Australasian Egyptology Conference 4: Papers from the Fourth Australasian Egyptology Conference Dedicated to Gillian E. Bowen 9781803274317, 9781803274324, 180327431X

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Archaeopress Egyptology 44

Australasian Egyptology Conference 4 Papers from the Fourth Australasian Egyptology Conference Dedicated to Gillian E. Bowen

edited by

Colin A. Hope, Bruce E. Parr and Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo

Australasian Egyptology Conference 4 Papers from the Fourth Australasian Egyptology Conference Monash University, Melbourne 16–18 September 2016

Dedicated to Gillian E. Bowen Ben Bassett, Janet Davey, Paul Kucera, Meg Lisle, Rosanne Livingstone, Richard J. Long, Glennda Susan Marsh-Letts, Ryna Ordynat, Aymie Paull, Tracey Pilgrim, Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo, Michael A. Stephens, Sue Thorpe, Sharyn Volk and Ashten Warfe edited by

Colin A. Hope, Bruce E. Parr and Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo

Archaeopress Egyptology 44

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978-1-80327-431-7 ISBN 978-1-80327-432-4 (e-Pdf) © the individual authors and Archaeopress 2022

Cover: Decorated sandstone block from the Seth Temple complex at Mut al-Kharab in Dakhleh Oasis, depicting King Psamtek I making offering to Ra-Horakhty and Atum, © C. A. Hope.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Gillian E. Bowen: A Brief Tribute Colin A. Hope

In 2016, The Centre for Ancient Cultures at Monash University in Melbourne hosted the Fourth Australasian Egyptology Conference. At the end of the same year Gillian Bowen retired from her position at the university after many years of association, first as a student and then staff member; she is now an Adjunct Senior Research Fellow. It therefore seemed appropriate in light of her major contribution to the study of the ancient world at Monash to dedicate to her the conference and the resulting publication. Keynote lectures were delivered by Professor Emerita Francoise Dunand of Strassburg University and Professor Naguib Kanawati of Macquarie University. The conference was organised by staff and students of the Centre, namely Ashten Warfe, Caleb Hamilton and Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo, and the former two were responsible for organising the papers submitted for publication and their blind peer review. The finalisation of the volume was facilitated by Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo, supervised by the current writer and the production was undertaken by Bruce Parr. We are indebted to Archaeopress for their patience concerning the delay in presenting the papers for publication and the contributors likewise. Gill Bowen studied Ancient History as a mature-age student, while married and with three adult children, bringing to fruition a long-held ambition and interest in the discipline. She gained a firstclass honours degree and as a result obtained an Australian government postgraduate scholarship to continue her studies towards an MA. While an undergraduate she was an active member of Clio, the Department of Classics student society, participating in many readings and enactments of classical plays, and acted as both its secretary and president. She was also honorary secretary of the Monash Friends of the Australian Archaeological Institute in Athens. Her chosen topic for an MA was the Roman Procurators of Judaea, which enabled her to pursue an interest in Jewish history, which she had studied at Victoria College while an undergraduate. It was just before Gill commenced this research that she joined a tour of Egypt I led in 1988, organised by the Council for Adult Education in Melbourne. Her presence was quite noticeable, not only for her enthusiasm and interest in Egypt, but also her conviviality and leadership of singing groups on many a long bus trip! Later she attended adult education classes with me on Egyptology. It was at about this time also, 1988–1990, that Melbourne Museum hosted the Gold of the Pharaohs exhibition, Egypt’s ‘gift’ to Australia on the occasion of the bicentenary. And Gill acted as a voluntary guide at the exhibition. At that time, no units on ancient Egypt were offered at Monash University, and so Gill set about gauging student interest and eventually a petition was submitted to the head of The Department of Classics, Professor Alan Henry, confirming the students’ wish that such units be offered. Thus, my own involvement with Monash began as a direct result of Gill’s initiative. Naturally, one significant consideration was funding – and so began a series of funding drives of a wide variety, many driven by Gill’s enthusiasm, including raffles and study days. A committee was established by Alan Henry v

Gill ‘leading’ a tour around Aswan

Gill as a ‘scale’ for a newly-discovered inscription in the early years of her work at Kellis vi

to raise funds also by support from interested parties. Gill was naturally a member, along with myself, Saul Bastomsky, lecturer in Roman History, Peter Bicknell, reader in ancient history, and Graham Geddes, a local antique dealer with a collection of Mediterranean antiquities. The study of ancient Egypt at Monash commenced to become one of only two universities in Australia where the subject could be studied in depth, the other being Macquarie University, Sydney. This brought significant changes with it for Gill, as from 1990 she began to tutor in units on ancient Egypt and joined my excavations on behalf of the Dakhleh Oasis Project at the site of Ismant alKharab, ancient Kellis, in central Dakhleh. This site had already yielded significant material for the study of late antiquity and the beginning of Christianity in Egypt’s Western Desert in the fourth century. This piqued Gill’s interest and in 1991 she transferred from an MA to PhD with a new topic on the spread of Christianity in Egypt that would eventually have a primary focus on Kellis and the monuments she would excavate there. I will return to this below. Between 1990 and 1998 the study of Egyptology expanded at Monash, being possible throughout the three years of the BA and also in the honours’ year. Gill not only tutored in the units, but was sometime lecturer also, and, in association with the Australia Centre for Jewish Civilisation, she developed and lectured in two units: Alexandria, Jerusalem and Rome, and Israel in the Ancient Near East: an archaeological perspective. Upon return from a field season in Dakhleh in early 1999, Gill and I learned of the closure of the department where we had been and our move to The Department of History, where we became the Centre for Archaeology and responsible for an entire undergraduate and honours programme! In that same year Gill was, for the first time, given a formal contract at Monash as opposed to being sessional, and her PhD was awarded. This was commended for its breadth of engagement with papyrological and archaeological sources, much of which was previously unpublished. She would then become a fulltime lecturer in Ancient History in 2000. The following year saw a review of the undergraduate programme, now labelled Archaeology and Ancient History, and the recommendation that units on the classical world should be strengthened following the departure of staff previously responsible for this. This fell to Gill. Not daunted, she prepared and offered classes on Minoans and Mycenaeans, Greece, Rome and Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt. All of these flourished over the course of the next 16 years, with consistent student assessments of the highest level. Gill also prepared honours’ level classes on methodology and supervised a range of theses at honours, MA and PhD level, becoming an extremely popular advisor. She was rewarded with promotion to senior lecturer and received various awards for her excellence and innovation in teaching, which involved students working in groups, taking on the role of the ancient community in an attempt to look at various issues from a contemporary perspective. The first was from The School of Philosophical, Historical and International Studies, in which the Centre was located following various amalgamations, and the second, more prestigious, The Faculty of Arts Award for Teaching Excellence. Her commitment to students, their welfare and progress, saw Gill serve as first level co-ordinator at School level and also Transition and Student Progress Coordinator for the Faculty of Arts. She was also a regular member of the faculty’s Academic Progress Committee, which she chaired on several occasions, and participated in its Academic Mentoring Programme.

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Gill (left) with Colin Hope, and Lesley and Tony Mills relaxing in the Dakhleh dig house

Throughout all of this fund-raising continued, combined with public engagement. In 1990 The Egyptology Society of Victoria was established through Monash University, and Gill became Secretary. Its aim was to promote and cater for interest in ancient Egypt; it still flourishes today. Regular lectures were offered and annual study days, open to students and members of the public. Funds were used to bring speakers to Melbourne, library acquisitions and student scholarships to participate in excavations in Egypt. As I mentioned above, from 1990 Gill became a member of the excavation team at Kellis and she is now the deputy director of this project. In the early years of her participation, Gill’s knowledge of numismatics saw her take on the publication of all of the coins from the excavations and become the Dakhleh Oasis Project numismatist. She has been called upon to identify coins from excavations elsewhere in the Egyptian oases by local colleagues. This research has proved to be the cornerstone for the dating of the three, well-preserved churches at Kellis, for the excavation of which Gill was responsible. These are amongst the oldest well-dated churches discovered in Egypt and their architecture has necessitated a revision of ideas about the evolution of ecclesiastical architecture in the country. One is a converted house church, one a cemetery church and the largest a basilica, the architecture of which undoubtedly derives from a model in the Nile valley. As though this was not enough to keep her occupied, Gill also undertook the study of textiles, basketry and leatherwork from Kellis, and agreed to publish the archaeology of the Christian burials at the site. This has become a study of considerable importance as one of the Kellis cemeteries contains an estimated viii

4000+ graves of which some 765 have been excavated by the Dakhleh Oasis Project bioarchaeologists, and all display the distinctive hallmarks of early Christian burial traditions. As a result of Gill’s expertise in the archaeology of early Christianity she was invited by Anthony Mills, the founding director of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, to study the churches at Dayr Abu Matta and Dayr al-Malak, and the cemetery near Muzawwaqa, all in Dakhleh. The latter displays the same burial pattern as at Kellis, and examples of such graves have been found around the church at Dayr Abu Matta. These discoveries indicate conformity in burial practice by early Christians throughout Dakhleh and compare well with data from nearby Kharga Oasis and in the Nile valley. The Dayr Abu Matta church is triconch and appears to have been in use from the fourth to sixth centuries; associated with it is what may be a monastic keep. Again, the architecture is significant for the study of the development of Egyptian churches. Dayr al-Malak attests the survival of Christianity in Dakhleh into the 14th century. Furthermore, since 2000, Gill has acted as deputy director of my excavations at Mut al-Kharab on the outskirts of Dakhleh’s modern capital, which was the capital also from at least the New Kingdom onwards. This was the seat of a bishopric mentioned in the fourth century documents from Kellis and architectural fragments from a stone church have been discovered. Her many discoveries at the site include a well-preserved representation of Psamtek I of the 26th Dynasty making offering to Ra-Horakhty and Atum (see cover illustration) that, along with other smaller fragments, documents building activity within the Seth Temple complex in the Late Period – found during the first season of excavations. Later she would uncover a hoard of plaster moulds used to produce inlays for over-life-size images of Seth that once adorned the temple walls. These extremely rare items attest the representation of the god Seth, winged, with falcon head wearing the atef-crown. Their significance cannot be over-estimated as they give indications of the decorative programme within the temple, little of which survives, the size of the building and inlay manufacture at the site. As with fundraising for Egyptology at Monash, Gill has played a significant role in the funding of all of the fieldwork activities I have mentioned through grants of various types and scales from Monash University, the Australian government and entrepreneurial activities. The latter have involved leading tours to Egypt, Libya and Tunisia. The results of all of this fieldwork and research have been published in a wide variety of academic publications, and several studies are seminal for understanding the nature and spread of Christianity in Egypt. Gill has also played a major role as editor for several Dakhleh Oasis Project monographs. At the time of my writing this inadequate tribute, Gill is in the final stages of writing her volume on the Christian Monuments of Kellis, which will no doubted be well-received by the academic fraternity and have significant impact. Her stamina, slightly reduced with the passing of time, and commitment to her chosen field of endeavour, not reduced at all, will see many other important studies. And of course, there are tai chi, concerts, novels and travel to fit into the scheme of things! On behalf of all of her friends, colleagues and former students, I thank Gill for her unswerving dedication to promoting the study of the ancient world and student learning experience at Monash University, and acknowledge the significance of her contribution to the archaeology of early Christianity.

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Publications by Gillian E. Bowen

2022 Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, co-editor with C. A. Hope. 2022 Houses, Households, Household Activities, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 15–56, with C. A. Hope. 2022 Basketry, Cordage and Leatherwork, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 82–90. 2022 Coinage, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 155–168. 2022 The Pharaonic and Classical Religious Complexes and the Cult of Tutu, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 203–242, with C. A. Hope and O. E. Kaper. 2022 The Churches, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 269–288. 2022 Christian Burial Practices, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 343–366. 2022 The Abandonment of Kellis, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 391–406, with C. A. Hope. 2020 Introduction, in A. R. Warfe, J. C. R. Gill, C. R. Hamilton, A. J. Pettman and D. A. Stewart (eds), Dust, Demons and Pots: Studies in Honour of Colin A. Hope, Peeters Publishers, Leuven, xix–xxx. 2019 The Oasis Papers 9: Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, A Tribute to Anthony J. Mills after Forty Years of Research in Dakhleh Oasis, Oxbow Books, Oxford, co-editor with C.A. Hope. 2019 Christianity in Dakhleh Oasis: an Archaeological Overview, in C. A. Hope and G. E Bowen (eds), The Oasis Papers 9: Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, A Tribute to Anthony J. Mills after Forty Years of Research in Dakhleh Oasis, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 367–380. 2019 The Church at Dayr al-Malak in Dakleh Oasis, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), The Oasis Papers 9: Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, A Tribute to Anthony J. Mills after Forty Years of Research in Dakhleh Oasis, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 419–430, with C. A. Hope.

2017 Christianity at Mut al-Kharab (ancient Mothis), Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt, in C. Di Biase-Dyson and L. L. Donovan (eds), The Cultural Manifestations of Religious Experience: Studies in Honour of Boyo Ockinga, UgaritVerlag, Münster, 241–246. 2016 A 4th Century AD Hoard from Ayn al-Sebil, Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt, Numismatic Chronicle 176, 355–358. 2015 The Environment Within: The Archaeological Context of the Texts from House 3 at Kellis in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, in A. A. Di Castro and C. A. Hope (eds), Housing and Habitat in the Ancient Mediterranean: Cultural Environment and Responses, Peeters, Leuven, 231–242. 2014 The Crux Ansata in Early Christian Iconography: Evidence from Dakhleh and Kharga Oases, in G. Tallet and C. Zivie-Coche (eds), Le myrte et la rose: mélanges offerts à Françoise Dunand par ses élèves, collègues et amis, Université Paul Valéry, Montpellier, 291–303. 2013 Coins as Tools for Dating the Large East Church at Ismant el-Kharab: Problems and a Possible Solution, in P. Davoli and C. A Hope (eds), The Oasis Papers 6: Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 417–428. 2013 The Church of Dayr Abu Matta and its Associated Structures: An Overview of Four Seasons of Excavation, in R. S. Bagnall, P. Davoli and C. A Hope (eds), The Oasis Papers 6: Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 429– 450. 2012 Child, Infant and Foetal Burials of the Late Roman Period at Ismant el-Kharab, Ancient Kellis, Dakhleh Oasis, in M.-D. Nenna (ed.), L’Enfant et la Mort dans l’Antiquité, CNRS, Cairo, 351–372. 2011 The 2011 Field Season at Deir Abu Metta, Dakhleh Oasis, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 22, 7–16. 2010 Excavation Coins: The Coins from the 4th Century Churches and Christian Cemetery at Ismant el-Kharab, Ancient Kellis, Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt, Numismatic Chronicle 170, 457–483. 2010 The 2010 Field Season at Deir Abu Metta, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 21, 7–20, with contributions by L. Falvey, C. A. Hope, D. Jones, J. Petkov and L. Woodfield. 2010 The Spread of Christianity in Egypt: Archaeological Evidence from Dakhleh and Kharga Oases, in A. Woods, A. McFarlane and S. Binder (eds), Egyptian Culture and Society. Studies in Honour of Naguib Kanawati, Publications du Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de L’Égypte, Cairo, 15–29.

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2009 The Church of Deir Abu Metta, Dakhleh Oasis: A Report on the 2009 Excavation Season, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 20, 7–25, with an appendix by R. J. Livingstone. 2009 Report on the 2009 Season of Excavations at Mut el-Kharab, Dakhleh Oasis, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 20, 47–86, with C. A. Hope, J. Cox, W. Dolling, J. Milner and A. Pettman. 2009 Report on the Survey and Testing at Deir Abu Metta and a Christian Cemetery at Muzawwaqa in 2008, Mishkah: Egyptian Journal of Islamic Archaeology 4, 63–74. 2008 The Church of Deir Abu Metta and a Christian Cemetery in Dakhleh Oasis: A Brief Report, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 19, 7–16. 2008 The Excavations at Mut el-Kharab, Dakhleh Oasis in 2008, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 19, 49–71, with C. A. Hope, W. Dolling, E. Healey and J. Milner. 2008 Early Christianity in Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt, Agora 3.43, 14–18. 2007 Coin Hoards 2007: Ismant el-Kharab, Ancient Kellis, in the Dakhleh Oasis, Numismatic Chronicle 167, 260– 263. 2007 A Brief Report on the 2007 Excavations at Ismant el-Kharab, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 17, 23–68, with W. Dolling, C. A. Hope and P. Kucera. 2006 Reconstructing Ancient Kellis 2, Buried History 41, with T. Chandler, C. A. Hope and D. Martin. 2006 Reports on the Excavations at Ismant el-Kharab and Mut el-Kharab in 2006, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 18, 21–52, with C. A. Hope, W. Dolling, C. Hubschmann, P. Kucera, R. Long and A. Stevens. 2005 Reconstructing Ancient Kellis 1, Buried History 41, 51–64, with T. Chandler and D. Martin. 2004 Aspects of Christian Burial Practice, Buried History 40, 15–28. 2003 Early Christian Burial Practices at Kellis, Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt, Artefact, 26, 77–88. 2003 The Oasis Papers 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, Oxbow Books, Oxford, co-editor with C.A. Hope. 2003 Small East Church at Ismant el-Kharab, in G.E. Bowen and C.A. Hope (eds), The Oasis Papers 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 153–166. 2003 Some Observations on Christian Burial Practices at Kellis, in G. E. Bowen and C. A. Hope (eds), The Oasis Papers 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference

of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 167– 182. 2003 The Fourth-Century Churches at Ismant el-Kharab, in C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1995–1996 to 1998–1999 Field Seasons, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 65–85. 2003 Textiles, Basketry and Leathergoods, in C.A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1995–1996 to 1998–1999 Field Seasons, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 87–104. 2003 The Coinage, appendix, in C. A. Hope, Preliminary Reports on the 1995–1996 to 1998–1999 Field Seasons, in C.A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (eds), Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1995–1996 to 1998–1999 Field Seasons, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 206. 2002 Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1995– 1996 to 1998–1999 Field Seasons, Oxbow Books, Oxford, coeditor with C. A. Hope. 2001 Texts and Textiles: A Study of the Textile Industry at Ancient Kellis, Artefact 24, 18–28. 2001 Suggested Interpretation of the Coin-Finds of Ismant El-Kharab, in C. A. Marlow and A. J. Mills (eds), The Oasis Papers 1: Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, Oxbow Books, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 60–64. 2000 The Small East Church at Ismant el-Kharab, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 11, 29–34. 1999 Textiles from Ismant el-Kharab, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 10, 7–12. 1999 The Coinage: A Preliminary Report, in C. A. Hope and A. J. Mills (eds), Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1992–1993 and 1993–1994 Field Seasons, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 43–48. 1999 The Archaeological Context: The Coinage, in I. Gardner, A. Alcock and W.-P. Funk (eds), Coptic Documentary Texts from Kellis, Volume 1, Oxbow Books, Oxford, 111–115. 1997 The Excavations at Ismant el-Kharab in 1995/6 and 1996/7: A Brief Report, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 8, 49–64, with C. A. Hope. 1993 A Brief Report on the Excavations at Ismant elKharab in 1993, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 4, 17–29, with C. A. Hope and O. E. Kaper. 1992 Excavations at Ismant el-Kharab, 1992, Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 3, 41–49, with C. A. Hope and O. E. Kaper. 1989 Dakhleh Oasis Project: Ismant el-Kharab, 1991–2, Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities XIX, 1–26, with C. A. Hope, O. E. Kaper and S. F. Patten.

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Contents

Gillian E. Bowen: A Brief Tribute .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. v Colin A. Hope Publications by Gillian E. Bowen .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. xi A Note on the Cultural Status of Rural Settlements in Roman Egypt .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 Ben Bassett Interpretation of Mummification Practices in Child Mummies of the Graeco/Roman Period .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 7 Janet Davey A Roman-Egyptian Military Campaign of the Third Century CE in the Northern Region of the Western Desert .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 13 Paul Kucera Preliminary Discussions on a Prosopographic Study of the Involvement of Non-Royal Women in New Kingdom Religious Practices .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 21 Meg Lisle Three Funerary Textiles from Dayr Abu Matta, Dakhleh Oasis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 29 Rosanne Livingstone Oasis Ceramics of the Third Intermediate Period: Identifying Regional Traditions .. .. .. .. 37 Richard J. Long A Fifth Century Virgin Mary: Enthroned as the Queen of Heaven? .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 49 Glennda Susan Marsh-Letts Intention or Accident? Discussion of Deliberate Breakage of Human Figurines in Predynastic Burials .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 57 Ryna Ordynat The Mothers, Wives and Daughters of the High Officials at Beni Hassan .. .. .. .. .. .. 65 Aymie Paull A Technological Study of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 73 Tracey Pilgrim Cartonnage Mummy Masks from Kellis (Ismant al-Kharab, Dakhleh Oasis) Featuring the Jackal Motif: New Insights on Regionalism after the 2017 Study Season .. .. .. .. .. .. 85 Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo xiii

Can a Menesh Vessel be Identified at Gebel el-Silsila? .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 91 Michael A. Stephens An Extra Dimension: The Important Personal Insight Ancient Egyptian Private Letters Provide to Augment Visual Evidence .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 101 Sue Thorpe Where are the Funerary Figurine Depictions (or The Nature of Work) in Book of the Dead Spell 110 Vignettes? .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 107 Sharyn Volk Iconoclasm in Degrees: On the Proscription of Seth (again) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 115 Ashten Warfe

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Ben Bassett: A Note on the Cultural Status of Rural Settlements in Roman Egypt

A Note on the Cultural Status of Rural Settlements in Roman Egypt Ben Bassett Centre for Ancient Cultures, Monash University

In an extraordinary passage, Michael Kulikowski (2016: 29) writes in a recent work of popular Roman history that: Egypt was a sea of native villages that had changed relatively little since Alexander’s successor Ptolemy took over from the last pharaohs and retained most of the pharaonic dispensation rather than remake it in the Greek image. The passage falls midway through a description of emperor Hadrian’s visit to Egypt and manages, despite its brevity, to convey all the pitfalls of working a complex and unresolved historical question into a tidy narrative. The book is written, lucidly, in order to appeal to an audience which does not and usually will not care to know the details. Nevertheless, recent popular histories of the Roman Empire have been exemplary, and Kulikowski’s is no exception in most respects. Yet there is a danger that in producing history for popular consumption, questions which might in academic circumstances be dealt with in more nuanced terms are afforded little in the way of complex investigation, and are merely passed over, as evinced by this example and the question of Egyptian villages in the Roman period. The passage betrays no sense that the author is aware of the modern archaeological scholarship surrounding the question of what Egyptian villages were like during the second century. This paper argues that the cultural status of villages in Roman Egypt cannot be reduced to categories like native, and that villages share in a cultural life common to both the villages themselves and the larger urban metropoleis, or provincial capital cities.

But what of the villages of Roman Egypt? Might these have been in some sense familiar to a Roman visitor, or were they sanctuaries of rusticus, redolent of native Egyptian culture as Kulikowski contends? Of these settlements, the most-widely known today are found in the Fayyum. During the Ptolemaic period the Fayyum was settled by Greek immigrants and a large number of new settlements were founded in the region. As Davoli (2011: 69) notes, some of these have been well studied but many remain only cursorily understood. Many of those sites in the Fayyum, including Philadelpheia and Seknopaiou Nesos, have endured a century or more of antiquarian or archaeological activity, but cultural processes including the pillaging of settlement sites for limestone have steadily eroded archaeological contexts (Davoli 2015: 175). Modern archaeological methods have enabled the retrieval of important information about site layout and domestic contexts, especially at Karanis and a few other sites such as Dime es-Seba, (Boak 1935), Medinet Madi (Bresciani et alii 2006) and Tebtynis (Hadji-Minaglou 2007). However, as with all archaeological investigations, efforts are tempered by selection effects which inhibit the creation of a complete picture of the past, even on a limited scale. The best-known sites of the Fayyum are restricted to its periphery owing to land reclamation and agricultural activity during the 19th and 20th centuries. In a general sense the impression given of Romanperiod Egyptian settlements in the Fayyum is that they were sophisticated communities, sometimes built around the traditional Egyptian public dromos but which also incorporated classical structural, decorative and even organisational elements (Davoli 2011: 73–74). Philadelphia and Dionysias may have been constructed de novo in classical Hippodamian fashion, and probably incorporated the dromos and other traditional elements into the overall Greek plan (Davoli 2011: 73–74). No doubt this may be attributed to the heavy Greek immigrant presence since Ptolemaic times, but similar kinds of evidence are

The pyramids were already ancient by the second century, and Egyptian culture was as alluring to the Romans as it continues to be for the moderns. Away from the funerary monuments, in the cities of Egypt, in addition to traditional Egyptian temples a Roman tourist might see sites somewhat familiar in the public spaces of rural settlements: broad avenues flanked by colonnades, civic monuments and other accoutrements of Roman urban character familiar from both the West and the East (Bailey 1990; 2012). 1

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available from elsewhere in Roman Egypt, a point to which I return below. It is clear that from the Fayyum alone Kulikowski’s broad and overweening statement is refuted. The conquest of Alexander the Great did not solely portend the intrusion of a foreign elite; abundant evidence exists for widespread cultural adaptation to classical ways of life between the Macedonian conquest and the ascent of the Roman Empire (see Bowman 1990 for a still useful introduction).

as purely rural settlements because they were apparently less integrated into wider economic systems, and thus lacked the sophisticated service and manufacturing economies of the metropoleis (Alston and Alston 1997: 207). Although their paper does not explicitly consider the question of cultural differentiation between settlements, the rural settlements on this model continue to be contrasted with the metropoleis, but for economic reasons. I will not critique the Alston and Alston’s (1997) economic analysis of the rural settlement here, except to note that in their paper they rely heavily on papyrological evidence where more recent archaeological evidence might have provided some useful insight (see below). In any case, a pattern emerges throughout their analysis whereby the ‘Greek’ is connoted with the urban and the Egyptian with the rural.

It has long been acknowledged (indeed, even by Kulikowski above) that Classical urban culture was a feature of Romano-Egyptian societies, at least as it pertained to the larger metropoleis and perhaps the towns of the Fayyum. Archaeological excavations undertaken in the previous thirty years have clarified the extent to which classical traditions were not insulated from, but interacted with, traditional modes of urbanism, even within the larger cities. Of particular note were the excavations conducted by Bailey (1991) on behalf of the British Museum at al-Ashmunein, ancient Hermopolis. These clarified that classical architectural traditions were flourishing in Roman Egypt, but that even within the confines of the metropoleis traditional architectural styles interacted with classical custom in a variety of ways. Settlements like Hermopolis and Oxyrhynchus, not to mention those in the Fayyum, were thoroughly hybrid in their material character, including layout, and house design (see Davoli 2015; Parsons 2007). Moreover, subsequent excavations conducted outside of the metropoleis have transformed our understanding of Roman Egyptian settlement types. We might therefore return to Kulikowski’s assessment of Egyptian villages and ask – on what basis can such a statement be made? Should we, like him, consider that they represent a massed sea of Egyptian culture, against which the Greek cities might be starkly compared? In light of the past forty years of excavation, the time is right to address this question properly, and some have already made an attempt. To mention one example, in an often-cited paper, Richard and Robert Alston (1997) seek to quantify particular features of urban communities in Roman Egypt primarily using evidence garnered from papyrus documents. They introduce a broad definition of urbanism, but of chief interest to them are data pertaining to division of labour. Through their assessment, the more evidence for trade and nonagricultural activities there is, the more urban a settlement is said to have been. The picture developed by Alston and Alston (1997: 204) envisages a two-tier system of properly urban settlements, including Alexandria and the poleis, and the metropoleis or nome capitals. Below these are settlements like Karanis in the Fayyum, which according to them should be classed

The hereditary gymnasial class, who might be said to represent Greco-Roman culture in Egypt in an ethnic sense, were also concentrated in the metropoleis (Alston and Alston 1997: 214–215). These were the cities adorned not only with Egyptian temples, but classical features like the ubiquitous colonnades, tetrapyla and other familiar features of eastern Roman urbanism in the second century (McKenzie 2007). By contrast rural settlements might be thought of as traditional in their aspiration. This class had access to the larger cities, which provided the bulk of the services. In this view, the rural settlements were concerned with the housing of people who would retreat there after a day of labour in the fields, but that was the extent of their functionality. I do not want to give the impression that the cities and the towns were similar in every respect: clearly the komai were smaller settlements and they evidently did support large agricultural populations. But their size, density or other features cannot alone allude to their function and purpose, let alone the character of their inhabitants. Even Bailey (2012), in a relatively recent discussion of classical architecture in Roman Egypt, restricts his analysis to the metropoleis, and does not consider the komai. There are two broad reasons why this picture may be incomplete. First, the evidence that Alston and Alston (1997) draw upon is rapidly being augmented by archaeological evidence from sites elsewhere in Egypt, including those in the Dakhleh and Kharga Oases, and also sites like Mons Claudianus in the Eastern Desert (Maxfield and Peacock 2006). Second, definitions of urbanism are naturally subjective. Whatever features one wishes to emphasise have an impact on the kinds of settlements permitted to enter the urban category. In the case of Egyptian villages, it is becoming increasingly difficult to make such broad statements about category. Instead, it may be useful to think about 2

Ben Bassett: A Note on the Cultural Status of Rural Settlements in Roman Egypt

a continuum of settlement types, as scholars like Katja Mueller (2006) have suggested for earlier periods of Egyptian history. Alston and Alston (1997: 204–208) divide settlements into first, second, and third tier types, and these generally correspond to Alexandria and poleis in the first tier, metropoleis in the second, and other settlements in the third. Some smaller villages of the second tier possessed characteristics that are urban even by the standards of the Alstons: they were involved in long distance trade, they sported elite urban housing, they were densely nucleated, and show evidence for non-agricultural production (Alston and Alston 1997: 207). Nevertheless, a sharp distinction is drawn between the urban character in first tier settlements and the rural nature of third tier settlements on the basis of occupational structure (Alston and Alston 1997: 200). That is, rural status is defined essentially by extreme localisation. Work is carried out locally, and villagers are restricted, whether by coercion, choice or circumstance, to their local demesne. Trade might extend to the nome capital, but rarely any further (Alston and Alston 1997: 206–207). If this model, that of rural villages of indelibly Egyptian character, is to hold, we should expect to see one or two large towns per nome and a host of smaller agricultural villages. We might envisage these smaller settlements as the ‘mass of Egyptian villages’ mentioned by Kulikowski, undifferentiated, uniformly agricultural, and culturally continuous with Late and Ptolemaic Period predecessors. This hypothesis is yet to be fully tested in the case of Roman Egypt, and while they essentially contend that papyrus evidence bears out this model, Alston and Alston (1997: 206) cite only the excavation of Karanis as substantial archaeological corroboration. Davoli (2011: 71) cautions that the records of the Karanis excavations are unreliable and require revision; more recent excavations are helping to bridge the gap between the papyrological picture and the archaeological evidence. One settlement has been the target of a multi-decadal archaeological project associated with the Dakhleh Oasis Project. Led by Colin Hope, on behalf of the Dakhleh Oasis Project and Monash University, this excavation examined the ancient kome of Kellis (modern Ismant al-Kharab), situated toward the middle of the Dakhleh Oasis, which is itself around 300 kilometres to the west of Thebes on the Nile. Dakhleh is thus a kind of test case for urbanism in Roman Egypt.

at Kellis and Trimithis have brought a wealth of new data to bear on this question. Villages like Kellis and Trimithis show evidence for wide connections, not merely within Dakhleh but further afield to the Nile valley. The archaeology of the village of Kellis provides insight on this point. The modern site is situated toward the centre of the Dakhleh Oasis, near to the ancient nome capital of Mothis, the modern town of Mut. Despite its existence having been known for some time thanks to early papyrus evidence (Wagner 1987: 190), the location of the town, let alone its physical or historical characteristics, remained unknown until the inauguration of the Dakhleh Oasis Project in the late 1970s. The project began with a thorough survey of the archaeological features of Dakhleh, which located Kellis at Ismant al-Kharab, which was previously thought by Wagner (1987: 188–189) to have been Trimithis. The subsequent excavations have uncovered a range of large features, including residential units quite unlike those discovered at villages of comparable size elsewhere in Roman Egypt (Hope 2015: 200–206). The quality of the excavation is also important; unlike the haphazard history of excavation in the Fayyum, those undertaken at Dakhleh have been exposed to sophisticated and controlled excavation techniques (Boozer 2015: 186). The result has been the unearthing of several distinct ‘Areas’, each of which is characterised by a particular assemblage of ceremonial, economic and residential functions, to varying degrees. The spatial and temporal relationship between the separate Areas is not yet fully understood, but ceramic and other evidence indicates that Area D, comprising the Temple of Tutu, and mostly residential Areas B and C, were probably the earliest parts of the village yet understood (Hope 2001: 50–51; 2015: 200). In Area B, a large structure, B/3/1, includes an atrium supported by four-metre thick columns and decorated with classical painting and stucco cornices resembling designs known from Alexandria (Hope et alii 2006: 23– 5; Hope and Whitehouse 2006: 313–314; Hope and Bowen 2022: 21–23). This structure is remarkable for its classicism and is well dated to the early Roman phase of the town (Hope 2005: 40). This, together with other kinds of evidence, suggests that the inhabitants were conscious, in some sense, of their belonging to a community that extended beyond the cultural limits not only of the oasis, but even of Egypt. This sense is reinforced by the discovery of abundant classical wall painting in the House of Serenos and elsewhere at Amhida, an Oasite settlement that was granted polis status, at least for a time (Bagnall and Tallet 2019: 102; McFadden 2015: 193–206). To cite another example, various tomb roads have been located which are adorned with large mausolea, one (West Tomb 1) of which resemble structures depicted on coins

The results of such excavations have caused archaeologists to begin questioning the picture of rural settlement as new evidence has come to light. Davoli (2010; 2011; 2015) has argued that settlements like Kellis and Trimithis (modern Amhida), also situated in the Dakhleh Oasis, should be considered as a separate class of semi-urban settlement. Excavations 3

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Conclusion

discovered in both North African and Alexandrian contexts (Hope and McKenzie 1999: 67–68). Some, like North Tomb 1, were decorated with classical painting (Hope 2003: 257–262; Knudstad and Frey 1999: 208– 212). One possibility is that a common classicism developed in both North African and Egyptian cities before it percolated into smaller settlements. This might be making too much of the evidence that we have, but such possibilities are intriguing. In any case, structures such as these have been dated by a variety of means to the late first or second centuries, and attest to the presence of a prosperous Romano-Egyptian settlement in Dakhleh Oasis (Hope 2001: 52–53). How the evidence from Kellis, not to mention the similar excavations at Amhida (Bagnall et alii 2015), will transform our understanding of Roman Egypt is too soon to tell; knowledge garnered from these excavations will, in time, afford a more thorough understanding of Romano-Egyptian urbanism.

The question of how best to incorporate the rural settlements of Roman Egypt into the general history of the province touches on deeper disputes relating to the nature of acculturation and identity during the Roman period. Several scholars (e.g. Woolf 1998) have sought to address these topics, and in doing so have often marshalled the archaeological evidence of urban or sub-urban settlements. Other areas, like Roman Cyprus, have yielded tremendous bounties to archaeologists who have set out to study systematically the settlement history of particular regions (Rupp 1997). However, if the archaeology of Egypt’s Romanperiod settlements revealed over the past forty years is any indication, these larger scale questions can only begin to be addressed in the context of Roman Egypt. Already though, the old model of a divided Egypt, between the native class in the villages and the Greeks of the cities cannot be sustained. Well publicised excavations, including those at Kellis, show that village people did have aspirations that looked to classical culture, even if we cannot say something definitive in all cases about their ethnic or legal status.

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Bibliography

Hope, C.A., 2003. The Excavations at Ismant el-Kharab from 2000 to 2002, in G.E. Bowen, C.A. Hope and B.E. Parr (eds) The Oasis Papers 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project: 207–290. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Hope, C.A., 2005. Report on the Excavations at Ismant elKharab and Mut el-Kharab in 2005, with Appendices, The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 16: 35– 50. Hope, C.A. 2015. The Roman-Period Houses of Kellis in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis, in A.A. Di Castro and C.A. Hope (eds) Housing and Habitat in the Ancient Mediterranean: 199–230. Leuven: Peeters. Hope, C.A. and G.E. Bowen 2022. Houses, Households and Household Activities, in C.A. Hope and G.E. Bowen (eds) Kellis: A Roman-Period Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis: 15– 56. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hope, C.A. and J. McKenzie 1999. Interim Report on the West Tombs, in C.A. Hope and A.J. Mills (eds) Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1992–1993 and 1993–1994 Field Seasons: 53–68. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Hope, C.A. and H. Whitehouse 2006, A Painted Residence at Ismant el-Kharab (Kellis) in the Dakhleh Oasis. Journal of Roman Archaeology 19: 313–328. Ibrahim, B.A., F. Dunand, J.-L. Heime, R. Lichtenberg and M. Hussein 2008. Le Materiel Archéologique et les Restes Humains de la Necropole D’Äin El-Labakha (Oasis de Kharga). Paris: Librairie Cybele. Knudstad, J.E. and R.A. Frey 1999. Kellis, the Architectural Survey of the Romano-Byzantine Town at Ismant elKharab, in C.S. Churcher and A.J. Mills (eds) Reports from the Survey of the Dakhleh Oasis 1977–1987: 189–214. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Kulikowski, M. 2016. Imperial Triumph: The Roman World from Hadrian to Constantine. London: Profile Books. Maxfield, V. and D.P.S. Peacock (eds) 2006. Survey and Excavation. Mons Claudianus III: Ceramic vessels and related objects. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 54. Cairo. McFadden, S. 2015. Amheida’s Wall Paintings, in R.S. Bagnall, N. Aravecchia, R. Cribiore, P. Davoli, O. Kaper and S. McFadden (eds) An Oasis City: 193–212. New York: New York University Press. McKenzie, J. 2007. The Architecture of Alexandria and Egypt. New Haven: Yale University Press. Mueller, K. 2006. Settlements of the Ptolemies: City Foundation and New Settlement in the Hellenistic World. Leuven: Peeters. Parsons, P. 2007. City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Rupp, D.W. 1997. ‘Metro’ Nea Paphos: Suburban Sprawl in Southwestern Cyprus in the Hellenistic and Earlier Roman Periods, in E. Aufrecht, N.A. Mirau and S.W. Gauley (eds), Urbanism in Antiquity: From Mesopotamia to Crete: 236–262. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. Wagner W.G. 1987. Les Oasis D’Égypte. Cairo: Institute Français D’Archaéologie Orientale du Caire. Woolf, G. 1998. Becoming Roman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Alston, R. and R.D. Alston 1997. Urbanism and the Urban Community in Roman Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 83: 199–216. Bailey, D.M. 2012. Classical Architecture, in C. Riggs (ed) The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt: 185–209. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bagnall, R.S. and G. Tallet 2019. The Great Oasis: An Administrative Entity from Pharaonic Times to Roman Times, in R.S. Bagnall and G. Tallet (eds) The Great Oasis of Egypt: 83–103. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bagnall, R.S., N. Aravecchia, R. Cribiore, P. Davoli, O. Kaper and S. McFadden (eds) 2015. An Oasis City. New York: New York University Press. Boak, A.E.R. 1935. Seknopaiou Nesos: The University of Michigan Excavations at Dimê in 1931–32. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Boozer, A.L. 2015, Inside and Out: Romano-Egyptian Houses from the Fayyum and Dakhleh Oasis, in A.A. Di Castro and C.A. Hope (eds) Housing and Habitat in the Ancient Mediterranean: 185–198. Leuven: Peeters. Bowen, G.E., W. Dolling, C.A. Hope and P. Kucera 2007. Brief Report on the 2007 Excavations at Ismant elKharab. The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 18: 24–37. Bowman, A.K. 1990. Egypt after the Pharaohs. London: British Museum Press. Bresciani, E., A. Giammarusti, R. Pintaudi and F. Silvano (eds) 2006. Medinet Madi: Venti anni di esplorazione archaeologica 1984–2005. Pisa: Università di Pisa. Castiglione, L. 1961. Dualité du style dans l’art sépulcral égyptien à l’époque romaine. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 9: 209–230. Churcher, C.S. and A.J. Mills (eds) 1999. Reports from the Survey of the Dakhleh Oasis 1977–1987. Oxbow Books, Oxford. Davoli, P. 2010. Settlements – Distribution, Structure, Architecture: Graeco-Roman, in A.B. Lloyd (ed.) A Companion to Ancient Egypt: 350–369. London: WileyBlackwell. Davoli, P. 2011. Reflections on Urbanism in Graeco-Roman Egypt: A Historical and Regional Perspective, in E. Subias et alii (eds) The Space of the City in Graeco-Roman Egypt: Image and Reality: 69–92. Tarragona: Institut Català D’Arqueologia Clàssica. Davoli, P. 2015. Classical Influences on the Domestic Architecture of the Graeco-Roman Fayyum Sites, in A.A. Di Castro and C.A. Hope (eds) Housing and Habitat in the Ancient Mediterranean: 173–184. Leuven: Peeters. Di Castro, A.A. and C.A. Hope (eds) 2015. Housing and Habitat in the Ancient Mediterranean. Leuven: Peeters. Hadji-Minaglou, G. 2007. Tebtynis IV: Les habitations à l’est du temple de Soknebtynis. Fouilles de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 56. Cairo. Hope, C.A. 2001. Observations on the Dating of the Occupation at Ismant el-Kharab, in C.A. Marlow and A.J. Mills (eds) The Oasis Papers 1: The Proceedings of the First Symposium of the Dakhleh Oasis Project: 43–59. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

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Janet Davey: Interpretation of Mummification Practices in Child Mummies of the Graeco/Roman Period

Interpretation of Mummification Practices in Child Mummies of the Graeco/Roman Period Janet Davey Dept. of Forensic Medicine Monash University / Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine

mummification (Ikram and Dodson 1998). The mummies were held in the collections of the British Museum (EA30362–4, 22108, 6723, 54053), the Leiden Museum the Netherlands (AMM27C), the Rosicrucian Museum San Jose USA (RC22) the Nicholson Museum Sydney, Australia (NMR26), the Australian Institute of Archaeology (AIA) and three were from various sites in Switzerland (Dawson and Gray 1968: 87; Raven 2005: 219). The only mummy with provenance was the British Museum mummy EA22108.

Abstract Forensic radiology techniques provided images of specific areas of the body for the interpretation of cause of injuries and mummification practices in Graeco/Roman child mummies held in collections in Australia, the UK, Switzerland, the Netherlands and the USA. The objective of this study was to analyse the radiographic data from Computerised Tomography (CT) scan images that was acquired using a Toshiba Aquilion 64 Computerised Tomography (CT) scanner which allowed for specific areas of interest to be examined in both wrapped and unwrapped bodies. The CT scanner was set to obtain 64 x 0.5mm data and this was later loaded into a Toshiba Vitrea 2 advanced visualisation workstations for the purpose of further processing at the Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine (VIFM) Melbourne Australia to produce virtual images of mummified bodies. Earlier x-rays, publications on previous mummy research and ancient texts that described mummification, were consulted and studied before this CT scan investigation. A variety of images that included virtual endoscopy indicated that the heads of all children have been forced towards the chest by the embalmers; which may be considered as an indication of mummification process during the Graeco/Roman Period. Most injuries identified were considered to be the result of mummification practices rather than deliberate perimortem injuries although this could not be dismissed. As the majority of the mummified bodies studied were of children under five years it was hypothesised that accidental injury was difficult to avoid when mummifying a small body. Despite the mummification damage there was a good standard of mummification.

The child mummies from the collections of the British Museum, the Nicholson Museum and the AIA were examined with Toshiba Aquilion 64 Computerised Tomography scanners at various sites and the raw data was loaded into the advanced visualisation workstations; to construct virtual images of areas of interest (Villa et alii 2014). The use of virtual images from CT scan data transformed the way mummified bodies were examined and eliminated the necessity for the destructive practices of unwrapping and invasive autopsies on the ancient bodies (David 1979; Murray 1910).

Introduction

The texts of Herodotus in Book Two and Diodorus Siculus provided some information about mummification practices in ancient Egypt. In particular the texts described organ removal via a left flank incision and the use of natron for desiccation. Herodotus described three methods of mummification with the most elaborate that included evisceration and excerebration. Diodorus Siculus who wrote about Graeco/Roman mummification methods added information that the heart and the kidneys remained in situ. He also described the use embalming fluids to expedite preservation of the tissue (Diodorus 1814: 278; Herodotus 1954: 175; Lucas 1932: 174).

A radiological study of fourteen child mummies from the Graeco/Roman Period (332 BCE – circa 395 CE) provided information about their injuries, mummification damage, type of and standard of

Although ancient descriptions of mummification were available, the interpretation of mummification practices found in child mummies from the Graeco/ Roman Period proved challenging due to a lack of 7

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Figure 1 Hyper flexion of the cervical spine when the chin was forced downwards towards the chest which was common in all the child mummies.

Figure 2

Damage caused to the anterior fontanelle when the brain was removed via the defect in the skull. 8

Janet Davey: Interpretation of Mummification Practices in Child Mummies of the Graeco/Roman Period

specific information about the procedures employed on deceased children. It was necessary to examine radiographic images to distinguish which injuries were caused by the invasive mummification methods of excerebration and evisceration rather than perimortem injuries that caused death (Taylor and Antoine 2014; Wade 2011). In this study earlier x-rays were available for more than half of the study group and the Computerised Tomography (CT) data provided detailed information for more accurate reporting on mummification damage, injuries (Davey 2014; Dawson and Gray 1968).

presentation of the body were recorded (Davey et alii 2014). The purpose of this research was to determine which bodies had suffered injuries or damage directly caused by the mummification process and which mummies showed indications of perimortem injuries not related to embalming practices. Materials and Methods Prior to CT scanning the mummies macroscopic investigations were carried out in museum storerooms. Publications and x-rays of the mummies were sought for information about any previous investigations for the selection of suitable bodies; for comparative analysis and for more extensive study. CT scan images of ten mummies were obtained with various Toshiba Aquilion 64 Computerised Tomography (CT) scanners set to acquire 64 x 0.5mm. Sets of CT scan data were obtained for the mummies from Leiden, Switzerland and USA. All raw CT scan data was loaded into advanced visualisation workstations for further processing. This allowed for the images to be reconstructed into a thin slice isotropic volume data which was set for optimal high resolution. The data sets allowed for additional 3D multi-planar (MPR) reconstructions with varying fields of view. The workstation also allowed for a Maximum Intensity Projection (MIP) mode for the identification of specific densities and for the virtual removal of bandages. Raw sets of CT scan data were obtained for the three Swiss mummies and the mummy from the Rosicrucian Museum. ‘Virtopsy’ and Disaster Victim Identification (DVI) protocols were adapted to investigate the ancient Egyptian child mummies.

The implementation of CT scanning of ancient Egyptian mummified bodies allowed for extensive investigation into the general state of the body, mummification practices and possible cause of death. The technology allowed for rapid acquisition of data for collection of precise anatomical data, virtual endoscopy, 3D volumetric images, 3D Multi-planar reconstructions, and ‘Fly through’ particularly focusing on specific areas of interest within the body. Early x-rays of mummies and even the early CT scanners did not have the capacity to view areas of the body with clarity and in such detail that enabled the identification of the post mortem changes that occurred and the possible causes of the post mortem pathology. Virtual images constructed from recent CT scan data transformed the study of mummified bodies and the increased use of ‘Virtopsy’ or virtual autopsy techniques used in modern forensic pathology practice were adapted for mummy research (Thali et alii 2005). The virtual technology has been used at the Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine, Melbourne, Australia, as an adjunct to autopsy and allowed for the acquisition of detailed information about bodies. In many cases the age, sex, cause of death, injuries and inclusions were determined from the CT scan data and these methods have been adopted for mummified bodies; both ancient and modern (Thali et alii 2007). ‘Virtopsy’ protocols linked to CT scan data allowed for examination of the body and specific areas of interest without the need to unwrap the body (Adams and Alsop 2008; Raven and Taconis 2005).

Results and Discussion From the group of fourteen child mummies, two were identified as female, ten were male and the sex of two mummies was unknown. The age range was based on a study of the dental development showed that the youngest children were approximately eighteen months old at death and the oldest child was approximately six years when she died. Nine of the mummies were wrapped and six were either unwrapped or had partial linen covering.

Specific methods followed in this study were adapted from Disaster Victim Identification (DVI) protocols and included CT scanning. They were designed for implementation at times of natural and mass disasters. The information required by DVI reflected the need for identification of a body, where it was found, its position, the condition of the body, sex, age, injuries, the objects on and within the body and cause of death (O’Donnell et alii 2011). In the case of mummies the type of mummification practices, injuries and the

Hyper flexed cervical spines with the head forced downwards and the chins placed adjacent to the chest were identified in all of the mummified bodies. In thirteen mummies there was damage to the cervical spine (Figure 1). The head position indicated that this 9

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Figure 3

Figure 4

A ‘fly through’ image of unexplained damage to ribs that may have been caused by the mummification process although perimortem injury cannot be excluded as the cause.

A view showing an embalming incision, no evidence of internal organs, an unknown substance on the posterior aspect of the thorax and abdomen and an inclusion of linen. 10

Janet Davey: Interpretation of Mummification Practices in Child Mummies of the Graeco/Roman Period

In both the unwrapped and wrapped child mummies whether artificial mummification that followed the descriptions of Herodotus and Diodorus Siculus or less invasive methods the competence and skill of the ancient embalmers was evident in preserving bodies to a standard that has allowed them to survive for thousands of years.

practice was common to child mummies and may be used as an indicator of Graeco/Roman child mummies (see Filer 1997). All the child mummies showed evidence of damage to the cervical spine or the skull and eight mummies presented evidence of excerebration with the brain removed via the cribriform plate of the ethmoid bone. One showed evidence of brain removal via the anterior fontanelle as there was damage to this area and there was no evidence of a breach of the cribriform plate of the ethmoid bone (Figure 2; Davey and Drummer 2016). The cause of the damage to the area was unknown and may have been perimortem or may have been accidentally caused by the embalmers. Whatever the cause of the defect in the anterior fontanelle it allowed for an easier route of brain removal than via the small nose of the child. Removal of the brain via the nasal passage was the most common route used but in smaller children this would have presented anatomical problem due to the size of the noses (Lynnerup 2007).

Conclusion Mummification during the Graeco/Roman Period varied from extensive treatment of the body to very little intervention and in the majority of cases the standard of mummification indicated the expertise of the embalmers. The cervical spines of all the child mummies examined were flexed to allow the chin to be forces towards the chest. This head position was an indicator of Graeco/Roman child mummies although study of a larger group would be required to confirm this hypothesis. Inclusions of radiographically dense objects obscured parts of some bodies and in most cases related to materials introduced to the body as part of the mummification process. In general the observed injuries appeared to be related to mummification practices; albeit with some variations, that were used on young children but perimortem injuries cannot be excluded in all instances and must remain probable rather than certain. Even with the use of modern medical and scientific protocols that are used routinely in Disaster Victim Identification (DVI), the time elapsed and lack of evidence since time of death precludes most definitive identification of cause of death or injuries to the bodies although modern damage caused by conditions under which the bodies have been transported or stored were unlikely but cannot be absolutely discounted.

Seven of the mummies showed damage to the thoracic area with the disarray of ribs as the most common abnormality observed in the CT scans (Figure 3). The damage may have been caused by conditions in the embalming area particularly in relation to the premummification storage of bodies particularly if there was limited space which may have required the stacking of bodies. The rough handling of the young bodies during the embalming process of the tightening of bandages or the mass of the bandages upon the mummified body may have caused skeletal damage. In one case of damage to the ribs was caused by a modern endoscopic investigation carried out to collect tissue samples (Davey et alii 2013). It is unlikely that apart from the endoscopic damage that any damage observed had been caused by modern era transportation or museum storage although this cannot be conclusively discounted.

Acknowledgements The following experts have assisted in this study of Graeco/Roman child mummies. Victorian Institute of Forensic Medicine – Chris O’Donnell, Chris Briggs, Richard Bassed, Olaf Drummer and David Ranson, Toshiba Australia/Siemens Australia – Martin Coyne and Lauren Fogarty, Toshiba UK – Craig Hagenmaier, The British Museum – John Taylor, University of Melbourne – Shelley Robertson and Pam Craig, The Nicholson Museum University of Sydney – Michael Turner, Australian Institute of Archaeology – Christopher Davey, Royal Children’s Hospital – Tim Cain, The University of Zurich – Frank Rühli.

Eight mummies were eviscerated and exhibited embalming incisions in a variety of sizes caused by post-mortem changes to the tissue. In general the organs were removed and these included the lungs, liver, intestines and stomach; however, due to the size of some children the positive identification of some organs was problematic. The inclusion of a variety of packing materials in twelve mummies further hindered the identification of internal organs. The inclusions included organic and non-organic material with linen being the most common packing of body cavities (Figure 4; Smith 1912).

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Bibliography

Ikram, S. and A. Dodson 1998. The Mummy in Ancient Egypt: Equipping the Dead for Eternity. London: Thames & Hudson. Lucas, A. 1914. The Use of Natron by the Ancient Egyptians in Mummification. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 1: 119–123. Lynnerup, N. 2007. Mummies. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 50: 162–190. Murray, M. 1910. The Tomb of Two Brothers. Manchester: Sherratt & Hughes. O’Donnell, C., M. Iino, K. Mansharan, J. Leditscke and N. Woodford 2011. Contribution of Postmortem Multidetector CT Scanning to Identification of the Deceased in a Mass Disaster: Experience Gained from the 2009 Victorian Bushfires. Forensic Science International 205: 15–28. Raven, M.J. and W.K. Taconis 2005. Egyptian Mummies. Turnhout: Brepols. Smith, G.E. 1912. The Royal Mummies. Cairo: L’Institut Francais D’ Archeologie. Taylor, J.H. and D. Antoine 2014. Ancient Lives New Discoveries. London: British Museum. Thali, M.J., M. Braun, U. Buck, E. Aghayev, C. Jackowski, P. Vock, M. Sonnenschein and R. Dirnhofer 2005. VIRTOPSY – Scientific Documentation, Reconstruction and Animation in Forensic: Individual and Real 3D Data Based Geo-Metric Approach Including Optical Body/ Object Surface and Radiological CT/MRI Scanning. Journal of Forensic Sciences 50 (2): 428–442. Thali, M.J., C. Jackowski, L. Oesterhelweg, S.G. Ross and R. Dirnhofer 2007. Virtopsy – The Swiss Virtual Autopsy Approach. Legal Medicine 9: 100–104. Villa, C., M.J. Davey, P. Craig, O.H. Drummer and N. Lynnerup 2014. The Advantages of CT Scans and 3D Visualization in the Analysis of Three Child Mummies from the Graeco-Roman Period. Anthropology Anz. Journal of Biological, Clinical Anthropology. Wade, A.D., A.J. Nelson and G.J. Garvin 2011. A Synthetic Radiological Study of Brain Treatment in Ancient Egyptian Mummies. HOMO-Journal of Comparative Human Biology 62: 248–269.

Adams, J.E. and C.W. Alsop 2008. Imaging in Egyptian Mummies, in A.R. David (ed.) Egyptian Mummies and Modern Science. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Davey, J. and O.H. Drummer 2016. The Use of Forensic Radiology in Determination of Unexplained Head Injuries in Child Mummies – Cause of Death or Mummification Damage? Journal of Forensic Radiology and Imaging 5: 20–24. Davey, J., M.E. Birchland O.H. Drummer 2013. The Value of CT Imaging of Horus in Determining the Method of Mummification and the Sex of the Mummy. Journal of Medical Imaging and Radiation Oncology 57: 657–662. Davey, J., J.H. Taylor and E. Al 2014. The Utilisation of Modern Forensic Imaging in the Investigation of Graeco-Roman Child Mummies. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 100: 195–208. Davey, J., P. Bowyer, A. Gize, C. Hagenmaier, D. Ranson, S. Robertson and O. Drummer 2014. Standard of Mummification in Graeco-Roman Child Mummies, in H. Gill-Frerking, W. Rosendahl and A. Zink (eds) Yearbook of Mummy Studies. Munchen: Verlag Dr Friedrich Pfeil. David, A.R. (ed.) 1979. The Manchester Museum Mummy Project. Manchester: Manchester Museum. Dawson, W. and P.H.K Gray 1968. Catalogue of Egyptian Antiquities in the British Museum: Mummies and Human Remains. London: The Trustees of the British Museum. Diodorus, S. 1814. The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian, in Fifteen Books to which are added The Fragments of Diodorus and those published by H. Valesuis, I. Rhodomannus and F. Yrinus. London: J Davis. Filer, J. 1997. If the Face Fits: A Comparison of Mummies and their Accompanying Portraits Using Computerised Axial Tomography. London: British Museum Press. Herodotus 1954. Herodotus: The Histories. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

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P. Kucera: A Roman-Egyptian Military Campaign of the Third Century CE in the Northern Region of the Western Desert

A Roman-Egyptian Military Campaign of the Third Century CE in the Northern Region of the Western Desert Paul Kucera Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Groningen

The third century CE is generally understood to have been a period of turmoil for the Roman Empire with numerous events triggering regional crises and instability. The Egyptian province was not immune to the troubles experienced and it is during this century that the security of the Western Desert first appears to emerge as a major problem for the Roman authorities. From about the mid-third century, raids conducted by groups identified as Libyan begin to take place into the Egyptian territory and it is possible that this represents the first time during the Roman period in which the oases of the Western Desert were also affected by these incursions. Severe disturbances occurred in neighbouring Cyrenaica within the same general time frame and highlighted the magnitude of the problem on a regional scale. A potential connection between events referred to in a document from Oxyrhynchus and an inscription from Cyrene in Cyrenaica offers a new perspective on the military action taken as a means to restore order in the northern region of the Western Desert and parts of North Africa. This paper presents the evidence known to date and examines the possible implications for the western oases, particularly Bahriyya Oasis. It is important to note from the outset that there are limitations in exploring Roman-Military evidence in the Western Desert. Foremost, the documentary evidence is rather slender and the nature of the source material also does not reveal a vast amount of information. Therefore, some of the inferences made herein are at best open to interpretation. Nonetheless, in piecing together these snippets, a set of intriguing circumstances emerges and it is by examining several aspects of the scenario and the Roman response to the apparent situation that our understanding of the events becomes enhanced. To present a general synopsis of the key facts we learn that: a) Libyan groups including the Mastitae and Goniotae were causing disruptions in parts of Egypt; b) at some point in time the Goniotae were engaged by the Roman authorities in aid to seek out the Mastitae; and c) in Cyrenaica, the prefect of Egypt campaigned against the Marmaridae, a Libyan

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group long-known to the Romans, and according to the account the Roman forces were successful. I hasten to add here that by no means is this particular sequence established beyond doubt as the definitive order of events. A clearer perspective on this point unfortunately eludes us as far as an examination of the available evidence permits. Also for some further clarity, it is not intended that the ‘campaign’ referred to in the title of this paper should be taken to mean a singular event or a pitched engagement. Activities involving the military are of course evident, but the case considered here is that these actions were more likely small-scale in nature, involving numerous skirmishes. It may even be the case that we are dealing with a string of associated events that fall under a more encompassing and perhaps protracted campaign, possibly conducted over as much as a decade. The core theme that links the occurrences in Egypt with those of Cyrenaica is the military response to the threat that these Libyan groups posed for the Roman authorities in the northern margins of the Western Desert and eastern North Africa (Figure 1). In all likelihood, the military operations set out from Egypt. The armed force involved would have been drawn from Rome’s Egyptian garrison; hence the term ‘RomanEgyptian’ used here in relation to the military response. The Egyptian garrison was under the ultimate command of the Roman prefect, and at this time comprised the legio II Traiana and as many as fourteen auxiliary units consisting of cohors, alae and numeri in various support roles (Alston 1995: 23–27; Lesquier 1918: 71 and 110). By the mid-third century CE, the Egyptian garrison was already a long-standing institution, having been based in the province since the victory over Kleopatra, although with some variation in its legionary composition. Recruitment of Egyptians into the army, especially the legions, occurred from as early as the period of Augustus, while many other legionaries serving in Egypt came primarily from Africa, Galatia, Syria, and Italy (Alston 1995: 41–48; Le Bohec 1994: 86–87). The auxiliaries in Egypt were also characterised by a mixture of local

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Figure 1 Map of Egypt and Cyrenaica, showing key places mentioned in the text. Satellite imagery background: World Imagery, courtesy of ESRI. recruits and men from various other origins. The main legionary camp was Nikopolis, located just outside of Alexandria, but soldiers were dispersed throughout the province. Whole units, particularly auxiliary units, and detachments were stationed at numerous locations along the Nile Valley and in the adjacent deserts. A key role of the military in Egypt was security-related and policing formed one important aspect of this role (Alston 1995: 98–101; Kucera 2010: 119–124). It is possible that the military unit stationed in Bahriyya Oasis during most of the third century CE was the ala Apriana. The unit was present in the oasis in 213, as attested in P. Köln. 94 (Kramer and Hagedorn 1978: 126), and may have remained in Bahriyya up to about 270 when it next appeared at Hermopolis (Alston 1995: 165). This may represent the latest date that the unit had departed the oasis, although it is not impossible that the unit was transferred earlier (see Colin 2012: 113). Wagner (1987: 395) had earlier proposed that the oases of the Western Desert, namely Bahriyya Oasis, possibly experienced security troubles during the third century CE on account of the documented Libyan raids that reached the Fayyum. This viewpoint was later challenged by Reddé (1991: 485) who pointed out that it was not until the fifth and later centuries when raids upon the oases are actually attested. Though correct in so far as the available evidence reveals, this counter argument tends to preclude all sense that such threats

may have existed at an earlier time during the Roman period. Needless to say, the third century in particular was tumultuous for Rome and pressures were felt in many frontier zones throughout the empire as ‘borders’ became more porous and their associated regions more susceptible to razzias and disturbances. Certainly, it seems that problems were experienced in the frontier region between Egypt and Nubia around the mid-third century (Kucera 2010: 139). Scant as the evidence is for the Western Desert oases, there is merit in the conjecture made by Wagner, and especially in consideration of the geographical setting. More recently Desanges (2001) has suggested that one of the Libyan groups concerned, the Goniotae, probably took its name from a location further west than the environs first thought to have been the group’s homeland, and thus placing it closer to Cyrenaica. This introduces a significant increase in scale of the likely region in which this group – at the very least – may have occupied and possibly operated from, and this will be explored in relation to the events and groups described below. Documents from the Fayyum, Herakleopolis Magna (Beni Suef), and Oxyrhynchus (al-Bahnasa) reveal that Libyan groups conducted raids upon these localities in the second half of the third century CE. The earliest dated of these, P. Princeton II 29, attests that ‘Libyans’ attacked the village of Kaminou in the Fayyum in 258 (Kase 1936: 21–22). Traditionally, the region west of

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P. Kucera: A Roman-Egyptian Military Campaign of the Third Century CE in the Northern Region of the Western Desert

the Nile Delta was known as Libya (Strabo, Geog.: 17.1.30). The identity of the group that was responsible for the attack is not known, but it may have been any one of a number of groups understood to have occupied territories west of the Nile Delta and Egypt. More specifically, this region may be considered as including the stretch along the Mediterranean littoral to Cyrenaica and possibly south to some oases in the Western Desert and those south of Cyrenaica, between the coastal hinterland and the northern margins of the Sahara Desert. This geographical region accords with the descriptions provided by Strabo (Geog.: 17.1.5; 17.1.42), who also stated that Libya included many oases, three of which were close to and part of, Egypt. Herodotus (Hist.: 2.17) also suggested that everything west of the Nile River was considered Libya. By Strabo’s (Geog.: 17.1.5; 17.1.42) account, the three Egyptian oases he described as situated in Libya appear to equate with the Great Oasis (Kharga and Dakhleh: opposite Abydos), the Small Oasis (Bahriyya: in the region of Lake Moeris), and Siwa Oasis (in the region of the oracle in Ammon). Hence, the oases that defined part of the extent of Libya are likely to have been Audjila, Jaghbub, Siwa, the ‘Areg Group’ (Areg, Bahren, Nuwemisah, Sitra), Qara, possibly Bahriyya, possibly Farafra, and may have also included Kharga and Dakhleh. A selection of the diverse peoples recorded within the eastern and northern parts of Libya1 within the first century BCE and over the first two centuries CE, includes Adyrmachidae, Marmaridae, Nasamones, Asbystae (Hasbitae), Auschisae (Auschitae/Auchitae), Ararauceles, Augilae, Libyarchae, Bassachitae, Aniritae, Buzeans, Goniotae, Mastitae, Ruaditae and Enzeretae (Bates 1914: 51–65; Colin 2000: 58–72; Rieger et alii 2012: 160). With the inclusion of the oases of the Western Desert here, Libyaegyptii may also be added to the list (Bates 1914: 59, 61). The Libyaegyptii were associated with the region encompassing the Western Desert and its oases, and in all likelihood lived amongst the Oasitae (Oasis-Dwellers), who were the inhabitants of the oases. Thus, the Libyaegyptii probably constituted an element of the oasis

This is inclusive of groups recognised as ‘northern Libyans’ and those considered to be ‘of the interior’; i.e., from the more arid zones and waterless areas of the desert. On this point see the discussion by Colin (2000: 72–75). The list derives mainly from the accounts of Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, Pliny and Claudius Ptolemy. 2 We assume that the Libyaegyptii were ‘Egyptianised Libyans’, who were well-integrated into the oasis culture and accustomed to Egyptian material culture, and who probably had origins that extended back many centuries earlier, but kept some form of Libyan identity. On this topic, see the discussion by Hubschmann (2010: 173–187). 1

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populations (Colin 2000: 117–119; Wagner 1987: 122– 123 and 214–216).2 Of the aforementioned Libyan groups, three in particular are known to have posed a problem for the Roman authorities due to their raiding activities and possibly through rebellion: the Marmaridae, Mastitae, and Goniotae. In light of the documentary evidence, it is plausible that the Mastitae and/or Goniotae were involved in the attack upon Kaminou. Not long after this event, between 259 and 264 CE, we learn that Goniotae ‘from Libya’ conducted a dawn raid on the village of Nesmeimis in the Fayyum (P. Oxy. 3292; Rea 1978: 47). The content of P. Oxy. 2681, which dates to the third century CE, suggests that the Mastitae were conducting raids, though a precise date is not known (Parsons et alii 1968: 118). This particular document is central to the events under examination here as it also reveals that the Goniotae were on apparently good terms with the Roman authorities at the time. We shall return to this document below. There is another account that confirms the Mastitae raided parts of Egypt. BGU III 935, which is dated to the third or fourth century CE, implicates the Mastitae in an attack upon an unknown location, though likely to be in the Fayyum or perhaps Herakleopolis Magna where the document was found (Colin 2000: 103; Wagner 1987: 395). The Goniotae are also mentioned in the document in relation to the apparent disorder and it has been interpreted by Wagner (1987: 395) and Desanges (2001: 84) that they were actually in alliance. However, it is possible that their relationship was the opposite of this as there is also a reference to a legal matter between the two groups made in the document (Colin 2000: 103). Given the general circumstances, there is a strong possibility that P. Oxy. 2681 and BGU III 935 are connected with the other events that occurred during the mid-third century CE. Therefore, both documents may date to around the years of 258–264, although as Colin (2000: 103, fn. 305) notes, this is not absolutely certain. According to Claudius Ptolemy (Nobbe 1966: 4.5.24) the Mastitae inhabited the area west of Lake Mareotis (Lake Maryut), also known as the Mareotic nome where the Mareotae (not an ethnic descriptor but rather a location identifier) were located (Bates 1914: 61). This is confirmed by the recognition of a district of the Mastitae in fourth century CE legal documents (see below). Ptolemy (Nobbe 1966: 4.5.24) also placed the Goniotae in the area surrounding the Mareotic nome, although being positioned north-west of Lake Mareotis and situated north of the Mastitae (Bates 1914: 61); thus, suggesting a location closer to the coast. However, their actual origin may have been Gonia (modern Acroma) located approximately 28km south-west of

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Tobruk (Antipyrgos), which Desanges (2001: 84) discusses in relation to the Peutinger Table and proposes as the probable origin for the group. This suggests that by the mid-second century CE, the Goniotae may have made inroads east towards Egypt, which brought them closer to the Mastitae as recorded by Ptolemy. It also implies that the Goniotae may have associated with Marmarica and its people(s), but whether or not the group retained a connection to Gonia is unknown and has not been researched.3 If this was the case, it introduces quite a different perspective as to the potential scale of their activities: one which suggests that they were capable of travelling significant distances (Desanges 2001: 85). Nonetheless, in reaching the Fayyum and its surrounding region (i.e., Middle Egypt) from the north-west coastal zone, around Marsa Matruh for example, considerable distances still had to be travelled. Assuming that both scenarios are valid, it may well be that routes close to the coast or that which traversed through the oases of Siwa and Bahriyya were used by the Goniotae. It is understood that there was a recognised district (paratome) of the Goniotae, which is mentioned in a contractual document dated 237 CE (Wessely 1921: 45), and a district (chora) of the Mastitae located in the Mareotic nome, mentioned in three legal documents from Oxyrhynchus dated to 325 CE (P. Oxy. 3756, 3757 and 3758; Coles et alii 1987). However, beyond these references no actual geographical information is given and the extent of these districts is not known (see Colin 2000: 71–2). It is probable that the Marmaridae were composed of a number of different sub-groups or tribes and it is also possible that they included the Goniotae or at least an element of these people within their ranks (Desanges 2001: 85; Wagner 1987: 395). This is made all the more plausible given the probable origin of the Goniotae discussed above. The Marmaridae inhabited the region known as Marmarica. This was the Mediterranean littoral and its hinterland situated between Egypt, from about the area of Paraetonium (Marsa Matruh), and Cyrenaica (Diodorus Siculus, Bib. Hist.: 3.49.1; Pliny, Nat. Hist.: 5.5–6; Bates 1914: 54–5). According to Strabo (Geog.: 17.3.23) the territory of the Marmaridae extended southwards to Siwa Oasis (oasis

The archaeological investigations of Vetter et alii (2013), Hulin (2012) and Rieger et alii (2012) that have been conducted across parts of Marmarica and its plateau offer new information about the people(s) who inhabited and frequented the region, and may yet further enlighten us on groups such as the Goniotae. However, as Rieger et alii (2012: 163) point out there are many challenges in positively attributing material culture with groups.

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of Ammon). Given their geographic location, the Marmaridae or groups affiliated with them could have made encroachments into the Egyptian territory via the coast or the inland route through the desert and the oases of Siwa and Bahriyya. The Marmaridae are attested as early as the fourth century BCE, and first appears as a problem for Rome in the time of Augustus, when Rome waged war against them (Bates 1914: 54 and 234; Masson 1976: 51). We can only assume that this action was taken in order to subdue the group as there are no specific details for the war. It is possible that the Marmaridae had rebelled, or perhaps they posed a security threat to the Pentapolis of Cyrenaica or desert roads by way of conducting raids. Whichever the case it is certain that the scale of the operation was significant. The campaign was led by P. Sulpicius Quirinius, who simultaneously attacked another of Rome’s Libyan foes of the time: the Garamantes, who inhabited the Fazzan (Mattingly et alii 2003: 83–84). Yet it is not until the third century CE that we hear of the Marmaridae again and it is in the context of conflict. Around the middle of this century, the group seems to have become embroiled in troubles that affected the Pentapolis. Once more, there is scant information available regarding the situation that existed in Cyrenaica at the time, though by the late 260s we learn in an inscription from Cyrene that the prefect of Egypt had fought the Marmaridae in the reign of Claudius II Gothicus, 268–270 CE (Cagnat and Merlin 1934: 257 = Klaffenbach et alii 1938: 9; Colin 2000: 99–100). The relevance of the content of this inscription to the main synopsis presented in this study will be addressed shortly. Returning to P. Oxy. 2681, the document reveals some very interesting additional information to activities of the Mastitae. It informs us that the Goniotae were enlisted by the prefect to seek out the Mastitae with the support of soldiers and as the author put it: there would be ensuing troubles (Parsons et alii 1968: 118). The document attests that some form of military action was underway, or at the very least in preparation, and there is no doubting that it was intended to counter the Mastitae’s activities. The knowledge held by the author suggests that he was a type of official. One can only deduce that it involved a mobile force, drawn from Egypt’s garrison and probably equipped to suit the desert environment. Unfortunately, there is no more information provided which might otherwise illuminate the nature of the military response. The status of the Goniotae is intriguing. Given the marked shift in the group’s standing with the State as well as the apparent relationship with the Mastitae, moving from one of possible allies to that of enemies, it is possible that this document post-dates the others that mention the Goniotae. From the perspective of the

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P. Kucera: A Roman-Egyptian Military Campaign of the Third Century CE in the Northern Region of the Western Desert

Roman authorities though, we might understand the merit and potential benefits of engaging with one foe in order to deal with another. Certainly, this type of engagement aligns itself with the policies that became more and more necessary for the rulers of the late Roman Empire: i.e., the adoption of diplomatic treaties with tribal leaders and chieftains to create buffers by way of endowment and sanction in return for security of frontier zones (see Mattingly 1996: 338–342). In this light the Goniotae were perhaps acting as a sanctioned militia whose knowledge of raiding and terrain was undoubtedly highly valuable when it came to military action conducted across the northern region of the Western Desert. This raises the question: was this action against the Mastitae part of a broader and regional campaign to counter the threat posed by Libyan groups, especially in relation to neighbouring Cyrenaica, and also one in which the Goniotae played a role as Roman allies? Even if we were to consider that the Egyptian garrison was fulfilling one of its habitual roles as a police force on this occasion, a role that was typically performed by the auxiliary units, this type of engagement would nonetheless be beneficial to a more superior plan of action. Quite simply, the nature of the threat, being the periodic raiding through and on the fringes of the northern region of Western Desert, might best have been dealt with by targeted pursuits of the assailants across the desert expanses that they themselves no doubt exploited. The fact that someone in Oxyrhynchus was being alerted to ensuing troubles concerning groups that we understand occupied areas some distance away suggests that this particular campaign was expected to have a widespread effect and therefore be considerable in scale. It is apparent at this point in the discussion that two of the key pieces of evidence which form the focus of this study, P. Oxy. 2681 and Cagnat and Merlin 1934: 257 (= Klaffenbach et alii 1938: 9), may refer to events that were related. However, it must also be stressed that this is in no way an absolute conclusion. Though not explicitly stated in P. Oxy. 2681, the prefect mentioned in relation to the enlistment of the Goniotae is likely to have been the prefect of Egypt and not a camp prefect or a prefect with a particular regional responsibility. There are a few prominent prefects of the era who might well have been responsible for the military action. They include Lucius Mussius Aemilianus (258–261 CE), who later became involved in usurpation, Aurelius Theodotus (262–263 CE), and Tenagino Probus (269–270 CE) (Milne 1924; Reinmuth 1967: 119–121). Many troop movements are attributed to the prefect Aemilianus in the Oxyrhynchus Papyri and it is certainly possible that he had to deal with disturbances caused by raiding

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parties (see Rea 1975: 54–55; 1978: 44–46). It is also plausible that the campaign occurred under the prefect Probus. Prior to becoming the prefect of Egypt, he was the praeses of Numidia, and his military experience has been considered as the likely reason for his move to Egypt (Birley 1950: 66; 1965: 425).4 This brings us to the event revealed in Cagnat and Merlin 1934: 257 (= Klaffenbach et alii 1938: 9). The inscription records the successful campaign of Tenagino Probus, when he was the prefect of Egypt, against the Marmaridae and also the foundation of a city named Claudiopolis, which likely refers to Cyrene itself (Goodchild 1961: 225).5 Possible reasons for the city’s re-founding include earthquake destruction (in 262), devastation due to ‘barbaric invasion’, or economic decline (Goodchild 1961: 225). Potentially all three reasons taken individually, or even a combination of them, could account for the re-foundation. Given the context it may well have had something to do with the war against the Marmaridae. Unfortunately, we know nothing more about Probus’ military campaign against the Marmaridae, but it can be inferred that as prefect he likely took a force from Egypt and probably had to make an incursion into the region of Marmarica in order to deal with the group. Such a force must have been mobile, lightly-equipped, conditioned for and adapted to the desert environment. Cavalry units such as the ala Apriana likely formed a contingent of the force, and possibly the unit’s placement in Bahriyya Oasis became strategically important at the time, although there is no specific evidence to support this. If the Goniotae were on good terms with the prefect at this point in time, then potentially they may have played some part in the campaign as well, but this is pure speculation. There is no certainty that this campaign took place after the activities mentioned in P. Oxy. 2681; Probus may have first campaigned against the Marmaridae, whom the Goniotae could well have been part of, but then were subsequently recruited to assist in the pursuit of the Mastitae. Depending on which prefect may have undertaken to combat the nomadic raiders may mean

As prefect of Egypt under Claudius II, Probus was tasked with countering the Palmyrene invasion of Zenobia (Zosimus, Nea Hist.: 1.44; Zonaras, Epit. Hist.: 12.27). 5 It is noted that the problematic SHA (Probus 9.1; 12.3) might also refer to this campaign, but which erroneously attributes the emperor Probus (i.e., implying before he became such) with victory against the Marmaridae when it actually relates to the prefect Probus (Colin 2000, 100). Though as Colin (2000: 100) rightly points out, there is no certainty that it is a reference to the same campaign and the SHA account may well be of another campaign conducted later in 276. 4

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that these events took place over the period of about a decade. At the very least Probus may have continued a general campaign against Libyan groups that had already commenced under a previous prefect, such as Aemilianus. Many variations for the chronology of events could be proposed. One aspect that does seem certain, is that Probus’ campaign against the Marmaridae, though successful, probably only had limited effect as we learn that at the end of the third century CE and into the fourth century CE, the emperors Diocletian and Maximian waged war against them and other Libyan groups in the region of Marmarica (Mattingly 1983: 97; 1996: 332; Woods 1994: 173–174; see also Footnote 5). The campaigning against the Marmaridae and Mastitae in the mid-third century CE, regardless of whether it was conducted simultaneously or separately, may have had direct implications for Bahriyya Oasis. The possibility that these events affected Bahriyya is suggested by the geographical setting. The expectation that the area of Oxyrhynchus could be affected by the pursuit of the Mastitae (P. Oxy. 2681) implies that a fairly large scale operation was required and therefore potentially could have extended out to the oasis. In this light, the oasis would have been an important link on an inland route between the area of the Fayyum

and Oxyrhynchus and Siwa Oasis, and thus Marmarica by extension. Its connection to Oxyrhynchus was especially strong during the Roman period and it is understood that from as early as the fifth century BCE, the oasis was a major staging point of travel along an east-west axis from Egypt to the Fazzan region, further west in Libya. If left unprotected or overlooked, the oasis could have become a place of refuge for raiding parties, perhaps even a location from which to launch raids upon the Fayyum and Middle Egypt. Such an outcome would no doubt have signalled further worries for the Roman authorities and the garrison responsible for the security of the province. It is probable that the oasis-based soldiers patrolled desert roads and monitored the movement of travellers as one of their many and varied duties. Such routine activities probably became all the more important during periods of raids and were intensified to deter further disturbances. The type of unit stationed at Bahriyya, if indeed it was still the ala Apriana at the time of the military actions examined here, may well have been required to participate in the pursuit of the Mastitae or the campaign against the Marmaridae. However, for lack of evidence, the hypothesis that has been developed must remain a working theory at present.

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P. Kucera: A Roman-Egyptian Military Campaign of the Third Century CE in the Northern Region of the Western Desert

Bibliography Alston, R. 1995. Soldier and Society in Roman Egypt. London: Routledge. Bates, O. 1914. The Eastern Libyans: An Essay, Reprint 1970. London: Frank Cass and Co. BGU = Ägyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden, Band III, 1903. Berlin; Weidmannsche Buchhandlung. Birley, E. 1950. The Governors of Numidia, A.D. 193–268. Journal of Roman Studies 40: 60–68. Birley, E. 1965. Review of Hans-Georg Kolbe: Die Statthalter Numidiens von Gallien bis Konstantin (268– 320). Gnomon 37.4: 425–426. Cagnat, R. and A. Merlin 1934. L’Année épigraphique: 59– 74. Presses Universitaires de France. Coles, R.A., H. Maehler and P.J. Parsons (eds) 1987. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Volume LIV. London: Egypt Exploration Society. Colin, F. 2000. Les peuples libyens de la Cyrénaïque à l’Égypte. D’après les sources de l’Antiquité classique. Classe des Lettres, Académie royale de Belgique. Colin, F. (ed.) 2012. Bahariya I. Le fort romain de Qaret el-Toub I. FIFAO 62. Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Desanges, J. 2001. De la Marmarique à la Maurétanie. Nouvelles données en matière de mouvements de population. Antiquités africaines 37: 81–91. Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, translated by C.H. Oldfather, 1935. Harvard: Harvard University Press. Goodchild, R.G. 1961. The Decline of Cyrene and Rise of Ptolemais: Two New Inscriptions. Quaderni di Archeologia della Libia 4: 83–95, reprinted in J. Reynolds (ed.) 1976. Libyan Studies. Select Papers of the late R. G. Goodchild: 216– 228. London: Elek Books. Herodotus, Historiae, translated by A.D. Godley, 1950. London: William Heinemann. Hubschmann, C. 2010. Searching for the ‘Archaeologically Invisible’: Libyans in Dakhleh Oasis in the Third Intermediate Period. Journal of the American Research Centre in Egypt 46: 173–187. Hulin, L. 2012. The Western Marmarica Coastal Survey, Libya. Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections 4 (4): 14–17. Kase, E.H. (ed.) 1936. Papyri in the Princeton University Collections. Volume II. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Klaffenbach, G., L. Robert and M.N. Tod (eds), 1938. Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum IX. Leiden: A.W. Sijthoff. Kramer, B. and D. Hagedorn (eds) 1978. Kölner Papyri 2. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Kucera, P. 2010. The Roman Military Presence in the Western Desert of Egypt, Unpublished PhD dissertation, Monash University. Le Bohec, Y. 1994. The Imperial Roman Army. London: Routledge. Lesquier, J. 1918. L’armée romaine d’Égypte d’Auguste à Dioclétien. Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire. Masson, O. 1976. Grecs et Libyens en Cyrénaïque, d’après les témoignages de l’épigraphie. Antiquités africaines 10: 49–62.

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Mattingly, D.J. 1983. The Laguatan: A Libyan Tribal Confederation in the Late Roman Empire, Libyan Studies 14: 96–108. Mattingly, D.J. 1996. in G. Barker (ed.), D. Gilbertson, B. Jones and D. Mattingly, Farming the Desert. The UNESCO Libyan Valleys Archaeological Survey. Volume 1: Synthesis, UNESCO Publishing, Department of Antiquities (Tripoli), and the Society for Libyan Studies. Mattingly, D.J., C.M. Daniels, J.N. Dore, D. Edwards and J. Hawthorne 2003. The Archaeology of the Fazzan. Volume 1, Synthesis. London: The Society for Libyan Studies. Milne, J.G. 1924. Aemilianus the “Tyrant”. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 10 (2): 80–82. Nobbe, C.F.A. 1966. Claudii Ptolemaei Geographia. Hildesheim: Georg Olms. Parsons, P.J., J. Rea and E.G. Turner (eds) 1968. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Volume XXXIII. London: Egypt Exploration Society. Pliny, Naturalis Historia, translated by H. Rackham, 1968. London: William Heinmann. Rea, J.R. (ed.) 1975. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Volume XLIII. London: Egypt Exploration Society. Rea, J.R. (ed.) 1978. The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Volume XLVI. London: Egypt Exploration Society. Reddé, M. 1991. A l’ouest du Nil: une frontière sans soldats, des soldats sans frontière, in V.A. Maxfield and M.J. Dobson (eds) Roman Frontier Studies 1989: Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, Exeter: 485–93. Exeter: University of Exeter Press. Reinmuth, O.W. 1967. A Working List of the Prefects of Egypt, 30 B.C. – 299 A.D. The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists IV: 75-128. Rieger, A.-K., T. Vetter and H. Möller 2012. The Desert Dwellers of Marmarica, Western Desert: Second Millennium BCE to First Millennium CE, in H. Barnard and K. Duistermaat (eds) The History of the Peoples of the Eastern Desert. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archeaology Press. SHA = The Scriptores Historia Augustae, Volume III, translated by D.B. Magie, 1932. London: William Heinemann. Strabo, Geographica, translated by H.L. Jones, 1967. London: William Heinemann. Wagner, G. 1987. Les oasis d’Égypte à l’époque grecque, romaine et byzantine d’après les documents grecs. Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire. Wessely, C. 1921. Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde XX. Catalogus Papyrorum Raineri. Series Graeca. Pars I. Textus Graeci. Leipzig: E. Avenarius. Woods, D. 1994. St. Christopher, Bihsop Peter of Attalia, and the cohors Marmaritarum: A Fresh Examination. Vigiliae Christianae 48 (2): 170–186. Vetter, T., A.-K. Rieger and H. Möller 2013. Water, Routes and Rangelands: Ancient Traffic and Grazing Infrastructure in the Eastern Marmarica (northwestern Egypt), in F. Förster and H. Riemer (eds) Desert Road Archaeology in Ancient Egypt and Beyond, Africa Praehistorica 2. Köln: Heinrich-Barth-Institut. Zonaras, J. 2009. Epitome Historiae, translated by T. Banchich and E. Lane, The History of Zonaras: From Alexander Severus to the Death of Theodosius the Great. London: Routledge. Zosimus, Nea Historia, translated by R.T. Ridley, 1982. Sydney: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies.

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Meg Lisle: Preliminary Discussions on a Prosopographic Study of Non-Royal Women in New Kingdom Religious Practices

Preliminary Discussions on a Prosopographic Study of the Involvement of Non-Royal Women in New Kingdom Religious Practices Meg Lisle Macquarie University

Introduction

The Sma.yt

This paper aims to outline the preliminary findings of my research project which identifies and examines how non-royal Egyptian women involved themselves in religious practices in the New Kingdom. Building on previous work (Lisle 2015) the research explores the multiple ways in which women were involved in religious ritual and worship during this period, at both an official, state level, through cultic and temple involvement, and on a more private level. Utilising prosopography as a methodological approach, the trends of occurrence, and associated roles and duties of official religious titles held by women in this period will be identified, and will be accompanied by discussions on the status and social connections of the women themselves, and what their place within the temple hierarchies may have been. The roles and significance of women who appear as mourners in funerary rituals and processions, depicted in funeral texts and scenes, are also discussed.

After the epithet nb.t pr.w: ‘Lady of the House’, Sma.yt, or ‘Chantress’, is by far the most commonly held title for Egyptian women during the New Kingdom. Of the 682 individual titles identified by the current research project, and compiled in the prosopographic collection, 589 are ‘Chantresses’. Some of these women can be dated to a precise reign, while others can only be placed generally within the New Kingdom. The women who held the title of Sma.yt were attached to the cults of various gods, as well as kings, and previous deified rulers. In their capacity as Sma.yt, these women were involved in the praising, worship and adoration of deities at particular state events primarily through percussive music. In statuary and wall scenes, there are two objects the Sma.ywt are often depicted carrying. These are the sistrum, a percussion instrument resembling a rattle, and the menat. Two different types of sistrum were in use at various points during the New Kingdom. The first type of sistrum is the sSSt, or naos sistrum, which is evidenced as early as the Old Kingdom (Davies 1920: 69–72). The second style is the sxm, or loop sistrum, which, during the 18th Dynasty temporarily replaced the naos sistrum, until the Ramesside period when both are attested (Davies 1920: 71; Troy 1986: 86). The use of two different types of sistra is also reflected in the existence of multiple titles designating a sistrum player. Specific examples of these titles are discussed in more detail below.

This paper focuses on the prosopographic approach and its results, which will be built on, and further developed, as research continues. The number of individual religious titles identified and collected for this research project currently stands at 682. Titles within this collection include Sma.yt, xnr.wt, wr.t xnr.wt, Hsy.t, Hm.t nTr, sxm.yt, sSSt.y, mnit, bAk.t and dwA.t nTr. Some titles, such as wr.t xnr.wt, Hsy.t and Sma.yt, occur frequently in the archaeological record, while for others, there are only a handful of attestations for the entire New Kingdom. The rates of occurrence for these titles, as well as brief commentaries on trends, the title holder’s family and status, and associated iconography and tools, are discussed below.

The shaking of sistra played an important role in cultic activities, as it was thought to have been pacifying towards the gods (Tyldesley 2010: 177–178). Although the use of sistra in a religious capacity had, by the New Kingdom, spread to other cults, the act of pacification via the shaking of a sistrum was originally associated with Hathor, and referenced the myths of the Eye of Re in which the goddess, in her lioness form, needed to be calmed and appeased 21

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Table 1 List of Deities associated with the Sma.ywt, during the New Kingdom. Name of God Amun/Amun-Re Anhur/Onuris Aten Atum Banebdjed Hapi Herishef Horus Khnum Khonsu Montu Osiris Ptah Re Sobek Tatonen Thoth Wepwawet

Name of Goddess Anuket Bastet Hathor Isis Mehyt Mut Nebtu Neith Nekhbet

Name of Deceased Royal Ahmose-Nefertari Thutmose I Thutmose III Ramesses II Ramesses III

(Manniche 2005: 14). Hathor, in human or cow form, is a common decorative motif in both surviving examples and artistic representations of sistra. The sound a sistrum made when shaken is also thought to have mimicked the rustling of a papyrus thicket, alluding to the emergence of the divine cow, or the myths in which Isis hid her son Horus from Seth (Tyldesley 2010: 177). The close association of chantresses with the carrying and playing of sistra is referenced in the tomb of PiAy, where the tomb owner’s wife, Wb-xt, is named as Sma.yt n(.t) Imn Wbxt ir.t sSS.ty n nb.w nHH: ‘Chantress of Amun, Wb-xt, who plays the sistra for the Lords of Eternity’ (Kitchen 1980: 381, 16).

Other Theban Triad Elephantine Triad

Thutmose III, as depicted in the same tomb (Davies 1948: 12–17, plates XI–XIII). During the New Kingdom, Sma.ywt could be attached to a wide variety of cults, including both gods and goddesses, as well as kings, living and deceased. The deities with associated chantresses identified by the study so far are listed in Table 1. The majority of Sma.ywt from this period are attached to the cult of Amun (385 attestations). The skewing of the data towards one particular cult may be a result of the archaeological record itself, as much of the evidence comes from the Theban Necropolis and its surrounding monuments. However, it should be noted that there are still multiple examples of Sma.ywt of Amun attested at sites such as Abydos and Saqqara (James 1970: 12, 59; Kitchen 1980: 220–1; Martin 1991: 124–30; Schneider 1977: 57). ^ma.ywt do not appear to be confined to a single cult, as evidenced by Rnnwt, from the reign of Seti I, who was a Chantress of Amun-Re, Wepwawet and Hathor within her lifetime, as well as wr.t xnr.wt of Hathor, and Hsyt n.t Nb.t p.t (Kitchen 1975: 352:10– 353:7).

The second tool commonly associated with Sma.ywt is the menat. These necklaces are made of several strands of beads attached to a counterpoise, and could be held and shaken, in a similar way to sistra. Also like sistra, menat had close connections to the goddess Hathor, and were not only important instruments in the celebration of her cult, but could be used as a representation of the goddess herself (Manniche 2005: 15). The counterpoises often depicted goddesses, such as Hathor or Mut, as well as other decorative motifs associated with fertility and rebirth, including lotus flowers, fish and scarabs (Manniche 2006: 101, plate 3). The use of both instruments, in relation to the Sma.ywt, can be seen in a scene from the Theban tomb of #nsw (TT 31), where three chantresses shake their loop sistra and menats in adoration of Osiris (Davies 1948: 19, plate XIV). Sistra are also seen in the hands of chantresses involved in the festivals of Montu and

While it is common in this period for multiple Sma.ywt to belong to the same family, there is no evidence for a pattern of direct title inheritance. In fact, it is not unusual for a woman to serve in a completely different cult than her mother. In addition, a woman’s position as a Sma.yt appears, to a degree, to be independent of her husband, as the occupations of a Sma.yt’s male relatives do not seem to have had a direct impact on which cult she served, 22

Meg Lisle: Preliminary Discussions on a Prosopographic Study of Non-Royal Women in New Kingdom Religious Practices

or if she held the title at all. For example, in the case of a Chantress of Hathor named Mwt-m-wiA, from the reign of Ramesses III, neither her husband, nor her children, were associated with that particular goddess (Kitchen 1983a: 396, 5–13). During the 19th Dynasty, a man named Wn-nfr held no religious titles, nor did any of his male relatives, but his mother, sister and two daughters were all Chantresses of Bastet, while his wife, Iwy, was a Chantress of Amun (James 1970, 31–32, plate XXVII; Kitchen 1982: 123:11–124:1). Personal preference to a deity may also have played a role in cases such as this, as Wn-nfr and Iwy’s daughters appear to have made a choice to join the cult of Bastet, rather than Amun, like that of their mother. Given that their son is also named %A-bAstt, the family seems to have had a strong, personal connection to the goddess.

singers and musicians from this period, the Great One of the Performance Group could be attached to the cult of a wide variety of deities. The majority appear to have served in the cult of Amun/Amun-Re (16 separate attestations), but other gods include Anhur/ Onuris, Bastet, Hathor, Herishef, Khonsu, Montu, Mut, Osiris, Re, Sobek and Wadjet, as well as Amenhotep I. In one case, a woman by the name of &Axat, who lived during the reigns of Seti I and Ramesses II, was wr.t xnr.wt of both Amun and Hathor, as well as a sistrum player of Mut, and a chantress of Isis (Kitchen 1980: 282:16–291:2). The role xnr is first attested during the 5th Dynasty, appearing in the tombs of Iy-mry and PtH-htp (Kinney 2008: 20), and members commonly appear in scenes depicting dance and performance from the Old Kingdom, through to the Middle Kingdom (Kinney 2008: 27–32). However, despite the multiple attestations of the title of wr.t xnr.wt from the New Kingdom, less is known about the Performance Group as a whole during this period, as there are very few references to it on its own. On one occasion, from the tomb of Imn-m-hAt, three women are simply given the designations of xn(r).wt of Amun, the Great Ennead and Hathor, respectively (Davies and Gardiner 1915: 96, plate XIX). In this scene, the unnamed performers participate in the Festival of Hathor, offering ritual objects including sistra and menatnecklaces. Their words are recorded in the accompanying text: ‘I offer to thee the menat-necklaces, the sistra called sekhem and the sistra called sesheset, (even these emblems) belonging to Amun [lord of Karnak (?) together with] his [Ennead] and (belonging to) Hathor in all her names, in order that they may give to thee a fair and long lasting life ...’ (Davies and Gardiner 1915: 96).

Location can be another influencing factor in determining the cults that the Sma.ywt chose to serve, as demonstrated in the case of Ast , wife of +Hwty-ms (Kákosy et alii 2004: 355). While living in Esna, Ast was a chantress of the local goddess Nebtu, a title which was also held by her mother-in-law @nwt-wDbw. When the couple moved to Thebes, she began serving as a chantress in the cult of Amun, which is evidenced by the presence of both titles on her monuments. The couple were buried in TT 32, where their daughter is recorded as a Sma.yt of Amun-Re in Thebes, a reflection of the family’s later involvement in the cult of Amun specifically at Thebes. The appointment of a Sma.yt to a particular cult, or location, could also be decided, or approved, by the King himself, as seen in the case of an endowment stela of Year 24 for a royal statue of Ramesses III (Kitchen 1983a: 249:5–250:11). The text of the stela names the personnel appointed by the King to care for the statue, and to ensure the proper running of its cult, and among the priests and offering lists, it names two women, &A-wrt-hrty and Mwt-m-ipt, as Sma.ywt of the statue. The xnr and the wr.t xnr.wt

These scenes provide evidence for the existence of a group known as the xnr during the New Kingdom, and for their involvement in religious festivals at a state level. Such depictions make it apparent that the use of the menat-necklace and the sistrum in ritual and religious celebrations was not limited to the Sma.ywt.

The wr.t xnr.wt, which translates to ‘Great One of the Performance Group’ are attested in fewer numbers than the Sma.yt. Regardless, it is still a significant feminine title from the New Kingdom, designating one of the lead females of a particular cult. Members of the xnr.wt, as well as the wr.t xnr.wt, were also associated with the cults of both deities, and kings. There are 43 examples of the title identified during the New Kingdom so far, the majority dating to the 19th Dynasty, with 27 attestations. Like other female

While the title of Chantress, as well as others designating singers, sistrum players and other musicians, are attested to a fairly wide variety of women, the wr.t xnr.wt appear to belong almost exclusively to the highest levels of ancient Egyptian society. The Great Ones of the Performance Group were often the wives of the High Priest, or similarly elevated male officiant, of their particular cult. For example, &Axat, mentioned above, held the title wr.t xnr.wt of Hathor while her husband Nb-wnnf was High Priest at 23

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Dendera, and later, when he had been appointed to the position of High Priest of Amun by Ramesses II, she also gained the title of wr.t xnr.wt n.t Imn as well (Kitchen 1980: 283, 5–7). Mryt-ra, wife of Nb-nTrw and mother of the 19th Dynasty Vizier PAsr, was Great One of the Performance Group of Amun when her husband was High Priest of Amun (James 1970: 16–17, plates XI–XII; Kitchen 1975: 285:5–301:11; Kitchen 1980: 1:8– 9:8, 11:13–15:4, 19:15–20:15, 23:7–8). During the 20th Dynasty, one Prophet of Amun was married to @nwtmt(r), a wr.t xnr.wt n.t Imn, as was their son *A-nfr (married to Nfrt-iry), and their grandson Imnw-m-ipt (married to &A-mriyt). The extended family of Imnwm-ipt in fact includes eight wr.t xnr.wt (Ockinga 2009: 20–23).

more commonly associated with Hathor, than with any other deity (nineteen attestations, compared to the next most commonly recorded, Mut, with six). This trend is apparent even amongst women of the Theban area, or those who are already involved in the cult of Amun as Sma.ywt (Davies 1948; Kitchen 1982: 189:7–193:12; 1983b: 359–60; 1989: 145:12–153:1; Sethe and Helck 1906–1958: 1507–8). There are two distinct types of sistrum player attested during the New Kingdom. The two types are differentiated by their titles, which indicate the style of sistrum they used. The first form is the naos sistrum (sSSt), and the women who specifically played this instrument in ritual and religious spaces are given the title of sSS.ty. &Axat, who has been discussed previously was sSS.ty attached to the cult of Mut (Kitchen 1980: 282:16–291:2).

In some cases, other close female relatives of the High Priest, such as a daughter, mother or a sister, would hold the title of wr.t xnr.wt. One of Vizier PAsr’s daughters, &iy, as well as his sister, also named &iy, were wr.t xnr.wt of Amun, despite not being married to a High Priest or Prophet of a god’s cult (Kitchen 1975: 285:5–301:11; Kitchen 1980: 1:8–9:15), while the daughter of the 20th Dynasty Third Prophet of Amun, Imnw-m-ipt, named Mwt-m-wiA, is said to be Great One of the Performance Group of Mut (both her father and brother held the title of High Priest, or First Prophet of Mut: Ockinga 2009: 20–23).

The second title (sxm.yt) relates to the playing of the sxm, or loop sistrum. One example of this title appears on a pair of statues from Pi-Ramesses, and refers to a woman named &n-ipt (Kitchen, 1979: 451, 13). In the inscriptions, she is given the title of sw sxm.yt n(.t) Wsr-MaA.t-Ra.w %tp-n-Ra.w MnT.w tA.wy: ‘Royal sistrum player of Usermaatre Setepenre Montu in the Two Lands’, which indicates that &n-ipt was a sistrum player in the cult of Ramesses II. Another sxm.yt named *ntpA-sTA, from the reign of Ramesses IX, was a sistrum player of Mut, as well as a Chantress of Amun-Re, and a Singer of Hathor (Kitchen 1983b: 544–53). Additional titles belonging to her husband, Imi-sbA, indicate he was also involved in the cult of Amun as a scribe.

It is not clear from the surviving evidence why this happened in some cases and not others, or what exactly the criteria or prerequisites for selection for the position of Great One of the Performance Group was. In some cases, a woman holding the title had no immediate male relatives involved in the cult at all. For example, WAD-rnpt was a wr.t xnr.wt, with no cult or deity recorded, during the reign of Seti I, but neither her husband, who was a Company Commander, or her son, an Army Scribe, appear to be associated with any cult or temple (Kitchen 1975: 321, 6–9; 1993: 213).

In addition to these women, there are a handful of other religiously associated titles known from only one or two attestations. One such example is %n-snb, who was a Sma.yt of Amun during the reigns of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, as well as the first, known, non-royal dwAt nTr (Davies 1923: 54; Onstine 2005: 27). Another rare title from this period is found on the sarcophagus of %At-ra, where the inscriptions record her as a Chantress of Atum-Re, and a wab.t of Atum (Bakry 1975: 70–78). %At-ra is the only wabpriestess so far identified from the New Kingdom.

Additional Titles and Epithets Presently, there are 45 identified attestations of the title Hsy.t, or ‘singer’ from the New Kingdom. The majority of these women are attached to the cult of a god or goddess, with three lacking an association due to damage or omission. The deities that have been identified to far are Hathor, Mut, Sekhmet, Isis, Amun-Re, and in three cases, simply ‘The Good God’. On some occasions, women could be Hsy.t of more than one god, as is the case with Mryt-ra from the Amarna period, who was associated with the cults of both Hathor and Mut (Davies 1933: 50 and 59). During the New Kingdom, the title of Hsy.t appears to be

The only attested mnit, or menat player from the New Kingdom is Mryt-Imn, daughter of Ramesses II and Nefertari, and later Queen. The title appears on a large statue of Mryt-Imn from Akhmim, and she is said to be a menat player Hathor, as well as Sma.yt of Atum, wr.t xnr.wt of Amun-Re and sSSt.y of Mut (Kitchen 1989: 106:11–107:1). Mryt-Imn was not yet queen when the statue was erected, as she is referred to in the inscription as ‘King’s Daughter’ only. 24

Meg Lisle: Preliminary Discussions on a Prosopographic Study of Non-Royal Women in New Kingdom Religious Practices

Another religious title may have belonged to a 19th Dynasty woman named Mwt-m-wiA. This woman, who was also a Singer (Hsy.t) of Hathor, is described on a stela as bAk.t n &A-wr.t or ‘servant of Taweret’ (Kitchen 1980: 612:12–619:5, 621:5–622:16). The title does suggests a close affiliation with the goddess on Mwt-m-wiA’s part, but, as it appears only on this stela, and no where else, it may instead be an epithetic expression of her devotion to the goddess, rather than an official title. Without any additional attestations, is difficult to speak to the exact nature of the term, and Mwt-mwiA’s relationship, in an organised capacity, to Taweret.

women in this scene have long, loose hair, and raise their arms to pour dust over their heads. As the relatives of the deceased are named throughout the funerary scenes, it would seem that this designation of ‘the people who cry/wail in front’ is a deliberate attempt to mark these individuals as their own group. In fact, only one member of the group is given a name. The leading woman, RaiA, is a Sma.yt of Amun-Re, and appears older than the rest. The accompanying text does not associate RaiA with the tomb owner or his family, and so it has been suggested that she may be the leader of a professional group of mourners (Davies 1948: 36). Whether her position as Chantress of Amun-Re has anything to do with her involvement in the funerary rituals of Nxt-Imn is unclear. There is additional damage to the scene, so there is no record of the mourners’ words.

While the title of Hm.t nTr ‘Priestess’ was a common feminine title in earlier periods, by the New Kingdom, it is extremely rare, with only a few attestations. The two priestesses known from the 19th Dynasty are depicted in the tomb of #nsw, taking part in a festival procession of Montu (Davies 1948: 15, plate XII). The first woman is named Rw, and she is a Hm.t nTr of the goddess Tenenet in On. Due to damage, only a partial name is recorded for the second Priestess, &int[...]. Both women are the daughters of a Chantress of Montu named Mai, who accompanies them in the scene, along with another two daughters. The text does not state which deity &int[...] was in service to, but given her involvement in the festival, and the fact that her named relatives are all associated with Montu, it is probable that she also was part of the cult. The two priestesses have shaved heads, and wear long, simple and unadorned dresses that cut close to the neck. They are depicted standing before a pile of offerings, and welcoming the returning barque carrying the god’s image. All five women, along with the near-by male officiants, are shown in equal size, and although &int[...] stands at the back of the group, her title is placed before those of her Sma.ywt sisters, possibly in reflection of the importance of her office.

In TT 335, a group of three female mourners are given the title of Tst, a term usually translated as troop or battalion (Kitchen 1980: 672, 14–15; ‘truppe’ in German, Erman and Grapow 1931: 402–3). The three women are identified as Iwy, @mt-nTr and her daughter Iyi, and the accompanying text records their words as they describe their actions: ‘Water is poured out on the earth for you, at the door of your tomb’ (Kitchen 2000: 454). Iwy and @mt-nTr also appear as mourners in TT 250, and are accompanied by two others, &A-nHsy and Wbn (Kitchen 1980: 616, 10–11). These four women are given the title of wSb, ‘Answerer’, which may reference their role in the funerary rituals. A @mt-nTr also appears as a mourner in TT 219, although it is unclear whether this is the same woman (Kitchen 1980: 758, 2). Concluding Remarks: The Organisation and Hierarchy of Religiously Associated Titles Much of the evidence for religiously active New Kingdom women and their titles comes in the form of brief references in personal stelae and family monuments, as well as the occasional festival depiction in wall scenes. As such, it is possible, based primarily on textual evidence, to comment on the organisation and structuring of the musicians, performance groups and other personnel who were associated with specific cults and deities at this time.

Mourners Another group of women who are closely associated with religious ritual are mourners. The image of an Egyptian female mourner is easily identifiable – a woman in a long white dress with bare breasts, loose curly hair and her arms raised in grief. However, while the most commonly depicted mourner in a tomb or on a funerary papyrus is the deceased’s wife or other close female relative, there are some examples from the New Kingdom that suggest a more organised, or official, type of mourner.

It would appear, for example, that chantresses attached to temples, at least during the New Kingdom, were organised into phyles (sA) in much the same way that male priests were. BAtA, from the reign of Amenhotep III, is said to be Sma.yt n Imn Hr sA 4nw, ‘Chantress of Amun on the fourth phyle’ (Sethe and Helck 1906–1958: 1940.5), and a later example,

One phrase used to identify a group of nine women in the tomb of Nxt-Imn (TT 341) is ‘the people who cry/wail in front’ (Davies 1948: 36, plate XXVI). The 25

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of Mut in Isheru’, and Sma.y(w)t wr.t, ‘Great One of the Chantresses’ (Sethe and Helck 1906–1958: 1434.1–2). The inscriptions that reference her name and titles do not mention which cult she was Sma.y(w)t wr.t of, but given her known association with both Amun and Mut, she likely remained involved at Karnak. The existence of a higher level of chantress is also attested to by the titles of Mwt, who was a Hry.t Sma.ywt n Imn, ‘Chief of the Chantresses of Amun’, as well as a Chantress of the Theban Triad (Amun, Mut and Khonsu) in the time of Ramesses II (Seyfried 1995: text 2, 49).

dating to the reign of Seti I, in the form of a black granite statue from the Karnak cachette, references a woman by the name of Iwy who was nb.t pr Sma.yt n Imn Hr sA 2-nw, ‘Lady of the House, Chantress of Amun on the second phyle’ (Kitchen 1989: 25, 13). Another Chantress of Amun from the reign of Ramesses III is said to be nb.t pr Sma.yt n Imn m sAw tpy, ‘... Chantress of Amun from the head phyles’ (Kitchen 1983a: 627– 639). The exact meaning of the phrase ‘head phyles’ is unclear, but the unattested nature and construction of the term has led to the suggestion that it may simply be a variant, or even misspelling of ‘on the first phyle’ (Onstine 2005: 68). Another reference to the phyle system comes from TT 44, where the wife of the tomb owner, Iswmwt, is designated Sma.yt n Imnm-ipt-swt Hr sA Sma (El-Saady 1996: 43–46). The end portion of this title, which attaches Iswmwt to the cult of Amun at Karnak, has caused significant debate amongst scholars. In the publication of the tomb, ElSaady (1996: 43) translates sA Sma as the ‘south phyle’, while Kaplony (1963: v. 3, plate 39) gives a translation of Upper Egyptian phyle. Others have rejected this geographical association (Roth 1991: 148), and Onstine has suggested that the phrase should actually be translated as the ‘phyle of singers’ (Onstine 2005: 68).

There are no explicit references to a phyle system relating to the title of wr.t xnr.wt during the New Kingdom, however, given that there are examples of wr.t xnr.wt of the same cults, contemporary with one another, (the family of the 20th Dynasty Third Prophet of Amun, Imnw-m-ipt, for example: Ockinga 2009: 20– 24) the existence of a rotational system would seem likely. Given nature of the role implied by the title, and the status of the women who held it as the wives, or close relatives, of the highest male members of the priesthood, the role of wr.t xnr.wt was clearly a significant, and even elite one. Certainly the Middle Kingdom Overseers of the xnr were male officials of high rank themselves (Nord 1981: 144), and it has been suggested that the imyt-r xnr, ‘Overseer of the Performance Group’ of the Old Kingdom may be the predecessor of the New Kingdom wr.t xnr.wt (Fischer 1956: 108). Although the exact organisation of the xnr itself in this period is also uncertain, as there are so few attestations of the term alone to provide insight into who actually comprised the company, it was most likely groups of chantresses, sistrum players, musicians and other performers, organised under their own hierarchy. This grouping of titles and positions under the umbrella of the xnr actually has precedent in the organisations of the Old Kingdom, First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom (Kinney 2008: 27–32).

As there are only two explicit references to a numbered phyle system for the Sma.ywt during the New Kingdom, it is unclear as to how exactly the women were arranged and structured, only that they would have worked rotationally, or intermittently. However, the attestations we do have suggest that there was at least four distinct phyles, which is supported by the similar customary arrangement of the male wab priesthood. Due to the fact that all four women mentioned above are attached to the cult of the god Amun, it is also uncertain as to whether the phyle system was a standard feature throughout all temples, or only part of the larger Amun estates. One of the main purposes of the current research project is to examine the religious titles held by nonroyal women during the New Kingdom in relation to one another, rather than purely in isolation. It is therefore important to identify what evidence exists for the hierarchies of the temple workers. While there is admittedly not an extensive amount, certain titles and familial connections do provide insight into the possible structuring of female personnel in this period.

Evidence for the organisation of priestesses (Hm.t nTr) is very scarce for the New Kingdom, with only a handful of attestations of the title itself from this period. The only two known examples of priestesses from the 19th Dynasty lack any reference to a phyle system, or hierarchy (Davies 1948: 15, plate XII). With 682 individual attestations of a religiously associated title, what is clear from the historical record is that Egyptian non-royal women were present in considerable numbers within the official cults of deities in the New Kingdom. Despite often being ignored, or glossed over in favour of the male members of the priesthood in larger studies on ancient Egyptian

Within a group of Sma.yt, there appears to be a certain level of hierarchy. This is evident from the titles of Mryt, a Chantress of Amun who lived during the reign of Thutmose III. Mryt’s additional titles include nb.t pr.w, ‘Lady of the House’, Hsy.t n.t Mwt m ISr.w, ‘Singer 26

Meg Lisle: Preliminary Discussions on a Prosopographic Study of Non-Royal Women in New Kingdom Religious Practices

religion and temples, these women’s roles as musicians, singers, chantresses, sistrum players and even mourners, appear to contribute significantly to the running of the cults, and the worship and celebration of the deities. As this research project

continues, and expands into other areas of female religious participation, it will aim to address this oversight, and provide a more complete view of the landscape of New Kingdom religious practice and ritual.

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Bibliography

Kitchen, K.A. 1993. Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments, Volume I. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 2000. Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated and Annotated: Translations, Volume III. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Lisle, M. 2015. The Presence and Involvement of Women in Religious Practice of the Nineteenth Dynasty, MRes Dissertation, Macquarie University, Sydney. Manniche, L. 2005. The Cultic Significance of the Sistrum in the Amarna Period, in A. Woods, A. MacFarlane and S. Binder (eds), Egyptian Culture and Society. Studies in Honour of Naguib Kanawati II: 13–26. Cairo: Publications du Conseil Suprême des Antiquités de l Égypte. Manniche, L. 2006. In the Womb. The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 17: 97–112. Martin. G.T. 1991. The Hidden Tombs of Memphis. London: Thames and Hudson. Nord, D. 1981. ‘The Term xnr: “Harem” or “Musical Performers?”’, in W. K. Simpson and W. Davis (eds), Studies in Honor of Dows Dunham. Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean and the Sudan: 137–145. Boston. Ockinga, B.G. 2009. The Tomb of Amenemope (TT 148), Volume I, Architecture, Texts and Decoration. The Australian Centre for Egyptology Report 27. Onstine, S.L. 2005. The Role of the Chantress (Smayt) in Ancient Egypt. Oxford: Archaeopress. Quirke, S. 1993. Owners of Funerary Papyri in the British Museum. London: Department of Egyptian Antiquities. Roth, A.M. 1991. Egyptian Phyles in the Old Kingdom: The Evolution of a System of Social Organisation. Chicago: University of Chicago. Schneider, H.D. 1977. Shabtis: An Introduction to the History of Ancient Egyptian Funerary Statuettes with a Catalogue of the Collection of Shabits in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden. Leiden: Rijksmuseum van Oudheden. Sethe, K. and W. Helck 1906–1958. Urkunden der 18. Dynastie. Urkunden des aegyptische Altertums IV. Leipzig. Troy, L. 1986. Patterns of Queenship in Ancient Egyptian Myth and History. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet. Tyldesley, J. 2010, Myths and Legends of Ancient Egypt. London: Viking and Penguin.

Bakry, H.S.K. 1974. The Discovery of a Sarcophagus of Sat-Re’ at Heliopolis. Studi Classici e Orientali 23: 70–78. Davies, N. de G. 1920. An Alabaster Sistrum Dedicated by King Teta. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 6: 69–72. Davies, N. de G. 1923. The Tomb of Puyemre at Thebes, Volumes I, II. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Davies, N. de G. 1933. The Tomb of Nefer-hotep at Thebes. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. Davies, N. de G. 1948. Seven Private Tombs at Kurnah. London: The Egypt Exploration Society. Davies, N. de G. and A.H. Gardiner 1915. The Tomb of Amenemhet (No. 82). London: Egypt Exploration Fund. El-Saady, H. 1996. The Tomb of Amenemhab: No. 44 at Qurnah. Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd. Erman, A. and H. Grapow 1931. Wörterbuch der Aegyptischen Sprache. Volume V. Berlin: AkademieVerlag. Fischer, H.G. 1956. A Daughter of the Overlords of Upper Egypt in the First Intermediate Period. JAOS 76: 99110. James, T.G.H. 1970. Hieroglyphic Texts from Egyptian Stelae etc. Part 9. London: British Museum. Kákosy, L., T.A. Bács, Z. Bartos, Z.I. Fábián and E. Gaál 2004. The Mortuary Monument of Djehutymes. Budepest: Archaeolingua. Kaplony, P. 1963. Die Inschriften der aegyptischen Frühzeit. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz. Kinney, L. 2008. Dance, Dancers and the Performance Cohort in the Old Kingdom. Oxford: Archaeopress. Kitchen, K.A. 1975. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, Volume I. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1979. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, Volume II. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1980. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, Volume III. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1982. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, Volume IV. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1983a. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, Volume V. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1983b. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, Volume VI. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1989. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical, Volume VII. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd.

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Rosanne Livingstone: Three Funerary Textiles from Dayr Abu Matta, Dakhleh Oasis

Three Funerary Textiles from Dayr Abu Matta, Dakhleh Oasis Rosanne Livingstone Dakhleh Oasis Project

Introduction In 2006 I commenced my PhD at Monash University with Gillian Bowen as my main supervisor. The topic of my dissertation was the relationship between dress and identity in Kellis, modern Ismant al-Kharab (Hope and Bowen 2022), a village in Dakhleh Oasis inhabited from the first to fourth centuries CE. Gill had previously examined and published many of the textiles recovered from Kellis (Bowen 1999; 2001; 2002), and my study was a continuation of her work.

While the two small fragments have no identifying features, the two large fragments have decorative elements and remnants of selvedges and borders. The main decorative elements are the remains of clavi, coloured bands that extended from either side of the neck opening on both the front and back of tunics. These two fragments probably derive from the lower part of the body of the tunic (see below). Both fragments appear to be from the same side of the tunic, one from the back and the other from the front (Figure 2).

In addition to being co-director for the excavations at Ismant al-Kharab, Gill carried out excavations at Dayr Abu Matta, a site located in western Dakhleh Oasis, during four seasons of fieldwork between 2007 and 2011. The site has been largely destroyed by modern cultivation; surviving structures include a church and buildings to the north, south and west of it, the latter possibly the remains of a tower (Figure 1; Bowen 2012: 429). Based on textual, ceramic and numismatic evidence, Dayr Abu Matta is believed to have been occupied between the fourth and sixth centuries CE, possibly into the early seventh century (Bowen 2012: 439 and 448), corresponding to the late Roman period in Egypt. One of the three main objectives of the excavation was to clarify early Christian burial practices in the oasis and thus determine whether uniformity of practice existed there (Bowen 2008: 7). During the course of the first two seasons, three textiles were recovered from Christian burials on the site, and I was given the opportunity to examine these.

From the dimensions of the fragments and the placement of the clavi on them, the original tunic is estimated to have been at least 977mm wide and approximately 1000mm in length. The tunic is shown here as being sleeveless (Figure 3). Not enough has survived to indicate whether it had sleeves or not; if it did, the length of the surviving fragments suggests that these would have been narrow sleeves. As a consequence of its extreme width, when worn, the sides of the tunic would have draped over the top of the arms giving the appearance of it having short sleeves. If the tunic had narrow sleeves the appearance of the upper arm would have been similar, with the sleeves only being visible from below the elbow (De Moor 2008: 68–71; Pritchard 2006: 46). The estimated dimensions of the tunic indicate that it belonged to an adult and, given its very large size, this was probably a man. It is likely that the tunic was fastened with a belt, which would have been worn around the waist or hips if the wearer was a male (Pritchard 2006: 46). The style of the tunic is consistent with those made and worn in Egypt during the late Roman period (Pritchard 2006: 115). In Egypt fibres were traditionally spun in an anticlockwise direction, using a high-whorl spindle that was rolled down the thigh of a raised knee with the right hand, to produce S-spun thread (Barber 1991: 46). This practice continued into the Roman period, and thus this tunic was made with S-spun wool. The ground is undyed white wool, and the decorative elements are predominantly purple. The purple colour was produced by spinning together red and blue-dyed

The Textiles Two large and two small fragments from the same woollen textile, (32/405-A7-1 S08.3), were recovered from a disturbed pit grave on the south side of the church during the 2007/2008 fieldwork season. The maximum dimensions of the two large fragments are 690 by 620mm, and 620 by 36mm, and the two small ones, 100 by 100mm, and 60 by 60mm.

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Figure 1 Plan of Dayr Abu Matta showing the main excavation areas (original drawing of the church by J.E. Knutstad and the north, south and west buildings by W. Dolling and A. Stevens, supplemented by L. Falvey, C.A. Hope, D. Jones, P. Kucera and J. Milner and compiled by B. Parr).

woollen fibres. This was one of the methods used to achieve purple, the prestigious purple dye obtained from shellfish being unaffordable for most of the population. The dyestuff indigotin, obtained from woad or indigo plants, would have been used to produce blue (Verhecken 2008: 87–89). The intensity of the blue colour would depend on the number of times the fleece was dipped into the dye. Both the dark blue fibres in the purple decoration and the narrow light blue bands incorporated into some of the purple bands would have been dyed with indigotin. Red dye was obtained from the madder plant (Verhecken 2008: 87–89).

weft-faced with a thread count of 5.5 pairs of warps and 23 wefts per centimetre. The warp yarn is spun more tightly than the weft yarn; their diameters are 0.5mm and 0.4mm respectively. The coloured bands incorporated into the clavi are more densely woven. These have a thread count of 5.5 pairs of warps and 36 wefts per cm; both the purple and blue weft threads measure 0.6mm in diameter. The clavi appear to comprise 113mm-wide multi-bands; from the innermost side the approximate width of the bands is 113mm, comprising 5mm purple, 3mm light blue, 31mm purple, 38mm undyed and 36mm purple (see Figure 2).

The tunic is made entirely from wool, and was woven in half basket weave using paired warp ends; paired warp ends were sometimes used in textile production during the late Roman period. The ground weave is

There is no evidence of other techniques, such as shadow bands, croisage and grouping of warp ends occurring at the points of transmission between the ground weave and clavi. These features are sometimes 30

Rosanne Livingstone: Three Funerary Textiles from Dayr Abu Matta, Dakhleh Oasis

Figure 2 The two large fragments from the tunic (32/405 A7-1 S08.3). Photograph by R. Livingstone.

Figure 3 Diagram showing possible shape of the original tunic (32/405 A7-1 S08.3). Drawing by B. Parr. 31

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Figure 4 Close-up view of the border and selvedge of the tunic (32/405 A7-1 S08.3). Photograph by R. Livingstone.

Figure 5 Embroidered fragment (32/405-A7-1 A08.9). Photograph by R. Livingstone.

Figure 6 Detail of embroidery (32/405-A7-1 A08.9). Photograph by R. Livingstone. 32

Rosanne Livingstone: Three Funerary Textiles from Dayr Abu Matta, Dakhleh Oasis

found on tunics from the Roman period (De Jonghe and Verhecken-Lammens 1993: 35); some are present on one of the other textiles from the site (32/405-A7 S4.31.1 below) and are common on fourth-century tunic fragments from Kellis.

The textile is made from undyed S-spun wool. The warp was spun more tightly than the weft; the warp is 0.5mm in diameter, and the weft is 0.4mm. It is woven in weft-faced tabby and has a thread count of 10 warps and 37 wefts per cm. A selvedge is present on one side; it consists of two bundles, the outer containing three warp ends, the inner, two.

The borders, at each end of the weaving, and the selvedges are typical of the textiles woven from wool during the Roman period (Figure 4). A 6mm-wide purple band is located 19mm from the borders on each side of the tunic (see below). The corded borders are 4mm wide. They appear to be finishing borders, formed by twisting three groups of eight warp ends together. In addition, lengths of twining, each comprising two groups of three purple threads, extend for 185mm along inside each border from the surviving corners; these were probably the ends of supplementary threads used for making the selvedges. The circa 8mm-wide selvedges are complex (Figure 4). They consist of three bundles. It appears that both the ground weft and supplementary purple wefts were used to make the outer two bundles; the purple wefts dovetail into the undyed weft of the inner bundle. Other supplementary undyed and purple threads seem to have been used for the decorative overlapping technique (over eight back two) found on the middle sections of the inner bundle.

The selvedge has been folded under and hemmed, using hem stitch, and then embroidered with a row of chequered chain stitch, worked in blue and yellow threads. Each segment of the chain measures approximately 5mm. A row of small running stitches, made with red wool, were worked on each side of the chain. On the side furthest from the hem, a row of triangles, 0.9mm high, were worked in angled straight stitches in yellow surrounded on two sides by blue stitches. The entire decoration is 18mm wide. (Figure 6). One end of the hem is wrapped with undyed and reddish-brown wool. The surviving edge adjacent to the hemmed selvedge has been folded under and hemmed with running stitch. The embroidery threads, sewing thread and the wrapping thread are all 2-ply (S2Z). These threads are loosely plied and range between 0.9 and 1.5mm in diameter. The embroidery and wrapping threads were probably dyed with plant dyes; red and blue from madder and indigotin as described above, the yellow from weld (Verhecken 2008: 87–91).

The tunic would have been woven in one or more pieces. When removed from the loom the body of the tunic would have been turned 90° so that the warp lay in a horizontal direction, with the selvedges located across shoulders and along the hem. Given that leftover supplementary purple threads are twined into the weaving near the surviving selvedge on this tunic, it is likely that this selvedge was the hem. Not enough of the tunic has survived to show how the other selvedge (probably located along the top of the tunic) was made. The effect of turning the tunic meant that the clavi lay in a vertical direction on the completed tunic. Weaving these as horizontal weft bands enabled the weft threads to be beaten down until they completely covered the warp. This technique made the clavi highly visible. This was an important indicator of identity; tunics decorated with clavi communicated to others that the wearer lived under the jurisdiction of the Roman Empire (Handley 2000: 15–16).

During the 2009 season excavation of a pit grave yielded the body of a child wrapped in a decorated linen textile (32/405-A7 S4.31.1). The textile was in very poor condition with only a few fragments of polychrome wool tapestry decoration surviving. Nevertheless, from the position of the surviving fragments Gill identified the original textile as being a hooded garment. This was probably a hooded tunic, a garment worn by children during the Roman Period (Pritchard 2006: 121). Given that so little remains of the original textile, the possibility that it was a soft furnishing cannot be entirely ruled out; both clothing and soft furnishings were used as funerary textiles. The largest fragment is a short length (97mm) of what appears to have been a band around the front edge of the hood. The centre of the band consists of three roundels; the outer two are identical, while the central one differs slightly (Figure 7). This suggests that the original decoration comprised a long band of alternating roundels, a design sometimes used to decorate sixth to seventh century garments and soft furnishings (Coudert et alii 2013a: 257 and 269). In all likelihood, this textile was made and used during these centuries.

The other textile recovered during the 2007/2008 season is large fragment of light brown cloth embroidered along one edge (32/405-A7-1 S08.9). Its maximum dimensions are 280 by 210mm (Figure 5). This fragment derives from a recycled textile; unfortunately, not enough of it has survived to determine either its original function or its function after alteration. 33

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Figure 7 Tapestry fragment (32/405-A7 S4.31.1): obverse. Photograph by R. Livingstone.

Figure 8 Tapestry fragment (32/405-A7 S4.31.1): reverse. Photograph by R. Livingstone.

diameter. They are woven in slit tapestry, using red, green and yellow wool. The patterns consist of green centres surrounded by geometric patterns worked in yellow. The roundels are joined together with green and yellow triangles at the edges and a pair of warp ends wrapped with yellow weft through the centre. The band is not reversible. Some of the weft threads float on the reverse and are carried from one part of the design to another worked in the same colour (Figure 8). Having a definite obverse and reverse may support the identification of the textile as a garment.

The band is 40mm wide with the remains of a small area of linen ground on one side. The ground is finely woven, in nearly-balanced tabby weave with 12 warp ends and 14 weft threads per cm. Both warp and weft are loosely S-spun linen, with the warp ends being 0.5mm in diameter and the weft, 0.65mm. The band is woven using the same warp as the ground, although the warp ends are paired within the band. The outer edges of the band comprise two narrow bands, one of blue wool, the other, undyed linen, woven in weftfaced half basket weave. The roundels are 27mm in 34

Rosanne Livingstone: Three Funerary Textiles from Dayr Abu Matta, Dakhleh Oasis

Other Textiles from Dayr Abu Matta

Christian burials of the seventh and eighth centuries, evolved from these earlier burial practices. Some of the more famous burials were associated with the city of Antinoopolis; unlike earlier Christian burials they contained grave goods and the bodies were often dressed in several layers of lavishly decorated tunics (Coudert et alii 2013b). In addition, the bodies were often wrapped in other decorated textiles, often mantles and curtains, and had folded textiles or cushions placed under the head and feet (Coudert et alii 2013b: 241).

A few other textiles recovered from the site are not included in this paper. When the site was initially surveyed in 1979/1980 Colin Hope carried out a test excavation against the exterior of north-west wall of the church and found four fourth century CE pit graves (Bowen 2012: 429). The bodies were wrapped in woollen textiles; these included the remains of a blanket, a mantle and two plain tunics that are very similar in appearance to those recovered from fourth century burials in Kellis (Livingstone 2012: 318–319). In 2010 a tapestry-woven textile fragment was found on the surface of the site. It is not included here because it was not found in context. Nevertheless, from its manufacture and appearance it is tentatively identified as part of a soft furnishing from the late Roman period. The textiles from Dayr Abu Matta, including the three described here, appear to range in date from the fourth century to the seventh century, the probable period of occupation of the site.

The Dayr Abu Matta funerary textiles all appear to range in date from the fourth century to the sixth or seventh centuries. These together with the funerary textiles recovered from burials in Kellis may show the beginnings and early development of the practice of using textiles in Christian burials. This is just one example of the significance of the work that Gill has undertaken in Dakhleh Oasis. Acknowledgements

Conclusion My research would not have been possible without the advice, direction and encouragement from Gillian Bowen and Colin Hope, co-directors of the excavations in Kellis, and my PhD supervisors. I wish to thank them for their ongoing support, and for giving me the opportunity to join the 2007, 2008 and 2010 fieldwork seasons in the Dakhleh Oasis. My grateful thanks also to the directors and members of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, and my fellow students and staff in the School of Philosophical, Historical and International Studies at Monash University for their encouragement and assistance.

Gill found that burial practices in Dayr Abu Matta were the same as in Kellis and other sites in Dakhleh Oasis; bodies were wrapped and laid on an east-west axis in simple pit graves with no grave goods (Bowen 2012: 449). This uniformity extended far beyond the oasis: similar early Christian burials have been found at other sites in Egypt and as far afield as England (Bowen 2009: 13). It must therefore be assumed that the well-known funerary textiles from Egypt, recovered from elaborate

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Bibliography

Momies, textiles, céramiques et autres antiques: Histoire des collections du musée du Louvre: 175–254. Paris: Musée du Louvre. De Jonghe, D. and C. Verhecken-Lammens 1993. Technological Discussion, in A. de Moor (ed.) Koptisch Textiel uit Vlaamse privé-verzamelingen/Coptic Textiles from Flemish Private Collections: 31–52. Zottegem: Provinciaal Archaeologisch Museum van Zuid-OostVlaanderen. De Moor, A. (ed.) 2008. 3500 Years of Textile Art: The Collection of HeadquARTers. Tielt: Lannoo. Handley, F.J.L. 2000. The Roman Textiles from Myos Hormos. Archaeological Textiles Newsletter 31: 12–17. Hope, C.A. and G.E. Bowen (eds) 2022. Kellis: A RomanPeriod Village in Egypt’s Dakhleh Oasis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Livingstone, R. 2012. Five Roman-Period tunics from Kellis, in R.S. Bagnall, P. Davoli and C.A. Hope (eds) The Oasis Papers 6: Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project: 317–326. Oxford and Oakville: Oxbow Books. Livingstone, R. 2015. Dress and Identity in Kellis, a RomanPeriod Village in Egypt, unpublished PhD dissertation, Centre for Ancient Cultures, School of Philosophical, Historical and International Studies, Monash University, Melbourne. Pritchard, F. 2006. Changing Culture: Dress in Egypt in the First Millennium AD. Manchester: Whitworth Art Gallery. Verhecken, A. 2008. Natural Dyes, in A. De Moor (ed.) 3500 Years of Textile Art: The Collection of HeadquARTers: 87–95. Tielt: Lannoo.

Barber, E.J.W. 1991. Prehistoric Textiles: The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with Special Reference to the Aegean. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Bowen, G.E. 1999. Textiles from Ismant el-Kharab. The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 10: 7–12. Bowen, G.E. 2001. Texts and Textiles: A Study of the Textile Industry at Ismant el-Kharab. The Artefact 24: 18–28. Bowen, G.E. 2002. Textiles, Basketry and Leather Goods from Ismant el-Kharab, in C.A. Hope and G.E. Bowen (eds) Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1994–1995 and 1998–1999 Fieldwork Seasons: Oxford: Oxbow Books. Bowen, G.E. 2008. The Church of Deir Abu Metta and a Christian Cemetery in Dakhleh Oasis: A Brief Report. The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 19: 7– 16. Bowen, G.E. 2009. The Church of Deir Abu Metta, Dakhleh Oasis: A Report on the 2009 Excavation. The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology 20: 7–25. Bowen, G.E. 2012. The Church of Dayr Abu Matta and its Associated Structures: An Overview of Four Seasons of Excavation, in R.S. Bagnall, P. Davoli and C.A. Hope (eds) The Oasis Papers 6: Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project: 429– 450. Oxford and Oakville: Oxbow Books. Coudert, M., R. Cortopassi and F. Médard 2013a. Textiles, in Y. Linz and M. Coudert (eds) Antinoé: Momies, textiles, céramiques et autres antiques: Histoire des collections du musée du Louvre: 255–377. Paris: Musée du Louvre. Coudert, M., S. Mérigeaud, P.-L. Thillaud and L. Dussaps 2013b. Momies, in Y. Linz and M. Coudert (eds) Antinoé:

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Richard J. Long: Oasis Ceramics of the Third Intermediate Period: Identifying Regional Traditions

Oasis Ceramics of the Third Intermediate Period: Identifying Regional Traditions Richard J. Long Dakhleh Oasis Project

In recent years significant progress has been made in the understanding of Third Intermediate Period pottery. Aston’s pivotal 1996 publication described the investigation of the ceramics from this time as ‘Tentative footsteps in a forbidding terrain’. This was due to a lack of well-stratified and in situ material, exemplified by the total of four deposits which Aston (1996a: 20) could date to specific Third Intermediate Period rulers. Fortunately this situation is changing with new fieldwork in the Nile valley and Delta, and subsequent publications, now building a greater understanding of key forms and fabrics from this time. Work in the Western Oases is also making a significant contribution with the identification of regional ceramic traditions emerging. Despite their geographic isolation, these desert settlements were closely tied to the Nile valley culture and as such, their pottery can provide a unique perspective on this phase of Egyptian history.

of a stone temple at Amhida (Kaper and Demarée 2005: 22). In all these cases, the sources are fragmentary and particularly for the inscribed blocks, occur in reused or disturbed contexts, rather than in situ structures. The corpus of Third Intermediate Period oasis pottery is also growing, especially at Mut al-Kharab (Long 2015: 99–102; 2021: 63-122), but the vast majority of vessels are rudimentary bowls, most of which are fragmentary. Significant quantities of votive vessels, so-called ‘beer jars’, also feature significantly in the assemblage, although dating these forms with precision is problematic (Hubschmann 2010a; Long 2021: 175). As such, the identification and analysis of distinct oasis vessels is valuable, providing an insight into the local oasis culture. Regionality can be incredibly difficult to identify in the archaeological record (Hubschmann 2010b), but the emergence of oasis ceramic traditions can shed light on the types of sites, the function of particular vessels, and nature of interactions both with the Nile valley and throughout the Western Desert.

This paper focuses on three distinct Third Intermediate Period oasis forms: flasks, tall slender jars, and small spouted vessels. The flasks in particular have been known in the Nile valley for some time, but recent excavations at well-dated sites in the Western Desert have produced new material which provides an insight into oasis ceramic traditions. The importance of these three forms is magnified by the overall dearth of Third Intermediate Period evidence in the oases. The most significant sources, the three Dakhleh Stelae (Gardiner 1933: 19–30; Janssen 1968: 165–172; van Zoest et alii 2006: 24–25) have been known for many years, but excavations are still yet to corroborate the scale of activity they outline for this time period. These three sources originally stood in the temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab, a key Third Intermediate Period site. This is indicated by other textual material, including decorated temple blocks (Kaper 2009: 154–158), a large collection of ostraca (Vittmann 2019: 138; 2020: 715; Long 2021: 54–55), and a mud seal containing the cartouche of the Libyan Period king Horsiese I (Long 2021: 57–59). In western Dakhleh too, a stela dated to Takeloth III of the 23rd Dynasty shows the existence

Flasks This broad category comprises a variety of handled globular vessels which appear to have their origins in the New Kingdom, but emerged during the Third Intermediate Period in the Western Oases as distinct ceramic forms. Specifically these are lentoid flasks (Figures 2a and 2b), which are characterised by a symmetrical and upright elliptical profile, and gourds (Figure 2d), which have an asymmetrical profile with one half being more pronounced than the other. In addition to these two types, which themselves can occur in both large and small sizes, are rare variations which have three, four or even no handles. The oasis origin for these vessels was first postulated by Aston (1996a) due to the distinct appearance of the fabric. Termed Oasis Ware 1, it was described as possessing a blue-grey core, with a range of possible colours occurring near the surface, including reddish-yellow, pink and pale yellow. Inclusions comprised fine straw, 37

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Figure 1 Map of Egypt and the Western Desert with sites mentioned in the text (after Darnell 2002: 133, figure 1). 38

Richard J. Long: Oasis Ceramics of the Third Intermediate Period: Identifying Regional Traditions

Figure 2 Oasis flasks. a: Lentoid flask from Karnak North (after Jacquet Gordon 2012: figure 97m); b: Lentoid flask from ‘Ain Tirghi, Tomb 38 (after Hope 2000: figure 1a); c: Lentoid flasks from Qasr Allam (after Rougeulle and Marchant 2011: 457, figure 8 – QA 8032-2); d: Gourd from Elephantine (after Aston 1999: no. 1701). 39

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Table 1 Oasis flasks found in the Nile valley and Delta. Site Tell Nebesha Cemetery, Tomb 33 Tell Retaba Area 3, domestic context Heliopolis Memphis Area C inside SW corner of Ptah temple temenos; Silo fill Lahun West Ridge cemetery Ehnaysa el-Medina el-Ashmunein Site W, domestic context Matmar Cemetery, Areas 700–1200 Abydos Royal tombs Karnak North Treasury of Thutmose I, Complex I East Karnak Kom el-Ahmar Karnak – Mut temple South central part of enclosure Elephantine Building NW of Khnum temple

Type of Flask Gourd Flask (neck/handles only) Lentoid flask Gourd Lentoid flask Lentoid flasks Lentoid flasks Lentoid flasks

References Petrie 1888: 17–18, 20–21, plate II, no. 33; Aston 1996a: 25, 67, figures 35 and 193f Rzepka et alii 2011: 160, figure 51.9 Petrie 1915: 7, plate XI.49; Aston 1996a: 31, figure 60.49 Fischer 1965: 147, no. 458, plate 61; Aston 1996a: 34, figure 66.458; Aston and Jeffreys 2007: 55, figures 53, nos. 621–622, figure 57, nos. 621 Petrie et alii 1923: plate IX.93D, F, G, H, K, M; Aston 1996a: 188, figure 84.93D, F, G, H, K, M López Grande and Sanz 1995: 71, 80–81, plates XXVIa–b, XXXVIIa–b, LIc, d, f Spencer 1993: 47, plates 72–73, Type K1; Aston 1996a: 42, figures 106–107, nos. 102–111

Lentoid flask Double gourd

Brunton 1948: plate LVII.93L and W; Aston 1996a: 45, 71, figure 128-93L and W

Gourd

Petrie 1902: 6, plate VII, no. 34; Aston 1999: 188, footnote 221

Lentoid flask

Hope 2000: 193, figure 2a–c; Jacquet-Gordon 2012: 248, figure 97m

Flask with no handles Hummel and Shubert 1994: 74, plates XVIII-3, LXXXII-3 Flask (body missing)

Sullivan 2011, 538, figures 19

Gourd

Aston 1999, 186–7, no. 1701

rounded sand grains, dark red grit and distinctive large pieces of grog, while the exterior fired black but often bore a matte reddish-brown slip (Aston 1996a: 9; Aston and Jeffreys 2007: 26–27). Hope (2000: 189–210) then published the existence of similar vessels in Dakhleh Oasis, with Eccleston’s (2000: 215–217) macroscopic analysis confirming the oasis origins of flask sherds from Karnak North which Aston (1999: 186–187) had identified as being in Oasis Ware 1. Initially, Hope’s flasks were dated to the Late Period onwards, rather than phases within the Third Intermediate Period that Aston’s work had identified (see below). In recent years though, more examples of oasis flasks have been identified, in particular, in the Western Desert. As such, it is necessary to compile an up-to-date corpus of these vessels.

numerous sites along the Nile (see Table 1). The identification of many of these examples as oasis wares has been made in recent years based not only on excavated material and first-hand ceramic analysis, but from comparisons undertaken by Aston (1996a) using pottery drawings and reports from early excavations in Egypt. Despite many of the vessels coming from disturbed contexts, the existence of wellstratified deposits indicate these oases flasks were known throughout the Third Intermediate Period, but most commonly during the 8th–7th centuries BCE, namely Aston’s Phase III (Aston 1999: 186). Hope’s (2000: 189–210) publication of flasks from Dakhleh Oasis provided a more solid foundation for the study of this ceramic form. Examples were found at a series of cemeteries, including ‘Ain Tirghi (Eastern Dakhleh) and those in the vicinity of Mut al-Kharab, as well as the settlement of ‘Ain al-Azizi (Central Dakhleh).

Although occurring in very small numbers, Third Intermediate Period oasis flasks have been found at 40

Richard J. Long: Oasis Ceramics of the Third Intermediate Period: Identifying Regional Traditions

The range of material demonstrates the variations of this form, including different sizes, neck height and width, and rim diameter (Hope 2000: 189–210, figures 1–4). These vessels were initially dated from the Late Period through to Ptolemaic times, in particular the 5th–3rd centuries BCE, although like Mut al-Kharab, ‘Ain Tirghi has produced evidence of Third Intermediate Period activity.1 Therefore, this may indicate earlier use of these flasks, a notion which is supported by the recent discovery of oasis flasks in both Bahriyya and Kharga Oases.

Intermediate Period and the beginning of the Late Period, namely Dynasty 25 and early Dynasty 26 (Colin 2011: 57; Rougeulle and Marchant 2011: 444). Parallels are drawn with Aston’s ‘Phase III - South’, which dates from the late 8th to the middle of the 7th century BCE. Although the contents of these jars cannot be identified with complete certainty, the form of lentoid flasks, including their narrow body and very small handles, would have been well-suited for carrying liquids over land.2 This, in combination with the discovery of grape seeds throughout Qasr Allam, has led the excavators to suggest wine may have been the commodity in question (Colin 2011: 56–57).

In the northern part of Bahriyya, locally-made flasks were among the ceramic assemblage at Qasr Allam (Figure 1), a large site excavated by l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale (IFAO) under the direction of Frédéric Colin (2011: 54–55, 70, figures 2, 26–27; Rougeulle and Marchant 2011: 443–444, figure 8). Originally identified as a Roman Period fortress due to its monumental size and appearance (Colin 2004: 30), the significant architectural remains and both textual and archaeological evidence suggest Qasr Allam was a religious estate, possibly dedicated to Amun, during the 8th–7th centuries BCE (Colin 2011: 68). Evidence of workshops indicates local production, including baking facilities and furnaces, while the existence of storerooms is supported by a significant collection of clay seal fragments (Colin 2011: 60). Some of the flasks in question are inscribed with the label pr imn, ‘the Estate of Amun’ (Colin 2011: 54–55, 70; figures 2, 26–27), which links directly with a similar and locally-obtained bronze seal published by Fakhry (1950: 66; Colin 2011: 53–54).

On the outskirts of Kharga Oasis, a small site named Amun Rock has also produced oasis flasks.3 Identified by the North Kharga Oasis Survey (NKOS), under the direction of Salima Ikram and Corinna Rossi, this possible way-station is situated along the Darb ‘Ain Amur, one of the desert roads linking Kharga with Dakhleh (Rossi and Ikram 2013: 276–277). Located some 25km west of the main oasis, Amun Rock contains an extensive collection of graffiti which show the site was used over a vast period of time, ranging from the Middle Kingdom (circa 2100 BCE) through to the 2nd– 3rd centuries CE (Lazaridis 2012: 119). Interestingly though, the vast majority of ceramic material has been dated to the Third Intermediate Period (Warden forthcoming). The flasks at Amun Rock can be classified as gourds and occur in local fabrics designated A and B, with the former being more common for this particular vessel. Fabric A fires cream to pink, with occasional grey, and is relatively porous containing shale and very little fine sand. Fabric B is denser and fires orange-brown with a grey core, and has increased sand and white particles, but no shale (Warden forthcoming). Parallels with similar material from Abydos and Elephantine suggest the Amun Rock flasks can be dated to the 8th– 7th centuries BCE (Warden forthcoming). Regarding the function of these flasks, a lack of local wells around Amun Rock may discount water as the chosen commodity. Of course, if water was carried in these containers they may have simply been discarded after being emptied. Regardless, the gourds and other vessels

The Qasr Allam flasks are fragmentary with only the upper parts of vessels surviving, but they do appear to be lentoid in form, and bear the distinctive and somewhat vestigial handles, together with short necks and out-turned rims (Rougeulle and Marchant 2011: figure 8). They are made from local fabrics, in particular Fabric 1c from l’IFAO’s Bahriyya classification system (Colin 2011: 54, no. 41). This fires a beige to light grey core, with light pink near the surface, while mineral inclusions of fairly large dimension, including red iron oxide particles, are also common (Colin 2011: 54). The distinct surfaces of these vessels are described as being hardened and rough (Rougeulle and Marchant 2011: 444–445). The assemblage has been dated to the transitional phase between the end of the Third

According to Colin (2011: 56, footnote 2), the small handles would have been impractical for holding the vessel by hand, and as such, were probably used for tying or fastening to the side of an animal; the elongated shape of these flasks also supports this method of transportation. 3 I would like to thank Leslie Anne Warden for providing me with a copy of her manuscript on the Amun Rock ceramics prior to final publication. 2

Material includes ceramics (Hope 1999: 229), radiometric dates from human skeletal remains (Molto 2001: 85), as well as coffins, cartonnage cases, and bead nets (Hope 2019: 284–292). A summary is provided by Long (2021: 139–143).

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Figure 3 Oasis tall slender jars. a: Karnak North (after Jacquet Gordon 2012: figure 97n); b: Abydos (after Aston 1996b: 3, 7, Type 14, figure 3e); c: Mut temple, Karnak (after Sullivan 2011: figure 21); d: Wadi Batikh in Dakhleh Oasis.

for carrying liquids were the most common form around Amun Rock itself, and not well represented in other pottery scatters from surrounding areas (Warden forthcoming). This supports the interpretation of the site as a stopping point or campsite along the desert road, with Amun Rock providing some relief from the natural elements.

tall slender jars (Figure 3). Again these have been identified at sites in the Nile valley due to their unique fabric described by Aston (1999: 188) as a high-fired variation of Oasis Clay 2. This tends to be extremely hard, with a dark grey section, pale grey surface, and unique metallic appearance. They seem to range in height from between 40–60cm, with the maximum diameter and rim diameter being approximately 10 and 5cm respectively. A shorter variation also existed, as shown by Figure 3c. To date, examples have been recovered from Abydos, Karnak North, the Mut Temple at Karnak, the Temple of Seti I at Gurna, Abu ‘Ib, and Elephantine, while a complete vessel is in the Museum

Tall Slender Jars Oasis potters during the Third Intermediate Period were also responsible for a second distinct vessel – 42

Richard J. Long: Oasis Ceramics of the Third Intermediate Period: Identifying Regional Traditions

Table 2 Oasis tall slender jars found in the Nile valley and Western Desert. Site Abydos Karnak North Mut Temple at Karnak Temple of Seti I at Gurna Abu ‘Ib Elephantine Amun Rock

Fabric

Reference Aston 1996b: 3, 7, Type 14, figure 3e; Oasis Ware 2 Effland et alii 2010: 49–51, figure 31.5 A1 Jacquet-Gordon 2012: 248, figure 97n

Height (cm) 57.3 Base only 55

Oasis Ware 1 Sullivan 2011: 538, 550, figure 21

circa 30 –neck/rim missing

Oasis Ware 2 Mysliwiec 1987: 79–80, no. 842

50

Oasis Ware 2 Aston 1996c: 22, 33, plate VI.99 Oasis Ware 2 Aston 1999: 188, plate 56.1702 Fabric A & B Warden forthcoming: figure 2.1

N/A – only neck/rim preserved 37.2 – but neck/rim missing 39 Over 40 – but shoulders, neck and rim missing

Wadi Batikh

P38

Unknown

Unknown

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (Eg.Inv.7490) 50 – given by the E.E.F

of Fine Arts in Boston4 (see Table 2). All these jars appear to be made of the aforementioned fabric, except the Karnak North example, which is the softer variant of Oasis Ware 1 (Aston 1999: 188). Collectively, these deposits can be dated to Aston’s Phase III (8th–7th centuries BCE), with the Abydos corpus more specifically assigned to Dynasty 25 (Aston 1996b: 10). The function of these vessels was clearly storage and transportation of liquids, a purpose no doubt supported by the hard-fired fabric which would have strengthened the vessel and possibly reduced evaporation.

The only other place in the Western Desert that has so far produced these slender jars is the area of the Wadi Batikh, located along a desert track near Teneida and the escarpment of eastern Dakhleh (Figure 1). Amongst the extensive pottery scatters, a small number of fragments from these vessels were collected on the surface (Figure 3d; Hubschmann 2008: 65; Long 2021: 144–145). In line with the previously-discussed examples, they have a pointed base, narrow elongated body, and a slightly ribbed exterior. The Wadi Batikh vessel included here is over 40cm tall, even with the shoulders, neck and rim missing, thus providing an appropriate comparison to the complete Nile valley jars. It was made in P38, an uncoated local fabric that has a range of firing colours, including a grey-brown core to orange-brown margins, and is distinguished by its hardness, which appears to be intentional. Inclusions comprise some limestone, sand/quartz and mudstone/shale (Eccleston 2000: 212; Hope 2000: 194). The occurrence of these vessels in the Wadi Batikh is significant as this area links directly to the Darb ‘Ain Amur, the main desert road linking Kharga and Dakhleh Oasis. Moreover, the Darb ‘Ain Amur passes by Amun Rock, further proof of these slender jars being transported between the two oases.

Within the Western Desert, tall slender jars have also been found at Amun Rock on the western fringes of Kharga Oasis. Together with the gourds, these vessels form the majority of the Third Intermediate Period assemblage at this desert way-station. Similar to the flasks, the jars occur in both Fabric A and B, with the former again being more common for this particular form. The metallic appearance was also noted within the corpus (Warden forthcoming). A number of examples were recovered, and while the only complete vessel is 39cm in height, other fragmentary ones are probably a little taller and more in keeping with parallels found in the Nile valley (see Table 2). The use of tall oasis jars in cult offerings at Abydos (Effland et alii 2010: 49–51), has led Warden (forthcoming) to propose that these vessels may have been used in a similar way at Amun Rock. Indeed, future investigations at the site and the discovery of more oasis jars in different contexts will hopefully clarify their association with religious activities.

Small Spouted Vessels The final form which appears to be unique to the Western Oases is a small spouted vessel (Figure 4). It has a ring base, short cylindrical spout that is attached to the upper part of the body, no neck, and a flat modelled rim. Interestingly, these vessels have not been identified at any sites in the Nile valley and Delta, and Egyptian parallels have been difficult to find. However, this form is well-known in Dakhleh,

Again I would like to thank Leslie Anne Warden for informing me about this example. 4

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Figure 4 Oasis spouted vessels. a: Mut al-Kharab (Trench 38); b: Mut al-Kharab (Trench 38); c: F9-3 (after Hope 2004: 118, figure 6q); d: M4-1 (after Patten 2000: plate 146.1a); e: Qasr Allam in Bahriyya (QA 7234-9, after Marchand et alii, in press).

Beyond Dakhleh, both Amun Rock in Kharga, and Qasr Allam in Bahriyya have again produced these distinct oasis forms.5 The examples from both sites occur in local fabrics, with those at Amun Rock being made in A2, a porous clay that generally fires cream to pink (Warden forthcoming). As mentioned previously, the ceramic groups at these two Western Desert sites have been dated to Aston’s Phase III, which fits well with the parallels from Mut al-Kharab. Regarding purpose, clearly these vessels were used for pouring small quantities of liquid, but their occurrence at temples, settlements, religious estates, cemeteries, and desert way-stations, indicates they were not limited to a specific context. They may therefore have been used in everyday domestic settings at tableware, as well as in cultic and funerary activities.

including from a settlement site in the western part of the oasis designated 32/390-M4-1 (Patton 2000: plate 146, nos. 1c, d and l), as well as Mut al-Kharab and its surrounding cemeteries. At Mut al-Kharab, numerous complete examples have been recovered from possible storage areas directly west of the temple proper (Hope 2004: figure 2k; Long 2015: 100, figure 5g). In particular, they were identified in two very similar deposits from Trenches 38 and 6. The former likely dates to Dynasty 25, based on ceramic comparisons and textual evidence from an associated ostraka cache (Long 2015: 101; Vittmann 2019: 138; 2020: 715). Similarly, the deposit in Trench 6 was directly covered by a large structure that was originally dated to Dynasty 26, but may be of a later date (Hope 2004: 102; 2016: 126–127; Kaper 2001: 75–77). These spouted vessels were also found within a nearby two-roomed tomb in the cemetery designated 31/405-F9-3 (Hope 2004: figures 6p–q and 7k–l). The ceramic assemblage indicates use during the Late Period (Hope 2004: 108), although similarities with the Mut al-Kharab groups and ceramics from the South Tombs at Amarna does imply earlier activity during Dynasty 25 (French 1986: figure 9.18-Type MB2 and figure 9.15-Type SB7). All these small spouted vessels only occur in B15, a porous marl which is calcium-rich and fires a cream surface (Hope 2004: 104).

Conclusions The identification of a growing corpus of distinct oasis vessels throughout Egypt is certainly beneficial to the study of Third Intermediate Period pottery. Although they have been found in small numbers, the deposits

I would like to thank Sylvie Marchand for providing me with drawings of her Third Intermediate Period corpus from Qasr Allam prior to publication.

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discussed herein, regardless of form, seem to date consistently to the 8th–7th centuries BCE, namely Dynasty 25 to the early part of Dynasty 26. Despite the flasks occurring earlier (and likely evolving from their New Kingdom antecedents), they are the most common in Aston’s Phase III, as are the slender jars and small spouted vessels. These unique forms therefore may be useful indicators for dating ceramic deposits both along the Nile and in the Western Desert.

the Egyptian Nile, but their discovery in the Western Desert is even more telling. The extensive remains at Qasr Allam may indicate it was the production centre for oasis flasks. This is supported by the Dakhleh examples possibly dating to a slightly later period, and Bahriyya’s connection to the Nile valley via the Darb el-Bahnasa. This desert road terminates at Oxyrhynchus (Giddy 1987: 15), and would certainly have facilitated the transportation of oasis commodities in flasks to the sites in Middle and Lower Egypt (Colin 2011: 56, footnote 2). In contrast, the distribution of the slender jars throughout Upper Egypt may indicate they were produced in the Southern Oases. Although isolated sites like the Wadi Batikh and Amun Rock would not have contained pottery workshops, further work in the oases will hopefully identify the production centre of these vessels. Regardless, these two locations show that connections between the Southern Oases continued along the Darb ‘Ain Amur during the Third Intermediate Period. Interestingly, the sparse collection of remains in Kharga continues to indicate minimal activity; however, extensive traffic in the Theban Desert proves people were in contact with the oases. In particular, the discovery of oasis kegs and flasks shows the transportation of commodities during the 25th Dynasty and beyond (Darnell 2000: 227–234). With the most substantial activity occurring in Dakhleh during this time, Kharga’s primary function may have been as a stopping point for travellers.

These vessels also provide valuable insight into the nature of activity in the oases, revealing details about the local economy, and the priorities of these communities. In fact, these distinct forms start to build a picture of an oasis culture. The oasis inhabitants were heavily influenced by their Nile valley neighbours, but the ceramic remains do reveal the development of regional variation within their material culture. While the small spouted jars seem to be everyday items used in domestic settings, temples, religious estates and desert way-stations, the dominance of storage vessels shows the economic importance of transporting liquids through the desert. The slender jars and larger flasks may have carried wine, as supported by the oases’ strong link with viticulture during the New Kingdom.6 Indeed this commodity continued to be an important oasis export during the Third Intermediate, as indicated by two royal inscriptions referring to oasis wine. On Osorkon I’s Bubastis Gate, the wine of Dakhleh, Kharga and Bahriyya is included in a list of temple endowments, while Taharqa referenced the plentiful vineyards of Bahriyya on his Stela VI (Ritner 2009: 249 and 551–552). While further textual evidence from this time is lacking, the current archaeological record suggests the oasis wine amphorae used extensively during the New Kingdom were replaced by flasks and slender jars, with their form making them conducive for travel via animal through the desert. For the smaller flasks, though, water or oils may have been more likely, with their size more suitable for carrying personal rather than commercial quantities.

Finally, with the material discussed in this paper dating from the closing stages of the Third Intermediate Period, it is worth noting the absence of earlier ceramics, in particular from the Libyan Period. This is certainly interesting given evidence such as the Greater Dakhleh Stela (Gardiner 1936: 19–30) and scenes from a possible Sed-festival of Osorkon I or Shoshenq I (Kaper 2009: 158; Long 2021: 44–45, 187–188), which indicate extensive activity at Mut al-Kharab during Dynasty 22. Therefore, while significant progress has been made in exploring Third Intermediate Period pottery, including the identification of regional ceramic traditions, material originating from the Western Desert is currently confined to Dynasty 25 and shortly thereafter. With ceramics from the Libyan Period still at a premium, this will be a key focus for future research into the Third Intermediate Period oasis pottery.

The distribution of the sites that have thus far produced oasis vessels helps us better understand the networks that connected the oases with the Nile valley during the Third Intermediate Period. Flasks are by far the most common form, as attested by their identification at numerous sites ranging the length of

Examples include scenes from the tomb of Rekhmire (Davies 1943: plates XLIX–L), jar seals and labels (Giddy 1987: 78–80), oasis wine amphorae (Hope et alii 2002: 95– 131), Papyrus Harris (Breasted 1906, 121) and scenes from the tomb of Amenhotep Huy in Bahriyya (Van Siclen 1981: 8, plate 1).

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Bibliography

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Aston, D.A. 1996a. Egyptian Pottery of the Late New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period (12th–7th centuries B.C.). Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlarg. Aston, D.A. 1996b. A Group of Twenty-Fifth Dynasty Pots from Abydos. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 52: 1–10. Aston, D.A. 1996c. Sherds from a Fortified Townsite near Abu ‘Id’. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 4: 19–46. Aston, D.A. 1999. Elephantine XIX: Pottery from the Late New Kingdom to the Early Ptolemaic Period. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. Aston, D.A. and D.G. Jeffreys 2007. The Survey of Memphis III: The Third Intermediate Period Levels. London: Egypt Exploration Society. Breasted, J.H. 1906. Ancient Records of Egypt: Historical Documents from the Earliest Times to the Persian Conquest: Volume IV. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Brunton, G. 1948. Matmar. London: Bernard Quaritch Ltd. Colin, F. 2004. Qasr‘Allam: A Twenty-Sixth Dynasty Settlement. Egyptian Archaeology 24: 30–33. Colin, F. 2011. Le ‘Domaine d’Amon’ à Bahariya de la XVIIIe à la XXVIe dynastie: l’apport des fouilles de Qasr ‘Allam, in D. Devauchell (ed.) La XXVIe dynastie: continuités et ruptures: 47–84. Paris: Cybèle. Darnell, D. 2000. Appendix 4: Oasis Ware Flasks and Kegs from the Theban Desert, in C.A. Hope, Kegs and Flasks from the Dakhleh Oasis. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 6: 227–234. Davies, N. de G. 1943. The Tomb of Rekh-mi-re at Thebes. Two Volumes. New York: Egypt Exploration Society. Effland, U., J. Budka and A. Effland 2010. Studien zum Osiriskult in Umm el-Qaab/Abydos – Ein Vorbericht. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Abteilung Kairo 66: 19–91. Fakhry, A. 1950. Bahria Oasis: Volume II. Cairo: Government Press. Fischer, H.G. 1965. The Pottery, in R. Anthes (ed.) Mit Rahineh 1956. Philadelphia: University Museum. Frey, R. 1986. Dakhleh Oasis Project: Interim Report on Excavations at the ‘Ein Tirghi Cemetery’. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities XVI: 92–102. Gardiner, A. 1933. The Dakhleh Stela. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 19: 19–30. Giddy, L. 1987. Egyptian Oases: Bahariya, Dakhla, Farafra and Kharga during Pharaonic Times. Warminster: Aris and Phillips Ltd. Hope, C.A. 1999. Pottery Manufacture in the Dakhleh Oasis, in C.S. Churcher and A.J. Mills (eds) Reports from the Survey of the Dakhleh Oasis, Western Desert of Egypt, 1977– 1987: 215–241. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Hope, C.A. 2004. A Note on Some Ceramics from Mut, Dakhleh Oasis. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 7: 99– 121. Hope, C.A. 2016. Reconstructing the Image of Seth, Lord of the Oasis, in his Temple at Mut el-Kharab in Dakhleh Oasis, in R. Landgrafova and J. Myrnarova (eds) Rich in Years, Great in Victories, Studies in Honour of Anthony J. Spalinger on the Occasion of his 70th Feast of Thoth: 123– 145. Prague.

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médiévale, and M. Ownby, Petrographic Analysis of Early Late Period, Roman and Byzantine Pottery from Bahariya Oasis, in S. Marchand (ed.) La céramique du désert Occidental égyptien de la fin du Néolithique à l’époque médiévale. La Marmarique, et les oasis de Bahariya, Dakhla et Kharga. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 11, in press. Mills, A.J. 1983. Dakhleh Oasis Project: Report on the Fifth Season of Survey, October 1982 – January 1983. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities XIII: 121–141. Molto, J.E. 2001. The Comparative Skeletal Biology and Palaeoepidemiology of the People from Ein Tirghi and Kellis, Dakhleh, Egypt, in C.A. Marlow and A.J. Mills (eds) The Oasis Papers 1: The Proceedings of the First Symposium of the Dakhleh Oasis Project: 81–100. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Mysliwiec, K. 1987. Keramik und Kleinfunde aus der Grabung im Tempel Sethos I in Gurna. Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 57. Mainz am Rhein: Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Abteilung Kairo. Petrie, W.M.F. 1888. Nebesheh (Am) and Defenneh (Tahpanhes). London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Patten, S.F. 2000. Pottery from the Late Period to the Early Roman Period from Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt, unpublished PhD dissertation, Macquarie University, Sydney. Petrie, W.M.F. 1902. Abydos I. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Petrie, W.M.F. and E.J. Mackay 1915. Heliopolis, Kafr Ammar and Shurafa. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Petrie, W.M.F., G, Brunton and M.A. Murray, 1923, Lahun II, British School of Archaeology in Egypt, London. Ritner, R. 2009. The Libyan Anarchy: Inscriptions from Egypt’s Third Intermediate Period. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature. Rossi, C. and S. Ikram 2013. Evidence of Desert Routes Across Northern Kharga (Egypt’s Western Desert), in

F. Förster and H. Riemer (eds) Desert Road Archaeology in Egypt and Beyond: 266–268. Cologne: Heinrich-Barth Institut. Rougeulle, A. and S. Marchand 2011. Des siga sur la côte du Hadramawt (Yémen): témoins d’une attaque navale?. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 9: 437–460. Rzepka, S., A. Wodzinska, C. Malleson, J. Hudec, L. Jarmuzek, K. Misiewicz, W. Malkowski and M. Bogacki 2011. New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period in Tell el-Retaba: Results of the Polish-Slovak Archaeological Mission, Seasons 2009–2010. Egypt and the Levant XXI: 129–184. Spencer, A.J. 1993. Excavations at El-Ashmunein III: The Town. London: British Museum Press. Sullivan, E. 2011. A Report on the Third Intermediate Period and Late Period Pottery from the Mut Temple, Luxor. Cahiers de la Céramique Égyptienne 9: 531–554. Van Siclen, C.C. 1981. Wall Scenes from the Tomb of Amenhotep (Huy) Governor of Bahria Oasis. San Antonio: Van Siclen Books. van Zoest, C., O. Kaper, F. Leemhuis, M. Elebaut, R.J. Demarée, L. Pantalacci and G. Soukiassian 2006. Fragmentary Stela of a Priest of Seth Named Khai. Treasures of Dakhleh Oasis. An Exhibition on the Occasion of the Fifth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project: 24–25. Cairo. Vittmann, G. 2019. Seth in Hieratic and Demotic Sources from Dakhleh Oasis, in G.E. Bowen and C.A. Hope (eds), The Oasis Papers 9: A Tribute to Anthony J. Mills after Forty Years of Research in Dakhleh Oasis: 135–142. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Vittmann, G. 2020. Wine for the Gods of Dakhleh (Ostracon Mut 38/70), in A.R. Warfe et alii (eds), Dust, Demons and Pots: Studies in Honour of Colin A. Hope: 715–738. Leuven: Peeters. Warden, L. forthcoming. Pottery from North Kharga’s Desert Road.

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Glennda Susan Marsh-Letts: A Fifth Century Virgin Mary: Enthroned as the Queen of Heaven?

A Fifth Century Virgin Mary: Enthroned as the Queen of Heaven? Glennda Susan Marsh-Letts

Introduction

until the First World War, after which the Egyptian Antiquities authorities conducted excavations in 1976, 1984 and 1985, and then French excavations were resumed in 2002/2003 by the Musée du Louvre and the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, who currently hold the concession (Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 15 March 2015). The monastery is generally considered to have been occupied from the fourth century through to at least the ninth and possibly to the twelfth century (Coquin and Martin 1991: entry CE: 362b–372b).

While investigating evidence for the role that costume played in defining the identity of the Virgin Mary enthroned with the Christ Child in Egyptian art prior to the Arab Conquest I became intrigued by a reference in Atalla 1993: Coptic Art: Wall Paintings/LÁrt Copte: Peintures Murales, Volume I: 53, to a secco painting in the collection of the Coptic Museum, Old Cairo, as coming from the Monastery of Saint Apollo at Baouît and dating to the fifth century. This dating would make it one of the earliest images of the Virgin and Child extant in Egypt. The photograph published on page 153 in Atalla shows the Virgin Mary and the Christ Child seated upon a high backed, jewelled, and cushioned throne and attended by an angel and/or saints. It does not show the whole of the painting. No further information about the painting was given. An examination of the painting in Cairo showed two unusual features, features possibly unique among extant Late Roman or Early Islamic church decoration in Egypt. The first feature is the presence of a small niche arch at an unusual angle to the painting (see Figure 1). The second potentially unique feature of this painting is the unusual cap worn by the Virgin Mary, which is decorated in a distinctive pattern (see Figure 1).

Excavations uncovered the remains of impressive buildings, sculpture and paintings, as well as small monastic cells, including oratories, or other living quarters. Poor recording of some of the excavations has made the reconstruction of the relative chronology of the finds very difficult. Finds from these early excavations, including architectural sculpture and paintings from churches and oratories, were removed and taken to the Louvre in Paris and the Coptic Museum in Cairo. The Coptic Museum now displays ‘Christ in Majesty above the Virgin and Apostles’ from Chapel VI. However, other paintings photographed during the early excavations that were not removed to the Louvre or the Coptic Museum did not survive. One of these lost paintings, the Virgin and Child from Chapel LV, bears a close resemblance to the Coptic Museum painting, particularly in its composition and the decorated cap of the Virgin, but not in the colour of her cap or her robe, described by the excavator as brown (Cledat 1999: 150). As the Coptic Museum painting published by Atalla is not included in published reports of early excavations at Baouît, it may be that it was recovered during excavations in 1976, 1984 or 1985 by the Egyptian Antiquities Department (OAE). In a newspaper interview in 2003, Dr Gawdat Gabra was reported as saying that a number of beautiful wall paintings had been discovered in the Monastery of St Apollo at Baouît in Middle Egypt, that ‘although two lunettes and an upper part of a niche from the site were transported to the Coptic Museum,

Historical Background Hoping to find out more information about the painting, including an excavation photograph, I searched the published records relating to the Monastery of St. Apollo at Baouît. The site of Baouît is located 80km north of Assiut in Middle Egypt (the name of the site is also spelled as Bawit), and covers an area of approximately 40 hectares, including cells in the desert outside of the monastery wall (Severin 1991: entry CE: 362b–372b; Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 15 March 2015). It has been asserted that only a small portion of the site has been excavated (Coquin and Martin 1991: entry CE: 362b–372b). French excavations at Baouît began in 1901 and continued 49

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no report appeared about the circumstances of their discovery’, and that in 1985 the excavations were continued in Baouît for one season ‘of which no report is available’ (Kamil 2003).

The Virgin and Child Enthroned Coptic Museum No. 12362 My investigations in Cairo had found that a painting in the store of the Coptic Museum, Catalogue No. 12362, matched the photograph in Atalla 1993: 153 (Figure 1). While the painting was described in Atalla as ‘very fragile’, a conservation examination carried out at the beginning of 2014 had found that it had been conserved and was now stable. The conservation treatment appears to have involved the consolidation of the paint layer, resulting in a surface which is light reflective, making amateur photography difficult (Figure 2). The fragmentary painting appears to have been painted upon a curved plaster surface, its dimensions being approximately 81cm (H) x approximately 78cm (W). The painting shows the Virgin Mary holding the Christ Child upon her lap, seated upon a high backed, jewelled and cushioned throne. She may be holding a small piece of cloth in her left hand. The child Jesus may be holding a book with His left hand, on which there may be a cross. He is shown as giving a blessing with His right hand. On the left hand of the Virgin Mary there is a candlestick and the bust of an angel, or a possibly a saint, in a roundel, while on the other side there is what may be an incense burner and a standing figure, most probably an angel, full length but incomplete, holding a staff or sceptre and what appears to be an orb. Above and behind the Virgin there are some rosettes or stars. There also is a fragment of what may be a second roundel.

Figure 1 Coptic Museum, Virgin and Child (after Atalla 1993: 153).

The Coptic Museum painting appears to have been painted upon plaster in a secco technique, i.e. the painting was made on dry plaster. This was the traditional painting technique used in Egypt. The painting appeared to have first been outlined in red ochre, next painted with dark blue, red, purple, light blue, green, yellow, and perhaps a white or a pale yellow, and lastly outlined in black. The background is dark blue with pale rosettes, the throne and cushion, candlestick, incense burner, and clothing of the Christ Child and angels are in shades of gold or pale yellow. The rim of the angel’s roundel is painted in red, with a single line of black dots. The mantle and tunic of the Virgin are painted in a purple which appears to be a mixture of crimson and blue, and her halo is painted in several shades of gold.

Figure 2 Virgin and Child Enthroned. Coptic Museum No. 12362. Photographed in a storeroom of the Coptic Museum, Old Cairo, by the author, December 4, 2014. 50

Glennda Susan Marsh-Letts: A Fifth Century Virgin Mary: Enthroned as the Queen of Heaven?

The Virgin’s cap appears to be painted with both a purple and a light blue-grey, possibly the blue colour of powdered natural lapis lazuli, i.e. ultramarine pigment, or perhaps of the lighter blue found with natural Murex. However, Lee and Quirke (2000: 108– 111) report that Egyptian blue was the principal blue pigment used in ancient Egypt, and Lucis and Harris (1962: 343–344) asserts that there is no evidence for powdered lapis lazuli or turquoise in Egypt until the eleventh century CE. A pigment study of samples from a second century CE Roman Egyptian shrine at Ismant al-Kharab in the Dakhleh Oasis identified Egyptian blue, red and yellow ochres (iron oxides), carbon black and green earth pigments, findings consistent with other analysis of Egyptian wall paintings, but not the use of Murex purple or ultramarine (Berry 1999: 2– 5.8).

characteristics more associated with the fifth century, or from the mid-fifth to the sixth century, than with later art. During this period it has been observed that there was the tendency towards a shift in style and composition from a narrative composition towards that of the icon, where the gaze of the central figure looks directly at the viewer (Verzone 1967: 91). However, in this painting the figure of Mary appears to have not yet assumed the totally frontal gaze of the icon; she appears to look upwards.

The Small Niche Arch My study of the painting in Cairo has focused on its two unusual and potentially unique features among extant Late Roman or Early Islamic church decorations in Egypt, which are the presence of a small niche arch at an unusual angle to the painting and the unusual cap worn by the Virgin Mary, which is decorated in a distinctive pattern.

As no pigment analysis has been reported for the Coptic Museum’s painting it is not possible at this time to definitively identify the pigments or dyes used in the painting. However, it is possible to see that a mixture of blue and red pigments or dyes, containing a variety of shades, was used to create the purple of the Virgin’s clothing, as a close examination of the paintings shows streaks of both colours as well as a blending of the two. The dying of cloth in two stages (overdying) using these colours was commonly used in Late Roman/ Early Byzantine Egypt to create a purple cloth (Bowen 2001), a cloth meant to imitate cloth dyed with the very expensive Tyrian purple, or Murex, whose colours range from black to scarlet, lilac, blue and light blue, and whose use on clothing had been restricted at certain times to the Imperial family.

Of great interest is the presence of the top of an arch, painted in red with a single line of yellow dots, with faint remains of a painting in green. The arch appears to be approximately 26cm wide, but the exact width and length cannot be determined due to its fragmentary nature. If the arch was positioned vertically then at least some of the painting would be positioned above the arch, not parallel to it and in the direct sight line of the viewer. This raises the question of the painting’s original architectural placement, which in turn would cast light upon its original devotional use. This small arch could indicate that the painting was not itself originally the main focus within a niche, but positioned in the domed ceiling of an oratory or church. Such a roof and dome arrangement is found in the Baptistery of the Orthodox at Ravenna, circa 458, where the circle of the dome rests on a square. This architectural arrangement has been associated with contemporary Alexandrian architecture (McKenzie 2007: 355–356, figures 594 and 595a). Or the feature could be part of a trilobed arch arrangement, an architectural feature which consisted of two small apse within the curve of a larger arch, or another of the complex arrangement of niches and arches popular in church and monastic architecture of the Late Roman or Early Byzantine period. However, it has been noted that those architectural remains which may date from the fifth century and the first half of the sixth century at Baouît are, in the words of H.G. Severin: ‘remarkably untypical for church architecture’ (Severin 1991: CE: 362b–372b).

The image of the cap of the Virgin in 12362 shows a combination of a blue with purple shading, and is decorated with black lines and dots which appear to indicate a pattern of jewelled bands. It can also be noted that the styles of costume depicted are similar or the same as those of a range of twelve Egyptian tunics which have recently been radiocarbon dated to circa 450–650 CE ( De Moor et alii 2004: 1425–9 and figures 1–15). The painting’s style appears to be characteristic of the fifth through the sixth centuries in Egypt, called the ‘local monastic style’. This style was described by Marie-Hélène Rutschowscaya (2002: 27) as one in which ‘the features of the faces are simplified and painted with flat colours; the folds in cloth are spare and either vertical or curved, drawn with one single brush stroke; the colours are muted’. The expressions on the faces of the Virgin, the Christ Child and the angels/saints, can be described as open, innocent and joyful, 51

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that it also may have existed, and possible even originated, in pre-iconoclastic Byzantium’ (Osborne 1981: 306). Further evidence of imperial imagery associated with Mary comes from the Akathistos Ymnos, a hymn ‘To The Blessed Virgin Mary’ sung in Constantinople from the fifth or at the latest the sixth century, which addresses Mary thus: ‘Hail, O you who have become a Kingly Throne! …’ (Peltomaa 2011: 109–116).

The Roll and Cap or Crown The second potentially unusual feature of this painting is related to the decorated cap worn by the Virgin Mary. Dateable evidence for the use of a roll with a cap can be seen in the late fourth or early fifth century Monza diptych image of Serena where, instead of a veil or mantle covering her head, she wears a rolled cap (Croom 2000: 86). The roll and cap could also be worn under a veil or mantle. It may be that the Virgin Mary wears a roll and cap in the only pre-iconoclastic image of the Virgin Mary still in Istanbul, a mosaic entitled Presentation in the Temple or Encounter with God, which came originally from the sanctuary of the church now called the Kalenderhane Camii, and is now housed in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum (Mathews 1998: 105, figure 81). The roll, or brim, was initially very large and prominent, but gradually decreased in size. The exact reason or purpose for the adoption of the roll and cap is a matter for speculation. It may be that it was a way to protect an elaborate hairstyle, or it could have been considered a way to modestly cover the hair.

From Egypt we have evidence from the first half of the fifth century of the use of imperial or royal imagery to glorify the Virgin Mary in Homily IV, (De Maria Deipara in Nestorium), given by St. Cyril of Alexandria at the Council of Ephesus, in 431. ‘Hail from us, Mary, Mother of God, the venerable treasure of all the world, the inextinguishable flame, the crown of virginity, the scepter of orthodoxy, the indissoluble temple, the place for the infinite, the Mother and Virgin …’ (St. Cyril of Alexandria 1983: 312). Mary is enthroned with the Christ Child because she was the Theotokos, the bearer of Christ. In Egypt Jesus Christ was ‘always depicted as King’ (Kamil 1990: 66). Thus, in the imagery of royalty, it is her relationship to Christ the King that would envision her as a Queen.

Fifth century Empresses in Constantinople were represented wearing a version of the roll and cap, coloured purple, black or red, and decorated in a distinctive pattern with jewels. The colours purple, black or red were distinctive of, and restricted to, imperial use (Stout 2001: 94–96, figures 5.30–5.33). For those ladies who were not members of the Imperial family, head coverings could consist of a plain cap, or a closer fitting bonnet or hair net, worn by itself or under a mantle or veil. Sixth century and subsequent empresses adopted different styles of caps or crowns.

If we look for fifth century Egyptian visual images of the Virgin Mary, or St. Mary as she has been known in Egypt, contemporary to the fifth century Coptic Museum painting, to this author’s knowledge there is currently only one other that has been published. This is the fourth or fifth century carving on the door of the Church of Saint Barbara, Coptic Museum No. 738. It is shows the Virgin with the twelve apostles, but is too weathered and damaged to clearly show details of her costume (Gabra 1993: 102–103).

It has been asserted that the iconography of the ‘Maria Regina’ or Queen Mary, was only seen in the Western Empire, without any parallel in the Eastern Empire. Art historian Marion Lawrence (1925: 150) wrote that ‘I have found no example of a crowned Madonna in the East. But there is a continuous line in Italy from the sixth century on’. However, in making this assertion Lawrence may not have taken into consideration the different forms that a ‘crown’, and other signs of royalty, might have taken in the Eastern Empire.

Art in Rome itself varied in its depictions of the Virgin and Child. The earliest depictions show Mary as mother, lightly veiled and with hair showing (Kalavrezou 1990: 165). At S. Maria Maggiore in Rome a thirteenth century apse mosaic has replaced an earlier one, one which some believe represented Mary enthroned (Kalavrezou 1990: 166). But the arch still contains mosaics from the fifth century Basilica. One of these fifth-century mosaics may show the Virgin Mary, her hair covered by a veil or mantle, seated separately from the young Christ (Spain 1979: 518–540). The painting of Mary as an Empress which can be found in a niche on the middle level of the fifth century Basilica of San Clemente, Rome is currently dated to eighth century (Osborne 1981: 299). However, it has been dated anywhere from the fifth to the ninth centuries (Osborne 1981: 307). There has been some

The historian John Osborne noted literary evidence from Constantinople which demonstrated that the concept of Mary as a queen was known in Constantinople from the fifth or sixth century when he wrote that ‘Corippus’s poem for Justin II [circa 565] demonstrates that the concept of Mary as queen of heaven was known in Constantinople by the middle of the sixth century … there is some evidence to suggest 52

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time between the sixth to eighth centuries. (Bolman 2016: 129–149, with special reference to figures 10.19– 1021, pages 140–141).

speculation as to whether she was originally a sixth century portrait of the empress Theodora, which at a later date had been transformed into a Madonna and Child’ (Osborne 1981: 303, citing Father Dominic Darsy of the Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1959). She wears a similar shaped hair covering to the Coptic museum painting, the painting was executed using similar painting techniques, and the painting contains a background of rosettes similar to those in the Coptic museum painting, but the images of the Virgin and Child are facing towards the viewer and show a stiff, formal pose.

The late fifth century, after the Council of Chalcedon in 451, saw a growing alienation between Alexandria, i.e. Egypt, and Constantinople. Furthermore, as Kamil (1990: 72) points out, after the schism of the fifth century Egypt ‘turned increasingly towards Syria and Palestine’ and her art began to take on both an increasingly spiritual and a ‘stiff, majestic’ look. This schism could be reflected in the lessening of obvious references to the costume of a contemporary Byzantine Empress in depictions of the Virgin in Egypt; unlike Italy, where the Virgin continued to be represented as Maria Regina.

I was surprised when I viewed the Madonna and Child in the Lower Basilica of S. Clemente as the white painted rosettes were strikingly similar in shape, style and placement to those upon the image from the Coptic Museum No. 12362. These rosettes did not show up upon the blue background in published colour photograph of the Madonna and Child in San Clemente, Roma (The Dominicans of the Province of Ireland, no date), possibly because the white paint layer appeared to be thin, or even semi-transparent. In this report on an examination of the painting Osborne (1981: 300) also noted these white figures, which he describes in terms of dots and rays, and wrote that ‘they are probably meant to represent stars’. This is of some importance as the question of the original positioning of the Coptic Museum painting as to whether the rosettes above and behind the figures in the painting are to be interpreted as rosettes or flowers, as those from the fourth-century churches at Ismant al-Kharab have been interpreted, (Bowen 2002: 65–85, figure 4), which might suggest a throne placed in front of a figured cloth, as flowers in a heavenly meadow, or as stars, which would associate the figures with a heavenly space.

In the apse painting at the Red Monastery the Virgin and Child clearly occupy a heavenly, or otherworldly space, characteristic of much of Egyptian monastic art. As Bolman (2001: 43) has written: ‘In fact the texts and the paintings both point to something beyond the words and beyond the painted mud brick walls. They refer to the real, eternal life of angels and martyrs and the living Christ, all of which exist beyond the transitory physical world’. The Icon from St. Catherine’s, the Cleveland Tapestry, and the apse painting from the Red Monastery all show a similarity of composition to the painting from Baouît. Particularly striking in a comparison of the apse painting from the Red Monastery and the Coptic Museum painting is the use of painted arches, the presence of angels and saints, images of light, incense burners, and signs of royalty (Bolman 2016: 129–49, with special reference to figures 10.19–1021, pages 140– 141). However, one difference between the Coptic Museum painting and extant sixth-century images of the Virgin and Child from Egypt appears to be the absence of a roll and cap with jewels.

A modest white cap, or a simple hairnet, made its appearance in the sixth century, and was adopted by women of humble status and the Religious. An example of this cap, worn under her mantle, can be seen in the only painting of a nun, Ama Rachael, from Baouît. (Drioton 1943: plate XLIX). It has been argued that a well-known icon of the enthroned Virgin and Child owned by the Monastery of St. Catherine, Sinai, may have been painted at Constantinople. It has been dated to the sixth century (Hutter 1971: 100, figure 102). In this icon the Virgin appears to wear a modest hairnet or very small cap under her mantle. The tapestry, ‘Icon of the Virgin’, currently in The Cleveland Museum of Art, has been provenance to Egypt and dated to the sixth century (Rutschowscaya 1990: 135). Under the Virgin’s mantle is clearly shown a plain white cap or hairnet, as does the Virgin in the apse painting at the Red Monastery, Egypt, which has been dated to any

Conclusion An examination of Coptic Museum No. 12362, a painting of the Virgin Mary enthroned with the Christ Child, showed two features possibly unique in extant Church decoration during the Late Roman or Early Islamic periods in Egypt: the placement of a small niche arch which might have affinities in church architecture in other parts of the Roman Empire, and the unusual purple and blue cap worn by the Virgin Mary. The cap, which is decorated in a distinctive pattern which appears similar to that of the jewelled hats or crowns worn by fifth century Late Roman/Early Byzantine Empresses. Both of these features reflect the relationship of Christian Egypt to the wider Roman 53

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world in the fifth century, before religious schism and foreign conquest divided the Eastern Empire.

Bolman and the American Research Center in Egypt, for the opportunity to see the Red Monastery during its conservation.

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my gratitude to the Director of the Coptic Museum, Dr Atef Nagib, for allowing me to view and photograph Coptic Museum No. 12362 in the store room of the Coptic Museum. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance of Deputy Director and Curator of Textiles Mr Moussa Naguib, Curator of Frescos Madam Safa Helmy, and Curator of Ostrica Madam Nagwan Edward, during my visits to the Coptic Museum, Old Cairo. During my visits to Cairo in 2014 I stayed at the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale and the Netherlands-Flemish Institute. I have greatly appreciated their hospitality and assistance.

I would like to express my appreciation for the advice and encouragement given to me by Dr Gillian Bowen as I began my study of textiles from Late Antiquity, and especially for taking the time to discuss her research into the use of blue and purple dyes. Later, Professor Victor Ghica gave me invaluable assistance through his encouragement of my research and his formal introductions to the Coptic Museum and the Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. I would also like to remember the generosity of Professor Elizabeth

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Bibliography

Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Baouît, viewed 15 March 2015, Kalavrezou, I. 1990. Images of the Mother: When the Virgin Mary Became “Meter Theou”. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 44. Kamil, J. 1990. Coptic Egypt; History and Guide. Plans and Maps by H. Ibrahim, Cairo. Kamil, J. 2003. Coptic Studies Hold Key to Legacy. Al-Ahram 639 (22–28 May 2003), viewed 11 February 2012,

Lawrence, M. 1925. Maria Regina. The Art Bulletin 7 (4). Lee, L. and S. Quirke 2000. Painting Materials, in P. Nicholson and I. Shaw (eds) Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology: 104–120. Cambridge. Lucas, A. and J.R. Harris 1962. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries. London: E. Arnold. McKenzie, J. 2007. The Architecture of Alexandria and Egypt, 300 BC – AD 700. New Haven and London. Mathews, T.F. 1998. The Art of Byzantium. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Osborne, J.L. 1981. Early Medieval Painting in San Clemente, Rome: The Madonna and Child in the Niche. Gesta 20 (2). Peltomaa, L.M. 2011. Epithets of the Theotokos in the Akathistos Hymn. in L. Brubaker and M.B. Cunningham (eds), The Cult of the Mother of God in Byzantium: Texts and Images. Farnham, Surrey: Routledge. Rutschowscaya, M.-H. 2002. The Arts Using Color, in M. Capuani (ed.), Christian Egypt: Coptic Art and Monuments Through Two Millennia: 21–32. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press. St. Cyril of Alexandria (1983). Select Letters. Edited and translated by L.R. Wickham. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Severin, H.G. 1991. Bawit; Archaeology, Architecture and Sculpture, in A. Atiya (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopedia Volume VII. New York, entry (CE: 362b–372b). Spain, S. 1979. ‘The Promised Blessing’: The Iconography of the Mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore, The Art Bulletin 61 (4): 518-540. Viewed 16 February 2012, . Stout, A.M. 2001. Jewelry as a Symbol of Status in the Roman Empire, in J.L. Sebasta and L. Bonfante (eds), The World of Roman Costume. Madison, Wisconsin. Verzone, P. 1967. From Theodoric To Charlemagne. London: Methuen.

Atalla, N.S. 1993. Coptic Art: Wall Paintings/LÁrt Copte: Peintures Murales. Volume I. Cairo. Berry, M. 1999. A Study of Pigments from a Roman Egyptian Shrine. AICCM Bulletin 24: 1–9. Bolman, E. 2001. Joining the Community of Saints: Monastic Paintings and Ascetic Practice in Early Christian Egypt, in S. McNally (ed.), Shaping Community: The Art and Archaeology of Monasticism. Oxford: Archaeopress. Bolman, E. 2016. The Iconography of Salvation, in E. Bolman (ed.), The Red Monastery Church; Beauty and Asceticism in Upper Egypt: 129–149. New Haven and London. Bowen, G.E. 2001, Texts and Textiles; A Study of the Textile Industry at Ancient Kellis, The Artifact 24: 18–28, viewed 20 October 2016, Bowen, G.E. 2002, The Fourth-Century Churches at Ismant el-Kharab, in C.A. Hope and G.E. Bowen (eds), Dakhleh Oasis Project Preliminary Reports on the 1994–1995 to 1998– 1999 Field Season: 65–85. Oxford: Oxbow Books, viewed 28 August 2012, Clédat, J. 1999. Le monastère et la nécropole de Baouit. Cairo: Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Coquin, R.G. and M. Martin 1991. Bawit; History, in A. Atiya (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopedia Volume VII: entry (CE: 362b–372b). New York: Maxwell Macmillan International. Croom, A.T. 2000. Roman Clothing and Fashion. Brimscombe Port, Stroud, Gloucestershire. De Moor, A., M. Van Strydonck and C. VerheckenLammens 2004. Radiocarbon Dating of a Particular Type of Coptic Woolen Tunics, in M. Immerzeel and J. Van Der Vliet (eds), Coptic Studies on the Threshold of a New Millennium II: Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Coptic Studies Leiden 27 August – 2 September 2000: 1425–1429. Leuven. Drioton, E. 1943. Fouilles Exécutées á Baouít. MIFAO 59, Cairo. Gabra, G. 1993. Cairo, the Coptic Museum & Old Churches. Cairo. Hutter, I. 1971. The Herbert History of Art and Architecture; Early Christian and Byzantine. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.

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56

Ryna Ordynat: Intention or Accident? Discussion of Deliberate Breakage of Human Figurines in Predynastic Burials

Intention or Accident? Discussion of Deliberate Breakage of Human Figurines in Predynastic Burials Ryna Ordynat

Introduction

and not depositing all the fragments in the grave. This paper presents an analysis of the types of breakages which were performed, in order to explore this notion further and to reveal whether the interpretation of deliberate fragmentation is plausible in the case of Predynastic human figurines. This approach has been gaining recent traction within the scholarship, and has already been applied to a variety of case studies. In the interest of a rounded examination and analysis, the cases of both accidental and deliberate breakage are presented in this paper.

Human figurines make a frequent appearance in literature on the Egyptian Predynastic, circa 4500 to 3300 BCE, (early studies include Capart 1905; Hornblower 1929; Baumgartel 1955; 1960; Ucko 1968; more recent studies include Midant-Reynes 2000; Wilkinson 2003; Nowak 2004; Brovarski 2005; Wengrow 2006; Eyckerman and Hendrickx 2011; Hendrickx and Eyckerman 2012), as art and iconography in this period play a significant role during the formation of the Egyptian state, and the institutionalising of iconography during the Early Dynastic period. Figurines are extremely rare, appearing in only a few of the many thousands of mostly disturbed or plundered burials excavated from the Predynastic period. They also form part of a group of Predynastic anthropomorphic objects, which include hippopotamus tusks carved with human heads and features, tag pendants and hair combs in human shape, and vessels shaped into a human form or with sculpted human figures prominently attached to their rims (for example, see Petrie 1895: 34–35; 1901: 26). The materials from which these objects are made are diverse, ranging from clay, vegetable paste, ivory, varieties of different stone types, and other materials. Both males and females are represented, sometimes in elaborate detail and at other times abstractly and schematically.

Fragmentation Theory The theory of identification of deliberate breakage, sometimes termed ‘fragmentation theory’, in archaeological artefacts is often debated, particularly in its relation to human figurines (Fossey 1985; Grinsell 1961; Hamilakis 1998). The most influential developer and proponent of this theory is John Chapman (2000), whose work has been applied by other scholars in archaeological case studies of European prehistory, Roman Britain, Bronze Age Britain and Central America (Brittain and Harris 2010: 581). Using Balkan Neolithic and Chalcolithic artefacts, many of which were found broken and incomplete, Chapman (2000: 23) proposes the idea that the objects were intentionally deposited incomplete. He also discusses the concept of ‘enchainment’ as the relationship between people and objects, and as being essential to understanding the deliberate breakage of an object at the end of its ‘life’ (Chapman 2000: 27).

In my recently completed MA dissertation (Ordynat 2016), the aim of which was to analyse the patterns of deposition and placement of a variety of anthropomorphic three-dimensional objects uncovered in Predynastic graves, an intriguing pattern emerged in relation mainly to the human figurines. It appears that most of the figurines were broken in one or more places, often with fragments missing entirely from the grave. The discovery of this pattern may be indicative of deliberate breakage of objects, perhaps by the individuals who prepared the deceased and their grave for burial, intentionally damaging the figurines,

There are indeed some well-attested archaeological cases of deliberate breakage. A well-known case of interpretation of deliberate breakage of human figurines through thermal shock is the site of Dolni Vestonice (Vandiver et alii 1989). In this case, the researchers, after analysing a body of over 10,000 fired figurine fragments, concluded, based on the available evidence that the figurines were made specifically to 57

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be broken (Vandiver et alii 1989: 1007). Another case that is especially relevant is the Dynastic Egyptian funerary ritual of ‘breaking red pots’, which involved the smashing of red pottery vessels, with varying suggestions of the meanings and symbolisms associated with it (Ikram 2007: 345). Additionally, there is evidence of human figurines with curses inscribed onto them being deliberately shattered as part of an Old Kingdom ritual (Pripreschi 1996: 302). Another case, this one regarding female figurines from the Mut Precinct, which have been concluded to be ritual objects that may have been deliberately broken and discarded after use, also offers an intriguing example (Waraska 2009: 60–71).

Hamangia culture figurines, found in both burials and settlement sites on the coast of the Black Sea, and all dating to the same period (Chapman and Gaydarska 2009: 16). The numbers of figurine fragments that are incomplete, when thoroughly analysed by Chapman and Gaydarska, are found to constitute approximately two thirds of all figurines analysed by them from funerary contexts. Over 40% of figurines Chapman and Gaydarska analysed from settlements are fragments of either a torso or legs, and only 35% of the figurines are intact. Deliberate breakage of objects can be indicated by orphan fragments in closed contexts. These are usually burials, as they suffer little or no later intervention, which allows them to stay looking the way they were originally arranged (Chapman and Gaydarska 2009: 132).

The general reasons of breakage can be narrowed down to either accidental or deliberate. Deliberate breakage can then be further narrowed down to split breakage for distribution and later reuse, a ritual killing of the object, or dispersion to ensure fertility or protection (Chapman and Gaydarska 2007: 3). Just like people, some objects underwent ‘ritual killing’, when they would be ‘sacrificed’ or broken, specifically for burial (Grinsell 1961: 475). Objects, just like people, also often receive the same treatment in the rights of passage rituals such as death, meaning they also ‘die’ (Ellen 1988: 225–226).

Generally, criticism of the deliberate breakage theory centres along the issues with the lack of evidence for deliberate breakage, and the fact that it is almost always impossible to determine whether the breakage was deliberate. Firstly, it is often argued that the pressure of the soil on figurines from grave contexts makes it entirely plausible that breakages may be due to natural processes. Marangou (1996: 146), when examining Aegean figurines, notes that the breakages are usually along the fragile points of figurines, especially in the joints between the separately moulded parts. However, evidence for deliberate breakage, either through absent fragments or through different fragments of the same object being found in more than one location, has been found in European Neolithic cases, specifically in pottery and lithics, as well as figurines (Jones 2005: 204). Another critique has been put forward by Bailey (2001: 1182), who asserts that if deliberate fragmentation of figurines was part of common ritualistic behaviour of burials or religious rites, it would also be evident in the more mundane activities, where objects are broken on purpose in a non-ritualistic context. Such an assertion may not be entirely justified, since deliberate breakage of a personal and possibly valuable possession, especially if it belonged to a deceased loved one, could not be considered in any way a mundane and everyday activity. The theory of fragmentation has been further supported and built on by the works of Fowler (2004) and Jones (2005), but has also been extensively contested and criticised mainly for the difficulty of testing and proving such a theory (Bailey 2001; Marangou 1996; Milisauskas 2002), as well as for the problematic and complicated terminology (Brittain and Harris 2010). It is reasonable to conclude, therefore, that however uncertain and criticised the theory of fragmentation may be, it nevertheless presents a valuable interpretative framework for examining Predynastic funerary material culture.

Other reasons include releasing the spirit contained in the object to accompany the dead and also deliberate destruction of funerary objects in order to prevent them from being used again (Grinsell 1961: 476). In most cases of deliberate breakage, it is pottery that is broken. The deliberate breakage of pottery in Africa is known to be symbolically associated with death, and the making of pottery with life (Barley 1994: 92). Another more meaningful interpretation is concerned with enchainment and personhood, where the fragments from the same object form a link between the living and the deceased, and where the personal items of the dead were broken and the fragments were distributed between the living and the dead (Chapman and Gaydarska 2009: 132). Chapman (2000: 6) argues that enchainment through fragmentation would have been carried out through a relationship or completion of a transaction between two people, when an object is broken into parts and the individuals keep one or more of the parts as a confirmation, creating enchainment. Chapman and Gaydarska (2007) conducted an extensive study in which they outlined some possible methods of determining deliberate breakage, such as re-fitting fragments to see if some may have been deliberately not included in deposition, as well as testing accidental breakage against deliberate breakage and document the patterns. The researchers used the corpus of 58

Ryna Ordynat: Intention or Accident? Discussion of Deliberate Breakage of Human Figurines in Predynastic Burials

Table 1 Figurine Breakage. HEAD LOWER HEAD TORSO ONLY BODY BROKEN OFF MALE 4 FIGURINE (40%) FEMALE 1 22 5 12 FIGURINE (2%) (44%) (10%) (24%)

Fragmentation in Predynatic Figurines (Table 1)

INTACT 8 (60%) 10 (20%)

TOTAL 13 50

However, there does appear to be a breakage pattern for female figurines in particular, 44% are broken off in the middle, with only the lower body remaining in the grave, and the upper body missing completely. There are other examples, particularly figurines and fragments from grave B101 from Abadiya (Petrie 1901: plate V) and grave 1705 at Naqada (UC5363), where it is evident that the elongated lower limbs of the figurine were broken up into several pieces, and in the case of grave 1705, only one piece has remained in the grave. Schematic drawings below (Figures 1 and 2) show broken figurines grouped together.

The study of fragmentation of Egyptian Predynastic human figurines, which is the subject of this paper, originally formed a sub-category of a larger analysis conducted as part of my recent research (Ordynat 2016). The data analysed consisted of a 118 three dimensional anthropomorphic objects, including figurines, carved tusks, tags, combs and vessels, dating to late Naqada I and Naqada II periods, all found in a total number of 59 graves. Out of these 118 objects, 63 were human figurines, which will be the subject of this particular analysis. The graves are from Predynastic cemetery locations, including El-Badari, Qau, Mostagedda, El-Mahasna, El-Amrah, Abadiya, Ballas, Naqada, El-Ma’mariya, Abydos and Hierakonpolis.

The Case for Deliberate Breakage For the female figurines discussed here, 80% are broken or fragmented. Additionally, as previously stated, it is evident that the elongated lower limbs of some of the figurines were broken up into several pieces, and in one grave, only one piece broken in such a way has remained (see Figure 2). Were these figurines broken deliberately? There is some strong evidence to support a positive answer to this question. There are examples, mentioned earlier, of objects being broken deliberately in Dynastic Egypt as part of a funerary ritual. There are also documented examples of figurines found broken in pieces and scattered. In the case of the Badarian grave 494 at Mostagedda, a broken female figurine was scattered around the head of the body (Brunton 1937: 89). At the settlement at ElMahasna, fragments of female figurines were scattered around the areas considered to be of ritual significance (Anderson 2006: 102).

It is clear, from the results of the fragmentation analysis, that the main group of objects affected by breakage (whether deliberate or not) is female figurines. There are only two examples of fragmented tags found in graves, both of which are discussed below. All other anthropomorphic tusks, tags and combs that were recovered from graves were intact. This could be partially due to the fact that female figurines form the largest part of all anthropomorphic objects found in graves from the Predynastic period. Out of a total of 50, only ten of all the recorded female figurines are intact, the rest are broken or fragmented. There are 16 ‘orphaned’ fragments of figurines, which is to say that there were no remains of the rest of the figurine found in the grave. This excludes grave 186 at El-Ma’mariya, in which most of the 21 figurines and fragments are ‘orphaned’, with parts missing (De Morgan 1912: 50). Predynastic figurines are rarely found intact in graves – most have some kind of evident breakage. Male figurines are more frequently found whole; 60% of them are intact.

In addition, there seems to be a pattern of breakages in female figurines, where the remaining fragment is head and torso, or fragments of the long tapering legs, which seem to have been systematically broken. Lastly, two anthropomorphic tags were also found broken. The tag from grave 1583 at the Predynastic cemetery at Naqada (UC4606), is clearly cut in half very cleanly and deliberately, with only one half being deposited in the grave. The tag from grave 3075, in Matmar cemetery (Brunton 1948: 20, plate XVI) it missing its head, which seems to be ‘orphaned’ as it is not present

While it can never be conclusive whether the breakage is deliberate or is simply due to natural causes, there is a possible pattern to suggest it. For example, if a fragile small object like a figurine was to break due to age or disturbance, the head and arms would be the weakest points and would almost certainly break off. 59

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Figure 1 Lower Half Fragments (drawn by the author).

Figure 2 Multiple Breakages and Orphaned Fragments (drawn by the author). 60

Ryna Ordynat: Intention or Accident? Discussion of Deliberate Breakage of Human Figurines in Predynastic Burials

separately in the grave. Notably, the earlier mentioned example of lower parts of figurines, as well as small fragments of figurine hands and arms (orphaned fragments) in Graves 2 and 186 at El-Ma’mariya (De Morgan 1912) survived, while the top half of the figurines were not present in the graves, could indicate deliberate breakage. This point is especially underpinned by the extremely high breakage rate of figurines in graves, in combination with the extremely low breakage rate of most other objects, such as pottery, found in the same graves, all of which also points to intentionality. Lastly, there are some known examples of deliberate breakage of objects in both Predynastic and Dynastic Egypt, although these are quite rare, which have been discussed above.

at that particular time in that particular community, and in relation to that specific individual. Stevenson (2009: 178–180), in her recent influential work on the social context of Predynastic burials, notes that in studies of funerary archaeology of Predynastic Egypt, it is usually assumed that comparison or analogy with other societies is irrelevant or methodologically flawed. Due to this commonly held view, little effort has been made to explore and broaden various interpretations and apply alternative archaeological theories and methods, especially when it comes to studies of Predynastic figurines and burial practices (Stevenson 2009: 180). The approach used in this paper demonstrated the value of applying a variety of alternative interpretations of artefacts, material culture and burial archaeology of Predynastic Egypt, and the subsequent insight that can be gained from attempting alternative approaches to studies of material culture. As Shanks and Tilley (1987: 60) state: ‘The artefact is a material fragment, a riddle neither directly revealing nor concealing ‘the past’, ‘society’ or whatever category. Artefacts do not represent the past, they are not a property of the past. Artefacts signify’. It is the process of varied interpretation, and not application of a single imposed method, that is required to understand the meaning of artefacts.

The Case Against Deliberate Breakage Disintegration of natural material may have occasionally taken place in the graves. Through this process some fragments of figurines may have been completely disintegrated, or had become so unrecognisable as figurine fragments, that excavators in the early 20th century would not have recognised them for what they actually were, and thrown them aside as unrelated bits of clay. This process may have taken place in grave 186 at El-Ma’mariya (De Morgan 1912: 50), where most of the figurine fragments are lower body halves in very poor states of preservation. It is possible, for example, that the missing upper parts of the figurines disintegrated due to the disturbed and poorly preserved condition of the grave. However, as very few details of the excavation or the state of the grave were given by De Morgan in his excavation report (1912), it is hard to judge what kind of disintegration or natural damage may have occurred in this case. Some of the breakages also seem to be located at the fragile joints – for example, at the joint between the head and the upper body, and the arms. These breakages may have therefore taken place during the plundering of the grave in the past.

Examining the possibly of deliberate and strategic damage of these objects by looking for patterns in the breakage (for example, certain figurines always broken in half, or deliberately broken off limbs) will certainly create a new line of enquiry as to the function of threedimensional imagery in Predynastic burials, where the deliberate breakage could have been associated with ritual activity. Fragmentation could even in some cases signify an end to the object’s lifecycle, brought around through deliberate destruction of the identity or social persona of the deceased to whom the object belonged (Bruck 2006b: 78). The possibility of deliberate breakage of burial goods such as figurines could bring an entirely new understanding to the burial customs in Predynastic society. The fragment, created as part of a burial ritual ‘stays with those who participated in the event involving its fragmentation, and the fragment acts as a memento of that event’ (Bruck 2006a: 68). Viewing the consistent patterns of breakage in Predynastic figurines from this perspective adds an additional layer of meaning and significance to the burial customs practised in Predynastic Egypt. Although it can never be confirmed as certain, and indeed in some cases the breakage may be deliberate while in others accidental, this possibility of deliberate breakage is nevertheless certainly worthy of consideration.

Conclusion The variety of placement, style and design of the figurines in Predynastic Egypt, which was the subject of my recent MA thesis (Ordynat 2016), is indicative of both regional variation and diversity of funerary ritual customs. Therefore, this could certainly extend to include the diversity of deposition. Figurines could be placed in the grave whole or broken up, depending on the particular meaning that is placed on the figurine

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Bibliography

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64

Aymie Paull: The Mothers, Wives and Daughters of the High Officials at Beni Hassan

The Mothers, Wives and Daughters of the High Officials at Beni Hassan Aymie Paull Macquarie University

Introduction

husband’s, were a part of marriage alliances between provinces, took part in religious cultic activities, and gave access to matrilineal inheritance.

The scenes and inscriptions in the decorated tombs of Egypt’s officials are known to provide an important insight into the life and career of the tomb owners. They are also a significant source of information regarding the female members of their families and are integral to our understanding of the status of women in Egypt. The cemetery of Beni Hassan has some of the most well-preserved decorated tombs dating to the late Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom periods. The tombs in the upper terrace of the site belonged to the governors of the Oryx-nome and the town of Menat-Khufu, and the rich painted wall scenes provide insight into the developing status of the women in their families. With Middle Egypt being an agriculturally rich area (Kanawati and Woods 2010: 8), these officials could afford to build large tombs, some of which were extensively inscribed and decorated, and will be the focus of this paper. Whilst the attention in these tombs is on the male tomb owners, they would include their female family members to show themselves as the successful head of a household and to strengthen their own status. This results in the narrative surrounding women often being focussed on their roles as mothers, wives, and daughters, with their status assumed to derive from their associations to their husbands.

To assess whether there were any changes in the representation of female family members in the decorated tombs, all available textual and decorative elements relating to these women was collated and comparatively analysed. The sources for this data comprised of the line drawings, descriptions, and photographs from the reports by Newberry (1893), and the recent reports by Kanawati and Evans (2014; 2016). Within this data it is clear that from the 11th to the 12th Dynasty the status of these women was on the rise. In the five tombs dating to the 11th Dynasty, the tomb owner was generally not as concerned about including his ancestry or immediate family in the tomb decoration. The female family members of the officials are only included in selected tombs from this period, presumably either having come from humble backgrounds or that the artistic focus did not concern them. In the tombs, wives are depicted in the those belonging to BAqt I and $ty, a daughter in that of BAqt III, and mothers named in those of BAqt II and BAqt III. In contrast, the 12th Dynasty tombs show much greater representation of female family members who appear in more scenes and hold longer title strings (see Tables 1 and 2). This change from the 11th Dynasty may show that the women of the 12th Dynasty came from more significant backgrounds, which made it important for the tomb owner to emphasise their connection and genealogical background. Such a case can be seen in the tomb of $nmw-Htp(.w) II who provided a written history of his family background to show the legitimacy of his succession, having come from a line of men with great achievements, and women of noble background and high titles.

This paper aims to collate the textual and decorative elements of the tombs which feature female family members, to determine their relative status. The types of themes, titles, and the frequency of the inclusion of female family members, when examined closely, should show the development of their status and how it relates to their husbands and changes within the province. Through studying the twelve decorated tombs from the upper terrace, it is possible to observe an increase in the status of the women in the families of the high officials at Beni Hassan from the 11th to the 12th Dynasty. They were not just mothers, wives, or daughters; they came from high class families, had important titles – sometimes higher than their

Inclusion in the Tombs The frequency in which female family members appear in the tombs indicates their relative 65

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Table 1 Scenes and inscriptions depicting female family members at Beni Hassan.

Twelfth Dynasty

Eleventh Dynasty

Period

Tomb Owner BAqt I (BH 29) BAqt II (BH 33) RA-mw-Snti (BH 27) BAqt III (BH 15) $ty (BH 17) $nmw-Htp(.w) I (BH 14) Nxt (BH 21) NTr-nxt(.w) (BH 23) Imny (BH 2) $nmw-Htp(.w) II (BH 3) $nmw-Htp(.w) IV (BH 4) $nmw-Htp(.w) the scribe (BH 13)

Mother

Wife

Daughter(s)

Unknown Female Relation

x

x

x

x

Inscription

Inscription plus scene x

x

x

x

x

Inscription

x

Inscription plus scene

x

x

x

x

x Inscription x Inscription plus scene Inscription plus statue Inscription

Inscription plus scene Inscription plus scene x Inscription plus scene Inscription + scene + statue Inscription plus scene

Inscription plus scene x x

x x Inscription plus scene

x

x

Inscription plus scene

Inscription plus scene

Inscription

x

x

x

Inscription

x

x

x

and fowling scene, as seen in the tomb of BAqt I who is accompanied by his wife, +Hwti-kAi(.w) (Newberry 1893 [II]: plate 29); and the overseeing of outdoor activities as shown in the tomb of BAqt III, with his daughter, Nfr-Hp.wt-@wt-Hr (Newberry 1893 [II]: plate 4), and in the tomb of $ty, with his wife, $nmwHtp(.w) (Newberry 1893 [II]: plates 13, 14 and 16). By the 12th Dynasty, the range of scenes grows to include wives and daughters included in the journey to Abydos, in offering table scenes, and on the walls of the shrine. Furthermore, wives are shown to sit separate at their very own offering tables in the 12th Dynasty tombs of NTr-nxt(.w) (Newberry 1893 [II]: plate 24), Imny (Kanawati and Evans 2016: plate 107), and $nmw-Htp(.w) II (Kanawati and Evans 2014: plate 139).

importance in association with the tomb owner. Across the 11th and 12th Dynasty, the mother of the tomb owner is mentioned in the greatest number of tombs, but her inclusion is relegated to inscriptions which reference the tomb owner was msi.n, or ‘born to’ her. Amongst all the decorated tombs at Beni Hassan there is only one wall scene in which a mother is depicted visually. This is in the tomb of NTr-nxt(.w), in which his mother stands beside him with his wife flanking him on the other side (Newberrry 1893: plate 24). The wives and daughters of the tomb owners are often portrayed in both scenes and inscriptions; however, the inclusion of the wife is much more frequent (see Table 1). An examination of all the inscriptions associated with female family members reveals that they are usually referred to regarding their relationship to the tomb owner such as mwt=f ‘his mother’, Hmt=f ‘his wife’ and sAt=f ‘his daughter’. Their names are also often preceded with the term mrt=f ‘his beloved’, which, while formulaic, is an indication of the affection the tomb owner held for them (Watterson 1991: 62).

Not only were the female relations of the tomb owner depicted in wall scenes, but in the case of Imny, he chose to include statues of both his mother and wife, which stand either side of his own statue in the shrine of his tomb (Kanawati 2016: plate 74). The reason Imny chose to include a statue of his mother, $nw, could possibly be linked to the inheritance of status within the family which often played a part in the prominence given to the mother in tomb chapels (Fischer 2000: 5). $nw was a sA.t HAty-a ‘daughter of the count’ (Kanawati and Evans 2016: plate 78a) and

Additionally, the diversity of wall scenes which include female family members has also been shown to increase over time. In the 11th Dynasty tombs, there are only two main types of scenes in which a female relation is shown. These include the fishing 66

Aymie Paull: The Mothers, Wives and Daughters of the High Officials at Beni Hassan

perhaps Imny was honouring her position through the inclusion of the statue. The increase in the visual depiction of female family members within tombs reflects their raised status compared to their 11th Dynasty predecessors.

accompany her in the tomb of $nmw-Htp(.w) II, in which she would have been buried. Whether her daughters inherited the title is uncertain as their tombs have not been found. $ty herself was a daughter of the nomarch of the Jackal-nome and whilst it is possible to speculate that this nome also had a royal connection, perhaps in this instance the title was used to indicate that she was the highest ranked woman in this particular wall scene, which befitted her position at her own separate offering table. If $ty was indeed a iry.t-pat ‘hereditary princess’ it is unusual that $nmw-Htp(.w) II did not include this title for her within his own tomb, particularly when he lists his mother, BAqt, as holding the same title.

Titles Further evidence supporting the development of status within the female family members at Beni Hassan comes from the titles they carried (see Table 2). The high officials of Beni Hassan are shown to have an increase in the titles afforded to them starting with $ty (BH17) and continuing into the 12th Dynasty. This increase suggests that there were changes in the province which gave these men greater responsibilities, particularly within the religious and military spheres. Similarly, an increase in responsibilities and status is reflected in the amount of titles held by their female family members. Many of these titles were probably representative of actual duties performed and were not just honorific. During the Middle Kingdom, women could inherit certain positions and rank-titles from their fathers, which were amongst the highest available titles. This trend is most evident at Beni Hassan during the 12th Dynasty tombs where some of these women were afforded very high positions (Kanawati and Woods 2010: 62). The highest-ranking title held these by women was the title of iry.t-pat ‘hereditary princess’. This title was usually associated with royalty, having first appeared during the Middle Kingdom associated with Neferu, the wife and sister of Mentuhotep II (Ward 1986: 45). At Beni Hassan it was held first by %A.t-ip(y), the wife of $nmw-Htp(.w) I, who passed the title on to her daughter, BAqt, the mother of $nmwHtp(.w) II. Although %A.t-ip(y)’s parentage is unknown, with the knowledge that she held such a high rank it is possible to suggest that she might have been related to royalty. Perhaps Amenemhat I had forged a marriage alliance with the province to assert his control as the new king of the 12th Dynasty. %A.t-ip(y) also held the epithets of Hmt HqA ‘wife of a ruler’, and Hnwt Hmwt nbwt ‘mistress of all women’ (Newberry 1983 [I]: plate 46), undoubtedly making her the highest ranked woman at Beni Hassan. The second holder of the title of iry.t-pat ‘hereditary princess’ was BAqt, the daughter of %A.t-ip(y), who either inherited the title from her mother or her father, $nmw-Htp(.w) I, who was also a iry-pat ‘hereditary prince’ (Newberry 1893 [I]: plate 44). The last woman to hold this title was $ty, the wife of $nmw-Htp(.w) II, with evidence appearing in the tomb of NTr-nxt(.w), which $nmwHtp(.w) II had built for his ancestor (Newberry 1893 [II]: 29, plate 24). Interestingly, this title does not

Additionally, there were two other important titles which were in use at this site. The most common amongst the nomarchs at Beni Hassan was the sAt HAty-a ‘daughter of the count’ which is a title that has only been noted at Beni Hassan and Meir (Ward 1986: 14). A unique title which appears only at Beni Hassan is HA.tyt-a ‘countess’ (Ward 1986: 22) and was held by just two women, BAqt, the mother of $nmw-Htp(.w) II, and by $ty, his wife. During the Old and Middle Kingdoms, the women who participated in religious cult and who were appointed to religious offices were regularly women of high standing in society (Watterson 1991: 39 and 43). It is therefore unsurprising that there were two religious titles held by the women in the families of the nomarchs at Beni Hassan which indicates that they had a direct role in the temples. The first title was the Hmt-nTr @wt-@r ‘priestess of Hathor’, which was one of the most common titles held by women of high status married to high ranked officials (Ward 1986: 10). This title was well attested in Egypt at the end of the 11th Dynasty, but became relatively rare across Egypt by the 12th Dynasty, with almost all priestesses of Hathor coming only from the households of provincial governors (Gillam 1995: 214 and 233). The first attested priestess of Hathor at Beni Hassan was +Hwti-qAi(.w), the wife of BAqt I, who was also the only woman to have held a religious title in the 11th Dynasty, as all other attestations come from the 12th Dynasty tombs (see Table 2). The second religious title of Hmt-nTr PAxt ‘priestess of Pakhet’, was held by four women at Beni Hassan (Ward 1986: 10; Table 2). This was undoubtedly due to the province’s association with the lioness-goddess Pakhet, whose attestations were largely confined to Middle Egypt (Oppenheim 2008: 329–330). The earliest known temple to Pakhet was built just south of Beni Hassan at the Speos Artemidos during the New Kingdom (Shaw 2003: 125), and although evidence of 67

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Table 2 Titles and epithets of the female family members of the Beni Hassan nomarchs. Title/Epithet iry.t-pat ‘hereditary princess’ nb.t pr ‘lady of the house’

Name %A.t-ip $ty BAqt %A.t-ip aryt-Htp @r-ib $ty

Tomb Owner $nmw-Htp(.w) I $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) I NTr-nxt(.w) NTr-nxt(.w) $nmw-Htp(.w) II

Reference Relationship Newberry, BH I, plate 46 Wife Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 111a line 64 Mother Newberry, BH I, plate 46 Wife Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Mother Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 113a line Wife 160, plates 121, 132 and 139 Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Relation (?) Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Unknown Kanawati, BH III, plates 78a, 80a Mother Kanawati, BH III, plates 78b, 80c, Wife 90 and 107 Newberry, BH I, plate 7 Second wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 110a line 3 Mother Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Wife Kanawati, BH III, plate 107 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 132 Second wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 139 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 139 Wife Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Relation (?) Kanawati, BH I, plate 111a line 65 Mother Kanawati, BH III, plate 107 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 139 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 144 Daughter Kanawati, BH I, plate 145 Mother Newberry, BH II, plate 29 Wife Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Mother Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Wife Kanawati, BH III, plate 107 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 144 Daughter Kanawati, BH I, plate 144 Daughter Kanawati, BH I, plates 132, 139 Wife Kanawati, BH I, plate 145 Mother Newberry, BH I, plate 46 Wife

$ty born to #w $nw

NTr-nxt(.w) NTr-nxt(.w) Imny

@tpt

Imny

*At BAqt @r-ib @tpt *At $ty

BAqt @tpt $ty *nt BAqt +Hwti-qAi(.w) aryt-Htp @r-ib @tpt BAqt Mr.s $ty BAqt %A.t-ip

$nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II NTr-nxt(.w) Imny $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II NTr-nxt(.w) $nmw-Htp(.w) II Imny $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II BAqt I NTr-nxt(.w) NTr-nxt(.w) Imny $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) I

%A.t-ip

$nmw-Htp(.w) I

Wife

xtmtyt ‘sealer’

*At

$nmw-Htp(.w) II

Second Wife

sA.t HAty-a ‘daughter of the count’

$ty $nw @tpt BAqt BAqt *nt Mr.s

$nmw-Htp(.w) II NTr-nxt(.w) Imny Imny $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II $nmw-Htp(.w) II

Wife Relation (?) Mother Wife Mother Daughter Daughter Daughter

BAqt

$nmw-Htp(.w) II

Mother

rx.t nsw (mAat) ‘(true) acquaintance of the king’

HA.tyt-a ‘countess’

Hm.t-nTr PAx.t ‘priestess of Pakhet’

Hm.t-nTr @w.t-@r ‘priestess of Hathor’

Hm.t HqA ‘wife of a ruler’ Hnw.t Hm.wt nb.wt ‘mistress of all women’

sA.t HqA n MA-HD ‘daughter of the ruler of the Oryx-nome’

$ty

68

Newberry, BH I, plate 46 Kanawati, BH I, plates 121, 123, 132, 139 (x2) and 147 Kanawati, BH I, plates 132, 139 Newberry, BH II, plate 24 Kanawati, BH III, plate 78a Kanawati, BH III, plates 80c, 90 Kanawati, BH I, plate 110a line 3 Kanawati, BH I, plates 139, 144 Kanawati, BH I, plates 139, 144 Kanawati, BH I, plates 139, 144 Kanawati, BH I, plate 111a lines 65–66

Aymie Paull: The Mothers, Wives and Daughters of the High Officials at Beni Hassan

a temple does not exist for the Middle Kingdom, the references to religious titles associated with Pakhet at Beni Hassan would suggest an earlier version did. It is notable that $ty, the wife of $nmw-Htp(.w) II, held both of the titles of priestess of Hathor and priestess of Pakhet, and passed one on to each to her daughters, ‘priestess of Hathor’ to BAqt and Mr.s, and ‘priestess of Pakhet’ to *nt. With the exception of +Hwti-qAi(.w), religious titles were only held by the tomb owners and their wives in the 12th Dynasty tombs which suggests that their role as the governors at Beni Hassan had expanded to include a cultic aspect.

nome reveal that during the 12th Dynasty there were intermarriages between the provinces which ultimately gave the ruling family of Beni Hassan the inheritance of another nome. Furthermore, the family of $nmw-Htp(.w) II emphasised their connection to their prestigious lineage through the repetition of personal names. The repetition of personal names within family groups may have been a means for the tomb owner to both honour his ancestors and to link to the status those individuals held. $nmw-Htp(.w) II named two of his daughters, %A.t-ip(y) and BAqt, after female relations from the maternal line from which he inherited his own position, and his third daughter, *nt, is named after his mother in-law. The choice to name his daughters primarily after his maternal line was more than likely due to the high position these women and the family held.

Inheritance In Egypt, inheritance followed matrilineal descent within a family, particularly within the royal sphere (Watterson 1991: 23–24), but the decorated tombs at Beni Hassan may show how the inheritance of position and titles functioned within a province. The eldest son of the tomb owner was usually the heir; however, if the tomb owner only had an eldest daughter, she would inherit his position and pass it on to her son. The intricacies of such a situation can be seen in the family of $nmw-Htp(.w) II, who expressed the high status of his family and the longevity of this status through his autobiographical inscription. Amenemhat I appointed $nmw-Htp(.w) I to the position of Hry-tp aA n MA-HD ‘great overlord of the Oryx-nome’ and his eldest son Nxt, to his inheritance at Menat-Khufu (Kanawati and Evans 2014: 32). When Nxt died without an heir, these titles passed to his sister, BAqt. She married a man named NHri and had a son, $nmw-Htp(.w) II, who inherited these titles (Kanawati and Evans 2014: 33). $nmwHtp(.w) II himself married a woman named $ty who was a HA.tyt-a ‘countess’ of the nearby Jackal-nome, and therefore $nmw-Htp(.w) II’s son, Nxt, was appointed to the rulership of this nome through the inheritance of his mother’s father (Kanawati and Evans 2014: plate 112b, lines 121–31). Meanwhile, $nmw-Htp(.w) II’s second eldest son, $nmw-Htp(.w) III, received the inheritance of the rulership in MenatKhufu (Kanawati and Evans 2014: plate 132). In his autobiography, $nmw-Htp(.w) II clearly states that he was given his position due to his mother’s status: [saH.j] tpj n mswt.j wDA mwt.j r jrjt-pat HAtjt-a m sAt HqA n MA-HD … ‘My principal nobility was due to my birth. My mother proceeded to (be) hereditary princess, countess, as the daughter of the ruler of the Oryx-nome …’ (Kanawati and Evans 2014: 33). The women in this family not only played an important role in ensuring the rulership of the Oryx-nome stayed within the family, but the references to the Jackal-

An interesting aspect to inheritance is how it functioned in the case of multiple wives. With the existence of polygamy amongst the official classes being a highly-contested subject in scholarship (Kanawati 1976: 149–160; McCorquodale 2010: 145– 192; Simpson 1974: 100–105), the plurality of wives attested in some tombs from the Middle Kingdom draws the question as to whether these wives are appearing at the same time or consecutively. In many cases the official could have been widowed, divorced, or subsequently remarried, but chose to include both of his wives in the wall scenes of his tomb (Simpson 1974: 100). At Beni Hassan, there are two known cases of multiple marriages amongst the nomarchs. $nmwHtp(.w) II had a wife named $ty and a second ‘wife’, named *At, and although he was not officially married to both women at the same time they both bore him children. At the time he inscribed his tomb he was married to $ty, who is given prime position in the wall scenes and labelled as a nb.t pr ‘lady of the house’. *At appears in wall scenes with both $nmwHtp(.w) II and $ty, but her children are depicted as younger than $ty’s own, indicating that they were produced later but whilst the first wife was still alive. In this tomb, *At is only given the title of xtmtyt ‘the sealer’ (Kanawati and Evans 2016: plate 132), but it would appear that she later became officially married to $nmw-Htp(.w) II, possibly after the death of his first wife. This is evidenced by an inscription in the tomb of their son, $nmw-Htp(.w) IV, who refers to his mother as a nb.t pr ‘lady of the house’ (Newberry 1893 [I]: 7). In this same tomb, another important inscription provides $nmw-Htp(.w) IV with the titles of iry-pat ‘hereditary prince’ and HAty-a ‘count’ (Newberry 1893 [I]: 7). The inclusion of the high title of iry-pat indicates that $nmw-Htp(.w) IV was 69

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probably appointed as his father’s successor. As to why his elder half-brother, $nmw-Htp(.w) III, did not inherit, it would appear that he was sent to the capital to receive education and ultimately built his tomb at Dashur instead (Franke 1991: 55 and 63). Unfortunately, $nmw-Htp(.w) IV’s tomb was left unfinished and with no burial, so his career may have also taken him away from Beni Hassan. The second nomarch to have had two wives was Imny, a contemporary of $nmw-Htp(.w) II. His first wife, @tp@wt-Hr, is named only once in the tomb and was the mother of his eldest son. His second wife, @tpt, appears in his tomb in multiple scenes and as a statue within the shrine. Whilst Newberry suggested that these two women were the same person (Newberry 1893 [I]: 14), Kanawati proposes that since the name @tpt is consistently used throughout the tomb and the name @tp-@wt-Hr is mentioned only once in association with the eldest son, who is never linked to @tpt, it is likely that this son was from an earlier marriage (Kanawati and Evans 2016: 16). As no further reference is made to @tp-@wt-Hr and she does not appear in the wall scenes, her fate is unknown, though she likely died before her husband built his tomb. While this example is not a polygamous one like that of $nmw-Htp(.w) II, it does show that it was not unusual for the Egyptians to have multiple marriages.

Figure 1 North wall of the tomb of BAqt III, the tomb owner and his daughter, Nfr-Hp.wt-@wt-Hr (after Newberry 1893: plate 4). From the 12th Dynasty tombs, Nxt makes no mention of ancestry or family but his tomb was never finished, and as his title passed on to his nephew, $nmwHtp(w) II, it may mean that he never had children. Similarly, the tomb of $nmw-Htp(.w) IV does not mention any wife or children but this tomb was left unfinished and without any burial shafts. There is one case amongst the decorated tombs in which the wife of the tomb owner has been deliberately left out of the tomb’s decoration. This can be found on the northern wall of the 11th Dynasty tomb of BAqt III, in which his daughter, Nfr-Hp.wt@wt-Hr, is represented accompanying her father overseeing a variety of outdoor activities (Figure 1). Customarily, the wife would accompany her husband in this type of scene, but as the wife of BAqt III appears in no known scenes or inscriptions within the tomb it might suggest that her exclusion was a conscious choice, possibly because she had either died prematurely and was buried before her husband’s tomb was built or she had divorced her husband. This exclusion is continued in the tomb of his son, $ty, in which the name of his mother is similarly absent. BAqt III does not mention his son in his own tomb but perhaps since their tombs are built relatively close to one another this designation was not necessary.

The Absent Wife The decoration in the tombs of the officials frequently depicted the tomb owner’s wife and children accompanying him in scenes. When the wife is not shown, even though her children might be present, it is important to consider the reason for her absence, which could include her status, a possible divorce, or the likelihood that she had already died when the tomb was built. Amongst the decorated tombs in the upper terrace of Beni Hassan there are several tombs which do not depict a wife or children, but only one seems to have been a deliberate choice. In the tombs dating to the 11th Dynasty it was not usual for the tomb owners not to mention any family at all. Reasons for this could be that the focus of the decoration was on the tomb owner himself and it was not seen as important, or as the tombs were built close together it was enough to show familial relation. The 11th Dynasty tombs with familial absences include that of BAqt II, who does not record a wife or children, though does provide the names of both of his parents (Newberry 1893 [II]: plate 36); and RA-mw-Snti’s tomb which has no mention of ancestry, though it is possible that at the time when his tomb was built his family had already established tombs of their own.

Not only has Nfr-Hp.wt-@wt-Hr been raised to symbolically perform the role of the wife in the wall scenes of her father’s tomb, but she carries a staff that has an unopened lotus bud tip which may have had an important meaning. A similar depiction appears in the tomb of $ty, in which his wife, $nmw-Htp(.w), is also shown holding the same staff (Newberry 1893 70

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[II]: plate 16). In both scenes, the shaft of the staff is painted brown and the lotus-tip in green, evoking the appearance of a real lotus. In the scene in $ty’s tomb, his wife stands in front of a painted column which is similar in appearance to the actual architectural lotiform columns in the tomb, the capitals of which are also green.

which makes it a very valuable update to Newberry’s work and an important source for future study. As this continues, it is recommended that further research be undertaken at Beni Hassan to add to this current study, and in addition, to also look to other provinces to determine if the trends which occurred at Beni Hassan are reflected elsewhere.

Whilst the depiction of this staff only appears in two tombs at Beni Hassan, it is found in other contexts which date from the late Old Kingdom through to the early Middle Kingdom (Fischer 1958: 31; Brovarski 1973: 461, n. 27; Brovarski 1981: 28; Harpur 1987: 332; Brovarski 2006: 105). These include on the false door of a woman named Mstny from the Teti Pyramid Cemetery dating to the late Old Kingdom (El-Khadragy 2001: 12; Quibell 1907: plate 16); on the side piece of a niche belonging to %.t-n.t.Ppy, tentatively dated to the late 6th Dynasty (Soghor 1967: 27–28, n. 22); on the stela of @m-wr (Louvre C. 198) from Naga ed-Deir and dating to the 8th Dynasty (Brovarski 1973: 461, n. 27, figure 5); and on a rock relief from Shatt erRigal depicting IaH, the mother of King Mentuhotep II of the 11th Dynasty (Petrie 1888: plate 16).

One of the most significant findings to come from this study is that there is a marked change of status between the women of the 11th and 12th Dynasties at Beni Hassan, with the latter carrying some of the highest titles available at the time and appearing in an increasing repertoire of scenes and inscriptions befitting their position. The rising status of these women reflected the growing strength of their husbands and the province itself, and appears to be associated with the influence of Amenemhat I having appointed a new line of officials to the position of Hry-tp aA n MA-HD ‘great overlord of the Oryx-nome’ during the early 12th Dynasty. These men held more titles than their predecessors, and being of a higher rank themselves, sought to marry women of equally high standing, even looking at other provinces to do so. The 12th Dynasty tomb owners included these women in their tomb wall scenes to emphasise their own prestigious ancestry, inheritance, and legitimacy to their position. In comparison to the 11th Dynasty tombs where it was not as important for the tomb owners to include the women in their families in the decoration as these women did not appear to have held high enough titles, and the decorative focus of the tomb was on the tomb owner himself. To conclude, the female family members of the officials at Beni Hassan were not just mothers, wives, and daughters. They had their own identities and status, which were not always derived from their husbands, but could come from prior generations of women within their families. They also had their own important titles and roles to carry out within the province, which are reflected in the wall scenes they were depicted in. Although the tombs at Beni Hassan focus primarily on their male owners it is important to look beyond them and see the abundance of information the scenes provide on many overlooked individuals and aspects of provincial life.

The reason these women are depicted holding such a staff is not fully understood, though as similar staffs are often held by goddesses it may suggest that they held a religious meaning. Both Mstny and %.t-n.t.Ppy were priestesses of Hathor, and with most of the female family members of the officials at Beni Hassan holding the same title, it might be possible that whilst it was not explicitly written, Nfr-Hp.wt-@wtHr and $nmw-Htp(.w) also held this title and the lotiform staff was representative of the role. As the staff is often associated with women from a higher social status it could also have been a symbol of authority and status, similar to the staff carried by the tomb owner, but with a lotus head as a feminising decoration (Lesko 1996: 33). Concluding Remarks As a final point, in investigating the status of women it is important to note that the current record of Beni Hassan is incomplete, and it is possible that further representations of female family members have yet to be recorded. When Newberry was recording the tombs, he did not record some scenes because they were too damaged or defaced to copy. It is also possible that they were too dirty, as modern cleaning methods have allowed some unrecorded scenes to be traced in recent times (Kanawati and Woods 2010: 1). Macquarie University is currently re-recording the decorated tombs at Beni Hassan and are in the process of publishing the tombs in greater detail

Addendum: Since the presentation of this conference paper in 2016, The Australian Centre for Egyptology has published a further three volumes on selected tombs at Beni Hassan. These include: Kanawati, N. and L. Evans 2018. Beni Hassan IV, ACE Reports 42. Oxford: Aris and Phillips; Lashien, M. and A.-L. Mourad 2019. Beni Hassan V, ACE Reports 43. Oxford: Aris and Phillips; and Kanawati, N. and L. Evans 2020. Beni Hassan VI, ACE Reports 44. Wallasey: Abercromby Press. 71

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Bibliography

Kanawati, N. 1976. Polygamy in the Old Kingdom of Egypt. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 4: 149–160. Kanawati, N. and L. Evans 2014. Beni Hassan I, ACE Reports 36. Oxford: Aris and Phillips. Kanawati, N. and L. Evans 2016. Beni Hassan III, ACE Reports 40. Oxford: Aris and Phillips. Kanawati, N. and A. Woods 2010. Beni Hassan: Art and Daily Life in an Egyptian Province. Cairo: Supreme Council of Antiquities. Lesko, B.S. 1996. The Remarkable Women of Ancient Egypt. Providence: B.C. Scribe Publications. McCorquodale, K. 2010. Representations of the Family in the Old Kingdom: Women and Marriage, unpublished PhD dissertation, Macquarie University, Sydney. Newberry, P.E. 1893. Beni Hasan, I–II. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Oppenheim, A. 2008. Aspects of the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III at Dashur: The Pharaoh and Deities. Unpublished PhD dissertation, New York University. Petrie, W.M.F. 1888. A Season in Egypt 1887. London: Field & Tuer. Quibell, J.E. 1907. Excavations at Saqqara 1905–1906. Cairo: Imprimerie de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale. Shaw, I. 2003. Exploring Ancient Egypt. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Simpson, W.K. 1974. Polygamy in Egypt in the Middle Kingdom. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 60: 100–105. Soghor, C.L. 1967. Inscriptions from Tell el Rub’a. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 6: 16–32. Ward, W.A. 1986. Essays on Feminine Titles of the Middle Kingdom and Related Subjects. Beirut: American University of Beirut. Watterson, B. 1991. Women in Ancient Egypt. New York: St. Martin’s Press / Alan Sutton Publishing.

Brovarski, E.J. 1973. An Unpublished Stele of the First Intermediate Period in the Oriental Institute Museum. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 32 (4): 453–465. Brovarski, E. 1981. Ahanakht of Bersheh and the Hare Nome in the First Intermediate Period and Middle Kingdom, in W.K. Simpson and W.M. Davies (eds) Studies in Ancient Egypt, the Aegean, and the Sudan: Essays in Honor of Dows Dunham on the Occasion of His 90th Birthday, June 1, 1980: 14–30. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. Brovarski, E. 2006. False Doors and History: The Sixth Dynasty, in M. Bárta (ed.) The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague May 31 – June 4, 2004: 71–118. Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology. El-Khadragy, M. 2001. An Adoration Gesture in Private Tombs up to the Early Middle Kingdom, Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 29: 187–201. Franke, D. 1991. The Career of Khnumhotep III of Beni Hassan and the So-Called Decline of the Nomarchs, in S. Quirke (ed.), Middle Kingdom Studies: 51–67. Kent. Fischer, H.G. 1958. Eleventh Dynasty Relief Fragments from Deir el Bahri. Yale Art Gallery Bulletin 24 (2): 28– 38. Fischer, H.G. 2000. Egyptian Women of the Old Kingdom and of the Heracleopolitan Period. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Gillam, R.A. 1995. Priestesses of Hathor: Their Function, Decline and Disappearance. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 32: 211–237. Harpur, Y. 1987. Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content. London: KPI Limited.

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Tracey Pilgrim: A Technological Study of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh

A Technological Study of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh Tracey Pilgrim Australian National University

Introduction

Darnell 2006; Briois et alii 2012; Claes et alii 2014; Wengrow et alii 2014; Emmitt 2017; Holdaway and Wendrich 2017). This landscape is now known to be characterised by increasing social complexity with many shared materials and practices, especially within the mortuary sphere, including a common ceramic complex of Black-Topped pottery, fine ‘ripple’ decorated pottery and tulip shaped vessels associated with different variations of red and brown wares. It is within this expanded framework that the Hemamieh pottery can be revisited under a renewed lens.

In 2015, a study was conducted on a selection of Badarian period (circa 4400–3800 BCE), Nile silt pottery sherds from the settlement site at Hemamieh in Middle Egypt (Pilgrim 2015: appendix c).1 The study aimed to trial a methodology to assess the technological characteristics of the sherds using archaeometric techniques not previously applied to the material. The composition and structural properties of the pottery were analysed at a microscopic level in order to build upon previous macroscopic studies of the pottery (Friedman 1994) and capture any idiosyncratic details of the Hemamieh products. It was anticipated that such new information could be used to further understand the nature and organisation of pottery production at Hemamieh and potentially highlight cultural markers specific to the site. If successful, it was hoped the trial could open a pathway to compare the Hemamieh material with that from other contemporary sites within the Nile valley and its connected regions, with a view to understanding broader cultural connections.

The Pottery of Hemamieh Badarian pottery is hand-made from alluvial Nile silt clays, usually by use of the coiling method, but also by pinching and hollowing, and fired at relatively low temperatures. The shapes produced are widely utilitarian, including bowls, beakers and jars with flat or rounded bases and simple, direct rims although modelled or everted rims can occur (Friedman 1994: 349). The pottery is most famous for its characteristic ‘rippled’ decoration achieved by combing the surface with an implement prior to firing. In general, considerable effort was given to the surface treatment of Badarian pottery including combing, polishing and burnishing, although coarse tempered wares were usually left untreated but were occasionally incised. Fine, black-topped pottery is also characteristic as are fine, highly polished red and black wares.

The pottery from Hemamieh remains key to understanding the site’s interregional relationships within the late Neolithic and early Predynastic landscape. It was macroscopically studied by Friedman (1994) as part of her seminal work on the settlement ceramics of Upper Egypt, which importantly highlighted the presence of regional social groups during the Predynastic that had previously been blurred by the uniformity of the region’s mortuary ceramic assemblages. Since then, the discovery of an expanding geographical sphere of archaeological sites in both the Egyptian and Nubian Nile valleys and adjacent desert regions of north-east Africa has placed Hemamieh within a much broader cultural landscape (Hendrickx et alii 2001; Friedman and Hobbs 2002; Gatto 2002; Warfe 2003; Kobusiewicz et alii 2004; Darnell and

Following the original excavation at Hemamieh by Caton-Thompson in 1922 (Brunton and CatonThompson 1928), Holmes and Friedman (1989) revisited the site and excavated two new trenches in order to assess a full complement of artefact assemblages dating from the Badarian period through to the Naqada II period. Based on this reassessment and a meticulous, macroscopic analysis of all extant pottery sherds, Friedman (1994: 137–162, table 7.22) was able to create a catalogue of the ceramic assemblage as well as a more detailed classification of fabric types than had previously been identified by Caton-Thompson. Five of the eight fabric types

The sherds were originally excavated by CatonThompson in 1922 (see Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1928) and are now housed at the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology at University College London.

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Table 1 Description of the different types of firing cores found amongst the samples of Hemamieh pottery. Firing Result

Stylised Appearance (adapted from Rye 1981)

Description

Fully oxidised

Red/brown colour only with no core.

Fully reduced

Black colour only with no core.

Half oxidised/half reduced

Partially oxidised with thick reduced core

Partially oxidised with thin reduced core and a thick, dark red/brown slip (‘Rainbow’).

An exterior red/brown oxidised edge slowly merges into an interior black oxidised edge. The boundary between the two is diffused suggesting a slow cooling period. Only a thin edge of red/brown fabric has been oxidised with a thick carbon core remaining due to the incomplete combustion of a high organic content. Some core margins are relatively sharp suggesting a rapid cooling time in oxidised conditions. The outer edges are oxidised with a thin carbon core remaining due to the presence of incompletely combusted organic material. The core margins are diffused suggesting a slow cooling process. The fracture has a tri-colour appearance with an additional exterior layer added that fires to a darker brown colour than the fabric body.

identified at the site were found within the Badarian period strata and were all made from Nile silt clays: • Fabric/temper Class 22 - Very fine untempered ‘plum red’ Nile silt, predominantly used for black-topped brown, black-topped red and smooth brown wares. • Fabric/temper Class 2 - Untempered ‘plum red’ Nile silt, predominantly used for black-topped brown, black-topped red, polished red, all black, white cross-line (Naqada I) wares. • Fabric/temper Class 21 - Coarse organic tempered Nile silt, predominantly used for rough wares. • Fabric/temper Class 26 - Fine organic tempered Nile silt, predominantly used for smooth brown and rough wares. • Fabric/temper Class 1 – Straw/chaff tempered Nile silt, predominantly used for rough wares.

Methodology Thirty-two samples were procured for this study (see Appendix A). Sherds were chosen by referencing Friedman’s (1994: table 7.22) catalogue so that they adequately represented all five of her fabric classes, although more samples of Classes 2 and 22 were selected to ensure that a range of different wares made from these fabrics (including red, black and brown polished as well as black-topped wares) were represented. Samples were also selected across the three archaeological phases where Badarian material was present at the site; namely the earliest phase sealed below a layer of hardened limestone breccia, an unsealed phase above the layer of breccia and a transition phase of mixed Badarian and Naqada I deposits on top of the unsealed phase (see Appendix A). 74

Tracey Pilgrim: A Technological Study of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh

The project aimed to investigate a broad range of technological procedures involved in pottery production at Hemamieh, including raw material procurement, clay processing techniques and aspects of pottery forming, finishing and firing. Multiple archaeometric techniques were therefore necessary to analyse all these aspects on several fronts and to maximise the data available for comparison with previous macroscopic analyses (Friedman 1994). The mineralogical composition and textural properties of the sherds were investigated using thin-section petrography and complemented with scanning electron microscopy (SEM) analysis where necessary. The elemental composition of selected sherd fabrics and slips (where present) was investigated using SEM combined with energy dispersive x-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDS).2

Figure 1 ‘Rainbow’ core and modelled rim of sample 13.

The fresh sherd fractures from the samples were photographed and their firing cores analysed macroscopically to infer about firing conditions according to Rye’s (1981: 116) model for the appearance of ceramic firing cores. Thin sections of the samples were then prepared using standard procedures for ceramics (Quinn 2013: 23ff) and studied under a polarising microscope. Selected samples were also mounted in resin blocks and polished according to standard laboratory procedures before being analysed using an Oxford Instruments energy dispersive spectrometer attached to a Phillips XL30 scanning electron microscope. The accelerating voltage was set at 20kV over a working distance of 10mm and 100s live time. The instrument was calibrated using a cobalt standard. Compositional data was analysed using INCA software and results were recorded as oxides by stoichiometry and normalised to 100% so as to accommodate any shortfalls in analytical totals due to the porosity of the ceramic body.

were represented in each type (see Appendix A). Firing conditions were strongly correlated to the fabric type and the surface finish achieved, with specific combinations appearing in the results. Samples with a fully oxidised fracture featured only red or brown polished or unfinished surfaces, but both fine and sand tempered fabrics were used. Samples with a fully reduced core were predominantly from black-topped wares and could be untempered or sand tempered. The black core was also present at areas corresponding to both black and red/brown external surfaces, suggesting that the potters relied on oxidised cooling conditions or the addition of a slip to turn the exterior surface brown or red. Samples featuring half oxidised/ half reduced cores mostly had a corresponding red or brown polished exterior and a black polished or unfinished interior surface (except samples 18 and 31 which had an interior red wash). These were predominantly made using fine untempered clays. It is possible that these pots were fired upside down in order to achieve a reduced atmosphere inside the pot whilst still exposing the exterior surface to oxidising conditions.

Results Firing Core Analysis

Samples with organic tempers were all fired in oxidising conditions but the carbon content did not fully combust, leaving a black core (except for sample 14 which was fully oxidised). They could be equally slipped or left uncoated, although they were frequently burnished or polished. Of particular note were five samples which featured a unique firing horizon pattern closely resembling what Friedman (1994: 145; Figure 1) described as a ‘rainbow’ core, with a thick red/ brown outer margin and a medial zone of weak red surrounding a grey core. These samples were exclusively straw and sand tempered (except for sample 1) and their surface left unfinished.

Analysis of the fresh sherd fractures found that all samples clustered into five groups based on their firing core type (Table 1). Each type was present across the three chronological phases, although not all fabrics

Preparation of samples for use in the SEM is both time and resource intensive so only limited sherds were chosen to highlight or confirm specific hypotheses. The full 2015 study included elemental analysis of sherd fabrics and slips via pXRF but was less successful and not included in this paper for reasons of economy. 2

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Table 2 Description of fabric groups identified via thin-section petrography and their concordance with Friedman’s macroscopic fabric classes.

Untempered Nile Silt

Sand Tempered Nile Silt Straw/chaff and Sand Tempered Nile Silt Organic Tempered Nile Silt Organic and Sand Tempered Nile Silt

Concordance with Friedman’s fabric/temper classes

Description

Fabric Group

A generally dark coloured, non-calcareous clay derived from a sedimentary source with well-sorted, very fine to coarse silt fraction of predominantly quartz and micas and less common feldspars and amphiboles. Sand-sized inclusions are found on a gradated scale from rare to few so that some samples are finer than others but are chemically indistinct. No temper present. Petrographically similar to the Untempered Nile Silt fabric but with a stronger bimodality between the silt and sand size fractures, indicating the intentional addition of sand temper of predominantly monocrystalline quartz and some feldspars. As above but with dominant rectangular, truncated channel voids indicating the addition of chopped vegetal matter, likely straw or chaff. Use of the Nile silt clay but with abundant fine, elongate channel voids and irregular vughs alongside transparent, siliceous remains of organisms and plants. As above but with a conspicuous sand-sized fraction of predominantly monocrystalline quartz indicating the intentional addition of sand temper.

Class 22 – six samples Class 2 – seven samples Class 26 – two samples

Class 22 – one sample Class 2 – two samples

Class 1 – five samples

Class 21 – four samples Class 21 – one sample Class 26 – three samples

Thin Section Petrography The petrographic fabric groups were then compared to Friedman’s macroscopic assessment (Table 2). A clear concordance was observed between Friedman’s straw/chaff tempered Class 1 and the straw/chaff and sand tempered petrographic group. While Friedman reports on the presence of sand inclusions in this fabric, she did not recognise these as temper. Textural analysis of the petrographs during the original 2015 study showed a bimodal distribution pattern between the silt and sand-sized fractions of these samples, suggesting that sandy material (mostly monocrystaline quartz) was intentionally added.

Examination of the 32 thin sections under a polarising microscope enabled samples to be classified by their petrographic characterisation, independent of Friedman’s macroscopic conclusions (Pilgrim 2015). Samples were classified into five groups based on their fabric ‘recipe’ including their constituent minerals in the fine and coarse fractions and the presence or absence of any temper (Table 2; Quinn 2013: 73ff). Most notable was the presence of a silty base clay, rich in feldspars, micas and amphiboles that was common across all fabric types but adapted with the addition of various tempers. This is not surprising given the ubiquity of Nile silt clays along the riverbank, made homogeneous by the alluvial transportation processes of the river flow. Some variation in mineral content did exist in a limited number of samples, for example with the presence of calcite or limestone inclusions, more abundant micas or pyroxenes or weathered, basaltic and ophitic rock fragments. These samples could still be classified into one of the five groups based on other major properties including the common silty base clay and the presence or absence of temper.

It became difficult to distinguish between Friedman’s untempered Classes 2 and 22 under the microscope. Of the eight samples which exhibited the finest fractions with a minimal amount of sand-sized inclusions (samples 9, 10, 12, 19, 20, 26, 30 and 32), five were from her finer Class 22 and three were from her less fine Class 2. Admittedly, some samples are finer than others but the textural differences between these samples were not significant enough that any conclusions can be made about the technological processes involved and any distinction between them 76

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appears somewhat unnecessary. Rather, any differences in the abundance of sand-sized inclusions are more likely the result of natural sorting of the alluvium or the incomplete refinement of the base clay. A distinction between Friedman’s organic tempered Classes 21 and 26 was also not apparent petrographically. A minimal organic component was detected in samples 2, 3 and 4 from Class 26 as well as in samples 8, 9 and 28 from her untempered Class 22 which suggests the material is likely present due to incomplete refinement or contamination of the raw clay. This validates Friedman’s (1994: 149) admission of whether fabric 26 was really tempered at all. Rather, the key difference between fabrics containing organic material was the presence of sand temper in four of the samples (see Appendix A) which Friedman did not recognise.

Figure 2 Image of sample 19 showing smoothed and compacted external vessel surface without the application of a slip. Crossed polarised light, x50 magnification.

Petrographic examination of the sample surfaces revealed several techniques were used by the Hemamieh potters to achieve their desired surface finish. A polished finish could be achieved with or without the presence of an additional slip. Ten samples featured an exterior and/or interior smoothed surface only, evident by the presence of an intact compacted layer of clay on the surface edge and no change in clay composition or density from the core to the surface (Figure 2). Due to the fine nature of the clays used for these samples, a self-slip may have achieved a sufficient result and an additional slip may not have been applied for reasons of economy. A further eight samples showed a line of compacted clay underneath a layer of less dense, silty clay indicating the surface may have been smoothed or compressed first before a slip was applied (Figure 3). Interestingly, six of the eight examples of this type of application were from the internal black slips on Untempered Nile Silt sherds. It is possible the initial smoothing or compacting process was undertaken as an additional measure against permeation with the intention to hold specific liquids.

Figure 3 Image of sample 21 showing an external slip applied after surface smoothing indicated by a dark line of compacted clay. Plane polarised light, x50 magnification.

Another 15 samples showed evidence for the application of a slip directly to the vessel surface without any prior smoothing or compacting action (Figure 4). In these cases, the slip could be applied before or after drying as indicated by some areas with a lack of direct contact between the slip and vessel fabric. The majority of these samples were made from organic or straw/chaff tempered fabrics, indicating that less attention was given to the finishing of coarse wares. The five ‘rainbow core’ samples fell into this category. The thick slips applied to their exterior surfaces were also of a finer and less dense

Figure 4 Image of sample 1 showing the application of slip to an external, unsmoothed surface with a diffuse boundary. Crossed polarised light, x50 magnification. 77

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Figure 5 SEM micrograph of sample 13 showing the textural difference between exterior and interior phases of ‘rainbow core’. x100 magnification.

Figure 6 SEM micrograph of external surface of sample 30 showing potential hematite content. x1200 magnification.

composition, although organic material was still present.

two phases, suggesting that the exterior layer was added like a particularly thick slip while the vessel was still wet. Since these samples are all made from coarse fabrics used for utilitarian wares and their slips were applied to the external surfaces only, it is suggested that they may be cooking vessels where the thick slip was intended to supply increased insulation and thermal resistance to prevent cracking.

SEM Analysis SEM analysis was able to complement thin section petrography as some of the surfaces finishes destroyed by the grinding process used for thin sectioning were kept intact by the resin used to prepare the sample for use (see Appendix A). At 40x magnification, red polished samples 10, 22 and 32 exhibited a continuous heterogeneous phase of clay matrix from the core to the surface with no clear textural difference to indicate the presence of a slip. Contrary to these, sample 12 exhibited a textural difference between the sherd core and an external layer of approximately 0.8mm thickness, confirming the presence of the slip that was identified petrographically. Evidence is therefore consistent with what was observed in thin section, that a satisfactory red polish finish could be achieved using only a burnishing or polishing action directly applied to the vessel wall and that a slip is not always present. This has highlighted the need for a clarification of Friedman’s surface finish classifications which implies that coloured slips are distinct from a self-slip and therefore applied prior to burnishing or polishing.

SEM-EDS Analysis At 1200x magnification, red polished samples 22, 27, and 30 showed a concentration of bright particles at the surface edge, indicating a change in composition of the clay fraction at the surface edge (Figure 6). Elemental composition data showed that these samples differed from others in their increased levels of heavy minerals Fe and Ti at the surface, suggesting the presence of a ferruginous rich material, likely hematite (see Appendix B). Measurements of P and Ca at the surface of the Hemamieh samples were highly variable, meaning that the increased heavy minerals were unlikely due to post depositional changes of the ceramics (Freestone et alii 1985). Aluminium levels were also relatively constant at the surface layer of all the samples, which decreases the likelihood that the elevated levels of Fe and Ti were due to differences in clay composition.

SEM analysis of the ‘rainbow’ core of sample 13 revealed a textural difference between an exterior phase and the interior body (Figure 5), confirming that the variation in colour of the cores was achieved with the application of a layer of compositionally different clay which then fired to a darker colour than the body. The images also show a diffuse boundary between the

Previous studies of hematite coatings on pottery surfaces have shown that they can vary from densely packed to relatively sparse particles when viewed under the SEM and can be of irregular thickness, varying between 10 to 100µm (Middleton 1987). This is 78

Tracey Pilgrim: A Technological Study of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh

Table 3 Identification of four ware types following a concordance between fabric type, firing core type and surface finish. Type 1

2

3

4

Description • Fine, untempered fabric • Half oxidised, half reduced firing core • Red polished slip applied to unsmoothed external surface • Black slip applied to smoothed internal surface • Fine, untempered fabric • Fully reduced firing core • Black polished or black-topped external surface, all rippled • Black slip applied to smoothed internal surface • Coarse, organic tempered fabric, sometimes with the addition of sand • Thick black carbon core with thin, red/brown oxidised exterior edges • Red/brown slip applied to unsmoothed surface – either internal or external • Coarse, straw/chaff + sand tempered fabric· ‘Rainbow’ firing core • Thick slip applied to unsmoothed, external surface

consistent with the Hemamieh samples that range between 20–35µm in thickness. Knowledge of the colourant properties of hematite were certainly known in Egypt by the late Neolithic (Kobusiewicz et alii 2004) and Caton-Thompson (1928: 23) attests to the patterned application of ‘red ochre’ pottery vessels at Hemamieh as does Friedman (1994: 350) to its presence on red polished, rippled wares.

Variants External brown rippled surface finish (sample 20) Internal surface smoothed only without slip (sample 29) External brown rippled surface finish (sample 27) External surface unslipped but smoothed only (sample 17) Organic + sand temper (sample 1)

Samples

9, 12, 20, 30

7, 8, 11, 19, 27, 28, 29

3, 4, 5, 6, 15, 16, 17, 26

1, 13, 23, 24, 25

Discussion When the results of all analyses were brought together, a pattern of four key ware types emerged, each with a specific set of compositional and physical characteristics (Table 3). Results were inconclusive about the surface treatment of some samples but they were still grouped according to their common fabric and firing core type (see Appendix A). While the range of ware types is limited without the addition of any morphological information, they reveal some key features about the nature and organisation of pottery production at Hemamieh.

Importantly, Friedman (1994: 350) notes that the penchant for red polished wares over time at Hemamieh was aided by the preferential use of Fabric 2 over the finer Fabric 22 because oxidation during firing was promoted within the less dense matrix. However, petrography from this study has put the textural distinctions between these two fabrics in doubt and the possible evidence for the enhancement of red surface finishes with the application of hematite needs to be investigated further (potentially via the use of X-ray diffraction analysis) in order to fully understand this situation.3

In general, variation within ware types and evidence for experimentation in production processes is lacking. In particular, types 1, 2 and 4 exhibit remarkable consistency in their technological characteristics and it appears potters did not often deviate from the specific repertoire of processes used to produce these ware types. This, coupled with the fact that all four ware types appear across all three archaeological phases, suggests that well-established pottery making traditions were in place at Hemamieh to produce specific end products for a particular use and/or market and that these traditions appear to have remained in place until the early Naqada I period. This is interesting given that Caton-Thompson considered the earliest phase below the breccia to be

Unfortunately use of the X-ray diffraction facility was unavailable at the UCL Wolfson Laboratories at the time of study. 3

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a seasonal camp compared with the more permanent settlement exhibited in the strata above. It could be argued that ware type 4 is not present in this early phase since sample 1 is the only example from this stratum and it is organic rather than straw/chaff tempered. Yet, the sample is still coarsely made and the process of applying a thick exterior slip to produce a ‘rainbow’ firing core is still present. Hence, it appears this process was retained during the later settlement phase and merely adapted with the introduction of straw temper.

material to enhance the red surface colouring of particular vessels and the application of black slips to a compacted and/or smoothed internal fine surface of fine fabrics (type 2), possibly to improve permeability if the vessels were intended to hold liquids. Additionally, the practice of burnishing or polishing vessel walls with or without the use of a slip, whilst still achieving the same desired end effect, is important to note given that the same complexity in the range of finishing techniques is apparent from the production of Late Neolithic pottery at Nabta Playa (Nelson and Khalifa 2011: 697).

Where variations did exist in the repertoire of technological processes used, the majority were from red/brown wares including some from type 3 and a miscellaneous group of five red/brown polished samples (2, 10, 21, 31 and 32) which could not be grouped into the above 4 types. They are all made from fine, untempered clay but switch between fully oxidised or half oxidised/half reduced firing cores and their surfaces could equally be smoothed only or smoothed with a slip added. It is possible that both coarse and fine red/brown wares were made with more diverse utilitarian functions in mind since more variation exists in the technological processes used to produce them and it may be helpful here to incorporate morphological information to attempt any further inferences.

Conclusion This preliminary study was originally intended to trial a method for investigating the technological characteristics of Badarian period pottery, independent of a previous macroscopic study. While the small size of the study may have limited any conclusions about overall representativeness at the site or quantitative changes in pottery output (if any), the method still allowed for successful identification of particular technological characteristics which, when compared across samples, were able to be distilled into a set of common ware types that could be seen as a ceramic complex unique to Hemamieh. There is scope to incorporate morphological properties of the pottery into this matrix to potentially further understand vessel function and to build a more specific picture of the repertoire of vessels and the nature of production at the site.

Several technological idiosyncrasies were also noticed during the study of the Hemamieh pottery sample which, given that regionalism is an important theme for the study of the late Neolithic Egyptian landscape, may be of importance as cultural markers of pottery production at Hemamieh when compared with material from other sites. The presence of ‘rainbow’ cores at the site holds significance since Friedman (1994: 145) seems only to have recognised this feature at Naqada South Town in Upper Egypt during the later Naqada II period. The Hemamieh examples are present much earlier and across multiple strata. These samples are also exclusively straw/chaff and sand tempered in the phases above the breccia and were clearly produced for a specific purpose. The consistent use of sand temper in combination with vegetal matter to produce particularly coarse wares should also be noted since macroscopic analysis was unable to identify this pattern.

Further value was found in the identification of properties not visible via macroscopic analysis. The clean sherd fractures allowed for the distinction between the separate firing events that were used to produce different vessels according to their intended colour finish and highlighted the process by which the ‘rainbow’ cores were produced. Microscopic examination also revealed further information about the choices potters made when adding temper and finishing their vessels, which allowed for tentative inferences to be made about their intended use. It is hoped that the use of similar archaeometric techniques applied to a broader range of material may provide the ability to compare the Hemamieh material with that from other sites and highlight any influences, exchange of ideas or interregional relationships between them.

Other techniques used at Hemamieh which may serve to distinguish the Hemamieh ceramic complex are the potential use of hematite or ferruginous rich

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2 2 22 22 21 21 21 26

1

1

2 2 2 22 22 22 21 21 26 26 26

26

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UC19679 UC9953 UC9882 UC10045 UC9954 UC9955 UC9957 UC9910

UC9919

UC9918

UC10011 Badarian UC19726 Sealed UC9881 Context (below breccia) UC9913 UC9944 UC9888 UC9985 Badarian U9916 Sealed UC19723 Context UC19727 (below UC9880 breccia)

UC9892

23

22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15

81

13

12 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

1

N, Bu

R, P BT, P rip R, P R, P BT, Bu rip BT, P rip N, Bu S, Bu RW, U R, Bu Br, Bu

N, U

N, U

N, Bu

Bl, Bu Bl, Bu N, U Bl, Bu Bl, Bu Bl, Bu rip S, P S, Bu R, U Br, P Br, Bu

N, U

N, U

Oxidised, organic content

Half oxidised, half reduced Reduced Half oxidised, half reduced Half oxidised, half reduced Reduced Reduced Oxidised, high organic content Oxidised, high organic content Oxidised, high organic content Oxidised, high organic content Oxidised

Oxidised, organic content

Oxidised Diffuse core margin, “Rainbow” Diffuse boundary No core Diffuse boundary Diffuse boundary No core No core Sharp core margins Sharp core margins Diffuse core margins Diffuse core margins Sharp boundary Diffuse core margin, “Rainbow”

No core

Inconclusive

Smoothed then slipped Smoothed then slipped Inconclusive Smoothed only Inconclusive Inconclusive Unsmoothed then slipped Unsmoothed then slipped

Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive Smoothed only Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive Inconclusive Inconclusive Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive

Smoothed then slipped Inconclusive Inconclusive Smoothed then slipped Smoothed then slipped Inconclusive Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive Unsmoothed then slipped Smoothed only Smoothed only

Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive

Inconclusive

Smoothed only Smoothed then slipped Unsmoothed then slipped Smoothed only Inconclusive Smoothed only Inconclusive Unsmoothed then slipped

Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive

Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive

Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive

Internal Surface Smoothed only Inconclusive Smoothed then slipped Smoothed only Smoothed then slipped Smoothed then slipped Inconclusive

Organic + sand tempered silt Unsmoothed then slipped Inconclusive

Fabric Untempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Sand tempered silt Organic tempered silt Straw/chaff + sand tempered silt Straw/chaff + sand tempered silt Straw/chaff + sand tempered silt Sand tempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Organic tempered silt Organic tempered silt Organic tempered silt Organic + sand tempered silt Straw/chaff + sand tempered silt Straw/chaff + sand tempered silt Untempered silt Sand tempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Untempered silt Organic tempered silt Organic + sand tempered silt Organic + sand tempered silt Organic tempered silt Untempered silt

Petrographic Assessment (after Pilgrim 2015) External Surface Inconclusive Smoothed only Unsmoothed then slipped Smoothed only Inconclusive Inconclusive Inconclusive

Key: R = red slip, Bl = black slip, Br = brown slip, BT = black-topped slip, RW = Red wash, S = Self slip, N = uncoated (no additional slip), P = polished, Bu = burnished, U = unfinished (no additional treatment), rip = rippled finish. Inconclusive = either poor preservation of the surface edge after the grinding process OR no slip/smoothed finish was initially present.

14

Badarian Unsealed Contexts (above breccia)

1

UC10022

24

25

Firing Core Assessment (after Pilgrim 2015) Firing Horizon Type Firing Condition Diffuse boundary Half oxidised, half reduced Diffuse boundary Half oxidised, half reduced Diffuse boundary Half oxidised, half reduced No core Reduced No core Reduced No core Reduced Oxidised, high organic content Diffuse core margins Diffuse core margin, S, U N, U Oxidised, organic content “Rainbow” Diffuse core margin, S, U N, U Oxidised, organic content “Rainbow” Diffuse core margin, N, U N, U Oxidised, organic content “Rainbow” No core R, P N, U Oxidised No core R, P R, P Oxidised Diffuse boundary Br, P rip Bl, P Half oxidised, half reduced No core Bl, P rip Bl, P rip Reduced Diffuse boundary S, Bu RW, Bu Half oxidised, half reduced N, Bu N, U Oxidised, high organic content Sharp core margins N, P N, U Oxidised, high organic content Sharp core margins N, U N, U Oxidised, high organic content Diffuse core margins

Macroscopic Classification UCL (after Friedman 1994) Accession Number Fabric External Internal UC10101 2 R, P N, U UC10098 2 R, P RW, U UC10053 2 R, P Bl, U UC10043 2 BT, P rip Bl, Bu UC10100 22 Bl, P rip Bl, P UC10046 22 Br, P rip Bl, Bu UC10556 26 S, U N, U

1

Badarian/ Naqada I Transition ( 4’6” below surface and above)

Strata

UC10104

32 31 30 29 28 27 26

Sample No.

Appendix A List of samples analysed with comparison of analyses by macroscopic and petrographic classifications.

Tracey Pilgrim: A Technological Study of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh

82

1.57

Core

Core

UC10053

UC10101

30

32

1.73

1.95

Core

UC19679

22

2.45

Core

UC10011

12

1.78

2.03

2.36

3.57

1.72

Na2O

1.66

UC9881

4

Exterior red slip (3–14 µm) Exterior red slip (very edge) Exterior red slip (20–25 µm) Exterior red slip (14–36 µm) Exterior red slip (5–21 µm)

Part Analysed

Core

UC10101

UC19679

22

32

UC10011

12

UC10053

UC9881

4

30

UCL Accession No.

Sample

3.17

2.30

2.84

2.85

2.66

4.17

2.42

2.41

2.92

5.76

MgO

13.79

13.65

16.75

15.21

14.63

16.06

14.01

14.15

14.43

14.35

Al2O3

61.56

62.75

58.28

61.28

62.12

41.27

30.62

39.20

45.01

42.03

SiO2

ND

ND

0.37

0.44

0.38

1.05

1.99

0.43

0.79

0.82

P2O5

0.66

0.38

0.43

0.41

ND

1.02

1.89

ND

1.51

ND

SO2

0.20

0.44

0.15

0.24

0.14

ND

0.56

ND

0.24

ND

ClO2

1.60

1.80

1.47

2.24

1.50

1.90

5.41

3.98

4.23

1.92

K2O

5.26

7.31

4.27

3.83

3.63

6.27

6.57

3.28

2.22

3.39

CaO

1.47

1.39

1.78

1.23

1.71

1.04

1.00

1.56

0.96

0.81

TiO2

ND

ND

0.90

0.26

0.73

0.37

0.26

0.45

0.35

0.34

MnO

Results of the SEM-EDS analysis of sherd core and exterior slips of red polished samples. All results are presented in wt% and normalised to 100%. Oxygen was measured by stoichiometry. ND = not detected.

Appendix B

10.11

8.42

10.82

9.56

10.83

25.06

33.26

32.17

23.79

28.86

Fe2O3

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total

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Tracey Pilgrim: A Technological Study of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh

Nubia: Bulletin of the Sudan Archaeology Research Society 6: 8–19. Hendrickx, S., B. Midant-Reynes and W. Van Neer 2001. Mahgar Dendera 2 (Haute Egypte), un site d’occupation Badarien. Leuven: Leuven University Press. Holdaway, S. and W. Wendrich 2017. The Desert Fayum Reinvestigated: The Early to Mid-Holocene Landscape Archaeology of the Fayum North Shore, Egypt. Monumenta Archaeologica Book 39. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press. Holmes, D.L. and R.F. Friedman 1989. The Badari Region Revisited. Nyame Akuma 31: 15–18. Kobusiewicz, M., J. Kabacinsk, R. Schild, J.D. Irish and F. Wendorf 2004. Discovery of the First Neolithic Cemetery in Egypt’s Western Desert. Antiquity 78: 545–557. Middleton, A.P. 1987. Technological Investigation of the Coatings on some ‘Haematite-Coated’ Pottery from Southern England. Archaeometry 29 (2): 250–261. Nelson, K. and E. Khalifa 2011. Nabta Playa Black-Topped Pottery: Technological Innovation and Social Change, in R. Friedman and P. Fiske (eds) Egypt at its Origins 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference ‘Origin of the State. Predynastic and Early Dynastic Egypt’, London, 27th July – 1st August 2008. Leuven: Peeters. Pilgrim, T. 2015. Technological Characteristics of Badarian Pottery from Hemamieh, Middle Egypt, dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree of MSc. University College London. Quinn, P.S. 2013. Ceramic Petrography: The Interpretation of Archaeological Pottery & Related Artefacts in Thin Section. Oxford: Archaeopress. Rye, O.S. 1981. Pottery Technology: Principles and Reconstruction, Manuals on Archaeology 4. Washington: Taraxacum. Warfe, A.R. 2003. Cultural Origins of the Egyptian Neolithic and Predynastic: An Evaluation of the Evidence from the Dakhleh Oasis (South Central Egypt). The African Archaeological Review, 20 (4): 175–202. Wengrow, D., M. Dee, S. Foster, A. Stevenson and C. BronkRamsey 2014. Cultural Convergence in the Neolithic of the Nile Valley: A Prehistoric Perspective on Egypt’s Place in Africa. Antiquity 88: 95–111.

Bibliography Brunton, G. and G. Caton-Thompson 1928. The Badarian Civilisation and Predynastic Remains near Badari. London: British School of Archaeology in Egypt. Briois F., B. Midant-Reynes, S. Marchand, Y. Tristant, M. Wuttmann, M. De Dapper, J. Lesur-Gebremariam and C. Newton 2012. Neolithic Occupation of an Artesian Spring: KS043 in the Kharga Oasis (Egypt). Journal of Field Archaeology 37 (3): 178–191. Claes. W., S. Hendrickx, E.H. DeVillers, K. Kindermann, M. De Dapper, S. Ikram, G. Storms, C. Swerts and D. Huyge 2014. From the Early Old Kingdom to the Badarian. Preliminary Report of the 2012 Excavation Campaign in the Settlement Area of Elkab, in A. Maczynska (ed.) The Nile Delta as a Centre of Cultural Interactions Between Upper Egypt and the Southern Levant in the 4th millennium BC. Studies in African Archaeology 13. Poznan: Poznan Archaeological Museum. Darnell, J.C. and D. Darnell 2006. The Archaeology of Kurkur Oasis, Nuq‘ Maneih, and the Sinn el-Kiddab, accessed December 2016, Emmitt, J.J. 2017. The Neolithic Pottery of Egypt: Investigating Settlement Pattern in Middle Holocene Northeast Africa with Ceramics. Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology, The University of Auckland. Freestone, I.C., N.D. Meeks and A.P. Middleton 1985. Retention of Phosphate in Buried Ceramics: An Electron Microbeam Approach. Archaeometry 27: 161–177. Friedman, F. (1994). Predynastic settlement ceramics of Upper Egypt: a comparative study of the ceramics of Hemamieh, Nagada, and Hierakonpolis, Doctoral Thesis. Ann Arbor: UMI Dissertation Services. Friedman, R. and J.J. Hobbs 2002. A ‘Tasian’ Tomb in Egypt’s Eastern Desert, in R. Friedman (ed.) Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert: 178–191. London: British Museum Press. Gatto, M. 2002. Ceramic Traditions and Cultural Territories: the ‘Nubian Group’ in Prehistory. Sudan &

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84

Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo: Cartonnage Mummy Masks from Kellis Featuring the Jackal Motif: New Insights on Regionalism

Cartonnage Mummy Masks from Kellis (Ismant al-Kharab, Dakhleh Oasis) Featuring the Jackal Motif: New Insights on Regionalism after the 2017 Study Season Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo Marie-Curie Fellow, Institute of Heritage Science (ISPC-CNR, Italy) Centre for Ancient Cultures, Monash University

I am particularly glad to dedicate this brief article, and the presentation of these preliminary results, to Gillian Bowen. Gill’s publications on the Roman period and early Christianity have been among my first readings on Dakhleh, which I remember with pleasure, and source of inspiration since I joined the Dakhleh Oasis Project (DOP).

Iconographical Features: An Overview The mask (Figure 2) once featured a completely gilded face, now only partially preserved and showing the underlying layer of yellow paint; the forehead is decorated with a winged sun-disc, the wig lappets are populated with seated figures, facing inwards and holding the was-sceptre. Two additional figures, in standing position, are represented at the sides of the wig, holding a loop of cloth, whereas the shoulders are decorated with falcon terminals wearing the double crown and facing outwards. A short collar is visible between the wig lappets, mainly decorated with floral motifs. The back side of the head shows a hawk with spread wings, represented full body and facing right, flanked by two spiralling serpents. On the front, the lower part of the chest cover features a large horizontal register which is entirely occupied by a single scene, which represents the main decorative area on the front side of the mask. This depicts two black canids, likely jackals, positioned at the sides and facing outwards, whereas the central section is occupied by a funerary barque. The latter, painted yellow, has incurved floral-shaped terminals and is carrying the body of the deceased, represented lying and still partially visible. The two jackals are depicted with the tail in an upward position, and they are tied to the barque’s terminals by means of a red leash, now almost completely faded. This scene does not entirely represent a unicum, as scenes involving jackals at the sides of a funerary boat are well known, especially in the Graeco-Roman period. However, its decoration results of particular interest due to specific details, included by the craftsmen of Kellis, which are rendered in an unusual fashion and, at the present stage, appear to be endemic to the region of Dakhleh. These will be preliminarily mentioned here.

Introduction Amongst the cartonnage remains discovered by the Dakhleh Oasis Project in the Kellis 1 cemetery at Ismant al-Kharab (Hope 2012; Schweitzer 2002),1 a particular category of pieces stands out. The latter is represented by mummy masks bearing a specific type of decorative motif, featuring two jackals as the main elements. This decoration not only offers the opportunity to examine, although preliminarily, selected iconographical characteristics of these objects, but also to reflect briefly on the concept of regionality. Until now, only one example of mummy mask featuring the ‘jackal motif’ had been identified throughout the material excavated at Kellis (Rindi Nuzzolo 2017: 309– 310; Schweitzer 2002: 276). The piece had been discovered within Tomb 25 (Figure 1), in the southernmost area of the Kellis 1 Cemetery and it is among those pieces which had not been found positioned on a body but, rather, lying scattered within the Tomb. The mask, made of cartonnage, is manufactured following a specific decorative program which, however, will only be touched upon here, as the present discussion is limited to the abovementioned jackal motif.

The first of such details concerns the positioning of the jackals. The latter are completely painted black, and represented in seated position; interestingly enough, they are facing outwards, and thus having their

Site 31/420-C5-1 in the DOP site numbering system. The Kellis cartonnage ensemble, excavated by the DOP during the course of the Nineties, has been the subject of my PhD research, carried out at Monash University.

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back towards the barque. Scenes showing the same, or a similar decorative program involving the presence of canids flanking a funerary barque of some sort are known on mummy masks (Riggs 2000) as well as on other kinds of funerary materials (Abdalla 1992). These, however, usually show the jackals facing the centrally-positioned element. This also occurs when the jackals are not positioned on the same plane of the barque, but rather on an underlying register (see, for instance, the stela Glasgow [KAGM] 1923.33.aa, Abdalla 1992: plate 53c).2 The jackals seem to be, therefore, represented in the act of guarding the deceased’s body within the barque, although being oriented outwards. A second, atypical detail is represented by the way the two jackals are tied to the barque. This detail is now of difficult reading, being almost completely faded, but it has been possible to partially restore its shape by employing a digital procedure (Figure 4).3 This is more similar to a leash than a towrope; the latter is not uncommon in scenes depicting jackals in close proximity of a funerary barque. What results unusual, in this context, is the presence of this specific element, which is generally associated with the act of pulling, with the stance of the canids. The latter, although tied to the funerary barque by means of a leash, are depicted as seated; and this seems more to convey an attitude of guarding the barque to protect the deceased’s body by standing beside him, rather than an act strictly representing a pulling motion. New Evidence from Ismant al-Kharab In the study season 2017–2018, during the examination of fragmentary material originally excavated from Tombs 20–21 of the Kellis 1 Cemetery, I identified a number of fragments which could potentially pertain to a mummy mask showing an iconographical motif akin to that of Tomb 25, mentioned above. The context of Tombs 20 and 21 is particularly complex, due to the presence of a large amount of material, the majority of which in damaged or fragmentary state. Moreover, the fragments possibly pertaining to this new mask are of very small dimensions and, at the moment of writing, still under investigation; therefore, the present paper will only introduce the largest, and the most representative, of these newly identified ones.

Figure 1 Map showing the general view of the Kellis 1 cemetery, with the location of Tombs 20 and 25 indicated (drawing by the author based on an original drawing in the Kellis Field Notes).

I am indebted to Brian Weightman (Glasgow Life / Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum), who kindly provided information about the object. 3 This particular process will be the object of a separate paper, and will not be analysed here. 2

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Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo: Cartonnage Mummy Masks from Kellis Featuring the Jackal Motif: New Insights on Regionalism

Figure 2 Mummy mask from Tomb 25 featuring the jackal motif.

Figure 3 Mummy mask from Tomb 25. Head and chest cover decorated with the ‘everyday dress’.

Figure 4 The jackal motif (Figure 2), with the reconstructed leash, painted red (photo and drawing by the author). 87

Australasian Egyptology Conference 4

Figure 5 The fragment from Tomb 20.

Figure 6 Enlargement showing a comparison between the red bands painted on the lower chest’s edges of the mummy mask with ‘everyday dress’ from Tomb 25.

The piece consists of a single fragment measuring 29 (h) x 41 (w) x 3.5mm (d) of approximately triangular shape (Figure 5); the left side still preserving the original edge of the chest cover. The latter is painted with a vertical red stripe, bordered in black; towards the right, on a white/ochre background, the remains of a canid’s head are visible, including the muzzle, eye, and part of an ear. The canid, facing left, is painted black with the sole exception of the eye, where the ground colour is visible around the iris, and its execution is strikingly similar to the jackals present on the mask of Tomb 25. In fact, although the extension of the decorated surface is very limited, it is nonetheless possible to appreciate four specific details concerning its execution. The first is the general similarity of the canids’ heads on both pieces which, with the sole exception of the eye, neglected in the mask from Tomb 25, feature the same shape. Secondly, the use of colours is, once again, the same in both cases, with the canids painted in black and the white, or light-colour, used for the background. Third, the positioning and orientation of the jackals are also identical: facing the viewer’s left and positioned approximately 10–15mm away from the left edge of the mask. Finally, the fourth detail concerns the measurements, which for the canids’ heads are almost matching and, therefore, suggest not only the same proportions but also that the fragment

Figure 7 Fragment from Tomb 20 positioned on the jackal motif present on the mummy mask from Tomb 25 (photo, drawing and image composition by the author).

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Carlo Rindi Nuzzolo: Cartonnage Mummy Masks from Kellis Featuring the Jackal Motif: New Insights on Regionalism

could have been positioned in the same area (i.e. the lower chest), characterised by a larger space when compared to other registers on the mask. The recurrence of these details leads to thinking that we are in the presence of a fragment that may well have been part of a mummy mask with a very similar, if not the same, decorative motif.

regional style in the Dakhleh Oasis and, in a broader sense, the surrounding region. 5 It has been preliminarily investigated (Rindi Nuzzolo 2017; 2020) how a certain typology of mummy masks (Figure 3), decorated with the so-called ‘everyday dress’, seem to have been of common use not only in Dakhleh, but also in the nearby oasis of Kharga (Ibrahim et alii 2008: 160–161), therefore constituting a very specific regional variation (Rindi Nuzzolo 2017). On the other hand, head and chest covers, or fragments, featuring the jackal motif (Figure 2) have not been discovered so far in Kharga and, thus, may represent a geographical variant prerogative of Dakhleh oasis.

A fifth, additional detail is also worth mentioning. The fragment shows a vertical area painted red, positioned at the left edge. Even though this particular detail is not present on the mummy mask from Tomb 25, it represents an interesting avenue to be further investigated. It is not uncommon, in fact, to find such vertical bands on the mummy masks from Kellis; these may vary in dimension and colour,4 but they are always positioned at one, or sometimes both, of the edges of the lower register. An example of this phenomenon is represented by another mask (Rindi Nuzzolo 2017) discovered in Tomb 25 (Figure 3) which, although bearing a different decorative program, features the same type of vertical band, once again painted red, bordered in black, and positioned on both sides and still in proximity of the edge (Figure 6). This additional element, together with the above-mentioned details, further confirms the possibility of the fragment being located in the same exact positioning of the decoration present on the intact mask from Tomb 25 (Figure 7).

This preliminary study suggests that, at least for certain typologies of pieces as the masks featuring the aforementioned jackal motif (Figure 4), the Kellis craftsmen were partially following known decorative programs, but with the addition of certain details (i.e. presence of the leash on the seated jackals), or the alteration of specific features (i.e. orientation of the jackals). The persistence, as well as the degree, of these additions and alterations are still to be fully evaluated, and further fragments, in the process of being studied, are needed to clarify this particular matter. Although the centre of production of these objects still has to be securely identified, the exclusive recurrence of certain types of mummy masks in Dakhleh and Kharga (Figure 3), or in Dakhleh only (Figure 2), strongly points to this area of the Egyptian Western Desert as the source of very specific, endemic regional variations.

Preliminary Conclusions: Regional Style in Dakhleh Oasis The newly identified fragment(s) offer an interesting opportunity to briefly touch upon the concept of

The variable most subject to change is the thickness of the band, given that the height of the lower register on the chest is approximately the same for all the Kellis head and chest covers. Common colours are green and red, while the border is generally black. 4

The topic, under investigation, has been analysed in my PhD dissertation (Rindi 2019; Rindi Nuzzolo 2022), and only selected details are presented here.

5

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Bibliography

Rindi Nuzzolo, C. 2017. Graeco-Roman Cartonnage from the Kellis 1 Cemetery (Ismant el-Kharab, Dakhleh Oasis): The Case of Tombs 10 and 25, in K.A. Kóthay (ed.) Burial and Mortuary Practices in Late Period and Graeco-Roman Egypt: 305–310. Budapest: Museum of Fine Arts. Rindi Nuzzolo, C. 2020. Broken Faces: Investigating Evidence of Regionalism in Cartonnage Fragments from the Kellis 1 Cemetery, in A. Warfe, C. Hamilton and D. Stewart (eds) Dust, Demons and Pots Studies in Honour of Colin A. Hope. Leuven: Peeters, Rindi Nuzzolo, C. 2022. The Excavations at Ismant al-Kharab I: Roman Cartonnage from the Kellis 1 Cemetery. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Schweitzer, A. 2002. Les parures de cartonnage des momies d’une nécropole d’Ismant el-Kharab in C.A. Hope and G.E. Bowen (eds) Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports on the 1994–1995 to 1998–1999 Field Seasons: 269– 276. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

Abdalla, A. 1992. Graeco-Roman Funerary Stelae from Upper Egypt. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press. Hope, C.A. 2014. The Kellis 1 Cemetery: Roman Period Burial Practices in Dakhleh Oasis, in G. Tallet and C. Zivie-Coche (eds) Le myrte et la rose. Mélanges offerts à Françoise Dunand par ses élèves, collègues et amis, CENiM 9: 325–348. Montpellier. Ibrahim, B.A., F. Dunand, J.-L. Heim, R. Lichtenberg and M. Hussein 2008. Le materiel archeologique et les restes humains de la Necropole d’Aïn El-Labakha. Paris: Editions Cybèle. Riggs, C. 2000. Roman Period Mummy Masks from Deir elBahri. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 86: 121–144. Rindi, C., 2019, The Cartonnage from Kellis (Ismant alKharab, Dakhleh Oasis): A Study in Regionalism and Craftsmanship, PhD Dissertation, Monash University,

90

Michael A. Stephens: Can a Menesh Vessel be Identified at Gebel el-Silsila?

Can a Menesh Vessel be Identified at Gebel el-Silsila? Michael A. Stephens Centre for Ancient Cultures, Monash University

In early 2015, media reports from Egypt indicated the discovery of a scene at Gebel el-Silsila depicting the transportation of obelisks by watercraft. This presented the opportunity to re-assess the means by which these iconic items of ancient Egyptian culture were transported, as the only other previously known depiction of this activity comes from the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari (Naville 1908: plate 154). An approach to Lund University, who are conducting excavations at the site, (Maria Nilsson, personal correspondence, 20 August 2015), resulted in drawings and photographs of the Gebel el-Silsila scene (Phillipe Martinez, personal correspondence, 21 August 2015), revealing that the scene had suffered extreme damage at the hands of Ramesside craftsmen, who had quarried much of it away and laid another over it (for brevity, this watercraft is referred to in this paper by the acronym [GeS]). Most of the hull forward of amidships of [GeS] is lost, although traces of the line of the deck can be detected, as are the outer reaches of the stern. A date for the composition and execution of the scene cannot be determined from the surviving details; however, the epigrapher (Phillipe Martinez, personal correspondence, 21 August 2015) has suggested, amongst other possibilities, that on stylistic grounds, it may date from the reign of Hatshepsut, with a restoration by Tutankhamun but that further work will be needed to further clarify such a possibility, if at all, considering the damaged nature of the scene.

Some idea of the size of such a craft may be judged from the biography of Ineni, who transported obelisks for Hatshepsut’s father, Thutmose I. Ineni records the proportions of the craft used, being 120 by 40 cubits, a ratio of three to one (Breasted 1906: 43 §105). The depiction of the movement of heavy building elements can be traced to the Old Kingdom; scenes from the funeral causeway of Unas depict the transport of granite palmette columns to his pyramid temple. The Unas vessel has been categorised in an earlier work as an Expedient Type Hull (ETH) 10 vessel (Stephens 2012: 41–42).1 By comparing the height of the crew member aboard to the length of the columns, I suggest that the columns were 5.5 metres. This is based on the average height of New Kingdom Egyptian males as being 1.65m (Wicker 1998: 163), and it is conceded that this is an ad hoc method, as the Egyptian artist did not necessarily work to scale. As the Unas columns, as given by Lehner (1997, 202) ranged between 5.5 to 6.5 metres, I propose that that this indicates viability for this method of estimating sizes. For the ETH (10) vessel see Goyon (1971: 11–41) and Stephens (2012: 41–42). Neither the ETH (10) nor the Hatshepsut lighter appear in Reisner’s categorisation series (Reisner 1913: I–XXVIII), as his categories were only for the models and surviving hulls of ships and boats in the Cairo collection, only touched on the New Kingdom, and did not include visual material. Despite there being similarities between the two craft – the presence along the hull of outboard ends of tiers of reinforcing beams, an upwards (and possibly inwards) curving stern, and the remains of at least one

In analysing the [GeS] scene (Figure 1), it was immediately apparent that this vessel was not another example of the Hatshepsut type lighter (Figure 2), the representation of which has also suffered considerable damage (Naville 1908: plate 154). As aboard [GeS], the outer extremities of the stern of the lighter are lost, and although considerable remnants of the deck and hull forward have survived, the bow has disappeared. In this instance, determinatives in the accompanying text indicate the approximate form of the profile of the lighters’ hull (Carlens 2003: 26–27, figure 92). Since they are not to scale, these determinatives do not enable the proportions of the lighter to be estimated.

This system was the product of a MA (Hons) dissertation, which reconsidered the Reisner typological system, which was published in 1913 to categorise model boats in the Cairo collection. Covering the Old and Middle Kingdoms, the Stephens system expanded the Reisner typology from five basic categories (Types I–V), to 27 categories and sub categories. Hull types that had not been categorised for the Old to Middle Kingdoms, as they were only known from iconographic representations, were categorised as ETH (Expedient Type Hull) and then numbered from 1– 12.

1

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Figure 1 The original drawing of [GeS] as supplied by Lund University.

Figure 2 The Hatshepsut Lighter, Lund University, after Naville 1908: plate 154.

Figure 3 Horizontal line (circled) indicating the upper surface of a proposed cover or deckhouse. The traces of two presumed crew members are present. 92

Michael A. Stephens: Can a Menesh Vessel be Identified at Gebel el-Silsila?

quarter rudder, other features were at variance. The lighter had a flat deck, floated with a significant bowsdown attitude, was flush decked, and most the reinforcing beams sat on a horizontal plane, although they rose, still on a horizontal plane, towards the stern and to a lesser extent towards the bow. The [GeS], by contrast, has a curving deck, does not show a bowsdown attitude, and unlike the lighter, the ends of the reinforcing beams follow the curvature of the hull.

obelisks aboard a craft other than the Hatshepsut lighter and that the scene itself had suffered such a considerable loss of visual evidence. I am unaware of any previous usage of this system. Attempting to work past the damage on the scene, I drew projections from the surviving details of the [GeS], seeking to detect patterns which might indicate missing features. I also sought parallels in spacing and features between the [GeS] and the lighter, but concluded that other than those features already mentioned, none were obviously apparent. Continuing this thematic research, I drew a line beneath the remains of the representation of two presumed crew members, who appeared to be standing in the rigging. This took into account both the proportions of these persons and the apparent remains of a horizontal line beneath them (Figure 3). This gave me a datum point for estimating the sizes of the [GeS] and her cargo, discussed below.

The original intent in seeking information from Lund University had been to analyse the new depiction, hoping to expand and clarify the available data on the Deir el-Bahari scene, much of which had been lost through damage, on the assumption that [GeS] was another lighter. As this was not the case, the situation presented both challenges and opportunities. As there are no other equivalent depictions of the transportation of obelisks by watercraft, there are no archaeological reports or scientific discussions to which the two depictions could be usefully compared; although the relatively sparse archaeological record indicates that the transport of heavy weights by water involved the use of specialist craft.

The next aspect was to consider the possibility that the [GeS] had been under sail. I drew in a mast at the point where such would have stood, slightly forward of the proposed amidships, but this was unsuccessful (Figure 4). The proportions of the hypothetical mast and rigging were not convincing. Although there appears to have been no hard and fast rule for the Egyptian craftsman when depicting sailing vessels, proportionally, my research indicates that the mast height is generally some 80% of the overall length of the deck. The Menesh ships depicted by Davies (1930: plate 150) all had masts whose heights were as long, or longer, than the aft half of the vessel. Were this [GeS] vessel rigged, the available space in the scene would have seen a mast less than 50% of the length of the surviving aft hull/deck area. The yard and boom are usually of equal lengths, often the length of or even longer than the hull, and are suspended centrally, so that equal lengths of the yard and boom face outwards from the mast. There seemed to be the remains of a yard aboard the [GeS] but this is too short; additionally, a projection of this (if it was a yard), would have run into the face of the closest sailor. The two crew members could not have been standing on the boom, as is often depicted in other scenes, as they were too far aft for a boom to have been proportionally correct. This positioning of crew members in the rigging may be seen, for example, aboard the ships of Hatshepsut arriving and departing Punt (Naville 1898: plates 73– 75). Regretfully, I concluded that a mast had not been present in this scene.

The lack of another depiction of the usage of a craft such as [GeS] provided the opportunity to present considerations regarding the employment of watercraft to convey heavy weights. In effect, [GeS] was an uncategorised, and indeed apparently unidentifiable, hull type, engaged in the transportation of obelisks, albeit ones considerably smaller than those of Hatshepsut. The focus of my research in this matter shifted away from the now defunct comparison of two obelisk transportation scenes involving lighters, and focused on attempts to interpret what hull type had been employed in the Gebel el-Silsila scene and any information to be gleaned from the surviving details of the obelisks, their stowage, rigging, and any deck structures. Hypothetical Reconstruction In order to extract or elucidate information from the [GeS] depiction, I devised a method where the decisions reached on each phase of consideration of this craft were sequentially added to the representation of the vessel, resulting in a series of increasingly developed representations of [GeS] and the creation of a hypothetical representation of how the vessel may have originally appeared. As already stated, this was undertaken in the light of this being the first iconographic depiction of the transportation of

I shifted attention to the obelisks themselves, and their means of stowage. As drawn, any supporting framework structure is only present in their centre of 93

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Figure 4 Hypothetical position of a mast and attendant rigging aboard [GeS]. Were the ‘yard’, seen at the right of the scene, be projected to the left, it would run into the face of the nearest crew member.

Figure 5 The surviving traces of the obelisks are circled; note their lack of adequate support as they lie along the deck and the rectangular object at the forward (or right-hand side of the illustration), indicative of the loss of uprights for a frame.

Figure 6 Stern extension and inwards curving papyrus umbel of the ETH (16). Note the upwards curve of the underside of the stern, meeting the line of the deck, which constitutes the form known as a Canoe Stern. 94

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Figure 7 ETH (17) with a Type VIII above, Tomb of Huy. Compare the ETH (17) to Figure 8. The Type VIII example is also misshapen.

Figure 8 ETH 17, Tomb of Nefer-Hotep; note longer, slimmer stern and more finely proportioned hull. 95

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Figure 9 Menesh craft under sail; after Davies 1930.

Figure 10 Menesh craft, after Basch 1978.

Figure 11 [GeS] with the bow and stern replicated. The prominent flared bow upright to be noticed in Figure 10 is not represented in this illustration. 96

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the surviving depiction, leaving the upper obelisk balanced like a see-saw, although the point of the lower obelisk may rest on the deck, indicating a loss of detail of the means of support and suggestive of the obelisks having lost a proportion of their overall length (Figure 5). At the forward end of the upper obelisk was a rectangular object. This could have either been a horizontal beam, locking the obelisk in place, or the remains of a now almost missing upright. Running forward of the inboard end of the lower obelisk are the traces of a line, which is plausibly a continuation of the lower edge of the obelisk, suggestive of their having extended further forward than recorded in the drawing. Considering this line, the surviving length of the obelisks, their needs for support, and the lack of an upright, I concluded the obelisks had been longer. I extended their length to just aft of the hypothetical position of the mast, as this would account for the forward projecting line, and enable the obelisks to have four points of support, consisting of upright and horizontal beams, as seen in Figure 14.

forming the familiar umbel. The stern of an ETH (17) from the Tomb of Huy fits the surviving hull lines of the [GeS] quite closely (see Davies 1926: plate 31); however, a comparison to other ETH (17) craft, such as from the Tomb of Nefer-Hotep (Davies 1933: figure 6) indicated that the Huy ETH (17) craft were misshapen, heavily curved and with a thicker hull, and that none matched the Huy examples. As seen in (Figure 7), the extreme curvature of ETH (17) may also be compared to an example of Reisner’s Type VIII hull (Reisner 1913: figure 348; see also osirisnet.net, Tomb of Rekmire2) which has also been rendered with extreme curvature and heavier proportions than usual. Having rejected the first two hull types, the third possibility was a class adopted by Egypt from the Levant – a Menesh craft. These vessels are also missing from Reisners categories. Their main characteristics (Figure 9) are a curving hull, deck beam ends along the hull, lower than the deck line, an upturned bow and stern, of equal height and a trellis form of side hoarding (Davies 1930: plate 15), not present aboard the [GeS] vessel (see also Davies and Faulkner: 1947).

Although a plausible explanation of the stowage of the obelisks can be reached, details of the hull were still not forthcoming. As such, I sought to close off the hull aft by replicating the missing section from the available iconographic resources. This lead to the question - what Egyptian New Kingdom hulls displayed features that would make them suitable contenders? The need was for a vessel with an inward curving stern, a curving but flush deck and steered by quarter rudders. There were only three hull classes of the New Kingdom which had features indicative of their possibly being the hull form of the [GeS]. The first two are the vessels sent by Hatshepsut to Punt (Naville 1898: plates 73–75) which in a draft extension of the Stephens typological series (Stephens 2012) has been classed as ETH (16), and another from this same proposed series, the ETH (17), used on the Nile. Neither of these two hull types appear in Reisner’s categorisations. The proposed extension has been published in Stephens 2022.

One example, from which the Menesh features in this paper have been drawn, due to the more curving line of the undersurface of the stern, seems to carry a hogging truss, rudder post(s) and a short upright forward (Basch 1978: figure 7). This is the only example of such a configuration that I have seen. Positioning the profile of the Menesh craft as seen in Figure 10, onto the remains of the stern of the [GeS] saw an almost perfect fit, acceptable, I propose, under the circumstances of the state of preservation of the [GeS] scene and the scale and quality of the depiction within Figure 10. Having noted that the bow and stern of the Menesh craft are almost identical in shape, I reversed the hypothetically reconstituted stern, and placed it over the remnants of the forward hull area, where it aligned closely with the surviving outline of the run of the deck. Based on such comparisons, I propose that the hull form of the [GeS] vessel was that of the Menesh craft, as is seen in Figure 11.

The ETH (16) (Figure 6), which is probably the most easily recognised hull type of the New Kingdom, is easily discredited – the stern configuration is in the form of a canoe stern, with a distinctive extension that curved forward and terminated in a papyrus umbel. There is no suggestion from the remaining details of the [GeS] of such an extension or umbel.

A debatable notion is if there had been a second stack of obelisks or cargo forward, a question for which the scene provides no evidence. As an experiment, in the lack of any evidence, I replicated the original sized obelisks onto the forward deck, positioning them as far forward as I thought practicable, preventing the

The ETH (17) form (Figure 7) can also be eliminated with little difficulty. Although the ETH (17), as with the ETH (16), had the inwards facing papyrus umbel, they did not have the canoe stern. The hull timbers tapered inwards at the stern and then curved forward,

http://www.osirisnet.net/tombes/nobles/ rekhmire100/e_rekhmire100_12.htm, accessed 18 April 2017.

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Figure 12 Hypothetical appearance of [GeS], if carrying a cargo of obelisks on both the forward and aft decks.

Figure 13 Note the presence amid ships of a hypothetical enclosure.

Figure 14 Tentative original appearance of [GeS]. 98

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stacked obelisks from being too high, and leaving a space for a mast, were such to be set-up (see Figure 12). The possible crew member forward (only his foot survives) is also a difficulty, as, had he been depicted, he would have partially obscured the view of the obelisks, which, with those aft, would have been the primary focus of the scene.

selection process was not arbitrary; there are only a few known New Kingdom hulls employed by the Egyptians that could be considered suitable. My original opinion was that the stern shape of the Huy ETH (17) craft was the correct form; it was only after comparing it to other examples of ETH (17) that I can conclude I was initially incorrect. It was with some surprise that I identified the possibility of the Menesh hull type as being the most likely contender. There is enough comparative data to demonstrate that the [GeS] is not a Hatshepsut type lighter. The examination also highlights the lack of and need for a comprehensive categorisation system for water craft of the New Kingdom.

The final need was to explain the possible remnants of what appears to be an enclosure on deck that covers the obelisks and upon which the two crew members appear to have been standing. Another Menesh example (Figure 13) has a long, low, structure aboard, (Basch 1978: figure 4) covering the central area of the deck. This is a determinative from a text, but does indicate that such a structure was utilised.

By using the accepted average height of New Kingdom Egyptians as 1.65m (Wicker 1998: 163), the sizes of some aspects regarding the [GeS] can be offered; although it must be remembered that the Egyptians did not necessarily draw to scale. Comparing the height of the crew member aboard the Unas cargo vessel (admittedly an Old Kingdom scene), to the length of the columns, I suggest that the columns were 5.5 metres. The Unas columns, as given by Lehner (1997, 202) ranged between 5.5 to 6.5 metres, a broad indication that supports the tentative sizes I propose for the [GeS].

Conclusions This paper has presented thoughts and concepts derived from an examination of the features and possible cargo configuration of a badly damaged scene, dating to an unspecified period of the Egyptian New Kingdom, depicting a laden watercraft conveying obelisks. Although the original purpose of this study had been to compare this recent discovery with the well-known depiction from Deir el-Bahari of an obelisk laden lighter, the outcome has been directed along a different path, as it is apparent that the two craft are different types. I propose that the [GeS] vessel was not an example of the Hatshepsut style lighter, as depicted at Deir el-Bahari, for several reasons, which are centred on the technical and constructional features derived from an examination of both the lighter and the [GeS]. My considerations of the Gebel el-Silsila scene has led me towards the conclusion that the [GeS] was an example of a Menesh craft.

In keeping with this technique, I propose that the [GeS] vessel had an approximate length of 19.75 metres, with the lowest point of freeboard being 1.7 metres. Although speculative, this latter feature may serve to indicate the height of the dock used to load the obelisks, which would have needed to be a purpose constructed structure. The suggested length of the two extended obelisks would be some 6.3 metres and have a weight of 4 tonnes per obelisk. In keeping with the possibility of the scene having been carved during the reign of Hatshepsut, or being a restoration by Tutankhamun of a damaged scene dating to Hatshepsut, I note that Dziedzic (2010: 645) suggested that the solar altar of Hatshepsut at Deir elBahari was flanked by two obelisks, being some five metres tall. Blyth (2006, 166) notes the presence of two obelisks, only some 3.8 metres tall, composed of red sandstone at Karnak, although dated to Seti II, establishing that not all obelisks were of large proportions. Such smaller obelisks would require the usage of smaller vessels, and a sturdy craft such as the Menesh type would be suitable for the task.

My examination of the [GeS] has been hampered by the lack of previous material regarding the type of vessel depicted. The categorisation system devised by Reisner did not cover in any depth the New Kingdom, nor did it include iconographic evidence. Considerations regarding the Menesh-type hull has been limited to the concept of it being a trading vessel, although it occasionally appears in texts suggestive of its having been employed in a military context (see Emanuel 2014: figure 9). The iconographic record does not clearly expound the purposes for which this hull type was utilised. The acceptance of the [GeS] vessel as a Menesh craft in the role of obelisk conveyance must be regarded as an Egyptological first.

Figures

The utilisation of comparisons between the [GeS] and other Egyptian hull forms has been necessary, due to the damage incurred by the Gebel el-Silsila scene. The

The original drawing and photographs of the Gebel elSilsila vessel and the Hatshepsut obelisk lighter, upon 99

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which this paper is based, are courtesy of personal correspondence between the author and Phillipe Martinez, 2015. Permission to use this material is courtesy of Dr Maria Nilsson, 13 July 2017. All amendments to the original drawing have been made by the author of this paper.

Davies, N. and R. Faulkner 1947. Syrian Trading Venture to Egypt. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 33: 40–46. Dziedzic, T. 2010. The Solar Altar in the Hatshepsut Temple. Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean: 635– 649. Emanuel, J. 2014. Sea Peoples, Egypt, and the Aegean: The Transference of Maritime Technology in the Late Bronze-Early Iron Transition (LH IIIB–C). Aegean Studies 1: 21–56, figure 9. Goyon, G. 1971. Les Navires de Transport de la Chaussée Monumentale d’ Ounas. Bulletin de l’Institut français d’archéologie orientale 69: 11–41. Lehner, M. 1997. The Complete Pyramids. London: Thames and Hudson. Naville, E. 1898. The Temple of Deir el Bahari: Part 3. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Naville, E. 1908. The Temple of Deir el Bahari: Part 6. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Reisner, G. 1913. Models of Ships and Boats. Cairo: Le Caire Imprimerie de L’Institut Francais. Stephens, M.A. 2012. A Categorisation and Examination of Egyptian Ships and Boats from the Rise of the Old to the End of the Middle Kingdoms. Oxford: BAR International Series 2358. Stephens, M.A. 2022. A Categorisation of the Ships and Boats of the Egyptian New Kingdom. Oxford: BAR International Series 3084. Wicker, F.D.P. 1988. The Road to Punt. The Geographical Journal 164: 155–167.

Bibliography Basch, L. 1978. Le navires mnS et autres notes de voyage en Egypte. Mariners Mirror 64: 99–123. Blyth, E. 2006. Karnak: Evolution of a Temple. London and New York: Routledge. Breasted, J. 1906. Ancient Records of Egypt. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Carlens, L. 2003. Le transport fluvial de charges lourdes dans l’Égypte antique. SAK 31: 9–31, accessed 1 July 2014, Davies. N.M. 1926. The Tomb of Huy, Viceroy of Nubia in the Reign of Tut’ankhamun. London: The Egypt Exploration Society. Davies, N. 1930. The Tomb of Ken-Amun. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Davies, N. 1933. The Tomb of Nefer-Hotep, Volume II. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

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Sue Thorpe: The Important Personal Insight Ancient Egyptian Private Letters Provide to Augment Visual Evidence

An Extra Dimension: The Important Personal Insight Ancient Egyptian Private Letters Provide to Augment Visual Evidence Sue Thorpe Department of Classics and Ancient History, University of Auckland

The images on tomb and temple walls are a valuable source of knowledge about ancient Egypt, showing numerous and varied scenes related to military activity, daily life, religious custom and belief. While the content of these images could be based on a requested representation by the person or persons concerned, they are primarily visual representations. They lack actual information regarding the people and the occurrences in their lives – the extra dimension found in personal letters.1

grammatical points, historical context and emotional implication.3 A Land Management Issue In comparison to visual scenes,4 a letter dated to the 21st Dynasty provides specific information regarding land management. The sender of this letter is Shedsukhons, of the Temple of Khonsu, to a recipient named Painebenadjed.5 Shedsukhons advises the latter that although he had told him he would not let him have further ploughing rights, when he returned to Thebes his wife had told him not to withdraw this landholding from Painebenadjed’s charge but to restore it to him. So he now advises Painebenadjed that ‘As soon as my letter reaches you, you shall attend to this landholding and not be neglectful of it’ (lines 12–13). He gives instructions about the work to be done and tells Painebenadjed that with regard to someone who may dispute this arrangement, he should keep the letter and take it as testimony to Serdjehuty, the person to whom Shedsukhons has entrusted his holdings of land.

From a selection of correspondence related to daily life and religious matters, the following study will evidence this extra dimension that private letters are able to provide.2 It illustrates the personal insight into the social aspects of life that are found – information regarding the people themselves, their personalities, the actual issues and events occurring in their lives and relationships. The first letter details information about an incident regarding land management, its ownership and the people involved. The following three are letters of complaint – the nonreturn of a donkey, the late arrival of provisions for the Opet Festival, and interference with the workforce at Heliopolis.

The introductory address greeting is in the straightforward sender n ‘to’ recipient style. Bakir notes how over time one introductory formula had replaced another (Bakir 1970: 41), until it had ‘finally degenerated’ into this form found from the 19th Dynasty onwards (Bakir 1970: 51). On this occasion it

An overview of the content will be given rather than a full translation of the complete text. The following detailed analysis of each letter will include translation/ transliteration of specific words and phrases as confirmation of content, to identify modes of address, This study is focused on comparisons with the visual element rather than on the written texts on tomb walls and personal stelae. A comparison of the content of these sources of information with that of personal correspondence will be the topic of a separate work. For a study of a full range of personal letters see Thorpe 2021. 2 In the letters chosen ‘private’ denotes a letter between people in the general population, as opposed to royal correspondence or letters to and from the vizier. 1

References are given for the primary and secondary sources that have been consulted. Visual source references representative of the topic discussed, are also included to enable a comparison to the insight gained from the letter itself. 4 For example Robins (2008: 102), agricultural activity from the tomb chapel of Djhutynakht at Bersha. 5 Dynasty 21: P. Berlin 8523, Spiegelberg 1917: 107–111, Wente 1990: 90, letter 339. 3

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m nHm tAy AHt m Drt pA-nb-n-aDd ‘not to take away the land from Painebenadjed’s hand’,6 but to swD st n.f jmj skA.f st ‘hand it over to him, let him plough it’ (lines 8–11). This can be seen as an example of the rights of a married woman in the management of property. They were legally entitled to buy and sell property and could be subject to property taxation (VerSteeg 2002: 142 and 145). They were free to perform legal acts with regard to their own property without the interposition of a husband.7 While, as Harari suggests, the husband could presumably oppose the desires of his wife (Harari 1983: 52–3), the fact that here Shedsukhons chooses not to do so could reflect that his wife was total owner, not the part owner. This could evidence an instance of a husband leasing land from his wife as the legal owner (see Pestman 1961: 153). From this piece of correspondence it appears that the status of the husband with regard to property management was not necessarily related to his societal status – in this instance as a high-ranking commander and administrative official.

is followed by the expression of wishes in the style of the period – that the recipient may be granted ‘life, prosperity and health and be in the favor of Amun-Re, King of the Gods, your good lord’. The sender, Shedsukhons, gives his title as Hry-pDt, Commander of a Host (line 1), which has been seen as one of the highest-ranking officers subordinate only to a general (Schulman 1964: 52). It has been noted that while a person with this title would usually be associated with combat duty, he could also be concerned with administrative requirements (Schulman 1964: 55). Here Shedsukhons gives himself the additional title of sS, scribe. The presence of such a high-ranking officer at the Temple of Khonsu would be in keeping with the political division between Upper and Lower Egypt. The early years of the 21st Dynasty saw a divided structure of power develop. Smendes I, situated in Lower Egypt at Tanis, was recognised as Pharaoh of all Egypt. This recognition was based on an understanding that he in turn recognise the authority of the line of the Theban priesthood in Upper Egypt in their role as High Priest of Amun and military commander of Upper Egypt. It was a reciprocal arrangement in which ‘one half of Egypt (Tanis) ruled the whole realm only by kind permission of the other half (Thebes)’ (Kitchen 1986: 256 §214; see also Dodson 2012: 10–11 and 40– 41). Shedsukhons’ title places him as the second-incommand, possibly to either Masaharta or Menkheperre. The status of Painebenadjed is unclear. He is addressed as mnH n kAS. In other documents mnH has been translated as ‘youth’ or ‘tenant farmer’ (see Lesko circa 1982–1990: 221). In this context of husbandry requirements ‘tenant farmer’ appears appropriate (see Spiegelberg 1917: 109, n. 2), although given the military role of the sender the word has also been rendered as ‘cadet’ (see Wente 1990: 90, letter 339). He is therefore either a ‘tenant farmer from Kush’ or a ‘cadet from Kush’. In either case it is of interest that Shedsukhons refers to his origin when he addresses him. Although the greeting is a polite one, perhaps in this way Shedsukhons is reminding his recipient that he is a foreigner and thus of a lower status both in this regard and in terms of rank/occupation – one of the commander’s men who possibly needed to be differentiated from an Egyptian soldier.

Shedsukhons continues by detailing the agricultural tasks that Painebenadjed must undertake and tells him mtw.k tm nnj n.s ‘be not ineffective in this’ (line 13). He asks specifically that he TAy pAy qmA skA wa sTAt AHt wAD-smw n tAy Sdyt ‘remove the reeds, cultivate one aroura of land in vegetables at this well’ (lines 13–17). His final instruction confirms the fact he has already re-allocated the tenure of the land and now, due to his wife’s intervention, this has to be rescinded. He writes xr jr pA rmT nty jw.f mdt jrm.k ‘as for the man who may disagree with you’ (lines 18– 19), his recipient should take his letter and go before Serdjehuty pAy sS Hsb n pr Wsjr ‘accounting scribe of the temple of Osiris’, because Hn.j n.f tAy.j AHt n pA nxbw tAy.j AHt n tAy amat mjtt ‘I have entrusted to him my holding of the low lands and holding of this mudflat as well’ (lines 23–25). He concludes by telling Painebenadjed to sAw tAy Sat iry st n.k mtr ‘guard this letter as testimony for you’ (lines 26–7). The temple of Osiris was located at Abydos so it could be inferred that it was from there that Shedsukhons had returned after re-assigning his holdings and where Painebenadjed and the land were located.

While the sender of the letter holds military and administrative rank, he is also a landholder, and his reason for writing is related to the farming of the land in his possession by the recipient. The issue which has prompted Shedsukhons to write gives insight into the status of a married woman with regard to property. He has to rescind the order to Painebenadjed denying him further ploughing rights because his wife tAy Hnwt n pAy pr.j ‘this mistress of my house’, has told him, with imperative emphasis,

While initially this piece of correspondence appears to be a straightforward instruction from a landholder to his tenant, on closer analysis it provides information

6 Alternative reading m-Dr pA-nb-n-aDd ‘away from Painebenadjed’. 7 Pestman 1961: 152–153. See also Capel and Markoe 1996: 17–19 and 216, n. 51, where this letter is referenced.

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regarding a woman’s authority in the management of property and the domestic responsibilities that could be part of a high-ranking soldier’s life. It also raises the question of the status of Painebenadjed – whether he was a soldier under Shedsukhons’ command who was fulfilling agricultural duties in peacetime. This could be a continuation of the Ramesside policy, cited in a letter from the standard-bearer Maiseti (P. Cairo 58054), when soldiers on inactive duty were allowed to tend their homes. Alternatively he was working in this capacity as an independent tenant-farmer or as a servant brought from Kush at some point during contact and interaction between the two lands. The instructions given to him provide information about husbandry and land ownership. In comparison to visual images this piece of correspondence has provided that extra dimension – an important insight both into land management and cultivation, as well as the property rights of married women.

description of the person who gave the donkey to Pairy. A regiment or company had its own standard bearer and name.9 The soldier Tenen named here is from the company Thn mj Jtn ‘Glittering like the Aten’. A form of this company name has been found dated to the reign of Amenhotep III where it appears on the statue of a standard bearer (Kitchen 1993: no. 108/314, 156) who was of ‘the regiment of King Nebmare Aten-glitters’ (Kitchen 1993: 156). The reference to the time when the animal was given to Pairy, rnpt n tA pDt DApr ‘the year of the bow of Djeper’ (line 5) suggests a reference to an event or a battle, so far unknown, which made this a memorable year.10 Dhutmose states that when he and the stable master confronted Pairy he exclaimed ‘Do not take me to court’ (Lines 7–8) and swore an oath to return the animal. The focus of the letter is on the fact that this is a hire-donkey. Janssen notes the number of recordings of disputes concerning donkeys for hire (Janssen 1975: 167). The actual phrase used here is a donkey agAt.f m bjA ‘its hoof in copper’. This has been seen as a possible allusion ‘to the money represented by the cattle hired out for use in the fields’, and is a phrase used elsewhere where agricultural work is discussed.11

A Problem with the Return of a Donkey Visual evidence of working donkeys8 is given an extra dimension by this 19th Dynasty letter of complaint (P. Cairo 58057; Kitchen 1969: 238, no. 108; Wente 1990: 112, letter 130). It concerns a donkey which the recipient Pairy has been allowed to use and now needs to be returned. A servant named Piay needs to take it as it has been assigned to him as a hired animal ‘for the farmland of the Estate of Menpehtyre, which is on the island of Pekha, under the authority of the soldier Mesha’ (Kitchen 1969: 238, no. 108, lines 3–4). The sender of the letter, Dhutmose, reminds Pairy that it was given to him by a soldier named Tenen ‘of the regiment ‘Glittering like the Aten’ in the year of the bow of Djeper’ who ‘told you to give it to Dhutmose, but you did not give it’. Dhutmose goes on to describe how he and the stable master Amenmose apprehended Pairy in Memphis telling him to give the donkey back, but he has failed to do so. Dhutmose complains that the cost of it is being exacted from him year after year even though it is still in Pairy’s possession.

So from this letter comes confirmation of the existence of an estate named after Ramesses I on an island named Pehka. Described as being in charge of a soldier it shows a military involvement in the management of the land. The reference in the letter to Tenen’s regiment has shown how a military man was identified with the name of his company. The manner of dating when Pairy received the animal shows the use of a memorable event as a calendrical reference. From a legal perspective the oath that Pairy swore to return the donkey appears to be an example of a promissory oath that was not in a juridical setting. It could still be seen as binding in a court of law so Dhutmose could choose to invoke legal action despite Pairy’s appeal not to take him to court.12 The letter also evidences the practice of hiring animals

Dhutmose gives himself the title sAw ‘keeper’ of the Estate of Menpehtyre. His recipient Pairy is a mrmnmnt ‘overseer of cattle’ whom he addresses in the brief n ‘to’ style. Dhutmose is very detailed in his references. He feels he has to tell Pairy exactly where the donkey will be put to work and gives a full

For overall background and history of Egyptian military standards and their bearers see Faulkner 1941: 12–18. 10 See RITANC I: no.108/314, 157 for a suggested alternative reading ‘in the charge of the troop/garrison of Djapir’, putting Tenen in the position of an officer. 11 Gardiner 1941: 19 n. 3. See also Janssen 1975: 167–172 for other examples of amounts and means of payment for hired donkeys during the Ramesside period, and in which debens of copper are mentioned in several instances as the price. 12 See Wilson 1948: 130–131. An example of a vow ‘taken under various circumstances, but apparently not in connection with any juridical process’. 9

For example, Mekhitarian (1978: 145), donkey at work: from the Tomb of Panhesy at Thebes and Robins (2008: 23), donkeys being driven: from the tomb chapel of Werirenptah at Saqqara.

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for personal use, and the way in which the hiring of a donkey was described in terms of its monetary value as represented by the value of copper. Once again it can be seen how the information found in a private letter is able to augment the knowledge sourced from visual scenes – the extra dimension.

The terms used for the vessels involved in the transportation vary. The boats of the temple of Amun are described as qAwt n pr-jmn (Jones 1988: 147:75), the word qAwt denoting a type of barge or cargo boat (Jones 1988: 147:76). The term used for the boats to be loaded is br which was a boat used for transport and can be rendered as ‘scow’ or ‘freighter’ (Jones 1988: 136:30). The second term used for the fifty boats is wsxt, a word also denoting a cargo boat or barge (Jones 1988: 135:24). With this use of different words for the types of vessels the letter suggests a variance in design even though the functions were similar.

Provisioning the Opet Festival The Opet Festival was a key celebration during the New Kingdom Theban calendar, representations of which figure prominently in the temples at Karnak and Luxor. 13 Confirming the importance of its requirements is this letter, dated to the reign of Ramesses II. From the scribe Ramose to the overseer of cattle Hatia14 it addresses the delivery of provisions and cattle for the Feast of Opet.

The letter has shown that a royal scribe and overseer of cattle at Thebes, such as Hatia, would be responsible for the provisioning of the festival and despatching all the requirements to Ramose at Luxor. While Hatia’s titles are included in the address, Ramose does not attribute himself to a particular official, so possibly he has sole responsibility for the organisation of the provisioning of the festival. Through the urgency in Ramose’s words and the directness with which he addresses his recipient, from a religious aspect this letter has evidenced the importance of the Opet festival. It provides insight into the people, their responsibilities and the organisational problems that could occur in the transportation and timely arrival of the sacrificial cattle and provisions – again that extra dimension.

The sender is concerned that ‘… the Feast of Opet has approached to within [?] from today ... but boats of the Temple of Amun have not come to us from […] for the Feast of Opet as well as the cattle to be introduced for offerings to all the gods …’. In order that Pharaoh’s demands may be carried out Hatia needs to rectify this and Ramose tells him to load br nb n pA qAwt pr-jmn ‘every scow of the fleet of the Temple of Amun’, and that 50 wsxt ‘fifty barges’ need to be loaded with nkt mjtt nAy.f kA ‘provisions as well as its cattle’ (lines 4–6). He emphasises the urgency by pointing out that xpr sw n sf ‘passed the day yesterday’ and urges that jryw nty r aqA 10 pA hrw st wD xr ‘its fellows15 transport 10 today, they should depart now’ (line 7).

Interference with the Workforce Another letter of complaint related to a religious issue is from Tet to his lord Djehuty.16 Dating to the reign of Hatshepsut it is regarding Djehuty’s interference with one Ptahsokar in the matter of the personnel of Heliopolis. The opening address, while polite with the adjunct ‘in the favour of Amun-Re’, is followed by a very terse message with a grammatical emphasis placed on the word twt ‘you’ when Tet writes ‘it is you who interfered with him’ (line 2), He tells Djehuty to confer with the reporter Geregmennefer and then that ‘both of you send a letter about him to the Chief of Seers’.

While the primary focus of Ramose’s letter is the urgent request for provisions and cattle for the Feast of Opet, the rest of the correspondence is concerned with other transportation issues which could relate to, among other goods, more Nubian cattle for future festival requirements. The lacunae prevent an accurate interpretation, but it appears Ramose has received a communication from Paser, Viceroy of Kush. There is an implied connection between Upper Egypt and Nubia for supplies, and the means of transport for such provisions and the cattle required for the offerings.

From the religious aspect this letter is an insight into a problem associated with temple building. Although only a short note of complaint – a direct request to investigate the unsatisfactory situation of interference with the temple workforce – it provokes thought about the protagonists and their connection with administration of projects in the religious sector. The

For example, Epigraphic Survey 1994: plate 101, longhorned Nubian cattle for the Opet Festival being led in the sacrificial offerings procession. 14 Dynasty 19: Ramesses II, O. Gardiner 362, Kitchen 1980: 637–639; Cerný and Gardiner 1957: plate 107; Wente 1990: 119, letter 142. 15 Wente 1990: 120, renders as ‘crewmen’ but queries this translation. 13

Dynasty18: P. Deir el-Bahri 2, Hayes 1957: 81, figure 1.O; Wente 1990: 90, letter 111. 16

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tomb of the recipient, Djehuty, was discovered towards the central area of the hill known as Dra Abu el-Naga, at the northern end of the Theban necropolis. It was first excavated in January 1899 by Spiegelberg, Newberry and the Marquis of Northampton (Spiegelberg 1908). The extensive list of titles inscribed there attest to Djehuty’s status as Hatshepsut’s treasurer and architect. These include ‘Superintendent of the two silver-houses, the Superintendent of the two houses of gold ...’ and ‘the Hereditary Mayor, the Treasurer and Superintendent of all the works of the King’. Other inscriptions tell how he ‘guided the workmen to execute (their work) according to the works’, and describe his building achievements at Karnak. His involvement in overseeing the measuring of the tribute of Punt is also represented here (see Breasted 1962: 153–158), as well as in the Deir el-Bahri Punt reliefs (Naville 1908: III, 77; Spiegelberg 1908: 15– 17). Thus, he can be seen as a high authority in the funding and overseeing of major construction projects.

Opet festival, this piece of correspondence brings to life the issues that could arise in the organisation of religious related requirements, together with the people involved. Summary Visual sources have provided invaluable information regarding ancient Egyptian history and society. The analysis of these private letters related to daily life and religious matters has evidenced their important extra contribution to this knowledge. The first letter gave insight into the ownership and management of land, the property rights of married women, as well as reflecting the deference to domestic responsibilities of a Commander such as Shedsukhons. The second letter complaining about the return of a donkey evidenced the practice of hiring of an animal such as a donkey, the legal implications due to its non-return and the background and responsibilities of the people involved. The lack of arrival for provisions for the Opet Festival was the reason for the complaint in the third letter. The people involved in the provisioning and organisation were identified. In the context of religious custom the sender’s urgency emphasised the importance of the occasion. The final piece of correspondence also concerned the organisation of requirements in a religious context – in this instance associated with temple building. In this, and in the previous pieces of correspondence, the personalities and relative hierarchical status of the people resolving the problem were reflected in the reasons for writing and structure of expression.

The identity and actual status of the sender Tet is not clear; the only name so far associated with tt in the New Kingdom has been a woman (Hayes 1957: 89; see also Ranke 1935: 383), but Geregmennefer’s two alabaster canopic jars bear the title of ‘Chief/First Royal Herald’ (Williams 1918: 278). As the actual location of the people from Heliopolis is not stated it is not clear whether Djehuty’s interference has taken place at Deir el-Bahri or Heliopolis. The fact that Djehuty has to send a letter to the Chief of Seers, that is the high priest of Heliopolis, would make the latter location more likely. The tone of the letter, together with the request that Djehuty confer with Geregmennefer in compiling a communication from both of them, suggests the seriousness of his action and the need to explain what actually occurred with Ptahsokar to the Heliopolitan High Priest and restore the situation.

There has been considerable interest in the genre of ancient Egyptian personal correspondence, focused on such aspects as individual letters, letters as a collection, those grouped by topic or a specific period. The purpose of this study has been to discuss personal correspondence in an additional context. While it has focused on only a small number of letters, its value lies in evidencing the way research into their content is able to augment the information from visual images. This approach can be applied to a wide range of personal correspondence to evidence how, in comparison to specific artistic representations, it enables insight into both the Egyptian people as individuals and the actual events and issues occurring in their lives. This additional perspective provides further substantiation that their personal letters are an important primary source of social information and custom in ancient Egypt – adding that important extra dimension to visual sources.

Ptahsokar’s role is not defined but the interference from Djehuty would indicate that Djehuty saw himself as his superior. He therefore perhaps had countermanded Ptahsokar’s orders or tried to tell him how he should instruct the people from Heliopolis in his charge to undertake their work, thus provoking this letter. Tet could have been working alongside Ptahsokar, sharing the overall responsibility for whatever project was underway. From the religious perspective the letter gives information about the bureaucratic hierarchy, and the levels of responsibility involved in carrying out the important work of temple building. It shows the kind of personal friction that could occur in this area and the background and status of the people involved. As in the letter regarding the

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Kitchen, K.A. 1986. The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100–650 BC). 2nd edition with supplement. Warminster: Aris & Phillips Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1993. Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments 1. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Lesko, L.H. (ed.) 1982–1990. A Dictionary of Late Egyptian. Berkeley: B.C. Scribe Publications. Mekhitarian, A. 1978. Egyptian Painting. New York: Rizzoli International Publications Inc. Naville, E. 1908. The Temple of Deir el Bahari. London: Offices of the Egypt Expoloration Fund. Pestman, P.W. 1961. Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Ranke, H. 1935. Die Ägyptischen Personennamen: band 1, Verzeichnis der Namen. Glückstadt: J.J. Augustin. Robins, G. 2008. The Art of Ancient Egypt. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Schulman, A.R. 1964. Military Rank, Title and Organisation in the Egyptian New Kingdom. Berlin: Bruno Hessling. Spiegelberg, W., Marquis of Northampton and P.E. Newberry, 1908. Report on Some Excavations in the Theban Necropolis During the Winter of 1898–9. London: Constable and Co. Spiegelberg, W. 1917. Briefe der 21 Dynastie aus El-Hibe. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 53: 1–30. Thorpe. S. 2021. Daily Life in Ancient Egyptian Personal Correspondence. Oxford: Archaeopress VerSteeg, R. 2002. Law in the Ancient World. Durham, North Carolina: Carolina Academic Press. Wente, E. 1990. Letters from Ancient Egypt. Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press. Williams, C.R. 1918. The Egyptian Collection in the Museum of Art at Cleveland, Ohio (continued). The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 5: 272–285. Wilson, J.A. 1948, The Oath in Ancient Egypt. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 7: 129–156.

Bibliography Bakir, Abd el-Mohsen 1970. Egyptian Epistolography from the Eighteenth to the Twenty-First Dynasty. Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale. Breasted, J.H. 1962. Ancient Records of Egypt Volume 2: The Eighteenth Dynasty. New York: Russell. Capel, A.K. and G.E. Markoe (eds) 1996. Mistress of the House Mistress of Heaven. New York: Hudson Hills Press. Cerný, J. and A.H. Gardiner 1957. Hieratic Ostraca. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dodson, A. 2012. Afterglow of Empire: Egypt from the Fall of the New Kingdom to the Saite Renaissance. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press. Epigraphic Survey 1994. Reliefs and Inscriptions at Luxor Temple, Volume I: The Festival Procession of Opet in the Colonnade Hall. Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Faulkner, R.O. 1941. Egyptian Military Standards. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 27: 12–18. Gardiner, A.H. 1941. Ramesside Texts Relating to the Taxation and Transport of Corn. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 27: 19–73. Harari, I. 1983. La Capacité juridique de la femme au Nouvel Empire. Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 30: 41–54. Hayes, W.C. 1957. Varia from the Time of Hatshepsut. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Instituts für Ägyptische Altertumskunde in Kairo 15: 78–90. Janssen, J.J. 1975. Prolegomena to the Study of Egypt’s Economic History During the New Kingdom. Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur 3: 149. Jones, D. 1988. A Glossary of Ancient Egyptian Nautical Titles and Terms. London and New York: Kegan Paul International. Kitchen, K.A. 1969. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical: Volume I. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd. Kitchen, K.A. 1980. Ramesside Inscriptions: Historical and Biographical: Volume III. Oxford: B.H. Blackwell Ltd.

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Sharyn Volk: Where are the Funerary Figurine Depictions in Book of the Dead Spell 110 Vignettes?

Where are the Funerary Figurine Depictions (or The Nature of Work) in Book of the Dead Spell 110 Vignettes? Sharyn Volk The Hands-on-Humanities Project

Depictions of the ancient Egyptian Field of Reeds in the Book of the Dead (BD) have been described as an embellished representation of the cultivated Nile floodplain at the time of harvest (Kemp 2007: 38). The principal role of the field in this context could therefore be understood as representing the place where crops were grown to provide the dead with food. Schneider (1977: volume 1, 9) contends ‘the fundamental stages in the process of food production are never shown among the scenes of the Elysian Fields, and the only depictions seen are the ‘visions of the Hereafter the tomb-owner wished for himself’. This paper will undertake an examination of the actors engaged in the agricultural activity in BD110 vignettes. The text of this chapter describes the deceased incarnated as Hotep and Lord of the Fields enjoying the fruits of the earthly life in abundance. Eating, drinking and copulating are clearly understood as elements of a delightful afterlife, but surely this cannot be said of the work associated with ploughing and reaping? During the earthly life, this work was not undertaken by the owners of the tombs and papyri under consideration. Indeed, this was the reason for the existence of the funerary figurine and BD6, the spell intended to animate the figurine to ensure it acted as a substitute should its owner be called upon to undertake the agricultural tasks depicted in BD110 representations.

symbolises the wealth of nourishment available in the Field for the benefit of those who enter it. Reunification with deceased parents is often portrayed, prior to sailing on to encounter members of the Great Ennead. In a study of the Book of the Dead in a Memphite context Raven (2010: 251) notes studies of BD110 vignettes are disproportionately dominated by Theban examples of the spell. He therefore examines material from the New Kingdom necropolis at Saqqara to build on this scholarship. Raven (2010: 251), notes the presence of six registers separated by canals on blocks from the tomb of General Horemheb (Figure 2), which include Horemheb offering to three mummiform deities, Horemheb seated behind an offering table, and in the lower register another figure of the deceased behind an offering table. The six-register layout of Horemheb’s vignette of BD110 is unusual, but not unique (Raven 2010: 252); during the 2007 Leiden expedition another example which is very similar to the Horemheb composition was identified in the tomb of the royal butler Ptahemwia (Figure 3). Raven (2010: 252) describes the depictions featuring auxiliary workers in the harvest scenes from both of these tombs as significant because the expectation in the context of the Fields of Iaru (Reeds) is that the deceased was to undertake the work himself. However, he suggests these portrayals may have taken influence from agricultural scenes in Old Kingdom mastabas at Saqqara, and could therefore be regarded as painted in a distinctive Memphite tradition. The existence of another rare scene in Ptahemwia’s BD110 tomb painting is the depiction of ‘a person with a hoe, probably the tomb-owner himself rather than his wife’ (Raven 2010: 252).

Elements Depicted on BD110 Vignettes Many of the common elements illustrated in BD110 vignettes are seen on the New Kingdom papyrus of Nakht held in the collection of the British Museum (Figure 1). These vignettes are read bottom to top and the waterways act to separate the registers. Depictions can include the divine barque and islands, the deceased engaged in agricultural activity including ploughing fields, scything grain and pulling flax, walking the oxen over the threshing floor often next to piles of grain, standing or seated at an offering table replete with produce, and making offerings to a deity. The deceased worships the ‘heron of plenty’ which

Prior to Raven’s consideration of Memphite depictions of Book of the Dead spells, Gesellensetter (1997: 129, n. 333) specifically addressed unusual representations in a range of BD110 vignettes and considered the possibility of whether or not the unidentifiable people depicted in the agricultural scenes could be funerary figurines. Pairs of figurines are seen in BD151 vignettes (Luscher 1998: 305), sometimes with their BD6 text 107

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Figure 1 Vignette BD110 in the Book of the Dead Papyrus of Nakht, late 18th/early 19th Dynasty (probably Thebes). Accession number EA10471/20 (© The Trustees of the British Museum).

Figure 2 Vignette BD110 Tomb of Horemheb, Saqqara (after Raven 2010: 261, figure 1). 108

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Figure 3 Vignette BD110, Tomb of Ptahemwiah, Saqqara (after Raven 2010: 262, figure 2).

Figure 4 Vignette BD110, Papyrus of Anhai, 20th Dynasty (probably Thebes). Accession number EA10472/5 (© The Trustees of the British Museum). 109

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Figyre 5a and b Vignette BD110, Theban Tomb 1. Tomb of Sennedjem. Close detail extracted from L/S Register 4 within waterways. 110

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alongside, so given the current understanding of their intended function it is reasonable to expect to see them at work in the Field of Reeds and therefore in BD110 depictions. Gesellensetter (1997: 129, n. 333) concludes that there is no hint of such an identity in any of the vignettes she has studied, although in depictions where a person is seen with a basket it must be observed this at least can be read as an attribute associated with a funerary figurine, and that as a ploughman he would be expected to be furnished with a hoe. Therefore, she contends the consideration there are funerary figurines undertaking activity on the behalf of the deceased cannot be rejected. Gesellensetter (1997: 129, n. 333) further notes that, although in these vignettes women are seen to perform as workers, the male depictions on the papyri who are identifiable by their names, almost without exception execute agricultural activities by themselves. The equivalent sole depiction of a female tomb owner working is seen in the BD110 vignette of the Book of the Dead of Anhai (Figure 4). As a female tomb owner this complies with the canon.

without obvious attributes, and sometimes with the BD6 text alongside. Theban Tomb 1 (TT1), the funerary complex of Sennedjem and his family, comprises a court, three pyramid chapels and three shafts. It was discovered intact in 1886 (Mahmoud 2011: 1). The most significant of the tomb goods are nominated as belonging to Sennedjem and his wife Iyinofreti, Khons the son of Sennedjem and his wife Tamaket, and Isis who is thought to be their daughter. The depiction of BD110 was allocated an entire wall, and is considered one of the finest examples known (Figure 5a and b). This family can be charted for six generations throughout the 19th and 20th Dynasties. Given the commonality of location and chronology comparisons can be drawn between this BD110 depiction and the portrayals on the papyrus of Anhai. The male and female figures painted on these depictions in the funerary complex are described as Sennedjem and Iyinofreti. With the exception of the opening of the mouth being undertaken with the mummy in the top right-hand corner of the five registers bounded by waterways, all activities are performed by the pair. This is consistent with TT1 as a family tomb complex. The unusual short beard evident on the portrayal of Sennedjem also features on the male on the papyrus of Anhai. Although this may suggest the male on Anhai’s papyrus is her husband, funerary figurines of similar chronology are also known to exhibit this attribute (Newberry 1957: plate XVIII). On the TT1 painting Sennedjem is scything the crop and Iyinofreti is following him gathering it into a bag, an attribute which is also seen on a funerary figurine. Within the framework of Schneider’s (1977: volume 1, 172) typology the bag carried by Iyinofreti most closely resembles Type 1b, described as trapezoid with crossed fibres, and usually seen as one of pair carried on the front of a figurine. The Sennedjem and Iyinofreti representation is also reminiscent of the portrayal of the male scything grain on the papyrus of Anhai, and the deceased following him, although rather than carrying a bag and collecting the material scythed by her husband Anhai is independently pulling flax.

The late New Kingdom Book of the Dead papyrus of Anhai, Chantress of Amun and Chief of the Musicians (Figure 4) was found in the recess of a base of a PtahSokar-Osiris mummiform figure understood to assist resurrection in the afterlife (Strudwick 2006: 236). It is dated to the 20th Dynasty and is of Theban origin. Towards the end of the New Kingdom some women are seen to own their own funerary papyri, and the papyrus of Anhai is considered one of the more exceptional extant examples; it is of large size and features the rare use of gold leaf as an embellishment (Taylor 2010: 71). Examination within the framework of the standard depictions of BD110 confirms the four registers should be read bottom to top. It is clearly a male worker who is seen undertaking work with a hoe in the left corner of the top register, and scything grain in the second from left depiction on register three. To the left of the grain harvesting scene, a female presumed as a depiction of the deceased is pulling flax. Anhai is seen again ploughing in two scenes on the second register, and on the third register the deceased is portrayed standing behind a table laden with offerings worshipping the heron of plenty and a seated god. The question which arises in the examination of this papyrus is whether or not the male depictions in these scenes are the husband of the deceased, Nebsumenu, Stablemaster of the Residence, or Anhai’s funerary figurines. The type of dress worn by the male suggests her husband on the basis we expect a funerary figurine depiction to be in the standard mummified form carrying agricultural implements. Identification of funerary figurines in BD151 relies on the appearance of this form, albeit

The detail of ancient Egyptian clothing and hairstyle representations was deeply embedded with symbolic meaning. Van Dijk (2001: 26) notes that BD110 refers to ploughing, sowing, reaping and threshing, though proposes the scenes depicted in BD110 vignettes should not be interpreted literally, and cites the wearing of ‘beautiful white linen garments’ as supporting the contention the owners of the book understood the work undertaken in these scenes was actually going to 111

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be completed by their worker substitutes, their funerary figurines. The spell text specifically refers to the deceased himself ploughing and reaping in the field (Faulkner 2010: 105). In the BD110 vignette located in the Sennedjem tomb complex Iyinofreti, seen with her husband, is dressed in the beautiful flowing white linen garment described by Van Dijk and her hair is arranged in the tripartite fashion. In contrast, the depictions of Anhai in her own tomb evidence a tightfitting dress and hair tied back behind the shoulders. This is consistent with attributes observed on women present in agricultural scenes (Robins 1999: 16). In contrast, the papyrus of Nestanebetisheru (British Museum EA10554/81) dated to the late 21st/early 22nd and also of Theban origin, presents an abbreviated version of the normal depiction perhaps because it was unfinished (Taylor 2010: 244). The owner is depicted without a male companion and is undertaking agricultural activity by herself. She is wearing the same hairstyle and dress type as Iyinofreti.

with an individual of higher status or a god, may be an important phenomenon, more so than previously recognised (Roth 2002: 121). The notion of the afterlife being a mirror of the earthly life raises a question regarding the attributes often carried by royal figurines and the figurines of the elite. Although a number of figurines owned by royals carry insignia exclusive to those in that position, particularly the crook and flail and royal head-dress, many are also evidenced with agricultural implements in concert with the royal regalia. The owners of these figurines were not required to undertake work in the earthly life, and their expectation was that neither would that obligation exist in the afterlife. If the intention of the funerary figurine was simply to animate and act as a servant under the instructions of its owner why were figurines created in the image of their owners yet carrying agricultural implements? The idea of wanting to express humility before their gods could have been a motivating consideration driving the inclusion of hoes, picks and bags on these figurines. The activities associated with the attributes can be very well understood within the framework of Roth’s (2002: 121) notion of menial activity being a pathway to association with a god. Van Dijk’s (2001: 26) reading of this imagery suggests the deceased emanated tranquillity because they were secure in the knowledge they were not actually required to work. This interpretation could alternatively be that the nature of these depictions was to portray a countenance of serenity to reflect humility.

The Nature of Work Loprieno (2012: 4) proposes a useful summary of the condition of servitude through the first half of the pharaonic period. During the Old Kingdom, those who could not count themselves as members of the elite classes were subject to stringent administrative regulation and could be conscripted to the corvée at any time. The First Intermediate Period witnessed a group outside of the elite class who characterised themselves as free and seemingly able to operate in the economic structure outside of the coerced labour system. During the Middle Kingdom, it is recognised a call to the corvée could be legitimately avoided by paying another person to act as substitute (Callender 2000: 173). Taylor (2010: 245) notes priests and scribes could employ a deputy to do work on their behalf and that shabtis were devised to handle this problem in the afterlife. These mechanisms are frequently nominated as an obvious reason for the existence of the funerary figurine.

The Field of Reeds Understanding the emergent phases of a belief system facilitates appreciation of its later incarnations. Across substantive time spans multiple metamorphoses will be discerned, but the essence of what is seen at the end will hold something of what was intended from the beginning. BD110 finds its origins in spells 464– 468 of the Coffin Texts (CT). In an examination of this group of Coffin Texts and use of the terminology Field of Hetep and Field of Offerings, Lesko (1971–1972) seeks to understand whether or not they are the same. He proposes the original existence of two separate places reflecting two traditions, which over a period of time were syncretised to provide a standardised depiction of what could be anticipated in the afterlife. In a later study Lesko (1991: 120) notes the association of the Field of Reeds with the eastern horizon and therefore as a place of purification, and the Field of Hetep with the western horizon and as a place of paradise, or ‘the nearest thing to an Egyptian Elysian Fields’.

In her study of the Nikau-anpu group of serving statues, Roth (2002: 16) proposed an interpretation for these statues as an overstated representation of engagement in activity demonstrating ‘humility and dependence on their father’ and their value to him in the afterlife. In their depiction as family members rather than unidentifiable workers, the reason for their existence was not only to afford service to the deceased, but to enhance their own prospects in the afterlife through their subservience and usefulness. Roth concluded the notion of menial activity as a pathway to association 112

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Conclusion

The origins of CT464–468 are recognised in the Pyramid Texts. In a comparative study of the context of the terminology Field of Rushes/Lake of Rushes in Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom mortuary literature, Hays (2004: 175) observes reference to the Field/Lake is evidenced forty-six times in the literature of the Old Kingdom, and forty-three times in the literature of the Middle Kingdom. He contends within the Pyramid Texts the place is understood to provide a protective function, which in the emergent Coffin Texts of the Middle Kingdom transforms to the fulfilment of a provisioning role (Hays 2004: 199). Taylor (2010: 242) nominates the Field of Reeds in the Pyramid Texts as a place of purification for the deceased, which in the Coffin Texts became a destination where crops were grown to provide the dead with food, the principal role of the Field of Reeds in the Book of the Dead. Pyramid Text Utterances 253, 323, 325, 470 and 471 (Allen 2015: 46, 71, 72 and 131) all support the Field of Rushes as a place of cleansing and purification. By the time of the Book of the Dead, The Field of Reeds is understood as a place of provisioning which provides all the deceased requires in regards to both food and earthly pleasures.

Depictions of people undertaking work in the Field of Reeds on BD110 vignettes are representations of the tomb owner, sometimes with family and sometimes in the canonical form of an agricultural worker. Those dressed in their finest linens are representing themselves in a familiar earthly form, while some owners chose to depict themselves in a form more associated with an agricultural worker. Despite the expectation of the deceased that they would themselves become an Osiris, the Book of the Dead was a tool which was employed to negotiate safe transition, and the activity undertaken in the Field of Reeds was an element in that process. Engagement in menial activity by owners and family members can be interpreted as an expression of humility toward the gods, with the intention of facilitating a pathway to enjoyment of the fruits of the afterlife. Although some of the unidentified figurines in BD110 depictions in the Field of Reeds may be interpreted as representing funerary figurines, the notion of the deceased arriving in a place of abundance where devotion to the gods is demonstrated through depictions of engagement in agricultural labour is substantive.

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Bibliography

Lüscher. B. 1998. Untersuchungen zu Totenbuch Spruch 151. Wiesbaden: Harassowitz Verlag. Mahmoud, A. 2011, S. Donnat (ed.) Catalogue of Funerary Objects from the Tomb of the Servant in the Place of Truth Sennedjem. Cairo: Institut Francais D’Archaeologie Orientale. Newberry, P.E. 1957. Catalogue Général des Antiquités Égyptiennes du Musée du Caire, Nos 46530–48575, Funerary Statuettes and Model Sarcophagi Troisiéme Fascicule, Indices et Planches. Cairo: Le Caire Imprimerie de L’Institute Français D’Archéologie Orientale. Raven, M.J. 2010. Book of the Dead Documents from the New Kingdom Necropolis at Saqqara. British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan 15: 249–265 Robins, G. 1999. Hair and the Construction of Identity in Ancient Egypt, c. 1480–1350 B.C. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 36: 55–69. Roth, A. 2002. The Meaning of Menial Labor: ‘Servant Statues’ in Old Kingdom Serdabs. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 39: 103–121. Schneider, H.D. 1977. Shabtis: An Introduction to the History of Ancient Egyptian Funerary Statuettes with a Catalogue of the Collection of Shabtis in the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden. Volumes 1, 2 and 3. Netherlands: Rijksmuseum Van Oudheden Te Leiden. Strudwick, N. 2006. Masterpieces of Ancient Egypt from The British Museum. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press. Taylor, J.H. 2010. Journey through the Afterlife Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. London: British Museum Press. Van Dijk, J. 2001. Paradise, in D.B. Redford (ed.) The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, Volume 3: 24–27. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Allen, J.P. 2015. The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts Second Edition. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature Press. Callender, G. 2000. The Middle Kingdom Renaissance (c. 2160–2055 BC), in I. Shaw (ed.) The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt: 173. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Faulkner, R.O. 2010. The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. London: The British Museum Press. Gesellensetter, J.S. 1997. Das Sechet-Iaru Untersuchungen zur Vignette des Kapitels 110 im Ägyptischen Totenbuch. Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät I der Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg. Hays, H.M. 2004. Transformation of Context: The Field of Rushes in Old and Middle Kingdom Mortuary Literature, in S. Bickel and B. Mathieu (eds) D’un monde à l’autre Textes Des Pyramides & Textes Des Sarcophages Actes de la table ronde internationale ‘Textes des Pyramides versus Textes des Sarcophages’ Ifao, 24–26 Septembre 2001. 175– 200. Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale Bibliothèque D’Étude. Kemp, B.J. 2000. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. London: Routledge. Lesko, L.H. 1971–1972. The Field of Hetep in Egyptian Coffin Texts. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 9: 89–101. Lesko, L.H. 1991. Ancient Egyptian Cosmogonies and Cosmology, in B.E. Shafer (ed.) Religion in Ancient Egypt Gods, Myths and Personal Practice. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. Loprieno, A. 2012. Slavery and Servitude, in E. Frood and W. Wendrich (eds) UCLA Encyclopaedia of Egyptology.

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Iconoclasm in Degrees: On the Proscription of Seth (again) Ashten Warfe Centre for Ancient Cultures, Monash University

In 2015, Monash University became the administering organisation for a five-year Australian Research Council Discovery Project entitled Seth, God of Confusion: The Archaeology of a Cult Centre in Egypt. Under the direction of Associate Professor Colin A. Hope (Monash University), Dr Gillian Bowen (Monash University) and Professor Iain Gardner (University of Sydney), the project’s primary remit is to undertake a detailed study of the cult of Seth in Egypt’s Western Desert, principally in relation to the site of Mut alKharab in Dakhleh Oasis. My involvement in the project as research assistant (2015–2018) was to collate Seth imagery and analyse it for signs of intentional damage. Data are being compiled in a digital database at Monash University and upon completion this will serve as a comprehensive repository of visual information on the god.

Hypostyle Hall at Karnak (Hope and Warfe 2017: 276– 279, figure 1), with both studies demonstrating selective targeting of references to the god. The current paper intends to build on the latter case study, extending the analysis to the nearby Luxor Temple.

Brief Review on the Proscription of Seth and Practices of Iconoclasm One of the founding statements on the proscription of Seth is presented in a study by Gunn and Gardiner (1918: 45) on the expulsion of the Hyksos: The persecution of Set during the Saite and later times, when his image appears to have been systematically excised from the monuments, was probably the result of a religious revival, when all old prejudices and hostilities were aroused by a wave of acute nationalism. Notable in this statement is the suggestion of a ‘systematic excision’ of the god’s image. This sentiment is maintained by te Velde (1977: 138–151) in his seminal study on Seth, and similar statements on the demonisation of Seth and the defacement of the god’s image continue to appear in the literature bringing the idea into current scholarship (e.g. Brand 2000: 25; Ritner 2012: 398; Wilson 2005: 125).

An initial aim of the project was to reconcile competing attitudes towards the god Seth during the first millennium BCE. A considerable body of scholarship refers to a ‘proscription’ of Seth at this time in the Nile valley based on textual accounts and attacks on the god’s image in reliefs and inscriptions. Yet in Dakhleh Oasis and its ancient capital, Mut alKharab, evidence is accumulating for the continued veneration of Seth from the New Kingdom through the course of the first millennium BCE into the Roman period (Hope 2016; Hope and Kaper 2011; Kaper 1997; Vittmann 2017). Addressing this apparent contradiction, the Discovery Project is interested in questions of regionalism and whether the treatment of Seth in marginal areas of the state, such as Dakhleh Oasis, differed to his treatment in the Nile valley.

These publications share agreement that the demonisation of Seth may be attributed to emerging resentments towards foreign intervention in Egypt during the Third Intermediate Period and Late Period with the ‘lord of foreign countries’ becoming a target for local anxieties. It has also been suggested that the growing popularity of the Osiris cult during the first millennium saw rising antagonisms towards his murderer/brother (Smith 2010: 414). The timing of events is, however, disputed, with some citing the occurrence of the Seth proscription during the late Ramesside times and 21st–22nd Dynasties, in part as a belated response to the Hyksos (Habachi 1974: 102; Montet 1936: 201; Uphill 1984: 221), while others cite the 25th Dynasty and/or Late Period in response to the

As part of the investigation it has become necessary to interrogate the visual evidence for the proscription, particularly in its more permanent form: i.e. the erasure/damage inflicted to the god’s image as it appears on major monuments. In a recent paper, Hope and Warfe (2017) argued that the iconoclast approach to Seth was both nuanced and inconsistent: we did so drawing on Marsha Hill’s (2015: 298–299) analysis of reused Ramesside statues from Tanis, alongside our own case study of the exterior north wall of the 115

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Assyrian invasion of the 7th century (Gunn and Gardiner 1918: 45; te Velde 1977: 139–140; 1984: 910; Soukiassian 1981; Brand 2000: 25; see also Griffith 1958).

suggests that several programs of proscription with different goals were carried out at different times’ (Roth 2005: 280). In this single statement, Roth reveals the potential complexities in understanding ancient Egyptian iconoclasm: evidently, the practice should not be studied as a singular or static process, but as something subject to multiple intentions and articulations that can modify over time.2

Moving beyond issues of timing, more substantive concerns with the ‘proscription’ have arisen through inscriptional evidence from Mut al-Kharab pointing to a continuation in Seth worship (Hope 2016; Hope and Kaper 2011), along with the continued use of Seth in personal names in the later first millennium BCE (Vittmann 2017). In reviewing textual material from the Nile valley, Smith (2010: 415–17) reveals a history of Seth denigration as a normative function of the cult and continuation of antagonisms expressed towards the god beginning in the Early Dynastic and Old Kingdom periods. Smith (2010, 416) also posits that hostility towards Seth should be treated as cultspecific, and thusly confined to a defined context for consideration and analysis (e.g. Edfu = home of Horus). A similar point is raised by Cruz-Uribe (2009), who also queries the idea of proscription in light of the long-term attitudes towards Seth.

Location, as well, is apparently relevant with the more hardened attacks on Hatshepsut reliefs occurring in the innermost sanctuaries at Deir el-Bahri, while the outer terrace porticoes received only light, preliminary adjustments to the point that the expedition to Punt, obelisk transportation, and divine birth are still legible (Dorman 2005: 269). Political context too is relevant, with images of Hatshepsut as king sustaining the attack while her queenly images remain unmolested (Dorman 2005: 267). With these examples in mind, it is useful to approach the attack of the Seth image as potentially multi-factorial and context dependent.

In response to these issues, more focussed research is required to assess the apparent Seth proscription in time, place and practice. The issues also prompt more probing questions on iconoclasm in ancient Egyptian. To my understanding there is no seminal publication on this topic: there is no entry in the Lexicon der Ägyptologie dedicated specifically to the erasure of names or images, nor is there a topic-specific entry in the standard encyclopaedias. This omission is curious, as iconoclasm seems to be a rich subject for analysis.1 It also seems to find articulation in a variety of practices aimed at erasing, obscuring and/or desecrating the individual’s name/image.

Case Study: The Colonnade Hall of the Luxor Temple Examples of vandalism to the Seth image are prevalent throughout the Theban region, particularly at Karnak and the Luxor Temple. A recurring target are the hundreds of cartouches belonging to Seti I and Seti II, in which Seth appears in the seated deity [C7] form. The purpose of this brief case study is to assess and pattern these examples, to scrutinise whether the vandalism can be discussed as something other than, or additional to, a ‘systematic’ process of erasure. The Colonnade Hall of the Luxor Temple was selected for the case study as it is centrally located in the Luxor Temple which itself is centrally located in the Theban region, making it attractive to iconoclasts. Constructed initially by Amenhotep III and added to by successive

This point may be illustrated using the well-known New Kingdom case study involving Hatshepsut. In studying the Deir el-Bahri reliefs, Roth (2005: 277–279), identifies five techniques of erasure (chipped silhouette, rectangular roughening, smoothing, replacement and patching) along with practices of obscuring the image from view through sheathing the monument, and removing it altogether through dismantling the monument. Roth (2005: 280) also identifies a practice of multiple erasures which basically involves a combination of these techniques. This variation is important, and intriguing, as it indicates that the image of the individual ‘… was attacked repeatedly and in differing degrees [and] perhaps

2 Examples occur also in the private sphere. Theban Tomb 147, examined by Macquarie University/Australian Centre for Egyptology (Ockinga 2004; 2008), reveals two different types of erasure: one involving cutting and the removal of plaster, and the other the abrasive removal of the tomb owner’s name. Ockinga (2008: 140–143) identifies the former as a product of attack during the height of the Amarna Age, as it tends to target the name ‘Amun’ and sign reference to ‘gods’. The latter, by contrast, could be an instance of tomb recycling during the late New Kingdom or early Third Intermediate Period, with the attack levelled mostly at removing the original tomb owner’s name (Ockinga 2008: 143).

Attention is drawn to a few important publications that offer discussions on the subject matter (e.g. Bryan 2012; Koch 2014; Ritner 1993; 2012; Wilson 2005).

1

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Figure 1 Ground plan of the Colonnade Hall in the Luxor Temple (source: Epigraphic Survey 1994: 61; Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago). rulers, both Seti I and Seti II decorated areas of the Colonnade Hall and their nomen cartouche ‘stymrnpth’ appears regularly and in associated contexts. This provided multiple opportunities for vandals to ply their task. The hall measures circa 50 x 20m with 14 columns occupying the central floor (Figure 1), holding the architraves in place. The walls are now reduced to the lower registers and stand only a metre or so in height, revealing the loss of original imagery in places.

form ‘nbwy’ to denote the Two Lords (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 188 column 8; plate 196, A1). There is also possibly a figure of Seth in a scene on the interior north wall, east side (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 169), not included in the analysis as the identification remains uncertain. The Volume I glossary (Epigraphic Survey 1994: 58) records a further three examples of the sty-mrnpth cartouche, two of which appear on wall scenes (Epigraphic Survey 1994: plates 48 column 8; 50.89 column 2). The third is now missing from the wall scene but implied from the associated titulary (Epigraphic Survey 1994: plate 52 column 2). The Volume I glossary also indicates two additional examples of the Seth image in the seated animal form as part of the ‘Two Lords’ combination hieroglyph (Epigraphic Survey 1994: plates 110 column 16; 119 column 6), the latter of which is largely missing and difficult to assess any intentional damage.

The Epigraphic Survey (1994; 1998) operating under the auspices of the Oriental Institute has produced two detailed volumes of line drawings and translations on the imagery and inscriptions from the Colonnade Hall. These volumes provide the data for the following analysis.3 The glossary in Volume II (Epigraphic Survey 1998: 95) records 46 examples of the sty-mrnpth cartouche on the columns, architraves and remaining wall scenes. To this, four more examples of the stymrnpth cartouche can be identified in Volume II from Columns 3 and 8 (not recorded in the glossary) along with two images of Seth in the seated animal [E20]

This brings the total number of Seth images cited for the analysis to 57. The count includes 15 examples of the Seti I cartouche, 33 examples of the Seti II cartouche, and three examples of the seated Seth animal associated with the nbwy hieroglyphs. Despite the remaining six examples being too fragmentary

I am grateful to the Oriental Institute Museum for permission to include in this paper visual materials that have appeared in Oriental Institute publications.

3

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Figure 2 Upper texts bands on Columns 1–2, 4–7 and 9–14 (source: Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 194; Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago). Columns 3 and 8, missing from the image, depict the same pattern of damage to the Seth image, line drawings for which are available in the Epigraphic Survey (1998: plates 178–179).

Figure 3 Upper part of the central panel on Column 13 (source: Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 192; Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago). 118

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to determine intentional damage, there exists a sufficient quantity of Seth images to assess the nature of attack relative to location in the Colonnade Hall: columns, wall scenes and architraves. Columns Beginning with the columns, the Seth determinative appears twice in the upper band of all examples in the context of the Seti II cartouche (Figure 2). In each instance the Seth sign has been damaged, while all other signs on the bands remain undamaged with the exception of a sA sign on column 1. This attack occurs uniformly across all 14 columns in a manner consistent with the ‘systematic excision’ identified by Gunn and Gardiner (1918: 45). Moving to the column’s central panel, and using Column 13 as an example (Figure 3), the vandalism becomes more ambiguous in the targeting of hieroglyphs. Alongside a damaged image of Seth in the king’s nomen (column 22), which occurs also on the central panel of three other columns (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plates 188 column 8, 190 column 26 and 193 column 24) and possibly a fourth (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 191 column 25), several other hieroglyph signs on Column 13 have been attacked including the wn [E34] hare (column 7), m [G17] owl (column 5), sA [G39] duck (columns 10 and 22), the seated king and deities (columns 6–7 and 10–11), the ib [F34] and tp [D1] signs (columns 6–7) possibly the Maat sign in the throne name (column 21), and examples of the w [G43] chick (columns 10 and 13). Notably, the targeting seems to be directed towards the head of the sign, more so than the body. Complicating the analysis is the deep hacking-out of faces and limbs among the figures of the king (Seti I) and deities (Amun and Mut). This too is common to monuments in the Theban area, and generally attributed to a post-pharaonic wave of iconoclasm (Epigraphic Survey 1998: xx; Brand 2000: 24–25; Frankfurter 1998: 26–27).

Figure 4 North portal door jamb, eastern thickness (source: Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 156; Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago).

column 2; 1998: plates 156 row 7, 159 frag. 109 column 5 and 2229 frag. column 7), while three are left untouched (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 154a [see Figure 5], 154c columns 4 and 6). Although the majority are damaged, what we see here is a less systematic attack on the Seth hieroglyph. Possibly, this is due to the irregular location of examples on the walls, making it difficult for the iconoclasts to predict or pinpoint where they should be targeting their attack. It is also necessary to point out that alongside examples of damaged Seth images on the walls, several other signs have also been vandalised: e.g. the Horus falcon accompanying Seth in the nbwy sign (Epigraphic Survey 1994: plate 110, column 16).

Wall Scenes The Seth hieroglyph is recorded in 14 instances on the remaining door jambs, wall scenes and associated fragments. Five examples are damaged (Epigraphic Survey 1994: plates 48 column 8, 50 frag. 89 column 2 and 110 column 16; 1998: plates 156 column 4 [see Figure 4] and 159 frag. 108 obverse column 2), the status of another five examples remains uncertain as the Seth image is mostly or entirely missing from the relief (Epigraphic Survey 1994: plates 119 column 6 and 52 119

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Figure 5 Ramesside gateway, upper part of east door jamb (source: Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 154a; Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago).

Figure 6 West architrave, east face: the four strips should be read as a connected panel running from top left to bottom right (source: Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 197A; Courtesy of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago). 120

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Table 1 Frequency of damaged and undamaged Seth imagery in different contexts of the Colonnade Hall. columns walls, door jambs architraves

damaged 32 5 3 40

undamaged – 5 7 12

uncertain 1 3 1 5

examples of the Seth image damaged, and only one other hieroglyph vandalised among the more than 100 present on these bands. The nature of the attack is concentrated and precise, targeting images of Seth that are conspicuous and predictable in their placement within the Colonnade Hall. Evidently, those undertaking the excision knew precisely what they were looking for, and why. Der Manuelian’s (1999: 286) insights on the iconoclast’s agenda is apt here … an erasure primarily represents a directed and highly focussed attack on some aspect of the scene, which in turn presupposes a certain amount of knowledge on the part of the attacker, or at least of his superior. That level of knowledge is economical, practical, and even necessary; otherwise entire texts, statues, or tomb or temple walls would have to be destroyed to achieve the desired effect … It is notable that despite the systematic targeting of the column bands, the attackers did not scan the walls thoroughly, or the architraves, to remove all traces of the god. Nonetheless, the upper column bands are located at a height of several metres from floor level, and must have involved some effort to remove the offending images.

total 33 13 11 57

Architraves Eleven examples of the Seth hieroglyph are recorded on the four architraves. Three are damaged (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plates 196B.1–2 and 197A.1), one is difficult to tell (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plate 197A.2), and seven remain untouched (Epigraphic Survey 1998: plates 196A.1, 196A.2, 196B.2, 197A.2, 197B.1 and 197B.2). Inconsistencies in the approach towards the Seth hieroglyph can be seen clearly on the east face of the west architrave (Figure 6), with damage inflicted to only one of the two aligned Seth hieroglyphs on the top strip, and the example on the third strip receiving only partial scratching to the point that the image is still clearly discernible. Notably a selection of other signs on the architraves exhibit the same form of vandalism. Keeping with the example of the west architrave, east face (Figure 6), other damaged signs include a seated Maat [C10], a seated king and man of rank [A42 and A51], six humans / parts of the human body [Sections A and D], four parts of mammals [Section F], and 27 avian signs [including G17, 39 and 43]. In the broader context of this attack, Seth no longer appears to be an isolated target.

The other stage of attack is directed at a range of animate signs, of which Seth is one of many. This is rarely discussed in the literature, though examples are reported by Brand et alii (2013: 202) in reference to the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak, where the authors note the frequent erasure of the swallow [G36], vulture [G14] and duck [G39] signs, along with the seated king [A42], Maat [C10] and Seth signs. First-hand examination of chisel marks suggests to Brand et alii (2013: 202) that the removal of these signs occurred as a single process, which they identify as post-pharaonic (see also Brand et alii 2013: 201 n. 16). Clearly, damage inflicted to the Seth image under such conditions does not qualify as a systematic attack on the god’s image. But nor is it entirely opportunistic or arbitrary. While the differential treatment towards Seth on adjoining examples (middle top strip Figure 6) suggests an inconsistency in approach, there still remains a pattern of targeting divine, human, quadruped and avian signs. This is also observable on the column central panels (Figure 3), and to a lesser extent the wall scenes. If we can draw on comparative literature, the meaning of this attack was probably intended by later iconoclasts to render the signs ‘magically harmless’ by mutilating the heads foremost, thus stripping the images of their primary senses (Brand et alii 2013: 202; see also Ritner 1993: 157 and 164–165).

Summary of Analysis and Discussion Forty, or 70 per cent, of the total number of Seth hieroglyphs analysed in the study are damaged (Table 1). This includes all examples on the column bands and four of the five examples on the column central panels, half the examples found on the walls and door jambs, and a minority of those that appear on the architraves. This numerical imbalance demonstrates that location is relevant to the treatment of the Seth image. Context is also important and the attack on other hieroglyph signs suggests two stages of vandalism directed towards the Seth image. One of these stages isolates Seth for attack, and almost certainly forms the inspiration for statements on the ‘systematic’ nature of the proscription (e.g. Gunn and Gardiner 1918: 45). The 14 column bands provide compelling support for this statement with all

While highlighting two stages of attack on the Seth image, one more focussed than the other, a final point 121

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for consideration is whether the motive for targeting Seth imagery has a deeper meaning embedded within the context of articulation and/or presentation. Importantly, this can argued for the recycled Middle Kingdom statuary recovered from Tanis. In cataloguing the 31 examples, Hill (2015: 298–299) records the erasure of Seth only in the case of statue inscriptions that mention ‘Apophis, beloved of Seth’ and not those inscribed with ‘Ramesses beloved of Seth’ or ‘Merneptah beloved of Seth’. The explanation for the differential treatment is seemingly obvious: the former denotes foreign rule, the latter denotes native rule.

(Hope and Warfe 2017: 277–279, figure 1). In that particular case, eight of the 28 examples of the Seth image originally engraved on the wall demonstrated evidence of defacement. Although Seth was clearly targeted, so too were other hieroglyphs including the swallow [G36] and duck [G39] and the seated Maat [C10]. In terms of patterning the attack, the location of these signs on the wall scene appear to have had little bearing (see Hope and Warfe 2017: 278–279, figure 1). Lastly, a distinction was noted in the damage inflicted mostly to Seth as the seated-god [C7], while the upright sitting [E20] and recumbent [E21] signs left mostly undisturbed. This, we posited, was most likely the result of the C7 sign appearing in the cartouche, which itself is more visually identifiable on engraved panels, and thus more prone to immediate targeting by attackers (Hope and Warfe 2017: 278).

Uphill (1984: 221) offers a more nuanced example for the treatment of Seth imagery observed on architectural features at Tanis. Two examples are cited, one damaged the other intact, and both located in the gate passage of Shoshenq III with no indication given that one was more or less visible than the other. Instead, Uphill (1984: 221) suggests that the damaged example referring to ‘… Seth the great god …’ caused offence by way of emphasising the god, while the undamaged example referring to ‘… the bull of SethMontu, son of Montu …’ placed less emphasis on the god, was less offensive, and therefore not targeted for attack. Despite its merits, such an argument would require the attacker (or his supervisor) to have an acute understanding of the cult status and official programme towards Seth, along with strong hieroglyphic literacy (on this general issue see Der Manuelian 1999).

Conclusion This case study reveals two stages of attack on the Seth imagery in the Colonnade Hall at Luxor Temple. One of these appears to isolate the Seth image for attack with the erasure of all examples carved on the upper column bands. While this offers substance to the argument for a systematic excision of Seth imagery, it is important to emphasise that the attack is concentrated in focus and scale, and directed towards the most conspicuous examples within the hall. It does not account for the full extent of attack directed towards the Seth image, and other explanations must now be sought for the remaining examples, particularly those on the architraves that demonstrate an inconsistent level of vandalism. In terms of the proscription, these findings suggest a more cautious approach to exploring this concept as a dedicated programme, and one that must consider a broader range of explanations for the iconoclasm, including post-pharaonic activities that do not specifically target Seth.

Returning to the case study at the Colonnade Hall, no such patterns or embedded meaning could be determined through the analysis. In fact, no meaningful distinction is apparent in the targeting of the Seth image as found in the nomen cartouche of either ruler Seti I or Seti II, or as it appears in the nbwy sign. Examples of all three articulations have been attacked, and examples of all three were also left untouched. The same applies for the Seth hieroglyph in the seated deity [C7] form and seated animal [E20] form. While future analysis of the epigraphy may call for a revision of this finding, as it stands, the vandalism directed towards Seth imagery seems to be a product of visibility and accessibility within the Colonnade Hall.

Acknowledgement Research for this study was undertaken with funding provided by the Australian Research Council in support of Discovery Project 150102033 Seth, God of Confusion: The Archaeology of a Cult Centre in Egypt, for which I am most grateful.

Similar findings were reached in the study of the exterior north wall of the Hypostyle Hall at Karnak

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