes de Terán, Francisco, 99 Conde, Sebastián: La Cruz de la Cerrajería, 16 Congregation of the Pomegranate, 14, 26–27, 33, 36 conspicuous consumption, 5, 7, 43, 150. See also devotional consumption Contreras, Fernando de, candidate for sainthood, 21, 79 Corbet, Luis, 123; depicted at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 123 Corbet, Pedro, 119, 120, 122, 123; depicted at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 123 Córdoba, Great Mosque of, 127, 128 Corpus Christi festival, 22, 30–31, 66, 89, 91, 92 courtyard in Islamic architecture (sahn), 48, 127, 128 Cristo de San Agustín, 1, 3, 123 Coutinho, Ignacio, 75; on saint-kings as protectors, 75, 78 Dávila Osorio y Toledo, Ana, Marchioness of Villamanrique, 58, 66, 71, 150–51, 167n83, 168n92 devotional consumption, 13, 28, 103–5, 107, 123, 150. See also conspicuous consumption devotional images, 27–28, 29. See also sacred art Díaz, Diego Antonio, 136 Díaz Blanco, José Manuel, 107 Díaz Coronado, Fernando, 142, 143 Dios Moreno, Juan de: frame for the Transfiguration, 141, 142 Discourse on Truth (Mañara), 104, 120, 122 disillusionment, 11, 22, 25, 37, 151, 161n10 Domínguez Ortiz, Antonio, 36 Don Juan, fictional character, 25, 101 Dorotea, Sor Francisca, candidate for sainthood, 79

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Drake, Francis, 50 dress of sacred images, 37, 38–40, 66, 85–86, 87, 89, 141, 163n72, 163n76 Duque Cornejo, Pedro, 14 Elizabeth of Hungary, Saint, 110, 111 Elliott, John H., 11 embroidery, 7, 38, 39, 66 Espinosa, Diego de, 51 Espinosa de los Monteros, Pablo, 31, 37, 83 estofado (technique for painting and gilding wooden sculpture), 15, 87 Exhortation to the Piety and Magnificence of Seville (Braones), 130, 131 Falcón Márquez, Teodoro, 47, 58 Felipe VI, King of Spain, 151 Ferdinand II, King of Aragon, 5 Ferdinand III. See Fernando III, King of Castile and León Fernández de Iglesias, Lorenzo: Carved portal for archbishop’s palace, 138, 138 Fernández de Luna, Luis, 103 Fernando III, King of Castile and León: beatification of, 75, 81, 155; campaign to canonize, 12, 78–81, 86–87, 96; cult of, 76, 78, 80–81, 150; official portrait, 80, 87, 93; popularity of, 79, 80; printed images of, 76, 77, 79–80, 80; sculptures of, 63, 87, 88, 89, 89; sword of, 91, 91, 96; tomb, 76; Virgin of the Kings, 37 festival books, 47, 56, 70–72, 75, 81, 92–96. See also Mal Lara; Pompa Introitus; Torre Farfán, Fernando de la festivals: of Immaculate Conception (1615), 33, 34, 69, 155; of Immaculate Conception (1662), 56; of San Fernando (1671), 75–76, 81–83, 91, 92, 93, 155; of Santa María la Blanca (1665), 47, 62–63, 65–66, 69, 69–71, 71, 85, 155, 168n96; in Valencia, 63, 64, 70 Festivals Celebrated by the Parish Church of Santa María la Blanca (Torre Farfán), 70–71, 71 Festivals of the Seville Cathedral (Torre Farfán), 92–93, 95–96 Figueroa, Ambrosio de, 146 Figueroa, Antonio Matías de, 146 Figueroa, Leonardo de: additions to Santa Catalina, 151; career of, 115, 145–46; church and hospital of the Santa Caridad, 60, 115, 135; church of San Luis de los Franceses, 145, 145; church of San Pablo, 129, 135–36, 138, 156; church of San Salvador, 135, 136, 139, 156; domes by, 135–36, 138, 138–39, 145, 146, 147, 179n53; Hospi-

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tal of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 122, 135; legacy, 146; opening of Mañara’s crypt, 119; ornamental exteriors, 133–34, 135–36 Figueroa, Matías José de, 146 Francisca Dorotea, candidate for sainthood, 79 Francisco de Niño Jesús, 99 Francis Xavier, Saint, 78 García, Esteban, 128, 134–35 Gentileschi, Artemisia, 65 Gijón, Francisco Antonio, 130 Giralda Decorated for the Beatification of Fernando III, The (Arteaga), 93, 94, 95, 151 Gómez de Blas, Juan, 70, 171n96 Gómez de Castro, Francisco, 115, 133 Gómez Piñol, Emilio, 127, 136, 176n7 González, Alonso, 135 González, Juan, 57 González de Cellorigo, Martín, 11 González de Santalla, Tirso, 118 Gracián y Morales, Baltasar, 11 Granados, José, 135 Gregory XV, Pope, 54 guilds of craftsmen, 13, 14, 143 Guzmán, Diego de, Archbishop of Seville, 79 Guzmán y Zúñiga, Manuel Luis de, Marquis of Villamanrique: benefactor of Santa María la Blanca, 50, 57, 71; brother of the Santa Caridad, 72, 102; Murillo’s Jacob series, 65–66, 72; palace of, 50, 65, 67; possible likenesses of, 58–59; private collection of, 65; protector of drawing academy, 14, 72; sponsor of Santa María la Blanca festival, 66 Herrera, Francisco de, the Elder, 65 Herrera, Francisco de, the Younger, 14, 65, 93 Herrera Barnuevo, Sebastián de: catafalque for King Philip IV, 73, 74 hospitals: of the Buen Suceso, 114, 115; of the Pozo Santo, 114, 115; of San Juan de Dios, 134, 134; of the Santa Caridad in Málaga, 122. See also Santa Caridad, Hospital of the; Venerables Sacerdotes, Hospital of the Ibn Adabbas, mosque of, 127, 150, 177n10 Ignatius, of Loyola, Saint, 78, 161n30 Immaculate Conception: papal decrees on, 34, 54–55 Immaculist movement, 33, 34 Index of Prohibited Books, 54–55 Iriarte, Ignacio de, 65, 174n62 Isabella I, Queen of Spain, 5, 38 Isabella II, Queen of Spain, 12 Isidore the Plowman, Saint, 78, 169n29

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Jansentol, Antonio Enríquez, 113 Jesuit novitiate church. See San Luis de los Franceses, church of Jesús María, Pedro de, 21, 36 jewelry, 7, 15, 34, 89, 90, 131 John of the Cross, Saint, 27, 29, 30, 38 John of God, Saint, 111, 111 Jouvin de Rochefort, Albert, 16–17 Juan Carlos I, King of Spain, 151 Juan José of Austria, Don 95, 109 Ledesma, Juan de, 37–38 Legot, Pablo: Transfiguration, 127, 141–42, 142, 143, 155 Lehfeldt, Elizabeth A., 100 Lemos, Antonio de, 113 León y Ledesma, José Fernando de, 131, 138, 141 Liberius, Pope, 49, 58 Lisbon earthquake, 146, 156 Llanos y Valdés, Sebastián, 130 Lleó Cañal, Vicente, 51, 150 Loaysa, Juan de, 14, 81, 82, 85–86 López de Rojas, Eufrasio, 135 López de Zúñiga, Ana Josefa, 113, 174n64 Louis IX, King of France, 37, 76 Louis XIV, King of France, 123 luxury goods, 6–7, 31 See also alhajas; conspicuous consumption

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Maestre, José: altarpiece of the Virgin of the Waters, 145 Málaga: Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad, 122 Mal Lara, Juan de, 56, 158n27 Mañara, Miguel: charitable work, 101, 123; death, 118, 120, 123, 156; decorative program of the church of the Santa Caridad, 104–5, 107; design of liturgical objects, 107; Discourse on Truth, 104, 120, 122; festival of Santa María la Blanca and, 15; godfather to Murillo’s children, 14; hagiographic biography, 119–20; head brother of the Santa Caridad, 66, 97, 102; life of, 100–101, 119–20; miracles attributed to, 119; opening the crypt of, 119; portraits of, 105, 120, 120, 121, 122; quarters at Hospital of the Santa Caridad, 118; reputation, 13, 117–18; scholarship on, 99; tomb, 118–19; Vázquez de Leca and, 101 Mañara palace, 50, 100, 101 Mañara, Tomás, 50 Margaret of Austria, Queen, 39, 39–40 Mariana of Austria, Queen, 90, 96; royal effigy in the Seville cathedral, 90 Marian War, 33, 54 Martínez, Alfonso: Virgin of the Great Conception, 52, 54

Martínez, Felipe, 14 Martínez Montañés, Juan: Christ of Clemency, 24, 25, 30, 155; Cieguicita, La, 56, 161n30; collaborations with Pacheco, 30, 161n30; death and funeral service, 43, 164n94; member of Congregation of the Pomegranate, 26, 27; reputation, 13; Saint Christopher, 127, 143 masculinity, 100 Mata, Hernando de, 21, 22, 26, 27, 33 Medinaceli, Juan Francisco Tomás de la Cerda, Duke of, 102 medios divinos (“divine methods”), 1, 3, 5, 11–12, 13, 150–51, 153 medios humanos (“human methods”), 1, 3, 11–12, 151 Melo Ponce de León, Melchor de, 50, 65, 167n90 Meneses Osorio, Francisco: The Virgin of the Kings, 41, 43 Molina, Tirso de, 25 Monardes, Nicolás, 6 Monument (Monumento) structure, 83, 83, 85 Morales, Alfredo J., 58 Morales y Carrasquilla, Isabel de, 82 Moreno, Martín, 51, 52, 53, 54, 155 Morgado, Alonso, 7, 30 Murillo, Bartolomé Esteban: Acts of Mercy series, 107, 173–74n44; brother of the Santa Caridad, 72, 102; copresident of drawing academy, 14; The Dream of the Patrician and His Wife, 58, 60; ephemeral altar in Sagrario church, 87; Feeding of the Five Thousand, 107; heir of, 13; The Immaculate Conception, 61; Jacob series, 65–66, 67, 72, 167n86; Moses Striking the Rock, 107; Neve and, 14; paintings for Santa María la Blanca, 58, 58, 155; Portrait of Don Justino de Neve, 58, 60, 61, 70, 155; popularity among private collectors, 164n5; public exhibition of paintings, 65; reputation of, 45; residence, 47, 58; Saint Elizabeth of Hungary Curing the Sick, 110, 111, 113, 116, 156; Saint John of God, 111, 111, 116 Murillo, Gaspar de, 13, 171n89 natural disasters: droughts, 123, 125, 155, 156; early modern interpretations of, 3; earthquakes, 10, 145, 146, 156; floods, 10, 11, 78, 80, 104, 155, 156; harvest failures, 10, 50, 123, 155 Neve, Justino de: career at Seville cathedral, 51, 55, 71–72, 81; Brotherhood of the Venerables Sacerdotes and, 103, 123;

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collector of paintings, 65; death, 122; depicted at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 122; donations, 57; life of, 45; Miguel Mañara, correspondence about, 118; Murillo and, 14; patronage, 45, 71–72; portrait by Murillo, 58, 60, 61; renovation of Santa María la Blanca, 56, 62, 71; reputation, 13; San Fernando festival and, 75, 81–82 Niño de Guevara, Fernando, Archbishop of Seville, 10, 38, 39 nobility: crisis of masculinity, 100; humility and, 114; neighborhood patrols, 50; old and new, 7. See charitable work Nuestra Señora de la O, church of, 133 Núñez de Castro, Alonso, 76 Núñez de Sepúlveda, Gonzalo, 54 Núñez de Villavicencio, Pedro, 102 Oglander, John, 3 Olavide, Pablo de, 17 Oliver, Juan, 96 oratories, domestic, 27, 28, 28, 161n23 Oricastreo, Possidoro, 143 Ortiz de Vargas, Luis, 40, 43; altarpiece for the Virgin of the Kings, 41, 42, 43, 43, 96, 155 Ortiz de Zúñiga, Diego: Annals of Seville, 71, 100, 156; on Borja’s carved ceiling at Sagrario, 55; brother of the Santa Caridad, 102; on church of the Santa Caridad, 107; drawing academy and, 14; on flood in Seville, 78; last will and testament, 119; on papal decree on Immaculate Conception, 55; on plague in Seville, 1, 3, 43; on renovation of Santa María la Blanca, 45, 71; on Roldán’s sculpture of San Fernando, 87; on San Fernando festival, 78, 82, 91; on San Fernando’s canonization, 78, 96; on San Fernando’s conquest of Seville, 76; on Valdés Leal’s Triumph, 83 Oviedo, Andrés de, 11 Pacheco, Francisco: Christ of Clemency, 24, 25, 26, 155; collaborations with Martínez Montañés, 30, 161n30; Congregation of the Pomegranate and, 26–27; portraits of San Fernando, 80; possible portrait of Bernardo de Toro, 162n53; public exhibition of paintings, 65; The Virgin of the Immaculate Conception and Mateo Vázquez de Leca, 35, 36 paintings: church decorations, 58, 104–5, 107;

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collections of, 45, 65; displayed outdoors, 63, 65, 69; in multimedia displays of sacred art, 15; royal portraits, 89–90 palaces, 7, 49, 65. See also archbishop’s palace, Casa de Pilatos, Mañara palace, Pinelo palace, Villamanrique palace Palafox y Cardona, Jaime de, Archbishop of Seville, 177n22 Paleotti, Gabriele, 3 Pantoja de la Cruz, Juan: Portrait of Queen Margaret of Austria, 39, 39 patronage, 13, 25, 30, 43–44, 71–72, 150 Paulín Cabezón, Manuel, 143 Paul V, Pope, 34, 54 Payno Osorio, Antonio, Archbishop of Seville, 125, 128, 143 Peraza, Luis de, 7 Pérez, Gregorio, 108 Pérez Guzmán, Hernán, 76 Philip II, King of Spain, 6, 21, 56, 73 Philip III, King of Spain, 34, 93 Philip IV, King of Spain: canonization of San Fernando and, 78; catafalques for, 73–74, 74, 75; death and royal exequies, 73, 155; visit to Seville, 79, 155 phoenix, 143 Pina, Juan Laureano de: silver sepulchre for San Fernando, 42, 96 Pineda, Bernardo Simón de: altarpieces, 96, 98, 105, 106, 108, 111, 112, 115, 155; brother of the Santa Caridad, 102; collaborations with Roldán and Valdés Leal, 82, 97; ephemeral altar in Sagrario church, 87; residence, 130; Solomonic columns, 134; Triumph, 86; Valdés Leal and, 14 Pineda, Juan de, 79 Pineda, Rufina de, 57 Pinelo, Jerónimo, 27 Pinelo palace, 27 plague outbreak, 1–2, 3, 10, 22, 43, 55, 99, 155 Pompa Introitus, 93, 104, 171n89; depicted in Valdés Leal’s In the Blink of an Eye, 105 population of European cities, 158n22 Porras de la Cámara, Francisco, 10 Portús Pérez, Javier, 65, 71 Pozo Santo, Hospital of the, 114, 115 printmaking, 70–72, 75, 93 Procession of the Virgin of the Kings (Anon.), 4, 40, 163n80 Quesada y Possesorio, Juan de, 82, 92 Quiles García, Fernando, 47 Ramírez de Arellano, Alonso, 51, 55 Ramírez de Guzmán, Juan, 78

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Raphael, 65, 141 recycling of building materials, 128–29, 130, 145 Rembrandt, Harmenszoon van Rijn, 65 retablos. See altarpieces Ribadeneyra, Pedro de, 22 Ribas, Felipe de, 41 Ribera, Jusepe de, 65 Ribón, Juan de, 113 Rodríguez de Monforte, Pedro, 74 Roelas, Juan de, 33, 65; Procession Celebrating the Immaculate Conception in Seville, 34 Roldán, Luisa, 82, 87 Roldán, Pedro, 14, 57, 82, 102, 135; Christ of Charity, 112, 113; collaborations with Pineda and Valdés Leal, 82, 97; high altarpiece, church of the Santa Caridad, 97, 98, 155; San Fernando, 83, 87, 88, 89, 91–92 Romero, Pedro (architect), 135 Romero, Pedro (chocolate vendor), 131 Royal Shipyards (Reales Atarazanas), 97, 99, 115, 116, 150 Rubens, Peter Paul, 65, 82, 93 Ruiz, Teofilo, 81, 91

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sacralization of urban space, 16 sacred art: collaborative projects, 15–17; painting of sculptures, 15, 87; practice of dressing sacred images, 15, 37, 38–39, 87, 89; restoration of, 151; social function of, 15, 17. See also Baroque art and architecture Sagrario, church of: architect, 33; construction of, 55, 155; cracks in, 145; ephemeral altar for San Fernando festival, 87; exterior view, 54; foundation ceremony, 33; opening of, 56; ornaments, 55, 155; plasterwork ceiling, 55 Salado Garcés, Francisco, 3, 12 San Bartolomé, church of, 165n13, 177n9 San Bartolomé, Plaza de, 50, 51, 69 Sánchez Coello, Alonso: View of Seville (attributed to), 5–6, 8–9, 147 Sánchez Falconete, Pedro, 51, 55, 104, 155 Sánchez Gordillo, Alonso, 31, 48, 49, 125 San Fernando. See Fernando III, King of Castile and León San Fernando festival: commemoration of, 93; contemporary accounts, 82–83; influence on the rebuilding of San Salvador, 127–28; planning committee, 81–82; preparations for, 81; procession during, 91, 92; scale of, 81; sculptors and painters, 82 San Juan de Dios, Hospital of, 134, 134 San Luis de los Franceses, church of, 130, 145, 145, 156; cave-in at predecessor, 129

San Pablo, church of: attempted renovation, 57; collapse of, 57, 129, 156; depicted in View of Seville (1726), 147, 148–49; dome, 135–36, 138; dormer windows, 138; rebuilding, 130, 133, 135; size, 178n45; walls decorated for beatification of Pedro de Arbués, 63 San Salvador, church of: altarpieces, 140, 141, 143, 156; archive of, 177n8; building materials, 135; collapse of, 135, 145; as community project, 126; comparison to phoenix, 143; construction of, 16, 124, 125–26, 132–33, 134–35, 143; contemporary accounts, 125, 133, 145; courtyard, 128; decoration of interior, 126; demolition of the old, 127–29, 156; dome, 136, 139, 147; donations, 131–32, 133, 142; facade, 137; first rebuilding, 156; as former mosque, 127; fundraising campaign, 130–31; governing chapter of, 125; interior, 127, 140, 141; iron cross, 138, 139; location, 125; masters of works, 134, 135; modern restoration (2003–9), 151, 177n10, 180n79; on map of Seville, 127; opening, 142, 156; pamphlets commemorating, 142–43; plan of, 136; sculptures, 127, 143; second rebuilding, 156; size, 178n45; Transfiguration, 127, 141, 142; View of Seville (1726), depicted in, 147, 148–49; Virgin of the Waters, 125, 141, 143, 144; worker wages, 132, 178n38. See also Ibn Adabbas, mosque of San Salvador, Plaza de, 17, 91, 125, 126, 128, 129, 135 Santa Caridad (Holy Charity), Brotherhood of the, 14; artists in, 102; charitable work, 99, 118, 123; equality within, 102–3; foundation of, 97; influence of, 103; membership, 100, 101–2, 103, 109, 111; prestige, 100; rulebook, 103, 111, 116; survey of Seville’s poor, 99, 132 Santa Caridad, church of the: altarpieces, 98, 105, 107, 108, 111, 112, 113, 155; burials, 108–9; construction, 104; decorations, 97, 104, 107; expansion of, 99; facade, 104; interior, 106; location, 97, 103–4; main chapel, 107; paintings, 93, 104–5, 105, 107, 110; spending on textiles and silverwork, 107; tomb of Miguel Mañara, 118–19; tombstones, 108, 109, 113, 113; women and, 99, 103, 113–14 Santa Caridad, Hospital of the: architecture, 115–16; beds, 116, 175n78; charitable work at, 116; construction of, 114–15;

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donors, 115, 117; infirmaries, 115, 116, 156; location, 115; patios, 115–16, 117; plan of, 115 Santa Catalina, church of, 151, 153 Santa Cruz, church of, 165n13 Santa Cruz, Plaza de, 16 Santa María la Blanca, church of: altarpiece for the Virgin of the Snows, 51, 53, 54; artistic works at, 51; “baroquification” of, 45, 50–51, 60; bell-gable, 51; contemporary accounts, 62–63; dedication to the Virgin Mary, 48; facade, 46, 51; fundraising for restoration, 151; history of, 48–49; interior decoration, 49, 5758, 59, 60, 62–63; location of, 47; on map of Seville, 47; opening festival, 62–63, 66, 155; origin of name, 49; paintings by Murillo, 58, 58, 60, 6061, 63; plan of, 58; reconstruction of old synagogue, 49, 150; renovation of, 45, 47, 56–57, 155; replacement of wooden ceiling, 57–58; sculpture of the Virgin of the Snows, 49; social status of, 48 Santa María la Blanca, festival of: commemoration of, 70; in comparative perspective, 69–70; contemporary accounts, 69; decorations, 63; fireworks, 62–63; outdoor picture gallery, 65–66; planning of, 62; procession of the Virgin of the Snows, 66, 69, 69, 168n96; sermons and performances, 63; sponsors, 66, 71; Torre Farfán’s book on, 70–71 Santa María la Blanca, Plaza de, 63, 65 Santa María la Blanca in Toledo, church of, 49 Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, church of, 49, 54, 58 Santa Marta, church of, 29 Santa Marta, Hospital of, 27, 43 Santa Marta, Plaza de, 27 Santísimo Sacramento (Holy Sacrament), Brotherhood of the, 56 San Vitores, Gaspar de, 117 Sarmiento de Mendoza, Manuel, 33, 39 sculpture, polychrome, 15, 87. See also estofado Seville: book publishing, 93, 171n90; bread riots, 50, 167n90; buildings, 6; contemporary accounts, 10, 17; craftsmen, 13, 132; cult of San Fernando, 78, 91; decline of, 7, 10, 123–24; demand for luxury goods, 6–7; drawing academy, 14, 72, 155; drought, 123, 155, 156; earthquake, 10, 146, 156; famine, 123, 155, 156; festivals, 62–63; floods, 10, 11, 78, 155, 156; history of, 5; hospitals, 114; investments in art and architecture,

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3, 5, 11, 12; Jewish quarter, vi, 17, 48, 49, 115; local saints, 79; maps, vi, 18–19, 23, 69, 92, 99, 127; merchants of, 7; mosques, 37, 48, 76, 125, 127, 150; most populous parishes, 130, 177n23; patrons, 150; plague outbreak, 1–2, 10, 43, 155; population, 6, 10; religious brotherhoods, 14; royal exequies, 73; royal visits to, 79, 155; silk market, 132, 178n37; status of the artist in, 13; synagogues, 48–49, 165n13; Tower of Gold, 1, 5–6, 9; trade and commerce, 5, 6, 12; views of, 5–6, 8–9, 147, 148–49 Seville cathedral: altarpiece of the Great Conception, 51, 52; Corpus Christi celebrations, 30; decorations, 31, 89; donations to, 31, 76, 178n41; as former mosque, 76; Giralda tower, 26, 36, 93, 94, 95, 152; governing chapter of, 80, 86–87, 93, 95; Holy Week monument (The Monument), 83, 83; on map of Seville, 23; patrons of, 25; plan of, 26; royal catafalques, 73–74, 75; Royal Chapel, 2, 37, 40, 41, 42, 76, 78, 80, 90–91, 90, 96; San Fernando festival, 15, 76, 80–81; sculpture of San Fernando, 90; silver candlesticks (Los Gigantes), 74; silver monstrance (custodia), 30, 32; Tablas Alfonsinas, 31; The Triumph, 75, 83, 84, 85, 85 Sevillian Phoenix, The (Oricastreo), 143 silk. See textiles silverwork, 7, 30–31, 32, 63, 64, 96, 107 social services, 124, 151 Solano, Matías, 138 Soto, Mateo de, 115 Spain: decline of, 10–11; financial crisis of 2008, 151 Spanish Armada, 7, 10 Spínola y Guzmán, Ambrosio Ignacio, Archbishop of Seville, 177n22 Tejada, Juan de, 95 Tello de Guzmán, Juan Gutiérrez, 118, 119 Teresa of Ávila, Saint, 11, 78 textiles: in displays of sacred art, 7, 12, 15, 22, 31, 38, 39, 41, 74, 85, 87, 107, 117, 172n99. See also bookbindings; dress of sacred images Titian, 65, 79 “Todo el mundo en general” song, 33, 34, 69 Toro, Bernardo de, 33, 34, 36, 79 Torre Farfán, Fernando de la: description of The Triumph, 85–86; on display of fireworks, 62; festival books, 75, 168n8, 171n96; Festivals Celebrated

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Torre Farfáln (continued) by the Parish Church of Santa María la Blanca, 47, 70, 155; Festivals of the Seville Cathedral, 93, 142; friends and connections, 70; on Murillo’s painting, 58; Panegyric Temple to the Poetic Contest, 56; on procession of San Fernando, 91; social status, 14; on Virgin of the Snows, 54 Trent, Council of, 38, 89 Triumph (Triunfo) structure: cost, 75, 86; demolition of, 92–93; description of, 75, 83, 85–86; ground-floor plan, 85; print images, 84, 94, 96; process of making, 86; three-dimensional model, 85 Urban VIII, Pope, 80

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Valda, Joan Baptista de, 65, 70 Valdés, Lucas, 82; Care of the Venerable Priests in the Infirmary of the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 123; drawing of The Monument, 159n65, 170n56; frescoes, 122–23; illuminated letter of nobility for Fernando de Villegas, 174n56; Reception of Traveling Priests at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 122; San Fernando festival and, 93; The Venerable Nobleman Don Miguel Mañara, 120 Valdés Leal, Juan de: In the Blink of an Eye (In Ictu Oculi), 104, 105; brother of the Santa Caridad, 102; collaborations with Pineda and Roldán, 82, 97; decoration of the church of the Santa Caridad, 97, 104, 155; The End of Worldly Glory (Finis Gloriae Mundi), 104–5, 105, 109, 118; Miguel Mañara Presiding over a Meeting of the Brotherhood of the Santa Caridad, 121, 156; painting of the Immaculate Conception, 63; personal and professional ties, 14, 82; portraits of Mañara, 120–22; as printmaker, 93; sculpture of the Virgin of the Rosary, 115; selfportrait working on the Triumph, 86; Triumph structure, 83, 84, 85, 85–86 Valdés y Godoy, Bernardo de, 108, 114, 119 Valdés y Morales, Luisa Rafaela, 14, 82, 87, 89, 93, 174n56 Valencia: charitable work in, 99; ephemeral altar, 63, 64, 65, 167n78; Immaculist festival, 70 Vázquez de Leca, Mateo: artwork commissioned by, 30, 40–41; Christ of Clemency, 28; connections with painters, 26–27; death of, 43; dispute with

Ortiz de Vargas, 41; donations, 31, 37, 40, 41, 43, 79, 161n12, 162n31; dressing of sacred images, 38–39; endowment to fund Corpus Christi, 30–31; influence of, 30; leading role in Immaculist movement, 33, 34; legend of conversion of, 21–22, 160–61n6; life and career, 21; Miguel Mañara and, 101; mission to Rome, 33, 36; patronage, 13, 25, 30, 43–44; popularity of, 34; portrait of, 35, 36; preparation for burial, 36–37, 162n62; residence of, 22, 27, 36, 37; Virgin of the Kings, 40–41 Vega, Cristóbal, 127, 136 Vega, Lope de, 5 Velázquez, Diego, 13, 15, 25, 65, 82, 176n100 Velázquez Soriano, Domingo, 58 Venerables Sacerdotes (Venerable Priests), Brotherhood of the, 103, 109, 115, 122–23 Venerables Sacerdotes, Hospital of the, 115, 122–23, 122, 123, 135, 156 Vergara, Antonio de, 57 Vergara, Hipólito de, 78 View of Seville (Anon.), 147, 148–49 View of Seville (Sánchez Coello), 5–6, 8–9 Villafranca Malagón, Pedro de: Catafalque for King Philip IV, 74 Villamanrique, Marchioness of. See Dávila Osorio y Toledo, Ana Villamanrique, Marquis of. See Guzmán y Zúñiga, Manuel Luis de Villamanrique palace, 65, 67, 167n82–83 Villegas, Fernando de, 109, 123; depicted at the Hospital of the Venerables Sacerdotes, 122 Villela y Zorrilla, Pedro de, 91 Virgin of the Immaculate Conception: paintings of, 35, 36, 58, 61, 63; sculptures of, 52, 54, 56 Virgin of the Kings, 2, 38, 42, 150; altarpiece by Ortiz de Vargas, 40–41; creation of, 37; depictions of, 4, 40, 43, 90, 163n80; description of, 37–38; dimensions of, 38; dressing of, 38–40, 163n72, 163n76; history of, 37; medieval altarpiece, 37, 76; processions of, 1–3, 2, 4, 40, 43, 91, 163n68; as protector of Seville, 37 Virgin of the Snows, 49, 51, 53, 54, 66, 68, 150 Virgin of the Waters, 37, 125, 126, 127, 141, 143, 144, 150 women: participation in medios divinos, 99, 113, 131, 133, 150–51 yesería (carved plaster), 3, 5, 27, 28, 45, 55, 55–58, 59, 105, 151

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Zumárraga, Miguel de, 33 Zúñiga, Lorenzo Bautista de, 10 Zurbarán, Francisco de, 13, 15, 25, 80; The Crucified Christ with a Donor, 28, 29; Visit by Saint Thomas Aquinas to Saint Bonaventure, 28, 28 Zurriago, María de, 113

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