ASPECTS OF THE PYRAMID TEMPLE OF SENWOSRET III AT DAHSHUR

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Aspects of the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III at Dahshur: The Pharaoh and Deities

by

Adela Oppenheim

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Institute of Fine Arts New York University September 2008

______________________________ Professor David O’Connor

3330170 Copyright 2008 by Oppenheim, Adela All rights reserved

3330170 2008

© Adela Oppenheim All Rights Reserved, 2008

These memories are the memorials and pledges of the vital hours of a lifetime. These hours of afflatus in the human spirit, the springs of art, are, in their mystery, akin to the epochs history, when a race which for centuries has lived content, unknown, behind its own frontiers, digging, eating, sleeping, begetting, doing what was requisite for survival and nothing else, will, for a generation or two, stupefy the world; commit all manner of crimes, perhaps; follow the wildest chimeras, go down in the end in agony, but leave behind a record of new heights scaled and new rewards won for all mankind; the vision fades, the soul sickens, and the routine of survival starts again. Evelyn Waugh, Brideshead Revisited We shall not cease from exploration And the end of all our exploring Will be to arrive where we started And know the place for the first time. T.S. Eliot “Four Quartets”

DEDICATION

For my mom with love

iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My profound gratitude goes to the professors and staff of New York University, without whom I could not have completed my degree. Prof. David O’Connor has been an encouraging, helpful and always positive teacher and advisor. Prof. Ogden Goelet has with utmost patience helped me to navigate the pitfalls of ancient Egyptian language. Prof. Priscilla Soucek not only taught me about Islamic art, but also was of great help during the final preparation of my dissertation and participated in my defense. Prof. James McCredie was a valued member of my committee. Thanks must also be extended to two professors who are not here to see the completion of my degree – Prof. Bernard Bothmer, with whom I began my studies at the Institute of Fine Arts, and Prof. Donald Hansen, who not only taught me ancient Near Eastern art, but as graduate advisor helped me to secure funding and tackle the complexities of completing my studies while working full-time. Keith Kelly and Hope Spence have been always kind and helpful in providing answers to many questions and solving problems. I am extremely grateful to my colleagues in the Egyptian Department of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, who have been a great source of inspiration and support. First, thanks must be extended to our department chair Dorothea Arnold, who has provided constant cheerful encouragement, advice and suggestions. Dieter Arnold has been a source of invaluable guidance, a patient listener and an important member of my committee. Thanks also go to Isabel Stuenkel, my collaborator in relief fragment v

studies, and Marsha Hill, who helped to convince me that I really could finish. Diana Craig Patch, Catharine Roehrig and Susan Allen have all helped in innumerable ways. Much thanks must be extended to our Egyptian colleagues in the Supreme Council of Egyptian Antiquities lead by Dr. Zahi Hawass. Our project would not have been possible without his constant support. Thanks also go to Mr. Sabry Abdel Aziz and Mr. Magdy Ghandour, who has arranged our work with great efficiency, and to the directors and inspectors in the Saqqara and Dahshur/Lisht inspectorates. Our work in Egypt would not have been possible without the unwavering support of the Metropolitan Museum’s Director, Philippe de Montebello, who will soon be retiring. His profound respect for scholarship has been a great gift to all of us lucky enough to have worked under him and he must be counted among the great friends of archaeology. Doralynn Pines, associate director for administration, has been unfailing helpful, kind and understanding as we deal with the complications of working so far from our home institution. Amsi Tadesse assisted by John Roggio have waded patiently through our complicated travel reports. Much thanks goes to Scott Murphy for his skillful drawing work and computer reconstructions of the pyramid temple walls (can we move it back 10 cm to the left – again?). Additional drawing work for the project was done by Rebecca Bird, Barry Girsh, Julia Jarrett, Joy Leland and Thomas Scalise. Many of the photos presented here are the work of Stephen Arnold, Anna Kellen and Bruce Schwarz. Additional photography for the project was done by Caitlin McCaffrey, Eileen Travell and Peter Zeray. The beautiful work of all team members who have documented the relief vi

fragments is unfortunately not shown here to its best advantage because of the limitations of the dissertation format. Thanks are also due to Barbara Bridgers of the Museum’s Photograph Studio for allowing her photographers to travel to Egypt. I am grateful to Ann Heywood for her skilled conservation work and her amazing, gravitydefying ability to glue together all manner of complicated joins. Thanks are also due to Johannes Walz for drilling together some of the larger blocks. Other members of the excavation team have been of invaluable help: Christine Marshall who has led the excavation of the post-New Kingdom burials ably assisted by Susanne Fredlund and Ian Hanson; Yelena Rakic, Kara Cooney and Jennifer Palmer, who helped register fragments. The staff of the Watson Library in the Metropolitan Museum has done an amazing job of helping me to locate all manner of books and articles. The unsung heroes of our project are our Egyptian workmen, who have labored many long hours, often in difficult weather, carefully scrapping and sifting through piles and piles of limestone debris. Each and every one of the hundreds of large and tiny fragments presented here is a testament to their meticulous work. To be singled out among the many who worked on the project are our reises Mohammed Ali Ahmed and Ali Aoud. Ali Hassan Ibrahim, Yussef Mohammed Abdel Raheem, Azzab Ahmed Ibrahim, Ahmed Mustapha Murrai, Ali Mohammed Hassan are also due thanks. Deserving of special mention is Nubi Ahmed Ibrahim, who passed away last year after a brave battle with cancer, leaving behind a young family. He was not only one of our best fragment finders and a skillful manipulator of large blocks, he was also a kind and friendly soul whose absence is deeply felt. vii

Last but certainly not least are the family and friends who have not yet been mentioned. Thanks go to my sister Gail Knapp and her partner Lynn Thigpen, Phyllis Saretta, Elena Pischikova, Laurel Flentye, Emilia Cortes, Madeleine Cody and Henry Taylor, Marta Ameri and Patricia Bochi for their advice and encouragement. Many colleagues who have passed through the Egyptian Department or have visited the excavation have often provided useful pieces of information, references or simply a kind word; their support has been greatly appreciated. Finally, thanks and love go to my mother Enid Oppenheim, who has provided constant support and has waited a long time for me to say “it’s finished.” It seems like that time has finally come.

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ABSTRACT

Aspects of the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III at Dahshur: The Pharaoh and Deities Author: Adela Oppenheim Primary Advisor: Prof. David O’Connor The fifth pharaoh of the Egyptian Twelfth Dynasty (Middle Kingdom), Khakaure Senwosret III (reigned ca. 1878-40 B.C.E.) constructed his pyramid complex at Dahshur, a site at the southern end of the Memphite necropolis, a traditional burial place for Egyptian monarchs. At the center of the complex stood the king’s pyramid, constructed with a mud brick core and a fine limestone casing. A so-called pyramid temple was attached to the east side of the pyramid, the area in which such structures had been erected since the Fourth Dynasty of the Old Kingdom. These temples were the focal points for rituals connected with the king’s afterlife and deification, though not his actual burial. In the Old Kingdom, pyramid temples were generally large structures with elaborate decorative programs, but by the reign of Senwosret III, they had been dramatically reduced in size with a corresponding decrease in the amount of wall decoration. The area of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple was first explored by Jacques de Morgan in 1894. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, undertook a comprehensive excavation of the pyramid temple and its surrounding area between 1992 and 2003. The temple was so completely destroyed in ancient times that no standing walls or foundations remain and our only means of understanding the structure ix

is the over 12,000 fragments of wall decoration that were recovered during the excavation. Subjects depicted include processions of deities and fecundity figures who meet the king, rituals enacted by the king and various deities, and offering rites. Presented here are those scenes in which the king and/or deities appear. The meaning of these scenes is discussed in relation to Egyptian beliefs surrounding kingship and reconstructions of the scenes are proposed. In addition, a possible ground plan of the pyramid temple is offered. Finally, consideration is given to changes in Egyptian religious beliefs concerning the role and afterlife of the king that may account for the evolution of the pyramid temple form.

x

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION

iv

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

v

ABSTRACT

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

xiv

ABBREVIATIONS, TERMS AND SYMBOLS

xv

LIST OF PLATES

xvii

INTRODUCTION

1

CHAPTER 1: THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER

22

Introduction

22

Square Antechambers and Deity Processions in Old and Middle Kingdom Pyramid Complexes The Square Antechamber of Senwosret III: Features and Layout

28 55

The Square Antechamber of Senwosret III: Deities Facing Right on the North Wall Other Deities Facing Right

88 143

Conclusion: Deities Facing Right in the Square Antechamber of Senwosret III

228

The Square Antechamber of Senwosret III: Deities Facing Left on the West Wall Conclusion: Deities Facing Left in the xi

235

Square Antechamber of Senwosret III

352

Deities of Uncertain Direction in the Square Antechamber of Senwosret III

356

Conclusion: Arrangement of Deities in the Square Antechamber of Senwosret III CHAPTER 2: THE OFFERING CHAMBER

360 374

Introduction

374

Fecundity Figures Under and Behind the King’s Throne

386

Top of the East and West Walls: Tympana

398

West Wall: The False Door and Flanking Deities

432

Conclusion: Understanding and Reconstructing the False Door Wall of Senwosret III CHAPTER 3: RITUAL SCENES OF UNCERTAIN LOCATION

473 486

Introduction

486

Fecundity Figures and Depictions of the Enthroned King

489

Purification Scene with Life Size Figures

550

Other Scenes with Life-Size Figures

574

Doorway Inscriptions of Uncertain Location

600

Conclusion: Ritual Scenes of Uncertain Location in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III

611

CONCLUSION

620

Reconstruction of the Chamber Arrangement in xii

Senwosret III’s Pyramid Temple

620

Reconstruction of the Decorative Program in Senwosret III’s Pyramid Temple

632

The Diminution of Pyramid Temples in the Twelfth Dynasty and the Transition to Other Temple Forms BIBLIOGRAPHY

636 653

PLATES

xiii

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Direction of king and deities in the square antechamber of Pepi II. Not to scale.

40

Figure 2. Proposed orientation of figures and placement of doorways in the square antechamber of Senwosret III. Two alternative locations for the single depiction of the king are proposed. Not to scale.

87

Figure 3. Diagram showing the proposed arrangement of figures and texts on the west end of the south wall of Senwosret III’s offering chamber. Not to scale.

376

Figure 4. Isometric reconstruction of the offering chamber of Senwosret III. Not to scale.

477

Figure 5. Suggested orientation of scenes with the king and kneeling fecundity figures. Not to scale.

541

Figure 6. Plan showing numbered doorway sides in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Not to scale. See also plate 10.

xiv

600

ABBREVIATIONS, TERMS AND SYMBOLS

Cubit

Ancient Egyptian measurement equaling 52.5 cm.

NM

North mastaba. These are mainly the mastabas of high-ranking individuals who belonged to the court of Senwosret III. A few date to the Old Kingdom. The numbering system was begun by Jacques de Morgan and continued by the Egyptian Expedition of the Metropolitan Museum.

OC

Offering chamber.

SA

Square antechamber (chamber with processions of deities).

UL

Unknown location. Pertains to ritual scenes that cannot be definitively assigned to a specific chamber.

[ ]

Signs or words restored by author.

Words supplied by author.

Measurements are given as width x height. Unless otherwise noted, only the preserved surfaces of the fragments were measured.

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN TERMS bæ or bæw

A complex term describing part of the life force of a being or a powerful manifestation. Human beings and deities both possess bæs, though gods may have more than one bæ and further may act as the bæ of another deity. Important places can also possess multiple bæs (bæw in ancient xv

Egyptian). False door

A rectangular object, often quite large and usually made of stone, through which it was believed the ka of the deceased could interact with the world of the living and receive food offerings. In royal pyramid complexes, false doors are erected directly against the face of the pyramid.

kæ or ka

The ka is another aspect of a human being that separates from the body at death. In order for an individual to continue their existence after death, the ka needed to be provided with food and drink. The king is often accompanied by depictions of the ka either as a standard or as a human being with the royal Horus name surrounded by a pair of arms on his head.

Mastaba

A type of Egyptian private tomb prevalent in the Old and Middle Kingdoms. In its most traditional form, it was a rectangular structure with battered walls and decorated niches and/or chambers in which offerings could be left for the deceased. However, the form can vary widely.

smæ-tæwy

A term means the uniting of the two lands. It can be graphically expressed by a motif composed of lily and papyrus plants tied around a vertical object said to depict a windpipe.

Serdab

A cellar or secluded room attached to a burial place.

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LIST OF PLATES Unless otherwise noted, all plates illustrate objects found in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III at Dahshur.

Plate 1. The pyramid complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur. Plate 2. Simplified plan of the pyramid complex of Senwosret III. 1-4) Queens’ pyramids 1-4; 5) North chapel; 6) Pyramid temple; 7) King’s ka-pyramid?; 8-9) Queens’ pyramids 8-9; 10) South temple; 11) Original entrance to complex; 12) Causeway. Plate 3. Plan of the east side of the Senwosret III pyramid with a grid showing the squares in the area. Squares in which relief fragments were found are shaded. Plate 4. Storeroom of the Metropolitan Museum excavation with some of the fragments from the pyramid temple’s square antechamber. Plate 5. Mud brick subfoundation of the Senwosret III pyramid temple facing southwest. Plate 6. Area of the Senwosret III pyramid temple with a section of the mud brick subfoundation seen from the pyramid slope. Plate 7. The area of the Senwosret III pyramid temple indicated with modern limestone walls seen from the pyramid slope. To the east of the pyramid temple is a section of the reconstructed inner enclosure wall. At the center left is a portion of the post-New Kingdom cemetery. Plate 8. Elevation showing the platform around the base of the pyramid of Senwosret xvii

III with the pyramid temple in front. Plate 9. Plan of the mud brick subfoundation of the pyramid foot, pyramid temple and inner enclosure wall of the Senwosret III complex. Plate 10. Suggested reconstruction of the pyramid temple of Senwosret III. Plate 11. The parts of an ancient Egyptian door. To the left is a view from the front of the door. To the right is a view from the inside of the doorway looking up towards the entrance. Plate 12. Proposed reconstruction of the section through the doorway between the square antechamber (left) and the offering chamber (right). Plate 13. The left side of the exterior door lintel. Plate 14. A royal name panel from the exterior inscription that mentions the bæw of Iunu. Plate 15. Section of the horizontal text from the exterior inscription that describes the king as beloved of Horakhty. Plate 26. First section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 17. Second section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 18. Third section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 19. Fourth section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. xviii

Plate 20. Fifth section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 21. Sixth section depicting the deities of Iunu followed by Horus foremost-ofthe-houses and another falcon deity from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 22. Large star band and piece of bird-sign? that probably originally joined to the fragment in plate 21. It probably originates from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 23. Piece of a falcon-sign that probably originally adjoined the left side of the fragment in plate 21. It probably originates from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 24. Lower block 1 depicting the bæw of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 25. Lower block 2 depicting the bæw of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 26. Lower block 3 depicting the bæw of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 27. Section of the deity speech (Group A) from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 28. Section of the deity speech (Group B) from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 29. Section of the deity speech (Group C) from the north wall of the square xix

antechamber. Plate 30. Section of the deity speech (Group D) from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 31. Section of the deity speech (Group E) from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 32. Section of the deity speech (Group F) from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 33. Section of the deity speech (Group G) from the north wall of the square antechamber. To the left are parts of two registers from the deity procession. Plate 34. Section of the deity speech (Group H) from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 35. Winged sun disk lintel, two figures from the deity procession and the bottom of columns 5 and 6 of the deity speech from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 36. Left half of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 37. Upper right corner of the heraldic lintel from north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 38. Upper right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 39. Lower right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 40. Piece that probably originates from the center and right of the center of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber. xx

Plate 41. Piece with Nekhbet epithets that probably originates from right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 42. Piece with Wadjet that probably originates from right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 43. Patchstone with part of the arm and was-scepter of a male deity and the upper left corner of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 44. Male deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 45. Male deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 46. Female deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 47. Male deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 48. Suggested reconstruction of the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 49. Suggested reconstruction of registers 1 and 2 and the deity speech from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 50. Suggested reconstruction of the winged sun disk, heraldic lintel and register 3 from the north wall of the square antechamber. Plate 51. Deity inscriptions from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Right side and center of piece with Ro-setjau and AnubisKhentyimentiu inscriptions. xxi

Plate 52. Deity inscriptions from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Center and left half of piece with Sekhmet? and unidentified deity. Plate 53. Deity inscription containing ënã- and nïr-signs from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 54. Deity inscription containing a ãæst(?)-sign from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 55. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which probably ends with a sæ-sign and the second of which begins with di- and s-signs. The inscription is from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 56. Feet of male deity from the bottom of the decorated portion of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 57. Feet of goddess from the bottom of the decorated portion of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 58. Hand and was-scepter of a male deity facing a corner block border from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 59. Parts of two registers and a corner block border that probably originates from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 60. Part of a male deity in front of a corner block border from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 61. Part of a male deity in front of a corner block border from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 62. Iabtet (goddess of the east) from a wall in the square antechamber with deities xxii

facing right. Plate 63. Two registers of deities including a feline goddess and Hathor from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 64. Female deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 65. Goddess with red wig(?) and a horn and an inscription containing a š-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 66. Female deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 67. Female deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 68. Two registers of deities including a feline goddess and Weret-hekau from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 69. Detail of Weret-hekau. Plate 70. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 71. Two registers of deities including Weret from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 72. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 73. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 74. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 75. Deity inscription containing s-sign and bird-sign from a wall in the square xxiii

antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 76. Female deity in red dress from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 77. Seth with an inscription containing Seth- and k-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 78. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 79a. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 79b. Ear of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 80. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 81. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 82. Snout of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 83. Snout of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 84. Snout of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 85. Ears of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 86. Ears of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 87. Deity inscription for Seth wnm “the one who eats?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 88. Deity inscription for Seth wnm “the one who eats?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 89. Deity inscription containing Seth-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 90. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing Seth-sign from a xxiv

wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 91. Two registers of deities including Horus and an inscription containing ënãand Œrw-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 92. Falcon-headed deity with an inscription containing a water-bird-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 93. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 94. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 95. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 96. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 97. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 98. Inscription probably for a falcon-headed deity containing ënã- and Œrw-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 99. Jackal-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 100. Tip of the snout of a jackal-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 101. Anubis “he-who-is-on-his-mountain” followed by another deity from a xxv

wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 102. Deity inscription for Anubis “he-who-is-on his mountain” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 103. Deity inscription containing Ínpw from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 104. Inscription containing jackal-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 105. Inscription containing Ínpw- and nb-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 106. Deity inscriptions containing wp-sign and jackal-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 107. Deity inscription for Wepwawet from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 108. Crocodile-headed deity with a vulture-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 109. Crocodile-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 110. Crocodile-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 111. Ram-headed deity with inscription containing ãnty Œrw from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 112. Ram-headed deity with inscription containing nïrw-sign from a wall in the xxvi

square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 113. Neck and wig of a ram-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 114. Neck and wig of an ibis-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 115. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing a Thothdeterminative from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 116. Human-headed male deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 117. Parts of two male deities including one with a human head from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 118. Male and female deities from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 119. Deity inscription containing water-bird-on-peaked-object-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 120. Deity inscription containing bæ? from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 121. Deity inscription containing a bæw-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 122. Deity inscription containing a water-bird- and an n-sign and male deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 123. Deity inscription containing a water-bird-sign and three t-signs from a wall xxvii

in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 124. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing di- and ënã-signs and possibly Geb from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 125. Deity inscription for “the one who struggles against the washers?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 126. Two human-headed male deities, the first one of whom may be “the great fighter” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 127. Deity inscription containing vulture- and niwt- or nãn-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 128. Two registers of deities including an inscription that ends with a falcon-sign and an inscription that begins with di-, ënã- and ï-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 129. Deity inscriptions containing bird- and níwt-signs and papyrus-sign? from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 130. Deity inscription containing a Œrw-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 131. Deity inscription containing ãnt(?)- and Œrw(?)-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 132. Deity inscription containing Wsír wr Osiris “the great?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 133. Two deity inscriptions the first of which ends with a wr-sign and the second of which begins with a di-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities xxviii

facing right. Plate 134. Deity inscription containing ënã-, ÿd-, wæs- and ÿ-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 135. Two deity inscriptions, the first of which is for Djedet and the second of which begins with a di-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 136. Deity inscription containing mnw- and ë-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 137. Deity inscription “he who is born in strength?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 138. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing šwt or œp nb (“shadow” or “sunshade”) from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 139. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with an f-sign and the second of which contains di-, ënã-, ï-, œ- and n-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 140. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with a sacred-boatsign and the second of which contains di-, s- and ënã-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 141. Deity inscription containing a ãæst-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 142. Deity inscription containing two t-signs, a reed-leaf-sign and a ãæst-sign xxix

from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 143. Deity inscription containing a šmë-sign and uncertain sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 144. Deity inscription containing ëœë-? and šmë-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 145. Deity inscription containing a composite œwt- and sedge-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 146. Deity inscription containing a ÿt and a walking-legs-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 147. Two registers of deities including an inscription for “the one who kneels” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 148. Two registers of deities including an inscription that ends with an r-sign and an inscription that begins with a š-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 149. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing di- ënã- and œsigns from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 150. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing an ënã-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 151. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing ënã- and ãntsigns from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 152. Deity inscription containing ënã-, ãnt- and t-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. xxx

Plate 153. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing an n-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 154. The end of a deity inscription containing niwt- and t-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Plate 155. Three quarter view showing male deity with doorframe, reveal and doorjamb probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 156. Male deity and block border doorframe probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 157. Vertical block border and part of the head of a was-scepter, probably from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 158. Vertical block border and part of the staff of a was-scepter(?), probably from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 159. Male deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 160. Two male deities probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 161. Feet of male deity(?) probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 162. Foot of male deity(?) probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 163. Feet of female deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west xxxi

wall of the square antechamber. Plate 164. Feet of female deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 165. Female deity possibly from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 166. Feet of female deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 167. Right side of the door lintel containing the enthroned deities Thoth of Khemenu (Hermopolis) and Tjaisepef (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber; a register with standing deities is above (register 3). Plate 168. Piece of the door lintel containing feet of enthroned deity (register 4) and the upper right corner of the block border doorframe from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 169. Neck of animal-headed deity from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 170. Goddess from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 171. Enthroned goddess from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 172. Two thrones from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 173. Throne from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the xxxii

west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 174. Suggestion reconstruction of registers 3-5 and the doorway of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 175. Two registers of deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. In the upper register is a male deity who may be Amun followed by a deity who may be Khnum and a goddess. In the lower register are inscriptions for “the one foremost of sweetness(?)” and possibly Sokar. Plate 176. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 177. Male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 178. Female deity and another deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 179. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 180. Two registers of deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. In the lower register are Iunmutef, Hathor of Nefrusy, Khnum of an uncertain location, Anubis of the embalming place and probably a falcon-headed deity who may be Horus of Hebenu. Plate 181. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with a niwt-sign and the second of which begins with iwn- and mwt-signs (Iunmutef) from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 182. Suggested reconstruction of two deity inscriptions from the west wall of the square antechamber. The first inscription is for names Hebenu; the second begins with a di-sign. xxxiii

Plate 183. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 184. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 185. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 186. Two registers of deities including one with a ram head (left) and one with a falcon head from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 187. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 188. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 189. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 190. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 191. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 192. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 193. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 194. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 195. Two male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 196. Inscriptions for two deities, the first of which ends with a st-sign and triple strokes and the second of which begins with mwt- and m-signs (Mut?) from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 197. Two registers of deities including an inscription for the bæwy of a place(?) that begins with an œ-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 198. Two registers of deities including inscriptions for Wed (left) and possibly Demdjet (right) from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 199. Two registers of deities including an inscription for Heket from the west xxxiv

wall of the square antechamber. Plate 200. Female deity followed by two male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 201. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 202. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 203. Was-scepter of a deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 204. Was-scepter of a deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 205. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing a di-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 206. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 207. Horned sun disk headdress of Hathor and deity inscription containing pustule-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 208. Hathor from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 209. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 210. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 211. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 212. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 213. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 214. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 215. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 216. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 217. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. xxxv

Plate 218. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 219. Female deities including Bastet from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 220. Detail of Bastet in plate 219. Plate 221. Detail of goddess with vulture headdress in plate 219. Plate 222. Deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with ÿ- and t-signs and the second of which begins with a di-sign from the uppermost register (no.1) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 223. Deity inscription containing s-, ënã- and uncertain sign from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 224. Deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with t- and niwt-signs and the second of which begins with a di-sign from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 225. Deity inscription containing di-sign from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 226. Two columns from the top of a deity speech and a corner block border that probably originates from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 227. Deity speech, vertical dividing line and staff of was-scepter of deity that may originate from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 228. Two registers of deities (male deity in upper register) from the right side of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 229. Male(?) deity probably from the right side of the west wall of the square xxxvi

antechamber. Plate 230. Male deity and corner block border from the right side of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 231. Male deity and corner block border from the right side of the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 232. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 233. Patchstone containing female and male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 234. Patchstone containing female and male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 235. Patchstone containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 236. Patchstone containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 237. Patchstone containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 238. Patchstone containing jackal-headed and human-headed male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 239. Patchstone? containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 240. Deity inscriptions for Bastet, ram deity in the temples? and Mut? from the west wall of the square antechamber. xxxvii

Plate 241. Two deity inscriptions, the first of which is for Pakhet and the second of which begins with a falcon-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 242. Two registers of deities including an inscription that cannot be deciphered from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 243. Three deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 244. Female deity with vulture headdress from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 245. Female deity with vulture headdress from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 246. Female deity with vulture headdress from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 247. Deity inscription containing vulture-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 248. Deity inscription containing vulture-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 249. Goddess Djedet from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 250. Feline goddess with bird-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 251. Deity inscription for Bat from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 252. Goddess(?) and inscription from the west wall of the square antechamber. The relief was reused as a gravestone in the Roman Period. Plate 253. Deity inscription containing a Seth-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. xxxviii

Plate 254. Seth and an inscription containing a Seth-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 255. Seth? from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 256. Falcon-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 257. Falcon-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 258. Falcon-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 259. Deity inscription for Nemty from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 260. Deity inscription containing ënã- and Œrw-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 261. Anubis of Gebelein from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 262. Jackal-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 263. Jackal-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 264. Deity inscription containing [ímy?]-wt from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 265. Deity inscription containing a jackal-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 266. Deity inscription for Khentyimentiu from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 267. Two registers of deities including an inscription for a ram-headed deity containing š-, nw- and niwt-signs and an inscription containing di- and ënã-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 268. Deity inscription for Dedwen from the west wall of the square xxxix

antechamber. Plate 269. Deity inscription for Osiris from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 270. Deity inscription containing mnw- and ãnt-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 271. Deity inscription containing wn- and niwt-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 272. Deity inscription containing kæ- and ram-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 273. Deity inscription containing ÿ-, imy- and m-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 274. Two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with an f-sign and the second of which begins with š- and d-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 275. Deity inscription containing sïæ-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 276. Deity inscription containing mi-, nw- and niwt-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber. Plate 277. Headdress with horns and sundisk from Hathor facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber. Plate 278. Probably horn of headdress from Hathor facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber. Plate 279. Atef crown(s) facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber. Plate 280. Horn of ram-headed deity facing an uncertain direction in the square xl

antechamber. Plate 281. Ear of jackal-headed deity facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber. Plate 282. Deity inscription containing Seth-sign facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber. Plate 283. Deity inscription containing a šm-sign facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber. Plate 284. Deity inscription containing ënã- and n-signs facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber. Plate 285. Fecundity figure enacting the sema-tawy ritual (left) and fecundity figure in procession (right) from the south wall of the offering chamber. Plate 286. Two fecundity figures in procession with the corner block border at right from the south wall of the offering chamber. Plate 287. North Chapel of Senwosret III. Parts of three fecundity figures in procession from the east wall. Plate 288. Two offering bearers from the south wall of the offering chamber. The upper figure is preserved to its complete height. Plate 289. Two offering bearers from the lowermost register of the south wall of the offering chamber with piled offerings in the register above. Plate 290. Enthroned Senwosret III wearing the red crown from the east tympanum in the offering chamber. Plate 291. Patchstone containing front of a throne and the ankles of the king possibly xli

from the east tympanum in the offering chamber. Plate 292. Piece of the bottom right side of the king’s throne (at left) and the heel of the king’s foot facing right (at right). Below is the green footrest under the king’s foot, followed by a ground line and a yellow-painted area between the throne and the edge of the horizontal interior torus. Possibly from the east tympanum in the offering chamber. Plate 293. Piece of a throne inset with tied plants (left) and an inscription behind the throne (right) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 294. Piece of a throne inset with tied plants from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 295. Piece of a throne inset with tied plants from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 296. Piece of the top of the east or west wall of the offering chamber with (top to bottom): a piece of a male foot(?) from one of the tympana, a chipped horizontal torus and the top of the kheker-frieze. Plate 297. Parts of two inscriptions with [nïr] nfr and ÿd mdw di facing each other from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 298. Part of an inscription for Horus from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 299. Reconstruction of the back-to-back deities from the center of one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 300. Section of the top left side of the west tympanum in the offering chamber xlii

with a Nekhen-sign (right) and the ÿd mdw di formula from the beginning of the fecundity figure speech (left). Plate 301. Beginning of a deity speech and the top of a was-scepter held by a deity from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 302. Section of a deity speech and part of the hand and was-scepter of a goddess from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 303. Lower part of a goddess facing left (left) and part of the speech made by a fecundity figure (right) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 304. Legs of a goddess facing right (left) and part of the speech made by a fecundity figure (right) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 305. Upturned foot of a kneeling fecundity figure facing right (right) with nb- and t-signs (left) and the edge of a horizontal torus (below) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 306. Torso, arm and hetep-sign of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 307. Legs of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left and a piece of the horizontal torus below from one of the tympana in the offering chamber. Plate 308. North chapel of Senwosret III. An inscription for Seth (left) and Horus facing the enthroned Senwosret III wearing the red crown (center and right) from the center of the south tympanum. Plate 309. North chapel of Senwosret III. Piece of deity speech (left) and inscription xliii

and head of Wadjet (right) from the right side of the south tympanum. Plate 310. North chapel of Senwosret III. Speech made by the fecundity figure (left) and the front of the kneeling fecundity figure facing left (right) from the right side of the south tympanum. Plate 311. North chapel of Senwosret III. Inscriptions giving the king dominion over foreign lands from the right side of the south tympanum. Plate 312. North chapel of Senwosret III. Tail and leg of Seth (right) and the bottom of Horus (left) from the center of the north tympanum. Plate 313. North chapel of Senwosret III. Legs and arms of Seth from the center of the north tympanum. Plate 314. North chapel of Senwosret III. Torso and head of Seth with an inscription above, part of his speech to the king and part of the king’s Horus of gold name (right); head and shoulders of Horus and an inscription for him (left) from the center and right side of the north tympanum. Plate 315. North chapel of Senwosret III. Part of the king’s Horus of gold name and phrase di ënã from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 316. North chapel of Senwosret III. Part of the protective inscription behind the king from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 317. North chapel of Senwosret III. Head of Senwosret III with the white crown and a protective inscription behind him from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 318. North chapel of Senwosret III. Lower part of the face of Senwosret III xliv

from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 319. North chapel of Senwosret III. Was-scepter and part of the speech of Seth (left) and the hand of Senwosret III holding a flail (right) from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 320. North chapel of Senwosret III. From left to right: the was-scepter and speech of Seth, the torso, legs and throne of the king, the protective inscription behind the king, the speech of Nekhbet, the upper torso and arms of Nekhbet from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 321. North chapel of Senwosret III. Top of the speech made by Nekhbet and a piece of Nekhbet’s inscription from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 322. North chapel of Senwosret III. Inscription for Nekhbet from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 323. North chapel of Senwosret III. Inscrption for Nekhbet and the top of the speech made by the fecundity figure from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 324. North chapel of Senwosret III. Headdress of Nekhbet (left) and the top of the speech made by the fecundity figure (right) from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 325. North chapel of Senwosret III. Area behind Nekhbet (left) and the bottom of the speech made by the fecundity figure (right) from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 326. North chapel of Senwosret III. From left to right: the speech made by the fecundity figure, inscriptions in front of the fecundity figure, the kneeling fecundity xlv

figure and inscriptions granting the king dominion over foreign lands from the right side of the north tympanum. Plate 327ab. North chapel of Senwosret III. a) Legs of the kneeling fecundity figure from the right side of the north tympanum. b) Nbt from the right corner of the north tympanum. Plate 328. North chapel of Senwosret III. Name and epithets of Senwosret III (left) and the inscription for Horus (right) from the left side of the north tympanum. Plate 329. North chapel of Senwosret III. Top of the red crown of Senwosret III and the protective inscription behind him from the left side of the north tympanum. Plate 330. North chapel of Senwosret III. Torso and arms of the enthroned Senwosret III from the left side of the north tympanum. Plate 331. North chapel of Senwosret III. Legs of Wadjet from the left side of the north tympanum. Plate 332. North chapel of Senwosret III. From left to right: the bottom of the protective inscription behind the king, the bottom of the speech made by Wadjet and the bottom of Wadjet’s was-scepter from the left side of the north tympanum. Plate 333. North chapel of Senwosret III. Back of the head of the kneeling fecundity figure and a papyrus blossom from his headdress (right) and part of the foreign lands inscription (left) from the left side of the north tympanum. Plate 334. North chapel of Senwosret III. Section of the inscription granting the king dominion over foreign lands from the left side of the north tympanum. Plate 335. From left to right: Vertical block border framing the false door, the top of xlvi

the deity speech and the inscription for the bæw of Pe with the top of a was-scepter held by one of the deities from the first register on the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 336. The bottom of the deity speech (left) and the arm, leg and was-scepter of one of the deities (right) from the third register on the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 337. Part of an arm of a male deity, probably one of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 338. Part of the leg and tunic of a male deity, probably one of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 339. Inscription above the second or third register of deities on the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 340. Parts of two falcon-headed deities, probably two of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 341. Part of a falcon-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 342. Part of a bæw-sign, probably from the designation of the bæw of Nekhen, from the first register on the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 343. Inscription for the bæw of Nekhen and the foot of a deity in the register above from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 344. Piece of the block border framing the false door (right) and a piece of the deity speech (left) from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. xlvii

Plate 345. Probably piece of the deity speech from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 346. Piece of the deity speech from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 347. Jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 348. Top of a jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 349. Ears of a jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 350. Snout of a jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 351. Corner block border (left) and part of a deity facing right from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Plate 352. Feet of two male deities facing right from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Striped dado of the wall with later graffiti is below. Plate 353. North chapel of Senwosret III. Deity facing left with the corner block border (right) and the bottom of a deity speech (left) from the west side of the south wall. Dado of the wall is below. Plate 354. North chapel of Senwosret III. Was-scepter of a deity facing right (left) and part of a deity speech (right) from the east side of the south wall. Plate 355. Door lintel with depictions of vessels inscribed with royal-name panels that xlviii

sit on inscribed tables from the east side of the south wall of the offering chamber. On the underside are ceiling stars from the soffit of the doorway and a small piece of the green and yellow stripes of the reveal (not visible on this photo, see plate 457). Plate 356. Suggested reconstruction of the false door wall in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III. Plate 357. Parts of two registers with the legs of two fecundity figures (upper register) and an inscription (lower register); a vertical line of inscription is in front. The figures probably belong to a group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 358. Ankh-sign from a deity speech (left) and hanging ankh-signs and a wasscepter pole (right) from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 359. Fecundity figure Wadjwer enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 360. Parts of an arm, a qebeh-vessel and a string that held an ankh-sign from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 361. Parts of an arm, a qebeh-vessel and a string that held an ankh-sign from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 362. Inscription probably from a depiction of the fecundity figure Hapy, perhaps from group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 363. Was-scepter pole, hanging ankh-signs and the feet of a fecundity figure probably enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below. Plate 364. Remains of an inscription (above) and parts of two fecundity figures xlix

enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 365. Parts of two fecundity figures with the buttocks and proper left thigh of the first figure and the hanging ankh-signs and was-scepter pole of the second figure probably from a group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 366. Parts of two fecundity figures with a small piece of the proper left calf of the first figure and a hanging ankh-sign from the second figure probably from a group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 367. Parts of an arm, a qebeh-vessel and a hetep-tray from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 368. Fist and a small bit of a qebeh-vessel of fecundity figure Nepri enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 369. Proper left knee of fecundity figure Nepri possibly enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. To the right is the vertical block border of a wall corner. Plate 370. Part of a fecundity figure enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual (below) and a piece of the king’s throne with the foot of a large figure overlapping it (above) from a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below. Plate 371. Parts of two fecundity figures with the back of the head of the figure enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual in plate 372 followed by the top of the was-scepter of a following fecundity figure from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 372. Parts of two fecundity figures with the body and legs of the figure enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual in plate 372 followed by the end of the hetep-sign and a piece of a l

was-scepter pole of the following figure from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 373. Top of a papyrus flower from the headdress of a fecundity figure facing right touching the ground line of the register above (right) and the right end of a star band (left) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 374. Probably part of the outstretched arms of a fecundity figure facing right (left) and a damaged sedge-plant (center) from a scene with a smæ-tæwy ritual of uncertain location. Plate 375. Toe of a male figure on a ground line above the dado (right) and an unidentified object (left) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 376. Belly of a fecundity figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 377. Belly of a fecundity figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 378. Thigh and apron stripes of a fecundity figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 379. Kneeling fecundity figure enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual with an inscription and the vertical corner block border behind him from a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below. Plate 380. Face that probably comes from a kneeling fecundity figure from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 381. Hand and papyrus stalks of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 382. Waist and apron belt of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left from a scene of uncertain location. li

Plate 383. Legs of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left (above) and the ground line above dado (below) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 384. Hand and papyrus headdress of a kneeling fecundity figure facing right enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual (below) and the ankles, feet, ceremonial tail and footrest of the king facing left (above) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 385. Hand and plant stalks of a kneeling fecundity figure enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 386. Leg of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left (right) enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual with plant stalks (center) and the “lung” in the middle of the tied plants (left) from a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below. Plate 387. Ankle and upturned foot of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left (above) and the dado (below) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 388. Papyrus flower probably from a smæ-tæwy scene of uncertain location. Plate 389. Plant stalks from a smæ-tæwy scene of uncertain location. Plate 390. Lung and windpipe from a smæ-tæwy scene of uncertain location. Plate 391. Top of the thighs and the apron stripes of a large standing fecundity figure facing left from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 392. Possibly the arm and vessel of a large fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 393. Parts of two registers of fecundity figures enacting a libation ritual found in the remains of Jacques de Morgan’s excavation house at Dahshur. The provenance of the piece is uncertain. lii

Plate 394. South temple of Senwosret III (square L/19). At left is the striped reveal of the doorway, at right is a section of the adjoining wall with a male figure facing right enacting a libation ritual above the dado. Plate 395. South temple of Senwosret III (square N/15). Parts of the arm, qebehvessel, hetep-sign, strings and was-scepter staff probably of a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual. Plate 396. South temple of Senwosret III (square K/19). Arm and breast of a fecundity figure carrying a hetep-sign and holding a was-scepter. Plate 397. Heset-vessel and stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location. Plate 398. Heset-vessel and stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location. Plate 399. Stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location. Plate 400. Stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location. Plate 401. Small piece of a stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location. Plate 402. Small piece of a stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location. Plate 403. Toe of a male figure, probably a deity, facing right and standing on a podium. Probably from a purification scene of uncertain location. Plate 404. Piece of podium on ground line probably from a purification scene of uncertain location. liii

Plate 405. South temple of Senwosret IIII (square L/19). Small piece of a stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene. Plate 406. Purification scene in the first chamber of the late Twelfth Dynasty temple at Medinet Madi in the Fayum. Plate 407. Piece of large, striped divine wig from a life-size male figure, possibly Seth, facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 409. Plate 408. Neck, divine wig and a piece of the overlapping arm of a life-size Seth facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 408. Plate 409. Snout of a life-size Seth facing left from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 410. Possibly ears of a life-size Seth facing an uncertain direction from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 411. Divine wig, neck and facial markings of a life-size falcon-headed deity facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 412. Plate 412. Divine wig, collar and forward shoulder of a life-size male deity facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 411. Plate 413. Divine wig and a piece of the proper left shoulder of a life-size male deity facing left from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 414. Overlapping arm and a small piece of the torso of a life-size figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location. liv

Plate 415. Center of the torso, top of the kilt and parts of the arms of a life-size male figure, probably a deity, from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 416. Part of the face of a life-size goddess from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 417. Piece of an inscription for Sokar from a scene of uncertain location. The direction in which the inscription should be read cannot be determined. Plate 418. Top of the head of a life-size depiction of the king with a nemes-headdress and a uraeus (lower right), the names of Senwosret III and blessings bestowed on him (above) and the wall corner (left) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 419. Pieces of the eye, face and ear of a life-size male figure, probably the king wearing a nemes-headdress, from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 420. Part of the face of the king wearing the white crown from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 421. Overlapping feet of a life-size depiction of the king on the throne from a ritual scene of uncertain location. Plate 422. The waist, arm and wrist of an enthroned, life-size king facing right in a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 426. Plate 423. Piece of the garment belt and belly of a life-size king facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 425. Plate 424. Bottom of a was-scepter from a life-size deity or king in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 425. Top of a was-scepter from a life-size deity or king in a scene of uncertain location. lv

Plate 426. Top of a was-scepter from a life-size deity or king in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 427. Back of the kilt, tail, proper left wrist and hand holding an ankh-sign of a life-size king or deity from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 428. Proper right hand grasping an object from a life-size figure in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 429. Possibly a small piece of the torso and overlapping arm of a life-size male figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 430. Proper left leg and tail of a life-size male figure facing left from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 431. Probably the heel of a life-size male figure facing right and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 432. Heel of a life-size male figure facing left and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 433. Arch of the foot of a life-size male figure facing right and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 434. Toe of a life-size male figure facing left and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 435. Tip of the horizontal (proper right) wing of a flying vulture facing left with inscriptions above and below from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 436. Top of the vertical (proper right) wing of a flying falcon facing right with an inscription above from a scene of uncertain location. lvi

Plate 437. Tip of the horizontal (proper left) wing of a flying Horus facing right with inscriptions above and below from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 438. Inscription with epithets of the king (left) and a piece of the king’s cartouche (right) from a scene of uncertain location. It may have originally joined the piece in plate 439. Plate 439. Inscription with the cartouche of the king (left) and probably part of his two ladies name (right). It may have originally joined the piece in plate 438. Plate 440. Inscription with the Horus name of king (left) facing Wadjet on a neb-sign that is supported by a papyrus plant and surrounded by an inscription (right) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 441. Inscription containing snb mí (left) and the block border adjoining a wall corner (right) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 442. Parts of three columns of an inscription with blessings for the king and possibly epithets of a deity (right and center) and the vertical block border adjoining a wall corner (far left) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 443. Back of the head and the proper right shoulder of a ka-figure (right) and an inscription (left) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 444. Top of the double crown above the ka-figure (right), a protective inscription (center) and the vertical block border adjoining a wall corner (left) from a scene of uncertain location. Plate 445. Part of the Horus name carried by a ka-figure from a scene of uncertain location. lvii

Plate 446. Arms and pole from a ka-standard in a scene of uncertain location. Plate 447. Piece of the Horus atop a Horus name and a snake with an ankh-sign from the upper right corner of a heraldic door lintel of uncertain location. Plate 448. Parts of two registers from an unidentified scene (left) and the borders around a heraldic door lintel (right) from an uncertain location. Plate 449. Detail of the unidentified hieroglyph in plate 448. Plate 450. Two columns of inscription with the names and epithets of the king from the right side of a doorframe from an uncertain location. Plate 451. Column of text with nswt bity from the right side of doorframe from an uncertain location. Plate 452. Three-quarter view of the right side of a doorframe with a rounded doorjamb from an uncertain location. Plate 453. Cartouche from the right side of a doorframe from an uncertain location. Plate 454. Cartouche from a doorframe text from an uncertain location. Plate 455. Block containing a door lintel with a winged sun disk and a soffit with stars from an uncertain location. Plate 456. Block containing a door lintel with a winged sun disk and a soffit with stars from an uncertain location. Plate 457. Soffit of the door lintel at the east end of the south wall of offering chamber. The tops of the stars are facing west. For the front of the lintel see plate 357.

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INTRODUCTION

Studies of ancient Egyptian pyramid temples have tended to concentrate on those of the Old Kingdom, as these structures are generally better preserved than their successors in the Middle Kingdom. Thus the seven pyramid complexes of the Middle Kingdom’s Twelfth Dynasty, constructed at Dahshur, Lisht, Lahun and Hawara, are less well known in regard to their decorative programs. The study of the approximately 12,000 fragments found in and around Senwosret III’s pyramid temple will hopefully at least partially remedy the situation. The area of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple was originally explored by Jacques de Morgan during his first season at Dahshur in 1894. His undertaking came at the beginning of the scientific excavation of pyramid complexes, 1 and in consequence left much to be desired. Working for two seasons at a pace unimaginable today, de Morgan more or less simultaneously excavated not only the pyramid complex of Senwosret III, but also those of Amenemhat II and Amenemhat III to the south, and several fields of Old and Middle Kingdom mastaba tombs. 2 In an attempt to gather information about large areas in a relatively short amount of time, he excavated small pits at regular intervals all around the Senwosret III complex. The technique provided

1 2

See Verner, Pyramids, p. 11. de Morgan, Dahchour 1894; idem, Dahchour 1894-1895.

1

him with only limited views of surviving features, but did not allow him to see the full extent of the structures, resulting in numerous, fundamental misinterpretations. 3 The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York renewed excavation at the pyramid complex of Senwosret III in 1990, working in a systematic fashion that has resulted in a more accurate understanding of many sections of the site (for a plan of the site, see pl. 1). As is to be expected, Senwosret III’s complex was centered around the royal pyramid, a structure that was originally probably between 105-107 m long on each side and about 62.6-64.1 m high. 4 The structure had a mud brick core cased with limestone, a combination of materials employed in other mid- to late Twelfth Dynasty pyramids. 5 The removal of the fine limestone casing by ancient stone robbers has resulted in the exposure of the fragile mud brick core, which has substantially eroded over the intervening centuries. 6 In contrast to Old Kingdom and early Twelfth Dynasty pyramids, the entrance to Senwosret III’s burial chambers was not situated in the center of the north side, but rather on the west side, north of the center. The magnificent underground apartments, which were built of limestone and red granite,

3

For example, de Morgan incorrectly described the subsidiary pyramids built for the women of Senwosret III’s family as “mastabas” (Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 58). De Morgan also believed that he had uncovered the remains of two mastabas on the east side of the pyramid south of the pyramid temple (Dahchour 1894, fig. 105 between pp. 48-49); these mud brick remains are actually part of the complex’s inner enclosure wall, a structure de Morgan did not recognize (Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 58, 75). Some of the pits dug by de Morgan are visible in Dahchour 1894, pls. XXVI-XXVII. 4 Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 26-27. 5 Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 28-29; Lehner, Pyramids, pp.175-83; Verner, Pyramids, pp. 409-32. 6 Additional damage was inflicted on the pyramid in the 19th century, when its center was removed in the fruitless search for the royal burials chambers; see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 2526. Because the debris from the casing is intermingled with burials primarily of the Roman Period, it is certain that major destruction took place in ancient times.

2

included a spectacular red granite sarcophagus. However, the condition of the burial chambers when found make it unlikely that the king was buried there.7 Four structures were built for the cult of the king. Constructed first were the north chapel, which adjoined the center of the pyramid’s north side, and the pyramid temple, which was attached to the center of the pyramid’s east side; the structures were most likely built simultaneously or at least in quick succession. The north chapel was erected over the area where the entrance to the royal burial chambers was customarily placed, though in the case of Senwosret III no passage was located here.8 Only the flat, approximately 7 x 8 m platform of the chapel’s mud brick subfoundation remains, along with a substantial collection of architectural fragments and the relief decoration that once adorned its walls. The structure was oriented north-south, had a vaulted ceiling, presumably had a false door on the south and was decorated with standard offering chamber scenes. The north chapel is discussed in greater detail on pages 384-86, 390, 404-16, 433-49. As the subject of this dissertation, the pyramid temple is introduced in greater detail below. The third structure built for Senwosret III’s cult at Dahshur was the so-called south temple, a building misunderstood by de Morgan and still only partially

7

The reasons for doubting that the king was buried in the chambers are discussed in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 32-43. Based on our present understanding, the king is more likely to have been interred in Abydos (Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 383-93). 8 For the earlier excavation of the north chapel, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 54-55. In the last several seasons the Metropolitan Museum has completely cleared the north chapel and some of the area surrounding it. The results of this work will be published in a future volume of the Egyptian Expedition series.

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excavated. 9 The temple was added to the south of Senwosret III’s original pyramid complex at a later point in his reign.10 In contrast to the small pyramid temple, the south temple is an enormous structure (about 47 m north-south and 76 m east-west) that must have been one of the largest temples of the Middle Kingdom. Unfortunately, only its mud brick subfoundation remains, but preserved architectural pieces indicate that it had a columned court or hypostyle hall in the east and one or more red granite shrines on the west side. The basic plan of the temple consists of a large rectangle with a squarish projection at the east end of the south side, a form that seems to prefigure later Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasty Theban mortuary temples. 11 Recovered fragments indicate that the temple was decorated with largescale depictions of deities, scenes of the domination of foreigners, sed-festival rituals and offering subjects. 12 The presumed fourth structure built for the king was a valley temple, the undiscovered remains of which most probably lie under the agricultural lands east of the pyramid complex. 13 Flanking Senwosret III’s pyramid on the north and south were smaller pyramids of varying sizes, six of which served as burial places or cenotaphs for women of the

9

According to de Morgan’s plan (Dahchour 1894, fig. 105 between pp. 48 and 49), a rectangular structure was built at the south side of the south court adjacent to the later outer enclosure wall. Excavation work done by the Metropolitan Museum has shown that the structure is actually in the center of the court and no building was constructed to the south. The complete excavation of the south temple was postponed because of the unexpectedly large number of pyramid temple fragments. It is hoped that this project can be resumed in the fall of 2008. 10 For the architecture, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 97-105. 11 Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 99, 104-5. 12 For the relief decoration, see Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 142-45. 13 Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 97.

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royal family; 14 the seventh, located southeast of Senwosret III’s main pyramid, probably served as the king’s ka-pyramid. 15 The two subsidiary queens’ pyramids south of the king’s pyramid had chapels on the east and north, while the four on the north appear to have had only east chapels. The basic decorative scheme of all chapels seems to have consisted of the type of subjects normally found in an offering chamber. The enthroned woman sat before an offering table facing a procession of offering bearers and piled offerings. An extensive offering list stretched before her. Around the door were depictions of animal slaughtering and additional piles of food and other goods.16 The complex was surrounded by an inner enclosure wall, which primarily encompassed the king’s pyramid, north chapel and pyramid temple. An original outer enclosure wall surrounded the subsidiary pyramids; later additions to it enclosed the south temple and a narrow strip of desert to the north. 17 All enclosure walls had projections, recesses and niches, which must have given them a distinctly archaic appearance. 18 Entrance to the smaller, original complex seems to have been through a gate at the south end of the east wall. 19 Later, a causeway was built that extended from the center of the south temple’s facade to the presumed valley temple mentioned

14

Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 55-87. Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 84-86. 16 The queens’ chapels will be published in Stünkel, Chapels of the Royal Women, in preparation. For preliminary reports, see Stünkel, “Relief Decoration of the Cult Chapels,” in press and Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 145-46. 17 For the complex’s walls, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 19-25, 89-92. 18 For archaism in the pyramid complex of Senwosret III, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 121-22. Some of the inscriptions to be discussed in conjunction with the square antechamber also exhibit archaistic tendencies (see pp. 74-75). 19 Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 22. 15

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above. 20 A short passageway seems to have connected the south temple to the original pyramid complex. 21 In his report on the work in and around Senwosret III’s pyramid complex, Jacques de Morgan devoted five brief paragraphs to the pyramid temple and illustrated three fragments, 22 which he valued because they included the king’s names.23 Scant details of the work are given: “Dans le cours de ce travail je rencontrai les fragments informes d’un temple ou d’une chapelle jadis ornée de bas-reliefs, de stèles et de sculptures de tout genre.” De Morgan then mentions the presence of a vaulted ceiling decorated with stars, suggests that the pyramid must have had a temple on the east similar to the plan of the Meidum pyramid of Sneferu and describes the discovery of the fragments inscribed with the king’s names. He concludes by stating “Continuer les travaux de l’est devenait inutile, puisque j’avais acquis la certitude que le temple funéraire du roi avait été entièrement détruit, poursuivre ceux du nord était trop dispendieux.” On his plan he labels the area at the center of the pyramid’s east side “vestiges de la chapelle funéraire,” and indicates the find spots of six “fragments de bas reliefs.” 24 Although de Morgan had correctly stated that the pyramid temple was destroyed, he did not realize that thousands of interesting relief fragments in a variety of

20

Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 92-96. Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 96-97. 22 de Morgan, Dahchour 1894, p. 51, figs. 111-12 and fig. on top of p. 47. 23 de Morgan, Dahchour 1894, unnumbered fig. on top of p. 47 and p. 51 figs. 111-12. The Egyptian Expedition of the Metropolitan Museum found two of the fragments in the ruins of de Morgan’s excavation house: the piece depicted on the top of page 47, which actually combines two different horizontal lines of text, and the relief on figure 111. See Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 46; Oppenheim, in ibid., p. 141 n. 93. 24 de Morgan, Dahchour 1894, fig. 105 between pp. 48-49. 21

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sizes remained scattered across much of the pyramid’s east side. Certainly contributing to de Morgan’s difficulties in understanding the pyramid temple is the fact that his excavations Dahshur preceded those undertaken in the pyramid complexes of Sahure at Abusir 25 and Pepi II at South Saqqara, 26 structures that proved to be indispensable for our understanding of pyramid temple decorative programs. However, the pace and cursory nature of de Morgan’s work were significant factors in his misapprehension of the temple. In 1907 Barsanti briefly excavated in the area northeast of the king’s pyramid, near the shaft leading to the tombs of several queens and princesses. At the end of his one page report, he expressed an intention to return to the pyramid temple area stating, “De l’examen attentif que j’ai fait sur les lieux, je crois pouvoir avancer qu’en faisant des recherches méthodiques à l’est de la pyramide d’Ousertesen III, à l’endroit que vous avez signalé, on trouverait à coup sûr des restes importants de la chapelle funéraire. J’espère que je pourrai les exécuter l’été prochain.” 27 For unknown reasons (and fortunately!), the project seems to have been abandoned. As far as is known, no other excavation took place in the area of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple until the work of the Metropolitan Museum. When the Egyptian Expedition of the Metropolitan Museum began excavating in and around Senwosret III’s pyramid complex in 1990, efforts were first concentrated

25

Excavation work at the pyramid of Sahure, led by Ludwig Borchardt, began in 1902; see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vols. 1-2. 26 Comprehensive excavation of Pepi II’s pyramid complex began in 1926 under the direction of Gustave Jéquier; see Jéquier, Pepi II, vols. 1-3. 27 Barsanti, “Dahchour,” p. 192.

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on the documentation of the king’s burial chambers and the queens’ tombs on the north side of the pyramid. On Nov. 17, 1992, a test trench was begun near the pyramid temple, 28 in an area that was later recognized as a section of the complex’s inner enclosure wall, a feature that de Morgan did not understand. 29 Because de Morgan’s work had seemingly yielded little, the present excavators did not expect to find much in the way of pyramid temple remains, but did hope to be able to at least locate the outlines of the structure. However, the excavation diary of Nov. 18 states “a great number of relief fragments are found.” 30 Excavation continued until Nov. 24, when “the work is stopped because of the danger of finding too many relief fragments,” 31 near the end of the season. Encouraged by the quality and quantity of the recovered material, the excavation of the pyramid temple and its surrounding area was resumed in 1993 and continued during the 1994, 1996, and 1998-2003 seasons (i.e. ten seasons). 32 Two factors caused the excavation to be stretched over such a long period of time. First, the east face of the pyramid was covered by deep layers of sand and debris, which had accumulated on top of the pyramid’s mud brick core after the casing was removed (pls. 5-6). Safely excavating these unstable layers required a time consuming process of beginning work high up on the pyramid slope and reinforcing the structure

28

Arnold, “Dahshur Diary 1992,” p. 49. Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 23-25, 75. 30 Arnold, “Dahshur Diary 1992,” p. 51. 31 Arnold, “Dahshur Diary 1992,” p. 61. 32 Preliminary reports were published in Arnold and Oppenheim, “Reexcavating,” pp. 44-56 and Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 133-42. 29

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with modern mud bricks. Second, the area east of the pyramid contained an extensive “middle class” cemetery of burials primarily from the Roman Period. 33 Remains of the pyramid temple were mixed with and under the graves, which were crowded together both horizontally and vertically. Thus in order to recover the relief fragments, a comprehensive excavation of the tombs also had to be undertaken. Finally, the relief fragments were scattered over a wide area, meaning that in order to completely recover the material, sections needed to be extended north, east and south of the pyramid temple until the quantity of recovered fragments petered out (pl. 3). Although it is possible, perhaps certain, that a small number of additional fragments remain outside the areas excavated, the vast majority of the pyramid temple’s surviving relief and architectural fragments have been recovered. In addition, it should be noted that pieces with smooth background but no carved decoration were not collected, as the quantity of such fragments and their possible original position on structures such as the inner enclosure wall, undecorated surfaces of the pyramid temple and perhaps even the pyramid itself made it impossible to effectively work with them. As mentioned previously, an estimated 12,000 fragments have been found in and around the pyramid temple (see pl. 4 for some of the material in one of the excavation storerooms). Most of the fragments were relatively small in size, though as

33

While the majority of burials are probably Roman, some may be Ptolemaic; the presence of crosses indicates that the cemetery was used until at least the introduction of Christianity in Egypt. Some post-New Kingdom material found at Dahshur was published by de Morgan (Dahchour 1894, pp. 43-46; idem, Dahchour 1894-1895, pp. 110-11). The tombs excavated by the Metropolitan Museum will be published in a future volume of the excavation series. A section of the cemetery is visible here on plate 7, center of the left side.

9

can be seen from the plates illustrating this dissertation, it has been possible to join large sections of relief decoration. Most have fairly flat backs, an indication that the decorated surfaces were systematically hacked off, either when the fine limestone was transformed into other objects or in order to disguise the origin of the stone when it was delivered to its new owners. 34 Relative to the overall small size of the structure, these fragments constitute one of the best surviving examples of pyramid temple decoration of either the Old or Middle Kingdoms. The key element that seems to be completely absent is any indication of the pyramid temple’s ground plan, as only the temple’s brick subfoundation is preserved (pls. 5-6, 9). The brick subfoundation of the pyramid temple was 18.5-18.95 m northsouth and 14.8 m east-west. 35 Generally, it seems to be the case that brick subfoundations do not reveal anything about the room arrangement of the structure above. Rather, the brick simply forms a level platform on which to build. However, as will be discussed in the conclusion to this dissertation, such an assumption may be false and the brick pattern may provide an important clue as to the configuration of the temple’s rooms. Generally pyramid temples are joined directly to the sloping east face of their pyramid. However, a section of Senwosret III’s monument revealed an unusual method of forming the pyramid’s base, which must have had consequences for the connection of the two structures. An area excavated on the north side of the pyramid

34

For the destruction process in the temple of Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahari, see Lipinska, “’Blinded’ Deities,” pp. 387-88. 35 Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 49.

10

revealed that a slightly battered, niched platform was constructed around its base, meaning that the pyramid’s sloping sides only began on top of this platform (pl. 8). 36 No parallels for such a construction are known. The pyramid must have seemed as if it was surrounded by an additional enclosure wall that had the same archaic appearance as the freestanding outer and inner walls of the complex. Because the brick subfoundation around the pyramid platform seems to have protruded about 3 m beyond its foot, it is possible that the pyramid temple’s subfoundation extended a similar distance around the structure, meaning that the temple itself was smaller than 15 x 19 m. As one can imagine, making sense of the approximately 12,000 recovered fragments has been a difficult task requiring a complex approach and much patience. First, all fragments large and small were registered and sorted according to scale and iconographic considerations. For example, pieces that could be identified as parts of deities were grouped according to size, direction, gender, costume, animal versus human and preserved part of the body. Based on these categories, certain iconographic themes became apparent. In the case of the example just mentioned, it quickly became obvious that the pyramid temple contained an extensive deity procession. Because Senwosret III’s pyramid temple was small and the number of rooms in it was clearly limited, the iconography was likely at least somewhat similar to that commonly found in the innermost sections of pyramid temples. Additional evidence about the original location of fragments was provided by preserved architectural elements, including parts 36

The feature is discussed in Arnold, “Changing the Shape,” in press.

11

of doorframes, door jambs, door lintels, vaulted ceilings, dados, and the tops and corners of walls. Of great importance are parallels found in other pyramid temples, chiefly the better-preserved ones of Sahure at Abusir and Pepi II at South Saqqara, the latter of which contained a square room (square antechamber ) with a deity procession on all four walls. Also useful are the remains of wall decoration found in the pyramid temples of Userkaf, Neferirkare, Niuserre, Unis and Teti. However, heavy reliance on a handful of monuments spread over a period of about three hundred years is risky, particularly if one assumes that all pyramid temples contained similar decorative programs. In fact, we know that the pyramid temple form underwent a long development that is perhaps most clearly seen in its architecture, but is also evident from the remains of the decorative programs. With the exception of pyramid temples of the late Sixth Dynasty, which are extremely similar at least in terms of their ground plans, these structures show a high degree of variability. As will become clear when the various elements of Senwosret III’s decorative program are discussed, earlier prototypes were not slavishly imitated and quite a few elements were added that seem to be new. That said, it would be impossible to suggest any kind of reconstruction for Senwosret III’s pyramid temple without relying on parallel material from the Old Kingdom; one must only recognize the hazards inherent in such an approach. Unfortunately, Middle Kingdom pyramid complexes do not provide adequate material that can be closely compared to the Senwosret III fragments. Seven pyramid complexes were built by the Twelfth Dynasty’s first six kings (including Senwosret 12

III), 37 spread between Dahshur, Lisht and the Fayum sites of Lahun and Hawara. In addition, Senwosret III constructed a rock tomb and a cult temple at for himself at Abydos. All of the surviving wall decoration from these monuments is extremely fragmentary, more so, perhaps, than even the present case. The remains of the pyramid temples of Amenemhat I and Senwosret I at Lisht and Amenemhat III at Dahshur are in the process of being published, though the present author has had access to the excavation documentation. 38 The pyramid temple of Amenemhat II was badly excavated by de Morgan and virtually nothing about the structure or its decoration was included in his report. 39 The material recovered from the pyramid temple of Senwosret II at Lahun was published in cursory fashion. 40 There has been speculation about the form and elements within Amenemhat’s pyramid temple at Hawara, but little information exists about the decorative program. Finally, little is known about the decorative program of either the temple of Senwosret III at Abydos or the Hawara temple of Amenemhat III, the latter of which is south of the pyramid and cannot be considered a true pyramid temple. Although these monuments have been recently well published, only relatively small, disconnected elements of the decorative programs have

37

Amenemhat III built pyramid complexes at both Dahshur and Hawara. The reliefs from the pyramid temple of Amenemhat I will be published in Jánosi, Pyramid Temple of Amenemhat I, in preparation. The relief fragments from the pyramid temple of Amenemhat III at Dahshur will be published in Arnold, Pyramidenbezirk des Königs Amenemhet III., vol. II, in preparation. One fragment is published in de Morgan, Dahchour 1894-1895, p. 98 fig. 142. The author extends thanks to Dieter Arnold for the use of his unpublished excavation material. 39 de Morgan, Dahchour 1894-1895, p. 37. 40 Petrie, Illahun, p. 4; Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, p. 5, pls. xvi, xviii. For a relief from the pyramid temple of Lahun now in the Metropolitan Museum, see Oppenheim, “Three Deities,” pp. 207-18. 38

13

been recovered. 41 Therefore although Middle Kingdom structures are occasionally cited in relation to Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, they cannot provide extensive comparative material . It appears that the entire wall decoration of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple was completed, including the final application of paint; no partially carved fragments have been recovered in the area. All walls were rendered in raised relief, including the exterior inscriptions (see below), an arrangement which conflicts with the long-held belief that exterior wall surfaces are generally carved in sunk relief, while interior ones are raised. 42 At least during the Middle Kingdom, these “rules” do not seem to apply.43 Senwosret III’s relief decoration is generally raised fairly high above the surface of the background and the edges of the contours are usually rounded, providing smooth, modulated transitions between the planes. Some horizontal lines, particularly those that belong to hieroglyphs, are rendered with more sharply cut, beveled edges.

41

For the Labyrinth at Hawara, see Blom-Böer, Amenemhets. III. For Senwosret III’s Abydos chapel, seeWegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 151-86. See also Uphill, Pharaoh’s Gateway, pp. 6871. 42 In the mid- to late Twelfth Dynasty mastaba field north of Senwosret III’s complex, the exterior decoration of these structures was both raised and sunk. The mastabas of Sobekemhat (NM 17), Nebit (NM 18) and Horkherty (NM 31) had raised relief inscriptions on their outer faces and raised relief offering scenes in their niches. In contrast, the mastabas of Khnumhotep (NM 2), Khentykhetyemsaf (NM 11) and Senwosretankh (?, NM 34) had sunk relief outer inscriptions. The mastabas will be published in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. The north wall of the Nebit mastaba will be published in Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists,” in press. For preliminary reports on the mastabas, see Arnold, “Middle Kingdom Mastabas,” pp. 38-39; idem, “Two New Mastabas,” pp. 23-25; idem, “Die letzte Ruhestätte,” pp. 621-29. 43 According to Cwiek (“Relief Decoration,” p. 22), sunk relief in Old Kingdom royal complexes is rare, with the exception of gate inscriptions. However, use of sunk relief was widespread in the pyramid temple of Senwosret I; for examples of interior sunk relief in the structure, see Hayes, Scepter, vol. I, p. 189 fig. 115; Wildung, Ägypten 2000, p. 79, no. 20.

14

Several methods were used to render internal details. The simplest employed incised lines of varying widths and depths cut into the relief surface. More often interior details were layered, a process that involved slightly angling a surface so that it met an adjoining feature at a slightly lower level. 44 As a result, the adjoining feature had a slight but distinct raised edge, a treatment that works to a brilliant effect in raking light. Human and animal figures had modeled, undulating surfaces indicating details such as bone structure, musculature, facial features, depressions in the hands and the weight placed on the toe of a standing foot. In addition, some details were added only in paint. Even a cursory glance through the images used to illustrate this dissertation reveals that several different artists carved the reliefs in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Particularly noticeable is that some sculptors finely modeled surfaces and created intricate interior details, while others produced flatter, less lively surfaces. It is possible that particular sculptors carved only certain types of objects, for example, faces, bodies, inscriptions or piled offerings, rather than working all elements on an entire section of wall. It is also possible that “apprentices” carved secondary elements such as groundlines and star bands. However, a strict division of labor might have been difficult to maintain in the relatively small temple. Since the artists would have needed adequate space and could not have worked on the same vertical section of wall at the same time, distributing them according to subject would have necessitated a very complicated and tightly controlled work organization. Unfortunately because of the 44

The technique is difficult to see in photographs; for examples, see here pls. 57, 67, 421.

15

space limitations imposed on this dissertation, the topic of individual artists and sculptors must be left for a future study. In terms of reconstructing the interior decorative program of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, stylistic considerations rarely have helped to place pieces, as the distribution of artists cannot be understood with such fragmentary material. 45 As can be seen in many of the illustrations, some pieces preserve a great deal of paint. Particularly stable are the reds and yellows, both made from ochre, while the blues, greens and black tend to be more fragile. In many cases, the pigments were applied as solid sections of a single color, though some shading and modulation of tone is found among the depictions of piled offerings. Paint is also used to indicate fine detail that could not be rendered with carved lines. Noticeable is that the paint is sometimes imprecisely applied, spilling onto the background and adjoining features. It is uncertain why the painters were so careless. In some cases it appears that the backgrounds themselves were painted rather than left the natural tone of the white limestone (see pp. 417, 429-30); perhaps the background pigment was applied later and covered the earlier errors. The application of paint in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple also will be addressed in a future study. Most scenes depicting human or divine beings were captioned with inscriptions of varying lengths. In all cases the captions, names and titles face in the same direction as the figures to whom they belong. Texts listing blessings granted to the king by the

45

Exceptions are the large deity speech from the square antechamber (SA 12-19) and possibly the exterior royal name panels.

16

deities generally face in the same direction as the god or goddess. Inscriptions on door lintels face inwards towards the center of the lintel and texts on doorframes face towards the opening of the door. Unfortunately, these texts provide only basic information about the scenes, generally consisting of no more than standard epithets or common formulas. While the captions above the deities do provide important if sometimes cryptic information about Egyptian religion, none of the texts contain historical accounts, dates or even the identities of officials who served in Senwosret III’s court. 46 Each wall had a kheker-frieze along the top just below the ceiling, followed by a horizontal block border. All registers with royal or divine figures had star bands across the top. Star bands in uppermost registers were noticeably wider than those on lower registers and their width also varied based on the scale of the scene in a particular register. Depictions of offering bearers and piled offerings did not always have star bands above them. Vertically oriented block borders were placed to the sides of the wall corners, generally with additional vertical stripes between the rectangles and the actual juncture of the walls (for examples, see pls. 58, 60, 286, 379, 418, 441-42, 444). Below the decoration was a dado that began with a wider black groundline followed by a broad red stripe, a narrow black stripe, a broad yellow stripe and then black color down to the level of the floor (see pls. 352, 363, 386). The height of the dado is discussed on page 79.

46

The names of important officials are sometimes included in Old Kingdom pyramid complexes, see here p. 391 n. 712.

17

Four main iconographic themes have been isolated from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple: 1) an exterior inscription composed of royal-name panels and horizontal texts; 2) deity processions originating from a probably square antechamber; 3) offering subjects and depictions of divinities that seem to have their place in the offering chamber; and 4) ritual scenes composed mainly of large-scale figures that do not seem to have had their place either in the square antechamber or in the offering chamber. Because of limitations of space, it is obviously impossible either to include all recovered fragments in this study or to treat all iconographic themes equally. Therefore this dissertation will address the subjects of key importance for an understanding of the innovations taking place in pyramid temple decorative programs in the later Twelfth Dynasty. Specifically, the present author has determined that these subjects relate to the interaction of the king and deities. Although the subject cannot be discussed in depth here, the exterior of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple had a series of inscriptions and a decorated door lintel (pl. 13). Even though decorated enclosure walls are known from the Old and Middle Kingdoms, no exterior inscriptions have been recognized on pyramid temples themselves. 47 Two types of inscription were found on the outside of the temple: 1) rectangular royal-name panels that were placed to the sides of the corners; and 2) horizontal lines of text that ran across the top of the walls. Like the rest of the relief decoration in the pyramid temple, the exterior inscription was rendered in raised relief.

47

Decoration was found on the enclosure walls of Pepi I at Saqqara (Labrousse, Les pyramides des reines, pp. 134-37) and Senwosret I at Lisht (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 58-63, pls. 27-37, 87-88, 94).

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Royal-name panels were arranged in a vertical sequence on either side of the northeast and southeast corners and on the west ends of the north and south walls. 48 Each row probably contained five panels. Although the compositions of the panels varied, all focused on the names, titles and epithets of Senwosret III, the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet and the blessings bestowed upon the king by these deities; on two separate panels, the bæw of Iunu (pl. 14) and the god Seth are mentioned. The lowermost panels described the king as the recipient of sed-festivals, specifically the œæb-sd tpy or “first sed-festival.” 49 Within each panel, the lines of text are arranged in undivided vertical columns, while at the bottom of each panel some phrases read horizontally. Also on the outside of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple were horizontal texts placed near the top of the walls below the entablature. The texts joined the inner sides of the uppermost royal-name panels and did not continue to the wall corners. Similar to the royal-name panels, the horizontal inscriptions list the names, titles and epithets of the king. Although Wadjet is again named, no mention of Nekhbet was found. At least three inscriptions state that the king is beloved of Horakhty, perhaps suggesting that this deity had an important place in the temple program. The following chapters will discuss in detail the three remaining iconographic themes according to the rooms in which they most likely appeared. Chapter 1 presents a lengthy discussion of a chamber that was decorated with long registers of deities walking in a procession. The figures and inscriptions have been assigned to this

48

The west wall was directly attached to the pyramid platform. The sed-festival inscription on the exterior panels was discussed and illustrated in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 134 esp. n. 42, pl. 156d.

49

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probably square room based on their scale and parallels from earlier pyramid temples, most notably Pepi II. Probably on one wall, a life-size or over life-size depiction of the king faced the files of figures. Above each deity was a short caption that provided his or her name, epithet or place of origin. These inscriptions are particularly interesting because many of the deities depicted are not well known. Chapter 2 addresses the offering chamber, a rectangular, north-south oriented room that had a vaulted ceiling and a false door on its western side against the face of the pyramid. The north, south and east walls of the room were decorated with rows of offering bearers, the slaughter of animals, an offering list and piles of food offerings; such iconography is standard for this type of room. Of greater interest for this study is the western end of the chamber, the portion of the room in which the king, deities and other non-human actors were depicted. On the tympana above the false door (and also above the east wall of the chamber) were elaborate scenes with back-to-back images of the enthroned king facing deities and fecundity figures. The contents of such tympana have not been recognized in any other king’s offering chamber of the Old or Middle Kingdoms. Flanking the false door were nine depictions each of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen. At the west end of the north and south walls were large-scale depictions of the king seated before an offering table and facing offering bearers and an offering list. Behind him was a depiction of the royal ka-figure and below a short procession of fecundity figures. Chapter 3 addresses ritual scenes in which life-size or over life-size images of the king interact with deities of similar or smaller dimensions; these scenes cannot be 20

securely assigned to a particular room. One scene included a substantial procession of fecundity figures enacting a libation ritual. Another seems to have shown the king being purified, possibly by Horus and Seth. Other tableau contained depictions of lifesize enthroned kings receiving some sort of ritual action; below the throne are kneeling fecundity figures enacting the sema-tawy-ritual. The large-scale figures have proved somewhat more difficult to work with, as even substantial fragments contain only a relatively small percentage of a figure. However, what seems to be the smaller number of preserved royal figures and life-size deities may indicate that these representations were particularly singled out for destruction. Also included in chapter 3 are a number of elements such as flying falcons and vultures, pieces of life-size deities and the king, large-scale inscriptions with the royal titulary and sections of doorways. They are included in order to give a more complete picture of the temple’s iconography and the extent of the fragments that were recovered. The conclusion will summarize the material presented in the three chapters, with particular attention to the diminished size of the pyramid temple in the later Twelfth Dynasty. Senwosret III’s smaller pyramid temple combined with the later construction of his south temple may signal part of the transition to the so-called mansions of millions of years and other temple types that become more prevalent in the New Kingdom.

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CHAPTER 1: THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER (CHAMBER WITH DEITY PROCESSION)

INTRODUCTION

Several thousand fragments from a procession of deities of the Egyptian pantheon have been recovered from the remains of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Depictions of such processions could be used in a number of different areas within a pyramid complex and they are an important source for our understanding of Egyptian religion, though in the Old and Middle Kingdoms more information about deities is found in the Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts. Prominent in Old Kingdom and early Twelfth Dynasty pyramid temples were rooms with four walls of more or less equal length that preceded the offering chamber, circumstances that have lead to their designation as “square antechambers.” Deity processions are also known from other parts of the pyramid complex, particularly the causeway, but archaeological investigation of the area east of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple has not revealed any definitive traces of a causeway connected to this structure. Rather, the causeway seems to have been built later in the king’s reign and farther to the south in conjunction with the construction of the south temple, 50 so that we can discount the causeway as a possible location for the deity

50

However, excavation work undertaken by the Metropolitan Museum during the 2007 season revealed remains of what could be an unfinished causeway that seems to lead towards of the presumed original entrance to the pyramid complex. The brick walls do not actually meet the entrance and further excavation work is needed to confirm their intended function. For the

22

procession. Other potential sites for deity processions are entrance areas, as for example the procession that appears on the so-called southern side entrance in the Sahure complex, 51 but again, there is no evidence that such spaces existed in Senwosret III’s pyramid complex. Therefore the most likely and reasonable location for Senwosret III’s deity procession would be an antechamber, probably square, placed adjacent to the offering chamber. Following earlier precedents, each deity in Senwosret III’s procession held a wasscepter in his or her outstretched forward hand and carried an ankh-sign in the vertical back hand. Possibly for reasons of space, the designers omitted the small depictions of chapels that were sometimes interspersed between the deities. 52 The gods were male and female, human- and animal-headed, though all seem to have had human bodies of the appropriate gender. Each was identified by an inscription placed above the head, which supplied the his or her name, cult place or an epithet. Restoration of the recovered fragments, discussed in greater detail below, suggests that on each wall in Senwosret III’s square antechamber there were five registers of figures, each of which could contain a maximum of most likely fourteen figures. Earlier square antechambers had substantial portions of their wall space below the deities devoted to depictions of cattle slaughtering and bowing officials. However, fragments recovered from Senwosret III’s square antechamber indicate that these two types of human figures were not

original entrance to the pyramid complex, see Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 22. For the later causeway, see ibid., pp. 22, 92-97. 51 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 28-31.

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included and that only deities were shown. Since some of the registers were interrupted by depictions of the king, speeches made to him by the deities and architectural features such as doorways, doorframes and door lintels, the number of figures in each register varied; the suggested total number of deities will be discussed in the conclusion to this chapter. Deities faced both left and right, but on each wall they faced in only one direction. Two doorways have been reconstructed in the square antechamber, one on the west wall (leading from the “entrance chamber”) and one on the north wall (leading to the offering chamber, see pl. 10). Earlier square antechambers had a central column or pillar and an architrave supporting the ceiling, but because of its smaller size, Senwosret III’s chamber probably did not require such reinforcement and no evidence has been found for either of these features.53 Presented in this chapter are those fragments that preserve: 1) information about the identities of the deities depicted; 2) architectural features such as portions of doorways and wall corners; 3) portions of speeches made by the deities to the king; 4) masonry edges that help to understand the registers from which pieces may originate. Many other fragments survive from the square antechamber that include parts of limbs, hands holding ankh-signs or was-scepters and pieces of torsos. Because these contribute little to our overall understanding of the chamber, they have been omitted here, though they will be included in the final publication of the material. Fragments have been

52

For example in the pyramid temples of Niuserre (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pp. 92-93 figs. 7071); Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 50 52-53, 58, 60); and Senwosret I (MMA 09.180.55; Rogers Fund, 1909; unpublished). 53 For a summary of the central supports in square antechambers, see Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 46-47.

24

assigned to the square antechamber based on content and scale. As was mentioned above and will be discussed in greater detail below, the deities in the procession carry distinctive implements and are arranged in similar, repetitive poses. Scale has been a key factor in assigning the figures and inscriptions to the square antechamber, since other recognizable scenes with deities in the pyramid temple are noticeably larger in scale. However, none of the substantial number of fragments that have been assigned to the square antechamber preserve any evidence of adjoining figures of another size. 54 The standard architectural form of the square antechamber first emerged in the pyramid temple of Niuserre. 55 Thereafter it became a typical pyramid temple feature until the end of the Sixth Dynasty, later reappearing definitively in the Twelfth Dynasty pyramid temple of Senwosret I. 56 Although eight pyramid temples are known to have contained square antechambers, 57 the decoration of most of these spaces was poorly

54

With the exception of the enthroned deities on the west wall of the square antechamber, see pp. 248-56. 55 Borchardt (Ne-User-Reë, p. 59) called it the “einsäuligen Zimmers.” The term square antechamber seems to have been coined by Lauer (Verner, Pyramids, p. 316). There is no evidence supporting the claim of Stockfisch (Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, p. 34) that the Mastabat el-Faraoun of the pharaoh Shepseskaf had a square antechamber. In the pyramid temple of Sahure, the room preceding the offering chamber is positioned in a manner similar to the square antechamber, but it is rectangular and nothing of its decorative program could be identified (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. I, pp. 21, 57); a developmental link between rectangular rooms in the pyramid temples of Sahure and Neferirkare and the square antechamber was proposed by Ricke (Bemerkungen, vol. II, pp. 33-34 fig. 8). 56 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 46-47, pls. 17b-d, 20, 84. It is uncertain if the pyramid temple of Amenemhat I had such a chamber; the structure will be published in Jánosi, Pyramid Temple of Amenemhat I, in preparation. 57 Excluding Senwosret III, these are Niuserre, Djedkare, Unis, Teti, Pepi I, Pepi II, Senwosret I and Senwosret II (see below). The pyramid temple of Merenre awaits excavation and publication and those of “minor” Old Kingdom kings are unknown; the pyramid temples of Djedkare and Pepi I have evidence of square antechambers, but they have not been comprehensively published. In the Twelfth Dynasty, it is uncertain if Amenemhat I had a square antechamber. The pyramid complex of Amenemhat II seems likely to have had a square

25

preserved and their programs could not be reconstructed. Exceptional is the square antechamber of Pepi II, discussed in detail below, where parts of the lower registers of several walls survived in situ, a key recovery that allowed the excavators to reconstruct extensive portions of some of the walls. The square antechamber of Pepi II is commonly used as a paradigm for all such rooms of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, a tendency that is quite understandable given the poor preservation of other examples. However, precisely because only scant vestiges of other square antechambers have survived, it is difficult to determine if or how the decorative program developed or varied over time. 58 Clearly between the reigns of Snefru and Pepi II, the design and decorative program of pyramid temples underwent a substantial and continuous evolution, 59 though at least in the Sixth Dynasty, architectural forms tended to be more static. One might therefore expect that between the reigns of Niuserre and Senwosret III, the square antechamber program also underwent some sort of development. Indeed, comparison of the fragments from the square antechambers of Pepi II and Senwosret III shows that, although there are overall similarities between the deity processions, there are also significant points of departure, suggesting that the decorative program of this type of room was modified and evolved over time. Unfortunately,

antechamber, but further excavation would be required to prove its existence. The pyramid temple of Amenemhat III at Dahshur may have had a square antechamber, as some remains of what seems to be a deity procession were recovered (Dieter Arnold, personal communication). 58 According to Baines (Fecundity Figures, p. 3), there is evidence that temples were individually designed and not copied from so-called “pattern books.” 59 Development of scene type and figure arrangement is discussed in Do. Arnold “Royal Reliefs,” pp. 83-101.

26

because of the uneven preservation of Old and Middle Kingdom pyramid temples, it is difficult to isolate the precise points at which changes occurred. Illustrating the potential for a particular type of sacred space to develop both in terms of architectural layout and decorative program are the better-preserved solar complexes found in so-called royal mortuary and other temples of the Eighteenth to Twentieth Dynasties. In discussing the sun sanctuaries in these temples, Janusz Karkowski notes that “All these solar complexes show significant differences in architecture and decoration…the common theological idea underlying all these constructions might have different architectural expressions; this is also the case with the decoration of the complexes.” 60 In his analysis, Karkowski shows that between the Eighteenth Dynasty and the Ramesside Period the portion of the solar complex housed in a covered chapel was relocated from a position east of the open court to an area west of it. At the same time, between the reigns of Hatshepsut and Sety I, the decorative program was transformed from one rich with solar imagery to one that contained more standardized religious scenes. However, at least by the time Ramesses III constructed his mortuary temple at Medinet Habu, the solar themes found at Deir el-Bahari were reintroduced. 61 Although the reasons for these modifications remain obscure, they show that the architectural arrangements and decorative programs of spaces with similar location and cultic function were not static, but subject to continuous adjustments that must reflect evolving religious thought.

60

Karkowski, Temple of Hatshepsut, p. 87.

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SQUARE ANTECHAMBERS AND DEITY PROCESSIONS IN OLD AND MIDDLE KINGDOM PYRAMID COMPLEXES

Introduction Two different but related elements of Old and Middle Kingdom pyramid decoration are discussed below, namely the deity processions found in square antechambers and those that originate in other portions of the pyramid complex. The first category of material provides parallels for size, scale, scene arrangement and deity choice and is of obvious relevance for the following discussion of the material recovered from Senwosret III’s square antechamber. Deity processions belonging to the second category are mainly found on the walls of causeways and entrance areas, where they can appear together with fecundity figures, estates or domains, and offering bearers. They provide useful information about the identities of gods who could be depicted within pyramid complexes. Both groups of material are indispensable for an understanding of the material from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. It must be stressed that one cannot assume that all deity processions carried the same significance or had the same ritual function irrespective of placement within the complex. 62 Rather, the position and

61

Karkowski, Temple of Hatshepsut, pp. 85-118, esp. pp. 85-105. In part Stockfisch made such an assumption, see Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 12527, 258-60. Stockfisch includes a summary of deity processions in Old Kingdom pyramid temples.

62

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ritual function of a particular architectural space is of key importance in the interpretation of the program.

Pyramid Complex of Sahure The pyramid complex of Sahure preserves the earliest clearly identifiable deity processions, though it did not have a square antechamber. As was mentioned above, two rectangular rooms were located between the statue chamber and the offering chamber, positions roughly equivalent to those occupied by the vestibule and square antechamber known from the reign of Niuserre on. Unfortunately no recognizable fragments of relief decoration were recovered from either room. Discussed here are those pieces that preserve identifiable deities from other spaces in the temple. On the north side of the bottom of the causeway, two registers of deities held long ropes attached to bound prisoners. Two of the figures in the second register from the bottom can be identified as Seth of Nubt and Sopdu “lord of the foreign lands.”63 The martial nature of the scene is emphasized by the axes each deity holds in addition to the more usual was-scepters and ankh-signs. Somewhat comparable to the Sixth Dynasty square antechamber program is a piece from the valley temple of Sahure, which preserves parts of three registers of Lower Egyptian deities facing two priests in at least two of the registers. The figures are preceded by small chapels, the same composition found in the square antechamber of Pepi II and others (see below). Also foreshadowing the arrangement of Pepi II is the

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placement of a cattle slaughtering scene in the register below the gods. In the lowest deity register, the first two figures are called the “bæwy (i.e. the two bæs) who are in the house of the œry-wÿb,” an institution that may have been related to the funerary service. They are followed by a goddess identified as Seshat based on her headdress and Horus of Behdet. Above these figures was the god Duawer. The deity in the uppermost preserved register may be related to Athribis. 64 From the south side of the corridor east of the pyramid temple’s courtyard (“südlicher Umgang”) comes a depiction of the goddess Mehit followed by a procession of nomes. Below is a procession of deities, the first two of which can be respectively identified as Heka, the personification of magic, and Thoth of Hermopolis, who is captioned with an epithet related to bird trapping. 65 Other fragments that seem to derive from deity processions depict Horus of Behdet, a goddess who is probably Wadjet, Anubis, Thoth, probably Heka, and one of the bæw of Pe, who makes the henugesture. 66 Processions of deities, fecundity figures and estates along with depictions of cattle slaughtering filled the walls of the south side entrance (“Nebeneingang”) to the pyramid temple; the figures are divided between those of Upper Egypt (south side) and Lower Egypt (north side). Most spectacular are two beautifully carved large blocks with processions of fecundity figures in the lowermost registers and deities above.

63

Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp.18-21, 79-83, pl. 5; Borchardt speculated about the identities of the gods in the upper register. 64 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 36-37, 95-99, pl. 19. 65 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 38, 99-100, pl. 20. 66 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 38, 100-101, pl. 21.

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Unfortunately, only two deities from this space can be identified: a figure of Neith from the west wall north of the doorway and a depiction of ram-headed Herishef from the south wall. 67

Pyramid Temple of Neferirkare The pyramid temple of Neferirkare includes rectangular rooms between the statue chamber and the offering chamber, 68 more or less the same positions occupied a few reigns later by the so-called vestibule and the square antechamber. Thus, it is possible that one of these rooms was functionally or iconographically similar to the square antechamber. Unfortunately very little of Neferirkare’s decorative program has survived. In addition, according to Borchardt, all relief fragments were found in rubble, a circumstance that precluded determining the rooms from which they might have originated. Three fragments depict parts of unidentifiable male deities in typical striding postures with was-scepters and ankh-signs. 69

Pyramid Temple of Niuserre As was mentioned above, the first true square antechamber is found in the pyramid temple of Niuserre. Several fragments with either single or multiple under life-size deities in procession probably originate from this room, though Borchardt did not

67

Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 43-46, 106-11, pls. 28-31; for an insightful discussion of the block from the west wall south of the doorway, see Do. Arnold, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 338-41. 68 Borchardt, Nefer-ir-ka-reë, pp. 9, 30, pl. 10. 69 Borchardt, Nefer-ir-ka-reë, pp. 28-30, fig. 28.

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know where to place them. 70 Preserved fragments indicate that the deities were arranged in multiple registers and stood above a slaughtering scene, the same pattern found in the square antechamber of Pepi II. Identifiable among the figures are Sobek of Shedyt, a well-known manifestation of the deity from the Fayum, a jackal-headed deity, a falcon-headed deity, a Sobek possibly of Kom el-Hisn, and a “Horus-of-Libya-withthe-raised-arm.” 71

Sun Temple of Niuserre There is no definitive evidence that Niuserre’s sun temple had a deity procession, but surviving fragments with standing and enthroned deities provide hints that one may have existed. Included on these pieces are priests greeting the approaching gods and vertical columns with deity speeches. 72 None of the figures preserves a caption, but one can probably by identified as Re-Horakhty based on the sun disk on its head.73

Pyramid Complex of Unis Unfortunately, the square antechamber of Unis was almost completely demolished, though a number of fragments depicting a deity procession seem likely to have originated from the room. Nine fragments have been assigned to a deity procession,

70

This is understandable, since Borchardt’s 1907 publication preceded Jéquier’s 1938 volume on the square antechamber of Pepi II by more than thirty years. 71 Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pp. 92-94, figs. 70-71. For the identification of Sobek of Kom elHisn, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VI, p. 261. For Horus-of-Libya-with-the-raised-arm, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, p. 295 with further references. 72 von Bissing, Re-Heiligtum, vol. III, pls. 22, 25-26.

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including gods carrying was-scepters and ankh-signs; the registers of gods and some, but not all, individual figures were preceded by a vertically oriented speech. Identifiable figures are a goddess of “the white palace of Gebeb,” a god Hekes, and an Anubis. 74 From the valley temple of Unis several small pieces survive that seem to have belonged to a deity procession, but only one can be generally identified by its falcon head. Deity processions were better preserved in the Unis causeway. One seems to have been located at the bottom of the causeway, but no heads or inscriptions are preserved; the figures may have been leading bound prisoners with long ropes.75 More survives from the upper section of the causeway, where the deities were integrated with groups of bowing officials, domains and fecundity figures. The identifiable deities are Anubis, Bastet, Duamutef, Hedjet(?), Horus, Iunmutef, Meset(?), Sepa, Sokar and Thoth. 76 Min may also have been included, as were figures with bull-, falcon-, ramand feline-heads. All processions probably faced depictions of the king much larger in scale than the figures of the gods. 77 The great length of the Unis causeway could have accommodated enormous depictions of all the deities of Egypt.

73

von Bissing, Re-Heiligtum, vol. III, pl. 22 no. 359. For Horakhty in the sun temple, see Berteaux, “Harachte,” p. 365. 74 Labrousse, Le tempel haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 47 (square antechamber), pp. 102-5, docs. 58-66 (deity procession). According to Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 88 doc. nos. 59 and 61 originate from the Unis causeway rather than the pyramid temple. 75 Labrousse, Le temple d’accueil du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 74-75 docs. 15-18, pp. 9697 doc. 56, p. 99 doc. 60. See also Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 19-20, figs. 14-15. 76 Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 120. 77 Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 77-80 doc. 88, pp. 87-88, pp. 8990, doc. 97, pp. 94-97 docs. 101-6, p. 170 fig. 108, p. 171 fig. 110, p. 177 fig. 124, pp. 180-81 figs. 130-31, pp. 182-83 figs. 133-137, p. 184 fig. 138, p. 191 fig. 156, pp. 192-93 figs. 157-58. One piece with a deity procession that was found in the causeway probably originates from the

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Pyramid Temple of Teti No relief fragments can be definitively assigned to the square antechamber of Teti, as most of the room was completely destroyed. However, a fragment survives with part of a male figure that probably originated from a deity procession, perhaps the one in the square antechamber. He was depicted in the standard procession pose with an outstretched proper left arm and a vertical proper right arm; he carried a was-scepter and an ankh-sign. In front of the figure is a portion of a vertically oriented deity speech with the phrase “all health,” a portion of the general blessings commonly bestowed on the king by the gods. 78

Square Antechamber of Pepi II A great percentage of the wall decoration of Pepi II’s square antechamber was either recovered or reconstructed by Gustave Jéquier, a sharp contrast to the extremely fragmentary decorative programs in both earlier and later pyramid temples. Enough was preserved that the walls could be rebuilt and today stand in their original position under a modern, reinforced glass roof. Although it is possible, evenly likely, that a few of the reconstructed elements are misplaced and some details incorrect, the overall accuracy, importance and achievement of Jéquier’s work should not be

pyramid temple; see Labrousse, Le tempel haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 110 doc. 128, p. 197 fig. 167. 78 Lauer, Téti, p. 73, no. 20, fig. 35; for the square antechamber, see ibid., pp. 30-31.

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underestimated. 79 A rather lengthy discussion of the decorative program in Pepi II’s square antechamber is necessary, as it is by far the best-preserved example of such a room. The scenes provide important evidence for the arrangement and orientation of different iconographic elements, both within the room and in relation to cardinal directions, and the types of deities that could be depicted in the chambers in the later Old Kingdom. According to Jéquier, most of the five lowest courses of the north, west and south walls in Pepi II’s square antechamber remained standing at the time of excavation; relief decoration was found on the upper two courses. The east wall had been demolished, but a number of carved blocks that must have come from it were excavated in the area. 80 Also found in place were the doorjambs in the north wall, along with parts of one large king and the base of the central, octagonal pillar. In addition, Jéquier was fortunate in finding complete or substantial portions of blocks that could be incorporated in his reconstruction. The reconstructions published by Jéquier show that each wall of the square antechamber had five registers decorated with the same themes: the upper three

79

More open to criticism would be Jéquier’s attempts to identify deities for whom the inscriptions are not preserved; see Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 34-53. In fairness it should be noted that we now have much more information about Egyptian deities. Additional sources now provide evidence for deities that Jéquier notes as unique or otherwise unknown, for example the god Hepwy mentioned in ibid., p. 51 n. 6; see also Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 123-24. 80 There is a curious discrepancy in Jéquier’s publication, namely that while he states in his text (Pepi II, vol. II, p. 34) that the east wall was more damaged, his proposed reconstructions show greater damage to the west wall and better preservation on the east (compare ibid., pls. 46, 50, 54, 58).

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registers were filled with rows of deities, the fourth depicted animals being butchered81 and the fifth and lowest contained files of bowing officials, each identified by name and title. 82 Preservation of the lowest registers established the positions of the cattle slaughterers and more importantly the officials, which provided the direction of the processions on the different walls. Some portions of the upper registers could be reconstructed because the the masonry edges of the blocks cut through the registers, meaning that parts of figures could be aligned. 83 The deities and officials faced to the left on the south, west and north walls and to the right on the east wall (see below and fig. 1). 84 These orientations meant that the deities on the north wall moved towards the door leading to the offering chamber, while those on the east, west and south walls moved towards the door leading to the vestibule, i.e. the path out of the temple. The deities on the east and west walls were separated by miniature per-nu (east) and per-wer (west) chapels, 85 effectively equating the east wall with Lower (northern) Egypt and the west wall with Upper (southern) Egypt. 86

81

The men slaughtering cattle would of course have faced in two directions on each wall. For a recent discussion of the relationship between the officials named on the walls of the square antechamber and the tombs of individuals with the same or similar names, see Brovarski, “Late Old Kingdom,” pp. 32-39 with further references. See also Strudwick, Administration of Egypt, pp. 63-65 and passim. 83 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 34-35. 84 Jéquier found still in position the lowest five masonry courses of the walls (Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 34-36). Included on these courses were the registers of officials, which provided absolute evidence for the overall direction of each wall, and the slaughtering scenes above them. 85 For descriptions of the chapels, see Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, pp. 173-74, with further references. 86 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 40, 50-51, pls. 50, 58. Somewhat tempering the symbolic southern orientation of the west wall is the inclusion of the snake form of Wadjet, equated with Lower (southern) Egypt, offering a shen-sign and a was-scepter to the Horus name of Pepi II. However, it seems likely that the presence of the goddess here is intended to complement 82

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Over the doorway on the north wall, which lead into the offering hall, an enthroned Pepi II wearing a nemes-headdress faced the rows of deities while receiving ankh-signs from Nekhbet; Anubis stood behind him. Here is a seemingly incongruous geographical and symbolic orientation, as one would expect the Lower Egyptian Wadjet to have been depicted on the north wall. The lintel of the east door, which lead out of the square antechamber and into the vestibule, could not be reconstructed, though the excavators thought that it was decorated with a seated image of the king facing to the left, i.e. towards the offering chamber. Perhaps here he received the blessings of Wadjet, and if so, the lack of strict geographic coordination would have been a result of the need to balance depictions of the two crown goddesses. Standing figures of the king, which occupied about half the total height of the decorated portion of the wall, were placed on the left sides of the south and west walls, meaning that the king appeared to be moving towards the offering chamber, the culminating space in the temple.87 In contrast, the king on the north lintel faced east, i.e. towards the outer rooms of the temple (see below). Based on decorative elements found at the top and right side of the block, Jéquier reconstructed Seth of Su, 88 Khnum and Montu on the south wall (figures face

Nekhbet on the adjoining south wall and is not meant as a geographical statement. Only these two walls could have had such elements. 87 On the west wall the king wore a nemes-headdress and on the south wall he is assumed to have had one, though no evidence of it has survived. 88 Su was in the area of Herakleopolis and was sacred to Seth; see Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 363-65 for other Middle Kingdom royal inscriptions naming this city. An inscription for Seth of Su was found on one of the tympanum from Senwosret III’s north chapel, see here pp. 408-9, pl. 308.

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left). 89 Parts of many more deities remain from the left facing west wall, though not all can be identified. In the uppermost register were two of what must have originally been four seated baboons, perhaps representatives of Hermopolis. 90 The remainder of the register contained a goddess and four male deities, none of whom can be identified. 91 The left half of the second register included a group of four male deities, the first one of which appears to have had a human head and the last one a jackal head based on the preservation of the tips of the pointed ears. 92 Following were the god Min and three unidentified goddesses. 93 The third register of the west wall began with a female figure, who may have been Nekhbet, followed by three male deities, the last of which had a human head. Next is Seth, recognizable because of his distinctive face, followed by three jackal-headed bæw of Nekhen, who are identified by individual inscriptions. 94 On the left facing north wall, parts of unidentified male and female deities are preserved on the far right end of the second register. Seven gods are preserved on the lowermost register with deities: a male, a female, the bæ of Horus, the

89

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 35-39, pls. 46-48. Based on the geographical orientation of the deities, their right facing pose and the absence of chapels between them, the block could not have originated from any other wall. 90 According to Jéquier (Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 44-45, pls. 50, 52), the baboons should be associated with Hermopolis; they filled the narrower register below the point at which the architrave entered the wall. From the Middle Kingdom on, baboons were connected to Thoth and by extension to his holy place in Hermopolis (Spieß, Aufstieg eines Gottes, pp. 13-17). It is uncertain if this association existed at the end of the Old Kingdom, meaning that Jéquier’s suggestion may have been mistaken. No inscription seems to have survived that would identify the figures. 91 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 43, pls. 50, 53. 92 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp 41-42, pls. 50, 52-53; Jéquier speculated that three jackal-headed figures were depicted together. 93 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 42, pls.50, 53. 94 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 42-43, pls. 50, 52-53.

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bæ of Seth, another female and two males. 95 Although little remains of the east wall with deities facing right, part of a male god has been reconstructed at the left end of the uppermost register. Below are three male deities identified from right to left as Duawer, Hekes and Hepwy. 96 The figures are preceded by a falcon-headed deity, but is unclear why the otherwise unidentified god was believed to have originated from this position. In sum, Pepi II’s square antechamber seems to have been decorated with enthroned figures of the king on the two walls that contained doors (north and east) and standing figures of the king on the two walls that did not have portals (south and west). On an iconographic level, this balance of seated and standing figures may be related to the idea that the king, or indeed any deceased individual, assumed both an active and a passive role in the afterlife (see below). On a practical level, the walls that contained doors could not have easily accommodated large standing images of the king: 97 either royal figures shorter than their counterparts on the west and south walls would have been placed over the doors, or larger figures would have been placed in the remaining space to the side of the doorways, raising the question of what could have been used to fill the area above the door lintels and behind the depictions of the king.

95

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 48-49, pls. 54, 56. According to Jéquier (Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 50-51), the deities are rare, but they are known in the same grouping from the pyramid texts and other monuments. However, the author has not been able to substantiate this claim. Jéquier also believed that another deity belonged in the group, but he omitted it from his reconstruction; this figure, which he could not identify, had a name that included two throwstick-signs (Sign-list T14) and a land-sign (ibid., p. 51, pl. 60). 97 As noted by Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 35. 96

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Figure 1. Direction of king and deities in the square antechamber of Pepi II. Not to scale.

At first glance, Pepi II’s square antechamber appears to have been haphazardly arranged, particularly since the procession seems to lack a directional or compostional focus. Specifically, deities and officials on the east, south and west walls march in the direction of the door leading to the vestibule and ultimately out of the temple. These files of figures are confronted by images of the king apparently entering the temple and

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not, as one might expect, emerging from the offering chamber. In contrast, the deities and officials on the north wall face inwards towards the door to the offering hall, while the king faces outwards from it. In sum, neither the deity procession nor the king moves in a single direction around the square room, but both groups appear to be in the process of entering and leaving the temple. 98 How can this seeming lack of a coherent program be explained? First, the question of the relationship of the square antechamber to the surrounding rooms must be addressed. Tempting, but ultimately misleading, is the possibility of viewing the square antechamber and the offering chamber as complementary spaces meant to evoke the pharaoh’s relationships with the divine and human spheres in the innermost, ritually culminating areas of the temple:99 the square antechamber shows the king in the divine realm receiving the blessings of Egypt’s deities and the offering chamber represents the ruler in an earthly context receiving foodstuffs and homage from his human subjects. However, evidence that the square antechamber and the offering chamber were not originally related may be reflected in the plan of the Niuserre’s pyramid temple, where a true square antechamber can be identified for the first time. Here the two chambers do not adjoin each other, but are

98

Fischer (Reversals, pp. 41-47), discusses the orientation of the king and deities in New Kingdom temples, noting that on side walls the god faces outwards and the king inwards, though the type of scene depicted sometimes necessitates a reversal of the direction. 99 An attempt to ritually connect these two rooms of the pyramid temple has been made by Dohrmann (“Sedfest-Ritual Sesostris’ I.,” pp. 299-308). In describing the square antechamber, Verner (Pyramids, pp. 315-16), states “The transition to the offering hall consists of a small chamber decorated with reliefs; it has an elevated floor, and a column stands in its center.” Stadelmann seems to see the two rooms as forming a unit, with the ordered world of offerings

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separated by a small room of uncertain significance. 100 While a definitive square antechamber is first incorporated into the pyramid temple during the reign of Niuserre, offering chambers are found several reigns earlier, possibly by the time of Shepseskaf and certainly in the pyramid complex of Userkaf. 101 In addition, offering chambers are found first in the private sphere, whereas the square antechamber has no known counterpart in non-royal tombs, all pieces of evidence that strongly suggest the two room types have different roots. Indeed it is clear that by the time the pyramid temple reaches its “classic” form in the Sixth Dynasty, the structures reflect a conflation of ideas developed over the course of about 325 years. 102 Thus, attempts to see pyramid temple decorative programs as reflections of a unified cosmology must be approached with caution. Rather, the decoration of the temples was continuously refined as ideas about kingship and the royal afterlife were altered and accumulated.103 The square antechamber may therefore be a relatively independent architectural space that does not necessarily relate directly to the rooms that surround it.

beginning in the square antechamber (Pyramiden, p. 200). Rochholz, “Sedfest,” p. 268 n. 89 has questioned a direct connection between the rooms. 100 Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, foldout plan. 101 Because evidence indicates that offering chambers first appear in private rather than royal tombs, the offering chamber in the pyramid temple may allude to the mortal aspect of pharaoh, which is dependent on earthly goods in the afterlife. The divide between divine and human is, however, not absolute: in Pepi II’s square antechamber courtiers and men slaughtering animals appear, while in the offering chamber fecundity figures, Nekhbet, Wadjet and Horus are depicted, along with registers of deities flanking the false door (see here Chapter 2). For the controversy surrounding the appearance of the offering chamber in pyramid temples, see here pp. 381-83. 102 The number represents the time span from the reign of Djoser (ca. 2649 B.C.) to that of Teti, the first king of the Sixth Dynasty (ca. 2323 B.C.). 103 For the idea that Egyptian beliefs and structures represent a continuous layering of concepts, see Roth “Buried Pyramids,” pp. 991-1003.

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It has been suggested that the orientation of figures in Pepi II’s square antechamber reflects the concept that the king does not simply emerge from his tomb through the false door, enter the pyramid temple and go out into the world, but rather that the king should be seen as moving in and out of the structure.104 Several pieces of evidence do point to the belief that the both royal and non-royal deceased individuals were expected to enter as well as exit their tombs. For example, on the door lintel found in the above ground mastaba of Senwosretankh at Lisht, the southern half of the symmetrically oriented inscription states, “O sem-priest Senwosretankh, may you go in by the southern gate and stand therein like a god!” The northern half of the lintel inscription counters, “O ímy-ís-priest Senwosretankh, may you come out by the northern gate and sit therein like an elder!” 105 Another example of the segregation of seated and standing, which may allude to entrance and exit, is found in the Twelfth Dynasty tombs of Ameny (no. 2) and Khnumhotep II (no. 3) at Beni Hasan, where the respective owners are shown standing on the north wall and seated on the south wall.106

104

As advocated by Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 279-83. Cwiek does not offer an explanation for the varying orientations of the deities who face the king. 105 Lansing, “The Egyptian Expedition,” pp. 10, 12, fig. 12. The lintel will be published in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, p. 18 (in press). As noted by Arnold, the title ímy-ís priest is now translated as “councilor.” 106 Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. 1, pls. XIII, XVII, XXX, XXXV. Khnumhotep is oriented both towards the interior and exterior of his tomb; when he faces inwards he is active, when he faces outwards he is passive. With one exception, Ameny faces outward and is only shown in passive poses, see Kamrin, Cosmos of Khnumhotep II, pp. 149, 164-65. Perhaps the orientations of the Beni Hasan and Lisht tombs are reversed because of the geographical positions of the sites: Beni Hasan is on the east bank of the Nile and Lisht is on the west. In the Eleventh Dynasty tombs at Beni Hasan there is a tendency not to depict the tomb owner in a seated pose. In the tombs of Bakht III (no. 15) and Bakht I (no. 29), the owners stand on the north and south walls (Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. 2, pls. IV, VII, XXVIII, XXIX, XXXI, XXXII); in the tomb of Khety (no. 17), the tomb owner is depicted standing on the

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Although there is certainly merit to the idea that the king, and indeed any deceased individual, leaves and returns to his or her tomb via a temple or chapel, such a solution does not completely explain the orientation of Pepi II’s square antechamber. Specifically, the unified themes consistently displayed on all four walls of the room – the preparation of a feast, the reception of high officials and a procession of deities – suggests an underlying meaning more significant than the simple entrance and exit of the king. It is difficult to imagine how the theme of coming and going could have been reconciled with the idea that the pharaoh is sanctified by the entire Egyptian pantheon, particularly since the king seems to greet sets of deities who have their cult places in Upper and Lower Egypt without regard to the entrance and exit orientation. Examining the arrangement of deities in Pepi II’s square antechamber in isolation from the rest of the pyramid temple, results in a clearer picture of the procession’s direction. The focal point of the procession is not the entrance to the offering chamber, but rather the southeast corner of the room, where all the deities converge around a standing image of the king. If the left facing deities on the north, west and south walls are visualized as a single procession, the pageant can be seen as concluding in front of the standing image of Pepi II on the east side of the south wall. The multiple depictions of the king are perhaps intended to indicate distinct stages in the procession or festival in which the king addresses individual groups of deities. Perhaps indicating that the large king on the south was meant to be viewed as distinct from the one on the west is the observation that behind the west king there is only a

north and south walls as well as seated on the south wall (Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. II, pls. XIV,

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vertical block border adjoining the wall corner, while the king on the south had another figure or an inscription behind him. 107 The right facing deities on the east wall would therefore approach not only the presumed seated king above the doorway, but also the back of the standing pharaoh on the south wall. Several pieces of evidence show the possible significance of a southern orientation. First is the general observation that southern orientation played a key role in the Egyptian conception of direction. 108 Second, square antechambers themselves are conspicuously and consistently shifted to the south of the temple axis. The origin of this placement could lie in the position of the so-called sed-festival court in the Djoser complex at Saqqara, which is located in the southeast, a placement that approximates that of the square antechamber in later pyramid complexes. Djoser’s sed-festival court is an area of the temple that is believed to have served as an actual or magical gathering point for the gods of Egypt and may be a conceptual predecessor of the square antechamber. 109 Finally, at least a few elements of square antechamber decoration seem to indicate a connection with Upper Egypt. Notable in Djedkare-Isesi’s antechamber is the text on the room’s central palm column, which is inscribed with a text that

XVI, XVII). 107 Jéquier (Pepi II, vol. II, p. 36, pls. 46, 50), reconstructs a priest figure behind the king on the south wall, claiming that the space is too wide for an inscription and too narrow for a ka-figure. However, in the view of the present author, the area behind the king is well proportioned for a large-scale protective inscription, perhaps an indication that a culmination is intended here. 108 Posener, “Sur l’orientation,” pp. 69-78. 109 Djoser’s sed-festival court is sometimes viewed as a conceptual predecessor of the square antechamber (see, for example Ricke, Bemerkungen, vol. II, pp. 34-35 fig. 9; Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” pp. 68-70). See also Verner, Pyramids, p. 132 who summarizes opinions about the purpose of the court. Because the Djoser complex is composed of a series of seemingly disparate and disconnected buildings, it is now not possible to trace a central axis or a cohesive path through the complex.

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according to Maragioglio and Rinaldi “…repeats the names and titles of the king and describes him as ‘loved by Nekhbet, mistress of the south.’” 110 An important point to consider as our discussion of the square antechamber continues is whether or not the space constructed in Pepi II’s pyramid temple was typical of such rooms. Although the square antechamber of Pepi II is undoubtedly a key structure without which it would be nearly impossible to understand such spaces, the monument stands at the end of a long history of pyramid complex development. How much can or should Pepi II’s square antechamber, or indeed his pyramid temple, be used as a paradigm? Unfortunately, given the highly fragmentary state of virtually all other square antechambers, this question cannot be answered definitively, and, as will be seen below in relation to the square antechambers of Senwosert I and Senwosret III, there is evidence of variations in both decorative program and orientation. Thus, one should be aware that all square antechambers were not identical to that of Pepi II, though precise distinctions or a line of development can no longer be traced.

110

Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt.VIII, pp. 78, 94 no. 14. A better translation would be “beloved of Nekhbet.” The authors speculated that the square antechamber was associated with an Upper Egyptian ritual or glorified the king as the ruler of southern Egypt. According to Verner (Pyramids, p. 328), because the square antechamber lay to the south of the temple’s axis, it was protected by the Upper Egyptian goddess. Note however, that the palm column itself may have a symbolic connection to the Lower Egyptian site of Buto (Phillips, Columns, p. 269), though according to Verner (“Columns of Abusir,” p. 349), palm columns symbolize Upper Egypt. For palm columns, see Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, pp. 53-54 with further references. Phillips (Columns, pp. 16-18) raises the possibility that ostrich feathers rather than palm fronds are represented on the columns. It is also possible that the square antechamber of Senwosret I and perhaps that of Niuserre had papyrus columns in the center, elements that could be associated with Lower Egypt (see here n. 134). According to Verner (“Columns of Abusir,” pp. 353-54), all columns “…reflected one and the same idea namely, the nature’s eternal regeneration and it is this universal meaning in particular that they all emphasized…” The significance of the substitution of one or another column type in the square antechambers of different pyramid complexes is therefore open to discussion.

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Causeway of Pepi II Also found in the pyramid complex of Pepi II were remains of wall decoration at the lower and upper ends of the causeway that included processions of deities. Along the lower part of the causeway, alternating rows of gods and bound captives were represented, but the poor state of preservation prevented the identification of the deities. 111 On the south and north walls of the upper part of the causeway, the enthroned king received long rows of deities mixed with personifications and estates. 112 On the south wall the second register from the bottom depicted Sobek, Wetew, 113 Sokar, Hathor, Khonsu and, after a gap, Hekau. 114 Hekau is followed by a figure captioned ëbæ, a name otherwise not known for a deity, but one that can designate a staff. 115 Since Aba follows a god connected with magic (Hekau), the personification of a powerful divine implement would be appropriate. A small fragment illustrated but not mentioned in

111

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pp. 9-10, pls. 12-14. Similar alternating registers of deities and bound captives were found in the pyramid temple of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 5-7). 112 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pp. 14-16, pls. 19-23 (south wall), pls. 24-28 (north wall). 113 Jéquier (Pepi II, vol. III, p. 15) does not comment on the identity of this deity. According to Leitz, (Lexikon, vol. II, p. 595), there is a deity Wt, who is related to embalming, but this god’s name includes the pustule-sign and has only one w-sign. The word wtw can also be related to the eldest son (Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 223). 114 Jéquier reconstructs the figure as a male deity (Pepi II, vol. III, pl. 19). It is possible that another deity is represented including the goddess Weret-Hekau, who is depicted in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III (cat. no. SA 47); since only the top of the figure’s face was preserved (ibid., pl. 21), the gender could only be identified by coloration. The male deity Heka (spelled with an œ-sign and a single kæ-sign) is depicted on the south side of the ambulatory that encloses the court of the Sahure pyramid temple (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 20). 115 The figure is not mentioned by Jéquier. For ëbæ, see Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 135. Note that the name of the deity is designated by an arm-sign (Sign-list D36) and a bæ-bird (Sign-list G29); there is no scepter determinative.

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Jéquier’s text includes the designation ãnty Œ[b]nw, presumably a reference to Hebenu, a toponym that designates towns in the Delta and the Beni Hasan area; the same toponym occurs in the square antechamber and the north chapel of Senwosret III (see here cat. nos. SA 156, 158 and pp. 407-8). Another deity from the south wall not discussed by Jéquier is captioned with a round hieroglyph that could be either a rë- or an ã-sign followed by m œtp. The deities in front of and behind this male figure could not be identified. A deity Rë-m-œtp exists, but is only attested in the Late Period, 116 while a deity Œtp is well known from the Old Kingdom and later. 117 On the bottom register of the upper causeway’s north wall, Sokar is followed by the goddess Awtew(?). 118 Another section of the wall shows Hathor followed by a manifestation of Horus 119 and Khnum tp wr. A male deity Tjen is followed by what appear to be two estates or domains. 120 That seasons and fecundity figures were also depicted may be indicated by one fragment inscribed for Shemu, who personifies the harvest season, 121 followed by the fecundity figure Hu. 122 Finally, another piece that

116

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, p. 635; other deities with the Rë-m-œtp combination followed by additional phrases are also known, but none predate the Middle Kingdom (ibid., pp. 635-36). 117 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 566-67. 118 According to Leitz (Lexikon, vol. I, pp. 5-7), a number of deity names begin with æwt, but all are followed by another phrase. 119 In the drawing, the hieroglyph following the falcon-sign (Sign-list G5) appears to be either a duck or a goose (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pl. 25), though as drawn, the head and feet do not exactly match the features of any bird. The caption could be an abbreviation for Harsiese (Horus-son-of-Isis; Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 282-83) or Horus-son-of-Osiris (ibid., pp. 285-86). 120 For the deity Ïn in the Old Kingdom, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 467; Jacquet-Gordon, Domaines, pp. 103, 181. The top of a œs-vase visible below the following inscription suggests that the text belongs to one of the estate figures who carry this implement on the causeway walls (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pl. 25). 121 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 78. 122 The figure also appears in the southern subsidiary entrance of Sahure’s pyramid temple (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 29; Do. Arnold, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 338-41).

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was not discussed by Jéquier depicts an uncertain female deity whose name ends with ãnty œpt followed by a dí-sign (Sign-list X8). 123

Square Antechamber of Senwosret I Few fragments can be definitively assigned to the square antechamber of Senwosret I, which is estimated to have been 5.25 x 5.25 m (10 x 10 cubits), the standard dimensions for this type of chamber. 124 Here the wall decoration was executed in sunk relief, an unusual choice for this room type. 125 Surviving are seven pieces that depict eight deities facing left, including one that preserves part of a door lintel with a winged sun disk below the feet of two gods. 126 Seven pieces depict deities facing to the right; 127 another fragment seems to show the feathered headdress of a deity facing in

The figures of Shemu and Hu could have belonged to a section of the procession depicting fecundity figures rather than deities. 123 Since Jéquier seems to have joined the inscription fragment to another piece depicting the body of a goddess, the direction in which the text reads is secure and the figure cannot be a depiction of Ptah (Pepi II, vol. III, pl. 25). 124 According to Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 46. 125 The interior wall decoration of Senwosret I’s pyramid temple was rendered in low-raised, high-raised and sunk relief. For examples of raised relief, see Hayes, Scepter, vol. 1, p. 186 fig. 114; Hill, in Thomas, ed., American Discovery, p. 153, no. 59. For examples of sunk relief, see Hayes, Scepter, vol. 1, p. 189 fig. 115; Gautier, Licht, pl.VI; Wildung, Ägypten 2000, pp. 79, 180, no. 20. As discussed here, the square antechamber was decorated with sunk relief, while highraised relief was found in the offering chamber (Hayes, Scepter, vol. I, p. 186, fig. 114). Sorting the temple fragments according into the type of relief used and the type of activity depicted will be an important first step in understanding the largely unpublished material. 126 These are Metropolitan Museum accession numbers [09.180.52], 09.180.55 (door lintel), 34.1.203, 34.1.204 (Hayes, Scepter, vol. I, p. 187); unaccessioned pieces with the negative numbers L33-34:347, L33-34:355; and one piece without a negative number. Note that the square brackets indicate pieces deaccessioned from the collection. 127 Metropolitan Museum accession numbers [09.180.35, .56], 09.180.40 (Hayes, Scepter, vol. I, p. 189; Broekuis, Renenwetet, p. 35, no. 50, pl. 9), 09.180.2566; unaccessioned pieces L12-13:208, L12-13, 209, L33-34:339, L33-34:347. Unless noted, the fragments from Senwosret I’s square antechamber are unpublished.

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the same direction. Possibly also originating from the square antechamber is a sunk relief depiction of a kneeling bæ of Nekhen who faces to the right. 128 In sum, sixteen fragments that preserve parts of a total of seventeen deities may have originated from Senwosret I’s square antechamber. 129 Of these, seven depict unidentifiable male deities and one a female deity that could not be identified.130 One preserves the head of a female deity with a vulture headdresses 131 and another part of a feather and sun disk headdress; 132 neither figure can be definitively identified. The feet of an unidentifiable male and female deity are visible above the door lintel. The remaining four figures depict: a kneeling, canine bæ of Nekhen, the goddess Renenutet (MMA 09.180.40), Min of Coptos, a deity with horns who is probably Sopdu (MMA 34.1.204), and a male deity with a š-sign in his caption (MMA 34.1.203). A partially preserved inscription

128

MMA number 09.180.41 (Hayes, Scepter, vol. I, p. 189) depicts a kneeling jackal in sunk relief to the right of a vertical corner block border. The piece cannot belong to a group of deities from the side of the offering chamber’s false door, as the wall decoration in Senwosret I’s offering chamber was rendered in raised relief and the figures to the side of the false door stand rather than kneel (see here pp. 433-40). Since parts of the registers above and below the kneeling figure are preserved, the jackal cannot have belonged to a narrower register either above a doorway (see here pl. 174) or below an architrave (as in the square antechamber of Pepi II; see Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 50, 58). 129 The door lintel fragment also includes the chapel of another deity, but nothing of the figure remains on the block. 130 The female figure (L33-34:355) wears a garment with crossed sashes that is reminiscent of the dress worn by female Libyan captives (for example, see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 1, 5). The forward arm of this figure stretches outwards at an angle similar to that of goddesses who hold was-scepters. However, other fragments found in Senwosret I’s pyramid temple indicate that scenes with prisoners and foreigners were rendered in sunk relief, meaning that it is possible the female figure is a captive rather than a goddess (for an example, see Hayes, Scepter, vol. I, p. 189, fig. 115). Further research is needed to determine the identity of the figure. 131 For female deities who wear vulture headdresses, see below p. 72. 132 MMA photo number L33-34:346 depicts parts of what appear to be two short, broad feathers that taper to rounded tops. Below is a curved form that probably belongs to a sun disk; to the right is half of a níwt-sign (Sign-list O49). For feather crowns, see Grumach-Shirun, “Federn,” cols. 142-45; Abubakr, Ägyptischen Kronen, pp. 38-46.

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that follows this last figure seems to include a œwt-œrw-sign (Sign-list O10), perhaps an indication that the goddess Hathor was depicted here. Much work is still needed to understand not only Senwosret I’s square antechamber, but the entire decorative program of his pyramid temple. Future research may show that some of the deities described here did not originate from the square antechamber, while other pieces that did belong to this room have been omitted. Only small sections of the square antechamber’s pavement and foundations survive. 133 The main information concerning the room’s architectural features derives from the preserved base of the central column and parts of the architrave it carried. Still visible on the base were traces of twelve symmetrical stems, suggesting that the column may have had a bundled papyrus form, either the sole or the second occurrence of this type in a square antechamber. 134 Parts of the architrave were also excavated, which bore texts with the names of the king and descriptions of him as beloved of Osiris on both vertical faces, 135 the only inscribed example of this feature ever recovered from a square antechamber. 136 Photographs in the Metropolitan Museum archives show that the

133

Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 46, pl. 84, foldouts I-II. Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 46-47. The square antechambers of Djedkare and Unis had palm columns while those of Teti, Pepi I and Pepi II seem to have had octagonal pillars; the square antechamber of Niuserre may have had a papyrus bundle column. See also Verner, “Columns of Abusir,” pp. 343-55 for a discussion of column use in Old Kingdom pyramid temples. According to Verner, columns are employed as a support device most frequently in the Fifth Dynasty and are largely replaced by pillars in the Sixth Dynasty. 135 Osiris is perhaps first depicted in a square antechamber during the reign of Djedkare-Isesi in the late Fifth Dynasty (Eaton-Krauss, “Earliest Representation?,” pp. 233-36), but he is unlikely to have had a prominent position in the room during this period. The stronger Osiride character of Senwosret I’s square antechamber suggested by the architrave may be a development of the early Middle Kingdom, though no evidence has survived to indicate that this deity had a prominent position in the square antechamber of Senwosret III. 136 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 46-47. 134

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inscribed portion of the architrave was found more or less south of the column base, 137 while the badly weathered second half was found far south of the pyramid temple. Unfortunately, the inscription the second piece must have carried was destroyed, 138 but the deity mentioned here might have been a solar one such as Horakhty or Atum or a god related to Iunu. 139 According to Arnold, the architrave ran east-west, an assumption that must be based on Pepi II’s square antechamber, the only one that preserved evidence of the architrave’s direction. 140 Found near the inscribed half of the architrave were pieces of a winged sun disk door lintel, 141 the only relief fragments with an architectural element that provides evidence of how the deities were oriented on the antechamber’s walls. Preserved above the lintel is part of a deity procession that includes from left to right: the bottom of a per-nu-chapel, the bottom of a was-scepter, the legs and feet and of a male deity facing left, a per-nu chapel, the feet of a female deity facing left and the remains of another pernu-chapel. Below is a star band followed by most of the center and the left side of a winged sun disk; to the left of the wingtip is the inscription “the lord of the sky, the

137

Metropolitan Museum photos L8-9:264, 274. Photos L12-13:1138, 1185, 1190-91, taken some five years later, also show the architrave to the south of the column base. Although it is possible that in the intervening years the architrave pieces were shifted, their position seems similar in both sets of photos. 138 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 47. The translation of the architrave inscription in Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 47 should read “the text on the south side” instead of east and “the text on the north side” instead of west, assuming that this was the east half of the architrave. 139 For the connection between pyramid complexes and Iunu, see here pp. 93-94. 140 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 43-44, 52, pls. 50, 52,58. 141 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pl. 17d. The lintel is also visible on Metropolitan Museum photos L8-9:213-15, L8-9:229.

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great god, the one variegated of feathers.” The bottom of the winged sun disk was framed by a horizontal block border. From which wall does the lintel originate? As was discussed above, in the square antechamber of Pepi II the east wall included per-nu-chapels between the figures, meaning that the deities depicted there originated from Lower Egypt. 142 In addition, square antechambers generally had doors only in their east and north walls. Therefore assuming that the same geographical orientation and door arrangement was maintained in the pyramid temple of Senwosret I, the lintel must have originated from either the east or the north wall. If the piece originated from the north wall, it would have marked the entrance into the offering chamber, the temple’s culminating space. Given the relatively small size of the lintel and the omission of king’s titulary, it seems unlikely that this modest composition would have marked such a key doorway. However, the possibility that a heraldic lintel or another more complex pattern was placed beneath the winged sun disk cannot be excluded. 143 If the lintel originates from the north wall, the two deities above would have concluded the decoration of that wall, though enough space would have remained for a deity speech between the figures and the wall

142

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 46, 50, 54, 58. For the per-nu-chapel, see Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, p. 189 with further references. 143 For a winged sun disk reconstructed above a heraldic lintel, see here pp. 117-36, pls. 48, 50. Photos in the Metropolitan Museum archives, particularly L8-9:215, show parts of the underside of the lintel. No ceiling stars or a pivot hole for a door are visible, one of which would be expected if the winged sun disk had been placed directly above the passage. Since much color remained on the lintel when it was excavated, if painted ceiling stars had existed, the color should have been clear on the photos. To reduce its weight, the block was sawn by the original excavators, meaning that most of this part of the piece no longer exists. However, in 2007 no ceiling stars were seen during an examination of the remaining underside of the block.

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corner. 144 In sum, although it is more probable is that the lintel was placed above the east doorway, the possibility that the lintel stood above the north doorway cannot be excluded. If the lintel had its original place on the east wall, the orientation of the deities on this wall would have diverged from that in Pepi II’s square antechamber, a change that would have had consequences for the overall direction of the deity procession in the room. However, without a more definitive solution to the problem of placing the winged sun disk door lintel, speculation about a possible overall direction for the deity procession in Senwosret I’s square antechamber seems a futile exercise.

Deity Processions of Amenemhat II and Senwosret II The pyramid temple of Amenemhat II, Senwosret I’s successor, appears to have been a large structure, but little is known about either its ground plan or its decorative program. 145 Although it can be presumed Amenemhat II included a square antechamber and/or deity processions in his pyramid temple at Dahshur, no pieces from such scenes are either mentioned or published in de Morgan’s brief excavation report. A limited number of fragments have been recovered from the Lahun pyramid temple of Senwosret II, the successor of Amenemhat II and the direct predecessor of Senwosret III. The pyramid temple was excavated by Petrie in 1889, 1914, and 1921, described in a few short paragraphs and illustrated with two plates of relief fragments

144

Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pl. 84. For the pyramid and pyramid temple of Amenemhat II, see de Morgan, Dahchour 1894-1895, pp. 28-37; on pp. 37-38 the pyramid temple is summarized in a few sentences and with one drawing of a relief fragment inscribed with parts of the king’s names. See also Verner, Pyramids, pp. 406-8. 145

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recovered in the area. 146 Among the illustrated fragments are several that include inscriptions that might have belonged to the captions from a deity procession.147 Three fragments with parts of deities are also illustrated: 148 a left facing figure with two tall feathers followed by the inscription nb pt “lord of the sky,” which probably belongs to the next god; a falcon-headed deity broken across the top of the torso and the bottom of the face; and a human-headed male deity. The largest fragment with deities from Senwosret II’s pyramid temple known to the present author includes depictions of a bull-headed deity, Sopdu and a ram-headed deity; all face to the left.149 Another piece with the torso and kilt of a deity was seen by the author in the Musées royaux d’art et d’histoire in Brussels.

THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER OF SENWOSRET III: FEATURES AND LAYOUT

Introduction The walls and foundations of Senwosret III’s square antechamber have been completely destroyed, eliminating all traces of wall height, wall width, door placement and other

146

Petrie, Illahun, p. 4; Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, p. 5, pls. XVI, XVIII. Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, pl. XVI, nos. 12-13, 16-17, 19, 25, 27, 31. 148 Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, pl. XVI, nos. 21, 32, pl. XVIII upper right. Although the human-headed figure has been previously identified as a depiction of the king (Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, p. 5; Quirke, in Trope ed., Excavating Egypt, p. 61), the figure is too small to represent the king . The scale corresponds to that of the deities from the pyramid temple of Senwosret II in the Metropolitan Museum and the deities from the procession of Senwosret III at Dahshur. 147

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architectural features. However, a significant portion of the wall decoration has been recovered. Many relief fragments provide extensive evidence about the arrangement of architectural and figural elements within the chamber, but not enough remains to state definitively that the room had a square plan. However, since chambers with square ground plans seem to have commonly housed depictions of deity processions in the inner parts of pyramid temples, it seems likely that Senwosret III’s deity procession also adorned a room with four walls of equal length. Two pieces of evidence indicate that the square antechamber of Senwosret III had one wall depicting deities facing to the left and three with deities facing to the right: the ratio of recovered fragments suggests that more deities faced to the right and, as will be seen below, the masonry edges preserved on pieces with deities facing left can be accommodated on a single wall. All registers in Senwosret III’s square antechamber contained only depictions of deities in procession, meaning that the lines of bowing officials and groups of men slaughtering animals that occupied the two lower registers of Pepi II’s antechamber were omitted. As a result of this alteration, the “human” element was entirely removed from the wall decoration, leaving only depictions of the gods and the semi-divine king. 150

149

The piece is now in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (14.125a, b; Rogers Fund, 1914); it was not published by Petrie. See Oppenheim, “Three Deities,” pp. 207-18 for a discussion of the possible identities of the figures. 150 Baines (“Kingship before Literature,” pp. 144-45), discusses the combination of royal, divine and human figures in relation to the relief of Niuserre depicting the king receiving ankh-signs from Anubis. He sees the scene as an “ideal cosmic integration” of the three categories of beings. Although Pepi II’s square antechamber is not mentioned by Baines, the same could be said of its combination of royal, divine and human. The omission of the human element in Senwosret III’s square antechamber might reflect some of the religious changes of the period

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Doorways A discussion of the doorways in Senwosret III’s square antechamber must begin with a classification of the designs used to adorn these architectural features, a problematic task, as is virtually any attempt to group Egyptian visual representations neatly. In her analysis of Old and Middle Kingdom door lintels, Eileen Hirsch proposed three categories of doorway decoration: 151 1) A heraldic type (“wappenartige”), in which the decoration of the lintel and the doorframes is connected and Nekhbet and Wadjet present emblems to the king’s names on the lintel. 2) A type in which the decoration of the lintel and doorframes is disconnected. Also included are lintels with heraldic patterns similar to those found in type 1, but here deities other than Nekhbet and/or Wadjet are depicted. Also grouped with them are lintels containing horizontal lines of text with or without a winged sun disk above. 3) A “portal” type consisting of elaborately decorated picture fields on both the lintel and the doorframes. The type is generally used for monumental entrances. Hirsch’s typology is problematic in several respects. First, the connection between door lintel and doorframe is overemphasized. As a result, her system places great weight on a single compositional device, rather than the emblems used and their

and will be discussed in the conclusion to this chapter. Baines also notes a decrease in secular or semi-secular scenes in pyramid temples from the reigns of Sahure to Pepi II (ibid., p. 150). See also Baines, “Temples as Symbols,” pp. 222-23 for human figures in deity temples. 151 Hirsch, “Bermerkungen zu Toren,” pp. 88-97. For heraldic or emblematic designs above depictions of the king, see Hirsch, Kultpolitik, p. 153. For the construction of doorways, see Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, pp. 74-75. For the symbolic meaning of doors and gates,

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ritual meaning, factors more likely to have influenced the ancient Egyptian choice of doorway decoration. Second, for modern Egyptologists dealing with fragmentary, displaced or incomplete material, some of the elements considered significant by Hirsch are no longer preserved, making it difficult to consistently apply her criteria. 152 Finally, it is unclear if some of the distinctions made by Hirsch were of particular importance to the ancient Egyptians. For example, it is uncertain whether or not the Egyptians viewed Nekhbet and Wadjet presenting emblems to the names of the king much differently than Hathor, Sobek or other deities performing the same action. In order to compensate for the weaknesses of Hirsch’s typology, the present author would like to propose one that is based on the decoration of the lintels, which show more consistent patterns and are ultimately more meaningful. Four distinct decorative patterns can be isolated on Old and Middle Kingdom door lintels. The first of the types proposed here, type A, is composed of narrow, horizontally oriented registers that can contain a variety of elements. Most common is a symmetrical arrangement of texts extending from the middle of the lintel outwards, centered on a single hieroglyph, often an ankh-sign. The inscriptions usually focus on the names, titles and epithets of the king. 153 A winged sun disk is generally placed above the lines of

especially in conjunction with the afterlife, see Brunner, “Rolle von Tür und Tor,” pp. 37-50; Brunner, “Tür und Tor,” cols. 778-87. 152 Included are two door lintels now in the British Museum that may originate from Iunu. Since neither preserves any traces of the doorposts, it cannot be determined if these lintels actually meet all the criteria of Hirsch’s type 2. See Hirsch, “Bermerkungen zu Toren,” pp. 9091; Quirke, “Quartzite Lintels,” pp. 16-17. 153 For example on a lintel of Senwosret I from Tod (Bisson de la Roque, Tod, p. 109, figs. 6163); on a Thirteenth Dynasty lintel from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1929],” p. 110, fig. 100).

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text, usually with inscriptions on either side of the outstretched wingtips. 154 In a variant of the type, the lines of text below the winged sun disk are not symmetrical and read in single direction. 155 In some cases the winged sun disk appears without any lines of text below. 156 The defining features of the lintels in type A, the horizontal type, are the linear nature of the composition, an emphasis on inscription, and the absence of human or animal figures. The doorframes usually consist of one or more vertical lines of text set symmetrically on either side of the doorway. 157 It has been stated that this type of lintel marked the central passage of the temple and the movement of the king, which was connected to the solar cycle. 158 However, since hardly any Old or Middle Kingdom door lintels remain in situ, it is difficult to determine if such a strong east-west connection existed during these periods, particularly since pyramid temples from the Fifth Dynasty on did not have a strict central axis.

154

Fairly well preserved examples include a lintel of Pepi II from Abydos (Petrie, Abydos, pt. II, pl. XIX); a lintel inscribed for Amenemhat I and Senwosret I from Matariya (Awadalla, “Un document,” pp. 7-12); a lintel of Senwosret I from Karnak (Le Saout, “Moyen Empire: Varia 1,” pp. 315-16, pls. II-III); a lintel of Senwosret III from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1930],” pl.VII). On a lintel from Elephantine dated to Intef II, the winged sun disk is placed below the lines of inscription, which read from right to left (Kaiser, “Elephantine: Fünfter Grabungsbericht,” pl. 20b). 155 For example a lintel of Pepi I from Bubastis, which not only lacks a winged sun disk, but also has figures holding hes-vases on the doorframes, rather than a vertical inscription (Habachi, Tell Basta, fig. 3a-c, pl. III); a lintel of the Sixth Dynasty queen Iput (Jéquier, Neit et Apouit, p. 42, fig. 22); a lintel of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre from Tod (Bisson de la Roque, Tod, p. 67, fig. 19). 156 Examples include a group of Thirteenth Dynasty lintels from Medamoud (CottevielleGiraudet, Médamoud (1931), p. 8, fig. 6; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1929],” p. 112, fig. 103; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1928],” pp. 90-91, figs. 86-87). 157 Examples of doorframes with this type of decoration can be found among the lintels cited above. An exception is the lintel of Pepi I from Bubastis, which has doorframes that depict figures holding heset-vases (Habachi, Tell Basta, fig. 3a-c, pl. III). 158 According to Spence (“Orientation,” pp. 104, 117-19, 202), the winged sun disk symbolically and conceptually orients structures that are topographically rather than cardinally aligned. For

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Type B, the heraldic type, is centered on lintels with unified compositions arranged in a large rectangular format, which is roughly symmetrical on either side of a central royal name. 159 No vertical or horizontal dividing lines are included. The central element is a vertically oriented royal cartouche that receives the blessings of Nekhbet and/or Wadjet or other deities, usually illustrated in animal form. The outer edges of lintel generally depict the vertically oriented Horus name facing inwards, also receiving the blessings of deities. 160 Often the vulture Nekhbet and cobra Wadjet are found in the outer positions, though sometimes human deities or animal-headed deities with human bodies confront the Horus name. 161 A winged sun disk is sometimes placed at the top of the lintel. 162 The doorframes again usually consist of one or more vertical

sun disks in New Kingdom royal tombs, see R. Wilkinson, “Symbolic Location and Alignment,” pp. 79-86; idem, “Paths of Re,” pp. 43-51; idem, “Path of the Sun,” pp. 78-84. 159 For the avoidance of complete symmetry in Egyptian monuments, see Hornung, “Symmetrie in Kunst und Denken,” pp. 71-77. See also Schoske, “Symmetrophobia,” pp. 151-56. 160 For symmetrical arrangements with a figure or name of a deity facing the name of a king, see Van Essche, “Dieux et rois,” pp. 63-79. 161 Examples of lintels with only Nekhbet and Wadjet include one found in the pyramid temple of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. I, pl. 10); one from Tell Daba with an inscription of Amenemhat I on one side and Senwosret III on the other (Habachi, Tell el-Dabëa, vol. I, pls. 78); one from Medamoud dated to Senwosret III (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1925],” figs. 19-20, 22). Examples with Nekhbet and/or Wadjet plus another deity or deities include two lintels of Senwosret III said to be from Iunu, one of which shows the Horus name confronted by a figure representing the bæw of Iunu and the other the Horus name confronted by Atum (Quirke, “Quartzite Lintels,” pp. 16-17); a lintel of Tuthmosis I from Nagada, which has depictions of Seth facing the Horus name (Petrie, Naqada, pl. 77); a lintel of Hatshepsut from Deir el-Bahari with images of Amun facing the Horus name (Karkowski, Temple of Hatshepsut, pl. 18). Examples of lintels that do not contain Nekhbet or Wadjet include a lintel of Amenemhat I from Dendera in which Hathor flanks the central cartouche (Grimal, “Dendara,” p. 290; Dümichen, Denderatempels, pl. III); a lintel of Amenemhat III from Kiman Fares in the Fayum in which Sobek in crocodile form flanks the central cartouche (Habachi, “Kiman-Farès,” p. 95, fig. 10). 162 The earliest attested example dates to the Thirteenth Dynasty and comes from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1928],” fig. 63). Other examples come from the New

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lines of text arranged symmetrically on either side of the doorway. The salient feature of this lintel type is the juxtaposed representations of deities blessing the names of the king and a more or less symmetrical arrangement of elements. As a design, the lintels fall between the more or less pure inscriptions of horizontal type A and the more fully realized figure scenes of type C. Type C, the figure type, shows the figure of the king interacting with deities, who usually have human bodies, 163 or with divine elements such as animated standards, a form of personification. 164 The king can occupy the central position on these lintels, serving as the focus of cultic activity in scenes placed on either side of a middle axis165 or in compositions unified by a central focal point.166 A variant of this type shows the king making offerings to a deity, usually in two more or less symmetrically arranged

Kingdom and include a lintel of Tuthmosis I from Nagada (Petrie, Naqada, pl. 77); a lintel of Tuthmosis II from Karnak (L. Gabolde, “Compléments sur les obélisques,” pl. XII). 163 For examples on a lintel of Pepi I from Bubastis (Habachi, Tell Basta, fig. 2, pl. II); a lintel of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre from Karnak (Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” p. 35, fig. 14); two lintels of Senwosret I from Karnak (Le Saout, “Moyen Empire: Varia 1,” p. 319, pl.VI; L. Gabolde, “Karnak sous le règne de Sésostris Ier,” p. 20, fig. 9). 164 For example, on lintels of Amenemhat I from Lisht (Hayes, Scepter, vol. 1, p. 172 fig. 103); of Senwosret III from Medamoud (Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pls. 1, 2); of the Thirteenth Dynasty copied from a lintel of Senwosret III (Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pls. 5-7); of Amenemhat III from Bubastis (Van Siclen, “Middle Kingdom Palace,” p. 245 fig. 11). According to Baines these can be classified as “emblematic personifications;” see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 41-63. 165 A lintel of Senwosret III from Medamoud (Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pls. 1, 2) and its Thirteenth Dynasty copy (Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pls. 5-7); a lintel of Amenemhat III from Bubastis (Van Siclen, “Middle Kingdom Palace,” p. 245 fig. 11). 166 A lintel of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre from Karnak (Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” p. 35 fig. 14); a lintel of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre from Deir el-Bahari (Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, frontispiece, pls. 10, 12); a lintel of Senwosret I from Karnak (Le Saout, “Moyen Empire: Varia 1,” p. 319, pl.VI).

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scenes. 167 In these examples, two images of either the king or the deity can be shown back-to-back in the center of the lintel. Inscriptions accompany all variants of the type, either as labels providing the names and epithets of the actors, deity speeches, descriptive captions or protective texts. The doorjambs that accompany this lintel type usually consist of figure scenes that show either deities interacting with the king or standing on their own. Type C largely conforms to Hirsch’s “portal” type and is defined by the emphasis on scenes in which royal and divine figures interact. As stated by Hirsch, this type is generally attested on monumental gateways or doorways. The fourth and final type D, which is not considered in Hirsch’s typology, consists of lintels that simply continue some form of a room’s decorative program; it is here designated the continuity type. The doorways are usually framed by narrow block borders, which serve to separate them from the wall decoration. This type is difficult to recognize in damaged monuments, as there is nothing with which to distinguish a fragment from the rest of the wall decoration unless some adjoining element of the doorway itself is still preserved. This lintel type seems to have been used in doorways that were of lesser importance, perhaps because they marked a path out of a room. In some structures, including the pyramid temple of Senwosret III, they served as the rear side of lintels decorated according to types A-C.

167

As on lintels of Senwosret III from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1927],” figs. 78-79, pls. 6-8); of Sobekhotep Amenemhat from Medamoud (Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pl. 8).

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In the pyramid temple of Senwosret III, door lintel types A, B and D are attested. No examples of type C, the figure or portal type, have been recovered.168 One example of horizontal type A has been found, which seems to have consisted of a winged sun disk without lines of horizontal text; the original location of this lintel is uncertain (cat. no. UL 92, pls. 455-56). Door lintels composed according to the criteria of type B, the heraldic type, are known from the exterior of the pyramid temple (pl. 13) and one of the walls in the square antechamber (cat. nos. SA 20-26, pls. 35-43, 48, 50). Recovered fragments also suggest the existence of one or perhaps two additional examples of such lintels (cat. nos. UL 86-87, pls. 447-49). Type D, the continuity type, is attested from one doorway each in the square antechamber (cat. nos. SA 144-150, pls. 167-74) and in the offering chamber (pp. 378-79, 603, pls. 355, 457). Evidence preserved from earlier pyramid temples indicates that square antechambers generally had two doors: one that provided access from the preceding room to the east, often called a vestibule, and another that lead north to the offering chamber. 169 Storerooms were commonly placed to the south and west of the square antechamber, but access to these spaces was usually through passageways that began in a room farther to the east, meaning that these storage areas could not be entered directly

168

Nevertheless, it does seem that this type could occur in pyramid temples. A lintel of Amenemhat I that seems to originate from the first phase of his pyramid temple at Lisht (Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” p. 77 fig. 33) has a design very similar to the type C lintel of Senwosret III found at Medamoud (Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pls. 1, 2). 169 In the Unis pyramid temple (Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 47, fig. 32) a door may have opened in the south wall of the square antechamber and lead into a suite of storage rooms on the west side of the temple, south of the offering chamber. Unfortunately, almost nothing has survived of Unis’s square antechamber.

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from the antechamber itself. 170 The small size of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple and the presumption that the square antechamber was placed directly to the south of the offering chamber 171 would have left insufficient space for the construction of a southern passage that bypassed the antechamber (pl. 10). It is also highly unlikely that the square antechamber occupied the southwest quadrant of the temple, as this would have resulted in a doorway in the middle of the south wall of the offering chamber, an extremely awkward interruption for which there would otherwise be no parallel. Therefore, the room or rooms placed in the southwest quadrant of the temple must have had a direct connection to the antechamber. Here it is sufficient to note that storerooms probably did not occupy this space and that the entrance to the temple from the inner courtyard of the pyramid complex was probably through one of the rooms in the southwest quadrant. The content and wall decoration of the room or rooms in the southwest quadrant will be discussed in conjunction with the ritual scenes of uncertain location (Chapter 3). Reconstructed groups of fragments strongly suggest that there were two doorways in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, each of which had a different type of

170

In the pyramid temple of Pepi II the storerooms were accessed via a door at the east end of the south wall of the vestibule (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 26, pls. 1, 36.); the pyramid temple of Teti was reconstructed based on the Pepi II example (Lauer, Téti, p. 30, pl. XXXV). In the pyramid temple of Djedkare-Isesi, access to the storerooms was also through a door at the east end of the south wall of the vestibule (Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt.VIII, p. 78, pl. 14). 171 For the position of the square antechamber to the south of the east end of the offering chamber, see the pyramid temples of Djedkare-Isesi (Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt.VIII, p. 78, pl. 14); Unis (Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 47-48, figs. 32-33); Teti (Lauer, Téti, pp. 30-31, pl. XXXV); Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 1); and Senwosret I (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, foldout II). In the pyramid temple of Niuserre, a small room lies between the square antechamber and the offering chamber, but both rooms are also to the south of the offering chamber (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pl. 28).

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lintel and frame. The decoration of the first doorway consisted of a narrower register about 47.5 cm high that contained a continuation of the deity procession facing left (type D). Presumably because a register of full height could not be accommodated above the doorway, a narrower register was necessary and enthroned deities were chosen as an appropriate subject. A small portion of the register above the enthroned gods preserves the legs of a striding male deity, indicating that the standard procession pattern resumed above the lintel. The largest preserved piece of the lintel originates from its right side (cat. no. SA 144, pl. 167) and includes the right end of the star band, identifiable as such by the triangular projection that extends below. The end of the star band indicates the presence of a wall corner, even though nothing of the block border has been preserved. The doorway therefore must have stood on the right side of a wall. In addition to a portion of the lintel, the nearly complete depth of the reveal and doorjamb are preserved, along with part of a male deity that stood to the left of the doorframe (pls. 155-56). The orientation of reveal and doorjamb indicates that the square antechamber functioned as the “inside” section of the passage.172 As will be discussed in greater detail in conjunction with the deities facing left, it appears that the many of the figures on this wall were connected with Middle and Upper Egypt, that is, to the lands south of Dahshur. Thus, the doorway with the enthroned deity lintel must have been located either on the west end of the south wall or the north end of the west wall. 173 If the doorway had been placed in the south wall,

172

See Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, pp. 74-75; also, see here pls. 11-12. In keeping with the idea that the west wall had a southern orientation; see below under “Orientation,” pp. 81-85.

173

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it would have served as the entranceway from the inner courtyard to the temple, an unlikely prospect for the following two reasons. First, although the painted stripes that once decorated the reveal are now rather faded, neither the reveal nor, more noticeably, the remaining piece of doorjamb shows evidence of having been exposed to the elements, a likely occurrence if the block had belonged to the exterior door.174 Second, if the door lintel with enthroned deities originally marked a doorway on the south side of the square antechamber, one would have to reconstruct a room with three doors, as another two passages would have been needed to provide access to the temple’s southwest quadrant to the west and the offering chamber to the north. As was noted above, earlier square antechambers usually had only two doorways. It is therefore difficult to imagine that three passageways would have been constructed in a square antechamber that was somewhat smaller than its predecessors, thus further subtracting from the wall space available for decoration. Finally, earlier examples of the square antechamber indicate that this room had a more secluded location in the inner part of the temple. Although much about the arrangement of the pyramid temple and square antechamber had changed by the reign of Senwosret III, it is unlikely that the chamber would have had an entrance leading directly from the pyramid court. In sum, it seems most likely that the enthroned deity door lintel was not located on the south wall, but on the north end of the west wall.

174

Note that the door lintel believed to originate from the exterior of the pyramid temple has a brownish patina on its soffit (see here pl. 13, soffit not visible in photo). Even if the door wings were left in a closed position most of the time, the doorjamb would have been outside and exposed.

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The second, more elaborately decorated doorway was covered with a heraldic composition (type B) centered on the Khakaure cartouche flanked by Nekhbet in her vulture form; at the outer ends of the lintel, the king’s inward-facing, vertically oriented Horus name was confronted by the cobra form of Wadjet. The lintel can be assigned to the square antechamber based on what seems to be an association with a patchstone that contained parts of the lintel’s borders and a small piece of the deity procession (pl. 43). The best preserved portions of the lintel are divided between two groups of fragments: a large section of the left half that stretches from the left border to nearly the center (pl. 36) and a section of the right side that notwithstanding a few gaps, preserves nearly the entire height of the lintel (pls. 37-39). Although the two sections of the lintel cannot be directly connected, the style and size of the hieroglyphs strongly suggest that they originally belonged to the same piece. Preserved on the right side of the lintel are parts of the turn to the adjacent wall and a rough inside surface (pl. 39), meaning that this doorway also stood at the right end of a wall. Because the heraldic lintel seems to be associated with a winged sun disk that is in turn linked to depictions of deities from Iunu (see below), a locality northeast of Dahshur, the lintel must originate from either the north or the east wall of the square antechamber. 175 A location for the lintel on the east wall of the temple is problematic, because it would again result in a square antechamber with three doorways and an entrance to the pyramid court. It is therefore suggested that the heraldic lintel originated from the east end of the north wall. Further supporting this conclusion is

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the observation that the elaborately decorated lintel seems appropriate for the transition to the innermost room of the temple. 176 In the Old Kingdom and earlier Twelfth Dynasty, the square antechamber was positioned south of the offering chamber and more or less to the east of it.177 As a result, the doorway between the two rooms was located at the west end (i.e. left side) of the north wall in the square antechamber and at the east end (i.e. left side) of the south wall in the offering chamber. However, in the square antechamber of Senwosret III, there is clear evidence that the heraldic lintel was placed on the right side of the north wall, meaning that the exit from the square antechamber to the offering chamber would have been on the east end of the north wall. What seems to be an alteration in the position of the door provides an important clue to the arrangement of the rooms in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, because it indicates that the square antechamber was not shifted to the east in relation to the offering chamber, but rather the east walls of the square antechamber and the offering chamber must have been more or less aligned with each other (see suggested reconstruction on pl. 10). Such an alteration in what seems to have been a standard architectural plan is surely related to the reduced size of

175

Such a position is in keeping with the idea that the east wall was associated with Lower Egypt; see below under “Orientation,” pp. 81-85. 176 Although no heraldic door lintels have survived in situ from either the Old or Middle Kingdoms, some New Kingdom examples indicate that this lintel type could mark an inward ritual path through a temple; see here pp. 125-26. 177 For the position of the square antechamber south of the east end of the offering chamber, see the pyramid temples of Djedkare (Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt.VIII, p. 78, pl. 14); Unis (Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 47-48, figs. 32-33); Teti (Lauer, Téti, pp. 30-31, pl. XXXV); Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 1); and Senwosret I (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, foldout II). In the pyramid temple of Niuserre, a small room lies between the square antechamber and the offering chamber, but the rooms are also to the south of the offering chamber (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pl. 28).

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the temple, as the realignment of the rooms meant that the structure’s east-west dimension could be equivalent to the length of the offering chamber and did not need to extend farther to the east. The arrangement of rooms in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple will be further considered in the conclusion to this dissertation.

Appearance, Costume and Regalia of Deities Regardless of gender, all deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber were similarly posed. 178 An outstretched forward arm and hand held a vertically oriented was-scepter in front of the figure, 179 while the back arm hung vertically and the hand grasped an ankh-sign. Male figures had their legs widely separated as if they were striding forward, while females had overlapping, slightly parted legs. The deities had both male and female, human and animals heads, though all had human bodies. 180 Among the female deities, all the animal heads appear to have been feline. The more diverse male gods can have the heads of Seth-animals, falcons, rams, jackals, crocodiles, ibises and perhaps bulls (cat. nos. SA 55-65, 70-76, 78-80, 87-93, 144, 156, 162, 212, 228-32, 235-37, 241). Three basic types of costume clothe the gods: the kilt or the tunic for male deities and the sheath dress for female deities. In almost all instances in which the male deity has a human head, the figure wears a kilt with a curved hem that divides the garment into white and yellow sections. 181 A tab or tie angles across the front of the

178

Except for a small group of enthroned deities above the door lintel; see cat. no. SA 144. For a figure that held another type of staff or scepter, see here cat. no. SA 47, pl. 68. 180 For a discussion of the wide variety of composite human and animal deities, concentrating on the New Kingdom and later, see Hornung, “Komposite Gottheiten,” pp. 1-20. 181 An exception is Iunmutef, who wears a leopard skin; see cat. no. SA 156ab, pl. 180. 179

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abdomen, generally covering the navel. 182 In contrast, almost all animal-headed deities wear blue-green tunics that have knotted straps covering the upper part of the torso and skirts extending down to the top of the knees. In some instances, the hem of the garment is rendered with a scalloped edge that must be intended to recall more elaborate tunics covered with overlapping rows of curving feathers. 183 A belt cinches the waist and a yellow tyet-knot hangs from the front. Beginning at the small of the back is a bull’s tail that widens downwards and extends behind the back leg; more elaborate examples of the tail are covered with finely incised wavy lines indicating strands of hair. The distinction in garment types between human- and animal-headed deities seems to be a peculiarity found throughout Senwosret III’s pyramid temple and not a general rule in the clothing of male deities. 184 All goddesses seem to have worn the traditional tight-fitting sheath dress with two straps across the upper torso. The dresses were painted white (pls. 17, 180, 217, 242) and red (pls. 70, 76, 213-14, 250), but it has not been possible to find a pattern that explains the color choice.185

182

For an exception, see cat. no. SA 96, pl. 117. In Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, the deity kilt differs from the kilt worn by offering bearers in two respects. First, both sides of the the offering bearer kilts are white. Second, offering bearer kilts do not have a tie across the abdomen, meaning that the navel is always defined. The difference in color between offering bearer and deity kilts can be easily explained as an attempt to show the higher status of the deities by clothing them in “gold” garments. 183 The garments are not confined to avian deities. For examples, see Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud (1930),” pl. IX; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud (1927),” p. 97 fig. 71; Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pls. 16 scène 10, 25 scène 28, 28 scène 3’; L. Gabolde, Grande château, pls. XIII-XIV. See also Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud (1931), pl. XIX. 184 For example, all male deities in the pyramid temple of Pepi II wear kilts (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 46-47, 50, 53-54, 56, 58, 60). For a mixture of kilts and tunics on human- and animalheaded male deities, see Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pls. 14, 16, 25, 28. 185 On the tympana in both the pyramid temple offering chamber and the north chapel, the goddesses Nekhbet and Wadjet seem to have had green garments (cat. nos. OC 17 -18, pls. 303-

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Human-headed female figures were depicted with masses of black hair flowing behind the head. Narrow strands of hair fall behind the back upper arm and wider locks run down the back of the neck and across the back of the torso; a small triangle of hair flowing down from the head is often visible beneath the back armpit. The hair is rendered either as a solid mass or incised strands.186 Human-headed male figures also have masses of black hair behind the head, rendered either as a solid mass or incised strands, but it is tucked behind the shoulder and does not extend along the edge of the back upper arm. 187 These figures also have a lock that falls behind the neck and over the back of the torso. Exceptional is Iunmutef, whose hair is rendered as small incised triangles with a sidelock that ends as a forward-facing curl at the back of the neck. In addition, human-headed male deities wear a so-called false beard held in place by a strap that curves around the line of the jaw. The strap ends at the chin and the diagonal beard stretches down to the top of the shoulder, where it ends in an up-curved tip. Animalheaded male and female deities have divine wigs with masses of hair behind the head, narrow locks that continue to the top of the upper arm and wider locks behind the neck and across the back of the torso. The animal-headed male deities have an additional lock that curves around the front of the neck and falls across the front of the chest, an extra piece the animal-headed female deities lack. In most cases, the divine

4, 331). However, green garments cannot be securely assigned to any of the goddesses in the square antechamber. 186 An exception is the female deity whose hair or a wig was rendered with red strands and darker red dots (cat. no. SA 44, pl. 65). 187 For the hairstyle worn by Iunmutef priests, see Robins, “Hair,” p. 62.

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wigs of both male and female animal-headed deities were painted green, rendered either as a solid mass or incised strands. Both male and female deities had broad collars across the top of the chest that are sometimes carved or painted to show individual curving strands. In addition, feline goddesses and at least some depictions of Seth had close-fitting striped collars around the neck. Except for feline- and ram-headed deities, all depictions of animal-headed gods included two curved lines at the base of the neck that marked the transition from the animal-head to the human body. 188 Both the appearance and the position of the curved lines suggest that they are intended to represent the collarbone. Goddesses also had anklets and bracelets, which were rendered either as bands of incised rectangles (pl. 165) or more commonly as solid green stripes (pls. 57, 68, 76, 164). Few deities had headgear. Some goddesses were shown with feathered headdresses (cat. nos. SA 195, 218-20) and manifestations of Hathor had red sundisks surrounded by bull horns (cat. nos. SA 156, 183-84, 251-52). 189 Among the male gods, at least one depiction of a falcon-headed deity includes some type of crown. 190

Inscriptions Each deity or group of deities was identified by an inscription in the area above the head and directly below the star band. All captions were oriented in the same direction

188

The transition between the feline head and human body occurs beneath the collar. Ramheaded deities have a triangular ruff of fur that marks the transition between head and body. 189 Prior to the Second Intermediate Period, only Hathor wears the sun disk on her head. See Posener-Kriéger, Néferirkarê-Kakaï, pp.102-3; Fischer, Dendera, p. 33 n. 139; Bergman, “Isis,” col. 189.

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as the deity below. It does not appear that any inscriptions were placed in front of the face, as was the case, for example, in the square antechamber of Pepi II191 and with at least some of the fecundity figures found in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III (see here cat. no. UL 3, pl. 359). Even in instances in which tall headdresses infringed on the area normally reserved for inscriptions, the texts were simply crowded around the headdress and the spacing of the preceding and following inscriptions slightly shifted in order to compensate for the intrusion (for the best preserved example, see here pl. 180). Short vertical green lines separated the texts. The texts were formulated according to two patterns. In what seems to be the more common method, each section begins with variations of the formula dí ënã “ gives life” for male deities or dí.s ënã “she gives life” for female deities; 192 in the few instances where two or more deities were grouped together, the phrase began dí.sn ënã “they give life.” 193 Other so-called general blessings, for example wæs or ÿd, were occasionally included in order to fill out the space above a deity with a short identifying text (for examples, see pls. 134, 198-99). Following the phrase is a name, epithet or place that serves to identify the deity. When the opening phrase is used, it must be translated as a clause separate from the designation of the deity that follows, as dí +

190

See cat. no. SA 71 for the problems surrounding the identity and headgear of the deity. Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 50, 53-54, 56, 58, 60. 192 The male suffix-pronoun f-sign is never included on the inscriptions belonging to gods, perhaps because the long, horizontal snake-sign could not be easily accommodated. In some cases where the designation of a goddess was long or had unusual spacing, the feminine suffixpronoun s-sign seems to have been omitted (pls. 68-69, 180). 193 Examples are cat. nos. SA 173 (pl. 197) and possibly SA 259 (pl. 284). The inscription above the bæw of Iunu probably also included the suffix-pronoun .sn, but it has not been preserved (cat. no. SA 1, pl. 16). 191

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blessing + designation of deity does not follow the standard ancient Egyptian word order of verb + subject + object. 194 If the phrases were single sentences, the elements would have been arranged dí + deity name + general blessings. The reason for this somewhat awkward grammatical construct may lie in the spatial constraints imposed upon the texts, since all captions in Senwosret III’s square antechamber had to be placed above the heads of the figures, rather than in front of the faces. The second method of arranging the texts omits the dí-sign and the initial blessing and simply provides a name, place or epithet associated with the god. Such texts seem to have been used in three instances: 1) for deities who had particularly long names; 2) for gods who were described as deity X ãnty “foremost of,” 195 m/ímy “in,” nb “lord of ” or nbt “mistress of “ place Y (for examples, see pls. 111, 151-52, 167, 180, 182, 196, 240); or 3) for deities whose inscription areas were interrupted by a tall headdress (pls. 63, 180). The deities could be identified either by a name or by a cult place, sometimes in conjunction with a name. Less common were epithets, which seem to have been appended to names and toponyms. In many cases plurals were rendered with triple hieroglyphs rather than three stroke-signs, an Old Kingdom method of indicating multiples that during the Middle Kingdom is mainly used for religious texts (for example, see cat. nos. SA 6 pl. 21, SA 17 pl. 32, SA 47 pls. 68-69 and fragments

194

For ancient Egyptian word order, see Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 163. With thanks to Ogden Goelet for his help in understanding the captions. 195 Note that the ãnt-signs in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple are always rendered with four pots, which seems to be the Old Kingdom form of the sign; see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, p. 529.

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from the north chapel tympana pls. 310-11, 326, 334; for an example of plural strokes see cat. no. SA 172 pl. 196). 196

Spacing of Standing Deities and Length of Walls In order to calculate the number and distribution of the deities, their spacing had to be determined. Rather than trying to estimate the width occupied by individual deities and then calculating the empty space between the figures, the seemingly more accurate method used here measures the same point on adjoining figures. Such measurements provide the average spacing of the deity procession and allow a reconstruction of the width occupied by each deity. The first and last figure in each register seem to have been placed quite close to the edges of the scenes (pls. 58-61). Sixteen examples have been documented that preserve the horizontal space occupied by the same element on two consecutive deities, yielding an average distance of 31.95 cm; the actual measurements range from 30.5 to 34.5 cm. As will be seen in the documentation presented below, male and female figures appear to have been more or less equally spaced. In contrast, the space occupied by deity inscriptions was not consistent, but was altered to accommodate tall headgear that intruded on the lines of text and/or gods who had longer or shorter captions. A few preserved examples with was-scepters in multiple registers show that the figures did not have a strict vertical alignment (see n. 281). The distances between figures were measured as follows:

196

See Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 37.

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30.5 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of the male deity in the center of the fragment and the goddess at right (cat. no. SA 151).

30.8 cm

the distance between two was-scepters. 197

31.0 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of two male deities (cat. no. SA 212).

31.0 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of a goddess and an unidentified deity (cat. no. SA 49).

31.0 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of the goddess and an unidentified deity (cat. no. SA 47).

31.5 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of a female and male deity 198

31.5 cm

the distance between the front shoulders of the two male deities (cat. no. SA 105).

31.5 cm

the distance from the back of the head of a probably male deity to the back of the head of a male deity (cat. no. SA 1).

31.5 cm

the distance between the back of the heads of the two male deities (cat. no. SA 6).

32.0 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of a male deity and an unidentified deity (cat. no. SA 4).

32.4 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of the two male deities (cat. no. SA 96).

197

The piece is not catalogued here; it has the registration numbers 93.1287; 98.959/1; 98.1061/1,/4; 98.1552/2.

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32.5 cm

the distance between the back of a goddess’s hand and the back of a god’s hand (cat. no. SA 208).

32.5 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of a male and female deity (cat. no. SA 47).

33.0 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of a male and female deity (cat. no. SA 2).

34.0 cm

the distance between the was-scepters of two goddesses (cat. no. SA 195).

34.5 cm

the distance between the back hand of the defaced figure and the back hand of the next male deity (cat. no. SA 151).

As was mentioned above, it is here assumed that the room containing Senwosret III’s deity procession was square like its predecessors, though this assertion cannot be proved. An estimate of the total length of each wall is derived from the north wall of the square antechamber, which preserves the longest more or less continuous sequence of figures and other elements. At the far right end of the wall, a vertical corner block border 9 cm wide can be measured on the right side of the lintel (pl. 39). Presumed to adjoin the wall corner is a six column deity speech estimated to have been 85.5 cm wide. The remainder of the wall is occupied by what appears to be a total of eleven male and female deities spaced about 32 cm apart (see above), meaning that the total width occupied by these deities was about 356 cm. A vertical corner block border with additional vertical stripes that was a total of 22 cm wide has been reconstructed on the left side of the wall. The length of the north wall and by extension the other three walls

198

The piece is not catalogued here; it has registration numbers 92.417; 98.750/1; 98.872/2;

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in the square antechamber is therefore estimated to have been 472.5 cm (= 9 cubits). However, as is noted below in the discussion of the reconstructions of the north and west walls, it is difficult to neatly fill the registers using the 32 cm average spacing and the exact cubit dimension. It is therefore likely that the wall dimensions were slightly larger, perhaps by as much as 10 cm. 199

Height of Standing Figures, Registers and Chamber Several questions must be addressed in relation to the vertical elements in the square antechamber, including the height of the figures, the height of the registers, the number of registers, the height of the non-figural sections of the wall (dado and kheker-frieze) and the complete wall height. No single deity has been preserved from head to toe. Using measurements gleaned from a large number of figures, it has been possible to estimate that the deities were each about 56-58 cm tall; a height of 57.8 cm has been used in the reconstructions presented here. The distance from the bottom of the star bands to the top of the deity heads was about 13-14 cm. Thus the total height of each register can be estimated at 69-72 cm, excluding the star band and groundline, which were about 6.3 cm high. In the reconstructions presented here, 76.8 cm (78.75 cm = 1.5 cubits) was used as the total register height.

98.1281/1; 98.1536/3; 99.35; 99.227. 199 Slight discrepancies in the cubit measurements were found in other parts of the pyramid complex (Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 35, 59, 62, 79), though these were less than 10 cm. According to Wegner (Mortuary Temple, pp. 54-56, 134-35), the temple of Senwosret III at Abydos was laid out in exact cubit dimensions. In addition, the human figures were about 2 cubits high. However, Jéquier (Pepi II, vol. II, p. 35), notes that the square antechamber of Pepi

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The height of the dado remains unknown for all the rooms of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. No fragment definitively assigned to the square antechamber preserves more than a small piece of the dado, meaning that nothing significant can be directly measured from securely assigned pieces. However, evidence preserved in Old Kingdom pyramid temples can at least provide a set of comparative dado heights. An in situ, section of the false door wall of the offering chamber in Unis’s pyramid temple has a dado 1.85 m high. 200 In the pyramid temple of Niuserre, Borchardt estimated that the transversal corridor immediately west of the courtyard had a basalt dado 2 cubits high followed by a course of limestone blocks with colored stripes 1 cubit high. Thus the total height of the dado would have been about 3 cubits (= 1.575 m). 201 The dado in Pepi II’s square antechamber was directly measured at 3 cubits (= 1.575 m) from blocks still in situ. 202 In the courtyard of the Senwosret I pyramid temple, the dado below the painted stripes was preserved to a height of 1.165 m. 203 For the temple of Senwosret III at Abydos, Wegner has estimated the dado was 1 m high. 204 Based on the evidence from these pyramid temples, as well as the overall satisfactory wall height it helps to create, 3 cubits is also suggested as the dado height for Senwosret III’s square antechamber. Based on evidence provided by the north wall of Senwosret III’s square

II was 30 cm narrower east-west than it was north-south. For the cubit, see Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, p. 61 with further references. 200 Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Unas, p. 51, pl. 33. 201 Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pp. 56-57; summarized in Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt.VIII, p. 20. 202 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 36. 203 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 44 n. 140, pl. 18d, foldout 3a. Dados consisted of broad colored stripes followed below by a wider area of black. 204 Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 152; given the destroyed state of the walls, this is presumably only a rough estimate.

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antechamber, the estimated wall height of other rooms in the pyramid temple (see pp. 475-76) and comparison to the square antechamber of Pepi II, it is highly likely that Senwosret III’s square antechamber had five registers. Finally, based on several pieces preserving parts of these elements, the combination of kheker-frieze and horizontal block border is estimated to have been about 69 cm. The height of the walls in Senwosret III’s square antechamber can therefore be summarized as follows: Height of dado

157 cm

Height of five registers

384 cm

Height of horizontal block border

11 cm

Height of kheker-frieze

58 cm

Estimated total wall height

610 cm 205

As a point of comparision, Jéquier estimated that the total height of Pepi II’s square antechamber was 612 cm (630 cm = 12 cubits). 206 The height of five registers is estimated to have been about 369 cm high 207 and the height of the kheker-frieze was 55 cm. 208 The apparent close correspondence between the square antechambers of Pepi II and Senwosret III should be treated cautiously, however, as Jéquier’s dimensions were consulted during the formulation of the reconstruction on plate 48.

205

The height of the reconstructed north wall presented here is 611.5 cm (see pl. 48); 630 cm would equal 12 cubits. 206 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 35. 207 The registers were measured from the drawing scaled at 1:18 in Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 58. Marochetti estimated that the decorated portions of the temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Gebelein were 3-3.5 m high (“Temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep,” pp. 149-50). 208 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 53.

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Orientation Fragments recovered from Senwosret III’s deity procession indicate that the figures faced both left and right. Since pieces from the uppermost register of at least two right facing walls have been recovered (cat. nos. SA 1-8, SA 31-34), the deities could have been distributed between two right facing walls and two left facing walls. Alternately, they could have faced right on three walls and left on one wall. Study of masonry edges preserved on the pieces with left facing deities suggests that these figures probably, though not definitively, originated from a single wall (see below). In the following discussion, it is therefore assumed that the deities on one wall faced to the left while those on the remaining three walls faced right. For reasons discussed above in the section on doorways, the left facing figures probably occupied the west wall. As will be seen below under the individual fragment entries, at least some of the deities have captions that name the place from which that particular manifestation of the god originated. These inscriptions are particularly valuable for deciphering the decorative program of the square antechamber, as they contain important clues about how the deities may have been grouped. Since actual or symbolic209 geographical orientation is a key component for the organization of Egyptian wall decoration, it can be assumed that those deities who had their cult place in Lower (i.e. northern) Egypt

209

Spence, “Orientation,” pp. 89-130.

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were placed on the north wall, while those from Upper (i.e. southern) Egypt were placed on the south wall. 210 But what of the deities on the east and west walls? To which cardinal direction did they correspond? The answer to such a question is not a simple matter, as few Old or Middle Kingdoms temples are preserved to such an extent that symbolic orientation can be determined. Further complicating the situation is the tendency for Egyptian monuments to have east-west axial orientations. In such cases, the portion of the temple north of the axis was considered to have a northern orientation, while section of the temple south of the axis was oriented to the south. Thus the cardinal positions of east and west walls were subordinate to their relationship to the central east-west axis. 211 However, several monuments do provide some evidence that east and west walls could be perceived in a different manner. Noticeable in the early development of the royal cult complex is a greater emphasis on north-south orientation, 212 meaning that the longer walls containing a higher proportion of the decorative program were on the east and west. Although it lacks above ground decorated walls, in the Third Dynasty Djoser complex at Saqqara, the so-called sed-festival court had rows of “dummy” shrines oriented north-south, which were probably dedicated to the main deities of Egypt. On the west side of the court were the per-wer-shrines, symbols of Upper (southern) Egypt,

210

However, in the causeway of Unis, deities and nomes of Lower Egypt appear to have been placed on the south wall (Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 88 n. 215) 211 An example of this type of orientation is found on the west wall of Medinet Habut, where a Nubian campaign is shown on the south side of the wall and a Libyan campaign is depicted on the north side; the Libyan campaign then wraps around to the north side of the temple. Epigraphic Survey, Earlier Historical Records, pls. 9-16. See also Loeben, “Horustempel,” pp. 6667.

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along with seh-netjer shrines associated with Anubis. On the east were twelve per-nushrines, characteristic of Lower (northern) Egypt. 213 A similar north-south orientation is found in the statue-cult temple east of the Fourth Dynasty Bent Pyramid of Snefru. Here the lowest registers of the entrance corridor and the courtyard were covered with processions of female estates moving towards the inner part of the temple and the six niches containing statues of the king. The figures on the west wall represented Upper Egyptian (southern) estates, while those on the east wall depicted Lower Egyptian (northern) estates. 214 Perhaps most important for a discussion of orientation in Senwosret III’s square antechamber are the symbolic alignments found in the square antechamber of Pepi II discussed in detail above. Of particular significance were the observations that Upper Egyptian chapels and the bæw of Nekhen were depicted on the west wall, 215 while on the east wall, Lower Egyptian chapels were interspersed between the few surviving deities. 216 Although the above discussion indicates that in some monuments the ancient Egyptians equated west with south and east with north, evidence found in other structures contradicts these findings. For example, in the court of Userkaf ’s pyramid

212

As noted by Arnold (“Royal Cult Complexes,” p. 45). For discussions of the so-called sed-festival court, see Ricke, Bemerkungen, vol. 1, pp. 84-89; Verner, Pyramids, pp. 129-32; Stadelmann, Pyramiden, pp. 58-61 with further references. 214 The structures has also been called a valley temple, but it lies far to the west of the actual Nile valley; see Di. Arnold, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 41, 48 n. 3; Do. Arnold, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 84, 98 n. 15 with further references. For the orientation of the estate figures, see Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” p. 91; Jacquet-Gordon, Domaines, pp. 125-37; Fakhry, Temple Reliefs, pp. 17-58. 215 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 40-45, pls. 50, 52-53. 216 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 50-51, pls. 58, 60; for the orientation of all surviving royal figures in the pyramid temple of Pepi II, see Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” fig. 85; for the orientation of the king in the pyramid temple, see ibid., pp. 270-85. 213

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temple, estates of Lower Egypt (north) are depicted on the west wall, while nomes of Upper Egypt (south) are shown on the east wall. However, because the court had an east-west as opposed to north-south orientation with the statue chambers to the south, it is likely that the position of the estates reflects a symbolic reorientation of the structure. 217 It also has been observed that in New Kingdom subsidiary temples with a north-south axis, some west walls correspond to the north and some east walls to the south. 218 In those cases where the west=north and east=south correspondence has been observed, the alignments may reflect the idea that the temple has been simply turned 90 degrees from the standard east-west orientation, 219 without a subsequent rearrangement of the figures. Two factors have led the present author to conclude that in the square antechamber of Senwosret III the west wall should be equated with the south and the east wall with the north. First is the symbolic orientation of the previously discussed square antechamber of Pepi II. Although the dangers of relying too heavily on this monument have been mentioned above, the undisputable fact remains that it is the bestpreserved example of the room type. Supporting the proposed orientation are at least two other Memphite monuments, namely the statue cult temple of Snefru and the sedfestival court of Djoser, both of which seem to have equated west with south and east

217

Labrousse, Complexes funéraire d’Ouserkaf, vol. I, pp. 83-89; vol. II, p. 13 fig. 40, pp. 55-61 , figs. 120-38; Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 154-55, 308. 218 See Loeben, “Horustempel,” pp 65-68; Spence, “Orientation,” pp. 93-94. According to Spence, independent of the geographical orientation was a symbolic orientation, which varied in relation to the conceptual nature of the structure (ibid., pp. 89-130). 219 The same concept has been observed in the orientation of north chapels attached to pyramids; see here pp. 405-6.

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with north. Second, as is discussed above and below (pp. 65-66, 248-56), the wall with left facing deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber contained a doorway, which for architectural and spatial reasons seems most likely to have been located on the west. Since all of the toponyms attested for the left facing figures correspond to sites in Middle and Upper Egypt, it is probable that the west wall was equated with regions to the south of Dahshur. 220 In consequence one can assume that the east wall had a symbolic northern orientation.

The King Based on parallel material from the square antechamber of Pepi II and the general compositional principles used to organize Egyptian wall decoration, at least one life-size or perhaps over life-size image of the standing king must have been included in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. Although a number of fragments have been recovered with portions of large depictions of Senwosret III (cat. nos. UL 57-62), none can be securely assigned to the square antechamber. Following Jéquier’s observation that the standing king was not depicted on those square antechamber walls with doors (see above), one can conclude that an image of Senwosret III must have been placed on either the east or south wall confronting deities facing right. Because a fragment shows a right facing deity standing directly in front of a wall corner rather than a king or deity speech (cat. no. SA 37, pl. 58), it is certain that one of the right facing walls did not

220

Though as will be seen below, some of the deities who are defined only by names or epithets rather than toponyms are more closely associated with the Memphite area or Lower Egypt.

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include a figure of the king, meaning that such an image must have occurred only once in the chamber.

Conclusion: Wall Composition and the Distribution of Deities Study of the various orientational, compositional and architectureal features in the square antechamber of Senwosret III suggests that the walls may have been composed in the following manner (fig. 2). The west wall contained a doorway on its north end, most probably the one used to enter the square antechamber. The lintel consisted of a register with perhaps five enthroned figures and all deities on the wall faced left. At the south end of the wall was a vertically oriented, two column wide deity speech (for a reconstruction, see pl. 174). Deities facing right were depicted on the south wall. The large standing image of the king greeting the deities may have stood at the wall’s west end. The east wall also contained deities facing right, perhaps encompassing the entire length of the wall, 221 in which case the rows of deities on the east and south walls were probably envisioned as parts of a continuous procession. However, the possibility that the single image of the large standing king was placed at the south end of the east wall instead of on the south wall cannot be excluded. The north wall contained the exit to the offering chamber on its north side, embellished with an elaborate heraldic door lintel surmounted by a winged sun disk. Above the door lintel was a six-column-wide deity speech. The remainder of the wall contained deities facing right, i.e. towards the

221

One block indicates that right facing deities approached a wall corner (cat. no. SA 37, pl. 58).

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door into the offering chamber (for a reconstruction, see pls. 48-50).222 If these proposed orientations are correct, the deity procession in Senwosret III’s square antechamber would have converged at the west end of the south wall, the most probable location for a life-size depiction of the king.

Figure 2. Proposed orientation of figures and placement of doorways in the square antechamber of Senwosret III. Two alternative locations for the single depiction of the king are proposed. Not to scale.

222

In the pyramid temple of Pepi II, deities face towards the entrance to the offering chamber (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol.II, pl. 54).

87

THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER OF SENWOSRET III: DEITIES FACING RIGHT ON THE NORTH WALL

Introduction Using the position of masonry edges as well as other architectural features, it is possible to assign some figures and other elements to the north wall of Senwosret III’s square antechamber. The four groups of pieces that probably originate from the wall are: 1) an assembly of eleven figures connected with Iunu (nine bæw of Iunu, 223 Horus foremost-of-the-houses and perhaps Horakhty); 2) a deity speech six columns wide and two registers high; 3) a winged sun disk; and 4) a heraldic door lintel with a design centered around the cartouche of Senwosret III. No direct connections were found between any of these four groups, but evidence, discussed in subsequent sections below, indicates that they originally adjoined each other. Two factors suggest that the groups originate from the north wall. First, the association with Iunu (modern name Heliopolis), located northeast of Dahshur, would imply that the deities were placed on either the north or the east wall in order to more or less orient them towards this site. The deities of Iunu appear to have been connected with the winged disk and heraldic door lintel. Second, as was discussed above, the square antechamber most likely had doors only in the north and west walls. Therefore the four groups outlined above probably originate from the square antechamber’s north wall. For a reconstruction of the north wall, see plates 48-50.

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Register 1 (Uppermost): Deities of Iunu (Heliopolis) Eleven pieces, most of them restored from smaller fragments, seem to originate from a register of right facing deities composed of nine bæw of Iunu followed by two other divinities, at least one of which was also connected with this major cult center (pl. 49). Among the identifiable bæw of Iunu were five human-headed males and two humanheaded females. The genders were distributed as follows. The first two figures were probably male, 224 the third figure was female, the fourth figure was male, the fifth figure was female and the sixth figure was male. Of the seventh figure only the tip of the wasscepter is preserved, while nothing remains of the eighth figure; the ninth and final figure was male. The bæw of Iunu are followed by Horus foremost-of-the-houses, a figure closely connected with Iunu, and another deity, for whom only the inscription’s initial falcon-sign remains. The distances between the figures are preserved on four pieces: SA 1 (31.5 cm), SA 6 (31.5 cm), SA 4 (32 cm) and SA 2 (33 cm). The original location of the group at the top of a wall is confirmed by preserved sections of a horizontal block border and a wider star band, two features that

223

Following Zabkar (Ba Concept, pp. 161-63) and Hornung (One and the Many, p. 62) the word bæw has not been translated into English. 224 The first figure can be identified as male based only on the proposed connection to the lower block. The remains of the figure’s head on the upper block preserves only part of a mass of black hair, which is insufficient to determine gender. Where the pigment is preserved in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, all the human-headed male and female deities have black hair. Baines, (“Colour Use,” pp. 149-50) notes that in the temple of Sety I at Abydos, black is generally avoided and most deities have blue hair. In the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, a depiction of the bæw of Iunu includes at least two with animal heads (Epigraphic Survey, Temple Proper, pt. III, pl. 526); see also Schibler, “Ikonographie,” pp. 192-93, fig. 5.

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mark uppermost registers (cat. nos. SA 1, 4-7). A horizontal masonry edge placed about 17 cm below the bottom of the star band, which cuts through the figure’s faces below the eye and through the middle of the ear, has helped to define the pieces that belong to the group. At the left end of the wall, two adjoining patchstones are preserved with horizontal masonry edges at the bottom that cut through the foreheads. One vertical masonry edge is preserved towards the back of the procession (cat. no. SA 5), more or less in the middle of the seventh figure from the right. It is likely that another vertical masonry edge occurred between the second and third figures from the right, as the block that contained the lower part of the third figure has a vertical edge on its right side; a similarly positioned edge could well have existed above. Three patchstones have been assigned to the group and a setting place is preserved for an unrecovered fourth patchstone. Above the bæw of Iunu is a horizontal line of text that can be identified as a speech common to all the figures. The inscription lacks the vertical green lines normally used to separate deity inscriptions and the text itself, which consists of a standard series of general blessings and benefits, is continuous in nature. Based on the pattern commonly used to compose such texts, the pieces can be ordered and the inscription reconstructed as follows: “The bæw of Iunu, the lords of the great palace (or estate): have given [to you] all [life?, dominion?,] [all] stability, [all health?, all] joy, [you] appearing as king of Upper and Lower Egypt upon the throne of Horus, you who

90

lead [all?] the living, [given life?] like [Re] forever.” 225 The preservation of specific sections of the text is discussed in the catalogue below. Because of spatial considerations, it is likely that the bæw-sign began the inscription and the phrase ÿd-mdw “recitation” or “words to be said” was omitted. The placement directly above the deity heads of a long text bestowing blessings seems to be unique to the bæw of Iunu in the square antechamber of Senwosret III. In contrast, in the square antechamber of Pepi II, there are several instances in which deity speeches were placed over the heads of seemingly unrelated figures, but in these examples the names of the gods were inserted in front of their faces, a compositional device that does not seem to have been employed here. 226 Further, since the bæw of Iunu are specifically and solely named at the beginning of the speech, the text must refer only to them and the nine figures beneath it must be depictions of the bæw. The nine bæw of Iunu were followed by two other deities, bringing the total number in the register to eleven. The alignment of two patchstones shows conclusively that after the ninth and final bæw of Iunu was a representation of Horus foremost-ofthe-houses, a deity closely connected with Iunu (see under cat. no. SA 6 for further discussion). Surprisingly, this deity seems to have been depicted with a male human head rather than the falcon head one would have expected. At the extreme left edge of the patchstone containing the surviving portions of Horus foremost-of-the-houses are

225

According to Baines, “…the life the king receives should be Reë-like as his office of king is Reë-like,” thus explaining why all deities give the king blessings “like Re forever,” rather than attaching their individual identities to the phrase (“Inundation Stela,” p. 46).

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the beak and part of the head of a falcon hieroglyph from another deity caption (pl. 21). Based on the connection to Iunu that dominates the top of the north wall, it is likely that the eleventh figure was also closely associated with this major cult center. An obvious candidate because of the falcon-sign would be Horakhty, 227 but without further hieroglyphs the deity cannot be securely identified. As far as can be determined from the fragmentary remains, the depictions of the bæw of Iunu and Horus foremost-of-the-houses are the only instance in Senwosret III’s square antechamber in which such a closely connected group of divinities dominated a register. The prominence given to these gods, possibly also exemplified by their placement in an uppermost register, seems to coincide with other elements of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple where Iunu and the solar cult were highlighted.228 Deities of Iunu were prominently featured in the inscriptions found on the exterior of the pyramid temple. The bæw of Iunu were mentioned on at least one of the royalname panels (pl. 14) and Horakhty was included at least three times on the horizontal inscriptions (for one example, see pl. 15). In addition, an inscription from Senwosret

226

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 50, 52-54, 56, 58, 60. A similar arrangement of speech and divinity name in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III is found on one of the fecundity figures performing a libation ritual; see here cat. no. UL 3, pl. 359. 227 For the association of Horakhty and Iunu, see Assmann, “Harachte,” cols. 956-61; Berteaux, “Harachte,” pp. 294-95, 300; Bonnet, Reallexikon, p. 269; Kákosy, “Heliopolis,” col. 1111. One might also expect that other prominent Iunu deities such as Atum were depicted in this section of the square antechamber, but no evidence for them has been found. 228 Royal building activity in Iunu during the Twelfth Dynasty is briefly considered in Raue, Heliopolis, pp. 85-86 with further references. There is clear evidence that structures were erected at least by Senwosret I, Senwosret II and Senwosret III. For other examples of Middle Kingdom building and cultic activity in Iunu, see Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” pp. 229-93; Quirke, “Quartzite Lintels,” pp. 16-17 (note that lintels were not excavated in Iunu); Raue, in Dreyer ed., Begegnung, pp. 93-99; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 20, 57-61, 86, 103-4, 142-43, 185-86 docs. 4445, 290-92 docs. 161-63, 383 doc. 345.

92

III’s south temple describes the king as “beloved of ” a deity of the “great palace” or “great estate” (œwt ëæt),” possibly another reference to the bæw of Iunu. 229 Emphasis on the sun cult and Iunu in relation to the royal pyramid complex is not a phenomenon that originated with Senwosret III. Ample evidence of such a connection exists in the Old Kingdom, especially during the Fifth Dynasty. Recent studies of the distribution and alignment of Old Kingdom pyramid complexes suggest that there may have been links between at least some of the Memphite pyramid fields and Iunu. In particular, the observed alignments of the southeast corners of the pyramids of Khufu, Khafre and Menkaure at Giza and the northwest corners of the pyramids of Sahure, Neferirkare and Raneferef at Abusir have lead to the proposal that the pyramids in these two groups were oriented towards Iunu. 230 The Pyramid Texts

229

Registration number 92.164 found in square R/20; unpublished. For the term œwt-ëæt and its possible location in the Heliopolitan area, see Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” p. 239 n. 26 with further references and pp. 239-41. 230 Lehner (Pyramids, pp. 106-7) suggests that the diagonal alignment of the southeast corners of the Khufu, Khafre and Menkaure pyramids at Giza may be directed northeast towards Iunu and the benben stone, as well as southwest towards Abydos. See also Lehner, “Giza,” pp. 142-43. It has also been noted (Verner, Pyramids, pp. 302-3, 457-58; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 142) that the northwest corners of the pyramids of Sahure, Neferirkare and Raneferef at Abusir can be aligned diagonally towards Iunu. See also Goedicke, (“Abu Sir – Saqqara – Giza,” pp. 397-412), who argues against a connection between Abusir and Iunu. Krejcí (“Royal Necropolis at Abusir,” pp. 477, 479-80) suggests that the alignment of pyramid corners could result from using an older pyramid as a measuring point for a later one. Although the idea that at least certain groups of pyramids were oriented towards Iunu is intriguing, one must stress that as far as we know pyramid fields evolved over long stretches of time without any sort of master plan. Therefore if the builders intended an alignment with Iunu, the concept of creating such a configuration must have developed as each cluster of pyramids was constructed; the first pyramids in each group could not have had such an orientation. Jeffreys (“Topography of Heliopolis and Memphis,” pp. 63-71), proposes that pharaohs who professed a closer connection to the sun cult built structures that were within the sightlines of Iunu, while those who did not built farther south. Running counter to his theory is the observation that all rulers of the Twelfth Dynasty included Re in their throne names even

93

contain a request to the deities of Iunu in the form of the Ennead to preserve and protect the king’s pyramid (“O, Big Ennead in Heliopolis! …may you make this pyramid be firm for the course of eternity as the name of Atum…”).231 However, despite this possible connection to Iunu, no depictions of the bæw of Iunu have been found in conjunction with any other pyramid temple, either because they were not commonly included in the decorative programs or because they have not survived. The only preserved reference to these figures in a pyramid temple was found in that of Unis, where the bæw of Iunu were mentioned in the center of three lines of text. 232 Indeed, no depictions of the bæw of Iunu are known before the reign of Senwosret III, when they are found not only in the king’s pyramid temple, but also on a door lintel that shows them conflated into a single male figure.233 Since so little of Iunu has been excavated, it is difficult to state definitively that the bæw were not depicted before the later Twelfth Dynasty, as this is the logical location where one would expect to find such imagery. However, the complete absence of either Old or

though none of them built their pyramid complexes within sight of Iunu. In addition, Twelfth Dynasty pharaohs clearly built major cultic structures in Iunu (Raue, Heliopolis, pp. 85-86 with further references; Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” pp. 229-93; Raue, in Dreyer ed., Begegnung, pp. 93-99). See also Goedicke, “Giza: Causes and Concepts,” pp. 31-50; Quirke, Cult of Ra, pp. 88-90. For a discussion of both practical needs and religious considerations that may have influenced the location of pyramid complexes, see Bárta, “Location of the Old Kingdom Pyramids,” pp. 177-91. See also Verner, Raneferef, p. 138. 231 Allen, Pyramid Texts, pp. 199, 219, 269. 232 Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 117, doc. 97, fig. 122. 233 Quirke, “Quartzite Lintels,” pp. 16-17. The bæw of Iunu are depicted in New Kingdom temples, though during this period they can have falcon heads. Zabkar, (Ba Concept, pp. 22-28), thought that in the New Kingdom the traditional roles of the bæw of Iunu, Pe and Nekhen had become confused. The change in New Kingdom head type is discussed in Schibler, “Ikonographie,” pp. 187-97.

94

earlier Middle Kingdom depictions of the bæw of Iunu does suggest that depictions of the deities were probably not common, at least outside of Iunu. Numerous references to the bæw of Iunu do occur in the Pyramid and Coffin Texts, 234 where they sometimes but not always accompany the bæw of Pe and Nekhen. Questions surrounding the identity of the different groups of bæw are discussed in detail below, in relation to the bæw of Pe and Nekhen who flanked Senwosret III’s false door in the offering chamber (pp. 432-73). To summarize here, it is the opinion of the present author that the bæw should not be regarded as manifestations of deceased kings and instead, in the context of Iunu, Pe and Nekhen, should be viewed as powerful aspects of these particular places. Although the bæw of Iunu do seem to have some relation to those of Pe and Nekhen, 235 there is also ample evidence that they had an independent existence and indications that they received their own cult at Iunu. 236 It has been observed that depictions of bæw normally come in groups of three and those of Iunu are specifically named as Re, Shu, and Tefnut in the Coffin Texts and

234

See Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 714, right column nos. 1-5, 7, 8, 10, 12, 13, 17-19, 21-26. See Zabkar, Ba Concept, pp. 22-28 for a discussion of the bæw of Iunu and their relationshiop to the bæw of Pe and Nekhen. For an example of their connection in the Pyramid Texts, see Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 124 para. 319a. 236 In the annals recorded on the Palermo Stone, Userkaf is described as donating bread, beer and land to the bæw of Iunu; Neferirkare endows them with land (T. Wilkinson, Royal Annals, pp. 153-56, 172-74). An annal of Senwoset I, found reused in the Bab el-Tawfiq in Cairo, lists donations of precious items and foodstuffs that were given to the bæw of Iunu (Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” pp. 229-93). Senwosret I also dedicated an obelisk in Iunu that mentions the bæw several times (Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 57-58, 290-21 doc. 161). It appears that Iunu did not include an independent sanctuary for these deities until the reign of Ramesses IV, and no titles are known that include them (Raue, Heliopolis, pp. 81, 97, 380-81). However, an obelisk of Tuthmosis III, now in London, mentions an altar where the bæw of Iunu received provisions (Raue, Heliopolis, p. 299). 235

95

the Book of the Dead. 237 Since nine of them are depicted in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, one might consider that the term bæw of Iunu was used as a collective method of referring to the Ennead, which in its most widely known form was composed of the gods Atum, Shu, Tefnut, Geb, Nut, Osiris, Isis, Seth, Nepthys. Several points argue against such an identification. First, is the observation that although Re is named in the Coffin Texts and Book of the Dead as one of the bæw of Iunu, he does not belong to the Ennead. Second, as noted above, all the preserved figures appear to have had human heads, meaning that none can be identified as Seth, though admittedly nothing seems to remain of the seventh and eighth figures from the right. However, although a number of Seth heads have been recovered from the remains of Senwosret III’s square antechamber, none seems to have had a horizontal masonry edge that corresponds to those cutting through the bæw of Iunu (see below). Further complicating the possible identification of the bæw of Iunu with the Ennead is the observation that the composition of the Ennead does not seem to have been static and other deities besides the nine listed above could be substituted.238 One must also note

237

Zabkar, Ba Concept, p. 29; Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 713. Coffin Text spell 154 states, “I know the souls of On (Iunu); they are Re, Shun and Tefnut.” Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. I, p. 133. Coffin Text spell 769 states, “You shall divide them as Shu, you shall penetrate(?) them as Tefenet, …who are at the head of the Souls of On (Iunu)” (Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. II, p. 300). See here pp. 386-90, for a discussion of the appearance of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen in groups of three to the sides of royal false doors. 238 For the Ennead of Iunu, see Hornung, One and the Many, pp. 221-23 with further references; te Velde, “Relations and Conflicts,” pp. 239-57; Weill, “Verbe d’existence,” pp. 50-59; Anthes, “Egyptian Theology,” pp. 196-97, 205 (who stresses its changing nature). For a comprehensive discussion of the Ennead of Iunu see Barta, Neunheit, pp. 61-211. For Horus as the tenth deity in the Ennead, see Graefe, “Horus,” pp. 345-49. According to a passage in the pyramid texts of Unis, the bæw themselves had bas, “the two foremost bas of the bas of Heliopolis, who spent the night making that god’s bewailing, have knelt down at the Sun’s head.” (Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 56 para. 207). A text from the pyramid

96

that the expression bæw of Iunu is used rather than psÿt nïrw, which is the standard term used to designate enneads. 239 The words clearly have different meanings that must reflect the different natures of the divinities. Instead of an identification with the Ennead, it seems more likely that the expression bæw of Iunu should be viewed as a general term meant either to invoke all the deities that received cult in Iunu 240 or to embody the powerful elements of the sacred place. One interesting point that should be noted is the depiction of male and female figures, a division which suggests that they had some sort of individual identities not further refined in this context. In sum, the depiction, number and gender of the bæw of Iunu is quite possibly a unique occurrence in a pyramid temple and one that at present cannot be completely explained, beyond a general tendency in the temple towards solar imagery and a connection to Iunu.

Catalogue of Uppermost Register: Deities of Iunu

SA 1 Deities of Iunu First Section (pl. 16; two small pieces of the star band are omitted from the photo)

of Pepi I describes the “…two black cows, the nurses of the bas of Heliopolis,…” (Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 135 para. 345). A nurse of the bæw of Iunu is also mentioned in the Coffin Texts, “The nurse of the Souls of On (Iunu) has come bearing provisions….” (Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. I, p. 55). Perhaps suggesting a connection between the bæw and the Ennead is a passage from Merenre that reads “..the Elder and Big Enneads that are at the fore of the bas of Heliopolis.” (Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 227 para. 336). 239 For discussions of enneads, see Barta, Neunheit; Griffiths, “Enneads,” pp. 34-56; Bonnet, Reallexikon, pp. 521-25; Weill, “Verbe d’existence,” pp. 49-79; Hornung, One and the Many, pp. 221-23; Pamminger, “Götterneunheit,” pp. 249-55. According to Barta (Neunheit, p. 44), the expressions bæw and psÿt can be interchangeable. 240 Bickel, “Des annales héliopolitaines,” pp. 43-45. See also Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” pp. 238, 284.

97

73.7 x 34.5 cm

93.1143 (S/29bc); 93.1289 (S/29d); 93.1369 (no square recorded);

93.1460/2; (no square recorded); 93.1486 (SE corner of pyramid temple); 94.1345 (no square recorded); 98.892 (S/28); 98.1419/2 (S/28); 98.1420/4 (S/28); 02.413 (S/27d) 02.653 (U-V/27-28) A horizontal masonry edge cuts through the bottom of the piece, below the eye and through the ear of the second figure. At the top of the piece is a section of a horizontal block border, a feature found at the top of the wall just below the kheker-frieze. Below is a wider, 7.5 cm star band, which is also a feature associated with the uppermost registers in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. The preserved section of the inscription reads bæw Íwnw nbw œwt-ëæt 241 dí[.n]. [n.k]… “the bæw of Iunu, lords of the great palace (or estate): have given [to you]…” Under the phrase bæw of Iunu is the tip of a was-scepter and the top of a deity head of uncertain gender; if the proposed alignment with the adjoining lower block is correct, the deity is male (see cat. no. SA 10). Remaining from the second deity, who can be identified as male based on its red color, is the top of the head, the eye and the upper half of the ear.

SA 2 Deities of Iunu Second Section (pl. 17)

241

For the term œwt-ëæt and its possible location in the Heliopolitan area, see Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” pp. 239-41 n. 26 with further references; Bickel, “Des annales héliopolitaines,”p. 44. The title nb œwt-ëæt can be used in conjunction with several deities, most of whom have solar associations; see el-Banna, “Héliopolitaines,” pp. 149-63. It has been suggested that the temple of Karnak was seen as a southern counterpart to the temple(s) of Iunu (Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 44, 48; Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” pp. 267-68). Dendera has also

98

59.7 x 32.3

94.407 (R/30d); 94.657/1 (R/29c); 98.872/1 (S/28); 98.1017 (S/28);

98.1378/2 (S/28); 98.1379/2 (S/28); 98.1443/1 (S/28); 98.1446/3 (S/28); 98.1471/4 (S/28); 98.1642/3 (S/28); 00.532 (Q/30c) Three separate pieces have been joined together across masonry edges based on the alignment of the elements and the correspondence of patchstones and their settings on the two adjoining fragments. There is a vertical masonry edge on the right that cuts through the front shoulder area of the goddess. The first piece is a patchstone that preserves part of the head of a goddess, identified by her yellow color. Masonry edges remain on all four sides and there are thick masses of plaster that still adhere to the back and sides. Preserved are the top of the head, ear, eye and nose; the horizontal masonry edge at the bottom cuts through the top of the goddess’s mouth. The second piece has been identified as part of the bæw of Iunu group because of the position of the lower horizontal masonry edge in relation to the face. Preserved is the upper part of the face and parts of the nb- and ÿd-signs from the speech made by the bæw of Iunu to the king; the text probably granted the king “all [life and dominion,?] [all?] stability.” On the right side is a patchstone socket that seems to accommodate the head of the goddess. The now visible gap between the right end of the socket and the left end of the patchstone is partially a result of the wedge-shaped stones used as patches; since the surface of the left side of the patchstone discussed here

been seen as a southern counterpart to Iunu (Fischer, Dendera, pp. 31-37, 186); however Fischer doubts that the name of Dendera (Iunut) originated from that of Iunu.

99

is chipped away, the full width of this section of the stone is no longer preserved, resulting in an empty space. The gap also may have been partially filled with plaster. The third piece belongs to the lower block that contains the bæw of Iunu. On the left side there is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the male deity just below the eye; on the right side there is a setting for a patchstone that is slightly lower than the horizontal masonry edge and seems to accommodate the top of the goddess’s head discussed above. Parts of three figures remain on this piece: the upper torso, lock of hair and proper right upper arm of the goddess, the upper part of a was-scepter staff, the lower part of the face and beard and the proper right shoulder of a male deity and the upper part of a third figure’s was-scepter.

SA 3 Deities of Iunu Third Section (pl. 18) 15.8 x 3.2 cm

98.1086/2 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the face of the figure below the eye. Remaining on this fragment are the eye and forehead of a deity and the very tip of a was-scepter. The position of the horizontal masonry edge indicates that the figure belonged to the bæw of Iunu group. The piece probably originally joined the right end of catalogue number SA 4.

SA 4 Deities of Iunu Fourth Section (pl. 19)

100

64.7 x 18.5 cm

98.1021 (S/28); 98.1064/1 (S/28); 98.1442 (S/28); 98.1528/6

(S/28); 99.532/1 (V/30) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the figures below the eyes and through the middle of the ears; it also cuts through the center of the was-scepter heads. At left there is a vertical masonry edge and the setting for a patchstone. On the left and right sides of the piece are small parts of the larger star band from the top of the wall. The horizontal inscription reads (from right to left) …æwt íb [nb] ãë[.tí] m nswt bíty œr … “…[all] joy, [you] appearing as King of Upper and Lower Egypt242 upon…;” the subsequent phrase “throne of Horus” is partially preserved on catalogue number SA 5. Note that the feminine ending t-sign is not placed directly under the æw-sign, but to the left and above the íb-sign. Below are parts of three deities. From the first deity portions of the back of the head and the ear remain; the eye and forehead may be preserved on catalogue number SA 3. The lower part of the yellow head on catalogue number SA 11 seems to align well with this figure, indicating that a female was depicted here. Preserved from the second deity is the top half of the was-scepter head and the top of the deity head with the upper half of the ear and the eye. Red color indicates the deity is male. From the third figure, only the top half of the was-scepter head has survived.

SA 5 Deities of Iunu Fifth Section (pl. 20)

101

31.9 x 19 cm (to bottom edge)

98.358 (R/28); 98.1064/2 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that must have cut through the top of the deity’s head. To the right is a vertical masonry edge that cuts through the st-sign. In the lower right corner there is the horizontal top and diagonal left side of a patchstone setting. At the top of the fragment is part of the large star border that indicates the piece comes from the top of a wall. Below is the damaged inscription ...st-Œrw sšm.k ënã[w nb?]… “…throne of Horus, you who lead [all?] the living…;” the preceding phrase “appearing as King of Upper and Lower Egypt upon…” is partially preserved on catalogue number SA 4. The piece has been assigned to the bæw of Iunu group based on the size of the star band, the position of the masonry edges, the size of the hieroglyphs and the clear continuation of the blessings recited by the deities.

SA 6 Deities of Iunu Sixth Section (pl. 21) 46.5 x 18.8 cm

98.823/1 (S/28); 98.884/1 (S/28); 98.1086/1 (S/28); 98.1126/1

(S/28); 00.945/2 (T/32a); 02.466 (U/27-28, V/27-28; de Morgan spoil heap) The piece consists of two patchstones joined together based on the alignment of the falcon-sign; each patchstone preserves all four masonry edges. Two pieces with diagonally cut bottom edges have been joined to the top of the patchstones based on the alignment of the hieroglyphs.

242

In the New Kingdom, this epithet is applied to creator deities as well as the king (Bickel, “Image of the Creator,” p. 171).

102

Two small sections of a large star band at the top of the piece indicate that it originates from the top of a wall. The smaller patchstone to the right includes the phrase …mí [Rë] ÿt “…like [Re] forever,” an expression commonly used to conclude deity speeches. Below is the top of the head, forehead and top of the ear of a male figure, whose gender is indicated by the red color. The larger patchstone on the left preserves most of an inscription that unambiguously reads Œrw ãnty-prw “Horus foremost-of-the-houses” (for the use of triple signs to create a plural, see pp. 74-75). 243 All signs are complete with the exception of the upper part of the Horus-falcon and a small section of the top of the ãnt-sign. Below is the tip of the figure’s was-scepter and the top of his head, which is rendered in a manner signifying that the face was human, rather than in the expected falcon form. Indicative of a human head is the mass of hair placed high above the face, in contrast to falcon-headed figures, who tend to have flatter hair at the top of the head (compare pls. 95, 256-57). Second, the hair of the figure discussed here was painted black, while falcon-headed deities usually have divine wigs colored blue or green (compare pls. 91, 96). Such observations can only lead to the unexpected conclusion that Horus foremost-of-the-houses is here rendered as a human-headed male deity. The present author has not been able to find a parallel for such a depiction of the god.

243

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 811-12. Raue, (Heliopolis, p. 14) suggests (with a question mark) that the expression could be translated “Vorsitzender der Domänen” “foremost-of-the-domains.”

103

Based particularly on New Kingdom evidence, it can be stated that Horus foremost-of-the-houses had his cult place and temple in Iunu.244 The deity is also known from a Pyramid Text spell related to offerings. 245 What seems to be the earliest surviving depiction of the god is found in the White Chapel of Senwosret I at Karnak, where he leads the king towards Amun-Re and recites a speech granting the king millions of sed-festivals. 246 In this instance, the deity is depicted with the falcon head typical of Horus manifestations. The placement of Horus foremost-of-the-houses after the bæw of Iunu provides an important clue as to how the deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber were arranged. Although other pieces from the room show that geography played a role in the sequencing of the figures, the juxtaposition of the bæw of Iunu with this manifestation of Horus is the clearest preserved example with such an arrangement. As will be discussed in the conclusion to this chapter, the method used to organize the deities must have been more complex than a simple geographical inventory of the gods of Egypt. However, the north wall of the square antechamber strongly suggests that the geographical location of temples and cult places was at least one factor in the composition of the room’s decorative program. At the far left end of the piece is the beak of a falcon-sign from the inscription above the eleventh and presumably final deity in the register. The deity could be Horakhty, a figure who seems to have been particularly prominent in the pyramid

244

For the deity in Iunu, see Raue, Heliopolis, pp. 14, 37, 41, 88-89 fig. 7, 95, 96, 116, 303, 306-7, 335-36, 352-54, 376, 388, 409, 422; see also Bakry, “Temple of Horus,” pp. 53-59. 245 Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 30.

104

temple’s exterior horizontal inscription (see here p. 19) and is closely associated with Iunu. 247

SA 7 Deity Inscription from Top of a Wall Containing Bird-Sign(?) (pl. 22) 10.5 x 7.7 cm

98.1419/3 (S/28)

There is a diagonal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece, probably indicating that a patchstone adjoined it. Preserved on this fragment are parts of two stars from a large star band originally placed above an uppermost register. Below is a small piece of a hieroglyph with a curved top and a diagonally oriented, concave left side, which has the appearance of the back of the head of a bird-sign facing right. Based on the original position of the piece at the top of a wall and the angled lower edge, which must have adjoined a patchstone, it is likely that it originally belonged to the top of the falcon-hieroglyph at the beginning of the inscription designating Horus foremost-of-the-houses (cat. no. SA 6).

SA 8 Deity Inscription Containing Falcon-Sign Probably for Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 23) 7.3 x 6.5 cm

96.477/2 (S/32d)

There is a vertical masonry edge on the right that cuts through the body and legs of the bird.

246

Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pp. 96-97,181, pl. 25 scène 28. Kákosy, “Heliopolis,” col. 1111; Assmann, “Harachte,” cols. 956-61; Berteaux, “Harachte,” pp. 294-95, 300; Bonnet, Reallexikon, p. 269. 247

105

Preserved are parts of the wing, tail, legs and feet of a falcon-sign. Based on the position of the masonry edge, the piece is likely to have originally joined the left side of catalogue number SA 6 (pl. 21), which preserves the beak of a falcon-sign from the beginning of the inscription after Horus foremost-of-the-houses. The falcon-sign discussed here is stylistically similar to the one that begins the designation of Horus foremost-of-the-houses, particularly in the manner in which the wing is raised slightly above the tail and the body and the use of fine incised lines to delineate the tail feathers.

SA 9 Bæw of Iunu Lower Block 1 (pl. 24) 13.2 x 5.5 cm

98.878/2 (S/28); 98.1544/4 (S/28); 99.38/1 (T/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the center of the ear and the bridge of the nose. Based on the position of the masonry edges, this fragment and the following two (cat. nos. SA 10-11) are presumed to contain the lower parts of the heads and the bodies of the bæw of Iunu. Preserved on this fragment are part of a male figure’s nose, mouth, beard, cheek, earlobe, hair and broad collar. In the reconstruction presented here (pls. 48-49), the piece has been restored to the sixth figure from the right.

SA 10 Bæw of Iunu Lower Block 2 (pl. 25) 30.2 x 17.8 cm

98.1085/3; 98.1178/1 (S/28); 98.1452/6; 98.1703/2; 99.182/3

(T/30bc); 02.511/1 (U-V/27-28)

106

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the first deity’s head and the top of the second deity’s was-scepter. Preserved here are the back of the head, the center of the chest and the proper right shoulder and upper arm of a male deity and the top of the was-scepter and proper left shoulder and beard tip of the following male deity. The position of the masonry edge strongly suggests that the piece belongs with the bæw of Iunu group. In the reconstruction presented here, the piece has been restored to the first and second figures of the group (pls. 48-49).

SA 11 Bæw of Iunu Lower Block 3 (pl. 26) 6.8 x 4.5 cm

98.1537/2 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the middle of the figure’s ear. The small piece contains part of the back of the head, neck, earlobe and hair of a goddess, who can be sexed based on the yellow color. The features preserved on this piece seem to align with the fifth head from the left in the bæw of Iunu group (the head under the æw-sign; pls. 48-49).

The Six Column Deity Speech Occupying the upper two registers at the east (right) end of the square antechamber’s north wall was the text of a speech six columns wide collectively “recited” to the king by the deities. The text reads from right to left and the columns have been numbered 107

here in the same direction. Large portions of the top and center of the text have been reconstructed from seven groups of fragments and one individual piece (cat. nos. SA 1219, pls. 27-34). In addition, a portion of the bottom of the fifth and sixth columns remain above a depiction of a winged sun disk (cat. no. SA 20, pl. 35). Although no direct connection has been found between the speech and the deities of Iunu in the uppermost register of the north wall, two features strongly suggest that they were associated. First, the size and rendering of the large star bands above both groups of fragments is quite similar. Second and more decisive, the horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the first n-sign in each column of the speech (visible in pls. 28-31) is 16.7 cm from the bottom of the star band; the measurement is very close to the distance from the bottom of the star band to the masonry edges on the blocks with the deities of Iunu. Key to understanding the organization of the inscription is the largest continuously preserved section of the text, which contains parts of all six columns (cat. no. SA 17, pl. 32). Another fragment contains a portion of column 6 and the right end of two registers of the deity procession, showing definitively that this was the final column of the speech (cat. no. SA 18, pl. 33). Although it is possible that there were additional columns of text to the right of the first column, in the view of the present author such an extension is highly unlikely for three reasons. First, the deity speech as reconstructed includes all the elements that one would expect in such a text, namely that the king will receive the lands of Egypt, dominion over foreign lands, general blessings, food offerings and sed-festivals. Second, additional columns would result in a 108

wider wall, which would be difficult to reconcile with our current understanding of the square antechamber and the temple. Finally, it seems that the first preserved column of the deity speech included a phrase granting the king the united two lands of Egypt. Another deity speech that also seems to originate from the square antechamber begins with the same phrase (cat. no. SA 200, pl. 226), suggesting that it was considered appropriate for the first portion of such a text. Thus, in light of the preserved evidence, it seems most reasonable to assume that the deity speech occupied six columns. Each of the six columns of the deity speech begins with the formula ÿd-mdw di.n n.k “Recitation: 248 have given to you…” 249 The rationale behind the suggested original positions of these fragments is discussed below in the catalogue of the individual pieces. Of the first column, all that survives is the left end of a horizontal sign that appears to be a tæ-sign (Sign-list N16), probably an indication that the king is here granted dominion over the two lands of Egypt or perhaps more explicitly the uniting of the two lands (as in cat. no. SA 200). The following text might have contained some variation of the formula “appearing as king of Upper and Lower Egypt upon the throne of Horus,” “you who lead all the living,” or “foremost of the living

248

The phrase ÿd-mdw can also be translated “words to be said” (Ritner, Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, pp. 41, 50) or “saying words” (Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 165). According to Allen (Middle Egyptian, p. 165), when the phrase is included at the beginning of a series of vertical columns it “serves as a kind of ‘quotation mark’ and is not meant to be read.” Ritner points out that the phrase is used in magical texts as well as in speeches on temples walls that are ascribed to deities. He notes that the phrase, “occurs in just those environments in which the traditional distinction between magic and religion is the most tenuous.” (Ritner, Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, p. 41). 249 Deity speeches in general do not refer to a specific time and do not describe completed actions (Grallert, “Pharaonic Building Inscriptions,” p. 40). According to Borchardt (Sahure, vol. II, p. 95), the first person singular is intended because one should imagine each individual deity

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kas,” phrases that would be appropriate to the king’s position as the one who unites Egypt. The second column seems to be dedicated to the king as one who dominates foreign lands, since the remaining section of the text contains part of the phrase ãæst nb[t] “all foreign (or hilly) lands.” Presumably the following text further enumerated the king’s domains, perhaps specifying the directions east and west.250 The third section listed general blessings and probably originally read ënã [wæs] snb nb æwt [íb nbt ÿdt nb] “all life, [dominion,] health, [all] joy, [all stability].” Additional text must have followed, perhaps either of the phrases “appearing as king of Upper and Lower Egypt upon the throne of Horus” or “you who lead all the living,” if one or the other was not used in the first column. The fourth column was dedicated to offerings and preserves ÿfæw nb “all food offerings.” The fifth column had a similar theme as is indicated by œtpt nbt “all offerings.” Best preserved is the sixth and final column, which granted the king sedfestivals and can be reconstructed írt œœ m œæbw-sd [wr?] “the making of millions of [great?] sed-festivals.” 251 An interesting feature of the text is the writing of plurals, specifically the words œtpt “offerings,” ãæst “foreign lands,” and hæbw “festivals,” all of which have triple determinatives rather than plural strokes, an Old Kingdom method of

speaking to the king. The figure of the deity can be seen as replacing the generally omitted pronoun. 250 As, for example, in the pyramid temples of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 5) and Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pls. 12-14). 251 On the south wall of Pepi II’s square antechamber, the deity speech also concludes with the king being granting sed-festivals (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 46-47).

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designating multiples that survives primarily in religious texts during the Middle Kingdom. 252 In addition to the horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the n-signs near the top of the speech, a second horizontal masonry edge was located about two-thirds of the way down the inscription; it is preserved only in the sixth column, where it cuts through the middle of the third Ͼb-sign (Sign-list W4; cat. no. SA 19, pl. 34). There are no vertical masonry edges and since all six columns of the speech are contained on a single piece, it is unlikely that one existed. 253 Between the vertical green dividing lines, the columns have an average width of 13.2 cm. The largest preserved piece (cat. no. SA 17) is 73.4 cm wide from the right side of the dividing line of column 2 to the left side of the vertical green dividing line of column 6. If 13.2 cm is added to this figure in order to account for column 1, a total width of 86.6 cm can be estimated for the deity speech. 254

Catalogue of the Six Column Deity Speech

SA 12 Deity Speech Group A (pl. 27) 23 x 21.1cm

93.1178/3 (S/29bc); 93.1384 (S/29bc); 93.1467/4 (no square

recorded); 98.1208/3 (S/28); 98.1414/2 (S/28)

252

See Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 37. Deity speeches have similarly rendered plurals on the east façade of Senwosret I’s White Chapel, see Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pl. 2. 253 Although the full width of the first column has not survived, it is unlikely that a vertical masonry edge would have been placed so close to the wall corner.

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Remaining at the top of the fragment are parts of a horizontal block border and a large star band, both of which indicate that the piece comes from an uppermost register. Below is a column with a chipped surface followed by two columns that contain the standard introductory phrase found in deity speeches: ÿd-mdw dí 255 “Recitation: … give…” This piece does not directly join any of the other sections of the deity speech and it does not preserve the characteristic horizontal masonry edge, which would have been further down. However, because the piece clearly originates from the top of a wall, the text reads from right to left and the hieroglyphs are similar in style and scale to the rest of the deity speech, the fragment can be securely assigned to the group discussed here. Since the following piece (cat. no. SA 13) appears to originate from the top of columns 4-6, this fragment can only come from the top of columns 1-3. Because the star band seems to continue to the right and there are no traces of the vertical corner block border that must have been located in front of the deity speech, it seems probable that the now-chipped area on the right side of the piece was originally inscribed with the beginning of column 1. The column preserving the ÿd-, mdw- and dí-signs is therefore likely to have belonged to column 2 and the far left column with only the ÿd- and mdw-signs column 3.

SA 13 Deity Speech Group B (pl. 28)

254

This figure excludes the vertical corner block border that must have been placed to the right of the speech. In the reconstruction on plate 49, the speech is 85.5 cm wide. 255 Note that the dí-sign is not preserved in the left column.

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49.9 x 25.4 cm

93.1094/5 (S/29b); 93.1149/6 (S/29bc); 93.1152/1 (S/29bc);

93.1178/1 (S/29bc); 93.1190/7 (S/29bc); 93.1200 (S/29bc); 93.1207/3 (S/29bc); 93.1382 (S/29bc); 98.242/4 (R/27-28); 98.1125/1 (S/28); 98.1733/1 (S/28) There is a horizontal block border across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the top of the preserved n-sign. At the top of the piece is part of a large star band that indicates the fragment originated from the top of a wall. Below are parts of three columns of text separated by vertical green lines, each of which preserves part of the phrase ÿd-mdw dí… “Recitation: …give…” The column on the right preserves slight remains of the n-sign below the dísign that locates the action in the past. To the left of the vertical green dividing line on the left side of the piece is an area of background with no visible signs or other objects. If the area to the left belonged to a continuation of the deity speech, one would expect to see traces of the mdw-sign, as these hieroglyphs were placed quite close to the dividing line. It is therefore assumed that the fragment preserves the top of columns 46 and the area of background on the far left belongs to the upper right corner of the register occupied by the bæw of Iunu. Confirming the position of the piece is the observation that the dividing line at the far left is slightly narrower than the other dividing lines, an idiosyncrasy also found on other portions of the line separating the deity speech from the bæw of Iunu. At the right side of the piece is a small area of background that must belong to column 3. The widths of the columns between the dividing lines from right to left are 13.3 cm (column 4), 13.3 cm (column 5) and 13.4 cm (column 6). 113

SA 14 Deity Speech Group C (pl. 29) 20.7 x 9.8 cm

93.1177/1 (S/29bc); 98.894/5 (S/28); 98.1382/1 (S/28); 99.348/2

(T/29b) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the upper n-signs. Parts of two columns of the deity speech are preserved here, separated by a vertical green dividing line. The piece can be assigned to the north wall deity speech based on the position of the masonry edge, which cuts through the n-signs in a manner that corresponds to the masonry edge on catalogue number SA 13. The column on the right contains most of two n-signs, part of a k-sign and the loop of an ënã-sign from the phrase …[dí.]n. n.k ënã [wæs?...nb]… “… [have give]n to you [all] life [and dominion?]…” Since column 4 on catalogue number SA 17 contains the wish for “all health and [all] joy,” it is fairly certain that the [dí.]n. n.k ënã [wæs?] belongs at the top of this column, as such phrases usually begin so-called general blessings. The left column, which preserves the right side of both n-signs and the upper right corner of the k-sign, would therefore belong to the top of column 3.

SA 15 Deity Speech Group D (pl. 30) 10.1 x 6 cm

93.1177/3 (S/29bc)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the upper n-sign. 114

The piece has been assigned to the north wall deity speech based on the position of the masonry edge, which cuts through the n-sign in a manner that corresponds to the masonry edge on catalogue number SA 13. The column at right preserves part of the phrase …[dí.]n. n.k… “… [have give]n to you…” From the column on the left, only a small triangle of background remains, along with a slightly raised surface that must be part of an n-sign. The piece may originally have joined the left side of catalogue number SA 14 (pl. 29), meaning that it came from the top of columns 4 and 5, but the connection is not certain.

SA 16 Deity Speech Group E (pl. 31) 20.5 x 15.7 cm

93.1207/4 (S/29bc); 96.1432 (T/31b); 98.1157/2 (S/28); 98.1509

(S/28); 01.449/1 (T/32a-32d) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the upper n-sign. Parts of two columns of the deity speech are preserved here, separated by a vertical green dividing line. Again the piece has been assigned to the north wall based on the position of the horizontal masonry edge, which cuts through the upper of the two nsigns. The more complete column contains the phrase …[dí.]n. n.k írt œœ [œæbwsd]… “… [have give]n to you the making of millions [of sed-festivals].” The text must belong to the sixth and last column of the deity speech, which refers to the granting of sed-festivals (see cat. nos. SA 17-19, pls. 32-34); the column is 13.2 cm wide. The column to the right, which preserves only parts of n- and k-signs, must originate

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from the top of number 5. The small area of background to the left of column 6 belonged to the register that contained the bæw of Iunu.

SA 17 Deity Speech Group F (pl. 32) 77.7 x 32.4 cm

92.364 (S/30cd); 93.940 (S/29bc); 93.1117/2, /7 (S/29bc);

93.1136 (S/29bc); 93.1151/2 (S/29bc); 93.1207/2 (S/29bc); 93.1349/1, /2 (S/29bc); 98.971/4 (S/28); 98.1064/3 (S/28); 98.1110/2 (S/28); 98.1123/1 (S/28); 98.1127/4 (S/28); 98.1174/1 (S/28); 98.1211/1 (S/28); 98.1409/3, /4 (S/28); 98.1414/1 (S/28); 98.1474/1 (S/28); 98.1512/3 (S/28); 98.1656/1 (S/28); 98.1735/4 (S/28); 02.291/1 (S/26b) This piece, which preserves the largest continuous section of the deity speech, contains parts of all six text columns each separated by vertical green lines. As the text reads from right to left, the columns have been numbered accordingly. Only a small piece of the first column remains, with the left side of a hieroglyph that seems to be a tæ-sign. One might speculate that the text belongs to a phrase granting the king dominion over the two united lands of Egypt. The second column contains the phrase …ãæst nb[t]… “…all foreign (or hilly) lands…,” thus expanding the king’s realm to the countries surrounding Egypt. Column 3 continues the general blessings found on catalogue number SA 14 (pl. 29) with …snb nb æw[t íb nbt]… “…all health, [all] joy…” The next two columns promise the king offerings: column 4 preserves the text …ÿfæw nb… “…all food offerings…” and column 5 ...œtpt nbt… “…all offerings…” The sixth and

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final column continues the wish for sed-festivals …m sd… “…of sed-festivals…” 256 The widths of the columns from right to left are: 12.9 cm (column 2), 13.2 cm (column 3), 13.1 cm (column 4), 13.1 cm (column 5), 13.4 cm (column 6). As was mentioned above, the use of triple hieroglyphs to indicate plurals is an Old Kingdom archaism.

SA 18 Deity Speech Group G (pl. 33) 21.9 x 19.6 cm

93.1017/2 (S/29bc); 93.1144/2 (S/29bc); 98.1408 (S/28)

This piece must come directly below the sixth column on catalogue number SA 17 (pl. 32), as it includes the bottom left corner of what seems to be the same sd-sign followed by two œæb-signs, which belong to a group of three œæb-signs used to indicate the plural. The column is 13.3 cm wide. To the left is the right end of the groundline on which the bæw of Iunu stood, followed by the right end of the star band that began the second register of the north wall. On the right side of the fragment is a small piece of the background of column 5.

SA 19 Deity Speech Group H (pl. 34) 19.1 x 12.4 cm

93.979/2 (S/29b); 93.1144/1 (S/29bc); 93.1354/1 (S/29bc);

98.1125/4 (S/28); 98.1409/1 (S/28); 98.1596/2 (S/28); 98.1690 (S/28) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the Ͼb-sign between the pavilion and bowl sections.

256

Fragment 98.1527/1 contains part of the upper left corner of a sd-sign that may have originally joined to this piece; it is not included in the illustration or reconstruction.

117

The fragment seems to contain the bottom of the second and the top of the third of three Ͼb-signs, which form a plural indicating that the text refers to multiple sedfestivals. Its original place must have been in column 6, directly below catalogue number SA 18 (pl. 33). The column is 13.3 cm wide. Vertical green dividing lines are preserved to the left and right of the hieroglyphs. The area of background to the right comes from column 5 of the deity speech and the small area of background to the left belonged to register 2 of the deity procession.

Winged Sun Disk and Heraldic Lintel (Type B) with Piece of Deity Procession The best preserved lintel in the pyramid temple seems to have combined two different elements: a winged sun disk probably flanked by inscriptions and a rectangular heraldic inscription arranged more or less symmetrically and dominated by the names of Senwosret III receiving blessings from Nekhbet and Wadjet, important goddesses who also belong to the king’s so-called two ladies name. The placement of a winged sun disk above a rectangular heraldic composition is known from other door lintels, but in these examples the winged sun disk is incorporated directly into the top of the design. 257 In contrast, the reconstruction proposed here has an admittedly unusual arrangement, because the winged sun disk motif and the heraldic composition are conceived as two completely separate elements. Not only does a block border divide them, but the heraldic section of the lintel is raised slightly above the surface of the

257

For examples of the combination, see a lintel of Amenemhat Sobekhotep from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1928],” fig. 63); a lintel of Tuthmosis I from Nagada (Petrie,

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surrounding wall, while the winged sun disk is at the same level as the rest of the relief decoration. In addition, there is evidence that a horizontal masonry edge cut through the bottom of the block border that framed the top of the heraldic lintel, meaning that the elements were also divided between two blocks (the masonry edge is visible at the top of the piece in pl. 37). Although the present author does not know of any parallel for such an arrangement, no Old or Middle Kingdom heraldic door lintels are preserved in situ. Since most extant heraldic door lintels from these periods have evidence of masonry edges on all four sides, it is not possible to state with assurance what elements might or might not have been positioned above these now displaced pieces. 258 Therefore it is possible that winged sun disks were often or sometimes placed above heraldic lintels, perhaps as a forerunner to the integrated compositions known from the Thirteenth Dynasty on. However, unless better-preserved material emerges from an excavation, such arrangements must remain hypothetical. Several points do strongly suggest that the winged sun disk and the heraldic lintel under discussion here originated from the square antechamber and adjoined each other. That the winged sun disk was placed in the square antechamber is confirmed by parts of the legs, feet and was-scepters preserved in the register directly above, which certainly belong to the deity procession. The piece also contains the bottom of columns 5 and 6 of the previously discussed deity speech. No direct connection exists

Naqada, pl. 77); a lintel of Tuthmosis II from Karnak (L. Gabolde, “Compléments sur les obélisques,” pl. XII). 258 For examples, see Grimal, “Dendara,” p. 290; Dümichen, Denderatempels, pl. III; Habachi, Tell el-Dabëa, vol. I, pls. 7-8; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1925],” figs. 19-20, 22; Habachi, “Kiman-Farès,” p. 95, fig. 10.

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between the heraldic lintel and the deity procession, but a patchstone that preserves part of the arm and was-scepter of a male deity facing right also includes parts of the block borders and the raised border from the upper left corner of a lintel that projected outwards from the wall surface (cat. no. SA 26, pl. 43). 259 The similar manner in which the raised edge of the border is rendered on both the patchstone and the left side of the heraldic lintel under discussion here suggests that they both originally belonged to the same piece. In any case, the patchstone clearly indicates that a heraldic lintel was located in the square antechamber, as lintels and doorframes are the only elements in the pyramid temple that seem to have projected from the wall surface.260 As is discussed in other sections of this chapter (pp. 65-66, 248-56), it is certain that a doorway with enthroned deities on the lintel was located in the wall with deities facing left (west wall). Thus if the winged sun disk and heraldic lintel were assigned to separate doorways this would mean that the room had three such features, a possibility that was discounted above (pp. 57-69). More important than this negative evidence, a link between the winged sun disk and the heraldic lintel is strongly indicated by the manner in which the two lintel segments align with to the registers of the deity procession. A reconstruction of the patchstone with the arm and was-scepter of the god in relation to the upper left corner of the heraldic lintel shows that this register of the

259

Unfortunately, the upper left corner of the heraldic lintel, which should have contained the setting for the patchstone, has not been preserved (see pl. 50). 260 Similar projecting door lintels, in this case uninscribed, are found in the burial chambers of the Senwosret III and Queen Weret II (Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 34, 79, pls. 12b-d, 19b, 23a, 63a). Also appearing to project from the wall are two door lintels of Senwosret I from Tod (Bisson de la Roque, Tod, p. 109 figs. 61-63; 110 fig. 64); a lintel of Amenemhat I and

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deity procession was not continuous with the top of the lintel, but rather the top of the lintel’s block border was more or less at chest level in relation to the deities (see pls. 48, 50). As a result, there must have been a space about 32 cm high above the heraldic lintel that was occupied by another decorative element; the winged sun disk fits neatly into this gap. Spatial considerations would also dictate that if the winged sun disk belonged to an independent door lintel, another substantial element must have been placed beneath it in order to lower the doorway to a height proportional to the size of the room.261 If the winged sun disk alone had occupied a space directly above the doorway, the height of the passage would have been over 3.5 m, a dimension that seems ungainly. 262 Even with the addition of one or two horizontal lines of inscription below the sun disk, such a doorway still would have been about 3 m high. In sum, it seems most likely that the winged sun disk was placed above the heraldic lintel and the two elements served to mark the transition from the square antechamber to the offering chamber. Remaining from the winged sun disk are parts of the central disk encircled by cobras and long sections of the outstretched wings. Parts of the short feathers are preserved on either side of the parted center and small pieces of one wingtip remain on the right side (added to the reconstruction in pls. 48, 50, not shown in pl. 35). Placing

Senwosret III from Tell Daba (Habachi, Tell el-Dabëa, vol. I, pls. 7, 8); a lintel of Tuthmosis III from Deir el-Bahari (Lipinska, Temple of Tuthmosis III, p. 99, fig. 65). 261 In the view of the present author, it seems unlikely that the deity speech extended down to the level of the third register, as such an alteration would lower the doorway. All the main elements usually found in deity speeches are comfortably accommodated by the reconstructed six column width and two register height.

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the pieces in the reconstruction found on plates 48 and 50 has shown that the wingtips could not have reached the outer edges of the lintel, indicating that the winged sun disk must have been flanked by inscriptions. 263 Unfortunately it has not been possible to join hieroglyphs to the remaining pieces of the wingtips. Above the winged sun disk is a star band, which presumably continued to the left above the third register of the north wall. Below the winged sun disk was a heraldic design centered around a vertically oriented Khakaure cartouche flanked on each side by Nekhbet on a nb-sign supported by a lily plant; her name and epithets were inscribed behind her in a vertical column of text and presumably also above. The outer left and rights sides of the lintel contained Senwosret III’s vertically oriented Horus name oriented inwards towards an image of Wadjet on a nb-sign supported by a papyrus plant. Behind Wadjet was a vertical column of epithets, which were placed back-to-back with those of Nekhbet; additional epithets were probably inscribed above the coiled cobra. At the top of the lintel was a star band and on the side and bottom were narrow lines, all of which were followed by broad, seemingly undecorated bands. On the sides and the top, the outer edges of these bands were beveled and stepped down to the same level as the rest of the wall decoration. Because the bottom of the lintel lacks this step, one can surmise that it must have joined

262

According to the present reconstructions, the doorways in the square antechamber are 2.65 m high (west wall) and 2.43 m high (east wall); see here pls. 48, 174. 263 For parallels, see Bisson de la Roque, Tod, p. 67, fig. 19; Le Saout, “Moyen Empire: Varia 1,” pp. 315-18, pls. II-V; Petrie, Abydos, pt. II, pl. XXVI; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1930],” pl.VII.

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a doorframe that was also raised above the wall surface (for examples of such doorframes, see cat nos. UL 88-91, pls. 450-54). The heraldic section of the lintel is preserved in two sections that do not directly join each other. Remaining from the left side is a large piece that has been reconstructed from dozens of small fragments and includes (from left to right): parts of the block border, plain border, Horus name facing right, Wadjet facing left on a nb-sign supported by a papyrus plant, epithets of Wadjet, epithets of Nekhbet, Nekhbet on a nbsign facing left supported by a lily plant, and, finally, a small piece of the central Khakaure cartouche. The royal and divine epithets used here are discussed in the catalogue section below. Since almost exactly half of the lintel’s width is preserved (103.5 cm), an accurate reconstruction of about 237 cm is possible. From the right side of the lintel only parts of the right end have survived, including (from left to right): Wadjet facing right, the papyrus plant and nb-sign on which Wadjet was coiled, and the vertically oriented Horus name facing left. To the right is the plain border followed by a beveled edge that steps down to a vertical corner block border. Finally, there is a rough surface marking the inside corner of the adjoining wall, a key survival indicating that the lintel was placed at the far right end of its wall. Also preserved on this section of the lintel is a portion of the plain bottom border and the horizontal masonry edge on which the lintel rested. A similar heraldic lintel adorned the exterior of the pyramid temple (pl. 13), though there are some important differences between the two. Found on the exterior lintel, but absent from the interior one, is a vertical line of general deity blessings that 123

lies between the epithets of Nekhbet and Wadjet. The presence of this additional element on the exterior lintel must indicate that it was somewhat wider than the one reconstructed in the square antechamber. Most noticeable is that the figures of Nekhbet and Wadjet occupy the opposite positions on the exterior lintel: Nekhbet was placed at the outer ends of the lintel confronting the king’s Horus name, while Wadjet flanked the Khakaure cartouche in the center. The reversal of these elements might indicate that the lintels occupied different conceptual or symbolic positions within the temple, even though the present reconstruction places them both on the south side of north-south doorways (see pl. 10 and fig. 5 nos. 1, 3). However, according to the reconstruction presented here, the exterior door lintel of the pyramid temple was on the south side of the structure and therefore could be understood as having had a southern orientation. In contrast, the interior lintel seems to have been on the north side of the square antechamber in the company of deities from Lower Egypt; its orientation was therefore northern. Necessary for a proper understanding of the orientation of heraldic lintels is the question of the dominance of the center vs. the outer edges. The obvious and seemingly “logical” answer is that the cartouche and the flanking figures at the center of the lintel were of greater importance. However, an examination of other heraldic lintels indicates that this may not have been the case. Although our understanding of the orientation of most heraldic lintels is hampered by the scarcity of in situ examples, an assessment of some of the lintels themselves provides important clues to the rationale behind the compositions. Although many heraldic lintels feature only Nekhbet and 124

Wadjet, some of them also include deities whose cult was centered in the particular place in which the lintel was erected. For example, a door lintel of Thutmosis I excavated in Nagada shows Nekhbet and Wadjet facing a central cartouche, while on the outer edges of the lintel Seth offers ankh- and was-signs to the Horus name of the king. 264 A similar lintel from Karnak dating to the reign of Thuthmosis II has a central cartouche surrounded by Nekhbet and Wadjet; depictions of Amun-Re face the outer Horus names. 265 Amun-Re also faces the outer Horus names of the king on a lintel from the Hatshepsut temple at Deir el-Bahari. 266 In addition, two quartzite lintels of Senwosret III show Wadjet facing the king’s central cartouche while deities who had cult places in Iunu face the king’s Horus name.267 Assuming the dominance of the gods in whose cult places the lintels were erected, it appears that the outer edges of the lintels were of greater significance than the center. The general precedence of the Horus name over other elements of the king’s titulary also supports the importance of the outer edges of the lintels. 268 Thus in considering the exterior heraldic door lintel from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, one should view the depictions of Nekhbet in front of the Horus name as a device that associates the lintel with the south. The connection is

264

Petrie, Naqada, p. 68, pl. LXXVII bottom. Fears expressed in the publication that the lintel had been destroyed were unwarranted and the piece is now in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo (temp. no. 1/11/26/3). 265 L. Gabolde, “La ‘cour de fêtes’ de Thoutmosis II,” pl. XVII; L. Gabolde, “Compléments sur les obélisques,” pl. XII. Note that the only remains of the Horus name is part of the figure of Horus on the right side of the lintel; this lintel also had additional cartouches at the extreme outer edges. 266 Karkowski, Temple of Hatshepsut, pl. 18. 267 The lintels are said to come from Iunu because of the inclusion of the deities (Quirke, “Quartzite Lintels,” pp. 16-17). The lack of an excavated context admittedly makes it difficult to fully evaluate the relative positions of the gods on the lintels.

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particularly appropriate if the supposition is correct that the exterior door was on the south side of the temple. The representations of Wadjet confronting the Horus name in the heraldic lintel from the square antechamber would correspond to the Lower Egyptian focus of the north wall. Evidence from other temples, to be briefly considered here, suggests that heraldic door lintels could be used to mark important transitions in temples. Perhaps because they were positioned relatively high up on walls that were destroyed from the top down, door lintels tend to be displaced, meaning that evidence about their original location is somewhat sparse and virtually nonexistent in the Old and Middle Kingdoms. However, some evidence does survive from the New Kingdom. In the upper terrace of Hatshepsut’s temple at Deir el-Bahari, one or both reconstructed doorways leading into the altar court of the solar complex have lintels decorated with variations of the heraldic type. On the door lintel above the entrance to the first room of the complex, the night-sun chapel, the heraldic design consists of a central cartouche surrounded by fecundity figures supporting on their heads the plants of Upper Egypt (lily to the right) and Lower Egypt (papyrus to the left). 269 Behind them are the respective epithets of Nekhbet and Wadjet. At the outer edges of the lintel, Amun presents ankh-signs to the Horus name. According to Karkowski, the entrances to three other spaces accessed

268

The Horus name is the king’s oldest appellation and it is generally placed first in lists of royal names (von Beckerath, Königsnamen, pp. 1-10). 269 Karkowski, Temple of Hatshepsut, pp. 133-36, pl. 18. Since the plants support nb-signs, it seems likely that animal forms of the goddesses were depicted above, though they have not been included in the reconstruction.

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from the north and south walls of the upper court had identical heraldic lintels,270 meaning that this type of design was used to decorate the entrance side of important doorways on the upper terrace (i.e. the side one would normally enter first as one moved through the temple). Although no in situ door lintels are preserved from the pyramid temple of Pepi II, several doorjambs found in their original position indicate a tendency to distinguish important doorways. In general, those doorjambs that mark the path into the temple’s successive rooms were made of granite, 271 while those the visitor would view as he or she exited were made of the same limestone as the rest of the temple walls.272 Also rendered in granite were the main doors leading to the storerooms, including an inscribed granite doorway on the south wall of the vestibule, which appears to be the only access into a long suite of storerooms on the south side of the temple.273 Further traces of granite remained in a doorway leading from the south wall of the offering chamber into the storerooms in the northwest corner of the temple.274 The granite

270

Karkowski, Temple of Hatshepsut, p. 135 n. 2. The doorway leading from the vestibule to the square antechamber (west wall; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 33, pl. 44); the doorway leading from the square antechamber to the offering chamber (north wall; ibid., pp. 34, 45, pl. 54). In the outer part of the temple, the doorway leading from the vestibule to the pillared courtyard (west wall) and the doorway leading from the pillared courtyard to the transversal hall (west wall) were also of granite (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pl. 29). . In the pyramid temple of Unis, all the preserved doorways in the decorated rooms of the structure, as well as some leading to secondary rooms, seem to have been made of granite (Labrousse, Le tempel haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, figs. 4, 12, 32). 272 Some lower courses of the doorway leading from the square antechamber to the vestibule seem to have been preserved (east wall; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 49, 52, pl. 58). The doorway leading from the offering chamber to the square antechamber also had some of the lower courses in situ (south wall; ibid., pp. 53-54, pls. 1, 62). 273 Both jambs are preserved; see Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 30, pls. 1, 36. 274 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 53-54, pls. 1, 82. 271

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doorways at the entrances to the storeroom units were perhaps were intended to signify the importance of the objects housed there.

Catalogue of Winged Sun Disk and Heraldic Lintel Fragments with Piece of Deity Procession

SA 20 Winged Sun Disk Lintel with Deity Procession and End of Deity Speech (pl. 35) 103.5 x 57 cm

93.479/1 (R/30cd); 93.585/2 (R/30cd); 93.1137/1,/2 (S/29bc);

93.1186/2 (S/29bc); 93.1290 (S/29d); 93.1293/2 (S/29d); 94.1/1,/2 (R/31b); 96.817/4 (T/31b); 98.870/1ab,/2 (S/28); 98.1041/5 (S/28); 98.1073/1,/2 (S/28); 98.1090/1 (S/28); 98.1121/1,/2,/3,/4,/5,/6 (S/28); 98.1155/1,/2,/3 (S/28); 98.1205/1,/3 (S/28); 98.1260 (S/28); 98.1298 (S/28); 98.1413/1 (S/28); 98.1422/1,/2,/3 (S/28); 98.1453/1 (S/28); 98.1504/1,/2,/3 (S/28); 98.1678/1 (S/28); 98.1693 (S/28) Three elements are partially preserved on this piece: a deity speech, two deities and a winged sun disk. In the upper right corner of the piece is the bottom of two columns of text, both of which contain parts of the signs forming the word ÿt “forever,” a phrase that commonly concludes deity speeches. Indications that the texts belong to the deity speech discussed above (cat. nos. SA 12-19) are the stylistic similarity of the hieroglyphs and the matching 13.3 cm width of the left column. The columns are separated by vertical green dividing lines. Immediately to the left of the deity speech are the overlapping yellow feet of a goddess, and the bottom of the kilt, legs, feet, and was128

scepter of a male deity; since the god wears a kilt, he is likely to have had a human head. Both figures stand on a groundline that continues beneath the deity speech and is followed below by a star band. A winged sun disk spreads beneath the star band, with a red sun in the center encircled by two cobras that curve outwards on either side.275 A patchstone that has not been recovered contained the upper part of the sun disk. The outstretched wings were once painted with delicate green and blue details, some of which survive on the right side of the piece. According to the reconstruction presented here (pls. 48, 50), the width of the winged sun disk in relation to the deity speech and the heraldic lintel leaves adequate space for inscriptions on either side of the wingtips; the texts were presumably related to the Behdetite.

SA 21 Heraldic Lintel Left Half (pl. 36) 109 x 60 cm

93.901/4 (S/31cd); 93.923 (S/31cd); 93.1113 (S/29bc); 93.1118

(S/29bc); 93.1130 (S/29bc); 93.1152/4,/5 (S/29bc); 93.1166 (S/29bc); 93.1167 (S/29bc); 93.1168 (S/29bc); 93.1176/3 (S/29bc); 93.1195/1,/2 (S/29bc); 93.1213 (surface); 96.678/4 (T/31b); 96.860 (T/31b); 96.861 (T/31b); 98.970/1 (S/28); 98.998/2 (S/28); 98.1003/4 (S/28); 98.1028 (S/28); 98.1122/3 (S/28); 98.1125/2 (S/28); 98.1127/3 (S/28); 98.1128/1 (S/28); 98.1131/2,/3 (S/28); 98.1150/1 (R/28); 98.1173/1,/3 (S/28); 98.1174/3,/4 (S/28); 98.1206/1 (S/28); 98.1207/3

275

For the daytime vs the nighttime sun in relation to the color of sun disks, see R. Wilkinson, “Symbolic Location and Alignment,” p. 83. For general discussions of the winged sun disk, see Gardiner, “Horus,” pp. 23-60, esp. pp. 46-52; Anthes, “Egyptian Theology,” pp. 189-90; Wildung, “Flügelsonne,” cols. 277-79; Westendorf, “Uräus und Sonnenscheibe,” pp. 201-25; Westendorf, “Flügelsonne aus Ägypten,” pp. 21-26.

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(S/28); 98.1210/3 (S/28); 98.1211/4 (S/28); 98.1296 (S/28); 98.1423/2 (S/28); 98.1429/5 (S/28); 98.1497/2 (S/28); 98.1503/1 (S/28); 98.1505/1 (S/28); 98.1507 (S/28); 98.1526/1 (S/28); 98.1528/5 (S/28); 98.1632/5 (S/28); 98.1638/6 (S/28); 98.1691 (S/28); 98.1732/2, /3 (S/28); 98.1733/3 (S/28); 98.1737/3, /4 (S/28); 98.1751/2 (S/28); 98.1757/2 (S/28); 99.537/2 (T/29d); 02.460/1 (U-V/27-28); 02.580/1 (U-V/27-28) At the right end of the piece is a diagonal setting for a patchstone that cut through the Khakaure cartouche. The heraldic lintel fragments are divided into two sections that cannot be directly joined. However, similarities in style and particularly in scale and inscription pattern suggest that the fragments originally came from a single piece. The lintel inscription is arranged in eleven vertical columns that are not separated by dividing lines; parts of six columns and the lintel’s left border are preserved here. At the far left is a small piece of the vertical block border that framed the lintel, placed on the same lower surface as the rest of the north wall relief decoration. 276 A beveled edge marks the transition to the higher surface of the lintel itself, followed by an undecorated broad border 8.9 cm wide and a narrow vertical line 1.1 cm wide. From left to right, the following elements are preserved on catalogue number SA 21. Column 1: In the upper left corner is the bottom of an ankh-sign that was originally looped around a cobra encircling a sun disk. To the right is the lower part of

276

Note that despite the straightness of the remaining left end, it is not a masonry edge.

130

Horus standing atop the king’s partially preserved Horus name, Netjerikheperu; the patterned palace façade at the bottom of the name has not been preserved. All signs face to the right Column 2: Most of the goddess Wadjet in cobra form remains, coiled atop a nbsign that is in turn supported by a papyrus plant with three stems and blossoms. Unfortunately the head of the goddess, which faced to the left, has not survived. Attached to the front of her hood is a shen-sign that she offers to the right facing Horus in column 1. To the left of the papyrus stems is part of a dí-sign and to the right a tiny piece of the right edge of an ënã-sign survives. Originally the plant must have been surrounded by the phrase dí.s ënã wæs “she gives life and dominion.” Behind the hood of the cobra is the lower third of a níwt-sign that probably comes from signs designating Wadjet’s sacred cities of Dep and Pe. Column 3: Found in this column are epithets of the goddess Wadjet, all of which read from left to right; both the top and bottom of the text are missing. From top to bottom the remaining signs read …nb[t] pr-nw œry-íb pr-ns[r] “…mistress of the per-nu-shrine [who is] in the midst of the per-neser [shrine].” Column 4: The list of epithets in this column read from right to left and relate to Nekhbet, who is appears in the next column (number 5). From top to bottom the remaining signs read ...nãn æwt-ë nb[t] fëgt [nbt] ëœ-nïr šmëw “…Nekhen, [the one] with

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outstretched arms, 277 mistress of Faget, 278 mistress of the Upper Egyptian god’s palace.” 279 Column 5: Here the right facing Nekhbet is depicted in vulture form, standing on a nb-sign and extending one foot towards the Khakaure cartouche of the king; the outstretched foot must have originally held a shen-sign. The head of the bird is missing. The nb-sign is supported by an elegantly rendered lily plant with three stems and originally three blossoms. To the right side of the plant remains the tip and lower left corner of a dí-sign and to the left an s-sign and the tip of a wæs-sign. The phrase probably originally read dí.s ënã wæs “she gives life and dominion.” Column 6 (center): Preserved from the center is a small piece of the left side of the three line cartouche oval. Within the cartouche are a sliver of the bottom left of the ãë-sign and one arm of a kæ-sign from the Khakaure name.

SA 22 Heraldic Lintel Right Side (pls. 37-39) W. 56.5 cm; total H. 101 cm Upper right corner: 93.1094/3 (S/29b); 93.1133 (S/29bc); 93.1462/1, /2 (no square recorded); 93.1467/2 (no square recorded); 98.1515/1 (S/28); 98.1730 (S/28)

277

See Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 1, p. 10; the intent of the epithet must be to recall her outstretched wings. 278 The place is sacred to Nekhbet and is said to be in or near El-Kab (Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 1341; Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 2, p. 2950; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 55-56). 279 Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. I, p. 284; Hannig’s examples date to the Old Kingdom. The epithet is attested for Nekhbet (Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, p. 299).

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Center and bottom: 92.399 (S/30cd); 93.449 (R/30cd); 93.1078 (S/29bc); 93.1120 (S/29bc); 94.690 (R/29c); 98.424/2 (R/28); 98.869/1 (S/28); 98.1126/4 (S/28); 98.1399/4 (S/28) There are horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom of the piece. On the right side is a vertical masonry edge and the corner of the wall; a small piece of the turn to the adjoining wall and its rough interior surface remain. The remaining right side of the heraldic lintel is composed of three separate pieces that do not fit tightly together. However, based on the size, style and correspondence of the hieroglyphs, there is little doubt that they come from the same lintel. Preserved are parts of the two columns from the right end. Column 10: Three stems and a papyrus plant base remain, recognizable by its concave sides and jagged top. The presence of the papyrus plant indicates that Wadjet, who must have been facing right, was been depicted above. To the right of the papyrus plant are dí- and s-signs from the phrase dí.s ënã wæs “she gives life and dominion.” Note that the arrangement of the hieroglyphs around the papyrus plants in columns 2 and 10 is different than that around the lily plant in column 5. Column 11: In the upper right corner are parts of a cobra wrapped around a sun disk. In front of and below it are parts of the Horus with a double crown that sat on top of the king’s Horus name. Parts of the nïr-, ãpr- and w-signs remain from the name panel. Below is the entire palace façade section, which now preserves only remnants of what originally must have been an intricate and colorful painted pattern. All elements in column 11 face to the left. 133

Several sections of the lintel’s framing elements are preserved on the top, bottom and right side. At the top of the piece is the horizontal block border, followed by a beveled edge that rises to the undecorated band 9.3 cm high. Directly above the inscription is a 4.1 cm high star band with a triangular lower right corner. To the right is a vertical line, followed by a 9-9.3 cm wide plain band. A beveled edge slopes down to the 9 cm wide vertical block border. To the right is the wall corner with the turn to the adjacent east wall; the 5.5 cm wide rough surface at the end of the piece indicates that this edge was originally covered by the adjoining block. Note that the vertical block border does not have the series of additional vertical stripes that usually lie just to the side of the wall corner (for examples, see here pls. 58, 60, 379, 418, 441-42, 444). At the bottom of the lintel is another narrow vertical line followed by a 9 cm high undecorated band. There is no evidence that the block border continued below the lintel.

SA 23 Heraldic Lintel Center and Right of Center Containing Nswt-Bity and Rush-Sign (pl. 40) 17.7 x 14.8 cm

93.1148/6 (S/29bc); 93.1349 (S/29bc)

Based on the size, direction and quality of the hieroglyphs, this small piece has been assigned to the heraldic lintel. To the left is part of a sw-sign and a small piece of a curved line that must belong to the antennae of the bíty-sign. The expression nswt bíty “king of Upper and Lower Egypt,” was probably placed above the cartouche at the center of the heraldic lintel, meaning that the central column of text read from right to 134

left. 280 To the right is a nãb-sign (Sign-list M22) facing left that must have been part of the epithets above Nekhbet in column 7.

SA 24 Heraldic Lintel Right Side with Nekhbet Epithets (pl. 41) 14.5 x 20.9 cm

93.181 (S/30ab); 98.1132/1 (S/28); 98.1424/1 (S/28); 99.364/3

(T/29ab) The size, style and order of elements strongly suggest that the piece originates from column 8 of the heraldic lintel. Preserved is part of a left facing inscription that reads …[æwt]-ë nb[t] fë[gt]… “…[the one with outstretched] arms, the mistress of Fa[get]…” For a more complete example of the same inscription and further explanation of the text see catalogue number SA 21.

SA 25 Heraldic Lintel Right Side Containing Wadjet, níwt- and nb-Signs (pl. 42) 34.2 x 11.5 cm

93.1110 (S/29bc); 98.1423/1 (S/28); 98.1526/5 (S/28)

Preserved here are parts of what seem to be columns 8-10 of the right side of the heraldic lintel. The piece is assigned to the lintel based on the size and style of the signs and the pattern of the inscription, which is the reverse of that found in columns 2-4.

280

For a similar orientation on heraldic lintels, see a lintel or lintels of Amenemhat I from Dendera (Grimal, “Dendara,” BIFAO 91 [1991], p. 290; Dümichen, Denderatempels, pl. III); a lintel of Amenemhat I and Senwosret III from Tell Daba (Habachi, Tell el-Dabëa, vol. I, pls. 7-8); a lintel of Amenemhat III from Kiman Fares in the Fayum (Habachi, “Kiman-Farès,” p. 95, fig. 10); a lintel of Tuthmosis I from Nagada (Petrie, Naqada, pl. 77); a lintel of Tuthmosis II from Karnak (L. Gabolde, “Compléments sur les obélisques,” pl. XII). For central cartouches that read from left to right, see a lintel of Amenemhat Sobekhotep from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1928],” fig. 63) and a lintel of Hatshepsut from Deir el-Bahari (Karkowski, Temple of Hatshepsut, pl. 18).

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To the left is the edge of an æw-sign that must have been oriented towards the left and belonged to the epithets of Nekhbet in column 8. To the right is a nb-sign from the epithets of Wadjet in column 9, a line of text that must have read from right to left. Finally, in column 10, parts of the hood and coils of Wadjet are preserved facing right, originally towards the Horus name on catalogue number SA 22. Above the snake is half of a níwt-sign from a text naming Wadjet’s sacred cities of Dep and Pe.

SA 26 Patchstone with Edge of Heraldic Lintel, Block Border and Hand of Deity Facing Right (pl. 43) 23.6 x 9.9 cm

98.1011 (S/28)

The piece is a patchstone that preserves parts of all four masonry edges. The small patchstone contains key evidence not only for assigning the heraldic lintel to the square antechamber, but also for understanding the relationship of elements on the north wall. On the right side of the piece is the upper left corner of what must be a door lintel that projects slightly above the surface of the wall; as far as is known, no other feature in the pyramid temple was raised above the wall surface in this manner. The height (.5-.7 cm) and the angle of the beveled edge is extremely similar to that on catalogue number SA 21, suggesting that the patchstone originates from the nowmissing upper left corner of the heraldic lintel. Unfortunately, the setting for the patchstone has not been preserved. Surrounding the projecting corner on a lower level are parts of the block borders that framed the lintel. Based on its scale, the lower arm and was-scepter staff to the left of the border must belong to a figure from the deity 136

procession in the square antechamber. The position of the deity in relation to the lintel shows that the top of the figure register and the heraldic section of the lintel were not aligned.

Discussion and Catalogue of Pieces that May Belong to Register 2 of North Wall As was discussed above (cat. no. SA 19, pl. 34), a horizontal masonry edge cuts the third Ͼb-sign in column 6 of the deity speech between the pavilion and the bowl sections. According to the reconstruction presented on plates 48-49, in the second register of the deity procession this edge would have split the figures at approximately the level of the armpit. The four fragments catalogued below have a horizontal masonry edge in just such a position and therefore may have originated from register 2 of the north wall. Unfortunately, none of the pieces include any traces of the hieroglyphs that would have identified the deities and revealed whether or not there was a continuation of the connection to Iunu found in register 1. They have not been included in the reconstructions of the north wall (pls. 48-50).

SA 27 Head and Shoulders of Human-Headed Male Deity (pl. 44) 23.3 x 15.4 cm

93.297 (S/30ab); 94.420 (R/29c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the armpits. The fragment preserves the face, part of the hair, the beard, upper chest with collar and the proper left shoulder of a human-headed male deity. 137

SA 28 Shoulders, Hair and Beard of Human-Headed Male Deity (pl. 45) 16.4 x 6.3 cm

93.1010 (S/20bc); 98.1642/2 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the armpits. Preserved here are the upper chest with broad collar, proper left shoulder, lock of hair and beard of a human-headed male deity.

SA 29 Bottom of Head and Shoulders of Female Deity (pl. 46) 16.8 x 8.8 cm

96.455 (S/32d); 96.534/3 (S/32d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the armpits. Remaining on the fragment are parts of the goddess’s face (eye, mouth, chin, cheek); the lower half of the ear is also preserved. Sections of the hair behind the face, over the shoulder and in front of the torso have survived, along with the shoulders, garment straps and broad collar. The subtle modeling of the jaw line and the delicate mouth suggest that the face was finely rendered, perhaps the work of the same sculptor as catalogue numbers SA 46-47. If this piece originated from register 2 of the north wall, it is possible that it belonged to the goddess directly to the left of the deity speech (pls. 35, 48-49).

SA 30 Upper Torso of Male Deity (pl. 47) 138

32.3 x 17 cm

98.1441 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the armpits. Parts of the arms, torso and kilt of a male deity remain on this piece, along with a section of the was-scepter staff; the deity’s bare chest and kilt suggest that he had a human head. The piece may have originally joined to catalogue number SA 27 or SA 28, but because the upper part of the figure is thoroughly chipped, features could not be aligned across the masonry edge. The brownish accretions and the garment suggest a connection to the male deity who wears a kilt on the left side of catalogue number SA 20 (pl. 35), but the pieces could not be convincingly joined.

Conclusion: Deities Facing Right on the North Wall Plates 48-50 present a proposed reconstruction of some of the elements believed to have originated from the north wall of the square antechamber: a register depicting deities of Iunu, a six column deity speech and a door lintel composed of a winged sun disk and a heraldic design. The reconstruction includes only recovered fragments that can be securely placed in more or less their original positions. Other pieces, such as the four that may come from register 2 (cat. nos. SA 27-30), have been omitted because their positions cannot be precisely determined. In registers 1, 2 and 3, figures have been inserted in order to clarify the original appearance of the wall. The reconstructed deities in register 1 are presented as bare-chested male figures with kilts, since all the male gods on this wall have human heads. The deities in register 3 are shown as male 139

figures with tunics, but they are in no way intended to suggest the specific type or gender of the figures that occupied particular positions. Rather, they have been inserted to simply create a richer impression of the wall’s appearance. In order to avoid speculation about the identity of the deities, they have been left without heads. In register 2, the complete figure of the first goddess has been restored. In the heraldic lintel section, the preserved elements of the symmetrical design have been reversed in order to fill in portions that have not been recovered. In addition, the central cartouche was reconstructed. As was discussed above, the presence of the horizontal block border and the larger star band, indicates that the deities of Iunu originate from the top of the wall. Pieces have been assigned to this group based on the inclusion of features from the top of the wall, the continuous nature of the inscription, which has no other parallels in the square antechamber, and the position of the horizontal masonry edge in relation to the faces. Parts of seven heads are preserved. The top of the was-scepter of an eighth figure is preserved below the nswt bíty; because of the position of the text above the scepter, it cannot be assigned to any of the other figures. A ninth figure must have been located below the block containing the phrase sšm.k ënã[w], though nothing of it survives. Fragments that seem to contain the lower part of the faces of the bæw of Iunu have been restored based on the alignment of elements; however, it is possible that these lower fragments have been incorrectly positioned. The figures have been spaced 32 cm apart, the average spacing for the deities, and the fragments have been ordered according to clues contained in the inscription. 140

The text begins with epithets that identify the figures, followed on the same block by a dí-sign, an indication that the subsequent phrases describe the things the king will receive from the bæw of Iunu. Because one block (cat. no. SA 4) contains the phrase “[all?] joy,” part of the so-called general blessings, followed by a phrase describing the king’s appearance on the throne, it can be stated with assurance that the general blessings must have directly followed the dí-sign, allowing the block with the nb- and the ÿd-signs to be accurately positioned. The phrases describing the king’s appearance on the throne and his role as leader of the living clearly adjoin each other, despite some surface damage. In keeping with standard text patterns, the phrase mí [Rë] ÿt concludes the line. Following the bæw of Iunu are Horus foremost-of-the-houses and another deity whose name begins with a falcon-sign. It is here assumed that no further deities occupied the register because the addition of another god would involve lengthening the wall to a degree that an architrave supported by a central pillar or column would be required. No evidence for any of these features has been recovered. Several preserved details allow a reconstruction of the deity speech. Sections of the horizontal block border and the large star border place some of the fragments at the top of the wall, while a horizontal masonry edge aligns the pieces with a similarly placed edge on the bæw of Iunu fragments. A segment of column 6 of the speech (cat. no. SA 18, pl. 33) includes the right end of the groundline of register 1 and the star band of register 2. Since the registers in the square antechamber are estimated to have been about 76.8 cm high, the fragment can be positioned fairly accurately in relation to registers 1 and 2 and the center of column 6. Estimating the overall height 141

of the sd-sign (Sign-list O23), which is now divided between the small fragment with the star band and groundline (cat. no. SA 18, pl. 33) and the largest piece of the speech (cat. no. SA 17, pl. 32), makes it possible to position the large piece with a high degree of precision. The bottom of the deity speech and the bottom of register 2 are contained on catalogue number SA 20 (pl. 35), allowing the full, two register height of the speech to be reconstructed. Since the largest section of the speech (cat. no. SA 17) contains parts of all six columns, its full width of about 86.6 cm also can be estimated. Nearly half the width of the heraldic design is preserved on catalogue number SA 21, allowing the complete width of the lintel to be estimated at about 237 cm. With only a minimal amount of adjustment, it was possible to align the center of the heraldic lintel with the center of the winged sun disk, providing further evidence that the reconstruction presented here is likely to be basically correct. Using the preserved upper right corner as a guide, the patchstone with the lintel’s upper left corner and part of a god was positioned (cat. no. SA 26). Nothing is preserved of the doorframe, but it probably had two columns of vertical text similar to those found in catalogue numbers UL 88-91 (pls. 450-54). The presence of the wall corner on the right side of the lintel indicates that it originally stood on the right side of the wall. The 114 cm width of the doorway is only approximate; its height is estimated to have been 243 cm. Somewhat problematic is the appearance of register 3, which has been reconstructed with six figures followed by a fairly large empty space. Fragments of the deity procession that include sections of a wall corner indicate that the figures were actually placed quite close to corner block borders (pls. 58-59, 60), making the 142

existence of such a large gap unlikely. In creating the reconstruction, the figures in register 3 were spaced at intervals of 32 cm, the same distance used for the bæw of Iunu. However, as was discussed above (pp. 75-78), 32 cm is only an average distance; the documented intervals actually range from 30.5 to 34.5 cm. Since only about 10 cm would be needed to accommodate another figure in the register, it seems most likely that the spacing used for the reconstruction is too regular and that seven figures occupied register 3 and presumably also registers 4 and 5. Also to be noted is that the figures were not vertically aligned. Such a discrepancy is not surprising, as an exact vertical arrangement would have resulted in a static, grid-like composition of less visual interest. Comparable processions of figures clearly show that strict vertical alignment was avoided. 281 Also difficult to reconstruct are the elements at the top, bottom and sides of the wall. The 58 cm height of the kheker-frieze and the 11 cm height of the horizontal block border have been estimated from a number of well preserved examples of these features found in the pyramid temple. Both the khekers in the frieze and the rectangles in the block border beneath have been rendered as pattern in which the repetitions all have the same width. In reality, it is unlikely that the components were rendered so precisely, particularly since these finishing elements often appear to have been more hastily executed. As a result, the small gap at the right end of the reconstructed khekerfrieze is probably inaccurate. The block border on the right side of the wall is 9 cm

281

Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 183 fig. 135, p. 193 fig. 158 (examples where connections between blocks are attested); Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 50, 54,

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wide, and the same dimension has been used for the block border on the left. The stripes on the left side of the wall have been reconstructed as 13 cm wide in order to stretch the wall to an even 9 cubits (= 472.5 cm). The stripes may have actually been a bit narrower and the slight discrepancy distributed across the rest of the wall. The uncertain height of the dado is here estimated to have been 157.5 cm (= 3 cubits; see here pp. 79-80).

OTHER DEITIES FACING RIGHT

Introduction The deities facing right discussed below most likely originate from the north, south and east walls. In contrast to the groups of fragments discussed above, it is not possible to definitively assign any of the pieces to a particular wall, though in some cases it is possible to suggest a likely location. Some fragments do preserve similarly positioned masonry edges, indicating that they probably belonged to the same register, but again, neither the specific wall nor the vertical position of the register can be stated with assurance. Because of these constraints, it is not possible to offer reconstructions of either the east or south walls or to add additional pieces to the north wall. Instead the deities are grouped here according to the presence of architectural features (top of wall, bottom of wall, wall corner) and deity type (female including felines, male animalheaded and male human-headed). Last to be considered are inscriptions that probably

58; ibid., vol. III, pls. 19, 21, 24, 27. See here also cat. nos. SA 42, 162, 241, pls. 63, 186, 267,

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belong to the deity procession but are not directly connected with substantial portions of figures. Presented here is a selection of the deities recovered from the procession, primarily those that can be identified by means of an inscription or whose identity can be more narrowly defined based on such features as the head of a particular animal. Some examples of undecipherable partial inscriptions are also included in order to provide the reader with a clearer picture of the recovered material, though a number of dí- and ënã-signs from the opening formula of deity inscriptions have been left out. Omitted are hundreds of fragments of torsos, limbs and garments that originated from deities, but cannot be further identified. Also omitted because potential identities are too numerous to consider are many of the human-headed male and female deities that lack inscriptions or distinctive accoutrements.

Discussion and Catalogue of Fragments with Deities and Inscriptions that Preserve Architectural Details (Top of Wall, Bottom of Wall, Wall Corners)

SA 31 Deity Inscriptions from Top of a Wall Containing Inscriptions for Ro-setjau, AnubisKhentyimentiu, Sekhmet(?) and Unidentified Deity (pls. 51-52) 106 x 47.9 cm

98.1022/1 (S/28); 99.278 (Q/29); unnumbered piece

A horizontal masonry edge on the bottom cuts through the inscription. A vertical masonry edge on the right cuts through the beginning of Ro-setjau.

where the was-scepters of the deities in two registers are to varying degrees staggered.

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The bottom of the kheker-frieze, the horizontal block border and the wider star band indicate that this block with deity inscriptions comes from the top of a wall. Partial names of four deities are preserved: a deity of Ro-setjau, Anubis-Khentyimentiu, perhaps Sekhmet and an unidentified deity. As one of the longer strings of deity names preserved from the square antechamber, the block should be of great use in determining how the deities were ordered, but, as will be seen below, the rationale behind the juxtaposition of texts is problematic. The first inscription preserves part of an r-sign and two of what must have been originally three sïæ-signs (Sign-list V2), which were part of the writing of the name Rosetjau; the toponym may have had either a ãæst- or níwt-determinative on the adjoining lower block, which was not recovered. 282 The location of Ro-setjau has not been definitively established, but is believed to have been somewhere in the Memphite region, either at Giza or Saqqara or perhaps in one of the localities between them.283 Sokar seems to have been the chief deity of the area, though other gods are connected

282

For the Middle Kingdom spellings of Ro-setjau, see Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. II, pp. 20-23. See also Zivie-Coche, “Ro-setau,” col. 303. Although the ãæst-sign is more commonly used as a determinative for this toponym, the available space would better suit a níwt-sign. It is also possible that the determinative was omitted. 283 The term Ro-setjau seems to have referred to multiple locations: the actual Memphite necropolis, which was believed to be an entrance to the underworld, a place in the otherworld itself and a generic term for a necropolis. Since the deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber seem to act as representatives of places in the tangible world, one would assume that the Memphite Ro-setjau is referred to here, rather than an otherworldly area. For the concepts surrounding Ro-setjau and its location in the Memphite area, see Zivie-Coche, “Rosetau,” cols. 304-306 with further references. For the location of Ro-setjau and the New Kingdom shabtis deposited in the area, see Schneider, Shabtis, vol. 1, pp. 276-89. For a deposit of miniature ointment vessels that may have come from the area, see Koschel, “Königliche Miniatursalbgefäße,” pp. 235-49. See also Edwards, “Shetayet of Rosetau,” pp. 27-36; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. II, pp. 20-23; Pasquali, “Ro-Sétaou,” pp. 7-8. At some point it seems

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with it, particularly Osiris. 284 The Abusir papyri mention a festival for Sokar that perhaps involved a sanctuary for the deity near Abusir. 285 Although it seems most likely that the god referred to here is a manifestation of Sokar with Memphite and funerary associations, 286 it should also be noted that some Coffin Texts seem to allude to a Rosetjau located in the area of Abydos that was connected with Osiris. 287 The following inscription names Ínpw ãnty-ímntyw “Anubis-Khentyimentiu (Anubis foremost-of-the-westerners.)” 288 The inscription can be interpreted as either a manifestation of Anubis with an attached epithet or a syncretization of two deities. 289 Since syncretized deities have not been securely identified in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, but epithets are attested, the god represented here is more likely to be “Anubis (who is) foremost-of-the-westerners,” but this assertion cannot be proved. Also

that Ro-setjau became a general term used to designate a necropolis (Griffiths, Origins of Osiris, pp. 135-36; Zivie-Coche, “Ro-setau,” col. 306). 284 See Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, p. 609 for a list of deities whose names are connected with Rosetjau. See also Zivie-Coche, “Ro-setau,” cols. 306-307; Spiegel, Götter von Abydos, pp. 23-25; Graindorge-Héreil, Dieu Sokar, pp. 34-35. 285 Posener-Kriéger, Néferirkarê-Kakaï, pp. 59-76. 286 Though the deity could also have solar associations; see Graindorge-Héreil, Dieu Sokar, pp. 810. 287 Lesko, Book of Two Ways, pp.84-85. 288 See Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 140, pl. 159a; the deity was misidentified as Khentyimentiu. Subsequent to the publication, another piece was joined to the left side. Note that here the jackal hieroglyph is of the simple, couchant type, as are all other identifiable examples of this sign in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. For the different methods of rendering the name of Anubis, see Witkowski, “Nom d’Anubis,” pp. 38-52; DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 44-48. 289 Begelsbacher-Fischer (Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt, pp. 22-24, 28, 30), sees the expression “foremost-of-the-westerners” as an epithet. Allen (Pyramid Texts, p. 22) also uses the expression as an epithet, for example “…that he may come to stand at the fore of the akhs as Anubis at the fore of the westerners.” However, see Leitz (Lexikon, vol.VIII, p. 104), where the combination is described as “Identifikation mit anderen Gottheiten,” and Griffiths (Origins of Osiris, p. 229), who regards it as an example of “a double name for two gods who are regarded for the moment

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unclear is the place from which this deity could have originated and thus his relationship to the preceding god of Ro-setjau. Because the expression foremost-ofthe-westerners was originally associated with Abydos, one might assign the deity to that area, 290 in which case the deities depicted were linked by funerary function as opposed to geographic considerations. However, Anubis is connected with the Memphite region 291 and the epithet “foremost-of-the-westerners” is attested for him in the area.292 Without this epithet, Anubis is also connected with Ro-setjau, though the association is first documented in the New Kingdom. 293 The juxtaposition of inscriptions for Rosetjau and Anubis foremost-of-the-westerners therefore may reflect a distribution of deities according to funerary function, geography or a combination of the two. Three hieroglyphs are preserved from the next inscription: part of an s-sign, part of a sãm-sign (Sign-list S42), and an ã-sign. The surface following these signs is chipped, but on the right side of the destroyed area is the barely discernable angled end of another hieroglyph. Although the hieroglyph has the appearance of an n-sign, it is unlikely to be one, as the space between the two diagonal lines seems too broad and the

as one being…” Brovarski (“Writing Boards,” p. 43), finds the “dual aspect of Anubis Khentyamentiu,” in the pyramid texts of Unis. 290 For the connection of Anubis foremost-of-the-westerners and Abydos, see Spiegel, Götter von Abydos, pp. 32-35. 291 Staehelin, Untersuchungen zur ägyptischen Tracht, pp. 136-37. 292 Begelsbacher-Fischer, Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt, pp. 22-24, 28, 30. 293 DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 52. Examples of the epithet in conjunction with Anubis are found on two unprovenanced stelae now in the Museo Archeologico in Florence (Bosticco, Stele Egiziane, pp. 15-17 cat nos. 5-6); they are dated to the early Eighteenth Dynasty. Anubis also has this epithet in the Eighteenth Dynasty tomb of Rekhmire (N. de Garis Davies, Rekh-mi-reë, pl. LXXXVI).

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left angle extends below the right end of the sign. 294 Beyond the damaged area is an ssign, which could belong to either the end of the inscription that begins with sãm or the beginning of the following caption. As was discussed above, the deities in Senwosret III’s procession seem to each occupy a width of roughly 30-33 cm. However, the inscription for Anubis foremost-of-the-westerners stretches 36.5 cm between the vertical dividing lines. If the inscription for sãm stopped before the s-sign it would have occupied a space of only 27 cm. It is therefore possible that the sãm-caption occupied a narrower space and that the caption for Anubis foremost-of-the-westerners intruded about 3 cm into the inscription beginning with sãm. The inscription most likely refers to the feline goddess Sekhmet, though there are numerous deities with the s + ã + m combination. 295 Suggesting that the deity is female is the placement of the ã-sign near the top of the inscription band rather than at the center, thus leaving space for a t-sign below. An identification with Sekhmet is particularly attractive because Memphis was the principal cult place of the goddess, and the attribution would correspond to the geographical area of at least one if not two of the preceding deities. 296 However, the danger of creating a circular argument is obvious and a firm translation of the inscription is not possible.

294

Inscriptions in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple show that the ends of n-signs extended below the level of the angles in the middle; for examples, see pls. 29-31. 295 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VI, pp. 523-69; for Sekhmet, see ibid., pp. 556-59. 296 Sternberg, “Sachmet,” cols. 323-33; however, Sekhmet is not known to have had a funerary function, but rather seems to have been connected with destructive and dangerous forces. Her association with Ptah is attested only from the New Kingdom on, so the absence of a triad here is unremarkable. For the later development of divine triads in general, see Griffiths, Triads, pp. 80-83.

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From the fourth inscription are the remains of either one or two s-signs; as was mentioned above, the first sign may belong to the end of the Sekhmet inscription. Between the two s-signs the surface is chipped and no further hieroglyphs are recognizable. Not enough of the inscription remains to suggest anything about the deity it once identified. Finally, the question of the original position of the block must be addressed. Since the top of the north wall has been accounted for and the left facing deities almost certainly come from the west wall, the block discussed here must originate from the top of either the east or the south wall, both of which probably had deities facing right. The seemingly secure identification of Ro-setjau with the Memphite area would suggest that the block originated from the top of the east wall, which mostly likely had a symbolic north orientation (see above).

SA 32 Deity Inscription from Top of Wall Containing ënã nïr ? (pl. 53) 21.9 x 13.4 cm

98.479/1 (R/28); 00.1178/1 (V/31); 03.279/1 (S/33c)

There is vertical masonry edge on the left that cuts through the upper right arm of a star. The fragment can be identified as originating from the top of a wall based on the larger, 7.3 cm high star band, from which parts of three stars are preserved. The inscription below reads from right to left [dí] ënã nïr ? “ [gives] life; god ?…” To the left of the nïr-sign is a small piece of an unidentifiable hieroglyph. Because of the large gap between the nïr-sign and the unidentified sign, it seems likely that there was a circular 150

hieroglyph between them. Many deity names begin with the nïr-sign, 297 and it is also possible that a place name 298 or an epithet was used here.

SA 33 Deity Inscription from Top of a Wall Containing ãæst(?)-Sign (pl. 54) 11.4 x 7.7 cm

98.934/2 (S/28); 98.1370/4 (S/28); 98.1429 (S/28)

The piece is a patchstone with masonry edges preserved on all four sides. Parts of two stars remain from a large, 7 cm high star band, which indicates that the piece came from the top of a wall. Of the inscription below, all that survives is the top of a vertical dividing line between captions and the left peak of what appears to be a ãæst-sign. It seems likely that the inscription read from right to left, as ãæst-signs usually occur towards the end of a deity name or toponyn. 299 The deity captioned here cannot be identified.

SA 34 Two Deity Inscriptions from Top of a Wall Containing sæ-Sign and dí.s (pl. 55) 12.7 x 14.1 cm

98.895/1 (S/28); 98.1033/1 (S/28); 98.1528/1 (S/28)

At the top of the fragment is a small piece of a star from a larger star band, indicating that the piece comes from the top of a wall. Parts of two deity inscriptions remain, separated by a vertical line. To the right is a sign with three interior, adjoining vertical bars that are framed at the top and left by a horizontal and vertical bar; the interior bars are longer than the one to the left. The entire sign is painted yellow with red outlines

297 298

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 388-446, 555-76. Gauthier, Dictionnaire, pp. 107-10.

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highlighting the separations between the bars. The hieroglyph may be a sæ-sign (Signlist Aa 18), which is rectangular and has an outer rim,300 but unfortunately the single sign would not provide enough information to identify the deity. To the left is the beginning of a deity caption dí.s “she gives,” a phrase indicating only that the inscription referred to a goddess.

SA 35 Bottom of a Decorated Portion of Wall with Feet of Male Deity (pl. 56) 23.1 x 6.4 cm

98.902/5 (S/28); 98.986/2 (S/28); 02.113/1 (T/32d)

The horizontal masonry edge cuts through the piece just below the groundline. Remaining on this fragment are parts of both feet standing on a groundline and the tip of the deity’s ceremonial tail. This piece and the following one (cat. no. SA 36) provide evidence that the deity procession in Senwosret III’s square antechamber occupied the lowest decorated register, as both fragments have thicker groundlines, a feature that is only found at the bottom of a wall’s decorated portion (for other examples, see here pls. 352, 363, 370, 375, 379, 386-87, 431-34).

299

However, see here catalogue number SA 41 (pl. 62), where the ãæst-sign occurs at or near the beginning of the inscription. 300 According to Gardiner (Egyptian Grammar, p. 542), the sign may represent part of a quiver. Allen (Middle Egyptian, p. 448) calls it a lid. However, note the appearance of the offering table depicted in a purification ritual from the tomb of Rekhmire, which has a rectangular shape, interior stripes and an outer rim (N. de Garis Davies, Rekh-mi-reë, pl. CI). The purifying water could be represented by the diagonal line normally found at the top of the hieroglyph. For a rendering of the sæ-sign with internal vertical stripes, see Davies Rekh-mi- reë, pl. XXVII, third column from right, about one-third of the way down from the top. Note also that the tæty-sign (Sign-list O16) can have vertical interior stripes (N. de Garis Davies, Rekh-mi- reë, pl. XXIV, second column from right). However, on one of the mastabas north of Senwosret III’s pyramid

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SA 36 Bottom of a Decorated Portion of Wall with Feet of Goddess (pl. 57) 9.8 x 8.4 cm

94.850/2 (R/29d)

The horizontal masonry edge cuts through the piece just below the groundline. The feet and ankles of a goddess survive on this fragment; a paler area across the ankles shows the position of now-faded, painted anklets. As noted above, the thicker groundline indicates that the figure belonged to a lowermost register, an observation confirmed by the tiny piece of wall dado below the groundline.

SA 37 Right Side of a Wall: Deity Hand,Was-Scepter and Corner Block Border (pl. 58) 34.2 x 14.3 cm

94.409 (R/30d)

The piece is a patchstone with parts of all four masonry edges preserved. Remaining on the patchstone are the hand and was-scepter staff of a male deity to the side of a vertical corner block border. The multiple vertical stripes at the right end of the block border are features found only in conjunction with wall corners and not around doorframes, which have only single vertical bands flanking the central rectangles. The patchstone is quite significant, as it provides the only evidence that one wall of deities facing to the right concluded with a block border, rather than a deity speech or a depiction of the king. The consequences of the juxtaposition of deity and wall corner were discussed above (pp. 85-86).

SA 38 Right Side of a Wall: Male Deity Foot(?), Star Band and Corner Block Border (pl. 59)

complex, the ïæty-sign (Sign-list O16) has an open interior; see Oppenheim, “Identifying

153

10.8 x 11.7 cm

98.1116 (S/28)

Three elements remain on this small fragment: the toe of a male figure on a groundline, the right end of a star band and a vertical block border, which could have belonged to either a doorframe or a wall corner. The piece may originate from the square antechamber, but such a location cannot be assumed, as none of the preserved elements pertain directly to the deity procession. Based on its size, the toe could only belong to an offering bearer, 301 a fecundity figure either standing behind the king in the offering chamber 302 or enacting a libation ritual, 303 or a deity in the square antechamber. Since the offering bearers in the offering chamber stride towards the king, rather than either a doorframe or wall corner, such an identification is unlikely. The possibility that the figure is one of the fecundity figures in the offering chamber can be excluded because these figures occupy the lowest register and again face neither a corner nor a doorframe. The fecundity figures enacting a libation ritual seem to have faced towards a deity speech rather than a vertical block border (pl. 357). In sum, it seems most likely that the fragment originates from the square antechamber, perhaps either facing the same wall corner as the preceding piece (cat. no. SA 37) or standing to the side of the doorway in the north wall.

SA 39 Left Side of a Wall: Lower Part of Male Deity and Corner Block Border (pl. 60) 39.5 x 22.4 cm

94.20 (R/29b); 94.760 (R/29b); 98.378/1 (R/28); 98.385 (R/28)

Artists,” forthcoming. 301 For examples, see here pls. 288-89. 302 Cat. nos. OC 1-2, pls. 285-86.

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The lower left piece is a patchstone that preserves all four masonry edges. The two pieces on the right have horizontal masonry edges that cut through the figure in the area of the buttocks. Both pieces on the right preserve parts of the setting for the patchstone. Preserved on this block are parts of the lower torso of a male deity wearing a tunic and bull’s tail, and the proper right arm and hand holding an ankh-sign. To the left is a vertical corner block border; the border itself is 10.8 cm wide and the three inner stripes 7.7 cm wide. The piece shows that the deities could be placed quite close to wall corners.

SA 40 Left Side of a Wall: Proper Right Leg and Ceremonial Tail of Male Deity and Corner Block Border (pl. 61) 9.7 x 7.4 cm

02.589 (U/27 and U/28, V/27 and U/28)

The piece is a patchstone that preserves masonry edges on the top, bottom and right side. The patchstone contains the back contour of a male deity’s proper right calf and the bottom of a bull’s tail, which angles away from the leg to the lower left. The tail is rendered with finely incised, wavy lines meant to indicate strands of hair. To the left is a broad area with a patch of green color that must be part of the vertical corner block border, again very close to the figure.

303

Cat. nos. UL 1-13, pls. 357-69.

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Discussion and Catalogue of Goddesses Facing Right

SA 41 Iabtet (Goddess of the East) (pl. 62) 24.5 x 22.3 cm

02.123 (T/32d)

The fortuitously broken piece preserves the entire head of a goddess and parts of ãæst-, t-, íæbt-(Sign-list R15) and t-signs from the identifying inscription ãæst íæbtt “the goddess of the east” or the “goddess of the eastern desert.” 304 The inscription does not seem to have begun with the dí.s ënã formula. As goddess of the east, Iabtet encompasses the cardinal direction as well as the desert area to the east of the Nile valley and the depiction can be assumed to originate from the east wall. Excluding the relief discussed here, the earliest mention of the goddess is found on a late Twelfth Dynasty round-topped stela, where the she is represented only by a personified eastsign, not a human figure; complementing the standard on the right is a personified west-sign. 305 Iabtet may have been mentioned in the Amduat. 306 As a human figure, the goddess was previously unknown before the New Kingdom, when she appears in Theban tombs as a counterpart to the much better known Imentet (goddess of the

304

See Leitz, Lexikon, vol. I, p. 105; vol.V, p. 633. Examples with the ãæst-sign placed in front of the íæbt-sign are treated as separate designations of the deity. The spelling is not known until the Third Intermediate Period and is also somewhat different than the text under discussion here. 305 J. Saleh, Antiquités Égyptiennes de Zagreb, p. 15 no. 4. The two signs have arms that present bowls to udjat-eyes. The stela can be dated to the late Twelfth Dynasty based on several factors including the depiction of a shen-sign surrounded by udjat-eyes (Bennett, “Motifs and Phrases,” pp. 120-21). 306 Refai, “Iabtet,” pp. 179-86. For the possible relationship between Iabtet and Imentet, and Isis and Nepthys, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 56-57; for the relationship to mrt-figures, see ibid., p. 256.

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west), rather than as a figure with an extensive independent identity. 307 She does not seem to have been a cult recipient. Although there is nothing particularly unusual in the iconography of the gently smiling goddess discussed here, the Senwosret III relief is the earliest surviving depiction of Iabtet. Unfortunately, nothing has been preserved of the figures that preceeded and followed Iabtet in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, making it impossible to know if Imentet appeared with her, though no evidence for the goddess of the west has been recovered. However, since it seems that geographic considerations played at least some role in the arrangement of Senwosret III’s square antechamber, it seems unlikely that the two goddesses appeared on the same wall. The possibility that the Imentet served as her counterpart on the facing west wall is pure speculation and far beyond the evidence provided by the preserved material. However, the appearance of Iabtet in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple must lead to a reevaluation of both her chronological development and the supposition that she is a divinity wholly subordinate to the goddess of the west.

SA 42 Upper Register: Male Deity; Lower Register: Feline Goddess and Hathor (pl. 63) 41.7 x 53.2 cm

98.332 (R/28); 99.369 (T/28b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the figures below the armpit and across the bottom of the breast.

307

For the goddess of the west, see Refai, Göttin des Westens.

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Parts of three deities remain on this badly battered block. 308 In the upper register is the foot and was-scepter of an unidentified male deity. The right side of the lower register contains part of the upper torso and head of a feline goddess; the front of her snout is broken away. Parts of níwt- and t-signs remain from her caption, which must have consisted of a now unidentifiable toponym. Preserved from the next goddess is the front of a horned sun disk headdress along with the battered outline of the face and the proper right shoulder. The top of the was-scepter remains in front of the figure, somewhat off alignment with the was-scepter carried by the god in the upper register. 309 Based on the inscription in front of the headdress the goddess can be definitively identified as Hathor, though because she has numerous manifestations, the place with which this particular goddess was connected cannot be determined.310 It is most likely that the origin of the Hathor was made apparent by the relationship to the surrounding deities, particularly the preceding goddess, who seems to have had a place name in her caption. The question as to whether or not the identity of deities would have been clarified by surrounding figures will be discussed in the conclusion to this chapter. The block is likely to have originated from the same register as catalogue numbers SA 47-48, 97, 126, as they all have a horizontal masonry edges that cut through the figures in approximately the same position.

308

The block was extremely fragile when found and was rescued by Metropolitan Museum conservator Ann Heywood. The chemicals needed to consolidate the surface resulted in the piece having a somewhat yellowish appearance. 309 For the question of vertical alignment in the square antechamber, see here n. 281.

158

SA 43 Unidentified Female Deity (pl. 64) 16.9 x 30.8 cm

94.643 (R/29c); 96.607 (T/31b); 96.1180 (T/31b); 96.1214/5

(T/31b) Remaining on the piece are parts of the head and upper torso of a goddess. The face seems to have been deliberately damaged, perhaps because she originated from a lowest register that was more vulnerable to defacement. 311 Above the head of the goddess is part of an unidentified hieroglyph with a horizontal bottom and sides that taper upwards.

SA 44 Goddess with Red Wig(?) and Horn and Inscription Containing š-Sign (pl. 65) 26.6 x 29.2 cm

94.724 (R/29b); 98.873/2 (S/28); 98.888/1 (S/28); 02.468/1 (U-

V/27-28) Preserved from this unusual depiction of a goddess are her upper torso, arms and most of the head; the nose, mouth and chin are broken away. From her inscription all that remains is the left end of a š-sign to the right and the bottom of a vertical dividing line to the left. Two features of the goddess are particularly striking. First, her hair or wig has orangey-red strands with darker red dots 312 alternating with other strands that were either left unpainted or rendered in another color that has not survived. Second, a

310

For a survey of the cult places sacred to Hathor, see Allam, Hathorkult. For Hathor in Old Kingdom pyramid temples, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 329-31. 311 For examples of figures with battered faces that originate from the lowest register in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, see here pls. 155-56, 286, 370, 379. 312 These are best preserved on the strand to the left of the neck.

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horn-like appendage, broken at the end, angles upwards from top of the goddess’s brow. The projection is unlikely to be belong to the head of either a vulture or cobra, which often project from the foreheads of goddesses, as the figure does not have the feathered headdress usually associated with the appearance of these two animals on headgear. Further, vulture and cobra heads are usually found directly above the hairline, that is lower than the projection on the goddess under discussion here (compare pls. 221, 244). Other headgear worn by goddesses normally sits directly on top of the head rather than projecting from the forehead. 313 The only similar forehead projections known to the present author are found on figures referred to as “Libyans,” but perhaps better described by the Egyptian word Ïœnw, 314 a group of people who in the Old and Middle Kingdoms are attested in scenes in which the king smites foreign enemies. 315 Several observations argue against assigning the figure to a smiting scene and instead suggest that she is a goddess. First,

313

The piece was originally published in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 139, pl. 158a; additional joins have been made since the publication. 314 Spalinger, “Libyans of the Old Kingdom,” p. 127 rejects the idea that the projections relate to the Egyptian uraeus, but does not offer an opinion as to what they could represent. According to Spalinger, (“Libyans of the Old Kingdom,” pp. 125-29), the ancient Egyptian term Ïœnw originally referred to people who lived in the “western regions flanking the Delta to the west of Upper Egypt,” not the modern nation-state called Libya. In later times the term became more generalized. For the area designated by the term “Libya” and recent excavations there, see Snape, “Emergence of Libya,” pp. 93-106. 315 For example in the pyramid temples of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 10-15, 72-78, pl. 1) Pepi I (Leclant, “Famille Libyenne,” pp. 49-54) and Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 8-9; note that here the projection is rendered as a kind of uraeus). Also see these references for details of garments and gestures. For a discussion of Old Kingdom depictions of “Libyans,” see Stockfisch “Bemerkungen,” pp. 315-25. For “Libyans” in the Middle Kingdom, see W. Hölscher, Libyer und Ägypter, pp. 26-27. Note the figure bringing offerings in the tomb of Ukhhotep at Meir (C 1), who has a small object projecting from the forehead. However, she does not otherwise wear the typical “Libyan” costume and has no identifying inscription, raising the

160

the position of the figure’s proper right (i.e. forward) arm is outstretched in the same manner as deities who grasp was-scepters. 316 In contrast, the foreign female figures who appear in smiting scenes raise their arms above the head in a gesture of submission to the Egyptian king. Second, the figure wears the typical two strap sheath dress and broad collar of an Egyptian goddess, while Ïœnw-women wear only patterned double sashes and y-shaped necklaces above the waist. 317 Third, the female figure is of exactly the same size and scale as the figures found in Senwosret III’s deity procession. Finally, there is no evidence that a smiting scene was included in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. In sum, this female figure seems most likely to have been a goddess, perhaps one connected with the northwestern border area of Libya referred to by the term Ïœnw. 318 The supposition finds further support from the š-sign that constitutes the only surviving portion of the inscription, as one of the tribes from this region was called the Bæš. 319 Enough room remains in the gap between the left end of the š-sign and the vertical dividing line to accommodate the ãæst-sign one would expect at the end of the tribe’s name.

possibility that the object on the forehead could have other, non-“Libyan” contexts (Blackman, Meir, pt.VI, p. 20, pl. XVIII). 316 The rear arms of both Libyan captives and deities in procession are vertical. 317 For the “Libyan” costume, including the object on the forehead, see W. Hölscher, Libyer und Ägypter, pp. 12-16. 318 For foreign deities in Egypt, concentrating mainly on the New Kingdom and influence from lands to the east of Egypt, see Zivie-Coche, “Dieux autres,” pp. 139-75. 319 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 10-15, 72-78, pl. 1. For the use of š in Libyan names and Bæš, see Spalinger, “Libyans of the Old Kingdom,” pp. 129-31.

161

Examination of an earlier depiction of a deity with an uncertain identity may shed some light on the goddess from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Well known from the pyramid temple of Sahure is a large block depicting a smiting scene in which the Ïœnw pay homage to the king. Here the god “Ash, lord of the Ïœnw” is depicted wearing an Egyptian divine beard, kilt and broad collar. 320 He carries a was-scepter and originally probably held an ankh-sign; in front of him is the text of a speech he recites to the king. Above him is a star band that also covers the preceding Goddess of the West, but is absent from the registers of Ïœnw supplicants. The identity of the deity is ambiguous: should he be viewed as a foreign god who has been assimilated into the Egyptian pantheon or an Egyptian deity who has dominion over the peoples of neighboring lands? 321 Similar interpretations could be applied to the red-haired goddess under discussion here: is she a deity imported into the Egyptian pantheon from the area inhabited by the Ïœnw, a general representative of these lands, or an Egyptian goddess who guarded the border region between the two countries? Unfortunately without further parallels, it is impossible to provide a precise identification.

SA 45 Unidentified Female Deity (pl. 66)

320

Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 14, 74, pl. 1. The two interpretations of Ash were suggested by Zivie-Coche (“Dieux autres,” pp. 148-49). The present author believes the same two possibilities can be applied to the goddess found in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III. The possibility that a deity in the square antechamber of Senwosret III who has the caption Ïœn may be related to the northwestern border areas is discussed below under catalogue number SA 117. The piece cannot be joined with the red-haired goddess. 321

162

16.2 x 20.4 cm

98.1436/1 (S/28); 98.1640/1 (S/28); 99.107 (T/28bc)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the face just above the eye. Preserved here are most of the face and part of the torso of an unidentified goddess. The position of the masonry edge indicates that she probably originated from the same register as the head of a feline deity (cat. no. SA 50).

SA 46 Unidentified Female Deity (pl. 67) 17 x 28.4 cm

94.436/1, /2 (R/29c); 98.757 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the figure in the area of the buttocks. The intact head, the front of the torso and most of the proper right arm are preserved on this piece. Unfortunately, no hieroglyphs have been found that would identify the goddess. However, as one of the most beautiful figures surviving from Senwosret III’s pyramid complex and a small masterpiece of Twelfth Dynasty relief sculpture, the goddess deserves a place in the present study. The subtle modeling of the face, particularly around the jawbone, and the finely rendered mouth and eye are comparable to the same features on a depiction of the goddess Weret-hekau (SA 47, pls. 68-69), suggesting that the two goddesses were the work of a single, master sculptor. 322

322

Because of space limitations, the question of identifying artists in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III will be addressed in a future study.

163

SA 47 Upper Register: God, Goddess and Unidentified Deity; Lower Register: Feline Goddess and Weret-hekau (pls. 68-69) 323 74.2 x 59.3 cm

93.240 (S/30ab); 93.461 (R/30cd); 93.1161 (S/29bc); 93.1179/1

(S/29bc); 93.1459/1 (no square recorded): 94.457 (R/29b-30c); 94.470 (R/29b-30c); 94.596 (S/29b); 96.1191/2 (T/31b); 98.761/1 (S/28); 98.832/4 (S/28); 98.1018 (S/28); 98.1084/2 (S/28); 98.1122/1 (S/28); 98.1149 (R/28); 98.1251/4 (S/28); 98.1254/1 (S/28); 98.1288/4 (S/28); 98.1386/1 (S/28); 98.1565/1 (S/28); 98.1584/3 (S/28); 99.625 (T/28b); 02.496 (U-V/27-28) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through Werethekau below the armpit and across the bottom of the breast. Parts of five deities divided between two registers are depicted here. In the upper register are the legs, feet and bottom of the was-scepter of a male deity, followed by the legs, feet, was-scepter and ankh-sign originally held by a female deity. Neither of these figures can be identified. From the third deity only part of a scepter staff remains, noticeably painted red rather than the standard green used for was-scepters. Perhaps a staff that ends with a papyrus umbel is depicted here, a type occasionally carried by

323

Two small pieces from left side of the star band are omitted in the photo.

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goddesses, though these are also generally green. 324 Another possibility is a long crook with a curved top, which is at least sometimes colored red. 325 Two goddesses are depicted in the lower register, both with inscriptions that provide evidence of their identities. First is a deity of whom only a small portion of a feline head survives, including the eye and part of the ear. Above her are parts of three hieroglyphs: the tail and wing of a long-legged-water-bird-sign, a t-sign and a hair-sign (Sign-list D3). A number of hieroglyphs depict long-legged water birds (Sign-list G2533), all of which have similarly rendered hindquarters. However, because the wing and tail of the bird discussed here are fairly close to the star band above, little space remains for the neck and head. Thus it seems most likely that the hieroglyph is either a dšr-sign (flamingo, Sign-list G27) or a gm-sign (black ibis, Sign-list G28), as both of these birds are depicted with bent necks, meaning that they occupy less vertical space and could have been placed closer to the star band. If the sign is interpreted as a black ibis, it is possible that the entire word is gmœt “a curl or plait of hair,” 326 though it is not clear how this phrase could be applied to a deity. There is also a goddess called gmœt “the widow,” who is mentioned in the Book of the Dead; her appearance is uncertain.327

324

For a discussion of papyrus scepters and the goddesses who carry them, see de Wit, Lion, pp. 290-91. For examples of goddesses with papyrus scepters in pyramid temples, see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 35; Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, p. 94, fig. 72. An examination of the objects on painted Middle Kingdom coffins that have been published in color yielded no suggestions for the identity of the red staff. 325 Calverley, Sethos I, vol. III, pl. 40; this staff is actually red at the top and yellow below, though there is not a strict division between the colors. 326 Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 2, p. 2597. 327 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 312-13.

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More likely the word should be understood as dšr, which denotes red things and the desert. The color could be related to either the sometimes aggressive nature of feline deities or their dwelling place in the desert. The space beneath the bird could easily accommodate a phonetic complement r-sign. Unfortunately, all of the possible interpretations of the phrase have problems or qualifications. A translation of the word as relating to the desert is unlikely because the ãæst-sign is not used as a determinative. An intriguing possibility is that the word somehow relates to the red crown, particularly since the following deity Weret-hekau is closely connected to the Egyptian crown. However, a lock of hair is used here as a determinative rather than a red-crown-sign, and no parallel for such a substitution is known to the present author. Another possibility is that the epithet dšrt fë 328 “the one with red locks” is used here as an epithet, but no known feline or female deity is so described. 329 Finally, it is possible that the phrase should be read as dšrt-gmœwt “the one with red hair,” an interpretation that would play on the similar hieroglyphs used in the words for red and hair.330 Such a goddess is known from the Book of the Dead spell 145, but she is not attested until the New Kingdom. 331 Unfortunately, no color has been preserved on the feline’s head, though a small fragment with part of the nose and torso of a feline goddess, which may

328

Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 305. Seth is described as “the one with red hair,” see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, p. 668, letter H no. 5. 330 For the negative connotations of red, see Ritner, Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, pp. 147-48. 331 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 573. The name of the goddess is found in the tomb of Senenmut (Dorman, Senenmut, p. 122, pl. 69, bottom of fourth column from right). 329

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have originally joined to this piece, has remains of a green divine wig, rather than a red one (cat. no. SA 48, pl. 70). 332 Another attestation of what could be the same or a similar goddess is found in Room J of the Hibis Temple in Kharga Oasis, which dates to the 26th and 27th Dynasties. 333 Here on the east wall is a goddess with a human head, whose partially damaged caption ends with what could be a long-legged-water-bird-sign followed by a hair-sign, a t-sign and a seated goddess determinative. In the original publication of the temple, the caption is described as “…partly lost […wš.t].” 334 According to Cruz-Uribe, the goddess’s name is Ushat or possibly a variant of wšæt, a figure known from the Amduat. 335 In Cruz-Uribe’s interpretation, the sign used is the fatted duck (wšæ, Signlist G42), rather than a long-legged water bird. However, the inscription in the Amduat that is proposed as a variant of the Hibis Temple text lacks the concluding hair-sign, an important omission that is difficult to dismiss without some sort of explanation. The comparable hieroglyph in the Senwosret III relief has a tail shape that is closer to the long-legged water birds, rather than the more undulating undersides of ducks and geese. Thus in sum, it seems most likely that the goddess depicted in the Hibis Temple is the same as that depicted in Senwosret III’s square antechamber and mentioned in the Book

332

Note that the human-headed female deity on catalogue number SA 189 (pl. 213) has remains of red on the garment, but such coloration is found on the costumes of other goddesses and cannot be related to the use of the word red in the identifying inscription. 333 For the temple and date, see Arnold, Temples of the Last Pharaohs, pp. 77-79, 113-15, 134. 334 N. de Garis Davies, Temple of Hibis, pt. III, p. 21, pl. 21, east wall, upper register, second figure from left. 335 Cruz-Uribe, Hibis Temple Project, vol. I, p. 92 n. 362. Hornung, Amduat, vol. I, p. 8 no. 38; vol. II, p. 16 no. 38. See also Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 591.

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of the Dead. As proposed above, her identity may the “the one with red hair,” or perhaps “the widow.” The second goddess has a well-preserved inscription that reads dí ënã Wrtœkæw “ gives life; Weret-hekau.” 336 Preserved are the entire head and the back two-thirds of the upper torso and proper left shoulder. The delicately modeled and finely rendered face distinguishes this piece as one of the most lovely among late Twelfth Dynasty examples of royal relief; as was noted above, it is likely the work of the same sculptor who carved catalogue number SA 46. Weret-hekau, which can be translated as “one great of magic,” is a phrase with a complex series of associations that can be applied to goddesses appearing as female humans, felines, 337 cobras and hippopotami. The goddess was apparently rarely depicted with a human head. After the example presented here, she again appears with a human head on the Eighteenth Dynasty on a pendant found in the tomb of Tutankhamum.338 Other surviving examples of Weret-hekau with a human head are Ramesside. 339 Her

336

Note that the feminine pronoun s is omitted here for reasons of space. For an example of the omission of a feminine complement, see catalogue number SA 156ab. The piece was included in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pl. 159c; since the publication many additional joins have been made. 337 For the feline Weret-hekau, see de Wit, Lion, pp. 336-38. A Twelfth Dynasty female figure who grasps snakes is more likely to represent a leonine demon rather than Weret-hekau, as suggested by de Wit (Lion, p. 336). According to Ogden Goelet, the wood figurine almost certainly depicts Beset, the female counterpart of Bes. It was found by Quibell in conjunction with the Ramesseum papyri (Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, pp. 110-11, fig. 1). 338 Eaton-Krauss, Small Golden Shrine, pp. 6-7, pls.VI-VII. Weret-hekau is depicted on the pendant with a human head, upper torso and arms atop a cobra body. She is suckling a small image of the king. 339 The goddess appears with a human, female head in the tomb of Ramesses VII (Hornung, Zwei Ramessideische Königsgräber, pp. 62-63, 79, pls. 9b, 115). Both Hornung and Hari, (“La grande-en-magie,” p. 106) state that this is the sole appearance of the goddess with a human head. However, the goddess is depicted on the Tutankhamum pendant and another example

168

primary associations are with the Egyptian crowns and the uraeus. In the New Kingdom she often appears in so-called coronation scenes. 340 In addition, the term “weret-hekau” can be used as an epithet for a number of goddesses, including Sekhmet, Pakhet and Mut, 341 which has lead to some confusion as to whether and when she can be considered an autonomous deity. In the Old342 and Middle Kingdoms 343 Werethekau is known solely from texts, and it has been stated that she exists as an independent goddess only from the New Kingdom on. 344 The relief found in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III is thus the oldest surviving depiction of Weret-hekau and it seems most likely that the figure should be viewed as a goddess who carries this name, rather than another deity described only by an epithet. Since the goddess lacks any distinguishing features such as the uraeus, a feline head or a horned sun disk, if “weret-hekau” was intended here only as an epithet and not a name, the figure would

exists in Abu Simbel (Lepsius, Denkmaeler, pl. vol. 3, pl. 189). The statue of Weret-hekau inscribed with the name of Khafre probably does not have human head (Legrain, Statues, vol. 1, p. 2, pl. 1, no. 42002; contra Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 493 no. 87 and Aa, p. 495, no. 87). For post-New Kingdom examples of Weret-hekau with a human head, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 493 A. 340 For a summary of the different associations and forms of Weret-hekau, see Nebe, “Werethekau,” cols. 1221-24 with further references and Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 493-96. For a discussion of her role in the New Kingdom, particularly in relation to the gold shrine of Tutankhamum, see Bosse-Griffiths, “Great Enchantress,” pp. 100-108; Hari, “La grande-enmagie,” pp. 100-107; Bosse-Griffiths, “Further Remarks,” pp. 181-82. The goddess and her associations are certainly deserving of their own, full-length study. 341 For the connection of Weret-hekau and Sekhmet from the New Kingdom on, see Hoenes, Göttin Sachmet, p. 182. 342 In the Old Kingdom she seems to be known only from the Pyramid Texts (Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 493-96). A statue of Weret-hekau inscribed with the name of Khafre that was found in the Karnak cachette is certainly not Old Kingdom, but its poor condition makes it difficult to date (see Legrain, Statues, vol. 1, p. 2, pl. 1, no. 42002); the statue may be a copy or a renewal of an earlier one (Daumas, “L’origine d’Amon de Karnak,” pp. 207-8, 212). 343 In the Middle Kingdom, Weret-hekau is found in the Coffin Texts and in an inscription from the Wadi Hammamat (Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 493-96 with further references).

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be otherwise completely unidentifiable. 345 For her possible relationship to the gods Aha-wer and Aha-rekhty, see catalogue numbers SA 104-5.

SA 48 Nose and Torso of Feline Goddess (pl. 70) 11.5 x 13.3 cm

93.475 (S/30ab); 98.845/2 (S/28); 02.422 (U-V/27-28)

The piece has a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom that cuts through the figure below the armpit and across the bottom of the breast. The upper part of the torso and the proper left shoulder of a goddess are preserved, along with small parts of the nose and muzzle that identify the figure as a feline. The position of the masonry edge suggests that the goddess belongs to the same register as a number of other pieces (cat. nos. SA 42, 47, 97, 105). Because the figure discussed here is a feline, it is likely that the fragment originally joined the lioness goddess in front of Weret-hekau, which has a masonry edge in a similar place. Remaining on the straps of the goddess’s dress are patches of red, which cannot be related to the word “red” that seems to appear in the caption of the goddess in catalogue number SA 47, as other female dresses have the same color. A vertical lock of a divine wig with remains of green falls across the proper right side of the chest.

SA 49 Upper Register: Two Male Deities; Lower Register: Weret and Another Deity (pl. 71)

344

Nebe, “Werethekau,” col. 1222. Though it is of course possible that some particular association of the time period is now lost to us. 345

170

45.3 x 35.1 cm

98.884/2 (S/28); 98.887/2 (S/28); 98.929/1 (S/28); 98.1012

(S/28); 98.1100abc (S/28); 98.1425/2 (S/28) Parts of four deities distributed between two registers remain on this piece, though unfortunately only one can be identified. In the upper register are the proper left foot of a male deity, followed by the proper right foot and was-scepter of another male deity. Below is a star band that marks the top of the lower register. To the right is the partially preserved face of a lioness goddess, above which is the inscription [dí].s ënã œm Wrt “she gives life and majesty” or “incarnation; Weret;” the head of her was-scepter is below the s-sign. Of the following deity only the initial dí-sign remains from the inscription, along with the very top of the figure’s was-scepter. 346 Somewhat problematic is the first part of the Weret caption, specifically the inclusion of the word œm, which was traditionally translated as “majesty,” 347 but is now often translated as “incarnation.” The latter translation suggests that the word is used to designate an individual who embodies “the divine power of kingship.” 348 The present author cannot find a parallel for a deity giving the king œm, but no other interpretation of the term seems possible. A goddess named œm wrt is not known and the position of the term suggests it belongs with the opening phrase, rather than the name of the goddess. At present, one can only suggest that this unusual inscription and the goddess’s “gift” might in some way be related to the her role in coronation ceremonies (see below).

346 347

The piece was published in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pl. 159d. See Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, pp. 528-29.

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Like Weret-hekau (cat. no. SA 47), questions have been raised as to whether or not Weret can be considered an independent goddess or simply an epithet. 349 However, since several depictions survive of a feline figure captioned “weret” without any other identifying texts, it seems most reasonable to conclude that Weret did exist as a goddess in her own right. The goddess Weret is known in the Old and Middle Kingdoms only from the Pyramid and Coffin Texts, meaning that this relief seems to be her earliest surviving depiction. Particularly intriguing for the present study is a panel with a depiction of a lioness-headed goddess captioned “Weret” that originally belonged to a chair or throne placed in the tomb of Tuthmosis IV. 350 Depicted is the enthroned king facing the goddess Weret, who holds an ankh-sign in her proper left hand and stretches her proper right hand towards the king’s red crown in a gesture that is usually connected with socalled coronation rituals. 351 In the crook of her proper left arm, Weret must have held a palm risp symbolizing millions of years, the top of which curves over her name and should not be mistaken for an additional hieroglyph. Thoth stands behind the king, holding palm risps and an ankh-sign; behind him is an inscription granting the king millions of years. On the other side of the panel, the king is depicted as a sphinx

348

See Allen, Middle Egyptian, pp. 31-32. For the term see also Hofmann, “Majestät und Diener,” pp. 116-32. 349 For the use of the term “great” or “greatest” god, see Hornung, One and the Many, pp. 18789; Hornung does not believe that the term can be used to designate a particular deity. 350 Now in The Metropolitan Museum of Art (accession number 30.8.45a-c, The Theodore M. Davis Collection, Bequest of Theodore M. Davis, 1915). See Hayes, Scepter, vol. 2, p. 150, pp. 152-53, fig. 84; according to Hayes, the throne scene was on the inside of the chair and both scenes may have originally been covered with gold leaf. 351 For a discussion of so-called coronation rituals, see here pp. 561-67.

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trampling enemies. A companion piece from the opposite arm of the seat, now in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, contains similar scenes: the king as sphinx tramples enemies on one side and on the other is enthroned in human form between Thoth and a feline goddess, who raises her hand towards the now-missing, presumably white crown. 352 The goddess depicted here is not Weret, but rather Weret-hekau, who as noted above is connected to the Egyptian crown. 353 The possibility must therefore be considered that at Dahshur the feline Weret and human Weret-hekau were originally next to or near each other, though missing pieces make it impossible to connect the blocks. If so, this section of the square antechamber might have been connected to the Egyptian crowns or perhaps the king’s assumption of the throne.

SA 50 Head and Neck of Feline Goddess (pl. 72) 9.7 x 5.7 cm

93.1015 (S/29bc)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the forehead.

352

W. Smith, Ancient Egypt, pp. 110-12, figs. 68-70; note that the illustrations of the panel are found only in the 1946 edition of Smith’s book, not the 1960 revised version. Smith also reconstructs the throne scene on the inside of the chair and suggests the panels were gilded. It should be noted that on the Metropolitan Museum panel, the hand of the goddess is not preserved. However, the hand gesture can be inferred based on the parallel to the Boston panel, which does retain this element. For the original publication of the panels, see Carter, Thoutmôsis IV, pp. 20-22, pls.VI-VII. 353 According to Carter (Thoutmôsis IV, p. 21), the goddess on the Metropolitan Museum panel should also be identified as Weret-hekau, with the second part of her name presumably originally to the right. However, note the different arrangement of hieroglyphs above Werethekau (ibid., pl.VI) and Weret (ibid., pl.VII), which seems to suggest that the two inscriptions were not the same. In addition, there are no traces of hieroglyphs in the area of background to the right of the name Weret, leading to the conclusion that there probably were no other elements in the name of this goddess.

173

All of the lioness’s face remains here, except for a small piece of the top of the head, which was on the block above. Particularly notable is the textured surface between the mouth and nose indicating whiskers. At the back of the head is a banana-shaped object that must be the ruff of fur often seen on actual lionesses. A divine wig with an incised pattern lies behind the face and neck; across the neck is a choker composed of horizontal stripes. The position of the horizontal masonry edge suggests that this fragment originally belonged to the same register as catalogue number SA 45. Nothing remains that would indicate the identity of the goddess.

SA 51 Back of Face of Feline Goddess (pl. 73) 3.1 x 3.9 cm

98.831/1 (S/28)

The small fragment of a feline goddess preserves part of an eye with a rimmed upper lid, the ear, a triangle of fur above the forehead and the upper half of the ruff of fur behind the face. The lioness cannot be identified.

SA 52 Back of Face and Divine Wig of Feline Goddess (pl. 74) 11.7 x 6.2 cm

98.965/1 (S/28)

Found on this fragment is the back of the face of a lioness goddess with pieces of her eye and eyebrow, ear, long ruff of fur behind the face and a section of the wig. No text has been found that would allow the goddess to be identified. Note that this

174

lioness has an applied eyebrow, a feature not found on the other feline deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. 354

SA 53 Deity Inscription Containing s- and Bird-Signs (pl. 75) 4.6 x 4.8 cm

00.639 (Q/30c)

The small fragment contains part of the top of an s-sign and what seems to be the beak of a long-legged-water-bird-sign. The inscription probably designates the goddess Bastet, as the combination of an s-sign preceding the bæ-bird is found on another inscription for this goddess in the square antechamber of Senwosret III (cat. no. SA 195, pl. 219).

SA 54 Legs and Feet of Female Deity Wearing Red Dress (pl. 76) 27.5 x 24.8 cm

98.1082/3 (S/28); 98.1112/1 (S/28); 98.1197/3 (S/28);

98.1276/1 (S/28); 98.1368/5 (S/28); 98.1437/3 (S/28) Depicted here are the legs, feet and an ankh-sign that was originally held by an unidentified female deity standing on a groundline. For the present study, the piece is mainly interesting because it contains one of the better preserved examples of a red sheath dress. 355

354

Although the question of identifying artists will be dealt with in a future study, one should note that the feline deities under discussion here are each rendered slightly differently. The variations could indicate that either a large number of artists worked in the square antechamber or a smaller group intentionally varied their depictions, perhaps to create livelier compositions.

175

Discussion and Catalogue of Seth Figures Facing Right Recovered fragments show definitively that there were at least eight figures of Seth in the square antechamber of Senwosret III, six of which faced to the right and two to the left. It has been possible to arrive at this figure because six separate Seth-like snouts are preserved on the figures facing right (cat. nos. SA 57, 59-63, pls. 79a, 80-84) and two eyes are preserved on the figures facing left (cat. nos. SA 228-29, pls. 254-55), indicating a minimum number of representations. Because other pieces that must belong to depictions of Seth also have been found, including the god’s peculiar, trapezoidal-shaped ears and parts of inscriptions, it is quite possible that more examples of the deity existed in the square antechamber. As will be seen in the catalogue below, among the figures facing right, only three inscriptions help to narrow down the specific manifestations of Seth, and two of these texts, which seem to be identical, are not directly connected to the depictions. 356 The numerous representations of Seth in the square antechamber might at first seem odd, both because we tend to believe that Seth was viewed in a negative light

355

For a general discussion of the color red, though not of red clothing, see Griffiths, “Symbolism of Red,” pp. 81-90. 356 The bibliography for Seth is vast and in the present context the deity can only be discussed in the most general terms. For discussions of the god, see te Velde, Seth, God of Confusion; te Velde, “Seth,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia, pp. 269-71; te Velde, “Seth,” LÄ V, cols. 908-11; Griffiths, Conflict of Horus and Seth; Griffiths, Origins of Osiris, passim; Hornung, “Seth,” pp. 49-63; Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VI, pp. 691-94 all with further references. For Seth in the Old Kingdom, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 2, pp. 346-47. Most studies of Seth concentrate on textual references and not always within a chronological framework. A study of Seth that placed greater stress on visual representations would be a useful. Depictions of Seth were collected by Vandier (“Le dieu Seth,” pp. 188-97, pl.VIIb) as part of a discussion of a stela acquired by the Louvre.

176

(particularly at Abydos) 357 and because we know that Senwosret III seems to have been particularly devoted to Osiris, who, according to most traditions was murdered by Seth. 358 Certainly passages in the Pyramid and Coffin Texts support the notion that Seth was a ‘trickster’ deity, who was often associated with harmful deeds and negative actions. 359 However, if one looks carefully at the Old and Middle Kingdom depictions of Seth, he frequently appears with Horus in heraldic scenes that simply illustrate the division between Upper and Lower Egypt and the unity of the two lands under the pharaoh. The deities are often accompanied by Nekhbet and Wadjet, goddesses who are also strongly associated with the two portions of the country.360 None of these images present Seth in a negative light. Although a thorough discussion of the specific role of Seth in the Old and Middle Kingdoms is beyond the scope of this dissertation, the multiple depictions of Seth in Senwosret III’s square antechamber can be viewed as another piece of evidence pointing to the dualistic positive and negative nature of the

357

As perhaps exemplified by the title of a major monograph on this deity by te Velde entitled Seth,God of Confusion. 358 For Senwosret III’s constructions at Abydos, see Wegner, Mortuary Temple; idem, “Mortuary Complex.” 359 For negative words associated with Seth, see te Velde, Seth, God of Confusion, pp. 22-25. For negative aspects of Seth, see here the references in note 356. However, for positive references to Seth in the Pyramid Texts, see Griffiths, Conflict of Horus and Seth, p. 4; idem, Origins of Osiris, p. 11. 360 One such composition is found on the tympana of both the pyramid temple offering chamber and the north chapel (see here pp. 404-32; pls. 312-14, 320-24, 328, 356). Examples found elsewhere include: a lintel from the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre (Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, pl. 10 [Horus is reconstructed]); a lintel of the same king from Karnak (Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” p. 35, fig. 14); two door lintels of Senwosret I from Karnak (Le Saout, “Moyen Empire: Varia 1,” p. 319, pl.VI; L. Gabolde, “Karnak,” p. 20, fig. 9); the sides of some royal statues from the pyramid temple of Senwosret I (Gautier, Licht, pp. 35-37, figs. 33-37); the famous door lintel from the temple of Senwosret III at Medamoud (Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pls. 1, 2). For Old Kingdom titles that

177

god. 361 A more benign view of Seth during the Middle Kingdom might account for his seeming prominence in the square antechamber of Senwosret III, his inclusion on tympana in the pyramid temple offering chamber and in the north chapel (pp. 404-16), and his likely participation in the purification scene (p. 555; cat no. UL 47).

SA 55 Seth with Inscription Containing Seth- and k-Signs (pl. 77) 20.1 x 28 cm

93.1117/4 (S/29bc); 93.1127 (S/29bc); 94.880 (R/29d)

This piece is the only one of the group of Seth figures facing right that preserves the connection between inscription and figure. Seen here are the back of the yellow figure’s face with an applied eyebrow and cosmetic line, most of the ears, much of the divine wig, the neck, a small section of the proper right shoulder and part of the proper right upper arm. Above the figure are parts of two hieroglyphs, the seated Seth animal and a k-sign, which may be part of an epithet of Seth. 362

SA 56 Top of Face, Ears and Divine Wig of Seth (pl. 78) 14.7 x 7.5 cm

01.542 (T/31c); 02.142 (T/32d)

include both Horus and Seth, see Begelsbacher-Fischer, Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt, pp. 17884. 361 The dual nature of Seth and his status in different periods of Egyptian history is discussed at length in Hornung, “Seth,” pp. 49-63. For the cooperative and complementary natures of Horus and Seth in the Pyramid Texts, see Griffiths, Conflict of Horus and Seth, pp. 12, 22-24. For the duality and the reconciliation of Horus and Seth, see te Velde, Seth, God of Confusion, pp. 5973. See also ibid., pp. 138-51; Soukiassian, “Une étape,” pp. 59-68. For the king as one who incorporates both Horus and Seth, see Allen, Pyramid Texts, pp. 31, 62 n. 36. 362 For epithets of Seth, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, pp. 667-70; unfortunately, nothing seems suitable for the k-sign.

178

Preserved on the fragment are parts of the broad ears, upper part of the yellow face and the striped green divine wig of a Seth figure. The interior of the proper right ear contains incised lines that run parallel to the outer contours. Behind the completely preserved eye is a long cosmetic line and above it a thick applied eyebrow.

SA 57 Head, Base of Ears and Neck of Seth (pl. 79a) 17.2 x 7.7 cm

98.1183 (S/28)

All of the yellow face and neck and parts of the ears and striped green divine wig remain from this beautifully rendered image of Seth. The top of one ear may be preserved on catalogue number SA 58. The depiction of the face includes a cosmetic line behind the eye and an applied eyebrow that joins the curving front contour of the head. The surface of the snout curves from side to side, terminating with a sharply cut tip and a lightly incised nostril. The lower jaw ends short of the nostril. The deeply incised mouth is at a slightly oblique angle to the jaw contour, creating the impression that the figure is smiling. 363

SA 58 Ear of Seth (pl. 79b) 4.9 x 4.4 cm

93.1184/3 (S/29bc)

The upper half of a yellow Seth ear is preserved on this fragment. Although the pieces no longer can be connected, the similar rendering of the incised lines parallel to the

363

The piece was included in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pl. 159e.

179

contours make it likely that this small fragment originates from the upper part of the proper right ear of the Seth in catalogue number SA 57.

SA 59 Proper Left Shoulder, Front of Torso, Divine Wig and Snout of Seth (pl. 80) 12 x 12.2 cm

98.482 (R/28)

Remaining from a Seth figure is the end of the snout with a lightly incised nostril. The proper left shoulder, upper arm, garment strap and chest also remain, along with the forward lock of the striped wig, and the edge of the broad collar.

SA 60 Shoulders, Upper Torso, Divine Wig and Snout of Seth (pl. 81) 20.3 x 10.3 cm

98.882/4 (S/28); 98.1001/1 (S/28); 98.1545/3 (S/28)

The fragment preserves the tip of Seth’s snout, the neck, the shoulders and the upper part of the torso. Incised locks of the divine wig fall on either side of the neck and along the edge of the proper right shoulder. Parts of the incised garment straps also remain.

SA 61 Snout of Seth (pl. 82) 4.4 x 3.7 cm

98.1045/1 (S/28)

The small piece preserves the lower half of Seth’s snout and a curving incised line that defines the mouth.

SA 62 Snout of Seth (pl. 83) 180

9.2 x 3.9 cm

93.977 (S/29b)

Remaining here is part of Seth’s yellow snout; a damaged incised line indicates the mouth.

SA 63 Snout of Seth (pl. 84) 2.8 x 3.5 cm

98.1275/6 (S/28)

The piece preserves the tip of Seth’s yellow snout and an incised line indicating the mouth.

SA 64 Ears of Seth (pl. 85) 4.2 x 3.2 cm

98.876/2 (S/28)

Part of the yellow, proper right ear is preserved on this piece, along with a small edge of the proper left ear. The direction of the figure can be determined because the larger preserved section has a central channel delineating the inside of the ear, a feature that is visible only on the rear ear, regardless of whether the figure faces right or left (compare here pls. 77-79a, 89, 254).

SA 65 Ears of Seth (pl. 86) 14.3 x 7.1 cm

98.1013/3 (S/28)

Shown here are the yellow ears of a Seth figure facing right. Because the rear ear overlaps the forward ear regardless of the direction of the figure, the orientation of this Seth figure can be determined (compare here pls. 77-79a, 89, 254). The ears widen 181

upwards. At the base of the proper left ear is the slightly curving contour of the top of the head.

SA 66 Deity Inscription Containing Seth-Sign and wnm (pl. 87) 13.5 x 10.5 cm

93.1178/2 (S/29bc); 98.1508 (S/28)

This fragment and the following one (cat. no. SA 67) both seem to preserve parts of similar inscriptions, which must belong to captions above Seth figures because they retain the tail and/or hindquarters of the yellow recumbent Seth-animal-sign (Sign-list E21). The fragment discussed here is the better preserved of the two and includes from right to left: the tail of the Seth animal, 364 two half-loaf-of-bread-signs (Sign-list X7) and the man-with-hand-to-mouth-sign (Sign-list A2); the last two sign groups designate wnm “eat.” 365 The present author cannot find an epithet attested for Seth that includes wnm. 366 The expression could be interpreted as “Seth the one who eats (or has eaten?)…,” which might be taken as an allusion to this deity’s consumption of the eye of Horus. The event is mentioned in the Pyramid Texts of Unis, which state “Osiris Unis, accept little Horus’s eye, of which Seth has eaten.” 367 However, if this action was considered so pivotal as to be twice included as a divine epithet in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, one wonders why it is otherwise unattested.

364

For the idea that an arrow is used to depict the tail of the Seth animal, see Borchardt, “Sethtier,” pp. 90-91. 365 Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 1, pp. 680-85. 366 See Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, pp. 667-70 for epithets associated with Seth.

182

SA 67 Deity Inscription Containing Seth-Sign and wnm (pl. 88) 6.1 x 5.2 cm

96.1325/2 (S/32d)

Remaining on this small fragment are the yellow haunches and tail of a Seth-animalsign and part of a half-loaf-of-bread-sign (Sign-list X7). This inscription is likely to have had the same text as the preceding piece (cat. no. SA 66), which appears to have had an epithet for the god Seth related to eating or consumption. The question now arises as to how or if two figures with a similar physical form and inscription were differentiated and why an uncommon text appeared twice. The answer is probably that the two Seth figures were differentiated by the context in which they appeared, meaning that the original cultic function and/or cult place of each manifestation was made obvious by the more specific identities of the surrounding deities. This point will be further developed in the conclusion to this chapter.

SA 68 Deity Inscription Containing Seth-Sign (pl. 89) 8 x 7.1 cm

98.1022/4 (S/28)

The yellow head, neck, front paws, body and the edge of the rear paws are preserved from this recumbent Seth-animal-sign.

SA 69 Upper Register: Foot of Male Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing Seth-Sign (pl. 90) 8.5 x 15.7 cm

367

98.1415/1 (S/28)

Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 23 no. 63, p. 26 no. 107. See also Griffiths, Conflict of Horus and Seth, p.

183

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the ankle area of the figure in the upper register. Preserved in the upper register is the center of a male foot on a groundline. Below is a star band with parts of two stars, followed by the yellow ear and eye area of a Sethanimal-sign.

Discussion and Catalogue of Falcon-Headed Deities Facing Right

SA 70 Upper Register: Feet and Was-Scepter of Male Deity; Lower Register: Head and Torso of Horus with Deity Inscription Containing ënã Œrw (pl. 91) Total W. 33.4 cm; H. of left side 51.7cm; H. of right side 27.6 cm

94.939/1

(R/29a); 98.769/1 (S/28); 98.1010 (S/28); 98.1138 (S/28); 98.1511/4 (S/28); 98.1546/1 (S/28) There is a vertical masonry that divides the scenes into two sections. In the upper register, the edge cuts through the proper left heel of the male deity; in the lower register, it cuts through the falcon-sign and the proper left shoulder of the falconheaded deity. There is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the buttocks of the Horus figure. Parts of two registers are preserved on these pieces. In the upper register are both ankles and feet of a male deity standing on a groundline. In front of him is the bottom of his was-scepter. In the lower register is part of a star band followed below by the

3; Molen, Coffin Texts, p. 577.

184

inscription [dí] ënã Œrw… “ [gives] life; Horus…” Unfortunately the hieroglyphs that would have identified this particular manifestation of the deity have been completely chipped away. Remaining from the figure is most of the finely rendered falcon head, parts of the striated wig behind the head and across the chest and a broad collar with incised strands. Horus wears a tunic that is preserved to the top of the buttocks and is cinched at the waist by a belt covered with finely incised rectangles.

SA 71 Falcon-Headed Deity with Crown and Deity Inscription Containing Water-Bird-Sign (pl. 92) 11 x 23.6 cm

93.1162 (S/29bc); 98.1545/4 (S/28)

There is a vertical masonry edge on the left side of the piece that cuts through the middle of the figure’s head and torso. Remaining on the fragment are parts of the crown, face, proper left shoulder, upper arm and chest of a falcon-headed deity; above is the foot of what seems to be a single, longlegged-water-bird-sign. Both the headdress, which appears to be tall and curves towards the back of the head, and the bird hieroglyph should provide clues to the deity’s identity. The god probably does not wear either the red or double crown, as these headdresses generally have concave front contours that curve slightly forward (compare here pls. 290, 308). A pair of feathers is also unlikely, as one would expect to see the steeply curved underside at the base. The object is not round enough to be a sun disk. The mostly likely headdress is the white crown, which angles back at the front. 185

However, falcon-headed deities do not generally wear the white crown, but are most often depicted with either the double crown, a sun disk or double feathers. Another possibility is that the crown is an atef without horns and with feathers at the side that begin rather high up. Falcon-headed deities do wear this headgear, but it almost always includes horizontal projecting horns. 368 As mentioned above, the hieroglyph seems to be a long-legged-water-bird and since it identifies a falcon-headed deity, one might suggest that the sign is the crestedibis (æã-sign; Sign-list G25) designating the god Horakhty. 369 However, as far as the present author can determine, there are no attested examples of Horakhty with a white crown. 370 In addition, if Horakhty were the god represented here, one would expect that at least parts of the ã- and t-signs and especially the final sandy-tract-sign (Sign-list N18) would be visible to the left of the bird. Other possibilities are that the falconheaded deity comes from Nekhen, as this manifestation of Horus wears the white crown, or that it is connected to Sokar.371 However, no variants of these names include a long-legged water bird. 372 Without further hieroglyphs or a clearer picture of the god’s crown, it is not possible to securely identify the deity or say more about the accompanying text.

368

For the atef-crown, see here under catalogue number SA 253. For Re-Horakhty in the Old Kingdom, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 341-42. 370 For the headgear worn by Horakhty, see Berteaux, “Harachte,” pp. 328-30. For the few attestations of Horakhty in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, see ibid., pp. 365-67. 371 Graindorge, “Sokar,” p. 337. 372 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 265-66. See also Gomaà, Besiedlung, vol. I, pp. 59-60. 369

186

SA 72 Front Half of Neck and Torso and Proper Left Arm of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 93) 13.4 x 24.2 cm

93.578 (R/30cd); 98.672 (R/26)

There is a vertical masonry edge on the left that cuts through the center of the figure. Preserved on the fragment are the proper right side of the deity’s torso and his outstretched proper left arm, which breaks off in the middle of the forearm. The god wears a tunic and broad collar and has a lock of the divine wig curving around the neck and over the top of the chest. It can be stated that the deity is animal-headed based on the shape of the neck, which is too angular to belong to a human male (compare pls. 94-95). The rounded end of an object raised slightly above the surface of the head corresponds to the vertical form commonly found below the eyes of falcon-headed deities, suggesting a general identity for the figure (compare pl. 94).

SA 73 Face and Center of Chest of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 94) 10.9 x 10.9 cm

94.569 (S/29b); 98.1545/1 (S/28)

Remaining from a falcon-headed deity are most of the head, two locks of the wig, the center of the chest and the broad collar. There are no remains of hieroglyphs that would help to further identify the figure.

SA 74 Head of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 95) 16 x 15.5 cm

93.663 (R/31)

The worn piece preserves the head, neck and collar of a falcon with a striated divine wig behind the head and in front of the neck. Unfortunately, no remains of hieroglyphs 187

that would further identify the falcon god can be discerned in the damaged area above the head.

SA 75 Back of Head of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 96) 8.6 x 5.6 cm

94.566 (R/30d)

The lower half of a crescent reveals that this fragment originates from a falcon-headed deity, as these figures generally have such features at the back of the face. Behind it are the curving green stripes of the deity’s divine wig.

SA 76 Back of Face of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 97) 3.4 x 3.4 cm

98.1549/5 (S/28)

This small fragment preserves part of the crescent commonly found at the back of the face of falcon-headed deities. Although it is possible that the piece originates from a falcon hieroglyph or a depiction of Horus flying above the king, the scale of the crescent conforms to those found on other falcon-headed deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber.

SA 77 Deity Inscription Containing ënã Œrw Probably for Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 98) 14.7 x 20.6 cm

98.643/1 (R/27); 98.973/5 (S/28); 00.657/1 (R/30b)

At the top of the piece is a star band, followed by the inscription [dí] ënã Œrw… “ [gives] life; Horus…” Unfortunately additional hieroglyphs would be necessary

188

to further identify the manifestation of Horus. Below is upper half of the head of the god’s was-scepter.

Discussion and Catalogue of Jackal-Headed Deities Facing Right

SA 78 Ears, Neck, Divine Wig, Upper Torso and Part of Proper Left Arm of Jackal-Headed Deity (pl. 99) 20.7 x 20.8 cm

93.1172 (S/29bc); 93.1209/2 (S/29bc); 94.606/1, /2 (S/29b);

98.1550/3 (S/28); 02.433 (U-V/27-28) Part of an upright ear and the neck, both painted black, remain from this jackal-headed deity. Behind the ear and neck is a mass of the striated wig; on either side of the neck are curved locks that fall over the ends of the broad collar and the garment straps. The upper torso remains with part of the tunic, the chest and the proper left upper arm. Unfortunately no hieroglyphs have been found that identify the figure.

SA 79 Snout of Jackal-Headed Deity (pl. 100) 9.3 x 8.3 cm

02.113/2 (T/32d)

The fragment preserves the tip of a jackal snout with a lightly incised nostril and mouth. To the right are the faint remains of the top of the head of a was-scepter.

SA 80 Ears, Back of Head and Shoulder of Anubis and Inscription Containing Ínpw tpy ÿw.f Followed by Another Deity (pl. 101) 189

36.9 x 28.1 cm

93.971 (S/29b); 94.674 (R/29c)

Parts of two deities remain on this fragment. The first one is identified by the inscription Ínpw tpy ÿw.f, generally translated as “Anubis he-who-is-on-his-mountain,” a general epithet for the god that refers to his dwelling place in the desert mountains and his care of the dead. 373 Below are the top of Anubis’s ears, the back of his head and his proper right shoulder and garment strap. From the following figure only the top of the was-scepter remains. The relief shows signs of deliberate defacement, particularly to the back of the jackal’s head. In addition, the neck and the back of the face of the tp-sign were damaged and the neck of the f-snake appears to have been symbolically severed. Such damage may indicate that the piece came from one of the bottom registers of deities facing right. 374 The following piece preserves part of a similar inscription that also reads from right to left (cat. no. SA 81).

SA 81 Deity Inscription Containing tp[y ÿw].f (pl. 102) 8 x 4.7 cm

98.826/3 (S/28)

Parts of two hieroglyphs are found on this small piece, the lower part of a tp-sign and the head and neck of an f-sign; the tp-sign is particularly well carved, with delicately rendered lips and slight modeling around the jaw. The signs undoubtedly belong to a partially preserved inscription that originally read Ínpw tpy ÿw.f, “Anubis he-who-is-on-

373

For general discussions of Anubis, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. I, pp. 390-98; B. Altenmüller, “Anubis,” cols. 327-33; DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities; Bonnet, Reallexikon, pp. 40-45. 374 For damage deliberately inflicted on relief in the lowest registers, see here pls. 155-56, 286, 370, 379.

190

his-mountain;” the same standard epithet is found on the preceding piece, which has a jackal-headed deity facing right (cat. no. SA 80).

SA 82 Deity Inscription Containing Ínp[w] (pl. 103) 11.5 x 5.6 cm

98.1524/2 (S/28)

On this fragment are parts of reed-leaf-, n- and p-signs probably from the word Ínpw. If the interpretation of the word is correct, the designation for Anubis is here spelled phonetically rather than simply abbreviated with the couchant jackal. 375 An epithet or the jackal determinative may have followed the word. 376

SA 83 Deity Inscription Containing Jackal-Sign (pl. 104) 8.6 x 3.5 cm

99.516/1 (T/29a)

Preserved here is the head of a jackal-sign, broken across the top of the neck. The fragment presumably originates from the caption above a jackal-headed deity.

SA 84 Deity Inscription Containing Ínpw nb (pl. 105) 11.7 x 8.8 cm

99.3/2 (Q/28)

Parts of three hieroglyphs are visible on this badly battered fragment: a vertical sign with a curve at the top that is probably a was-scepter-sign, a couchant jackal-sign and a nb-sign covered with horizontal incised lines. The text probably originally read [dí]

375

For the phonetic spelling of Ínpw, see DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 44, 50, 76, 82; Witkowski, “Nom d’Anubis,” pp. 43-44. 376 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. I, pp. 390-98.

191

[ënã] wæs Ínpw nb… “ [gives life and] dominion; Anubis lord of …” The phrase tæ ÿsr “sacred land,” may have originally followed this phrase. 377

SA 85 Two Deity Inscriptions Containing wp- and Jackal-Signs (pl. 106) 13.6 x 5.1 cm

98.899/1 (S/28); 98.1022/2 (S/28)

Parts of two deity inscriptions are preserved on this piece, separated by a vertical green dividing line. At right is left half of a wp-sign (Sign-list F13) and to the left are the back of the head, neck, chest and front paws of a couchant-jackal-sign. Several identifications are possible for the first inscription. A god called Wepis 378 and a goddess Wepet 379 are both known from Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts; there are also a number of deities whose names ends with the phrase wp or wpt. 380 The most obvious and attractive option is that the deity represented here is Wepwawet, which would be possible if the word wæwt was originally placed beneath the horns. 381 The inscription to the right must designate a jackal-headed deity, most likely Anubis. If Wepwawet was the deity depicted on the right, this section of the procession would have featured two successive

377

For the many places over which Anubis was considered lord, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, pp. 98-104. 378 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 340-41. 379 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 359. 380 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 339-40, 341. 381 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 342-44. Note however, that on another fragment with a less ambiguous inscription for Wepwawet (cat. no. SA 86, pl. 107), the wæt-sign is placed behind, not under, the horns. For Wepwawet, see Graefe, “Upuaut,” cols. 862-64; DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 365-68, 504-15.

192

jackal-headed deities. Manifestations of Wepwawet and Anubis are both known from the area of Asyut 382 and Abydos, though presumably other locations are also possible.

SA 86 Upper Register: Groundline; Lower Register: Wepwawet (pl. 107) 18.2 x 15.8 cm

94.887 (R/29d)

Parts of two registers remain on this piece. Only part of a groundline survives in the upper one. Below is a section of a star band followed by parts of the wp- (Sign-list F13) and wæt-signs (Sign-list N31), clear indications that Wepwawet was represented below.

Discussion and Catalogue of Crocodile-Headed, Ram-Headed and Ibis-Headed Deities Facing Right

SA 87 Head of Crocodile-Headed Deity with Vulture-Sign Above (pl. 108) 19.8 x 13.3 cm

93.1145/1 (S/29bc); 98.1019/1 (S/28); 99.2 (Q/28)

Most of the face, neck and striated divine wig of a crocodile deity are preserved here; the face is intact, except for the end of the snout. Above the back of the head are the feet and the tail of a vulture-sign, the only evidence of the god’s identity. 383 The crocodile-headed figure could represent Iahes/Rahes, a Fayum god whose name can be

382

Leospo, “Assiout,” p. 667; see also Magee, “Asyût,” pp. 90-91, 185-91, 195-202. For an overview of Sobek in the Middle Kingdom and his connection with other crocodile deities, see Brovarski, “Sobek,” cols. 995-1003. For locales that had crocodile deities in the Middle Kingdom, see Gomaà, “Krokodilgott Sobek,” pp. 787-803. For Sobek in the Old Kingdom, see Brovarski, “Writing Boards,” p. 40; Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, p. 349. 383

193

translated as the “the one of the fierce mouth,” 384 a likely allusion to the teeth of the animal; his name includes an aleph-bird. The position of the æ-sign towards the back of the figure would accord well with the expected distribution of the hieroglyphs, as a broad, horizontally oriented r-sign would precede the vulture and narrow, vertically oriented œ- and s-signs would follow it. A variant of the deity is attested on a statue from the pyramid complex of Amenemhat III at Hawara. 385 However, the figure found in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple cannot be securely identified on the basis of a single hieroglyph.

SA 88 Part of Head of Crocodile-Headed Deity (pl. 109) 3.4 x 4.3 cm

98.1199/2 (S/28)

Preserved on this small fragment is a section of the top of the head of a crocodile deity with parts of the eye and ear. No remains of an identifying inscription have been found.

SA 89 Head and Upper Torso of Crocodile-Headed Deity (pl. 110) 16.3 x 19.8 cm

94.39 (R/29b); 94.473 (R/29b-30c); 94.475 (R/29b-30c); 94.732

(R/29b); 98.215/1 (R/27-28); 99.77/3 (T/29a-28b)

384

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. I, p. 107 (“der grimmige Mund”). See Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 184-86 with further references to the deity; perhaps as early as the Twelfth Dynasty the god was identified as a manifestation of Sobek. See also Henfling, “Iahes,” cols. 112-13. The deity appears in the Sobek Hymn of the Ramesseum Papyrus (Gardiner, “Hymns to Sobk,” p. 48).

385

194

Reconstructed from several pieces are parts of the head, torso and proper left arm of a crocodile-headed deity. Most of the head remains, with the exception of a portion of the back of the face and the end of the snout. Also preserved are sections of the divine wig, parts of the neck, the center and proper left side of the torso, the right side of the collar, parts of the tunic straps and the proper left shoulder. No hieroglyphs are preserved that would help to identify what is most probably a manifestation of Sobek.

SA 90 Face, Upper Torso and Proper Left Arm of Ram-Headed Deity with Deity Inscription Containing ãnty Œrw (pl. 111) 25.7 x 41.1 cm

93.207 (S/30ab); 94.696 (R/29b); 99.636 (V/30)

The piece preserves part of a ram-headed deity wearing a tunic; remaining are the face and neck, proper left horn, part of the divine wig, most of the torso, the proper left upper arm and the top of the was-scepter. The head of the deity is finely rendered, with a subtly modeled face. Above the figure is the inscription ãnty Œrw, which most likely is intended to indicate that the deity is “foremost” of a place that begins with Œrw. 386 The figure depicted here could quite possibly originate from a place called Hor-meret, which seems to have been sacred to Khnum, a ram-headed deity. 387 Because the ãntsign is directly above the was-scepter, it is unlikely that the text began with the dí ënã formula.

386

There is a deity œnty Œrw (Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, p. 841), but he is attested only the GrecoRoman Period and seems to have had a snake form. 387 According to Leitz (Lexikon, vol.VI, p. 31), a New Kingdom inscription from Abydos mentions Khnum in conjunction with this place. See also Gauthier, Dictionnaire, vol. 4, p. 38; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 72-73. The site may have been in the area of Mo’alla.

195

It is interesting to note that both the ãnt- and t-signs are only raised slightly above the surface of the background and rendered in a sketchy manner that clearly contrasts with the rest of the piece. This area of the relief must have contained some sort of error that was later chiseled out and replaced by the ãnt- and t-signs. One possibility is that the dí ënã formula was erroneously carved here and later replaced. The reconstructed piece also bears witness to the destruction of the pyramid temple in its contrasting surface preservation, particularly the heavy accretions on the fragment containing most of the torso as compared to the better-preserved pieces with the head and inscription. Variations in surface preservation result from the wide area over which the pyramid temple fragments were scattered during the demolition process and the subsequent reuse of the area after the New Kingdom as a densely occupied cemetery.

SA 91 Ram-Headed Deity with Deity Inscription Containing nïrw-sign (pl. 112) 20.1 x 25.3 cm

93.1288 (S/29d); 94.38 (R/29b); 94.366 (R/29b); 94.468 (R/29b-

30c) The fragment preserves part of a ram-headed deity that is broken diagonally across the proper right half of the upper torso and horizontally below the breast. The proper left shoulder and part of the upper arm remain, along with most of the divine wig. The deity wears a tunic and a broad collar. Beautifully rendered is the delicate modeling around the eye, the front of the snout and the twisting surfaces of the horns. Above the ram’s proper right horn is part of his identifying inscription: the bottom poles of a nïrw-sign, followed by the bottom of the vertical dividing line marking the transition to 196

the next inscription. The caption most likely concludes with an epithet related to the “gods,” perhaps the fairly common “lord of the gods.” 388 Unfortunately, the ubiquitousness of the epithet prevents a firm identification of the ram-headed figure.

SA 92 Neck and Wig of Ram-Headed Deity (pl. 113) 2.9 x 2.5 cm

94.812 (R/29d)

The small fragment contains part of a deity’s neck, divine wig and the edge of a broad collar. The figure can be identified as a ram-headed god based on the triangular, green ruff of fur that lies across the neck, which serves as a transition between the animal head and the male human body. 389 Because the lock of the divine wig seems to have the steeper curve found in front of the neck, it can be determined that the ram faced to the right (compare pl. 112).

SA 93 Neck and Wig of Ibis-Headed Deity (pl. 114) 8.8 x 4.4 cm

98.1754/2 (S/28); 02.583 (U-V/27-28)

The neck, divine wig and collar area of an ibis-headed deity are preserved on this piece. An identification with an ibis can be suggested because of the narrow, curving

388

Attested for the ram-headed gods Herishef and Khnum (Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, pp. 565, 609). The ram of Mendes is called ãnty- and œry-nïrw (Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, p. 192) No time periods are specified for these epithets. 389 For a well-preserved example of this feature from the south temple of the Senwosret III complex, see Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pl. 162b. A prominent ruff or fleece is found on a depiction of Khnum from the pyramid temple of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 18). According to Bickel (“Khnoum,” p. 57), this feature is unique to the Sahure representation, but the ram-headed figures in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple all have ruffs at the bottom of the

197

neck; the angle of the curve to the upper left indicates that the god faced to the right (compare cat. no. SA 144, pl. 167). The piece may have originally belonged with catalogue number SA 94, but they cannot now be joined.

SA 94 Upper Register: Male Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing Thoth Determinative (pl. 115) 25.3 x 22.2 cm

93.304 (S/30ab); 93.1459/2 (no square recorded); 96.1104/5

(T/32a); 98.974/4 (S/28) There is a vertical masonry edge on the left side of the piece. Part of a red male foot on a groundline remains in the upper register. The foot can be identified as the proper left based on the area of background behind it and the angle of the back of the ankle. Below is star band and the end of a deity inscription with an ibis-on-a-standard-sign (Sign-list G26); 390 to the left is most of a vertical dividing line. The inscription must have served as a caption for Thoth, a deity who is associated with 15th Upper Egyptian nome. 391 Since the ibis-on-a-standard-sign is the last hieroglyph in the caption, the place from which the Thoth originated could not have been further specified. For Thoth of Hermopolis, see catalogue number SA 144.

Discussion and Catalogue of Male Deities without Inscription

neck, as does an image from the pyramid temple of Senwosret II (Oppenheim, “Three Deities,” pp. 207-18). 390 According to Gardiner (Egyptian Grammar, p. 470), the ibis is rarely shown without the standard. 391 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 639-44.

198

SA 95 Part of Face and Upper Torso of Human-Headed Male Deity (pl. 116) 19.7 x 14.4 cm

94.1166 (R/29b); 98.863 (Q/27)

The finely rendered nose and mouth of a red male deity are preserved here, along with his beard, neck, half of the broad collar and bare upper torso and the proper left shoulder and upper arm. In front of the arm is a small section of the was-scepter staff.

SA 96 Hair,Torso and Arms of Human-Headed Male Deity Followed by Was-Scepter of Deity (pl. 117) 44.3 x 43.2 cm

93.587 (R/30cd); 93.1103 (S/29b); 98.255 (R/27-28); 98.1084/1

(S/28); 98.1443/2 (S/28); 98.1672/1 (S/28); 02.467 (U-V/27-28) Parts of two male deities are preserved on this piece. To the right is a large portion of what was almost certainly a human-headed figure, with most of the torso, kilt and arms remaining. Also surviving is part of the proper right knee and a section of the striated hair above the shoulder. In the proper right hand the deity holds an ankh-sign. Part of the staff of the was-scepter held by the proper left hand remains in front. Note that a depiction of an animal was scratched at an oblique angle onto the figure’s torso, probably after the destruction of the temple. Remaining from the second male deity are his proper left hand and a long portion of the was-scepter staff. Unfortunately neither god can be identified.

199

SA 97 Torso, Legs and Proper Right Arm of Male Deity Followed by Hand and Was-Scepter of Female Deity (pl. 118) 27.9 x 25.6 cm

92.354 (S/30cd); 94.357 (R/29b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the figures below the armpits and across the bottom of the breast. Preserved on this piece are parts of male and female deities. The first, male figure retains part of the vertical proper right arm and hand holding an ankh-sign, most of the blue-green tunic, part of the bull’s tail and both knees; much red color remains. Remaining from the female deity are her proper left hand and a section of her wasscepter staff. The position of the masonry edge corresponds to those found on catalogue numbers SA 42, 47-48, 105. Nothing can be said about the identities of the deities, except that the tunic suggests the god on the right had an animal head (see pp. 69-72).

Discussion and Catalogue of Other Deities and Inscriptions Facing Right

SA 98 Deity Inscription Containing Heron-on-Peaked-Object-Sign (pl. 119) 6.2 x 9.5 cm

94.372 (R/29b)

Remaining on this small fragment are the tail and triangular base of what is probably a heron- sign on a peaked object (Sign-list G32). 392 The sign can designate the benu-bird

392

According to Gardiner, the bird is sitting on a perch (Egyptian Grammar, p. 470). However, the object may be a representation of a mound (Ogden Goelet, personal communication).

200

or phoenix, a deity mentioned several times in the Coffin Texts. 393 Another possibility is that the deity depicted here is bëœ, a figure related to abundance, who can appear in conjunction with fecundity figures. 394 If the second option is correct, then the inscription may be connected with one of the groups of fecundity figures that appeared elsewhere in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple (see here pp. 508-48). A benu-bird standing on a similar object was depicted at the top of the gateway built by Senwosret III at Medamoud. 395

SA 99 Deity Inscription Containing bæ ? (pl. 120) 13.3 x 12.6 cm

93.298 (S/30ab); 98.1370/1 (S/28)

Parts of three hieroglyphs are preserved on this piece: the top of what is probably a bsign, a bæ-bird and a thick probably vertically oriented sign. The piece most likely originates from above a figure whose name had a bæ-element, but the deity cannot be further identified.

SA 100 Deity Inscription Containing bæw-Sign (pl. 121) 4.9 x 6.9 cm

98.1026/1 (S/28); 02.156/2 (T/31c)

Remaining here are parts of the bodies, wings and legs of the birds forming a bæw-sign. Because the scale is similar to the same sign found in connection with the bæw of Iunu (cat. no. SA 1, pl. 16), the piece can be fairly securely assigned to the square

393

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 795-77. Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 778-79. 395 Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pls. 1, 2. See also Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 95-96. 394

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antechamber rather than the larger inscriptions of the offering chamber false door wall, which contained multiple depictions of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen (see here pp. 44973). The sign probably indicates that another group of bæw were depicted somewhere in the square antechamber. Likely candidates would be the jackal-headed bæw of Nekhen, who were included in the square antechamber of Pepi II,396 or the falconheaded bæw of Pe.

SA 101 Deity Inscription Containing Water-Bird- and n-Signs with Top of Head of Deity Below (pl. 122) 20.9 x 11.3 cm

96.398 (T/32d); 98.888/4 (S/28)

The fragment preserves part of an inscription with a long-legged-water-bird-sign and an n-sign. The preserved background above the n-sign suggests that there was either a small round sign or a long horizontal sign above it. Below is the top of a deity with striated hair containing traces of black and red color, indicating a male god. The deity cannot be identified.

SA 102 Deity Inscription Containing Water-Bird- and Three t-Signs (pl. 123) 16.2 x 9.5 cm

98.402/3 (R/28)

Parts of four hieroglyphs from a deity caption remain on this piece; the surface of the top of the fragment has been chipped away. To the right is part of the wingtip and tail of a longed-legged-water-bird-sign, followed by two vertically aligned t-signs and a

396

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 43, pls. 50, 53.

202

third t-sign farther to the left. In the upper left corner of the fragment, above the third t-sign, there must have been a horizontal or circular hieroglyph. Key to deciphering the inscription is the long-legged-water-bird-sign, for which six identifications are possible: 1) crested ibis (æã, Sign-list G25); 2) sacred ibis (hb, ÿœwty, Sign-list G26); 3) flamingo (dšr, Sign-list G27); 4) black ibis (gm, Sign-list G28); 5) jabiru-stork (bæ, Sign-list G29); or 6) heron (bnw, šnty, Sign-list G31). A significant problem in interpreting the caption is the lack of a reference point indicating to what part of the text the signs belonged and whether or not the inscription was preceded by the dí ënã formula. If the long-legged-water-bird-sign comes from the middle of the text, it could have been part of a toponym, while the now-damaged area above the last t-sign could have contained a níwt-sign or perhaps a ãæst-sign determinative; the last t-sign would have served as a phonetic complement. More likely is that the bird-sign comes from the beginning of the inscription and the two tsigns indicated a female deity. The third t-sign possibly formed the feminine ending to the word nbt. If this interpretation is correct, the depicted deity could have been “Bastet, mistress of …” 397

SA 103 Upper Register: Male Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing dí ënã Gb(?) (pl. 124) 21.8 x 11.9 cm

397

94.706 (R/29b); 94.1018/2 (R/29bc)

For the numerous places of which Bastet was mistress, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, pp. 192-95.

203

Parts of two registers are preserved on this piece. The upper one contains a section of groundline with the red toe of a male deity on the far left. In the lower one is a star band followed below by part of a damaged vertical dividing line and the inscription dí ënã “ gives life; …” Of the final preserved sign all that remains is the head of a bird with a rounded head and horizontal beak that turns down slightly at the tip. Because the beak is horizontal, the long-legged water-bird-signs can be excluded, narrowing the likely interpretation of the hieroglyph to either a goose or a duck. The inscription could designate Geb, 398 but two qualifications must be mentioned in conjunction with such an identification. First, the preserved width of the inscription is about 17 cm from the presumed left edge of the now-broken vertical dividing line to the end of the bird’s head. With the addition of the bird’s body and the phonetic complement b-sign, the total length of the inscription could not have exceeded 28 cm, somewhat shorter than the deity texts known from Senwosret III’s square antechamber. 399 Second, the closeness of the ënã- and bird-signs on the fragment under discussion here seems to eliminate the possibility that a b-sign was inserted between them. In other instances, the name of Geb is written with the b-sign below the beak of the bird rather than behind it, a more compact and elegant arrangement that was, for example, used for a mastaba inscription north of Senwosret

398

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 303-6. According to Allen (Middle Egyptian, p. 144), the word should be transliterated as Gbb or Gbw. 399 Though some inscriptions do occupy a narrower space; for an example, see here catalogue number SA 156ab.

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III’s pyramid complex. 400 Therefore while it is quite possible that Geb was depicted here, without the addition of further hieroglyphs the identification of the deity must remain uncertain.

SA 104 Deity Inscription for “The One Who Struggles Against the Washers(?)” Containing ëœæ- and Bird-Sign (pl. 125) 12.4 x 5.3 cm

98.885/2 (S/28)

The small fragment contains parts of the the arm, hand and scepter of an ëœæ-sign (Sign-list D34) followed by bird-sign (see below). To the left, under the tail of the bird, is a small piece of a horizontal line. Based on the size of the hieroglyphs and the similarity of the inscription to catalogue number SA 105, the text has been assigned to the deity procession. The piece is covered with heavy brown accretions. The inscription is difficult to interpret. A deity ëœæ-rãty is attested, which could be translated as “the fighter of the washerman,” or “he who fights the washerman,” but he is known only from the Late and Greco-Roman Periods. The name is spelled with an ëœæ-sign followed by two overlapping plover-signs (Sign-list G50). 401 In the inscription discussed here, the slightly rounded line under the bird’s tail could belong to

400

Geb is included in the œtp-dí-nswt formula on the east side of the mastaba of Nebit (NM 18); see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation; Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists,” forthcoming. 401 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 185. In German the name is translated “der Kämpfer des Wäschers.” According to Ogden Goelet (personal communication), the name might be better translated “he who fights the washerman.” For the washerman in the Coffin Texts, see Molen, Coffin Texts, p. 286. Note that the bird depicted here is less likely to be a duck- or a goose-sign, as these birds have narrower bellies beneath their wings (compare here pls.14, 450). For a depiction of the

205

the foot of a second plover, meaning that in this case the signs would have either stood side by side or only slightly overlapped. 402 The deity appears as a male, human-headed figure in the Hibis Temple in Kharga Oasis, where he is shown behind Weret-hekau and Aha-wer, two deities who may have occupied the same register as Aha-rekhty(?) in the square antechamber of Senwosret III (for a further discussion, see cat. no. SA 105).403

SA 105 Upper Part of Two Human-Headed Male Deities with Inscription for “The Great Fighter(?)” Containing ëœæ and Uncertain Sign (pl. 126) 55.3 x 25.4 cm

92.334 (S/30d); 93.7 (S/31); 94.755 (R/29b); 98.960/3 (S/28);

98.1014/5 (S/28); 98.1544/1 (S/28); 98.1594/3 (S/28) There is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the figures below the armpits and across the bottom of the breast. There is a setting for a patchstone under the proper left armpit of the second figure. Parts of two human-headed male deities remain on this piece. The first figure is almost completely preserved from the top of the head to the masonry edge, while the second

plover, see Griffith, Beni Hasan, pt. III, p. 6, pl. II no. 2. The plover depicted in Beni Hasan and the piece discussed here both have curving stripes across the wings. 402 Although the discolored surface makes it difficult to see the horizontal line on the photo, it is easily recognized on the actual piece. 403 N. de Garis Davies, Temple of Hibis, pt. III, p. 20, pl. 21, west wall, upper register, last figure on the right; Davies did not know how to interpret the deity’s name. Cruz-Uribe (Hibis Temple Project, vol. 1, p. 90), called the figure Aha-apedwy, but he was uncertain about the translation. The transliteration requires interpreting the two birds as white-fronted geese (Sign-list G38), a choice that Cruz-Uribe does not explain. As was discussed above, the sign as rendered in Senwosret III’s square antechamber is unlikely to be a goose or duck. Cruz-Uribe also does not provide a possible interpretation of the name, which would mean “the fighter of the two ducks,” though admittedly it is also difficult to interpret the conflict involving washermen.

206

figure has sustained more damage to the arms and the top of the head.404 Also surviving is the top of the second figure’s was-scepter. Similarly positioned masonry edges are found on catalogue numbers SA 42, 47-48, 97, indicating that all these fragments may have originally belonged to the same register. The darkened surface of the stone and the thickness of the fragment suggest that catalogue number SA 104 might have originally been located above the second god on the piece under discussion here. Although, no direct connection is possible and joining pieces based on surface condition is tenuous at best, 405 additional evidence discussed below raises the possibility of a connection between the two deities named in the captions. Above the figure on the right are parts of two hieroglyphs, the first of which is clearly an ëœæ-sign (Sign-list D34). All that remains of the second sign is narrow horizontal line, which appears to be part of a bird’s foot. The hieroglyph could be plover-sign, raising the possibility that the inscription preserved here identifies the figure as another depiction of ëœæ-rãty “the fighter of the washerman” (cat. no. 104). However, since this figure is otherwise unknown in the Middle Kingdom and appears as a single individual in later temples, it would be quite surprising to find the god depicted twice. A less likely interpretation of the inscription is ëœæ-nÿs, if the second bird is read as a sparrow. The deity, whose name means the “lesser fighter,” is often connected to Aha-wer but not to Aha-rekhty (see below). 406 All these deities could be related to Aha,

404

The piece was included in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pl. 159b; additional joins have been made since the publication. 405 For an example of fragments with very different surface preservation that have been joined together, see pls. 63, 111-12, 117, 180, 199, 238. 406 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 185.

207

a god whose name is rendered with an ëœæ-sign and a knife- or knife-sharpener-sign (Sign-list T30-31). He is included on the White Chapel of Senwosret I with deities from the 15th Upper Egyptian nome (Hermopolis magna). 407 Most intriguing is the possibility that the deity depicted here is ëœæ-wr “the great fighter,” a figure who is first known from a New Kingdom papyrus 408 and later appears as a human-headed male figure directly in front of Aha-rekhty in the Hibis Temple.409 Another interesting point of comparision with the Hibis Temple is the observation that Aha-wer and Aha-rekhty are preceded by a goddess called Weret-hekau, albeit in this instance with a snake head. The three deities along with others receive milk from the Pharaoh Darius. As was mentioned above, the depiction of Weret-hekau in Senwosret III’s square antechamber (cat. no. SA 47, pls. 68-69) has a masonry edge across the bottom that cuts through the figure in almost exactly the same position as that on the piece under discussion here, strongly suggesting they originate from the same register. A tantalizing possibility is that the deities Aha-wer, Aha-rekhty and Weret-hekau appeared in the same or nearly the same order in Senwosret III’s square antechamber as

407

Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, p. 228, pls. 3, 26. According to the authors “Le dieu…m’est inconnu,” but see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 183-84. For the relationship of Aha and Bes see Romano, “Origin of the Bes-Image,” pp. 48-49; 408 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 184-85. Note that the hieroglyph depicted in catalogue number SA 104 cannot be a wr-bird, as the legs of this bird have angled joints in the middle of the legs (compare here pls. 68-69, 71,132). Neither of the birds have the sharp, multiple claws indicative of a raptor or bird of prey. 409 N. de Garis Davies, Temple of Hibis, pt. III, p. 20, pl. 21, west wall, upper register, last two figures on the right; Cruz-Uribe, Hibis Temple Project, vol. 1, p. 90. The influence of Nile Valley and particularly Theban monuments on the Hibis Temple is discussed in Osing, “Anlage und Dekoration,” pp. 751-67.

208

they did in the Hibis Temple some 1200(!) years later. 410 Although the significance of this grouping remains obscure, a general protective function might be suggested, perhaps one that related to dangerous the struggles that were an inherent part of the king’s afterlife journey. 411 The god Aha-rekhty is also depicted in the south crypt of the Hathor temple at Dendera, where he is again preceded by the god Aha-wer. In this instance Aha-rekhty is depicted with a ram-head, and based on the drawing published by Chassinat, Aha-wer also had an animal head. 412 Most interesting about the relief is that two deities in front of Aha-wer at the head of the register is Wer-hekau, probably a masculine variant of the female Weret-hekau who appears in the Hibis Temple in conjunction with Aha-wer and Aha-rekhty. The grouping of the three deities in the Hibis Temple, the Dendara crypt and quite possibly the pyramid temple of Senwosret III may point to a long-standing

410

Other examples of deities with widely spaced chronological attestations are known. For example, a falcon form of Hathor is mentioned in the Old Kingdom Abusir papyri, but she is chiefly a figure of the Late Period, albeit in a different form; see Posener-Kriéger, NéferirkarêKakaï, pp. 554-58. For an example of a sculpture type that may exist only in the Middle Kingdom and then again in the eighth century B.C., see Hill, in Hill ed., Gifts for the Gods, p. 12. 411 The use of the term rãty “washerman” would benefit from its own study, as it is unclear why a fight or struggle involving these individuals would be significant. One might suggest that the conflict was somehow related to natron, as the washermen used this substance to launder clothing and its distribution seems to have been at least sometimes controlled by the king (B. B. Davies, “Letter of Reproach,” pp. 65-77). For a general discussion of washermen, see Janssen, “Laundrymen,” pp. 1-12; noted in the article is the unusually detailed depiction of laundering in Beni Hasan and the general low status of the washers. Perhaps the struggle was related to obtaining the materials necessary for proper mummification. However, since Egyptian religious texts are full of references to events and actions that can seem alarmingly “strange” to us, an attempt to make a “logical” connection to the struggle against the washermen must be approached with caution. 412 Chassinat, Dendara, vol. 5, fasc. 1, pp. 137-38; fasc. 2, pl. CCCCXXIV. According to Cauville (Dendara, vol.V, pp. 232-33) the deity should be identified as ëœæ-nÿs “the lesser fighter,” but this

209

relationship between the three figures, of which only a few traces have survived. A pattern becomes apparent when additional evidence about these deities from the temples of Hibis, Dendara, Edfu and the bark chapel of the small Medinet Habu temple is also examined, 413 namely that the god Aha-wer normally appears in conjunction with either Aha-nedjes or Aha-rekhty. The possible appearance of Aha-rekhty in Senwosret III’s square antechamber suggests that he may have been the original figure to appear with Aha-wer. Perhaps just as modern Egyptologists have had trouble distinguishing between the bird-signs, some confusion also arose among the ancient Egyptian scribes as they copied the names of the deities.

SA 106 Deity Inscription Containing Vulture- and níwt- or nãn-Signs (pl. 127) 7.2 x 6.5 cm

98.1370/2 (S/28)

The fragment includes the lower wing of a vulture-sign and the upper right edge of what could be either a níwt- or a nãn-sign. The size of the hieroglyphs suggests that the piece comes from the square antechamber, but it is also possible that the inscription originates from elsewhere in the temple. The text could refer to a place name containing a vulture-sign or it may designate Nekhbet of Nekhen.

SA 107 Upper Register: Foot of Male Deity and Bottom of Was-Scepter; Lower Register: Two Deity Inscriptions Containing Falcon-Sign and dí ënã ï (pl. 128)

interpretation, offered without commentary, does not seem to accord well with the double bird sign at the end of the deity’s name.

210

26.8 x 31.4 cm

93.63 (S/31); 93.552 (R/30cd); 98.969/4 (S/28); 98.1643/3

(S/28); 99.66/1 (T/29a-28b) Parts of two registers are preserved on this piece. In the upper register is the proper left, red foot and ankle of a male deity standing on a groundline. In front is the very bottom of his was-scepter. Below is a star band followed by parts of two inscriptions separated by a vertical dividing line, neither of which preserve enough hieroglyphs to allow an identification of the deities. The inscription to the right preserves the wing, tail, legs and feet of a falcon-sign. As the concluding hieroglyph of the caption, it is unlikely that the text designated a Horus who was “foremost of ” or “in” a particular place, as such a caption would have begun rather than ended with the falcon-sign (compare here cat. no. SA 70, pl. 91). It is also unlikely that a place was referred to here, as there is no determinative indicating such a designation. More likely is that the inscription belongs to either a syncretized deity that included Horus or a manifestation of Horus that began with an epithet; numerous examples of both are known. 414 The second inscription contains the opening phrase dí ënã “ gives life,” followed by a ï-sign. Unfortunately, without the addition of further hieroglyphs, it is not possible to identify the deity originally depicted below. 415

SA 108 Deity Inscriptions Containing Bird- and niwt-Signs and Papyrus-Sign(?) (pl. 129)

413

For the places in which Aha-wer, Aha-nedjes and Aha-rekhty appear, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 184-85. 414 See Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 236-37; not all are attested from the Middle Kingdom.

211

8.7 x 29.7 cm

94.383 (R/29b); 94.648/2 (R/29c); 94.652/5 (R/29c); 94.916

(R/29a); 98.242/7 (R/27-28) The piece preserves parts of a star band, two inscriptions and the top of second figure’s was-scepter. Preserved to the right is the wingtip and tip of the tail of what appears to be a falcon-sign, followed by a níwt-sign. To the upper right of the níwt-sign is a small piece of another object that is narrow, has a pointed end and is at a slight diagonal. The line must belong to another hieroglyph positioned above the back of the falcon-sign. It does not seem to be an object emerging from the back of the bird. Because of the concluding níwt-sign, the hieroglyphs must have belonged to a toponym. To the left is a vertical dividing line followed by the triangular upper right end of a hieroglyph, which could have been a wæÿ-sign (Sign-list M13). If this interpretation is correct, the sign probably belonged to a depiction of Wadjet, but it is also possible that this is another hieroglyph. Regardless of the interpretation, the deity caption did not begin with the dí ënã formula. The top of the second figure’s wasscepter is positioned below and slightly to the right of the line dividing the inscriptions, indicating that on this portion of the wall the figures and their captions were not precisely aligned.

SA 109 Deity Inscription Containing Œrw-Sign Probably for Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 130) 8.9 x 12.1cm

96.987 (T/32a)

415

For deities whose names begin with the ï-sign, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 447-504. For those most frequently attested in the Middle Kingdom, see Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 2, pp. 3173-74.

212

The size of the hieroglyph and the star band above suggest that this piece comes from a deity caption in the square antechamber, though it is possible that it originates from another part of the pyramid temple. Preserved are the head, most of the wing and the upper part of the legs of a falcon-sign. The fragment may come from a caption for a manifestation of Horus, but it also could have belonged to an epithet or toponym of another type of deity. 416 Note the carefully rendered feathers and the detail on the head, which has been somewhat obscured by what seems to be deliberate damage. The defacement of the falcon-sign may be an indication that the piece came from the lowest register of one of the walls with right facing deities. 417

SA 110 Deity Inscription Containing ãnt-(?) and Œrw-Signs(?) (pl. 131) 8.5 x 7.1 cm

93.192 (S/30ab)

Small parts of two hieroglyphs remain on this piece, which has been assigned to the square antechamber based on the size of the signs and the likely pattern of the inscription. On the right is a hieroglyph that had a vertical left end and a section to the right with a horizontal bottom and a concave left side. The shape of the remaining elements and the red color suggest that the hieroglyph is most likely a ãnt-sign (Sign-list W18; compare here pl. 21). To the left are parts of the claws and the proper left leg of a bird-sign. The incised claws and the angle between the leg and foot suggest that a

416

For example, see here catalogue number SA 90 (pl. 111), where a ram-headed deity has an inscription that includes a falcon-sign. 417 For other examples of damage inflicted on figures from the lowest registers in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III, see pls.155-56, 286, 370, 379.

213

raptor such as a falcon or vulture was depicted here. 418 The inscription may signify that the deity depicted below was “foremost” of a place that most likely began with a vulture- or falcon-sign. 419

SA 111 Deity Inscription Containing Wsír wr (Osiris “the Great”) (pl. 132) 12.7 x 13 cm

93.675 (R/31); DMH 156 (found in the ruins of de Morgan’s

excavation house) Portions of three hieroglyphs are preserved on this fragment, the larger piece of which was found in the ruins of de Morgan’s excavation house. 420 To the right is most of a stsign (Sign-list Q1), followed below by an ír­sign (Sign-list D4). To the left is part of the head, beak, breast, legs and feet of a wr-sign (Sign-list G36). The inscription seems to read Wsír wr , which can be interpreted as “Osiris the great,” “Osiris the great one …” or “Osiris, great of…” In the first two cases, the inscription would describe a manifestation of Osiris, but unfortunately one that does not seem to be attested until the New Kingdom. 421 In the last case, the word “great” would have functioned as part of an epithet used for the deity, of which several possibilities exist. 422

418

The legs of the quail-chick-sign and the swallow-sign angle back more steeply (see here pls. 36, 39, 68-69, 71, 132, 180, 198), though these birds are also usually rendered with incised claws. 419 For a similar inscription, see here catalogue number SA 90 (pl. 111). 420 A few other fragments from the ruins of de Morgan’s excavation house have been joined to pieces excavated in the pyramid temple by the Metropolitan Museum. See Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 135, 141 for references to other pieces from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple found in de Morgan’s house. See also here pp. 505-6, pl. 393. 421 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 542; the spelling indicated by Leitz is quite different than that on the fragment discussed here. Note that Osiris is also called the “great god,” nïr ëæ (B. Altenmüller, Synkretismus, p. 48; Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 539). 422 For the numerous epithets of Osiris, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, pp. 142-86; those that include the word wr are scattered among different categories. In the Coffin Texts Osiris seems

214

SA 112 Deity Inscriptions Containing wr- and dí-Signs (pl. 133) 13.6 x 8.1 cm

93.1189/3 (S/29bc); 00.829/1 (R/30b); 02.470/1 (U-V/27-28)

Parts of two deity inscriptions remain on this piece. To the right are sections of the wing and tail of a wr-bird, which concludes the first deity’s caption. 423 Unfortunately the single hieroglyph does not provide enough information for an identification of the deity. 424 To the left is the top of a dí-sign from the next inscription’s introductory phrase “ (or she) gives life; …”

SA 113 Deity Inscriptions Containing ënã-, ÿd-, wæs-, ÿ-, d- and dí-Signs (Djedet) (pls. 13435) a) 12 x 6.1 cm b) 12.9 x 9.4 cm

98.329/1 (R/28); 98.854/2 (Q/28) 94.661 (R/29c)

Based on the scale, surface condition and correspondence of text elements, these two pieces are quite likely to have originally belonged to the same inscription, but they can no longer be joined together. The inscription seems to read [dí.s] ënã ÿd[t] wæs ÿdt “[she gives] life, stability and dominion; Djedet.” Remaining on the piece to the right are parts of the ënã-, ÿd-, and wæs-signs followed by the head of the ÿ-sign (Sign-list I10; pl. 134). Below the head of the snake and along the bottom left edge of the fragment is a

to be called “the great one,” (B. Altenmüller, Synkretismus, p. 264). For the interpretation of the phrase “the great one,” see Griffiths, Origins of Osiris, pp. 192-93 with further references. 423 Note that this piece could not be joined to catalogue number SA 111. 424 For the word wr “great” in deity names, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 420-502 with cross references.

215

small piece of a horizontal contour that is likely to belong to a finger of the d-sign (Sign-list D46; pl. 134). The left piece preserves the back of the body and the tail of the ÿ-sign and the wrist of the d-sign (pl. 135). A somewhat damaged vertical dividing line separates this inscription from a dí-sign that begins the next caption. The text can be interpreted as either a toponym or the name of a goddess. Djedet can designate the city of Mendes, but since there is no níwt-sign as a determinative, it is unlikely that the inscription discussed here designated a place. A feline goddess Djedet is known, but only from the Late Period onwards.425 Of interest for the present study is a relief found in Samanud that depicts Djedet behind the lioness goddess Mehit, showing them as separate entities; previously it was believed that Djedet was another designation for Mehit. 426 Another depiction of what seems to be the same goddess with a human female head is found among the deities facing left (see here catalogue number SA 223, pl. 249), perhaps suggesting that she received cult in different locations. In view of what seems to be two depictions of the goddess Djedet in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, the assertion that she first appeared late in Egyptian history must be reevaluated. One might consider that she is a variant of the goddess Djed, who appears in the Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts. 427

SA 114 Deity Inscription Containing mnw- and ë-Signs (pl. 136)

425

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 680-81. The first surviving appearance of Djedet is in the Hibis Temple in Kharga Oasis (N. de Garis Davies, Temple of Hibis, pl. 22, east wall). 426 Jørgensen, “Mehit,” pp. 8-9, English summary on p. 11. The relief is in the Ny Carlsberg Museum in Copenhagen (AEIN 1061). 427 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 681.

216

7.1 x 7.9 cm

96.687/1 (S/32d)

Parts of two hieroglyphs are preserved on this piece, which based on their size and the content of the inscription seem have belonged to a deity caption. At the top of the fragment is a bit less than half of a so-called Min-bolt (Sign-list R22-23) and below is the back of an arm-sign. The inscription is likely to refer to an epithet of Min, 428 perhaps one of those that begin ëbë “to praise.” 429

SA 115 Deity Inscription Containing wæs ms n nãt (“He Who is Born in Strength?) (pl. 137) 14 x 11.2 cm

98.884/3 (S/28); 99.597/3 (T/28b)

Parts of six hieroglyphs are preserved on this fragment. To the right are portions of a wæs-scepter that must come from an introductory phrase in which the deity below grants the king life and dominion. To the left is part of the ms-sign, notable for the attempt to render the heads of the foxes on a fairly small example of the hieroglyph. 430 Farther to the left are parts of n-, nãt- (Sign-list M3), ã- and t-signs composing the word nãt “strength.” If the ms-sign is interpreted as mst “birth,” the inscription could be read Mesetnakht “he who is born in strength,” or “he who is fashioned in strength.” Such a deity is not known, but a god Nakht is attested without the initial ms-sign. It is therefore possible that dominion and birth are the blessings that the god Nakht gives to

428 429

For Min, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, pp. 288-89. Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, p. 229, letter H, number 4.

217

the king, though arguing against such a proposition is the observation that Nakht can battle against beings helpful to an ill individual. 431 Another possibility is that the hieroglyph should be interpreted as ms “the child,” suggesting a translation of “the strong child.” Finally, it is possible that the deity depicted here is an otherwise unknown manifestation of a god descended from one who is singled out for his strength. The present author has been unable to find any deities with an epithet similar to the phrase and it does not seem to be a toponym.

SA 116 Deity Inscription Containing šwt or œp nb (pl. 138) 28.2 x 34.3 cm

94.922/1 (R/29a); 94.1181 (R/29b)

Parts of two registers are preserved on this piece. Although the upper one is extremely damaged, the diagonally oriented bull’s tail and the arch of the proper right foot of a deity facing right can still be discerned. To the left is part of the bottom of the following deity’s was-scepter and below is the groundline. The direction of the figures in the upper register confirms the rightward orientation of the piece. In the lower register is a part of the star band, below which is a vertical dividing line and to the left an inscription consisting of œp- (sunshade; Sign-list S35), t- and nbsigns. The initial dí ënã formula has been omitted. Two possibly transliterations exist for the sunshade-sign, either œp(wy), which personifies the two sunshades accompanying

430

For an exquisite example of the ms-sign from the south temple of Senwosret III, see Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pl. 163d. 431 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 311-12; the god is first attested in one of the Ramesseum papyri.

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the king, 432 or šwt meaning “shadow or shade.” An example of œp(wy) is found in Pepi II's square antechamber on the east wall, in the second row from the top, at the far left. 433 However, only one sunshade is depicted here without any plural or dual strokes, though the possibility cannot be excluded that the signs were simply repeated to the left. 434 In addition, neither the t-sign nor the nb-sign found here are included in œp(wy), again suggesting that another deity was depicted. It is more probable that the caption names šwt “the shadow,” 435 perhaps more specifically “the shadow, lord of…,” originally followed by additional signs that clarified the god’s identity. 436 The “shadow” seems to have been connected with Osiris, though it is also possible that another deity was specified to the right.437 Although, according to Leitz, these identifications are not attested until the New Kingdom, a Pyramid Text spell of Pepi I refers directly to “your shadow, Osiris,” 438 and a spell from the Unis pyramid includes the concept of the gods and their shadows. 439 Both pieces of evidence suggest that the shadow concept in relation to deities existed at least by the Old Kingdom, making it more likely that a deity’s shadow, perhaps that of Osiris, is referenced here in Senwosret III’s square antechamber.

432

Gardiner, “Horus,” p. 29. Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 51 n. 6, pls. 58, 60; Jéquier could not identify the deity. 434 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 123-24. 435 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 42-44; ibid., vol.VIII, p. 166. 436 The Coffin Texts state “Their shades are with their lords,” perhaps a phrase somewhat similar to the inscription under discussion here (Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. II, p.178; Molen, Coffin Texts, p. 611, bottom of page spell 182b). 437 For examples, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 43-44. 438 Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 181. 439 The Pyramid Texts of Unis state “…you pair of gods, who joined the gods with their shadow;” Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 55 spell 206. 433

219

SA 117 Upper Register: Part of Foot; Lower Register: Inscriptions for Two Deities Containing f and dí ënã ïœn (pl. 139) 42 x 23.7 cm

98.969/1, /2 (S/28); 98.1032/1 (S/28); 98.1128/2 (S/28); 98.1371/2

(S/28); 98.1721/1 (S/28); 99.562/1 (V/30); 01.516/1 (T/31b) The piece preserves parts of two registers. In the upper register are small pieces of the feet of a goddess on a groundline. Below is a star band followed by inscriptions for two deities. From the first deity only an f-sign is preserved, positioned in such a way that there must have been another hieroglyph above it. The identity of the figure remains uncertain. To the left is a better preserved inscription di ënã ïœn… “ gives life; ïœn…,” with the top of the god’s was-scepter below. Identifying the deity is somewhat problematic. Tœn is less likely to be part of a toponym, because when these terms are used in Senwosret III’s square antechamber they seem to be preceded by introductory phrases such as “foremost of,” “lord of ” or “in.” The most likely word to fit these signs is Ïœnw, which is conventionally translated as “Libya.” 440 The spelling of ïœnw generally includes the throwstick-sign (Sign-list T14) and often omits the n-sign, though a variant spelling is attested that would fit the hieroglyphs remaining here. 441 If Ïœnw was the word written here, one would expect that a nw-sign was placed below the n-sign.

440

For a discussion of the term ïœnw and the location of this area on the western edge of the Delta, see Spalinger, “Libyans of the Old Kingdom,” pp. 125-60. For deities that begin with the ïœn combination, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 479-89; note that most of these do not use the same hieroglyphs depicted here.

220

Other words with the ïœn combination involve faience, the quality of being bright or shiny or the act of meeting someone, none of which seem to be appropriate in this context. 442 If the inscription had the same approximately 32 cm width as other deity captions, one or more hieroglyphs could have been accommodated to the left. The deity seems most likely to have been one who either originated from Libya or had dominion over the area, though as mentioned above, if the second option is correct one would expect a term such as nb “lord of ” to have begun the caption. For another figure that may have been connected with Libya, see here catalogue number SA 44, plate 65.

SA 118 Deity Inscriptions Containing Sacred-Boat-Sign and dí.s ënã and Uncertain Signs (pl. 140) 32 x 9.2 cm

96.481/4 (S/32d); 98.969/3 (S/28); 98.973/2 (S/28); 00.1186

(U/32a) Parts of two deity inscriptions remain on the piece. Preserved from the first inscription is the sacred-bark-sign (Sign-list P3), which can be used as a determinative for a variety of divine boats. Transliterated as wíæ, nšmt or mënÿt, the sign was used to conclude numerous deity names and epithets; the neshmet-bark and the mandjet-bark could also be divine in their own right. 443 To the left is an inscription for goddess that begins dí.s ënã… “she gives life; …” followed by two hieroglyphs that cannot be identified. The

441

See Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 2, p. 2750. For a New Kingdom example with this spelling, see Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. I, p. 1455; Molen, Coffin Texts, p. 767. 442 Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 2, p. 2750.

221

upper sign, if two separate hieroglyphs are shown here, seems to have been horizontally oriented and narrow, while the second began with a narrow diagonal line.

SA 119 Deity Inscription Containing ãæst-Sign (pl. 141) 10.1 x 11 cm

93.116 (S/30a); 98.1158/4 (S/28)

The small fragment contains a section of a star band, a piece of a vertical dividing line and part of a ãæst-sign. Although there is nothing that specifically indicates in which direction the inscription should be read, the ãæst-sign is more likely to have been placed near the end of a caption, meaning that the piece originated from a wall with right facing deities. The text most probably identified a deity who was connected with the desert or other marginal lands.

SA 120 Fragmentary Deity Inscription Containing t t í ãæst (pl. 142) 18.6 x 9.4 cm

94.1167 (R/29b)

The piece is a patchstone with masonry edges preserved on the top and bottom. Parts of four hieroglyphs from the lower half of a deity inscription are preserved on this patchstone, two t-signs, a reed-leaf and a ãæst-sign. The direction of the reed-leaf indicates that the inscription reads from right to left. Unfortunately, without the hieroglyph(s) that preceded the two t-signs, the text is difficult to interpret. The place

443

For wíæ, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 277; for nšmt, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 359-60; for mënÿt, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, pp. 245-46. For the forms of the neshmet-bark in inscriptions, see Lavier, “Formes d’ecriture,” pp. 89-101.

222

desiginated can only be reconstructed as “…tety…,” a location most likely in a marginal or desert area because of the ãæst-sign determinative.

SA 121 Deity Inscriptions Containing šmë-Sign and Uncertain Sign (pl. 143) 12.6 x 11.5 cm

94.742 (R/29b)

Parts of two deity inscriptions are preserved on this piece, separated by a vertical green dividing line. To the right is most of a šmë-sign, which concludes an inscription that probably captioned a deity connected to Upper Egypt. From the inscription to the left a small piece of a vertical right edge is preserved, only enough to indicate that this deity caption did not begin with the dí ënã formula.

SA 122 Deity Inscription Containing ëœë?- and šmë-Signs (pl. 144) 5.4 x 3.7 cm

98.1345/4 (S/28)

Parts of two hieroglyphs remain on this small fragment. To the right is a vertical sign with a divided top that may be an ëœë-sign (Sign-list P6). However, the hieroglyph depicted here has straighter sides and lacks the horizontal interior bars typical of the sign. To the left is the flower curving to the right of what appears to be a šmë-sign, which indicates that the inscription reads from right to left. The inscription is again likely to describe a god connected with Upper Egypt.

SA 123 Deity Inscription Containing Composite œwt- and Sedge-Plant-Sign (pl. 145) 6 x 5.2 cm

02.562/2 (U-V/27-28) 223

The small piece preserves part of a hieroglyph that depicts a sedge-plant-inside-a-œwtsign. The hieroglyph, which is not included in the basic hieroglyph sign-list, seems to read œwt-nswt, “the temple (or enclosure) of the king.” The signs in this expression are usually rendered side-by-side rather than with the sw-sign inside the œwt-sign, but a composite may have been created here for spatial reasons. 444 The locale was in the 18th Upper Egyptian nome and was sacred to a falcon deity. 445 Prior to the inscription under discussion here, œwt-nswt was attested in the Middle Kingdom only in Senwosret I’s White Chapel, where it was grouped together with Nemty. The same falcon deity faced to the left in Senwosret III’s square antechamber and therefore could not have been juxtaposed here with the œwt-nswt (cat. no. SA 233). 446

SA 124 Deity Inscription Containing ÿt- and Walking-Legs-Sign (pl. 146) 17.3 x 21.8 cm

94.734/2 (R/29b)

At first glance, the piece seems to preserve parts of only two hieroglyphs, a t-sign and a walking-legs-sign (Sign-list D54). However, the now-damaged area above the t-sign preserves traces of another hieroglyph and to the left of it, a small piece of a thin diagonal line is visible. Based on the few surviving pieces of the sign itself and the pattern of the damage, it can be ascertained that the hieroglyph was almost certainly a ÿ-sign (Sign-list I10). Interpreting the first section of the inscription is relatively straightforward, as a cobra goddess Djet appears in both Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts

444

For composite hieroglyphs see Fischer, “Evolution of Composite Hieroglyphs,” pp. 5-19. See Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 343-44 and Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, p. 73 both with further references. See also Gauthier, Dictionnaire, vol. 4, pp. 85-86. 445

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and Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts. 447 However, the name of the goddess does not include the walking-legs-sign. It is possible is that Djet is here syncretized with Iusaas, another snake goddess whose name begins with the walking-legs-sign; both deities can be connected with Hathor. 448 Unfortunately, the combination of the two goddesses is otherwise unknown though the snake nature and the connection to Hathor shared by both goddesses might have suggested a combination. However, as has been mentioned above (cat. no. SA 31), syncretized deities are not definitively attested in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. It is also possible that another hieroglyph was placed in front of the ÿt, giving the inscription a different meaning than the one proposed here.

SA 125 Upper Register: Feet of Goddess; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing mææ s ? (“The One Who Kneels?”) (pl. 147) 18.8 x 16.7 cm

98.895/3 (S/28); 98.970/5 (S/28); 98.1031/3 (S/28); 98.1251/1

(S/28); 98.1376/4 (S/28); 99.661/1 (T/28b); 00.812/2 (R/30b) There is a vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece that cuts through the front of the goddess’s feet. Parts of two registers are preserved on the piece. The upper register contains part of the overlapping feet of a goddess standing on a black groundline, confirming that the piece originates from the deity procession.

446

Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pl. 3. Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 579-80. 448 For Iusaas, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. I, pp. 152-53; Brunner, “Iu(e)s-aes,” cols. 217-18; Vandier, “Iousâas,” pt. 1, pp. 55-146, pt. 2, pp. 93-176, pt. 3, pp. 67-142. 447

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Below is a star band followed by mæ- and s-signs and a third, partially preserved hieroglyph at the far left that is more difficult to interpret. The remaining portion of this last sign is oriented on a diagonal from the lower right to the upper left; the right end of the sign is curved and there is an incised line down the center that does not reach the curved contour. A large amount of red pigment is preserved. The hieroglyph appears to be the legs of a kneeling-man-sign, but its position so close to the star band does not allow enough room for a torso or head. Therefore the hieroglyph must consist solely of kneeling legs. 449 The feet of the goddess in the upper register probably indicate that the hieroglyphs under discussion here belonged to the middle and end of the inscription, though as was mentioned elsewhere in this chapter, the registers of deities did not have a strict vertical alignment. A word mæs determined by the kneeling-legs-sign means “to kneel.” 450 Thus the most likely identity of the figure(s) is mæsw “the ones who kneel” or “the kneelers,” divinities who are mentioned in the Coffin Texts as “the keepers of the gates.” 451 These figures presumably help the deceased to pass through the dangers of the next world.

449

Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 1134, no. D159; Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch vol. II, pt. 1, pp. 1016-17. 450 Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 321. 451 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, p. 238; the name as shown in Leitz is spelled with a bent leg sign (Sign-list D56), rather than the seemingly more obscure kneeling-legs-sign. For the Coffin Texts spell, which ends “Spell for reaching those who squat, the keepers of the gates,” see Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. III, p. 138, spell 1053. For words relating to kneeling in the Coffin Texts, see Molen, Coffin Texts, pp. 157-58. For “kneelers” or “squatters” who protect Osiris from Seth in the Book of the Two Ways, see Lesko, Book of Two Ways, pp. 84-85.

226

SA 126 Upper Register: Foot of Male Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscriptions Containing r- and š-Signs (pl. 148) 24.8 x 14.6 cm

93.1190/3 (S/29bc); 93.1197/4, /5 (S/29bc); 93.1408/6 (no square

recorded); 96.954/2 (S/32d); 98.1512/1, /2 (S/28); 01.520/2 (T/31b) The piece preserves parts of two registers. In the upper one is a piece of the red toe, probably the proper left one, of a male deity standing on a groundline. Below is a star band followed by parts of inscriptions for two deities, neither one of which can be identified. To the right is an r-sign, which based on its position must be the penultimate hieroglyph in the caption. To the left is the top of a vertical green dividing line, followed by most of a š-sign, the first hieroglyph in the second inscription. Deity names that begin with this sign are too numerous to allow even a suggestion of the figure’s identity. 452

SA 127 Upper Register: Foot of Male Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing dí ënã œ (pl. 149) 23.9 x 19.1 cm

93.1114/1 (S/29bc); 98.841/1 (S/28); 99.3/1 (Q/28); 99.362/1

(T/29ab); 00.492 (Q/30c) Two registers are partially preserved on this fragment. In the upper register is the front half of a male foot on a groundline. Below is a long section of a star band followed by the deity caption dí ënã œ… “ gives life; ?” The absence of an s-sign after the dí-sign indicates that the deity depicted below was most likely male. Unfortunately

452

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 2-160 passim.

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more signs would be needed to identify the figure. 453 Note the fine rendering of the œsign, which is covered with incised lines indicating the twisted strands of rope.

SA 128 Upper Register: Male and Female Deities; Lower Register: ënã-Sign (pl. 150) 40.9 x 11.1 cm

92.337 (S/30d); 93.1012/1 (S/29bc); 98.874/2 (S/28); 98.932/3

(S/28); 98.1031/2 (S/28); 98.1607/2 (S/28) Parts of two registers are preserved on this long fragment. In the upper register are the overlapping yellow feet of a female deity on a groundline. At the far left, just at the point where the piece breaks, is the red tip of the proper left toe of the following male deity. Below is a long section of a star band followed by the top of an ënã-sign, all that remains of the caption above the deity in the lower register.

SA 129 Upper Register: Foot of Male Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing ënã- and ãnt-Signs (pl. 151) 15.1 x 13.4 cm

93.1352 (S/29bc)

The fragment preserves parts of two registers. In the upper on is the foot of a male deity on a groundline. In the lower one is a star band with particularly thin-armed stars followed by the hieroglyphs …[dí] or [.s] ënã ãnty… “… or [she gives] life; foremost of…” The deity depicted here was most likely identified by the name of a particular place. Note the dark, discolored surface of the stone, probably the result of exposure to fire.

453

For deities beginning with œ-signs, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 1-612 passim.

228

SA 130 Deity Inscription Containing ënã-, ãnt- and t-Signs (pl. 152) 18.6 x 10.2 cm

98.886/1 (S/28); 98.1042/1 (S/28); 98.1065/1 (S/28)

The fragment includes hieroglyphs forming the phrase …[dí] or [.s] ënã ãnty… “… or [she gives] life; foremost of…” A toponym was probably used to identify the deity depicted below.

SA 131 Upper Register: Foot of Male Deity: Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing nSign and Uncertain Sign (pl. 153) 10.7 x 15.4 cm

96.1455 (T/32a)

Parts of two registers are preserved on the fragment. In the upper one is part of a male foot on a groundline. Below is a section of a star band followed by an n-sign; because of the position of the sign directly below the star band, it is likely that another narrow, horizontal hieroglyph was placed below. To the left is the curving contour of another sign that cannot be identified.

SA 132 Deity Inscription Containing níwt t (pl. 154) 13.7 x 11.9 cm

98.1415/2 (S/28)

Part of a star band is preserved over níwt- and t-signs from the end of a deity caption. Because the hieroglyphs are aligned horizontally and are near the star band, another sign must have been placed beneath them. Since níwt-signs generally conclude the deity captions in which they occur, it is uncertain what type of hieroglyph could have 229

occupied the space. To the left is the upper half of a vertical dividing line followed by an area of background from the caption area of the following deity. Above the star band is a tiny piece of the groundline of the register above.

CONCLUSION: DEITIES FACING RIGHT IN THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER OF SENWOSRET III

Catalogued above are 132 pieces that originated from the three walls with deities facing to the right. Included were only those fragments that could contribute to an understanding of the decorative program in terms of placement and decoration of architectural features, orientation of elements and identities of gods. The positioning of architectural elements, placement and questions of orientation have been discussed above in comprehensive sections of the chapter. To summarize, deities facing right seem to have been placed on the north, east and south walls. The north wall contained an elaborately decorated door that led to the offering chamber, above which was a deity speech two registers high and six columns wide. A large-scale depiction of the king must have existed on either the east wall or more likely the south wall. By necessity, discussions of deity identities have been scattered. Therefore a summary is presented here of the information available for those deities who can be definitively or tentatively identified. Because more than one god can be preserved on a single piece, in some cases catalogue numbers are repeated. As was discussed above (pp. 81-85), the south and west walls were most likely equated with Upper Egypt, while the 230

east and north walls were associated with Lower Egypt. Since three walls contained deities facing right, as a group they must have included figures from both Upper and Lower Egypt (i.e. south and north), if, as seems likely, geography was used as at least one of the organizing principles. Among the human-headed goddesses, six figures can be identified. Omitted are those human-headed females for whom no identification is possible other than gender, as their potential identities are quite numerous. The goddesses are: IDENTITY OF DEITY

MEANS OF IDENTIFICATION

CAT. NO.

Iabtet (goddess of east)

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 41

Hathor

Inscription/head/headgear

cat. no. SA 42

Weret-hekau

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 47

Libyan goddess?

Inscription/head/headgear

cat. no. SA 44

Djedet?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 113

Djet? and Iusaas?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 124

Nine feline-headed goddesses are preserved from Senwosret III’s square antechamber. The deities were identified by facial type and/or inscription. It is possible that some of the figures and inscriptions originally joined together, meaning that one cannot state definitively that at least nine felines were depicted in the square antechamber. Weret

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 49

Sekhmet?

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 31

Bastet mistress of…

Inscription

cat. no. SA 102 231

Bastet?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 53

Deshret-gemhut? or Gemhet? Inscription/head

cat. nos. SA 47-48

Feline

Head

cat. no. SA 42

Feline

Head

cat. no. SA 50

Feline

Head

cat. no. SA 51

Feline

Head

cat. no. SA 52

As was discussed above, at least six depictions of Seth existed in the square antechamber, identiable as separate manifestations based on the preserved snouts. In addition, four pieces preserves parts of the head without the snout. Four additional fragments contain parts of inscriptions. The Seth figures are: Seth

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 55

Seth

Head

cat. no. SA 56

Seth

Head

cat. nos. SA 57-58

Seth

Head

cat. no. SA 59

Seth

Head

cat. no. SA 60

Seth

Head

cat. no. SA 61

Seth

Head

cat. no. SA 62

Seth

Head

cat. no. SA 63

Seth

Ears

cat. no. SA 64

Seth

Ears

cat. no. SA 65

Seth-the-one-who-eats?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 66

Seth-the-one-who-eats?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 67 232

Seth

Inscription

cat. no. SA 68

Seth

Inscription

cat. no. SA 69

Eleven falcon-headed gods are attested either from preserved heads, inscriptions or both. Again it is possible that some of these fragments originally belonged together but can no longer be joined. Although Horus-foremost-of-thehouses appears to have had a human head he is included here among the falcon-headed figures, because his divine identification is with Horus. The falcon-headed deities are: Horus-foremost-of-houses

Inscription

cat. no. SA 6

Horus of?

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 70

Deity of Ro-setjau (Sokar?)

Inscription

cat. no. SA 31

Horakhty?

Inscription/head/headgear

cat. no. SA 71

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 72

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 73

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 74

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 75

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 76

Falcon

Inscription

cat. no. SA 6

Falcon

Inscription

cat. no. SA 77

Eleven jackal-headed deities are attested either from preserved heads, inscriptions or both. As is the case with most other groups of deities, some of the inscriptions and heads listed here separately probably originally joined together. Anubis he-who-is-

Inscription/head 233

cat. no. SA 80

on-his-mountain Anubis he-who-is

Inscription

cat. no. SA 81

foremost-of-westerners

Inscription

cat. no. SA 31

Anubis

Inscription

cat. no. SA 82

Anubis lord of…

Inscription

cat. no. SA 84

Jackal

Inscription

cat. no. SA 83

Jackal

Inscription

cat. no. SA 85

Wepwawet

Inscription

cat. no. SA 86

Wepwawet?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 85

Jackal

Head

cat. no. SA 78

Jackal

Head

cat. no. SA 79

on-his-mountain Anubis-

Evidence remains for only three crocodile-headed deities. Each fragment must have belonged to a separate depiction of a god. Only one preserves part of an inscription. Iahes/Rahes?

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 87

Crocodile

Head

cat. no. SA 88

Crocodile

Head

cat. no. SA 89

Parts of three ram-headed gods are preserved, all from different depictions. Two preserve part of an inscription. Khnum of Hor-meret?

Inscription/head 234

cat. no. SA 90

Ram deity ? of the gods

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 91

Ram

Neck

cat. no. SA 92

Two pieces preserve evidence for ibis-headed deities. Both fragments could originate from the same depiction. A third piece preserves part of what may be an inscription for a phoenix deity, who might have had a bird head. Ibis

Head

cat. no. SA 93

Ibis, probably Thoth

Inscription

cat. no. SA 94

Phoenix?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 98

Nine fragments preserve parts of deities who were probably depicted as human-headed males. Because many of these gods are known primarily from inscriptions in afterlife books, rather than as figures, the physical form they assumed cannot be stated definitively. Only the caption for the god who may be Aha-wer (cat. no. SA 105) could be joined to its male, human-headed figure. Osiris the great one?

Inscription

cat.no. SA 111

Aha-rekhty?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 104

Aha-wer?

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 105

Geb?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 103

Min?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 114

Nakht?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 115

Shadow or shade?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 116

Libyan?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 117

Ones-who-kneel?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 125 235

Finally, there were nine bæw of Iunu, of which two can be identified as humanheaded females and five as human-headed males (cat. nos. SA 1-6). No parts of the other two figures remain. In sum, a maximum of seventy-eight deities can be in some way identified from the walls with right facing figures in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. It is estimated that approximately 218 gods were represented in the room (see the conclusion to the chapter). Even a cursory glance through the list reveals that many of the deities depicted here are unusual figures who, as far as is known, did not have cult places of their own and were rarely if ever depicted. The seemingly atypical group of deities represented here may be the result of chance archaeological survival as well as the poor preservation of other Old and Middle Kingdom monuments. However, there is also the strong possibility that the choice of deities reflects changes in religious concepts relating to the afterlife of the king that developed in the later Twelfth Dynasty. This topic will be addressed in more detail in the conclusion to this chapter.

THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER OF SENWOSRET III: DEITIES FACING LEFT ON THE WEST WALL

Introduction As was discussed above (pp. 86-87), the square antechamber was likely configured so that three walls depicted deities facing right and one depicted deities facing left. Therefore the material discussed here is treated as if it originated from a single tableau. 236

Two pieces of evidence strongly suggest that the deities facing left were located only on the west side of the square antechamber. First, the admittedly few complete deity captions containing toponyms all seem to name Middle and Upper Egyptian sites, that is, locales that were to the south of Dahshur. 454 One would therefore expect that the figures were placed on either the south or the west wall (pp. 81-85). The second point suggesting that the figures come from the west wall relates to the doorway connected with the left facing deities. According to the present reconstruction of the temple, the south wall of the square antechamber stood behind an exterior wall, meaning that if the left facing deities originated from there, the doorway would have served as the entrance from the inner courtyard of the pyramid complex (see pl. 10). Arguing against such a location is the condition of the doorjamb and reveal (cat. no. SA 133, pls. 155-56), which, despite faded paint, lack any traces of the heavy brown patina associated with pieces that were on or near the temple’s exterior (for examples of such patina, see here pls. 13-15). Thus it seems most likely that the deities facing left occupied the west wall, which had a doorway leading to a room in the southwest quadrant of the temple.455 Several architectural and iconographic features can be isolated based on evidence provided by a number of fragments. Recovered from the doorway mentioned above were a large block with parts of the doorframe, doorjamb and reveal, along with

454

Nonetheless, it must be admitted that a few deities who are captioned with their names, but not toponyms, seem to have been connected to Lower Egypt. However, since our knowledge of Middle Kingdom deity temples is fairly sparse, it is quite possible that gods who were primarily associated with Lower Egyptian also had now unknown cult places in Upper Egypt. It is also possible that deities were grouped together because of cultic associations that transcended geography, a topic that will be addressed in the conclusion to this chapter.

237

several sections of the lintel, which was decorated with enthroned deities (cat. nos. SA 133, 144-150, pls. 155-56, 167-73). A narrower register 47.5 cm high was occupied by the lintel with the enthroned deities, a reduction presumably necessitated by the height of the doorway in relation to the arrangement of registers. The lintel conforms to the type D defined above (see p. 62), meaning that it continued the iconographic themes of the rest of the room, albeit in a somewhat modified form. The position of the doorway at the north end of the west wall can be ascertained from the largest surviving piece of the lintel, which on its right side preserves the triangular end of a star band (cat. no. SA 144, pl. 167). Although the definitive vertical corner block border has not been preserved, no fragment from the pyramid temple indicates that star bands ended in locations other than wall corners or the edges of doorways. The pattern of striding deities continued above the lintel and presumably also to the left, where the register would have expanded to the full estimated height of 76.8 cm. Based on the proportions of the wall, the lintel must have occupied the right end of register 4 (pl. 174). The doorframe itself seems to have been embellished only by a block border at the same level as the rest of the wall surface, which also continued horizontally under the enthroned deities. The question of what might have been depicted to the right of the doorway will be discussed below in conjunction with the door lintel. The left facing deity procession probably concluded with a speech in which the deities bestowed blessings on the king, followed by a vertical block border at the wall corner (cat. no. SA 200, pl. 226). The exact dimensions of the speech are unknown, but

455

Positioning the doorway in the south wall also would have meant that the square

238

it was at least two columns wide (ca. 28 cm) and most likely spanned all five decorated registers. As was discussed above (pp. 85-86), in the square antechamber a wall with a door is unlikely to have contained a large-scale depiction of the king.456 A total of thirteen deities have been reconstructed in registers 1-3, although in order to accommodate them the spaces between the figures had to be slightly reduced from the 32 cm average, perhaps an indication that the room was somewhat larger than 472.5 cm ( = 9 cubits; see pl. 174). Registers 4 and 5 have been reconstructed with eight figures each. Thus a total of approximately fifty-five standing deities were depicted on the west wall along with an additional five enthroned figures. Because the deities facing left are thought to have originally occupied a single wall, the material is here treated differently from the preceding section of the chapter, which dealt with right facing figures originating from multiple walls. In the case of the previously discussed material, those figures that could be assigned to the north wall were analyzed together, but the remainder of the deities were catalogued according to gender and type (female, jackal-headed, ram-headed, etc); gods that could be assigned to the same block based on a masonry edge were grouped with the type of deity represented, rather than by block. For the deities facing left, priority has been given to suggesting the registers from which pieces could have originated, which are mostly indicated by the position of masonry edges and other details. Included in the catalogue of deities facing left are fragments with small parts of unidentifiable figures that are interesting because they preserve cut edges; such material was largely omitted from the discussion

antechamber contained three passages, which is an unlikely configuration (pp. 63-64).

239

of gods facing right. Those figures and/or inscriptions for which evidence of position has not survived are again grouped according to gender and type. Arranging the recovered fragments in this manner means that the sections devoted to gender and type could not be comprehensive. Therefore in order to present a complete picture of the identified gods, a summary of them will conclude this section of the chapter.

Register 5 (Lowermost Register): Horizontal Masonry Edge Near Bottom of Feet Several pieces of evidence suggest that the lowermost register of the west wall had a masonry edge that cut through the figures near the bottom of the feet. Included in this group is the large block with part of a male deity and a section of the doorway (cat. no. SA 133, pls. 155-56). First, it has been observed throughout the pyramid temple that there is a tendency, though not an absolute one, for masonry edges to occur near the bottom of lowermost registers. 457 Second, the figure adjoining the doorway has deliberate damage to the knees and there are traces of scratches and graffiti on the reveal. Deliberate defacement of figures in lowermost registers has been noted on pieces from other parts of the pyramid temple. 458 Third and most decisive, it is likely that the doorway opening on the west wall was proportionally similar to that on the north wall, meaning that the top of the west door lintel must have been continuous

456

The observation was made by Jéquier (Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 35, 47). For examples, see pls. 56-57, 286, 289, 352, 370, 386-87. 458 For examples, see pls. 155-56, 286, 370, 379. Note however that the door lintel of the square antechamber’s west wall, which was certainly several meters above floor level, has also been defaced (see here pl. 167). 457

240

with the top of register four. 459 Since nearly the entire height of the figure to the side of the door is preserved, an even higher section of the reveal remains, and there are no traces of the soffit, the block could only fit to register 5, the lowermost decorated register; if the block originated from register 4, the soffit would be level with the top of the god’s legs (see pl. 174). Including the doorway block, a total of six pieces (cat. nos. SA 136-40) and possibly three additional fragments (cat. nos. SA 141-43) seem to originate from register 5 of the west wall. Because it is likely that some of the feet that now survive on different fragments originally belonged to single figures, the total number of deities is estimated to have been between eight and nine, if the additional fragments are included. As was mentioned above, there were probably eight figures in each register to the side of the doorway, meaning that a few of these pieces could come from another location. 460 No vertical edges have been preserved, though the register must have been divided between at least two blocks. Finally, what occupied the space between the right side of the doorframe and the wall corner? Unfortunately, the available evidence does not suggest a definitive answer. Two points indicate that a section of wall approximately 18.5 cm wide and 106 cm high (equivalent to somewhat less than 1 ½ registers) was located in an area that corresponded to the bottom of register 4 and all of register 5. First, structural considerations would dictate that blocks wide enough to carry the weight of the lintel

459

Note that the lintel on the north wall was much taller than the one on the west wall.

241

and wall above must have been placed to the right of the doorway, meaning that the doorframe could not have directly abutted the wall corner. Second, on catalogue number SA 145 (pl. 168) the feet that may belong to the deity Tjaisepef are above the upper right corner of the block border doorframe. As a result, the throne and the figure must have been positioned above whatever filled the space to the right of the doorway. The end of the star band on catalogue number SA 144 (pl. 167) indicates that the enthroned figures continued to the right end of the wall, eliminating the possibility that standing deities in two registers occupied the space. 461 It is possible that a vertical column of text was inserted here. However, since the left side of the doorframe clearly did not have an inscription, it is highly unlikely that one would have been placed to the right, as inscribed Egyptian doorframes are usually symmetrical to a high degree.462 It may be the case that either a standing deity was positioned here, perhaps with a large headdress that stretched upwards, or that two registers with smaller deities were depicted. However, according to the present reconstruction, the 18.5 cm space is too narrow to accommodate either a male or female figure. If the doorway is shifted to the left, so that the upper right corner of the doorframe is placed under the feet of the enthroned Thoth instead of Tjaisepef, the space to the right of the doorway becomes too wide for a single figure. In this case, one might speculate that a column of text was

460

Since the doorway on the north wall is presumed to have had a wider doorframe with two vertical columns of text, only six figures were reconstructed to the side of it, though it is likely that seven figures were depicted (see pp. 142-43). 461 Although nothing of the figure of Tjaisepef remains except for the top of his was-scepter, the position of the scepter directly below the inscription indicates that the figure must have been enthroned.

242

placed in front of the figure, but there is no evidence for such an arrangement. In sum, at present one can only suggest possibilities for what was depicted to the right of the doorway, which must have deviated from the pattern found on the rest of the wall.463

Catalogue of Register 5 (Lowermost Register): Horizontal Masonry Edge Near Bottom of Feet

SA 133 Male Deity with Doorframe, Reveal and Doorjamb (pls. 155-56) W. of striped reveal 106 cm W. of doorway from surface with deity to center of curved doorjamb 138 cm H. of preserved surface of reveal 54 cm H. of reveal to broken edge at top 58 cm Wall with deity: W. 36 cm; H. of preserved surface 37.5 cm; H. of surface to top of broken edge 45 cm W. of complete block border 10 cm 94.693 (S/29b); 03.400 (no square noted); unnumbered doorframe There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the block that cuts through the bottom of the figure’s feet.

462

However, for a doorway with an asymmetrical arrangement of figures, see Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 44. 463 On the east wall of the Pepi II’s square antechamber, a human male figure was reconstructed in the space between the right side of the door and the wall corner (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 52, pl. 58).

243

On the front of this piece are the legs, most of the kilt and the proper left lower arm, hand and ankh-sign held by a male deity facing left. The deity cannot be identified, but as was discussed above in relation to distribution of garment forms in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, because he wears a kilt he probably had a human head. Areas around the knees seem to have been deliberately defaced by chiselling. Behind the figure (i.e. to the right) is part of an originally about 10 cm wide vertical block border that framed the doorway. At a right angle to the deity are parts of the reveal covered with now faded green and yellow painted stripes and a portion of the rounded doorjamb. The positions of the jamb and reveal indicate that the ancient Egyptians considered the side of the doorway with the deity to be “inside” and the side with the rounded reveal to be “outside.” 464 Thus one would expect that the side of the doorway with the deity adjoining the frame served as the entrance into the room. According to the proposed reconstruction, the doorway connected the “entrance room” in the southwest quadrant of the temple to the square antechamber (pl. 10).

SA 134 Vertical Corner Block Border and Head of Was-Scepter (pl. 157) 9.7 x 7.3 cm

98.1593/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece. Preserved on the piece is a curving line that seems to the bottom of a was-scepter head facing left, which could be part of either the staff held by a deity or a hieroglyph. The

464

See Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, pp. 74-75; also see here pl. 11.

244

was-scepter staff may continue on catalogue number SA 135. To the left is part of a vertical block border. Since it seems that the west wall of the square antechamber culminated in a deity speech (cat. no. SA 200, pl. 226), the piece is unlikely to originate from a god placed directly in front of the wall corner. The scepter could originate from an inscription facing towards a block border, but the ënã- and wæs-signs in deity speeches are usually arranged so that the ënã-sign is first (for an example, see cat. no. OC 21, pl. 335). Also possible is that the was-scepter was held by a deity placed in the narrow space between the right side of the west wall doorframe and the wall corner; the block border on this fragment would therefore belong to the doorframe. Slightly supporting this proposition is the observation that the block border is fairly carefully carved, while block borders placed in the wall corners are often quite rough (for examples from doorframes, see pls. 43, 155-56, 168; for examples from wall corners, see pls. 58, 60). However, according to the present reconstruction of the west wall, the approximately 18.5 cm space between the wall corner and the doorframe is too narrow to accommodate a figure (see also above).

SA 135 Vertical Corner Block Border and Was-Scepter Staff(?) (pl. 158) 8.5 x 9.7 cm

98.454/2 (R/28)

Preserved on this fragment is part of vertical green line to the side of a vertical block border, of which only the outer stripe and small pieces of the rectangles remain. The

245

piece may be part of the staff of a was-scepter and it may have originally joined to catalogue number SA 134.

SA 136 Male Deity with Tail (pl. 159) 25.2 x 21 cm

98.1550/1 (S/28); 98.1704/1 (S/28); unnumbered

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the feet. Preserved on the fragment are parts of both legs and feet, the back edge of the tunic and the bottom of an ankh-sign originally held by a male deity. The bull’s tail angling behind the leg is particularly notable for its fine incised decoration. The tunic and the tail probably indicate that the deity had an animal head.

SA 137 Tail of Male Deity Followed by Was-Scepter and Feet of Male Deity (pl. 160) 35.3 x 7.9 cm

94.673 (R/29c); 96.991 (T/32a); 98.856/1 (Q/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the feet. To the left is the end of a bull’s tail worn by a male deity, which is covered with beautifully rendered incised lines indicating strands of hair; a tiny piece of the proper left foot remains in front. Based on the presence of a tail, the deity probably had an animal head. Both feet and the forked prongs of the was-scepter are preserved from the second figure, who is identifiable as a male based on his red skin color.

246

SA 138 Male Feet (pl. 161) 17.8 x 4.3 cm

94.607/5 (S/29b); 94.625/1 (R/29c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the feet. The fragment preserves parts of two red male feet from a single figure, presumably a deity because of the position of the masonry edge, though no divine attributes remain on the piece. The foot to the viewer’s left can be identified as the proper right based on the observation that the contours of the ankle area curve to the upper right.

SA 139 Part of Male Foot (pl. 162) 6.5 x 3.9 cm

94.839/1 (R/29d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the feet. Part of the top contour and interior of a damaged red male foot remain on this fragment. The figure has been assigned to the deities facing left in the square antechamber based on the position of the masonry edge.

SA 140 Feet of Goddess (pl. 163) 5.2 x 2.1 cm

98.1700/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the feet.

247

A small part of the two feet of a goddess remain on this fragment, which can be identified by the overlap, the shape of the contour and the yellow color.

SA 141 Feet and Ankles of Goddess (pl. 164) 9.5 x 6.2 cm

98.644/1 (R/27)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the feet. Most of the feet and ankles of a goddess are preserved on this fragment. Across the ankle area, two rectangles without yellow color indicate the position of anklets that were rendered in now-missing blue and/or green paint.

SA 142 Ankles and Lower Legs of Goddess (pl. 165) 20.6 x 16.9 cm

93.961 (S/29b); 98.737/1 (Q/28)

There are two horizontal masonry edges at the bottom of the piece: an edge to the left must have cut through an area corresponding to the bottom of the feet; to the right, an edge cuts through the bottom of the ankles and probably belongs to the setting for a patchstone. Remaining on the fragment are parts of the legs and incised anklets of a goddess. In front of the figure is the bottom of her was-scepter.

SA 143 Feet of Goddess (pl. 166) 3.6 x 2.6 cm

98.1000/1 (S/28) 248

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom that cuts through the edge of the groundline. This small fragment preserves part of the overlapping, yellow feet of a goddess and a sliver of the groundline below. The masonry edge is slightly lower than the those found on the pieces described above, probably an indication that the piece comes from a different block.

Register 4: Enthroned Deities Door Lintel A large piece and six smaller fragments originate from the lintel above the door on the west wall. Key evidence provided by two of the pieces reveals the form of the lintel. The smaller piece (cat. no. SA 145, pl. 168) preserves the upper right corner of a block border that decorated the doorframe and on the underside diminutive but distinct pieces of a reveal and soffit (not visible in photo). Remaining above are parts of two overlapping feet resting on a rectangular object that in turn sits on a groundline. While one might at first think that because the feet overlap they belong to a standing goddess, the rectangular object beneath them is a mat, an item generally placed beneath the feet of enthroned or seated figures. The larger block, which includes part of the figure and inscription of an enthroned Thoth of Khemenu (Hermopolis) followed by an inscription for the bull deity Tjaisepef, reveals the rationale behind the change in figure type, namely that the proportions of the doorway resulted in a narrower register that could not accommodate standing figures (cat. no. SA 144, pl. 167). Rather than placing elements specific to a lintel over the doorway, the enthroned gods continue the deity 249

assembly found in the rest of the room, albeit in a modified form; in the previous discussion of door lintels, such decoration was defined as type D (p. 62). The register with the enthroned deities occupied a space about 47.5 cm high from the top of the star band to the top of the horizontal block border above the doorway, that is, about 29 cm less than the total estimated height of the registers with standing gods. Although the height of the caption area is approximately the same as is found above the standing figures, there is a much narrower space between the bottom of the hieroglyphs and the top of the deity heads. The figures are not only shorter because of their seated posture, but they are also generally smaller than their standing counterparts. Also noticeable is that the figures occupied somewhat less horizontal space, probably from figure to figure about 28 cm versus the average 32.5 cm discussed above (pp. 75-78). The triangular projection below the star band following the inscription for Tjaisepef indicates that this is the right end of the wall. Although nothing of the corner block border is preserved here, there is no evidence that star bands ended in places other than at wall corners and doorframes. In the register above, the preserved feet, proper right leg and ceremonial tail of a male deity indicates a resumption of the striding and standing postures, which presumably also occurred to the left of the lintel.

Catalogue of Register 4: Enthroned Deities Door Lintel

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SA 144 Upper Register: Feet of Male Deity; Lower Register: Enthroned Thoth of Khemenu (Hermopolis) and Tjaisepef (pl. 167) 47.8 x 56.6 cm

92.439 (S/30cd); 94.745 (R/29b); 94.748/2 (R/29b); 94.754

(R/29b); 94.797 (R/29d); 94.915/1, /2 (R/29a) There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the calf of the striding male figure in the upper register. Parts of two registers are preserved on this block. The upper one (register 3) contains parts of the feet on a groundline, proper left leg and bull’s tail of a male deity facing left. Because no male foot is visible on the preserved surface in front of (i.e. to the left of) the male deity, it is likely that a goddess with overlapping feet was depicted here. Since male deities stride forward, their feet are relatively close to adjacent male deities (compare pls. 160, 197-98). 465 Below is part of a star band with a triangular projection that marks the right end of the wall. In the lower register (number 4) are parts of the figure and inscription of Thoth of Khemenu and an inscription for the bull deity Tjaisepef, the only two enthroned figures who can be identified. The register with enthroned deities was about 47.5 cm high; for reasons discussed above, it must have stood above the door in the west wall.466

465

With thanks to Scott Murphy for the observation, which was made during the creation of the reconstruction on plate 174. 466 The piece was included in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 140, pl. 160b; since the publication a few small pieces have been joined to it.

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The inscription to the left reads [dí] ënã [nb?] Ãmnw “ [gives] life; [the lord? of] Khemenu (Hermopolis);” 467 the damaged area above the numerical strokes and the sense of the inscription would best accommodate a nb-sign. Below are parts of the head, divine wig, torso, arms and legs of the ibis-headed deity seated on a partially preserved throne. An ankh-sign held in the proper left hand rests on the thigh and presumably a was-scepter was held in the now-missing, outstretched, proper right hand. Note that despite the position of the figure high above the doorway, the face seems to have been deliberately destroyed. Thoth of Khemenu is a widely attested member of the Egyptian pantheon, who was included in the White Chapel of Senwosret I at Karnak 468 and the gateway of Amenemhat II in Hermopolis. 469 To the right is the inscription ïæw-sp.f “Tjaisepef,” separated from the preceding text by a vertical green dividing line; the interpretation of the name is uncertain (see below). The inscription is largely intact, though the head and neck of the flying duckling seem to have been deliberately defaced in the same manner as the Thoth head. Oddly, the bull hieroglyph at the right end of the inscription was left untouched. 470 All that remains of the figure is the top of his was-scepter, placed quite close to the bottom

467

For Thoth, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 639-44; for “Thoth who is in Hermopolis,” see ibid., p. 649. See also Kurth, “Thot,” cols. 497-23 all with further references. For Thoth in the Old Kingdom, see Brovarski, “Writing Boards,” p. 33; Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, p. 351; Begelsbacher-Fischer, Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt, pp. 190-97. For the topography of the Hermopolis area, see Kesseler, Historische Topographie, pp. 79-119. 468 Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pl. 13, scène 4. The earliest attestation of Thoth of Khemenu comes from the pyramid complex of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 21). 469 Balcz, “Grabungsbericht,” pp. 11-34. 470 It is uncertain if the bull was depicted alone or if it stood on a short standard. In the later case, the f-sign would have had to be omitted for lack of space.

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of the inscription. One wonders if the deity actually had a bull’s head, as the upward pointing horns presumably would have protruded into the text area above. 471 Tjaisepef is a deity with few attestations, almost all of them textual. 472 He seems to have disappeared after the Middle Kingdom, when his name was used in Coffin Text passages to describe the mallet of a boat. 473 Although the figure itself has not survived, the image of Tjaisepef in Senwosret III’s square antechamber represents the only known instance in which the deity was depicted. The main evidence for Tjaisepef comes from the Old Kingdom, when at least eight royal women in the Memphite area were priestesses of the god, six of whom were also priestesses of Thoth. Meresankh III is described as a priestess of Tjaisepef on the north side of her sarcophagus and a priestess of Thoth on the south side. 474 In the temple of Khentkaus II, a relief fragment was found indicating she was a priestess of

471

For bull-headed deities, see Helck, “Stiergott,” cols. 14-16; Otto, Stierkulte; Oppenheim, “Three Deities,” pp. 208-17. 472 For the deity, see Otto, Stierkulte, p. 9; Helck, “Tjaisepef,” col. 607; Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 459. For the deity in relation to the women of the royal court, see Baud, Famille royale, pp. 34043 with further references; Begelsbacher-Fischer, Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt, pp. 214, 237, 249-50, 254-55. The interpretation of the name is uncertain and the god may be related to Bapfi (Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 459; Verner, Khentkaus, p. 65 no. 22). Note that there is also a deity called Basepef, attested only in the Early Dynastic Period (Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 696). For the possibility that Tjaisepef appeared before the Old Kingdom, see the label of Hemaka (Helck Thinitenzeit, pp. 153-54) and an Early Dynastic seal (Kaplony, Ägyptischen Frühzeit, vol. I, pp. 455-56; vol. III no. 366. For the possible connection of Tjaisepef with the ram-headed Kherty, see Kaplony, “Cherti,” col. 944. 473 Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. II, pp. 49, 55. According to Leitz (Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 459), Coffin Texts VI, 281u also refers to Tjaisepef, but according to Faulkner’s translation, the deity is Kasepef (Coffin Texts, vol. II, p. 230). 474 Dunham, Mersyankh III, p. 21, fig. 14, pl. XV. On both the east and west sides she is described as a priestess of the ram god Bapfi. The title priestess of Tjaisepef is omitted from Baud, Famille royale, pp. 461-63.

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Tjaisepef, while another showed that she was also a priestess of Thoth.475 Khamerernebty I, 476 Khamerernebty II, 477 Meresankh IV, 478 and Hetepheres II 479 were also priestesses of both Tjaisepef and Thoth. Bawnefer and Seshseshet had the title of priestess of Tjaisepef, though nothing survives connecting them with Thoth.480 No royal woman of the Middle Kingdom is known to have been a priestess of Tjaisepef. According to Otto, the link between Tjaisepef and the women must relate to the fertility aspect of the bulls. 481 It has also been suggested that royal women were priestesses of gods who were either embodied by the king or played a particularly strong role in relation to kingship. 482 Certainly the apparent restriction of Tjaisepef ’s priesthood to women of the royal family suggests a close connection between the deity and some aspect of kingship, most likely one related to fertility. In terms of geographical orientation, because bull standards are apparently found only in Lower Egypt, it has been said that the cult of Tjaisepef must have been centered

475

For the title “priestess of Tjaisepef,” see Verner, Khentkaus, pp. 65 n. 22, 83, pl. 17 no. 111/A/78; note that only the s-, p- and f-signs are preserved. For the title “priestess of Thoth,” see Verner, Khentkaus, pp. 63, 83 no. 36/A/78, pl. 17. See also Baud, Famille royale, pp. 553-54. Khentkaus II was also a priestess of the ram god Bapfi. 476 Baud, Famille royale, pp. 532-33. 477 Baud, Famille royale, pp. 533-34. 478 Baud, Famille royale, pp. 463-64. 479 Baud, Famille royale, pp. 527-29. 480 Baud, Famille royale, pp. 445, 564. For Bawnefer, see also Hassan, Giza 1931-1932, vol. III, pp. 176, 190 fig. 152. For Seshseshet, see also Lauer, Téti, pp. 95-96, pl. XXXIIIG; only the bull standard is used here for the name of the deity rather than the phonetic spelling, meaning that the text could refer to another bull deity. 481 Otto, Stierkulte, p. 9. A spell in Papyrus Leiden I 348 may infer that Tjaisepef is somehow connected with birth (Borghouts, Magical Texts, pp. 30, 159-63, no. 389). 482 Begelsbacher-Fischer, Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt, pp. 254-55; Baud, Famille royale, pp. 34142. See also Helck, Beamtentiteln, pp. 49-50.

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in this region. 483 The prevalence of Memphite priestesses of Tjaisepef would also indicate a connection between the god and this locale, though not necessarily an exclusive one. However, the probable though not definitive Lower Egyptian origin of Tjaisepef contrasts not only with the cardinal orientation of the majority of identifiable gods on the square antechamber’s west wall, but also with the Hermopolitan cult center of the Thoth who precedes him. An explanation for the seeming discrepancy may be found in the close Old Kingdom connection between Tjaisepef and Thoth, as exemplified by the concurrence of the priestly titles of the royal women. 484 The juxtaposition of Tjaisepef and Thoth in Senwosret III’s square antechamber is thus likely to reflect a still relevant cultic connection between the two deities that transcended geographic associations. An interesting though ultimately unanswerable question is whether or not the enthroned deities depicted on the lintel had a narrow set of cultic associations, perhaps related to the role of women in relation to the king, or simply continued some aspect of the overall program.

SA 145 Foot on Footrest and Block Border from Upper Right Side of Door (pl. 168) 11.1 x 19 cm

94.995 (S/29d)

On the underside of the piece there are small parts of the soffit and reveal of the doorway (not clearly visible in the photo).

483

Otto, Stierkulte, p. 9. For the association of Horus, Thoth and Tjaisepef in the Coffin Texts, see Borghouts, Magical Texts, p. 161. 484

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At the top of the piece are two overlapping feet resting on a mat that in turn sits on a groundline. The presence of the mat indicates that the figure is seated. Below is the upper right corner of the block border that seems to have framed the doorway of the west wall in the square antechamber. The feet probably belong to Tjaisepef, though it is also possible they originally joined Thoth of Khemenu.

SA 146 Neck and Head of Smaller Animal-Headed Deity (pl. 169) 5.9 x 5 cm

98.1340/2 (S/28)

The small fragment preserves parts of the neck, divine wig and broad collar of a deity that can be identified as animal-headed based on the green pigment remaining on the wig and the diagonal line of the neck. Because the neck is somewhat narrower than those found on other animal-headed deities in the square antechamber, it is likely that the figure belongs with the slightly smaller enthroned figures.

SA 147 Upper Torso and Upper Proper Right Arm of Smaller Goddess (pl. 170) 9.2 x 6.7 cm

94.913 (R/29a)

Preserved on the fragment are parts of the breast, upper torso, hair and proper left arm of a goddess. Because the figure is slightly smaller than the standing goddesses in the square antechamber, she most likely originates from the group of enthroned figures.

SA 148 Feet of Goddess, Footrest and Front of Throne (pl. 171) 9.1 x 5.1 cm

94.1008/1 (R/29bc) 256

Remaining here are parts of overlapping yellow feet and the lower left corner and footrest of a throne. The seated figure can be identified as a goddess based on the preserved pigment. A small piece of the groundline is visible beneath the throne and footrest.

SA 149 Two Thrones (pl. 172) 10.4 x 5 cm

93.976 (S/29b)

The back of one throne and the edge of the next throne’s footrest are preserved on this piece. The edge of a block border at the far left of the first throne provides evidence that they had an inset rectangle in the lower right corner that was not decorated with the motif of tied plants (see also cat. no. SA 150, pl. 173).485 The small scale of the throne suggests it comes from the lintel with enthroned deities.

SA 150 Piece of Throne (pl. 173) 5.4 x 6.7 cm

98.866 (S/28); 00.830 (R/30b)

Preserved from a throne are parts of the block border at the front, the yellow interior, and the base. To the right is the edge of the rectangular inset in its lower right corner (see also cat. no. SA 149, pl. 172). The small scale of the throne suggests it comes from the lintel with enthroned deities.

485

It appears that the smæ-tæwy motif inside the œwt-throne inset is largely confined to depictions of the king. Note, for example, that the goddess Seshat in Sahure’s Libyan prisoner scene lacks the smæ-tæwy (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 1). Unfortunately there are few examples of enthroned Old or Middle Kingdom deities that preserve the inset, making it difficult to determine if the inclusion of the smæ-tæwy motif on their thrones was rare or non-existent.

257

Registers 3 and 4: Horizontal Masonry Edges Through Calf and Through Center of Body Five blocks preserve upper and lower horizontal masonry edges, suggesting an average block height of 87.1 cm. 486 Because a smaller height of 76.8 cm has been reconstructed for the registers of standing deities in the square antechamber, the masonry edges could not have cut each register in the same position relative to the decoration. If the supposition is correct that a horizontal masonry edge cut through the bottom of the feet in the lowest register, then in subsequent registers the edges must have gradually moved upwards in comparison to the figures. Thus for the left facing deities one can tentatively conclude that: 1) pieces with masonry edges cutting through the bottom half of the figures originate from the lower registers of the wall; and 2) figures with masonry edges higher up originate from the upper registers. Preserved evidence indicates that registers 3 and 4 are both likely to have had masonry edges that cut through either the calves or thighs of the figures. The block with the enthroned deities door lintel preserves part of register 3 above, which has a masonry edge that runs through the calves (cat. no. SA 144, pl. 167). That at least some of the figures in register 4 were cut through the area of the knees or the bottom of the proper left hand is indicated by the presumed level of the masonry edge created by the juncture of the bottom of the door lintel and the wall (see pl. 174). In addition, other

486

The block heights range from 80.5 cm to 96 cm. The five pieces suggest that block height decreased somewhat from the bottom to the top of the wall, though admittedly the sample is small.

258

masonry edges cut through the lower half of the deities through the knees and the bottom of the ankh-sign and through the area of the buttocks. These edges probably also indicate that figures should be placed in registers 3 and 4. It is likely that the doorway necessitated some alteration in block height, resulting in jumps in masonry edges. Such discrepancies were observed in the walls with doorways in Pepi II’s square antechamber. 487

Catalogue of Registers 3 and 4: Horizontal Masonry Edges Through Calf and Through Center of Body

SA 151 Upper Register: Defaced Male Deity (Amun?), Khnum(?), Female Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscriptions Containing ãnty nÿmt (“Foremost of Sweetness?”) and ënã Skr (Sokar) (pl. 175) 75.8 x 84.2 cm

92.421 (S/30cd); 93.203 (S/30ab); 93.954 (S/29b); 94.29 (R/29b);

94.655/2 (R/29c); 94.688/1 (R/29c); 94.735/3 (R/29b); 94.744/1 (R/29b); 94.938 (R/29a); 96.386 (T/31d); 98.979 (S/28); 99.203/2 (Q/29); 99.247 (Q/28); 00.335 (Q/30d); 01.472 (R/32) There is a vertical masonry edge that cuts through the proper right arm and the space just in front of the torso of the second figure in the upper register. There are two adjoining patchstones at the bottom of the piece that both preserve parts of all four

487

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 45, pl. 54.

259

masonry edges. Patchstone settings cut through the calves of both figures in the upper register; on the male figure to the right, the edge jumps down slightly between the legs. Parts of the figures and inscriptions of five deities are preserved on this block. Remaining in the upper register from left to right are three figures: a male deity wearing a tunic who originates from a place ending with -tyw; a male deity wearing tunic who is identified by what seems to be a õnm-pot (Sign-list W9) and is therefore probably Khnum; and an unidentified female deity. In the lower register are parts of two inscriptions, the first describing a figure perhaps called “foremost of sweetness,” and the second probably identifying Sokar. 488 The only horizontal masonry edges on the piece seem to have been created as settings for patchstones. However, because the upper register is preserved to nearly the top of the deity captions, it is likely that the actual masonry edges were placed towards the bottom of the figures. The positions of the horizontal patchstone edges are similar to the edge found on register 3 above the door lintel (SA 144, pl. 167), suggesting that the piece under discussion here may originate from the same register. The first male deity in the upper register is of particular interest because the entire figure appears to have been deliberately and systematically defaced with a small, pointed chisel or pick, either when the temple was dismantled or, more likely, while it still stood in a relatively intact state. 489 The outlines of most of the figure have survived,

488

The piece was published in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 140, pl. 160a; since the publication additional fragments have since been joined to the piece. 489 Although other deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber and pyramid temple show evidence of having been purposely mutilated or ritually “killed,” most damage is confined to the

260

except for the head, from which only three small pieces of the right contour are preserved. Remaining from the figure are most of the tunic-clad torso, the proper left arm and hand holding an ankh-sign and part of the proper right arm. Sections of the legs remain, along with the bull’s tail. Clearly, this figure was specifically singled out for erasure. In contrast, only minimal and probably accidental damage was inflicted on the god to the right and the small piece of the following goddess. Although only partially preserved, the inscriptions of both registers and the star band above the lower register also do not show evidence of having been specifically hacked. Who then is this deity and why was he selected for destruction? A tantalizing possibility is that the figure either depicted or was thought to depict Amun and was therefore marked for defacement during the Amarna Period, when his images were systematically destroyed. However, several observations about the figure and his inscription show that such an identification is problematic. First, the tunic worn by the deity indicates that he probably had an animal head, meaning that if the figure represents Amun one would expect the head of a ram, a form that could fit the broken area. 490 Old and Middle Kingdom depictions of sheep deities such as Khnum were based on the species ovis longipes palaeoaegyptiacus, characterized by long, twisting, horizontally oriented horns that spread outwards from the middle of the head (pls. 11112). Typically, the New Kingdom Amun ram had the form of the sheep species ovis

face and none were so systematically destroyed (for examples, see pls. 64, 101, 130, 155-56, 167, 202, 261, 286, 289, 335-36, 340, 345-46, 352, 359, 364, 370, 379, 418). 490 Seth and jackal-headed figures can be excluded because in both cases the ears would have been preserved in the area between the top of the head and the inscription. However, falcon, ibis, or crocodile heads are possible.

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platyra aegyptiaca, which has semicircular horns curving around the ears. 491 What may be the earliest connection between Amun and a ram head occurs on a relief fragment of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre, where what seems to be the prow of a bark is depicted as a ram head with horizontal horns. 492 Another depiction of Amun as a ram may occur on a battered gateway of Amenemhat II from Khemenu (Hermopolis), where a deity of the ovis longipes palaeoaegyptiacus species faces the king. Unfortunately, the inscription above the figure simply reads “he (who is) in Khemenu,” a caption that is less than decisive.493 Thus, although it is possible that ram-headed depictions of Amun were in use by the Twelfth Dynasty, the evidence is not conclusive. If Amun was depicted with a ram head in the Middle Kingdom, he may have had the traditional form of ovis longipes palaeoaegyptiacus rather than that of ovis platyra aegyptiaca, which became the standard

491

For a discussion of the forms of ram-headed deities, see Keimer, “Divinités-béliers,” pp. 297331. See also Bickel, “Khnoum,” pp. 55-67; although the author focuses on the forms of Khnum, the Amun ram is also discussed. 492 For the relief, see Naville, XIth Dynasty Temple, pt. 1, p. 68, pl. XIII. Only the ram head that is said to belong to the prow and a small figure to the side of it remain; there is no other evidence that a boat was depicted. As noted by Arnold (Königs Mentuhotep, vol. I, Architektur, p. 79 n. 324), the ram head was not defaced during the Amarna Period. See also Foucart, “Documentation thébaine,” pp. 102-3. The first attestations of Amun in Thebes are found during the reign of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre, but only on the west bank; his earliest appearance at Karnak seems to date to Amenemhat I. For discussions of the appearance of Amun in the Theban area, see Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. I, Architektur, pp. 78-80; Postel, “Amon-Rê dans la nécropole Thébaine,” pp. 227-40; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, p. 163. For a possibly earlier appearance of Amun in the Eleventh Dynasty, see Barguet, Le temple d’Amon-Rê, p. 2; Wegner, “Mortuary Complex,” pp. 8788. For the origins of Amun and mentions of him in the Pyramid Texts, see Otto, “Amun,” cols. 237-48. 493 According to Wainwright (“Ram-Headed God at Hermopolis,” p. 160) this is Khnum. Balcz and Bittel believed that the figure represented Amun in part because of Sethe’s statement that the deity originated in Khemenu (“Grabungsbericht,” pp. 30-31, pl. 13); however, some of Sethe’s ideas concerning the Ogdoad and the origin of Amun have been disputed (Otto, “Amun,” cols. 237-38; Daumas, “L’origine d’Amon de Karnak,” pp. 201-14 both with further

262

species used to depict him. The defaced deity head on the relief from Senwosret III’s square antechamber preserves no firm evidence that horns were depicted, let alone their type or direction. The inscription above the chiseled deity unfortunately does not clarify his identity. Remaining are the wing, tail, legs and feet of a tyw-sign (Sign-list G4) followed by a níwt-sign. Since the níwt-sign is positioned at the bottom of the caption line, it is likely that another hieroglyph was placed above it (for the centering of a final níwt-sign, see here pls. 129, 180). The hieroglyphs suggest that the toponym is likely to have been Gbtyw “Gebtyw” (Coptos). Although numerous pieces of evidence suggest that Amun did have a cult place in Gebtyw, none of them are earlier than the Eighteenth Dynasty, meaning that the deity cannot be securely identified with this locale during the Middle Kingdom. 494 Another ram-headed deity or one with a falcon or crocodile head is unlikely, as none of them would be particularly connected to Gebtyw, though a manifestation of Thoth is known from the city. 495 The unfortunate lack of clarity provided both by the figure and the inscription precludes a definitive identification of the figure as Amun. However, one must consider the possibility that even if Amun was not the god actually depicted here, a ram head and the topographical association might have led New Kingdom observers to think that the deity was Amun and thus single it out for destruction. One could therefore conclude

references). According to Behrens (“Widder,” col. 1244), the Amun ram was introduced at the beginning of the Middle Kingdom. 494 Guermeur, Les cultes d’Amon, pp. 351-52; M. Gabolde, “Amon,” pp. 117-35; Traunecker, “Coptos,” pp. 53-54, 124. See also M. Gabolde, in no author, Coptos, pp. 106-12. 495 Fischer, “Koptos,” col. 739.

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that the chiseled deity either was in fact a depiction of Amun or the individuals of the Amarna Period who supervised its defacement merely believed that it was one. 496 The second figure in the upper register also wears a tunic, again suggesting he had an animal head. Remaining from this figure are parts of the torso, most of the legs, parts of both arms, nearly the entire was-scepter held in the proper right hand and the ankh-sign held in the proper left. All that remains from the inscription above is the bottom of what appears to be a õnm-pot (Sign-list W9), separated from the preceding caption by a vertical green line. Based on the hieroglyph, the deity can be tentatively identified as Khnum, though nothing further can be said about the particular manifestation. Following him are the proper left fist and two segments of the wasscepter of an unidentified goddess, recognizable as female by her yellow color. Parts of two inscriptions remain in the lower register. The first one preserves parts of ãnt-, nÿm- (Sign-list M29) and t-signs followed by a small piece of an unidentified hieroglyph. The inscription can be viewed in several ways. The phrase

496

For the destruction of deity images during the reign of Akhenaton with a particular emphasis on mistaken and inconsistent erasures, see der Manuelian, “Semi-Literacy,” pp. 285-98 with further references. Ram-headed deities who were probably not depictions of Amun were defaced in the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahari (excavation cards 475, 477, 1291; with thanks to Dieter Arnold for access to his unpublished material). There is no evidence that vulture hieroglyphs as symbols of Mut were particularly defaced; for Amarna destruction of vultures, see te Velde, “Mut and the Vulture,” p. 244; der Manuelian, “SemiLiteracy,” pp. 285-98. Greater deliberate destruction of divinities has been documented in the temple of Tuthmosis III at Deir el-Bahari, where heads were defaced on all but one of the animal-headed deities and most of the human-headed deities. In some cases, only the eyes of the figures were removed. The bodies of the all figures, however, were subject only to the random destruction that occurred when the temple’s blocks were removed for reuse; see Lipinska, “’Blinded’ Deities,” pp. 387-88. In a later article, Lipinska suggests that the destruction of the deities took place during the Amarna Period (Lipinska, in Roehrig ed., Hatshepsut, pp. 285-88).

264

could be translated as "foremost of sweetness/joy/prettiness,” 497 which should refer to a goddess based on the presence of the t-sign. In this case one might think the phrase ãnty nÿmt served as an epithet for a deity who was more explicitly named at the beginning of the text. Another possibility is that Nedjmet was the name of the deity, though most of the figures who have this phrase in their name are known only after the New Kingdom. However, the goddesses nÿmt-ënã and nÿmt-ãrw are attested in the New Kingdom. 498 Deities called nÿm-íb and nÿmw-íb are known from Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts, though these names are spelled without a t-sign. 499 Another possibility is that nÿm designated a place that a god or goddess was “foremost of.” The city of Edfu seems to have been known as nÿm-ënã, though the toponym is not known from the Middle Kingdom. 500 Unfortunately without the addition of further hieroglyphs, the caption cannot be definitively translated. The hieroglyphs of the inscription to the right are cut by the diagonal edge of the patchstone, so that only their tops remain. The text began with [dí] ënã… “ [gives] life…” More difficult to interpret is the hieroglyph at right, which has two narrow adjoining stripes on a diagonal followed by an area of background and then multiple adjoining diagonal stripes. The hieroglyph most likely represented here is the œnw- or Sokar-bark: the two lines at the top would belong to the horns of the gazelle

497

Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 1, pp. 1419-23. Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 598-602. 499 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 599, 601. 500 Gauthier, Dictionnaire, vol. 3, p. 111. 498

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head at the prow and the stripes to the spikes below it.501 It is uncertain why the bark would have been used to identify Sokar instead of the more common phonetic spelling, which probably could have been accommodated in the available space. Sokar is a god connected to the underworld (possibly as a later association), royal renewal, and metalwork. 502 Although he is most closely associated with the Memphite necropolis, there is also evidence that he was an object of veneration in the Theban area before the New Kingdom, meaning that his presence on the west wall cannot be used to refute the general Middle and Upper Egyptian orientation of these deities. 503

SA 152 Male Leg and Was-Scepter (pl. 176) 16.7 x 6.7 cm

98.1552/5 (S/28)

The piece has a vertical masonry edge to the left that must have cut through the space between two deities and a horizontal masonry edge below that cuts through the calf below its widest point.

501

For a large, clearly drawn example of the bark, see Epigraphic Survey, Festival Scenes, pls. 196, 221-23, 228. For the bark itself, see Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 75-81; Graindorge-Héreil, Dieu Sokar, pp. 17-33; Brovarski, “Sokar,” cols. 1066-67. 502 For a general discussion of Sokar, see Brovarski, “Sokar,” cols. 1055-74 with further references. For the character of Sokar, see Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 63-69; GraindorgeHéreil, Dieu Sokar, pp. 8-17. For Sokar in the Old Kingdom, see Brovarski, “Writing Boards,” p. 29; Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 349-50. For a discussion of Sokar and Ro-setjau, see here catalogue number SA 31. For what seems to have been a larger depiction of Sokar the name spelled phonetically, see catalogue number UL 56 (pl. 417). 503 Graindorge-Héreil, Dieu Sokar, pp. 39-41 with further references; Brovarski, “Sokar,” col. 1063. For a scene that may depict the consecration of objects sacred to Sokar in the Theban mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre, see Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, pp. 28-29, pl. 32. In the temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu, over forty places are listed as locales in which Sokar received cult (Bleeker, Egyptian Festivals, pp. 52-53).

266

The preserved piece of a male limb can be identified as part of a leg based on its angle in relation to the staff of the was-scepter in front. If the limb were part of an arm, the angle would be steeper.

SA 153 Legs and Was-Scepter of Male Deity and Edge of Leg of Preceding Male Deity (pl. 177) 35.7 x 7.6 cm

94.367 (R/29b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the middle of the calves; there is a diagonal edge on the right that must be part of the setting for a patchstone. Parts of two male deities are preserved on this piece. At the far left end of the fragment is a small edge of the proper left leg of a deity who likely had a human head because no bull’s tail is visible. To the right are parts of both calves of the following deity and a portion of his was-scepter staff. Because of the position of the horizontal masonry edge and the angle of the patchstone setting, it is possible that the piece originally adjoined the now-missing upper left corner of the patchstone at the bottom left of catalogue number SA 151 (pl. 175). Note that remains of a red grid are preserved over the second figure along with the graffito of a face, both probably made in the New Kingdom, when the relief may have been copied. 504

SA 154 Legs of Female Deity Followed by Was-Scepter of Deity (pl. 178)

267

22.6 x 6.2 cm

94.829 (R/29d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the knee area/upper calves of the goddess. The piece preserves small parts of two deities. To the left is a section of the overlapping legs of a goddess; the separation between them is indicated by a vertical depression in the surface. To the right is a segment of the was-scepter staff of the following deity.

SA 155 Proper Right Arm of Female Deity (pl. 179) 12.8 x 10.5 cm

94.646 (R/29c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that would have approximately cut through the knee area/upper calf of the figure. Preserved on this block is part of the outstretched proper left arm of a goddess, identifiable as such because of the yellow color. To the right is a small, damaged piece of the torso.

SA 156a Upper Register: Feet of Two Deities; Lower Register: t-Sign (Iunmutef); Hathor of Nefrusy; Khnum; Anubis; Deity Inscription Containing dí ënã Œrw (pl. 180) 116 cm x 42 cm SA 156b Iunmutef and Probably Hathor of Nefrusy (pl. 180) 52.1 x 44.5 cm

504

For an example of a later grid laid over a complete relief from the Old Kingdom pyramid complex of Sahure, see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 16, 28-29, 42.

268

SA 156a

93.1293/1 (S/29d); 93.1457 (no square recorded); 94.638/1 (R/29c);

96.602/5 (S/32d); 98.973/1 (S/28); 98.978 (S/28); 98.985/4 (S/28); 98.1000/4 (S/28); 98.1001/4 (S/28); 98.1049/3 (S/28); 98.1070/5 (S/28); 98.1113/2 (S/28); 98.1133/2 (S/28); 98.1156/1 (S/28); 98.1169/2 (S/28); 98.1209/1 (S/28); 98.1251/3 (S/28); 98.1305/1 (S/28); 98.1411 (S/28); 98.1438/2 (S/28); 98.1448/1 (S/28); 98.1511/5 (S/28); 98.1524/1 (S/28); 98.1560/2 (S/28); 98.1649/4 (S/28); 98.1652/4 (S/28); 98.1674/2 (S/28); 98.1738/2 (S/28); 98.1740/1 (S/28); 99.180/1 (T/30bc); 02.489 (U-V/27-28); 02.529/3 (U-V/27-28); 02.609/1 (U-V/27-28) SA 156b

93.1174 (S/29bc); 98.830/1 (S/28); 98.851 (S/28); 98.873/1 (S/28);

98.890ab (S/28); 98.1016/4 (S/28); 98.1039/4 (S/28); 98.1089 (S/28); 98.1294/1 (S/28); 98.1297 (S/28); 98.1438/1 (S/28); 98.1452/7 (S/28); 98.1456/3 (S/28); 98.1472/1 (S/28); 98.1536/2 (S/28); 98.1539/2 (S/28); 98.1562/4 (S/28); 02.512/1 (U-V/27-28) Estimated total dimensions of both pieces: W. 126 cm; H. 63.5 cm Although they cannot be joined, it is extremely likely that the two sections of this large piece originally fit together and they are treated here as a single object. Two features suggest the connection. First, what seems to be a t-sign can be placed above the Iunmutef figure in a position that corresponds to what one would expect at the end of the god’s name. The curving broken edge below the t-sign would perfectly accommodate an f-sign. Based on his distinctive hairstyle and leopard skin costume, the god can be identified even without an inscription. Second, the manner in which the strands of hair are rendered under the horned sun disk of the following goddess is 269

stylistically quite similar to the carving of the hair over the chest and behind the arm of the figure on the lower piece. Because no masonry edges are preserved from the top of the inscription to the knee level, the figures must have been cut across the calves or perhaps the bottom of the feet, meaning that they almost certainly originated from one of the lower three registers of the west wall. The upper register preserves the feet of a male deity followed by the proper right foot of the following male figure; both stand on a groundline. Below is a star band followed by parts of the figures and/or inscriptions of five deities, identified from left to right as: Iunmutef, Hathor of Nefrusy, Khnum of an uncertain location, Anubis foremost of the embalming place and Horus possibly of Hebenu. Four additional fragments are likely to have originally joined this group, though they can no longer be directly connected. The first piece (cat. no. SA 157, pl. 181) contains a níwt-sign that concludes a caption, followed by a vertical dividing line and íwn- and mwt-signs. The fragment likely originated above Iunmutef and the unknown deity who preceded him. A group of three pieces (cat. no. SA 158, pl. 182) contain parts of ãnt-, œ-, b-, nw- and níwt-signs rendered in a stylistically similar manner. The signs are consistent with an inscription ãnty Œbnw “foremost of Hebenu,” a place sacred to Horus and could follow the Horus hieroglyph at the extreme right end of the large piece (pl. 180). Hebenu is followed by a vertical dividing line and a dí-sign from the next deity caption. If the supposition is correct that catalogue numbers SA 157 and 158 originally belonged to the large piece with Iunmutef, Hathor of Nefrusy and other deities, two more gods are added to the register, one whose caption ends with a níwt-sign and another whose 270

caption begins with a dí-sign. As there are no preserved vertical masonry edges, the total number of deities on the block, though not necessarily in the register, would have been at least seven. The first figure on the main piece can be identified as Iunmutef based on his sidelock and the somewhat faded leopard or panther skin garment. 505 All of the head and most of the body are preserved, along with the proper left arm and hand holding an ankh-sign. As was mentioned above, the beginning of the god’s name is probably preserved on catalogue number SA 157 (pl. 180) and the bottom edge of the t-sign remains on the large piece under discussion here. 506 Iunmutef is not widely attested in either the Old or Middle Kingdoms, though he does appear in the pyramid complex of Unis. 507 His main associations are with the role of the dutiful son, legitimization of the ruler and regeneration. 508 Iunmutef seems to have been almost exclusively associated with the 9th Upper Egyptian nome and the Akhmim/Sohag area, 509 but following him is a manifestation of Hathor connected with Nefrusy, a Middle Egyptian town that was quite some distance away in the 16th Upper Egyptian nome. Thus while the two gods

505

For the sidelock and spotted garment, see Rummel, “Pfeiler seiner Mutter,” pt. I, pp. 27-61. For the name Iunmutef, usually translated “the pillar of his mother,” and its possible interpretations, see Rummel, “Pfeiler seiner Mutter,” pt. I, pp. 1-16. 507 For the appearance of Iunmutef in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, see Rummel, “Pfeiler seiner Mutter,” pt. I, pp. 66-103; pt. II, cat. nos. 1-5. See here also p. 33. 508 Rummel, “Pfeiler seiner Mutter,” pt, I, passim. For the Iunmutef priest see ibid., pp. 250-68. 509 Rummel, “Pfeiler seiner Mutter,” pt. I, pp. 17-25, 67-71; Iunmutef was depicted three times in the Unis causeway, the first two times with the gods of the 9th Upper Egyptian nome, but also with those of the 7th and 8th Lower Egyptian nomes; no other connections between the god and this region of northern Egypt have survived. For a connection between Iunmutef and the Memphite area in the New Kingdom, see ibid., pt. I, pp. 64-65. 506

271

have a loose geographical connection, we have here another instance in which a strict topographical arrangement was not maintained. The juxtaposition of the two deities is also found in an inscription in the early Twelfth Dynasty tomb of Khnumhotep I (no. 14) at Beni Hasan, where Iunmutef is the only god who is not directly connected with the region.510 The tomb owner is not explicitly said to be a priest of either deity, but rather he is simply “beloved” (mry) by them. 511 According to Rummel, the appearance of Iunmutef in Beni Hasan may be explained by the union of the god with a local, bull form of Thoth; the pair of deities would have aided the deceased in the afterlife. Another possibility is that the presence of Iunmutef in Beni Hasan reflects a local redaction of the Coffin Texts. 512 One might therefore suggest that the concurrence of Iunmutef and Hathor of Nefrusy in Senwosret III’s square antechamber reflected whatever now obscure cultic association the two had in Beni Hasan. Perhaps not coincidentally, the Beni Hasan inscription naming the two deities is found in the tomb of Khnumhotep I, a probable ancestor of the Khnumhotep III whose tomb is at Dahshur north of the Senwosret III pyramid complex. 513 Khnumhotep III is known to have held a number of high administrative titles, including vizier, chief steward and overseer of the double granaries, as well as some religious ones, though none were connected to either Hathor or Iunmutef. An intriguing, though unsubstantiated theory is that Khnumhotep III in some way

510

Rummel, “Pfeiler seiner Mutter,” pt. I, p. 99. Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. 1, p. 85. 512 Rummel, “Pfeiler seiner Mutter,” pt. I, pp. 99-102. 511

272

influenced the formulation of the pyramid temple’s decorative program, promoting the inclusion of deities connected to his home region or perhaps ones that had a particular resonance for his family. 514 Iunmutef is followed by Hathor of Nefrusy. Unfortunately the face of the figure has not survived, but her horned sun disk headdress, which extends into the inscription line, and most of the torso and the arms remain. The proper left hand holds a was-scepter and the proper right grasps an ankh-sign. Over the proper left shoulder of Iunmutef and in front of the Hathor headdress is the identifying inscription nb nfrwsy 515 “mistress of Nefrusy.” The locale, which was sacred to Hathor, lay in the area of Beni Hasan. 516 Of the third, ram-headed figure, the entire, lightly modeled head and the upper body are preserved. The inscription above, which begins directly behind Hathor’s headdress, reads õnmw…t…níwt “Khnum ?” The hieroglyph above the t-sign could have been a ãnt-sign, but the space seems a bit too narrow. The now empty area to the

513

To be published in Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. See also de Morgan, Dahchour 1894, pp. 18-23. For a suggested reconstruction of the Khnumhotep family tree, see Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. 2, pp. 7-13, 14. 514 None of the officials buried in the cemetery north of Senwosret III’s pyramid complex bear any titles that can be recognized as indicating a role in the royal constructions. The question of how deity attestations followed the movements and migrations of individuals within Egypt would be an interesting study. For example, on his Dahshur mastaba Khnumhotep III is called a priest of Khnum of Herwer, a deity specifically associated with his Beni Hasan origins (Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation; de Morgan, Dahchour 1894, p. 20, fig. 24B). According to Franke (“Career of Khnumhotep III,” p. 61), this is the only Middle Kingdom attestation of the deity outside of Beni Hasan. One might consider that the presence of Iunmutef in the tomb of Khnumhotep I could indicate that the family had a connection to the Akhmim/Sohag area. 515 The t-sign must have been omitted because of spatial constraints.

273

right of the t-sign probably contained a narrow vertical sign, which if recovered would have provided the key to deciphering the inscription. Since the níwt-sign is centered in relation to the horizontal line of text, nothing could have been placed above it and the manifestation of Khnum must have been defined by a toponym. One might like to see this deity as Khnum “foremost of Herwer,” a location near Nefrusy, but the necessary hieroglyphs could not have been accommodated in the available space.517 An inscription from the tomb of Khnumhotep I at Beni Hasan includes a description of Khnum as lord of a place that is defined by a narrow horizontal sign followed by a tsign. As transcribed in the publication, the hieroglyph has the appearance of a fringed piece of cloth (Sign-list S32), but the “fringe” is on both sides of the sign, meaning that it is unlikely to have been a síæ-sign (Sign-list S32) . 518 The toponym could be accommodated in the available space, but if the deity was captioned with this placename, one might have expected the t-sign to be centered rather than shifted to the left. The Khnum could have been associated with Beni Hasan, but since Iunmutef, who precedes Hathor of Nefrusy, is only loosely connected to the area, such an assumption is speculative.

516

For Nefrusy, see Kessler, Historische Topographie, pp. 120-85; Kessler, “Neferusi,” cols. 383-85; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 316-18. For Hathor of Nefrusy, see Allam, Hathorkult, pp. 94-95. 517 For places associated with Khnum, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VIII, pp. 598-600; Mokhtar, Ihnâsya, p. 155. For Khnum in Old Kingdom pyramid temples, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 344-45. See also Begelsbacher-Fischer, Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt, pp. 42-47. 518 Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. 1, p. 85; unfortunately, only a copy of the text was published and no translation is provided. Kessler (Historische Topographie, p. 124), did not translate the toponym. According to Gomaà (Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 326-27), the sign may be an armband and the toponym either wærw or mnfrt. The otherwise unknown place has not been located, though it is likely to have been in the Beni Hasan area.

274

Remaining from Anubis, the fourth deity, are his beautifully rendered, perfectly preserved head and the top of his was-scepter. 519 A vertical dividing line separates the Khnum caption from that of Anubis, which is also shifted to the left and begins over the shoulder of Khnum. The text reads Ínpw wt [nb?] “Anubis [lord of?] the embalming place,” 520 without any further indication as to where the god originates. One might speculate that the Anubis referred to here was connected to burial grounds in the Beni Hasan area, with the association made obvious to the ancient viewer by of the identities of the surrounding deities. The Anubis inscription is followed by a vertical dividing line and the inscription of the fifth deity, which reads dí ënã Œrw… “ gives life; Horus…” As mentioned above and discussed further below, the deity may well have been Horus of Hebenu (for a discussion of the locale, see cat. no. SA 158). The inscription also begins over the shoulder of the preceding deity, in this case Anubis.

SA 157 Inscriptions for Two Deities Containing niwt-Sign and Iumut[ef] (pl. 181) 12.9 x 4.9 cm

98.1420/6 (S/28)

Parts of two deity inscriptions are preserved on this small fragment. To the left is the center of a níwt-sign that concludes the first caption. To the right is a vertical dividing line followed by the upper half of íwn- (Sign-list O28) and mwt-signs. The inscription

519

For Anubis in Old Kingom pyramid temples, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, p. 337. 520 For the different signs used to determine “the embalming place,” see catalogue number SA 238. For the possibility that ímy-wt originally referred to a specific place, see DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 166, 207, 464.

275

almost certainly belonged to the caption of the Iunmutef who precedes Hathor of Nefrusy on catalogue number SA 156ab. The original position of the piece is indicated not only by the content of the inscription, but also by the absence of the introductory dí ënã phrase. Since spatial problems caused by the headdress of Hathor of Nefrusy forced the artist to begin Hathor’s caption above the proper left shoulder of Iunmutef, not enough space would have been available for a preceding introductory phrase.

SA 158 Inscriptions for Two Deities Containing ãnty Œbnw (Hebenu) and dí-Sign (pl. 182) a) 9.2 x 8 cm

98.1070/2 (S/28)

b) 11.9 x 10.1 cm

98.1420/1 (S/28); 98.1513/3 (S/28); 98.1739/5 (S/28)

c) 9.3 x 4.9 cm

98.1420/2 (S/28)

Three separate pieces are included in this catalogue entry, as their inscriptions and stylistic characteristics suggest that they originally joined together. A point suggesting their connection to the block discussed above (cat. no. SA 156ab) is the observation that the fragments in the large piece become increasingly thinner from the right side to the left; the thickness of the three pieces under discussion here is quite similar to that on the right side of the catalogue number SA 156ab. At the top of the piece are two small sections from the bottom of a star band followed by the phrase ...ãnty Œbnw “…foremost of Hebenu,” a town located near Beni Hasan that was sacred to Horus. 521

521

Localities called Hebenu seem to have existed both in Middle Egypt and in the Delta, though undoubtedly the Middle Egyptian site is meant here. For the Middle Egyptian Hebenu, see Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 1369; the site was on the east bank, slightly south of modern Minya. See also Gauthier, Dictionnaire, vol. 4, p. 25; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 310-11; Gomaà, “Hebenu,” cols. 1075-76. For the Lower Egyptian Hebenu, see Gomaà,

276

The text is may have followed the dí ënã Œrw at the right end of catalogue number SA 156ab. To the right of a vertical dividing line, part of a dí-sign remains from the subsequent inscription.

SA 159 Male Thumb and Loop of Ankh-Sign (pl. 183) 3.9 x 2.9 cm

98.441/4 (R/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the loop of the ankh-sign; it would have cut through the figure near the garment hem. Preserved on the fragment are a tiny piece of the back of a male deity, the edges of the fingers of his proper left hand and a portion of the ankh-sign he held.

SA 160 Legs of Goddess and Bottom of Ankh-Sign (pl. 184) 12.1 x 5.6 cm

94.376 (R/29b)

There is horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the ankh-sign and the knee area of the figure. Remaining on the fragment are a portion of the goddess’s legs and the bottom of her ankh-sign.

SA 161 Back of Proper Left Leg,Tail and Bottom of Ankh-Sign of Male Deity (pl. 185) 12 x 2.5 cm

94.400 (R/29b)

Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. II, pp. 219-22; Nowak, “Passage of Merikare,” pp. 83-86. A Hebenu is also mentioned on a tympanum in Senwosret III’s north chapel; see here pp. 407-8.

277

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the ankh-sign and the tail of the deity. The small fragment contains a piece of the proper left leg and the bull’s tail of a male deity. Because of the costume, it is presumed that he had an animal head. To the right is the bottom of the ankh-sign held by the figure.

SA 162 Upper Register: Proper Right Leg and Was-Scepter of Male Deity; Lower Register: Horn of Ram-Headed Deity; Bottom of Head, Parts of Torso, Arms and Was-Scepter of FalconHeaded Deity (pl. 186) 30.9 x 72.4 cm

92.419 (S/30cd); 93.1193/2 (S/29bc); 94.430 (R/29c); 94.480

(R/30d); 94.1218 (R/30a); 99.26 (Q/27); 00.189/1 (R/32d); 00.1044/1 (Q/31c) There is a vertical masonry edge on the left side of the piece that cuts through the space between the figures. There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the lower edge of the proper left hand and the top of the thighs. On the bottom left of the piece are the upper and right masonry edges of a patchstone setting. Based on the position of the vertical and horizontal masonry edges, this piece must have originated from the lower left corner of a block. Parts of two registers are preserved here. The upper one contains the proper right lower leg and foot and the proper left toe of a male deity. A small piece of the bottom of the was-scepter is also visible. In the lower register is a star band, caption and parts of the head, torso, arms and was-scepter of a falcon-headed deity. The remaining inscription consists of a vertical dividing line followed by a dí-sign and a small piece of the edge of 278

what must be an ankh-sign from the phrase dí ënã… “ gives life…” Unfortunately the hieroglyphs that would have allowed an identification of the deity have not been preserved. Along the left edge of the block, slightly above the level of the falcon deity’s was-scepter, is a small piece of a narrow diagonal line. Based on its shape and position, it probably belonged to the horns of a ram-headed god that preceded the falcon-headed figure.

SA 163 Tunic,Tail and Proper Left Thumb of Male Deity (pl. 187) 16.7 x 10.3 cm

94.712/2, /3 (R/29b); 98.1166/2 (S/28); 98.1451/5 (S/28);

00.310/1 (S/33a) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the lower edge of the proper left hand and the top of the thighs. The block contains parts of the torso, buttocks and thighs of a male figure. Small parts of the proper left hand and the proper right arm also remain. Because the figure wears a blue-green tunic and a bull’s tail, it is likely to have had an animal head. On the background surface between the front of the torso and the proper right arm is an incised graffito that seems to consist of two rush-signs (Sign-list M22) with the remains of other signs above.

SA 164 Torso, Proper Left Arm and Ankh-Sign of Male Deity (pl. 188) 20.5 x 24.1 cm

98.880/2, /5 (S/28); 98.1450/3 (S/28); 98.1551/3 (S/28);

98.1554/6 (S/28) 279

There is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the bottom of the proper left hand and the top of the thighs. The exact alignment of the two sections of the tail allowed the pieces to be joined across the masonry edge. There is a diagonal masonry edge at the front of the piece that cuts through the figure’s armpit; it must have served as the setting for a patchstone. Preserved on this piece are parts of the torso, legs, proper left arm, hand and ankh-sign of a male deity. That the deity had an animal head is indicated by the tunic and the bull’s tail.

SA 165 Buttocks, Proper Left Wrist and Hand of Male Deity (pl. 189) 17 x 8.1 cm

94.458 (R/29b-30c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the lower edge of the proper left hand and the top of the thighs. Remaining on the fragment is a small part of the buttocks of a male deity, who probably had an animal head based on the tunic and the bull’s tail. Part of the proper left arm and hand also remain.

SA 166 Abdomen and Kilt of Male Deity (pl. 190) 6.9 x 4.3 cm

94.632 (R/29c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that would have cut through the lower edge of the proper left hand and the top of the thighs.

280

The small fragment retains part of the belly and the front of the kilt of a male figure, who can be assigned to the deity procession based on the kilt’s yellow flap; only deities appear to have had kilts with this color in Senwosret III’s pyramid complex. Because of the garment type, he presumably had a human head.

SA 167 Fingers of Proper Left Hand and Part of Ankh-Sign of Female Deity (pl. 191) 5.1 x 4.4 cm

98.1536/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the proper left hand. Only a part of the yellow hand and ankh-sign held by a female deity are preserved on this small piece.

SA 168 Piece of Tail, Proper Left Leg, Edge of Proper Left Hand and Ankh-Sign of Male Deity (pl. 192) 9.9 x 20.3 cm

98.880/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the bottom of the proper left hand and a vertical masonry edge that cuts through the area behind the figure. Based on the position of the horizontal and vertical edges, the piece must originate from the upper right corner of a block. Preserved on the fragment are most of an ankh-sign and the bottom of the fingers grasping it. A long section of the bull’s tail remains, along with the bottom of the tunic

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and the edge of the proper left leg. The costume suggests that the deity had an animal head.

SA 169 Proper Right Thumb and Was-Scepter Staff of Male Deity (pl. 193) 6.1 x 6.8 cm

98.1388/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the was-scepter pole above the hand of the deity; it must have cut through the figure across the waist. There is a vertical masonry edge to the left that cuts through the area just in front of the figure. Based on the position of the horizontal and vertical edges, the piece must originate from the upper left corner of a block. Only a small piece of a male deity’s thumb and a portion of his was-scepter staff remain on the fragment.

SA 170 Belt and Tyet-Knot of Tunic of Male Deity (pl. 194) 5.4 x 5.6 cm

98.564 (R/27); 98.1551/5 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the waist of the figure. For a similar masonry edge, see catalogue number SA 171. Remaining on this small fragment is a piece of the belt and tyet-knot (Sign-list V39) at the front of a male deity’s tunic. Based on the costume, the god probably had an animal head.

282

SA 171 Parts of Legs,Tail, Proper Left Wrist, Hand and Ankh-Sign of Male Deity Followed by Edge of Leg and Was-Scepter Staff of Male Deity (pl. 195) 35.1 x 29.9 cm

93.637 (R/31); 94.598 (S/29b); 98.1654/1 (S/28); 99.669 (T/28a);

01.321 (Q/32-33) There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the waist of the figure. For a similar masonry edge, see catalogue number SA 170. Parts of two deities are preserved on this piece. From the first god are preserved parts of the buttocks, legs and the proper left foot, along with the bottom of the proper left arm and hand grasping an ankh-sign. The figure stands on a groundline. The male deity wears a tunic with a bull’s tail, which probably indicates that he had an animal head. From the second male deity only a few pieces survive, namely a section of the wasscepter staff, the edge of the proper right thumb and a tiny piece of the proper right leg. Between the figures is a scratched graffito that seems to represent a deity with outstretched and vertical arms.

Register 2: Masonry Edge Between Inscription and Head of Deity A number of pieces indicate that there was a horizontal masonry edge that cut through the space between the bottom of the inscriptions and the top of the deity heads. Parts of six or perhaps seven deity captions remain (one is for a double bæwy), along with the heads of four deities and pieces of three or four was-scepters, some of which probably originally joined to the four preserved figures. Unfortunately, because there are no elements that can be aligned, it is not possible match the figures and inscriptions. One 283

might expect that these pieces originated from the top of the wall, as the north wall of the square antechamber (cat. nos. SA 1-8, pls. 16-23) and another wall with deities facing right (cat. no. SA 31, pls. 51-52) both had masonry edges placed fairly close to the top of the register. However, catalogue numbers SA 173-75 (pls. 197-99) show that at least one additional register was located above. Nevertheless, in keeping with the idea that masonry edges higher in the register were placed closer to the top of the wall, it is here proposed that the pieces originate from register 2.

Catalogue of Register 2: Masonry Edge Between Inscription and Head of Deity

SA 172 Deity Inscriptions Containing swt and mwt m (Mut?) (pl. 196) 21.9 x 11.4 cm

98.883 (S/28); 98.1074/1 (S/28); 98.1130/5 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom of the piece that cuts through the background area between the bottom of the captions and the heads of the deities. Parts of two inscriptions separated by a vertical dividing line remain on this piece. To the left is the lower half of a st-sign (Sign-list Q1), below which are three short strokes (Sign-list Z2) indicating the plural swt. 522 Several deity names and epithets end with this sign, including: 1) nbt swt “mistress of the thrones,” an epithet for Hathor and Sekhmet known only from the New Kingdom and later. 523 2) wëbt swt “the one of

522

Note that plurals in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple are generally rendered with archaistic triple hieroglyphs, see here pp. 74-75. 523 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 123-24.

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pure places,” an epithet of Sothis. 524 3) nbt-ÿrw-swt “the mistress of the border places,” an epithet of Sekhmet known from the New Kingdom and later. 525 4) A deity nïr-wëbswt “the god with pure places,” who is known from the Pyramid Texts. 526 5) œryt-íbõnmt-swt “the one who is in the midst of Khnemet-sut” (i.e. the pyramid complex of Senwosret I at Lisht), an epithet that refers to Hathor. 527 6) ãnty-swt “the one foremost of the places,” a New Kingdom epithet of Amun-Re that is written with a níwtdeterminative. 528 7) ãntyw-swt “the ones foremost of the thrones or seats,” an epithet connected to the “great ones,” which is known from a passage in the Coffin Texts.529 8) A deity sr-n-ímnw-swt “the ruler-who-sits-in-the-secluded-places,” who is mentioned in the Coffin Texts. The name has a pr-sign determinative. 530 9) A deity štæw-swt “the one of secret residences,” who is mentioned in the Pyramid and Coffin Texts. 531 In addition, it should be noted that Ípt-swt is the name of the Karnak temple, though this toponym normally has a níwt-determinative. 532

524

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 293. Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 171-72. 526 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, p. 420. 527 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, p. 430. 528 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, p. 856. 529 Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. III, p. 138; Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, p. 888. 530 Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. I, p. 277; Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VI, p. 414. 531 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 139. 532 For an example of the toponym without the níwt-sign, see Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, 101. For Middle Kingdom building activity at Karnak, see Ullmann, “Thebes,” pp. 3-25; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 12-14, 41-49, 72-73, 81, 92-93, 114-15, 138-39, 180-82 docs. 30-32, 211-78 docs. 89-131, 298 doc. 179, 309 doc. 193, 313-15 docs. 204-10, 340-43 docs. 271-81, 375-76 doc. 341. Also note that the town of Senwosret III at Abydos has a st-sign followed by triple strokes, though the late date of its construction makes it unlikely to have been mentioned in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple (Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 26-32); the word swt is commonly used in the names of Old and Middle Kingdom pyramid complexes (ibid., p. 28 n. 59). 525

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This long but not exhaustive collection of deities whose names and epithets end with the st-sign and plural strokes is presented here to illustrate the problems inherent in dealing with partially preserved captions. Among the many possible interpretations listed above, two are particularly attractive, namely that either the deity is known from the Coffin Texts, since other deities mentioned in the register are attested in these spells, or the god is related to Karnak, despite the absence of the níwt-sign determinative. The appeal of a Karnak association lies in the following text, which preserves most of the vulture-with-flail-sign (Sign-list G15) followed by an m-sign. If the m-sign is viewed as a preposition, the text could be interpreted “Mut who is in…” and since Mut is closely associated with the Theban area, a location in or near Karnak would have been appropriate. The m-sign could also begin the toponym Megeb, a place in the 10th Upper Egyptian nome sacred to Mut that it is mentioned on a Middle Kingdom stela. 533 Although the vulture-with-flail-sign can be used to designate the vulture goddess Nekhbet, such an interpretation of the text under discussion here would be incorrect. 534

SA 173 Deity Inscription Containing [dí].sn ënã bæwy œ (pl. 197)

533

Bolshakov, “Mut or Not?,” pp. 25-26; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 241-43 both with further references; te Velde, “Mut,” col. 246. Mut of Megeb is mentioned on a Middle Kingdom stela (Krauspe, “Heute verlorene Stele,” pp. 159-61, pl. 18a). 534 The vulture-with-flail-sign (Sign-list G15) does not seem to have been used to caption depictions of Nekhbet during the Middle Kingdom. For another possible depiction of Mut on the west wall, the question of the earliest appearance of the goddess and the spelling of Nekhbet’s name, see here catalogue number SA 214.

286

31.2 x 28.9 cm

98.985/3 (S/28); 98.1024/1 (S/28); 98.1114/2 (S/28); 98.1213/2

(S/28); 98.1286/1 (S/28); 98.1343/2 (S/28); 98.1552/3 (S/28); 98.1607/5 (S/28); 98.1671/2 (S/28); 98.1707/1 (S/28) There is a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom of the piece that cuts through the background area between the bottom of the captions and the heads of the deities. Parts of two registers are preserved on this piece. In the upper one is the lower half of the proper left calf and foot and the proper right heel of a male deity with a bull’s tail. Based on the costume, the god probably had an animal head. The proper right toe of the following male deity also survives. The lower register begins with a star band followed by a caption that reads [dí].sn ënã bæwy œ… “they give life; the two bæs of…” The pronoun sn (“they”) indicates that the inscription served as the caption for two figures and presumably occupied 60-65 cm, that is twice the horizontal length of a single deity text. The preserved section of the caption is about 35.5 cm wide and the dí-sign to the left would have extended about 5-8 cm from the inside of the dividing line, leaving approximately 20 cm to the right for the conclusion of the inscription. Because the number of sign groups that could be accommodated in the remaining space would depend upon the vertical or horizontal orientation of the hieroglyphs, the amount of missing text cannot be determined. Few divinities are designated as dual bæs and none of them seem to include the œ-sign in their names. 535 The term “the two bæs,” exists on its own and it possible that

535

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 710-11.

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the œ-sign belongs to an epithet or toponym associate with them. 536 Dual bæs were depicted in the valley temple of Sahure, where they were followed by the goddess Seshat. According to Baines, this text can be translated bæwy [ãntywy pr]-œry-[wÿb] “the two bæs before the house of assignment of provisions,” which is a civil institution. 537 A place in Upper Egypt called “Sahure, beloved of the two spirits” is attested from the front of the south side entrance to his pyramid complex. 538 In the Coffin Texts, it is stated that “Thy mummy is in the House of the Two bæs;” according to the Book of the Dead, this house is the place in Mendes where the bæ of Re and the bæ of Osiris meet. 539 Unfortunately, without further text it is not possible to state definitively which bæwy were depicted here.

SA 174 Deity Inscriptions Containing wdw (Wed) and dmÿt (Demdjet?) (pl. 198) 46.8 x 29.4 cm

98.819 (S/28); 98.1024/3, /4 (S/28); 98.1114/3 (S/28); 98.1288/3

(S/28); 98.1300/2 (S/28); 98.1468/1, /2 (S/28); 98.1560/3 (S/28) There is a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom of the piece that cuts through the background area between the bottom of the captions and the heads of the deities. Parts of two registers are preserved on the piece. 540 In the upper register are parts of the proper left leg, foot and bull’s tail of a male deity standing on a groundline; the tail

536

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 710-11. Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 35, 38 fig. 6. 538 Jacquet-Gordon, Domaines, pp. 145-46; see also Gautier, Dictionnaire, vol. 3, p. 147. 539 Zabkar, Ba Concept, p. 108 and n. 118; Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. I, p. 47. 540 The relief is mentioned in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 140. 537

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probably indicates that the god had an animal head. A small piece of the proper left foot of the following male deity also remains. Below is a star band, followed by parts of two deity inscriptions separated by a vertical dividing line. Preserved from the first inscription is wdw, a male deity found in the 10th hour of the Amduat, where he is depicted with a sun disk in place of a head. His name means “the thrower,” which might refer to the arrow he carries in Amduat illustrations. Wed is said to fend off the “rough-faced one” in the primeval darkness, an action that allows the sun god to reach the eastern gate of the horizon. Thus his function can be described as protective and related to the solar cycle. Besides the relief in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, the god is otherwise known only the Amduat and a few post-New Kingdom monuments. 541 The second inscription is more difficult to decipher. As preserved, the text is about 26 cm long, potentially leaving room for another sign group of about 6 cm to the right, perhaps a phonetic complement. The caption begins with the slightly expanded standard opening phrase dí.s ënã wæs “she gives life and dominion; ...,” followed by a dsign. Remaining from the last preserved hieroglyph are the left side of its rounded bottom with two semicircular projections and two lines that angle upwards and outwards and then turn down sharply. The hieroglyph is most likely Sign-list S23,

541

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 617; Hornung, Amduat, vol. I, p. 175 no. 736; vol. II, pp. 168-69. The date of the Amduat is controversial. Although the earliest surviving copy of the book dates to the reign of either Tuthmosis I or Hatshepsut, some evidence suggests that the texts first appeared in the Middle Kingdom or perhaps the First Intermediate Period. For aspects of the controversy, see Hornung, Amduat; Hornung, Egyptian Books of the Afterlife, pp. 27-53 (with comprehensive further references); Rößler-Köhler, “Königliche Vorstellungen,” pp. 73-96;

289

which has what appears to be a shen-sign on the bottom and two angled forms that are said to be knotted strips of cloth. It has the phonetic value dmd or dmÿ, which would suit the preceding d-sign. 542 However, it does not completely match the circular section of the sign under discussion here, which clearly does not have the form of a shen. Rather, the two projections preserved on the left side make the object most similar to the pot suspended in a sling at the bottom of a mí-sign (Sign-list W19). As depicted here, the sign in question is perhaps a variant or even a misunderstanding of a less common hieroglyph. The deity depicted could be Dema, as what seems to be his sole attestation occurs directly after Wed in the 10th hour of the Amduat. 543 However tempting such an attribution might be, two points argue against such an identification. First, the dí-sign at the beginning of the inscription is followed by the feminine pronoun s-sign, indicating a goddess, while Dema is clearly male. Second, the deity name seems to have been spelled with different hieroglyphs. The inscription is more likely to name the goddess Demdjet, 544 a variant of the male Demedj 545 who appears in the Pyramid Texts, Hymn to the Diadem 546 and the 7th and 8th hours of the Amduat. 547 She is connected with the

Wente, “Mysticism,” pp. 161-79, esp. pp. 175-76; Ritner, Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, p. 170 n. 789; Mauric-Barberio, “Premier exemplaire,” pp. 315-50. 542 The hieroglyph discussed here is also similar to Sign-list Aa6, which has a boxy center with two angled objects emerging from the top. The unclassified sign has the phonetic value tmæ or ïmæ, which would be difficult to reconcile with the preceding d-sign. 543 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 538-39; Hornung, Amduat, vol. I, p. 175 no. 735; vol. II, pp. 16869. 544 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 547. 545 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 541-42. 546 Erman, Hymnen, pp. 50-52. In this text Demdjet appears immediately after Mut, an interesting juxtaposition, since both goddesses were probably depicted in the same register of Senwosret III’s square antechamber (cat. no. SA 172, pl. 196).

290

battle against Apophis and protects the sun bark. Although Demdjet is not directly connected with Wed, she also has a protective function in relation to the solar journey, perhaps the reason for their juxtaposition in the square antechamber.

SA 175 Upper Register: Lower Half and Part of Proper Left Arm of Male Deity; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing [dí].s ënã Œþt (Heket) (pl. 199) 548 28.3 x 54.8 cm

93.1104 (S/29b); 93.1377 (no square recorded); 94.1210 (Q/29c);

98.985/1 (S/28); 98.1201/1 (S/28); 98.1348 (S/28); 98.1450/1 (S/28); 98.1551/2 (S/28); 98.1754/1 (S/28) There is a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom of the piece that cuts through the background area between the bottom of the captions and the heads of the deities. There is a vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece that cuts through the proper left arm of the figure in the upper register. On the left side of the deity in the upper register are parts of the horizontal and vertical edges of a patchstone setting. The piece must come from the lower right corner of a block. Parts of two registers are preserved. In the upper one are the bottom of the torso and most of the legs and feet of a male deity standing on a groundline. Because he wears a

547

Hornung, Amduat, vol. I, pp. 126 no. 518, 150 no. 612; vol. II, pp. 134, 150. According to Mauric-Barberio (“Premier exemplaire,” pp. 324-25), the last four hours of the Amduat (9-12) were associated with the west, while hours 7 and 8 were associated with the north. However, because it is uncertain if the Amduat existed as an afterlife text in the late Twelfth Dynasty, one cannot state that these deities had similar cardinal relationships. 548 Omitted from the photo is a small piece with a vertical masonry edge on the left and part of the proper left hand and the right side of an ankh-sign; the piece probably originates from the adjacent block to the right. Also missing from the illustration is a small piece of the inscription that includes the top of the ankh- and was-signs.

291

tunic and has a bull’s tail, he is likely to have had an animal head. A section of the proper left arm and hand holding an ankh-sign are also preserved. Notable is the badly weathered condition of the large fragment with the bottom of the tunic and part of the legs, which contrasts sharply with the better-preserved remainder of the figure. The disparate states of preservation are an indicator of the extensive area over which the fragments were scattered during the destruction process. Beneath the star band in the lower register is the inscription [dí].s ënã wæs Œþt “she [gives] life and dominion; Heket.” The goddess is widely attested during the Middle Kingdom and she has a broad range of geographic associations. 549 In the Beni Hasan tomb of Baket (number 17), Heket is called the “mistress of Her-wer,” a locale near the cemetery. 550 Middle Kingdom stelae also link her to Abydos, where she appears with Khnum in connection with burial and rebirth rituals; 551 at least one stela specifically describes her as “Heket in Abydos,” suggesting that she had a cult place in the area. 552 A temple of Heket may be mentioned on a letter found in Kahun, but it is now thought the text more likely refers to a sanctuary dedicated to the king.553 During the early Fourth and most of the Fifth Dynasties, a number of priests dedicated to her

549

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 490-92. The piece was mentioned in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 140. For Heket in the Coffin Texts, see B. Altenmüller, Synkretismus, p. 159. 550 Kákosy, “Heqet,” cols. 1123-24; Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. 2, pp. 44, 46, pl. IV; the tomb owner is called “beloved of Heket of Her-wer,” and her name is placed between those of Khnum of Herwer and Hathor of Nefrusy. 551 Bárta, “’Priest of Heket,’” pp. 111-12. 552 H. O. Lange, Grab- und Denksteine, pt. I, pp. 29-33, no. 20025; see esp. p. 30 line 15. 553 For a comprehensive discussion of the letter and the issues surrounding the identity of the temple named in the text, see Horváth, “Temple of Heqet,” pp. 81-90.

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cult are known in the Memphite area. 554 Her identification is with a frog and her principal functions seem to have been assisting women during childbirth 555 and aiding in the cycle of rebirth. 556

SA 176 Parts of Three Deities: 1) Upper Part of Goddess; 2) Upper Part of God; 3) Top of Was-Scepter and Proper Right Male Shoulder (pl. 200) 65.9 x 27.6 cm

98.976 (S/28); 98.1019/3 (S/28); 98.1133/1 (S/28); 99.384

(T/29b); 01.339 (Q/33) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the background area between the heads of the deities and the bottom of the captions. Preserved on the piece is part of a goddess followed by two male gods. All of the head, most of the torso and portions of both upper arms are preserved of the human-headed goddess. Behind her are the head, parts of both shoulders and the top of the wasscepter of a human-headed male deity. Of figure the third figure, another male deity, only the edge of the proper right shoulder and the top of the was-scepter remain. Unfortunately, none of the figures cannot be aligned with the inscription pieces discussed above.

SA 177 Part of Male Head and Proper Left Shoulder (pl. 201) 15.2 x 13 cm

98.1115/2 (S/28); 98.1265/2 (S/28); 99.13/1 (Q/28)

554

Bárta, “’Priest of Heket,’” pp. 107-16; her cult may have been connected to lakes in the Abusir/Saqqara area. 555 Kákosy, “Heqet,” cols. 1123-24.

293

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the background area between the head of the deity and the bottom of the caption. Preserved on this piece are the upper part of the face, the top and back of the head and the proper left shoulder of a human-headed male deity.

SA 178 Face, Front of Torso, Proper Right Arm and Was-Scepter of Goddess (pl. 202) 32.4 x 21.9 cm

94.31 (R/29b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the background area between the head of the deity and the bottom of the caption. There is a vertical masonry edge on the right that cuts through the proper left side of the figure. The piece originates from the upper right corner of a block. Remaining on the piece are the face of a human-headed goddess, the proper right side of the torso and her proper right upper arm. In front of the figure is the top of a wasscepter. The goddess could be Heket, which would result in an approximate alignment of the vertical masonry edge of this piece with that of the block carrying the Heket inscription. 557

SA 179 Top of Was-Scepter (pl. 203) 11.7 x 7.6 cm

98.1593/2 (S/28)

556

Bárta, “’Priest of Heket,’” p. 111. See also Cooney, “Early Dynastic Statue,” pp. 202-9. As was discussed above (p. 69), the only female deities with animal heads appear to be feline. Therefore one would not necessarily expect a frog-headed goddess to be depicted here.

557

294

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the background area between the top of the was-scepter and the bottom of the caption. Only the top of a was-scepter remains on this piece. Because of the position of the masonry edge, it probably belonged to the group discussed above.

SA 180 Top of Was-Scepter (pl. 204) 6.3 x 6 cm

01.487/2 (T/31b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the background area between the top of the was-scepter and the bottom of the caption. Only the upper half of the top of the was-scepter head remains on the piece. Because of the position of the masonry edge, it probably belonged to the group discussed above.

SA 181 Deity Inscription Containing dí-Sign (pl. 205) 9.6 x 18.8 cm

93.310/1 (T/29b); 94.570 (S/29b); 98.583/2 (R/27)

There is a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom of the piece that cuts through the background area between bottom of the inscription and the top of the deity head. There is a vertical masonry edge on the left side of the block just to the left of the vertical dividing line. Parts of two registers are preserved on the fragment. Of the upper one only a piece of the groundline remains with a surface more rounded than other examples of this feature. The lower register contains part of a star band followed by a vertical green dividing line with a dí-sign to the right, indicating that the inscription reads from right 295

to left. The position of the masonry edge suggests that the fragment belonged to the group that was cut between the captions and the deity heads, but the dí-sign is somewhat closer to the horizontal edge than the previously discussed pieces. Since the caption for the goddess Heket (cat. no. SA 175, pl. 199) has a vertical masonry to the right, just after the conclusion of the goddess’s name, it is possible that the piece discussed here belonged to the adjacent block. If this supposition is correct, the masonry edge shifted slightly downwards between the blocks.

SA 182 Top of Was-Scepter and Edge of Male Shoulder (pl. 206) 17.2 x 16.5 cm

98.405/1 (R/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the background area between the top of the was-scepter and the bottom of the caption. On the right side of the piece is a diagonal edge that was probably part of the setting for a patchstone. The top of a was-scepter is preserved here along with a small piece of the proper right shoulder of a male deity. The horizontal masonry edge at the top is somewhat higher than those on the pieces discussed above (cat. nos. SA 176-80, pls. 200-204). However, the shifted edge does seem to correspond to that on catalogue number SA 181 (pl. 205), suggesting that this fragment may have originally been located below it.

SA 183 Horned Sun Disk Headdress of Hathor and Inscription Containing Pustule-Sign (pl. 207) 296

12.3 x 10.9 cm

94.827/1 (R/29d)

SA 184 Top and Back of Head and Base of Headdress of Hathor (pl. 208) 16.3 x 9.5 cm

98.977 (S/28)

Both of these fragments have masonry edges that cut through a Hathor figure near the bottom of her horned sun disk headdress. On the bottom of the lower piece there is also a horizontal masonry edge that probably cut through the area of the armpits, and there is a vertical masonry edge on the right that must have cut through the back of the figure. The position of the horizontal masonry edges on these two pieces make it extremely likely that they originally fit together. The upper piece preserves the upper left quarter of a sun disk with a curving section of the left horn. To the left is a pustule-sign (Signlist Aa2), which reads from left to right based on the direction in which it is angled. As is shown by the block with Hathor of Nefrusy (cat. no. SA 156ab), deities with tall headdresses in the square antechamber of Senwosret III were preceded by their inscriptions. Therefore the pustule-sign must pertain to the goddess, who can be identified as another manifestation of Hathor based on the headdress. 558 The goddess depicted here could be identified as Hathor of Gebelein, as the pustule-sign is part of this toponym. 559 However, the sign can also belong to the simple designation “Hathor,” 560 meaning that this goddess cannot be securely identified.

558

Until the Second Intermediate Period, only Hathor wears the sun disk on her head. See Posener-Kriéger, Néferirkarê-Kakaï, pp.102-3; Fischer, Dendera, p. 33 n. 139; Bergman, “Isis,” col. 189. 559 Allam, Hathorkult, pp. 97-98; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 74-77; Wildung, “Gebelein,” cols. 447-49. See also Kees, “Kulttopographische,” pp. 150-55; Marochetti,

297

It is uncertain to what section of the wall the block should be assigned. Based on the position of the upper masonry edge, the goddess would have originated from the same group as those deities who have horizontal edges between the head and inscription (cat. nos. SA 172-82). However, the lower masonry edge seems to cut through the area of the armpits, a division found on another group of pieces that originate from the west wall of the square antechamber (see below).

Fragments that May Originate from Register 1 (Top Register): Horizontal Edge Through Armpit The pieces discussed above that were assigned to registers 2-5 either had masonry edges that cut through the lower half of the figures, meaning that they are likely to come from lower registers, or evidence that another register of figures stood above. However, among the fragments with masonry edges higher in the register, there is no evidence that the deities cut through the armpits had other figures above them. It is therefore tentatively suggested here that these could have originated from register 1. However, it is also possible that the figures come from register 2 and represent a shift in the horizontal edge from the background area between figure and caption to one somewhat lower down. It should also be noted that on catalogue number SA 195, a piece that definitely comes from the uppermost register, there are no remains of a

“Temple of Nebhepetre Mentuhotep,” pp. 146-63. For Anubis of Gebelein, see here cat. no. SA 235. 560 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 75-79.

298

horizontal masonry edge through the armpits, though one might expect evidence of it on the right side of the piece.

Catalogue of Fragments that May Originate from Register 1 (Top Register): Horizontal Edge Through Armpit

SA 185 Torso, Legs and Proper Right Arm of Male Deity (pl. 209) 26.2 x 45.6 cm

94.694/1, /2 (S/29b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the armpits of the figure. There is a small piece of a patchstone setting in the middle of the proper left foot. A large portion of a male deity wearing a tunic is preserved on this block. Remaining is most of the front two-thirds of the torso, parts of both legs and the proper left arm and hand. A portion of the was-scepter pole remains above the hand and a small section of the groundline is visible below the proper left foot. Based on the garment type, the figure probably had an animal head. Note that this piece preserves a whitish background color that presumably was used for the entire square antechamber.

SA 186 Front of Torso and Proper Right Arm of Male Deity (pl. 210) 17.8 x 12.2 cm

93.202 (S/30ab)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the armpits of the figure. 299

Preserved here are most of the proper right arm and the front edge of the torso of a male deity wearing a tunic. The god probably had an animal head.

SA 187 Part of Proper Right Arm and Was-Scepter of Male Deity (pl. 211) 11.3 x 8.1 cm

93.941/4 (S/29b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that must have cut through the figure in the area of the armpits. There is a vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece that must have cut through the figure’s proper right armpit. The piece must originate from the upper right corner of a block. The small piece contains part of the proper right upper arm of a male deity and a portion of his was-scepter staff.

SA 188 Feet, Proper Left Hand Holding Ankh-Sign, and Bottom of Was-Scepter of Goddess (pl. 212) 10.3 x 6.7 cm

94.833 (R/29d); 94.954 (R/29a); 98.1510 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that must have cut through the goddess’s armpits. On the left side of the piece there is part of the setting for a large patchstone. Unfortunately, little of the original surface is preserved on this large block. All that remains of the goddess who stood on its right side are her proper left hand and the top of her ankh-sign, a small piece of the adjacent thigh and the overlapping feet on a groundline. In front is the bottom of her was-scepter. Below the groundline is the very 300

top edge of the star band from the register below. Catalogue number SA 209 (pl. 235) seems to fit into the patchstone setting on the left side of the block, but because it cannot be aligned with other elements and because the join is not perfect, the piece has not been included here.

SA 189 Head and Was-Scepter of Goddess (pl. 213) 26 x 16 cm

93.1184/1 (S/29bc); 98.964/1 (S/28); 98.1087/1 (S/28); 02.356

(S/26bc, S/27) There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the goddess’s armpits. Preserved on this somewhat battered fragment are the proper left shoulder and most of the head of a human-headed goddess with an unusual, sketchily finished ear. 561 A portion of the top of the was-scepter stands in front of the figure. The small preserved piece of her garment strap is red, indicating that clothing with this color was worn by both human- and feline-headed goddesses (see cat. nos. SA 48, 224). Based on the correspondence of masonry edges and the color of the garment, which is not very common in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, the piece was probably originally adjacent to catalogue number SA 190.

SA 190 Torso and Proper Right Upper Arm of Goddess (pl. 214) 12.9 x 8.1 cm

98.1000/2 (S/28); 98.1113/1 (S/28)

301

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the goddess’s armpits. Remaining on this piece are parts of the upper torso and proper right upper arm of a goddess who wears a red dress. As was mentioned above, the piece may have originally been adjacent to catalogue number SA 189.

SA 191 Breast and Proper Right Upper Arm of Goddess (pl. 215) 10.1 x 5.7 cm

96.669 (S/32d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the goddess’s armpits. Part of the proper right upper arm, breast and front of the torso remain from this goddess.

SA 192 Strand of Hair and Edge of Proper Left Upper Arm of Goddess (pl. 216) 5.8 x 4.9 cm

01.562 (T/31b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the goddess’s armpits. From this goddess only a small piece of the proper left upper arm and a strand of hair remain.

SA 193 Back of Hair and Proper Left Shoulder of Goddess (pl. 217)

561

There is no evidence that portions of the pyramid temple decoration were either left

302

7.9 x 10 cm

98.1020/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the goddess’s armpits. Preserved here are pieces of the back of the head, the neck area and the proper left shoulder of a goddess. Because the deity had black hair, it is assumed that she had a human head.

SA 194 Chest of Male Deity (pl. 218) 14.2 x 4.6 cm

94.800 (R/29d)

There is what appears to be a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the figure a bit below the armpit. However, the stone is worn and it is possible that this is not a true masonry edge. The piece contains a portion of the chest and proper right upper arm of a male deity. Because two locks of a divine wig fall across the chest and the god wears a tunic, he presumably had an animal head. The masonry edge is a bit lower than those of the group discussed above.

Deities and Inscriptions from Register 1 (Top Register) of the West Wall One large piece (cat. no. SA 195) and four smaller ones (cat. nos. SA 196-99) contain parts of figures and/or inscriptions topped by a larger star band, indicating that they originate from the top of a wall. Unfortunately, none of them preserve true masonry

unfinished or otherwise hastily completed.

303

edges (as opposed to patchstone settings), which would have revealed a wider group of fragments that could be assigned to the register. Evidence remains for a maximum of nine figures, if one assumes that none of the pieces originally belonged to the same figure and/or text, an unlikely proposition. Since the proposed reconstruction of the west wall places thirteen figures in each of the top three registers, the maximum number of nine deities could be easily accommodated (pl. 174). However, it should be noted that there are slight stylistic variations among the stars in the band and that the dí-sign on catalogue number SA 199 is somewhat thicker than other examples of this sign in the square antechamber. The discrepancies could simply reflect stylistic variability, though the possibility that some of the inscriptions originate from other parts of the temple cannot be discounted.

Catalogue of Deities and Inscriptions from Register 1 (Top Register) of the West Wall

SA 195 Three Deities: Bastet; Female Deity; Goddess with Vulture Headdress (pls. 219-21) 93.5 x 30.2 cm

93.429 (R/30cd); 94.425 (R/29c); 94.443/4 (R/30d); 94.492/5

(R/30d); 94.608/1 (S/29b); 94.623 (R/29c); 94.813 (R/29d); 98.1030/1 (S/28); 98.1080/1 (S/28); 98.1274/1 (S/28); 00.1 (Q/29c); 02.573 (T/28a) The patchstone at the top of the piece preserves all four edges. Part of the heads and captions of three female deities are preserved on this piece; based on the close alignment of the of the elements, the correspondence of the hieroglyphs and a secure fit, a somewhat damaged patchstone has been attached to the top. Part of a 304

wider band of stars is preserved above the hieroglyphs, indicating that the piece comes from the top of the wall with left facing deities. The figure on the far left has the head and the collarbone area of a felineheaded goddess. Above her is most of an inscription that reads [dí.s] ënã bæstt “[she gives] life; Bastet.” The goddess is most closely connected with Bubastis in Lower Egypt, but in Senwosret III’s square antechamber she is depicted twice with the left facing figures who seem to be largely associated with Middle and Upper Egypt (see also cat. no. SA 214). Evidence from southern Egypt indicates that Bastet received cult there. 562 A doorframe from Coptos constructed during the reign of Senwosret I included a depiction of Bastet, mistress of Isheru, offering symbols to the king wearing a white crown. 563 While it has been suggested that the Isheru mentioned here refers to a location in Bubastis, 564 one wonders why the king wears the Upper Egyptian crown in this vignette and the following one and why the Upper Egyptian Nekhbet is depicted below. One must therefore consider that the Bastet depicted here has a southern connection, perhaps as Bastet of Isheru who was a resident in or a guest in the Upper Egyptian temple. Bastet is depicted on a relief from Armant dated on stylistic grounds to Amenemhat I, though the fragment does not preserve much evidence of the

562

For general discussions of Bastet, see de Wit, Lion, pp. 292-98; Otto, “Bastet,” LÄ I, cols. 62830. For feline deities in Old Kingdom pyramid temples, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 327-29. For the connection between Bastet and Sakhmet, see Hoenes, Göttin Sachmet, pp. 168-71; evidence for the appearance of Sakhmet has not survived from Senwosret III’s square antechamber. 563 Petrie, Koptos, p. 11, pl. X, no. 2. 564 Yoyotte, “Études géographiques II.” pp. 103-4. For a lengthy discussion of isheru as a term used to designate horseshoe shaped lakes that are particularly associated with feline goddesses, see Geßler-Löhr, Heiligen Seen, pp. 401-24. See also Sauneron, “Villes,” pp. 50-57.

305

iconographic program to which it belonged. 565 Evidence also exists indicating that Bastet was present in the Theban area during the Twelfth Dynasty. 566 At the center of the piece is a human-headed deity of which only parts of the hair, forehead and ear survive, along with a small portion of the top of the was-scepter. The figure can be recognized as female based on the caption above, which reads dí.s ënã… “she gives life…” Unfortunately, the additional text that would have identified her has not been preserved. On the far right is the nearly intact head of a goddess wearing a vulture headdress that covers part of the hair and falls over the proper left shoulder; a battered portion of the was-scepter top remains in front of her face. Note that the strands of hair are narrower and the facial features finer than the same elements on the feline head, suggesting that two different sculptors carved the figures. Nothing of the inscription is preserved and since several goddesses wear vulture headdresses, including Mut and Nekhbet, it cannot be used to identify the figure. On the doorframe of Senwosret I from Coptos mentioned above, the goddess Nekhbet appears directly below Bastet mistress of Isheru, 567 perhaps suggesting a ritual connection between the goddesses that might have been replicated here.

SA 196 Deity Inscriptions Containing ? ÿt and dí (pl. 222) 14.9 x 13.6 cm

94.687/2 (R/29c)

565

Mond and Myers, Temples of Armant, p. 170, pl. XCVIII no. 7. Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 11-12 and n. 1; Vernus, “La déesse dangereuse,” pp. 163-67, pl. 7. 567 Petrie, Koptos, p. 11, pl. X, no. 2. 566

306

There is a horizontal setting for a patchstone at the top of the piece that cuts through the middle of the star band. At the top of the piece is part of a larger star band, an indication that the fragment comes from the top of the wall. Parts of two deity inscriptions are preserved, separated by a vertical dividing line. At the left end of the left caption is an unidentified hieroglyph followed by ÿt, in this case not the word for “eternity,” as the land-sign is omitted. A goddess Djet is known from the Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts. 568 There is a male deity Djety “the two cobras,” who is known only from a passage in the Coffin Texts; 569 the remaining bits of the unidentified hieroglyph on the left side of the piece could belong to another ÿ-sign. Many other deity names conclude with ÿt, but a majority of them seem to be followed by a pronoun, for which no space remains.570 To the right is part of a dí-sign from the beginning of the inscription that follows.

SA 197 Deity Inscription Containing [dí].s ënã ? (pl. 223) 10.3 x 12.5 cm

98.693/2 (S/28); 98.695/2 (Q/28)

There are horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom of the piece that cut through, respectively, the upper part of the star band and the lower part of the deity inscription. There is a vertical masonry edge on the left that cuts through the beginning of the s-sign. Plaster still adheres to the bottom of the piece. Because of the

568

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 579-80. Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 580; Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. I, p. 146. The god seems to be connected with the eye of Atum (“the two serpents on the eye of Atum”). 570 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, p. 580. 569

307

two horizontal edges, the fragment is most likely to have been part of a patchstone, though it lacks the angled sides usually found on these elements. Preserved are a section of a wide star band from the top of the wall and part of the inscription [dí].s ënã mæ?... “she [gives] life; ma?... The s-sign pronoun indicates that a goddess was depicted below and the hieroglyph at the far right of the piece belongs to her name, place of origin or epithet. While it cannot be securely identified, the pointed end and angled line suggest a sign with a blade. The hieroglyph could be a mæ-sign, with the handle portion set back from the end of the blade, accounting for the area of background above (compare pl. 147). Because numerous deities have names beginning with the mæ-sign, the figure cannot be identified without further hieroglyphs. Among the more well-known goddesses are Mafdet, 571 Maat, 572 and Matit, 573 but given the number of less prominent deities found in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, it is also possible that a more obscure figure was depicted.

SA 198 Deity Inscriptions Containing t níwt and dí (pl. 224) 15.4 x 11.3 cm

92.359 (no square recorded)

There is a vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece that cuts through the dísign of the second inscription.

571

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, pp. 235-36. Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, pp. 222-24. 573 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, p. 213; the goddess is found in the White Chapel (Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, p. 227, pl. 3). See also de Wit (Lion, pp. 298-300), who notes that Matit and Nemty (see here cat. no. SA 233) are both associated with the 12th Upper Egyptian nome; the different star bands on the two pieces rules out placing them together in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. 572

308

At the top of the piece is a section of a larger star band 7.4 cm wide that originates from the top of the wall. Parts of two captions separated by a vertical dividing line remain on the fragment, neither one complete enough to allow an identification of the deities originally depicted below. The first inscription ends with t- and níwt-signs, indicating that the god was defined by a toponym. From the second inscription, only a small piece of the introductory dí-sign survives. The níwt-sign in the first text is slightly larger than other examples of this hieroglyph in the square antechamber, but the overall height of the caption line is the same as others in the room.

SA 199 Deity Inscription Containing dí-Sign (pl. 225) 13.1 x 15.2 cm

94.599 (S/29b)

At the top of the fragment is a star band 7.3 cm wide, a dimension that indicates it originates from the top of the wall. Below is a vertical dividing line and to the right the top of a dí-sign, which should originate from the introductory phrase of a deity inscription. Nothing remains of the caption to the left of the dividing line.

Deity Speech Probably from the West Wall Several fragments provide somewhat contradictory evidence as to what might have been depicted on the south end of the west wall, that is in the area preceding the rows of deities. As was discussed above (pp. 85-86, 238), it is unlikely that the walls in the square antechamber with doorways also included large scale depictions of the king. Although a large block has been recovered with part of the head and inscription of 309

Senwosret III facing right (cat. no. UL 57, pl. 418), the width and height occupied by such a figure would not have left sufficient space for the number of deities who seem to have been depicted on the west wall. The possibility that the deities confronted a depiction of the king can therefore be discounted. A second option is that the deities simply continued to the wall corner, a composition that seems to have been used on one of the walls with deities facing right (see cat. no. SA 37, pl. 58). One or possibly two fragments do seem to originate from was-scepters that faced left and adjoined a wall corner (cat. nos. SA 134-35, pls. 157-58), so such an arrangement cannot be completely dismissed. However, it is more likely that the south end of the west wall contained a two column speech that listed the blessings bestowed on the king by the gods. Two fragments preserve what seem to be sections of the speech. The larger one is a patchstone that includes part of a vertical corner block border and two lines of text from the upper portion of the inscription. Although it lacks a direct connection to the west wall deity procession, two pieces of evidence suggest that the patchstone could originate from there. First, the width of the completely preserved left column is 12.7 cm, a dimension that is close to the 12.9-13.4 cm width of the columns in the deity speech on the north wall of the square antechamber (see p. 111). Second, deity speeches are generally addressed directly to a figure of the king and rarely adjoin a wall corner. However, if the decoration of the square antechamber is viewed as a continuous iconographic program encompassing all four walls, then the deity speech can be visualized not so much as facing a corner, but rather addressing a depiction of the king that stood on one of the adjacent walls. Such a 310

rationale was probably behind the placement of the six column deity speech on the square antechamber’s north wall (pls. 48-50). The second fragment contains part of a column of text that seems to be from a deity speech followed by two vertical lines. Although only two partial hieroglyphs are preserved, their scale and what can be observed of their style are similar to those of the patchstone. The thicker vertical line at left must be the border of the text, while the thinner line to the right could be part of a deity’s was-scepter staff. The line assigned to the was-scepter is too long to be part of a hieroglyph in another column of text, and its position so close to the dividing line excludes the possibility that it could originate from the fecundity figure procession. 574 In sum, it therefore seems most likely that the tableau on the west wall of the square antechamber began with a deity speech probably two columns wide and five registers high. 575

Catalogue of Deity Speech Probably from the West Wall

SA 200 Parts of Two Columns from Top of Deity Speech Facing Left; Vertical Corner Block Border to the Left (pl. 226) 30 x 29 cm

98.345 (R/28)

574

Fecundity figures in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple carry was-scepters that are overlapped by the center of hetep-trays balanced on outstretched arms, meaning that they could not be so close to a column of inscription (for comparison, see here pls. 357-58). 575 Deity speeches two columns wide are found in the square antechamber of Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 36-37, 40-41, pls. 46, 50, 54).

311

The piece is a patchstone with a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom, a vertical masonry edge on the left and a diagonal masonry edge on the top. On the underside, the back of the patchstone is also preserved. Most of this piece preserves parts of two columns of a deity speech divided by a vertical green line. Based on the orientation of the k-sign, the text reads from right to left. At the left end of the patchstone is a section of a vertical block border that marked the wall corner. Since both columns contain part of the ÿd-mdw formula used at the beginning of these texts, the patchstone must have originated from near the top of the speech. The first column at left states [ÿd-mdw dí].n n.k smæ tæwy… “[Recitation:] [have give]n to you the uniting of the two lands…” The word for “uniting” is here rendered with a complex sign depicting two plants bound around a “windpipe.” The second column begins [ÿd-mdw dí].n n.k ënã [wæs?] nb… “[Recitation:] [have give]n to you all life and [dominion?]…” The first column of text is 12.7 cm wide between the block border and the inside edge of the vertical line.

SA 201 Column of Deity Speech with Dividing Line and Was-Scepter Staff of Deity to the Right (pl. 227) 15.6 x 15.1 cm

93.1185 (S/29bc)

On the left side of the piece is part of what appears to be a column of text from a deity speech reading from right to left. Preserved are parts of a t-sign and a nb-sign that could belong to the expression ÿdt nb(t) “all stability,” a common phrase among the socalled general blessings granted to the king (for another example, see here cat. no. OC 312

21, pl. 335). The vertical line to the right must be the borderline of the text. The slightly narrower vertical line farther to the right could belong to the staff of a wasscepter held by a deity, though no traces of the figure remain.

Deities to the Side of a Wall Corner or Doorframe A total of five fragments, some with parts of two registers, preserve evidence that they originate from either the north end (i.e. the right side) of the west wall or the area immediately to the left of the block border doorframe; a sixth piece is also likely to have originated from the same area. The preservation of either vertical block borders behind the left facing figures or star bands with a triangular bottom corner both can be used to identify the right end of a register. As has been mentioned above, star bands appear to have ended only in areas adjacent to wall corners and doorframes. On the west wall of the square antechamber, vertical block borders were found at both the north and south ends of the wall and around the doorframe. Block borders from doorframes and wall corners are extremely similar and can only be differentiated by either the extra series of vertical stripes that fill the space between the rectangles and the actual wall corner (for examples from the square antechamber, see here pls. 58, 60) or the turn to the reveal of the doorway. 576 Thus for some of the figures discussed here, precise original locations cannot be offered. Catalogued below are three fragments with indications of an origin either on the north (right) side of the west wall or to the left of the doorframe; all contain

313

portions of standing male figures. Two previously discussed pieces have comparable features (cat. nos. SA 133, pls. 155-56; SA 144, pl. 167). Because five similar sections of the proper left calf remain on the different fragments, parts of five separate male figures must be represented; in addition, one of the enthroned deities also comes from the right side of the wall. Three of the standing male figures must originate from the right side of registers 1-3; the upper register of catalogue number SA 144 contains part of the figure from the right end of register 3. The fourth male figure (cat. no. SA 144) comes from the lintel with enthroned deities that occupied the right end of register 4. A fifth figure must have stood on the portion of register 4 directly to the left of the doorframe; the lower half of this figure stood to the side of the doorway (see pl. 174). Finally, the sixth figure (cat. no. SA 133) can be placed to the left of the doorframe in register 5. 577

Catalogue of Deities to the Side of a Wall Corner or Doorframe

SA 202 Upper Register: Right Edge of Proper Left Leg,Tail and Ankh-Sign of Male Deity; Lower Register: Right End of Star Band (pl. 228) 8.2 x 35 cm

98.1114/1 (S/28); 98.1450/2 (S/28); 98.1524/3 (S/28)

576

Although block borders adjacent to doorways tend to be more carefully rendered than those at wall corners, such differences cannot be considered diagnostic. 577 The distribution suggested above assumes that another figure did not occupy the space between the right side of the doorframe and the wall corner; see pl. 174.

314

There is an angled vertical edge on the right side of the piece that may have either adjoined a patchstone or an unevenly cut block at the square antechamber’s northwest corner. Parts of two registers are preserved on this piece. In the upper one is the back edge of the proper left leg, the bull’s tail and the ankh-sign of a male deity standing on a groundline. The presence of a ceremonial tail suggests that the figure had an animal head. Below is the right end of a star band, identifiable as such by the vertical line at the right end and the triangular projection below. Based on the position of the end of the star band, the piece must come from the right side of the register.

SA 203 Strand of Hair and Edge of Proper Left Shoulder, Possibly of Male Deity (pl. 229) 5.3 x 11.2 cm

98.1449/4 (S/28)

There is what seems to be an angled vertical edge on the right side of the piece that may have adjoined either a patchstone or an unevenly cut block at the square antechamber’s northwest corner. The fragment preserves part of the proper left upper arm and the hair of a deity. Because the hair flows over the shoulder, the deity either had an animal head or was female; the hair of human-headed male gods was normally tucked behind the shoulder (compare pls. 17, 24-25, 44-45, 126, 200-201). A preserved speck of red on the arm suggests a male figure. The piece does not preserve either of the elements associated with a wall corner or doorframe, but the unusual, irregularly cut edge on the right side

315

of the piece is similar to that on catalogue number SA 202, suggesting they originally belonged to the same block.

SA 204 Legs, Proper Left Wrist, Hand and Ankh-Sign of Male Deity; Corner Block Border to the Right (pl. 230) 25.9 x 17.2 cm

93.448 (R/30cd)

The piece is a patchstone with a diagonal masonry edge on the bottom (upper left to lower right) that cuts through the legs, a diagonal masonry edge on the left (lower left to upper right) that must have cut through the figure’s proper right armpit and a horizontal masonry edge on the top that cut through the figure below the buttocks. The patchstone contains parts of a male deity’s tunic, legs, bull’s tail and proper left hand holding an ankh-sign. Note the scalloped edge on the bottom of the tunic, which refers to the feather-covered version of the garment. 578 The narrow section of a vertical block border on the right side of the piece (i.e. behind the figure), indicates that it originates from either the north end of the west wall or the side of the doorframe.

SA 205 Piece of Proper Left Calf and Tail of Male Deity with Corner Block Border to the Right (pl. 231) 9.8 x 10.7 cm

578

94.712/1 (R/29b)

For tunics covered with a feather patterns, see here n. 183.

316

The piece is a patchstone with a horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom that cut through the legs; the top edge is at right angle to surface of piece, while the bottom edge angles inwards. The back of the patchstone is preserved on the underside. The small piece preserves part of the proper left leg and the bull’s tail of a male deity who probably had an animal head. To the right is a small section of the outer stripe of the block border, which must have originated from either the wall corner or the side of a doorframe.

Discussion and Catalogue of Large Patchstones and Filler Stones The west wall of the square antechamber seems to have contained a fairly significant number of large patchstones that were used to close gaps in the masonry. Some of these have been discussed in conjunction with other sections of the wall decoration (see cat. nos. SA 142, 151, 162, 164, 175, 184, 188, 195, 200, 204-5, 232, 235, 238, 242-43, 247). What caused these aberrations is uncertain given the fragmentary nature of the building, but they may reflect construction problems, errors or miscalculations on the part of the builders. A selection of those not otherwise discussed is presented here in order to give a more accurate picture of the west wall.

SA 206 Back of Torso, Proper Left Shoulder and Upper Arm of Male Deity (pl. 232) 8.4 x 7.2 cm

93.955 (S/29b)

317

There is a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom of the piece that cuts through the figure between the armpit and the elbow. The masonry edge is noticeably lower than those on catalogue numbers SA 185-93. Preserved on this piece is a section of a male deity’s proper left upper torso and proper left upper arm. Because the figure wears a tunic, he probably had an animal head. The piece discussed here originally may have belonged to the figure on the right side of catalogue number SA 207, as the edges seem to correspond.

SA 207 Patchstone Containing Buttocks and Portion of Proper Left Arm of Goddess Followed by Lower Torso and Proper Right Lower Arm of Male Deity (pl. 233) 44.3 x 11.2 cm

93.1085 (S/29bc); 94.851 (R/29d); 98.440/1 (R/28)

The piece is a patchstone with horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom. Parts of two deities remain on this long, narrow block. To the left is part of the torso, buttocks and proper left arm of a female deity, who has a carefully incised bracelet. To the right is part of a male deity’s torso and proper right arm and hand holding a wasscepter. The god wears a tunic with an elaborately incised belt and a bull’s tail, indicators that he probably had an animal head. The correspondence of the edges suggests that the god at right originally adjoined the fragment in catalogue number SA 206.

SA 208 Patchstone Containing Piece of Proper Left Hand of Goddess Followed by Torso and Arms of Male Deity (pl. 234) 318

38.7 x 17.8 cm

94.405 (R/30d); 94.847 (R/29d)

The piece is a patchstone with parts of all four masonry edges preserved. The nearly complete patchstone contains parts of two figures. To the left are small sections of the proper left arm, wrist and hand of a goddess, whose gender can be identified by the preserved yellow color. To the right are parts of both arms and hands, the torso, buttocks and the upper thighs of a male god. He holds in his proper right hand the staff of a was-scepter and in his proper left hand he grasps the top of an ankhsign loop. Because the figure wears a kilt and is bare-chested, it is likely that he had a human head. Note that the details of the kilt are rendered in a sketchy manner and the surfaces of the fingers are fairly flat, stylistic characteristics that are not in keeping with the generally high quality relief carving in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple (see also cat. no. SA 209).

SA 209 Patchstone Containing Parts of Torso, Arms, Legs and Ankh-Sign of Male Deity (pl. 235) 23.5 x 25.5 cm

98.357 (R/28)

The piece is a patchstone that preserves a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the figure near the armpits, a vertical masonry edge at left that cuts through the proper right lower arm and a diagonal masonry edge at right that cuts through the proper left hand and leg. The back of the patchstone is preserved on the underside. The piece may have originally fit into the patchstone socket on catalogue number SA 188 (pl. 212). 319

Most of the center of a male deity wearing a kilt remains on the patchstone. The figure is likely to have had a human head. Part of the torso, buttocks, thighs and both arms are preserved, along with a portion of the ankh-sign held in the proper left hand. As was the case with catalogue number SA 208, the details of the kilt are poorly rendered and the fingers have flat surfaces.

SA 210 Patchstone Containing Part of Torso and Arms of Male Deity (pl. 236) 29.5 x 14.5 cm

93.1053 (S/29bc)

The piece is a patchstone with a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the figure just below the shoulders and one at the bottom that cuts through the torso just below the waist. The masonry edge is similar to that on catalogue numbers SA 212-13, suggesting that they may have originally belonged to adjoining blocks. Most of the torso, waist, and parts of both arms of a male deity are depicted here. Strands of the wig fall across both sides of the torso and behind the shoulder, and the deity wears a tunic and a bull’s tail, all indicators that he had an animal head.

SA 211 Patchstone Containing Proper Right Arm and Was-Scepter of Male Deity (pl. 237) 13.6 x 11.3 cm

99.272 (Q/27)

The piece is a patchstone with a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the upper arm, a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom that cuts through the lower arm and a vertical masonry edge at the left that cuts through the background area in front of the deity. In the lower left corner is the socket for a small patchstone. 320

Preserved on the block are part of a male deity’s proper right arm, including the inside of the elbow, and a section of his was-scepter staff.

SA 212 Patchstone Containing Jackal-Headed Deity Followed by Male, Human-Headed Deity (pl. 238) 51.3 x 6 cm

93.1164 (S/29bc); 98.982/3 (S/28); 98.1013/2 (S/28); 98.1364

(S/28); 98.1388/2 (S/28); 98.1449/1 (S/28) The piece is patchstone with a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the bottom of the heads and a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom that cuts through the bottom of the shoulders. There is a vertical masonry edge at right that cuts through the back of the god’s head. Parts of two deities remain on this long, narrow patchstone. To the left is a jackalheaded god identifiable by the black color preserved on the neck. Parts of his shoulder, divine wig, tunic, broad collar and was-scepter staff also remain. To the right are parts of the proper right shoulder, collar, neck, hair, chin, false beard and was-scepter staff of a human-headed male deity. Catalogue number SA 213 may have originally belonged to this patchstone, and originally both may have stood above catalogue number SA 210.

SA 213 Proper Left Shoulder and Back of Hair of Male Deity (pl. 239) 9 x 4.9 cm

98.1117/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the middle of the shoulder. 321

The fragment contains the lower portion of the back of a mass of black hair and part of the proper left shoulder. Small pieces of what seem to be the broad collar and a lock of hair remain on the far left. The figure probably had a male, human head. Because of the similar, though not identical, position of the masonry edge, the piece may have originally belonged to the long patchstone in catalogue number SA 238 and stood above catalogue number SA 210.

Discussion and Catalogue of Pieces with Multiple Deities Facing Left

SA 214 Inscriptions Associated with Three Deities Containing bæstt (Bastet); bæ[w?] or õnmw m œwwt; Mut? (pl. 240) 59.5 x 5.9 cm

94.387 (R/29b); 94.824 (R/29d); 99.308 (Q/28)

Sections of three inscriptions separated by vertical dividing lines are found on this long, narrow piece. A sliver of the star band’s bottom contour remains above the center inscription. At the left end of the first inscription is a narrow area of background with no traces of other hieroglyphs. To the right is the top of a vertical hieroglyph that widens a bit at the top and has the appearance of a b-sign, followed by two t-signs aligned horizontally. The inscription is likely to be for Bastet, although the order of the signs is different than that on another piece from the same wall with the name of the goddess (cat. no. SA 195). 579 It is possible that the hieroglyphs needed to be rearranged

579

For Bastet, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 739-42. In the White Chapel of Senwosret I, the name of Bastet is written with the vessel-sign (Sign-list W2), a b-sign with two t-signs below and a standing female goddess determinative (Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pl. 42).

322

for spatial reasons. The multiple appearances of Bastet on a wall with deities who seem to have been mainly associated with Upper Egypt is discussed above under catalogue number SA 195. The second inscription preserves the horns from a ram-sign (Sign-list E10), followed by an m-sign, a triple œwt-sign (three connected examples of Sign-list O6) and a t-sign. Despite the preservation of most of the hieroglyphs, the inscription is not easy to interpret, in part because the ram hieroglyph can be translated as either bæ, Khnum or simply “ram.” The term œwwt can be translated as “temples” or “shrines,” the likely meaning here, but can also refer to a settlement or farm area. 580 If the sign is read as bæ, the text may designate the epithet of a deity, offering the possible reading “the bæ that is in the œwwt.” The term bæ is often qualified by an epithet to indicate the power or manifestation of a deity. 581 Arguing against this possibility is the observation that the three bæ-birds (Sign-list G30) are most often used to designate bæw in the pyramid complex of Senwosret III. In addition, without further hieroglyphs a specific deity would not have been indicated.

580

For the term in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, see Hannig, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. I, pp. 781-83; idem, Ägyptisches Wörterbuch, vol. II, pt. 2, pp. 1627-30. For œwwt as a place in the Memphite region during the reign of Sneferu, see Gauthier, Dictionnaire, vol. 4, p. 45. In the mastaba field north of the Senwosret III pyramid complex, de Morgan found a piece naming a place called the œwwt written with a níwt-determinative. The inscription reads “nbt œwwt” and was placed near the end of a line of offering bearers walking towards the deceased (de Morgan, Dahchour 1894, p. 33, fig. 65). The piece was rediscovered by the Metropolitan Museum expedition in the ruins of de Morgan’s excavation house at Dahshur. According to de Morgan, it originates from the mastaba of Sobekemhat (NM 17), but it may instead come from the mastaba of Nebit (NM 18); for the confusion surrounding the blocks de Morgan assigned to the mastaba of Sobekemhat, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. 581 Zabkar, Ba Concept, pp. 8-11.

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If the sign is interpreted as “Khnum,” it could be read as a designation of “Khnum in his temples or shrines,” but the present author has not been able to find this epithet attested for the god. It should be noted that other manifestations of Khnum in Senwosret III’s square antechamber are written phonetically with the õnm-sign (Signlist W9; for an example, see here pl. 180). Most likely the ram-sign is used here to refer to an unspecified ovide deity who dwells in the “houses” or “temples.” A figure of this type is known, though an association with a œwwt is not attested. 582 Since the specific œwwt referred to in the text does not seem to have been further refined, it is possible or even likely that the context provided by the surrounding figures served to locate the deity, a point that will be discussed in the conclusion to this chapter. All that survives of the last inscription is the upper half of the first hieroglyph, a vulture-with-flail-sign (Sign-list G15). 583 The initial hieroglyph suggests that the text probably began with a goddess’s name followed by a particular place sacred to her or perhaps an epithet. Two deities on the west wall have captions that begin with this sign (for the other, see cat. no. SA 172). The inscriptions could refer to manifestations of Nekhbet, identifications that would be appropriate for the proposed southern orientation of the west wall. However, an intriguing possibility is that the inscription under discussion here and the one in catalogue number SA 172 both refer to Mut, making the depictions in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple one of the earliest attestations

582

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 658-60. Note that there is also a “mansion or temple of the rams,” but this location is written with a single œwt-sign that precedes plural ram-signs. 583 There is no evidence that vulture hieroglyphs were defaced in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple during the Amarna Period; for the erasure of Mut during this time, see der Manuelian, “SemiLiteracy,” pp. 291-94.

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of the goddess. Pre-Eighteenth Dynasty references to or depictions of Mut are rare and often ambiguous, circumstances that have lead to the conclusion that the goddess either did not exist or was of little importance in the Middle Kingdom. 584 One of the earliest surviving references to Mut may be on a so-called magic wand from the Middle Kingdom 585 and she may appear in the Coffin Texts. 586 In addition, a Heliopolitan manifestation of the goddess “Mut-who-is-under-her-mast” is attested on an inscription of Senwosret I. 587 A Middle Kingdom stela formerly in Leipzig mentions Mut of Megeb in the offering formula. 588 In large part, the question of when the goddess first appears seems to center around the interpretation of inscriptions that contain the vulture-with-flail-sign, as it has been stated that the hieroglyph can designate either Mut or Nekhbet. Because Mut is thought to have been a minor figure during the period, more prestigious images inscribed with the vulture-with-flail-sign (Sign-list G15) are assigned to Nekhbet seemingly by default, a line of reasoning that perpetuates the idea of Mut’s low status. However, a brief examination of Old and Middle Kingdom images of Nekhbet shows

584

For discussions of Mut, see te Velde, “Minimal Definition of the Goddess Mut,” pp. 3-9; te Velde, “Mut and the Vulture,” pp. 242-45; te Velde, “Mut,” cols. 246-48; te Velde, “Mut and Other Ancient Egyptian Goddesses,” pp. 455-62; Sethe, Amun, pp. 28-30; Bolshakov, “Mut or Not?,” pp. 23-31. For a summary of Mut in the New Kingdom and later, see de Wit, Lion, pp. 350-53. For aspects of the controversy, see Yoyotte, “Études géographique II,” pp. 101-3; te Velde, “Eye of Re,” pp. 397-98. According to Hoenes (Göttin Sachmet, pp. 124, 133, 175), Mut is connected with Sakhmet as early as the Middle Kingdom, a conclusion that seems to derive from a text naming Sekhmet inscribed on a vulture statue dedicated by Amenemhat III at Coptos; Hoenes associates the vulture with the goddess Mut. For the Coptos vulture, see Petrie, Koptos, pp. 11-12, pl. XI no. 1 (inscription only); for a photo of the vulture, see Evers, Staat aus dem Stein, vol. 1, pl. 126. 585 H. Altenmüller, “Apotropaia,” pt. 2, pp. 45-46 no. 50. 586 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, pp. 251-52; te Velde, “Minimal Definition of the Goddess Mut,” p. 5. 587 Postel, “Annales héliopolitaines,” p. 248.

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that the goddess is never captioned with the vulture-with-flail hieroglyph, but rather with the phonetic combination of nãb- (Sign-list M22), b-, t- and níwt-signs. 589 Although the inscription is incomplete, a figure of the goddess Nekhbet from the pyramid complex of Sahure seems to have had such a combination of hieroglyphs. 590 A tympanum from the pyramid temple of Teti includes a depiction of a vulture goddess atop a nb-basket proffering a shen-sign and was-scepter to the name of the king; the caption above her consists of the phonetic, four hieroglyph spelling.591 A door lintel of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre from Karnak follows the same pattern. 592 Also carrying the identical caption is a depiction of Nekhbet standing behind Amenemhat I and Horus on a door lintel from Lisht North. 593 A door lintel of Senwosret I from Karnak shows Nekhbet carrying million-of-years-signs and standing behind Amun and Horus, 594 while a doorframe of Senwosret I from Coptos depicts the king directly facing the goddess; 595 both pieces have the same inscription. Also spelled phonetically is the name

588

Krauspe, “Heute verlorene Stele,” pp. 159-61, pl. 18a. For various spellings of Nekhbet, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, p. 301-2. For Nekhbet in Old Kingdom pyramid temples, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 332-34. 590 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 18 left. 591 Lauer, Téti, pp. 60-62 no. 1, fig. 15a, pl. XXII. Old and Middle Kingdom door lintels decorated with heraldic arrangements with Nekhbet and Wadjet also contain the same group of signs. For examples, see a door lintel of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. I, p. 52 fig. 58, p. 10); a door lintel of Senwosret III seen by the present author near the parking lot of Meidum (perhaps originally from a site in the Fayum?); a door lintel of Senwosret III from Tell Daba (Habachi, Tell el-Dabëa, vol. I, pl. 8); and a door lintel of Amenemhat Sobekhotep from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1928],” fig. 63). See also the royal name panels on columns from the pyramid temples of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. I, p. 45 bottom left figure, pl. 9) and Niuserre (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, p. 68) and on the exterior of the temple of Senwosret I at Karnak (L. Gabolde, Grand château, pls. IV-VIII, XI). 592 Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” p. 44 fig. 45, p. 35 fig. 14, pl. Xa. 593 Hayes, Scepter, vol. 1, pp. 172-73, fig. 103. 594 Le Saout, “Moyen Empire: Varia 1,” p. 319, pl.VI. 595 Petrie, Koptos, pl. X. 589

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of Nekhbet on another block from Coptos dated to Senwosret I; although the inscription is no longer connected to its original scene, an image of the goddess originally must have stood below the text. 596 On the south façade nome list on Senwosret I’s White Chapel, the name of the goddess is spelled out and concludes rather than begins with the determinative of a vulture atop a nb-sign. 597 A Thirteenth Dynasty relief from El-Kab also contains the name of Nekhbet spelled with the nãb-sign (Signlist M22) in conjunction with a depiction of the standing goddess.598 Perhaps most relevant for the present discussion is the consistent phonetic spelling of Nekhbet’s name in Senwosret III’s pyramid complex, even on the tympana, where the narrow space above the figures might have made it attractive employ a single sign (for an example, see here pl. 322). In sum, the present author has not been able to find any definitive examples of Nekhbet captioned by the vulture-with-flail-sign in Old or Middle Kingdom royal monuments. Further, an examination of some Old and Middle Kingdom non-royal objects naming Nekhbet has revealed only one example of the vulture-with-flail-sign, which seems to serve as the determinative for a longer writing of the deity’s name.599 A First Intermediate Period stela from El-Kab does contain an inscription with a vulture-atopa-nb-sign that almost certainly designates Nekhbet. However, the hieroglyph does not include the flail and the goddess is not depicted on the stela.600 Other inscriptions from

596

No author, Les reserves de pharaoh, pp. 41-43. Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pls. 3 lower right corner, 40 scène 27’. 598 No author, El Kab, vol. 2, pl. 31. 599 Brovarski, “Writing Boards,” pp. 37-38, pl. I. 600 Gabra, “Stela of œtpí,” pp. 45-56. 597

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the Old and Middle Kingdoms use the four hieroglyph phonetic spelling for the name of Nekhbet followed by a vulture (without flail) determinative. 601 Although it cannot be stated definitively that the vulture-with-flail-sign discussed here did not sit atop a nbsign, the hieroglyph in catalogue number SA 172 (pl. 196) could not have done so. In any case, if manifestations of Nekhbet were designated by these two inscriptions, the signs used to render her name would occur twice in a seemingly unique matter. In sum, it seems most likely that both inscriptions in Senwosret III’s square antechamber designated the goddess Mut. Further, a reevaluation is needed of the idea that before the New Kingdom Mut is only a shadowy figure of no great importance particularly in relation to the royal sphere. 602

SA 215 Inscriptions for Two Deities Containing Pãt (Pakhet) and a Falcon-Sign (pl. 241) 19.7 x 11.8 cm

93.1197/6 (S/29bc); 98.970/3 (S/28); 98.1025/1 (S/28)

601

Brovarski, “Writing Boards,” pp. 37-38, pl. I; Mariette, Mastabas, p. 303; De Meulenaere, “Contributions,” pp. 83-85, pl. XIII; H. O. Lange, Grab- und Denksteine, pp. 330-31 no. 20318 (the last two have nw-signs instead of níwt-signs); no author, El Kab, pl. 30 (a vertical column of text with the vulture standing on a nb-sign placed above the four hieroglyphs). On the Palermo Stone, Nekhbet is written once with only a vulture-sign (no flail) and once phonetically with a vulture-on-nb-sign as a determinative (Schäfer, Bruchstück, pp. 25, 34). 602 Despite the above argument that Mut appears in a royal context before the New Kingdom, the interpretation of the inscription on a statue of Amenemhat III in the Hermitage Museum must remain somewhat uncertain. Since the inscriptions preserve only the top part of the vulture-with-flail-signs, it is possible that either Mut was represented here or the phonetic spelling of Nekhbet originally continued below. However, as has been noted above, the vulturesign is generally used as a determinative for Nekhbet, not the initial hieroglyph. In light of the evidence from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, Bolshakov’s argument that Mut was too minor a figure for a royal monument must be reconsidered (Bolshakov, “Mut or Not?,” pp. 23-31). Further adding to this reevaluation of Mut’s Middle Kingdom role is new evidence from her Karnak precinct indicating that there was a structure here during the Middle Kingdom. The author would like to thank Betsy Bryan for permission to mention her recent discovery.

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Parts of two inscriptions under a section of a star band remain, separated by a vertical line. From the first inscription horizontally aligned p-, ã- and t-signs are preserved, positioned in such a way that one or more hieroglyphs must have been placed below. Because few deity names contain a combination of p- and ã-signs, 603 the inscription probably names Pakhet, a semi-feral, dangerous and aggressive feline goddess first attested during the Middle Kingdom. 604 The space beneath the three hieroglyphs would comfortably accommodate a seated-lion-determinative, though it must be admitted that determinatives are often omitted in the deity captions of Senwosret III’s square antechamber. Pakhet had her cult center in Speos Artemidos, a site a few kilometers south of Beni Hasan, where an inscription of Hatshepsut states that the deity “…roams the wadis, resident in the eastern desert.” 605 The goddess is mentioned on Middle Egyptian coffins and in Beni Hasan tombs including that of Khnumhotep II, who was a priest of Pakhet. This individual is the presumed father of Khnumhotep III, whose mastaba has been excavated at Dahshur, north of the Senwosret III pyramid complex. 606 Since the goddess seems to have first appeared in the Middle Kingdom

603

Leitz, Lexikon,vol. III, pp. 104-6; all are attested only after the New Kingdom. For the goddess, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, p. 28; de Wit, Lion, pp. 339-42; Graefe, “Pachet,” cols. 640-41. For the indirect association of Sekhmet and Pachet, see Hoenes, Göttin Sachmet, pp. 183-84. Her name means “tearer apart,” actually an epithet that refers to her animal nature (Hornung, One and the Many, p. 82). 605 Allen, “Speos Artemidos,” p. 4. A Middle Kingdom temple dedicated to the goddess has not been found, though priestly titles suggest that she had an as yet undiscovered sanctuary in the region. Hatshepsut and Tuthmosis III built a rock-cut shrine for her that contains an important inscription detailing the construction and restoration of Middle Egyptian temples; see Allen, “Speos Artemidos,” pp. 1-19; Chappaz, “Recherches au Spéos Artémidos,” pp. 23-31; Fairman, “Texts of Hatshepsut and Sethos I,” pp. 12-33; Bickel, “Le Speos Artemidos,” pp. 94-101; Bickel “Missions epigraphiques,” pp. 9-24 all with further references. 606 Pakhet is mentioned in the Beni Hasan tombs of Amenemhat (no. 2; Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. I, pp. 13, 35-36, pl. XVIII); Khnumhotep II, who had several priestly titles related to her and 604

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and her attestations are largely confined to Middle Egypt, 607 one wonders if her inclusion in the square antechamber of Senwosret III was in some way influenced or promoted by the high-ranking Khnumhotep III. 608 Her presence on the west wall also adds another Beni Hasan area figure to a group that includes Hathor of Nefrusy (cat. no. SA 156ab) and Horus of Hebenu (cat. no. SA 158). To the right is the front of a falcon-sign that probably begins the designation of a manifestation of Horus. It is possible that the fragments that seem to mention Horus of Hebenu on catalogue number SA 158 (pl. 182) are related to this piece rather than the right side of catalogue number SA 156ab (pl. 180). 609 In any case, one has to note that the deities of Nefrusy, Hebenu and Speos Artemidos, localities that were geographically quite close to each other, did not directly adjoin each other horizontally.

SA 216 Upper Register: Legs, Ankles, and Feet of Goddess; Lower Register: Parts of Two Deity Inscriptions Containing Uncertain Signs and dí-Sign (pl. 242) 23.2 x 35.2 cm

94.369 (R/29b); 98.912/2 (S/28); 98.1044/1 (S/28); 98.1385/2

(S/28)

whose wife Khety was also a priestess of the goddess (no. 3; Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. I, pp. 4243, 45, 55-56, 58, 67, pls. XXIV-XV, XXXIII, XXXV); Khnumhotep (no. 13; Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. I, pp. 75). Note that this last Khnumhotep does not seem to be related to the great family of Beni Hasan, many of whose members bear the name (Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. II, pp. 7-13, 14). 607 A goddess Pakhet-weret is mentioned in the Coffin Texts; see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. III, p. 28. 608 For an example of a deity juxtaposition that is known only from a Beni Hasan tomb of the Khnumhotep family, see here catalogue number SA 156ab. For Khnumhotep III at Dahshur, see here nn. 513-14. 609 For the juxtaposition of Horus from an unspecified place and Pakhet, see Newberry, Beni Hasan, pt. I, p. 58 (tomb of Khnumhotep II). For the connection between Pakhet and Horus of Hebenu, see Graefe, “Pachet,” col. 640.

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Portions of two registers are preserved on this piece. In the upper one are parts of the legs, ankles and feet of an unidentified goddess standing on a groundline. Below are a star band and two inscriptions separated by a vertical dividing line. To the left are probably two partially preserved hieroglyphs that cannot be identified. The upper sign has a horizontal top, a vertical right side and a slightly concave, horizontally oriented bottom. It has the basic appearance of a d-sign, but if this were the hieroglyph represented here, one would have expected both the top and bottom horizontals to be slightly concave. Below is a very small section of a slightly diagonal line. To the right of the dividing line is the very top of a dí-sign that most likely starts the opening phrase “he (or she) gives life” from the caption of the next deity.

SA 217 Three Deities Without Preserved Inscription (pl. 243) 78.5 x 10.5 cm

94.937 (R/29a); 98.349 (R/28); 98.1050 (S/28); 98.1166 (S/28);

99.37 (Q/27) Parts of the heads of three unidentified deities are preserved on this long, narrow piece. On the left is part of the hair of a deity of uncertain gender. In the center is most of a human-headed god, who must be female because the figure lacks the so-called false beard normally worn by male gods. In front is the top of her was-scepter. At the far right is part of the battered head of a third deity, which based on the shape was probably human in form.

Discussion and Catalogue of Female Deities Facing Left 331

SA 218 Top of Head of Goddess with Vulture Headdress (pl. 244) 14.5 x 4.4 cm

94.1000 (S/29d)

Remaining on the fragment is the upper half of the head of a goddess wearing a vulture headdress. The fragment is broken horizontally below the level of the eye and the head of the vulture is also chipped away. As was discussed above (cat. no. SA 195), because several goddesses are known to wear such headdresses, it is impossible to identify her.

SA 219 Top of Head of Goddess with Vulture Headdress (pl. 245) 7.1 x 7 cm

93.1205 (S/29bc)

The top of a goddess’s head, forehead, brow and the edge of her eye survive on this fragment. The incised lines cut into the top of the head indicate that the goddess wore a vulture headdress; the deity cannot be further identified (see also cat. no. SA 195).

SA 220 Tail Feathers from Goddess’s Vulture Headdress (pl. 246) 4.7 x 5.7 cm

01.517/2 (T/31b)

The small fragment preserves the fanned tail feathers of a bird. Comparison of the piece to those with goddesses wearing vulture headdresses indicates that the fragment must come from a similar depiction. It can be determined that the goddess faces left based on the angle of the feathers, which hang noticeably downwards when the head is faced in this direction (compare here pls. 221, 244). The small detail indicates that the artist was a keen observer of the movement and position of actual objects. 332

SA 221 Deity Inscription Containing Vulture-Sign (pl. 247) 4.4 x 2.6 cm

96.493 (S/32d)

Based on its size, this finely rendered vulture-sign most probably belonged to a caption above one of the deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. 610

SA 222 Deity Inscription Containing Vulture-Sign (pl. 248) 4.4 x 3.9 cm

98.1132/2 (S/28)

Parts of the legs, feet and tail of a vulture-sign remain on this small fragment. Based on its size, it probably originates from one of the deity captions in the square antechamber. The piece may have originally joined catalogue number SA 157 (pl. 181) or catalogue number SA 221 (pl. 247), though no direct connection is possible.

SA 223 Head and Proper Right Shoulder of Goddess and Deity Inscription Containing [dí].s ënã ÿdt (Djedet) (pl. 249) 17.8 x 27.1 cm

94.708 (south side of temple)

Part of the head of a goddess and her caption remain on this block. At the top of the piece is a small section of a star band followed by the inscription [dí].s ënã ÿdt “she [gives] life; Djedet.” 611 The face and forehead of the goddess are well preserved, along

610

For vulture deities, see Bonnet, Reallexikon, pp. 210-11. The word is unlikely to be a variation of “stability,” as the djed-pillar seems to be used to express the concept in Senwosret III’s deity captions; see pls. 17, 134. 611

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with a portion of the proper right shoulder and garment strap and the left end of the broad collar. 612 What seems to be an inscription for the same goddess is found on catalogue number SA 113 (pls. 134-35). As was discussed above in conjunction with this piece, Djedet can be used to describe a feline goddess connected with both Upper and Lower Egypt. However, she is not attested prior to the Late Period, though she could perhaps be identified as a variant of the goddess Djed, who appears in the Coffin Texts. Djedet can also designate a location in the Delta, though no níwt-sign determinative is preserved here and it is unlikely that there was enough space for one.

SA 224 Feline Goddess with Bird-Sign Above (pl. 250) 18.2 x 36.8 cm

98.882/5 (S/28); 98.964/2 (S/28); 98.1144/4 (R/28);

98.1197/1,/4 (S/28); 98.1336/2 (S/28); 98.1496/1 (S/28); 98.1536/4 (S/28); 98.1540/2 (S/28); 98.1634/1 (S/28) There is a vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece that cuts through the area behind the goddess. Remaining on this piece are parts of the head, neck, shoulders, torso and proper left arm and hand of a goddess. The bottom of the banana-shaped ruff of fur at the back of the head as well as the choker across the neck indicate that a feline deity is represented here. The goddess’s dress is red, though such garments are not exclusive to feline deities

612

The piece was published in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 140, pl. 160c; she was probably incorrectly identified as a goddess from Mendes.

334

(see cat. no. SA 189, pl. 213) and her face seems to have been colored white, in contrast to at least some of the other feline deities who were green (cat. no. SA 42, pl. 63). Above and to the right of the goddess is a small piece of the claw, foot and leg of a bird-sign, part of what was presumably the last hieroglyph of the caption. Based on the manner in which the claw hangs down and the shortness of the back section of the foot, either a quail chick or a swallow was most likely depicted here. The later case is more probable, suggesting that the goddess may have been a “great” variant of one of the better known feline deities.

SA 225 Deity Inscription Containing [dí].s ënã Bæt (Bat) (pl. 251) 17.2 x 14.9 cm

93.378/1 (S/30ab); 98.887/1 (S/28)

Preserved on this piece are a small section of a star band and an inscription that reads [dí].s ënã Bæt “she [gives] life; Bat.” 613 The name of the goddess is written with a bæsign and a bæt-emblem. Here Bat seems to still retain her discrete identity, but from at least the New Kingdom on she is said to have been completely assimilated with Hathor. 614 In the Old Kingdom, Bat is found in the pyramid temple of Sahure615 and

613

The piece was mentioned in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 140. For the goddess in general, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II. p. 735; Fischer, “Cult and Nome,” pp. 7-18. See also Fischer, “Bat,” cols. 630-32. Note that the projections at the top of the hieroglyph are meant represent stylized horns. According to Fischer (“Cult and Nome,” p. 12), Bat horns become increasingly less recognizable from the Fourth Dynasty on. For the Bat symbol, see Selve, “Symbole Bat,” pp. 91-108; Favard-Meeks, “Face et profil,” pp. 15-36. 614 Fischer, “Cult and Nome,” p. 7. 615 The figure depicted in Sahure’s temple personifies the 7th Upper Egyptian nome represented by Bat, rather than the goddess herself (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 38, 99-100, pl. 20).

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there are individuals with titles related to her in the Giza/Saqqara area.616 However, her main cult place seems to have been in the 7th Upper Egyptian nome. 617 During the Middle Kingdom the goddess is mentioned both in the Coffin Texts 618 and on the south wall of the White Chapel of Senwosret I. 619 Khentyimentiu appears directly before Bat on the White Chapel, and an inscription for him also survives from the square antechamber’s west wall (cat. no. SA 240, pl. 266). Although the Bat and Khentyimentiu inscriptions cannot be joined together, the stars in the bands above both inscriptions have more widely separated arms than other examples of this feature, suggesting that they quite possibly originate from the same register. On the square antechamber fragment inscribed for Khentyimentiu, a hieroglyph with a rounded end concludes the caption of the preceding deity. The hieroglyph is more likely to be a ãæst-sign than the top of a bæt-sign, suggesting that if Bat and Khentyimentiu were depicted in the same register of the west wall, they were not necessarily juxtaposed as in the White Chapel.

SA 226 Fragment Reused as Gravestone with Head of Goddess(?) and Inscription Above (pl. 252) 28.2 x 20 cm

98.745 (S/28)

616

The title is œþæ bæt “ruler or leader of Bat.” For examples, see Mariette, Mastabas, p. 530; Hassan, Giza, vol.V, p. 276; Junker, Gîza, vol. II, p. 159; Junker, Gîza, vol. III, p. 10; Junker, Gîza, vol. XI, pp. 126-27, 133, 143-44 fig. 61, 215 fig. 83, 257 fig. 102b; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, p. 70. 617 Though there are few attestations of the connection between the goddess and the nome, see Collombert, “Hut-Sekhem,” pp. 289-94. 618 For her syncretism with Isis in the Coffin Texts, see B. Altenmüller, Synkretismus, p. 55.

336

As was mentioned in the introduction to this dissertation, after the New Kingdom and particularly in the Roman Period, the area of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple was covered by a densely occupied cemetery of individuals who probably belonged to the middle classes. Some of the fragments from the destroyed pyramid temple were incorporated into the retaining walls of the graves, while others, such as the piece discussed here, had incised inscriptions added to them and were reused as gravestones.620 Although badly weathered, the outline of a human head is clearly visible in the lower left corner of the piece; because the image seems to lack a beard, a goddess was probably depicted. Behind the head, a lump in the surface may indicate the was-scepter of the following figure. Traces of an inscription visible above seems to contain part of a bird-sign followed by a better preserved ãnt-sign. However, rather oddly, the text seems to span the space occupied by two figures. It may be the case that two deities shared an inscription here or that the piece does not belong to the deity procession, but perhaps originates from one of the fecundity figure groups. 621

Catalogue of Seth Figures Facing Left Three fragments originate from depictions of or inscriptions for the god Seth, two of which probably come from the same figure. Because the same part of the eye survives

619

Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, p. 225, pl. 3. To date, approximately 100 gravestones have been found in the area of the pyramid temple and in other parts of the site. They will be published by Roger Bagnall of New York University. 621 The block is unlikely to depict offering bearers, as the raised mound in the lower right corner of the piece has the appearance of the top of a was-scepter. 620

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on two of the pieces, at least two manifestations of the deity must have existed on the west wall.

SA 227 Deity Inscription Containing Seth-Sign (pl. 253) 4.2 x 4.1 cm

98.1208/1 (S/28)

The small fragment preserves the beautifully rendered head of a yellow Seth-sign. It most likely originally joined catalogue number SA 228.

SA 228 Ears and Top of Head of Seth with Seth-Sign Above (pl. 254) 10.4 x 10.3 cm

98.1062/1 (S/28)

The fragment contains parts of the top of the yellow head, eye and ears of what seems to have been a finely rendered depiction of Seth. Above are the haunches and tail of a yellow Seth-sign; the front of the hieroglyph probably survives on catalogue number SA 227.

SA 229 Bottom of Head,Top of Neck and Divine Wig of Seth(?) (pl. 255) 7.5 x 3.5 cm

98.333 (R/28)

The downward curve of the jaw line, the shape of the eye, the bands around the neck and the yellow color suggest that the deity depicted here is most likely Seth. A portion of the curving green wig also remains. Because this fragment and catalogue number SA 228 both contain identical pieces of the eye, Seth must have been depicted at least two times on the west wall. 338

Catalogue of Falcon-Headed Deities Facing Left

SA 230 Back of Head of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 256) 10.6 x 5.1 cm (preserved surface)

94.32 (R/29b); 98.1124 (S/28)

Parts of the divine wig, back of the head and eye of a falcon-headed deity survive on a small section of this relatively large piece. The fragment originally may have joined to the right end of catalogue number SA 156ab (pl. 180), below the falcon sign. The pieces seem to join together, but they do so in a manner that is not completely convincing and therefore they have been kept separate.

SA 231 Head and Top of Was-Scepter of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 257) 30.2 x 10.5 cm

94.1211 (Q/29c); 99.429/2 (T/29a)

Most of the beautifully rendered head of a falcon deity is preserved on this block, along with the top of the was-scepter. Unfortunately, nothing remains of the identifying inscription. The long and narrow shape of the block, its depth and the chisel marks across the top are similar to those catalogue number SA 195 (pl. 219), suggesting that the piece may originate from the same, uppermost register. However, the fragments cannot be joined together.

SA 232 Proper Right Shoulder and Center of Chest of Falcon-Headed Deity (pl. 258) 9.5 x 5.5 cm

98.959/4 (S/28) 339

The piece is a patchstone with parts of all four masonry edges preserved. Remaining on this small patchstone are parts of the neck, proper left shoulder, upper torso, tunic, wig and broad collar of a male deity. The two curved lines at the base of the neck indicate that an animal-headed deity was depicted here. That the deity had a falcon head is indicated by the angle of the neck and the small triangle on the it, which must belong to the end of a crescent that curved across the face. Both features also show that the god faced left.

SA 233 Upper Register: Groundline; Lower Register: Deity Inscription Containing ënã Nmty (Nemty) and Uncertain Sign (pl. 259) 23.2 x 13.9 cm

94.562 (R/31ab)

All that remains in the upper register of this piece is a battered stretch of the groundline. Below is a section of a star band, followed by inscriptions for two deities that are separated by a vertical dividing line. To the left is the edge of an ënã-sign from the introductory phrase “he gives life,” followed by the falcon-in-a-boat-sign (Sign-list G7*). According to Gardiner, the sign is an ideogram that should be read ënty “ëAnty,” but Allen favors the current preferred reading of Nmty. 622 The full caption can therefore be read [dí] ënã Nmty “ [gives] life; Nemty.” The god is fairly

622

Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 431 G7ab. For a short discussion of an inscription in the Wadi Hammamat that contains the names of two officials whose names include Nemty and the controversy surrounding the reading, see Koschel, “Graffito im Wadi Hammamat,” pp. 9-12. For further discussion of the reading of the name, see Brovarski, “Writing Boards,” pp. 29-30 with further references.

340

widely attested in the Old and Middle Kingdoms. 623 Not surprisingly, he usually has a falcon-head, but he can also have a Seth form. 624 His home area was in the 12th Upper Egyptian nome, though there is no surviving evidence of his presence in the area during the Middle Kingdom. 625 In the Old Kingdom and in the White Chapel he is listed with deities of the 18th Upper Egyptian nome, perhaps suggesting that his geographical associations were at some point altered. 626 For a possible depiction of his companion goddess Matit, see here catalogue number SA 197. To the right is the end of an unidentified horizontal sign that has the appearance of a paw. The small bit of yellow preserved on it might indicate that it was a seated Seth-sign, but in this case one would expect to see traces of the snout in the area above. Without further hieroglyphs, the second deity cannot be identified.

SA 234 Deity Inscription Containing ënã Œrw (pl. 260) 7.6 x 7 cm

99.266/2 (T/30a)

Part of what seems to be a deity caption is preserved on the small fragment. The text reads [dí] ënã Œrw… “ [gives] life; Horus…” Unfortunately additional signs would be needed to identify the particular manifestation of the god.

623

For aspects of the deity and his name, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. IV, pp. 242-44; Barta, “Nemti,” col. 453; Otto, “Anti,” cols. 318-19; Rowe, “Some Remarks,” pp. 343-44; Kees, “Anubis,” pp. 92-95; Graefe, Studien zu den Göttern, pp. 2-26. For a connection to Sobek, see Gomaà, “Krokodilgott Sobek,” p. 793 no. 22. 624 On a Middle Kingdom stela from Sinai, Nemty is depicted with a Seth head (te Velde, Seth, God of Confusion, pp. 113-14). For the relationship of the god to Seth and Horus, see Seyfried, “Darstellung des Gottes,” pp. 455-72. 625 Seyfried, “Darstellung des Gottes,” p. 462. 626 Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, p. 229, pl. 3; Otto, “Anti,” col. 318.

341

Catalogue of Jackal-Headed and Ram-Headed Deities Facing Left

SA 235 Head of Anubis with Inscription for Anubis of Gebelein (pl. 261) 14.2 x 21.6 cm

00.1161 (U/32b)

The piece is a patchstone with masonry edges on the top, bottom and left side. Preserved on the somewhat battered patchstone is part of the head, ears, divine wig and neck of a jackal; the snout is largely destroyed. The inscription above consists of a seated-jackal-sign with two ovals or pustule-signs below it, a combination that designates Ínpw-Ínrty “Anubis of Gebelein,” a place in which the god is attested from the Middle Kingdom on. Of particular interest in relation to this study is his appearance on the Medamoud gateway of Senwosret III. 627 The inscription here seems to conclude over the god’s head, rather than in the more common area of the back shoulder, perhaps an indication that the text was shifted to accommodate a figure with a tall headdress. In the present context, the most likely adjoining deity would be the Hathor who may have been connected with Gebelein (cat. no. SA 183-48, pls. 207-8).

SA 236 Back of Face and Divine Wig of Jackal-Headed Deity (pl. 262) 8.8 x 6.5 cm

98.961/1 (S/28)

627

Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud (1928),” pp. 49-50, no. 78, fig. 37, pp. 106-7, no. 483; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud (1930),” pl.VIII; Cottevieille-Giraudet, Médamoud (1931), pl. I; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 319-22 doc. 218 with further references. The deity also appears in the north chapel of Senwosret I (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 79, pls. 51, 54). For Anubis of

342

Part of what must have been a finely rendered example of a jackal-headed god is preserved on this piece. Remaining are the back of the face, including part of the eye, the cosmetic line and eyebrow, the base of the ear and a section of the wig.

SA 237 Ears of Jackal-Headed Deity (pl. 263) 4.6 x 2.8 cm

99.8/2 (Q/28)

Only the ears of a jackal-headed deity have survived on this small fragment. Because the interior view of the ear is always towards the back of the figure regardless of direction, the god must have faced left (compare pls. 101, 180, 261, 348).

SA 238 Deity Inscription Containing [ímy?]-wt (pl. 264) 10 x 10.9 cm

96.1193 (T/31b)

On the left side of the fragment is what appears to be the setting for a patchstone. Many of the details on this extremely worn and weathered fragment have been obscured. To the left is what appears to be the diagonal back of a quail-chick-sign (Sign-list G43). The hieroglyph in the upper right is clearly a t-sign and the one below it most likely a pustule-sign, suggesting that the inscription probably should be read ímy-wt, “the one who is in the embalming place,” a very common epithet of Anubis.

SA 239 Deity Inscription Containing Jackal-Sign (pl. 265) 7.7 x 4 cm

98.1022/3 (S/28)

Gebelein, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. I, p. 395; Kees, “Kulttopographische,” pp. 150-55; Gomaà,

343

The small fragment preserves part of a seated-jackal-sign; the head and front paw are missing and the center of the body has been hacked, perhaps as part of a ritual “killing” of the hieroglyph. Because of the highly fragmentary state of the material, it is impossible to find a system behind the destruction, though there does seem to be a tendency to mutilate the figures in lowermost registers. The sign probably originated above a depiction of Anubis.

SA 240 Inscriptions for Two Deities Containing Uncertain Sign and dí ënã Ãnty-ímntyw (Khentyimentiu) (pl. 266) 26.8 x 14.7 cm (left piece); 4 x 10.7 cm (right piece)

94.703 (R/29b); 98.1206/5

(S/28) There is a vertical masonry edge that cuts through the beak of the tyw-sign. The pieces have been joined based on the alignment of elements. Parts of two inscriptions are preserved below a section of a star band. To the left is a piece of the upper right corner of a hieroglyph with a vertical right side and a curved top, which may have been a ãæst-sign. A vertical dividing line is followed by the deity caption dí ënã Ãnty-ímntyw… “ gives life; Khentyimentiu…” The preserved section of the inscription is about 25 cm long, suggesting that another sign could have followed the tyw-bird. 628 Khentyimentiu is primarily associated with Abydos as the

Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 74-77. For Gebelein, see Wildung, “Gebelein,” cols. 447-49. 628 Note that the tyw-bird depicted here is painted reddish-brown, the normal color for this bird, distinguishing it from the black and white colors of the similar æ-sign (Sign-list G1).

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original chief deity of that site. 629 Because the bottom of the stars in the band are unusually splayed, the piece may have originally belonged to the same register as Bat (cat. no. SA 225); as was discussed above, the two deities appear together on the White Chapel of Senwosret I.

SA 241 Upper Register: Proper Right Foot and Bottom of Was-Scepter of Male Deity; Lower Register: Ram-Headed Deity with Inscription Containing š nw níwt and Deity Inscription Containing dí ënã (pl. 267) 23.7 x 41.5 cm

94.363 (R/29b); 94.648/1,/3 (R/29c); 94.857/2 (R/29d);

98.435/1 (R/28) Parts of two registers are preserved on this piece. In the upper one is the front of a male deity’s proper right foot and the bottom of his was-scepter. Below is a star band, followed by parts of two deities and their respective captions, which are separated by a vertical dividing line. To the left is the proper left horn and part of the divine wig of a ram-headed god. Above are parts of three compact hieroglyphs: a š-sign, a nw-sign and a níwt-sign; to the left of the níwt-sign is the edge of another hieroglyph that cannot be identified. Based on the position of the hieroglyphs, either another small sign was located to the left of the nw-sign or the unidentified hieroglyph to the left of the níwt was vertically oriented and began higher up. The present author has not been able to find a satisfactory translation for the toponym, which probably ends with šnw or šnwt.

629

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.V, pp. 783-86; Grieshammer, “Chontamenti,” cols. 964-65. See here also catalogue number SA 31.

345

To the right is the opening phrase of the next deity caption dí ënã… “ gives life…” Below is the top of the unidentified deity’s was-sceper, which is not vertically aligned with the one in the upper register.

Catalogue of Other Deities Facing Left

SA 242 Deity Inscription Containing dí ënã Ddwn (Dedwen) (pl. 268) 31.2 x 15.1 cm

93.935 (S/29b); 99.348/1 (T/29b)

The piece at right is a patchstone with masonry edges preserved on the left and on the bottom; the left edge cuts through the front of the rabbit-sign. The deity inscription clearly reads dí ënã Ddwn “ gives life; Dedwen,” followed by a vertical dividing line. The patchstone has been joined to the fragment at left based on the alignment of the elements in the rabbit-sign. Dedwen is closely connected with Nubia and depictions of him were almost completely confined to the region. 630 In the Old Kingdom he is known only from the Pyramid Texts, 631 but in the Middle Kingdom he is more widely attested. In the Coffin Texts Dedwen seems to have had two main roles, first as a god assisting in the

630

According to Derchain (“L’adoration du Soleil,” p. 266 n. 1), the only instances in which the deity appears outside of Nubia are on a block of Psammetik from El-Kab and a block found in Oxyrhynchos; it is unclear, however, if the author is referring to Dedwen or Osiris-Dedwen. For the appearance of Dedwen in Thebes during the Eighteenth Dynasty, see Gauthier, “Dieu nubien,” pp. 25-28. 631 Dedwen has a role related to incense, a product of Nubia, and to the area to the south of Egypt (Allen, Pyramid Texts, pp. 105, 131, 180, 232, 234, 281). As a representative of the south, Dedwen is juxtaposed with Sopdu and with Iahes, a deity who may appear with gods facing right in Senwosret III’s square antechamber (cat. no. SA 87).

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embalming process in connection with Anubis and Osiris and second as a representative of either the border regions of Egypt or the cardinal directions, both in conjunction with Sopdu. 632 Dedwen is also associated with incense, a product which originated in Nubia. The god is known from a statue from Semna, stelae and a rock inscription.633 Senwosret III may have built a temple dedicated to Dedwen at Semna, where a statue of the king inscribed with the god’s name was found along with several inscribed objects. 634 In the New Kingdom Semna temple, the deified Senwosret III appears together with Dedwen. 635 No depictions of Dedwen survive before the New Kingdom, when he appears as a male human; later he has a falcon or lion form. Thus, while the figure of the god in Senwosret III’s square antechamber has either not survived or cannot be reunited with its caption, it represents not only the earliest known depiction of Dedwen, but also one of the few found outside Nubia. Further, in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple the appearance of the deity is the sole surviving reference to Nubia, a region in which the king conducted extensive military campaigns. 636

632

Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. I, p. 281; vol. II, p. 217; vol. III, p. 21. For the deity, see Otto, “Dedun,” cols. 1003-4; Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 578-79; Lohwasser, “Götterwelt,” pp. 36-37; Gauthier, “Dieu nubien,” pp. 1-41; Fuscaldo, “Dios Nubio Dedwn,” pp. 61-101 all with further references. 634 Delia, “Senwosret III,” p. 92; Dunham, Semna Kumma, pp. 18, 24, 27-28, 44, 59-60; Gauthier, “Dieu nubien,” pp. 8-11; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, p. 337 doc. 265. 635 For the appearance of Dedwen in New Kingdom Nubian temples built by Egyptian kings, see Caminos, Semna-Kumma, vol. I; Kormysheva, “Kulte der ägyptischen Götter,” pp. 145-47; Schade-Busch, “Bermerkungen zum Königsbild,” pp. 211-23; Gauthier, “Dieu nubien,” pp. 1125. In these contexts Dedwen plays an important role in the legitimization of the king. 636 For discussions of Senwosret III’s Nubian campaigns, see Callender, in Shaw ed., Ancient Egypt, pp. 165-67; Vandersleyen, L’Égypte, pp. 92-95; Delia, “Senwosret III,” pp. 24-107; S. Smith, Askut, pp. 4, 27, 32, 40, 42, 43, 46, 50, 68-70, 179, 190; Säve-Söderbergh, Ägypten und Nubien, pp. 74-79 all with further references. 633

347

SA 243 Deity Inscription Containing Wsír (Osiris) (pl. 269) 7.2 x 8.4 cm

98.826/4 (S/28)

The piece is a patchstone with a diagonal masonry edge at left that cuts through the stand ír-signs. There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom that cuts through the bottom of the ír-sign. Parts of st-, ír- and reed-leaf-signs are found on this small piece. The inscription almost certainly belongs to a caption for Osiris. The subsequent reed-leaf-sign probably belongs to an epithet of the deity or perhaps a toponym. 637

SA 244 Deity Inscription Containing mnw œnty (pl. 270) 13.7 x 10.3 cm

94.1010 (R/29bc)

Two hieroglyphs are found on this piece, a so-called Min-bolt-sign (Sign-list R22) and part of a ãnt-sign. The inscription probably should be read from left to right, thus designating Min who is foremost of an unknown location. 638 The round chisel marks in the surface could indicate that the piece originally stood near the defaced deity that was probably connected with Coptos (cat. no. SA 151). If so, then one might expect that the figure depicted here was the well-known Min of Coptos, but such an association must remain speculative.

637

For Osiris, see Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 528-69; vol.VIII, pp. 142-86. For variations in the arrangement of the hieroglyphs in the Old Kingdom, see Brovarski, “Late Old Kingdom,” pp. 50-51 with further references.

348

SA 245 Top of Head of Was-Scepter(?) and Deity Inscription Containing wn níwt(?) (pl. 271) 6.8 x 13.3 cm

94.743 (R/29b)

At the top of the piece are parts of two hieroglyphs: the rump of a wn-sign (Sign-list E34) and a sign with a curved left side. Comparison with another wn-sign in the square antechamber shows that the hieroglyph was placed at the bottom of the caption line in order to allow room for the rabbit’s voluminous ears (see cat. no. SA 242); it is highly unlikely that another hieroglyph was placed above. The hieroglyph to the right may by a níwt-sign, but the small preserved piece of the interior does not contain the expected incised line or low ridge that would define its outer rim. It could be a nw-sign, but other interpretations are also possible. Below the caption is a curving form that one would assume is the tip of a was-scepter, though it is somewhat more pointed and vertical than other examples of the sign. Because of the position of the remaining hieroglyphs above the was-scepter, it is more likely that the signs preserved here originate from the beginning of the inscription. However, it is also possible that a deity with a tall headdress somewhere in the register necessitated a shift in the captions. Several interpretations of the inscription are possible, as numerous deity names begin with the wn-sign. 639 The goddess Wenut,

638

However, the possibility cannot be excluded that the mnw-sign belongs to a place name such as ãm “Letopolis.” In this case the inscription would read from right to left and describe a deity who is foremost in a place with the mnw-sign. 639 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 373-420.

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who is the companion of Thoth of Hermopolis, could be named here. 640 In that case, the curved form to the right most probably belonged to a nw-sign, but there there does not seem to be enough room below for the t-sign that is the final hieroglyph in her name. Because such an arrangement of hieroglyphs would end the caption in front of the goddess’s head, it is likely that an epithet or a toponym followed. The inscription could be interpreted as the toponym wnw, which designates the Middle Egyptian city of Hermopolis. 641 In this case the final hieroglyph could also be interpreted as a nw-sign and one would expect that a níwt-sign was placed farther to the right. 642 Another possibility is that the caption designates wnw “the child,” a figure who appears in the Amduat. 643 The initial phrase wnwt “the hours,” can begin the names of a variety of deities who appear in funerary contexts and afterlife books. 644 Unfortunately without the addition of more fragments, the text cannot be definitively interpreted.

SA 246 Deity Inscription Containing kæ- and Ram-Signs (pl. 272) 5.2 x 8.8 cm

98.1528/7 (S/28); 98.1732/1 (S/28)

There is a vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece that cuts through the front of the ram-sign.

640

Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 390-91; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, p. 55. For the later, lioness form of the goddess, see de Wit, Lion, pp. 360-62. 641 Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 290-93. Note that there was another town with the same name near Buto in the Delta (F. Arnold, Control Notes, p. 23 and n. 53; Zibelius, Siedlungen, pp. 19-22). 642 Although in another deity inscription a nw-sign was placed directly above a níwt-sign; see catalogue number SA 250. 643 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, p. 389. 644 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. II, pp. 392-401.

350

Parts of two hieroglyphs remain on this piece, a kæ-sign (Sign-list D28) and the front of a striding-ram-sign (Sign-list E10). The inscription could be read either kæ bæ or kæ õnmw, neither of which is attested as a deity name. The present author cannot find a satisfactory interpretation for the inscription.

SA 247 Deity Inscription Containing ÿ ímy m(?) (pl. 273) 8.5 x 11.6 cm

98.403/1 (R/28)

The piece is a patchstone with parts of all four edges preserved. Parts of three hieroglyphs remain from a text that reads ÿ ímy m?; all that is preserved of the last sign is a short piece of a horizontal line at the bottom of the caption area that could be part of the feet of an m-owl. It is likely that there were one or more signs beneath the ÿ-sign. The inscription probably designates a deity “who was in” a particular place named further to the right.

SA 248 Inscriptions for Two Deities Containing f-Sign? and šd (pl. 274) 9.3 x 5.3 cm

93.1398/1 (no square recorded); 96.1365 (T/29b)

Parts of two inscriptions are preserved on the piece, separated by a vertical dividing line that is mostly chipped away. To the left is what seems to be the tail of an f-sign that must have been followed by one or more additional hieroglyphs below. The god cannot be identified. To the right are parts of š- and d-signs that most likely originate from the beginning of a caption. Although many deity names begin with šd, most use the 351

water-skin-sign (Sign-list F30) rather than the pool-sign (Sign-list N37-38). 645 Included in this latter group is the well known Shedyt, a place sacred to a manifestation of Sobek. 646 Written with the pool-sign is a figure called šd “the one who takes,” who appears in the 11th hour of the Amduat. 647 However, since the name of this deity is rather short, it would be difficult to explain why the introductory dí ënã phrase was omitted. Another possibility is that what seems to have been a vertical dividing line was actually part of another hieroglyph. Unfortunately without further signs, the deity cannot be definitively identified.

SA 249 Deity Inscription Containing sïæ-Sign (pl. 275) 7.7 x 5.8 cm

93.1189/9 (S/29bc)

Preserved on the small fragment is a piece of a sïæ-sign (Sign-list V2) that reads from left to right. The hieroglyph is used in inscriptions designating Ro-setjau, an example of which exists at the top of one wall of right facing deities (cat. no. SA 31, pl. 51). There are also other deity names that include this hieroglyph.648 Although the scale of the sign is similar to that of the deity inscriptions, it is also possible that the hieroglyph originates from a room in the pyramid temple other than the square antechamber.

SA 250 Deity Inscription Containing mí nw níwt (pl. 276) 10.6 x 6.3 cm

98.886/3 (S/28)

645

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 148-60. Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 392-96. 647 Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VII, pp. 148-49; Hornung, Amduat, vol. I, p. 187 no. 794; vol. II, p. 179. 646

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There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the mísign at the bottom of the rope and the top of the niwt-sign. Parts of mí-, and nw-signs remain on the piece; below the nw-sign is a curving line that probably belongs to a níwt-sign. Above is a small piece of the edge of a star band. The inscription probably originates from a place name that ended with “minu.” The toponym may have been a variant of sw-mnw, a site sacred to Sobek that was probably located in the vicinity of Gebelein. 649

CONCLUSION: DEITIES FACING LEFT IN THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER OF SENWOSRET III

Catalogued above were 118 pieces that most likely originated from a single wall with deities facing left. Included were fragments that contributed to an understanding of the arrangement of registers, decorative elements and architectural features and the identities of the gods. Most of these topics were comprehensively treated in the discussions and catalogues above. Because the deities were catalogued first according to likely original masonry edge and register and secondly according to the probable identity of the god depicted, the information concerning categories of deities has been spread throughout the section of the chapter. Therefore, as was done with the deities facing right, a summary is

648 649

Leitz, Lexikon, vol.VI, pp. 702-5. Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 117-21; the alternate spelling is on p. 118.

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presented here of the gods for whom reasonable identities can be proposed, arranged according to their type. Among the goddesses likely to have had human heads, nine figures can be isolated. Omitted are those human-headed female deities for whom no classification is possible other than gender, as their potential identities are too numerous. Also included are goddesses such as Heket, who have can have an animal form, but here lack a preserved head. Since the only attested animal-headed goddesses in Senwosret III’s square antechamber are feline, it is here assumed that all others were given human heads. IDENTITY OF DEITY

MEANS OF IDENTIFICATION

CAT. NO.

Hathor of Nefrusy

Inscription/head/headgear

cat. no. SA 156ab

Hathor of Gebelein?

Inscription/headgear

cat. nos. SA 183-84

Bat

Inscription

cat. no. SA 225

Heket

Inscription

cat. no. SA 175

Mut of ?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 172

Mut?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 214

Demdjet

Inscription

cat. no. SA 174

Djedet

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 223

Djet? or Djety? (male)

Inscription

cat. no. SA 196

Four feline-headed goddesses have been identified based on inscription and/or head type. It is unlikely that any of the pieces originally joined together. Bastet

Inscription/head 354

cat. no. SA 195

Bastet

Inscription

cat. no. SA 214

Pakhet?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 215

Feline

Head

cat. no. SA 224

Three pieces contain parts of the inscriptions and/or heads of Seth figures. Two of these are likely to have originally fit together. Two fragments preserve parts of the eye, meaning that Seth was depicted at least twice on the west wall. Seth

Inscription/head

cat. nos. SA 227-28

Seth?

Head

cat. no. SA 229

Parts of nine falcon-headed deities can be identified based on inscription or head type. It is highly likely that at least some of these fragments originally joined together. Horus of Hebenu

Inscription

cat. nos. SA 156ab?, 157

Sokar?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 151

Nemty

Inscription

cat. no. SA 233

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 162

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 230

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 231

Falcon

Head

cat. no. SA 232

Horus of ?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 215

Falcon

Inscription

cat. no. SA 234

355

Eight jackal-headed gods are attested based on preserved heads, inscriptions or both. Again it is possible that some of these fragments originate from the same figure. Anubis of Gebelein

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 235

Anubis ímy-wt

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 156ab

Anubis ímy-wt

Inscription

cat. no. SA 238

Khentyimentiu

Inscription

cat. no. SA 240

Jackal

Inscription

cat. no. SA 239

Jackal

Neck

cat. no. SA 212

Jackal

Head

cat. no. SA 236

Jackal

Head

cat. no. SA 237

Preserved are the inscriptions and heads of four ram deities, all of which are likely to have belonged to different figures. The deity who may be Amun and may be associated with Gebtyw (Coptos) is likely to have had a ram head. Khnum of ?

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 156ab

Khnum?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 151

Ram

Head

cat. no. SA 162

Ram deity of ?

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 241

Amun? of Gebtyw?

Inscription/systematic damage

cat. no. SA 151

One god had an ibis head and another may have had a bull head. Thoth of Khemenu

Inscription/head

cat. no. SA 144

Tjaisepef

Inscription

cat. no. SA 144 356

Four human-headed males can be identified, one by means of a preserved head and inscription and the other three by their more common form. Iunmutef

Inscription/costume

cat. no. SA 156ab, 157

Dedwen

Inscription

cat. no. SA 242

Osiris of ?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 243

Min foremost of ?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 244

Four other deities either have somewhat doubtful attributions or are too unusual to allow speculation as to how they were depicted. Wed

Inscription

cat. no. SA 174

? of Ípt-swt?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 172

Dual bæs of œ?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 173

Bæ in the temples?

Inscription

cat. no. SA 214

In sum, it is possible to identify a maximum of forty-eight deities that originated from the west wall of Senwosret III’s square antechamber. 650 As was the case with the deities facing right, a number of the gods depicted here are uncommon and probably did not have their own cult places, a topic that will be addressed in the conclusion to this chapter.

DEITIES OF UNCERTAIN DIRECTION IN THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER OF SENWOSRET III

357

A number of small fragments originate from deities who can be generally identified based on surviving pieces of costume, inscription or appendage. Some of these pieces are likely to join to fragments that have been discussed above, though others may be the only surviving evidence of a particular figure. As a supplement to the discussion of identifiable deities, these pieces are briefly presented here.

SA 251 Horns and Sun Disk Headdress from Figure of Hathor (pl. 277) 6.5 x 9.6 cm

98.1020/2 (S/28)

The piece is a patchstone with horizontal masonry edges on the top and bottom and a vertical masonry edge on the right. Preserved on the patchstone is a portion of the horned sun disk headdress worn in the Middle Kingdom by Hathor. Without part of the head, body or limbs or an accompanying hieroglyph, the direction of the figure cannot be determined. For other depictions of Hathor in Senwosret III’s square antechamber, see catalogue numbers SA 42, 156ab, 183-84.

SA 252 Horn Probably from Hathor Headdress (pl. 278) 4.6 x 3.3 cm

96.1235/2 (T/32a)

The curving object on this small piece appears to belong to the left horn of a horned sun disk headdress that was presumably worn by a manifestation of Hathor. The slight

650

The dual bæs of œ? are here counted as two figures, since the inscription seems to have

358

raised edge above the horn must originate from the bottom of a star band. Without part of the figure or the accompanying inscription, the direction of the figure cannot be determined. See also catalogue number SA 251.

SA 253 Atef-Crown (pl. 279 left) 4.6 x 4.6 cm

98.1451/1 (S/28)

This fragment and the following one (SA 254) both belong to one, or possibly two, atefcrowns. Because the incised stripes cannot be aligned and their depth and thickness are slightly different, they may originate from two examples of the crowns. Although the photo is oriented as if the figure was facing to the left, the actual direction cannot be established without either parts of the figure or the accompanying inscription. The scale of the fragments indicates that they originate from the head of a deity, rather than the king. Gods who wear this crown include Osiris, Herishef, Horus, Horakhty and Re. 651

SA 254 Atef-Crown (pl. 279 right) 2.1 x 2.2 cm

98.480/6 (R/28)

See catalogue number SA 253.

SA 255 Horn of Ram-Headed Deity (pl. 280)

occupied double the standard caption width. 651 For the atef-crown, see Goebs, “Crowns,” pp. 323-24; Strauss, “Kronen,” col. 814; Abubakr, Ägyptischen Kronen, pp. 7-24; Collier, “Crowns of Pharaohs,” pp. 37-53, 160-75 and passim.

359

2.1 x 3.4 cm

98.501/4 (R/28)

This small piece of a horn originates from a ram-headed deity. Since nothing of the figure nor its inscription are preserved, the orientation cannot be determined.

SA 256 Ear of Jackal-Headed Deity (pl. 281) 2.1 x 2.9 cm

98.1366/2 (S/28)

The small fragment originates from the tip of a jackal-headed deity’s ear. The direction of the figure could be determined only if parts of the figure or inscription were preserved.

SA 257 Deity Inscription Containing Seth-Sign (pl. 282) 5.1 x 3.6 cm

98.1001/2 (S/28)

The tail of seated Seth-sign is preserved on this small piece;652 the direction in which it originally faced cannot be determined.

SA 258 Deity Inscription Containing šm-Sign (pl. 283) 7.4 x 5.1 cm

99.171/1 (Q/29)

There is a vertical masonry edge at left that cuts through the left end of the sign. Part of a šm-sign (Sign-list N40) is depicted on this fragment. Because the feet of the monogram are not preserved and the shape of the legs does not include details of knees or swelling calves, the direction in which the hieroglyph should be read is uncertain.

360

The sign can belong to the names of a variety of deities, many of which are not attested as early as the Middle Kingdom. 653 Without the addition of further hieroglyphs, it is not possible to determine what god was named here.

SA 259 Deity Inscription Containing ënã- and n-Signs (pl. 284) 15.6 x 8 cm

98.1524/4 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the space between the bottom of the inscription and the top of the deity heads. Parts of an ënã-sign and an n-sign are preserved on the piece. If it read from right to left, the inscription probably belonged to a caption above two related deities: dí.s[n] ënã “[they] give life” (for a similar text, see cat. no. SA 173). However, the position of the masonry edge between the bottom of the hieroglyphs and the top of the deity heads is very similar to one found on the wall with left facing deities. In this case the inscription might have read dí ënã n… “ gives life n…,” with the n-sign serving as the beginning of a deity’s name, epithet or place of origin.

CONCLUSION: ARRANGEMENT OF DEITIES IN THE SQUARE ANTECHAMBER OF SENWOSRET III

652

For the idea that the tail of the Seth animal represents an arrow piercing its rump, see Ritner, Ancient Egyptian Magical Practice, pp. 164, 167, fig. 14a with further references. 653 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. VII, pp. 74-78.

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In concluding this study of Senwosret III’s square antechamber, two main points must be addressed: What method was used to position the deities and what was the cultic function of the decorative program? A proposed overall arrangement of the chamber walls in terms of architectural features, iconographic elements and figure directions has been extensively examined throughout this chapter (for the general arrangement of the walls, see fig. 2). This material is therefore only briefly summarized here. The visitor or officiant entered the square antechamber through a door located at the north end of the west wall, passing beneath a lintel composed of enthroned deities occupying a narrower register (pls. 167-74); the doorframe itself was marked only by a block border (pls. 15556, 168, 174). It is estimated that the west wall had approximately fifty-five standing and five enthroned deities, all facing left. At the south end of the wall was a deity speech at least two columns wide and probably the full five registers high (pls. 174, 22627). The south wall contained deities facing to the right and most likely concluded with a life-size or perhaps over life-size depiction of Senwosret III facing to the left, that is towards the deities. The king probably occupied at least one-third of the total wall width, leaving room for approximately nine deities in each of five registers for a total of forty-five gods. Another speech may have been placed between the king and the deities. The east wall also must have depicted deities facing to the right. In theory, a life-size depiction of the king could have stood here, but because a fragment clearly shows that one wall terminated with deities standing directly in front of a corner (cat. no. SA 37, pl. 58), it appears that the king was only depicted once. Most likely is that on the east wall only deities were depicted, spread across its entire width in each of five 362

registers. The procession would have appeared to wrap around the southeast corner and continue with the right-facing deities on the south wall. Thus there would have been approximately fourteen deities in each of five registers for a total of seventy figures. Finally, the visitor would have exited the square antechamber and proceeded to the offering chamber through a doorway at the east end of the north wall, which was decorated with a lintel composed of a winged sun disk and a heraldic design (pls. 35-43, 48, 50). Above it was a deity speech six columns wide and two registers high (pls. 2735, 48-49). The doorframe likely had vertical columns of inscription. Approximately forty-three deities were depicted on the wall. The suggested total number of deities in the square antechamber can be summarized as follows: West wall

60 (including five enthroned)

South wall

45

East wall

70

North wall

43

Total

218

It can therefore be stated that there were approximately 218 deities depicted on the four walls of Senwosret III’s square antechamber. The selected catalogue presented above contains 259 fragments, some with more than one deity, making it certain that figure parts and captions now counted separately originally belonged to a single representation. Thus, there is little ground for believing the number of fragmentary figures signal an “overage” in the estimated count of gods. 363

What principle was used to arrange and organize the two hundred plus figures in Senwosret III’s square antechamber? Arriving at an answer to this question is obviously (and severely) hampered by the fragmentary nature of the material. Further impeding an understanding of the method used to compose the wall decoration is the manner in which many of the deities were captioned. While some deities are distinctly identified by a name or particularly a toponym, others have inscriptions that are quite general (Bastet, pl. 219), cryptic for the modern interpreter (Aha-rekhty, pl. 125), or repetitive (two occurrences of Anubis he-who-is-on-hismountain, pls. 101-2). In the view of the present author, four methods could have been used to organize the deities: 1) geographical and cardinal considerations; 2) ritual function; 3) an esoteric ordering principle such as stellar links, solar associations, or mystical connections; 4) a combination of geography, cardinal direction, function, and perhaps other considerations. Perhaps the most obvious method of organizing the deities would have been to arrange them geographically, which is apparently the technique used in the square antechamber of Pepi II (see above). However, in many ways it is difficult to imagine how a geographically oriented procession would have looked during the time of Senwosret III, because our knowledge of Old and Middle Kingdom deity temples is extremely limited. Although there is a tendency to view deities as perpetually connected to their major cult centers, there is evidence that were also worshiped in “secondary” locations, serving as what one might term a “guest god” in a cult placed

364

principally dedicated to another deity. For example, while Osiris is strongly associated with Abydos and Busiris, he also seems to have had shrines in other locations.654 Certainly there were deity temples of this period that remain unknown to Egyptology because their remains are unexcavated, they have completely disappeared under cultivated land, or no texts mentioning them have survived. Some of these temples or chapels were probably small monuments constructed largely of mud brick, but the deities venerated in them could well have been included in royal monuments. An example of a previously unknown cult place has been excavated in the last several years by Waseda University in the north part of Saqqara about 1.5 km northwest of the Serapeum. Here a superstructure and subterranean chambers have been uncovered that appear to have been first built in the Early Dynastic Period or early Old Kingdom and subsequently reused in the Middle Kingdom. The type of artifacts recovered and the absence of burial equipment strongly suggest that the area contained a cult place. The presence of a number of statues with female felines and in some cases small figures of kings indicates that the site housed an important feline cult, though unfortunately no inscriptions identify the goddess. 655 Another seemingly unusual feature of the square antechamber is that some deities were depicted two or perhaps more times with no identification other than a name and perhaps an epithet. Examples of such repeated figures are the two Bastets

654

A temple for Osiris seems to have been located in the area of Asyut (Magee, “Asyût,” pp. 2034, 207-8). Another example of a deity receiving cult in a secondary location is exemplified by an endowment made by Amenemhat II for Montu of Armant in the temple of Amun of Karnak (H. Altenmüller, “Inschrift Amenemhets II.,” p. 20). 655 Yoshimura, “Sacred Hillside at Northwest Saqqara,” pp. 361-402.

365

(cat. nos. SA 195, 214), the two instances of Anubis ímy-wt and the two depictions of Anubis he-who-is-on-his-mountain (cat. nos. SA 80-81,156ab, 238,). These deities were probably not “generic” depictions randomly inserted in the program, but rather figures given greater specificity by their position in the overall procession and the identities of more explicitly named surrounding figures. 656 For example, the Anubis ímy-wt on the large block with Hathor of Nefrusy and perhaps Horus of Hebenu (pl. 180) might have been connected to the extensive cemeteries of the Beni Hasan area. Such context would have been apparent to priests and other initiates when the square antechamber was whole and functioning. 657 Crucial to understanding the arrangement of the deities is a brief discussion of more or less securely identifiable gods that either directly follow each other or can be assigned to the same register based on the position of masonry edges. They are: 1) Bæw of Iunu; Horus foremost-of-the-houses (SA 1-6, pls. 16-21, 48-49) 2) Deity of Ro-setjau; Anubis foremost-of-the-westerners (SA 31, pls. 51-52) 3) Wepwawet (likely); Anubis (possible) (SA 85, pl. 106) 4) Aha-wer (likely); Aha-rekhty (possible); Weret-hekau (SA 47, 104-5, pls. 68-69, 125-26) 5) Thoth of Khemenu; Tjaisepef (SA 144, pls. 167, 174)

656

Similarly omitted hieroglyphs were noted by Wegner in relation to the mortuary complex of Senwosret III at Abydos (Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 26-32). 657 A related point is that it seems on occasion and for reasons we do not understand, the ancient Egyptians could view manifestations of deities as being interchangeable. The sense that one manifestation of a deity was equivalent to another is perhaps most graphically illustrated in the pyramid temple of Sahure, where a ram-headed deity is captioned with four lines of text, each

366

6) Iunmutef; Hathor of Nefrusy; Khnum of ?; Anubis ímy-wt; Horus of Hebenu (possible) (SA 156ab, pl. 180) 7) Deity of Ípt-swt (possible); Mut of ?; dual bæs of œ; Wed; Demdjet; Heket (SA 172-75, pls. 196-99) 8) Bastet; bæ of the temples or palaces (possible); Mut (SA 214, pl. 240) The eight groups do not show that the deities were arranged according to a clear geographical pattern, but rather suggest that while geography seems to have played a role in the ordering of the gods, they are not strictly sequenced according to nome or topography. As was discussed above, such an orientation would place deities of Lower Egypt on the east and north walls and gods of Upper Egypt on the west and south walls. While some juxtaposed deities are geographically connected (bæw of Iunu and Horus-foremost-of-the-houses), others had known cult places at some distance from each other (Iunmutef, Hathor of Nefrusy). In addition, deities who had no known cult places were interspersed with those who “owned” temples (Wedew and Demdjet in the same register as Heket). Thus while location of cult places seems to have been a component of the design, it was not the decisive factor. Ritual function as an ordering principle for the deities must remain elusive, since many Egyptian gods had similar, overlapping tasks related to fertility, rebirth, kingship and mastery of chaotic forces. In addition, the role played by a particular deity could depend either on the context in which the god appeared or the time period. Some fragments do indicate that ritual function may have been a factor in the

naming a different place in which he received cult, including Her-wer in Middle Egypt and

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arrangement of Senwosret III’s square antechamber, for example the funerary roles of the juxtaposed god of Ro-setjau and Anubis-foremost-of-the-westerners and perhaps Wepwawet and Anubis. However, other deity groups show no such relationship; although Heket plays a part in the birthing process, none of the other gods who appeared in the same register with her are known to take part in these events. Most problematic is the possibility that the gods were ordered according to a method that would seem esoteric to the modern viewer. Without an explicit inscription, obviously lacking here, such an arrangement would be impossible to reconstruct for a chamber reduced to hundreds of fragmentary figures. 658 Probably to be excluded is the possibility that either stellar or calendrical considerations were used to order the deities, as few of the attested figures have such an association. One composition method, quite removed from the spiritual realm, would involve political considerations playing some part in either the arrangement or the choice of deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. As was discussed above, deities from the Beni Hasan area seem to have been at least one focus of the west wall decoration, an occurrence that may not be coincidental given that a high official in Senwosret III’s court named Khnumhotep appears to have been connected with the prominent Beni Hasan family whose members bore the same name. Particularly of interest in this regard is the placement one behind the other of Iunmutef and Hathor of

Esna and Elephantine in the south, see Bickel, “Khnoum,” pp. 55-57, fig. 1. 658 For example Bryan has proposed that an arrangement reflecting a “sky map” was used to arrange the statues of Amenhotep III in his temple at Kom el Heitan (“Statue Program,” pp. 5781). Note that uncommon deities were also included in the statue program.

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Nefrusy (pl. 180). The only known parallel for this juxtaposition occurs in a Beni Hasan tomb that belonged to the Khnumhotep family. In sum, it is not possible to define a single method that was used to order the deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. Rather, it appears that a combination of geography, cardinal direction, ritual function and quite likely other associations were used. 659 One should keep in mind that the seemingly convoluted method used to order the deities may not have been as complex as it now appears. When the gods and their captions stood in their intended positions on the walls, the rationale behind their placement and the logic behind the overall arrangement of the wall decoration was quite likely much more readily apparent. Finally, the question of the overall meaning of the square antechamber must be addressed. Discussions of the significance of the room type have often focused on the idea that it is related to the sed-festival or that it depicts an idealized segment of these rites. 660 Others have described it in more general terms as a scene in which offerings are made to a gathering of deities in order to obtain favors or blessings from the members of the pantheon. 661 When the square antechambers of Pepi II and Senwosret III are compared, it becomes apparent that not only did the decorative program of the

659

According to Derchain (“Manuel,” pp. 31-65), both geographic and functional considerations were used to arrange scenes in Edfu. In addition, there were symmetrical arrangements that encompassed walls placed opposite each other. For obvious reasons, it is impossible to isolate such patterns in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. 660 Ricke, Bemerkungen, vol. II, pp. 34-35; Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” pp. 67-70; idem, “Rituale und Pyramidentempel,” pp. 10-11; Jánosi, in Hölzl ed., Pyramiden Ägyptens, p. 91; Hornung, Sedfest, p. 18; Rochholz, “Sedfest,” pp. 256, 259, 267-68, 271; O’Connor, “Old Kingdom Pyramid Complex,” p. 143. 661 Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” p. 171.

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room evolve, but the ritual meaning did as well. As was noted in the introduction to this chapter, the decorative program of Senwosret III’s square antechamber seems to diverge in several important respects from its predecessors, in particular the best preserved and heavily relied upon example of Pepi II. 662 Taken as a whole, the square antechamber of Pepi II depicts a festive celebration, perhaps a segment of the sedfestival. Rites are centered around the person of the king, who here assumes the role of a spiritual leader mediating between the human and divines spheres and a political leader acknowledged by the leading court officials. The festival depicted entails an assemblage of deities from throughout Egypt, presumably either in the form of their statues or standards. Highly placed courtiers gather and numerous cattle are slaughtered, implying that a lavish feast was a central element of the ceremonies. Priest figures greet the deities, adding a further worldly element to the proceedings. 663 In the square antechamber of Senwosret III, the two lowest registers with slaughtering and officials were replaced by deities, an alteration more profound than a mere simplification of the program. The room’s decoration now consists solely of the king’s unmediated encounter with the gods of the Egyptian pantheon. While the absence of the “earthly” elements of slaughtering and officials might seem a minor alteration to the overall theme of the room, the effect is actually quite radical and represents a fundamental change in the conception of the space. No longer does the square antechamber depict an actual or theoretical festival in which the various strata of

662

For a discussion of the factors that may have lead to variations in private tomb decoration, particularly in the early Twelfth Dynasty, see Do. Arnold, “Egyptian Art,” pp. 1-9. 663 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 41-42, pl. 50.

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Egyptian society meet representatives of the divine sphere. Instead an otherworldly gathering is illustrated, which unites only the king and the gods. Thus while the form of the room is retained along with some of the program’s basic elements, the implication of the room is utterly transformed. Unfortunately, because the pyramid temples of the Twelfth Dynasty are so poorly preserved, it is impossible to ascertain whether or not the shift happened gradually or suddenly and when it took place. In general, it seems quite likely that Senwosret I followed the pattern of the Sixth Dynasty, as his pyramid complex seems to closely follow late Old Kingdom prototypes. Since Senwosret II seems to have built a much reduced pyramid temple, it is possible that the change in program was connected with his reign. 664 How are we to understand this change in program? Was the gathering of the gods, previously an occasion involving a wide range of personages, now a mystical occasion in which the king officiated alone? In the view of the present author, one can no longer regard the square antechamber as a depiction of a festival or gathering of any kind. First, as has been mentioned, seemingly all earthly elements have been eliminated from the program. Second, a fairly substantial number of the depicted deities are not known to have been cult recipients, meaning that they most likely did not have statues or standards that could travel from a “home” shrine to a collective meeting point. Rather, many of these gods appear solely or primarily in afterlife books, where they assume protective or helpful roles that remain somewhat obscure to the modern observer. It is the inclusion of such figures that perhaps provides the key to

664

For the idea that a variety of changes observed during the late Twelfth Dynasty begin during

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understanding the program’s transformation. While the deities cannot all be assigned to a single known afterlife book, the emphasis on the helping roles of the figures suggests an attempt to illustrate either a composite afterlife guide or one that has not survived in a recognizable form. 665 The transformation of Senwosret III’s square antechamber may therefore represent an intermediate step on the path to the elaborate illustrations of such texts in New Kingdom royal tombs. 666 Other constructions of Senwosret III reinforce the idea that religious transformations taking place during his reign are harbingers of concepts and forms typical of the New Kingdom. In the Dahshur complex, the king’s so-called south temple seems to be a precursor of New Kingdom Theban mortuary temples not only because of its architectural form, but also because of its physical and cultic separation from the mass of the royal pyramid. 667 Also pointing towards New Kingdom concepts is Senwosret III’s Abydos tomb, a large rock-cut structure tunneled deep into a hillside. According to Wegner, the tomb’s linear outer section and curving inner section, the use of both limestone and quartzite, and features such as the symmetrical chambers in the first passage and the well-shaft are important elements of both Senwosret III’s Abydos

the reign of Senwosret II, see Gestermann, “Politische und Kulturelle Wandel,” pp. 31-50. 665 For a previously unknown Middle Kingdom afterlife book, see Bourghouts, “Netherworld Guide,” pp. 131-39. 666 For a summary of the appearance of afterlife books in New Kingdom royal tombs, see Hornung, “Exploring the Beyond,” pp. 27-50; Hornung, Egyptian Books of the Afterlife. Perhaps representing another Middle Kingdom intermediate point between the purely textual Pyramid Texts and later, illustrated afterlife books is the Book of Two Ways, which was inscribed and illustrated on the coffins of presumably wealthy individuals buried almost exclusively at Bersha (Lesko, Book of Two Ways). For the appearance of spells from the Book of Two Ways in Kom elHisn, see Silverman, “Spell from an Abbreviated Version,” pp. 853-76.

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tomb and those of early New Kingdom pharaohs in the Valley of the Kings. Wegner states, “The tomb may represent the first recognizable incarnation of a type of royal tomb which we may perhaps designate as the “Amduat tomb.” 668 Whether or not Senwosret III’s square antechamber is somehow connected to the appearance of afterlife books in royal tombs, it clearly represents a different conception of the chamber type. The word “new” is specifically omitted here, as it implies the path to further development. On the contrary, the square antechamber of Senwosret III seems to be one of the last example of this type of room in a royal temple. Although Amenemhat III’s pyramid temple at Dahshur is likely to have had a square antechamber (see above), it appears that such rooms were not built after the Twelfth Dynasty. Indeed, soon thereafter the pyramid complex and its adjacent temples also cease to be constructed. Rather than creating something new, those who planned Senwosret III’s square antechamber, or perhaps those who built its predecessor, attempted to adapt and transform an ancient room type to suit changing religious beliefs. Ultimately the square antechamber was no longer a form capable of meeting evolving ritual requirements. In Senwosret III’s pyramid complex, it was more or less immediately replaced by the south temple and during the reign of Amenemhat III by the so-called Labyrinth at Hawara. Finally, in the royal tombs of the New Kingdom, elaborate gatherings of gods were depicted that were not tied to general or specific festive occasions, but rather to the cyclical afterlife existence of the king. Although

667

Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 97-105, 116-17, 118-20. Because the excavation of the area is incomplete, it cannot be stated whether or not the decorative program of the south temple bears any similarity to those of New Kingdom mortuary temples.

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fragmentary and battered, the remains of Senwosret III’s square antechamber are still able to bear eloquent witness to some of the key religious transformations of the later Twelfth Dynasty. 669

668

Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 390-92. For a discussion of mostly political and administrative changes during the reign of Senwosret III, see Gestermann, “Sesostris III.,” pp. 31-50. 669

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CHAPTER 2: THE OFFERING CHAMBER

INTRODUCTION

The culminating room in pyramid temples and private tombs was the offering chamber, a sacred space in which it was believed that the deceased would move through the false door in order to receive food offerings, interact with the world of the living and then return to his or her burial. 670 In pyramid temples of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, offering chambers were rectangular east-west oriented rooms with vaulted ceilings. Comparison with blocks found in other pyramid temples strongly suggests that both of the long, east-west walls of Senwosret III’s offering chamber contained standard depictions of piled offerings and offering bearers bringing foodstuffs. That at least two rows of offering bearers facing west towards the king occupied the lowest registers of the long east-west walls is shown by a few pieces from both walls that preserve evidence of such an arrangement (for an example, see pl. 288) and parallels from other pyramid temples. Again following parallels from better-preserved offering chambers, it seems likely that in scenes closer to the king, the offering bearers occupied only the lowermost register. Hundreds of fragments both large and small preserve sections of offerings arranged in lavish, brightly colored compositions that include symmetrical piles of vegetables and elegant groups of plucked fowl; these

For Old Kingdom tombs and offering chambers of non-royal individuals, see Jánosi, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 27-39; idem, Gräberwelt. For the appearance of offering chambers in pyramid temples, see pp. 381-84. 670

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depictions must have been placed above the offering bearers and behind the offering list. Although no clearly recognizable pieces have survived from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, the west ends of the long walls would have been dominated by the enthroned king before a tall offering table. Stretching above and in front of the king would have been a long, rectangular offering list; only a small number of fragments have been recovered from the list, which must have originally occupied substantial portions of the walls. Above him were probably inscriptions with his names, titles and epithets facing depictions of Nekhbet or Wadjet, in respectively their vulture and cobra form, and a flying falcon or vulture.671 A figure personifying the king’s ka would have stood behind him. 672 In the lowest register, below the ka-figure, was a procession of three fecundity figures facing east that culminated with two figures beneath the king’s throne who tied together the plants representing Upper and Lower Egypt (fig. 3). Large pieces of this scene have survived from the south wall of Senwosret III’s offering chamber (see below).

671

These elements have survived only in the pyramid temple of Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 61-64, 81, 83-84) and the north chapel of Senwosret I (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pls. 49, 56), a structure that had the same basic decorative program as a pyramid temple offering chamber (see below). 672 Representations of the king’s ka (cat. nos. UL 82-84) have been recovered from the pyramid temple, but it is uncertain if any of them originate from the offering chamber. They probably cannot come from the square antechamber, where the ka does not seem to have been represented. Pieces of flying birds also have been recovered (cat. nos. UL 74-76), but because such symbols are commonly placed over the head of the king, they are difficult to assign to a particular chamber.

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Figure 3. Diagram showing the proposed arrangement of figures and text on the west end of the south wall of Senwosret III’s offering chamber. Not to scale.

A major section of the offering chamber decoration consisted of representations of tables inscribed with horizontal lines of text that supported rows of vessels each inscribed with a royal-name panel. With one or two exceptions, all of the texts on the inscribed tables read from right to left. Similar consistent orientation is found on the royal-name panels on the vessels, where the king’s names were placed to the left and the deity to the right; all inscriptions are oriented inwards towards the center of the panel. 673 The vessels were of different types and painted with colors intended to indicate the materials used to make the “real” items (i.e. yellow for gold, white for

673

See Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 141.

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alabaster, etc). 674 The attempt to distinguish the materials of actual vessels is similar, though not identical, to the depictions of vessels on the frise d’object of Middle Kingdom coffins. 675 Multiple examples of a single type of vessel were placed on each table. The tables were also painted to resemble metal or stone, while an irregular black and yellow pattern was used to represent wood. As the vessels and tables do not seem to be interspersed with other types of offerings or offering chamber subjects, they are likely to have occupied their own large section of a wall. A few pieces with inscribed vessels and tables include the wider star bands that are characteristic of uppermost registers in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, indicating that the depictions reached the top of the wall. A probable location for the depictions of vessels and tables is the upper part of the east wall, above the scenes of animal slaughter that are attested by a number of fragments. 676 Because the vessels and tables were found above a door lintel (see below), it is likely the motif continued on the east end of the south wall and probably also the

674

For examples of actual inscribed vessels, see Minault-Gout, “Sur les vases jubilaires,” pp. 305-14; Ziegler, “Sur quelques vases inscrits,” pp. 461-89. The inscribed vessels and tables in Senwosret III’s offering chamber were summarized in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 141-42, pl. 161c. 675 For examples illustrated in color, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, pls. 86a, 89b, 91ab (in press); D. Polz, Ewigkeit, frontispiece, pp. 31 fig. 40, 33 fig. 42, 74 fig. 107, 83 fig. 116, 84 fig. 117, 88 fig. 122, 89 fig. 124. 676 Cattle slaughtering scenes are found on the short wall opposite the false door in the chapels of Senwosret III’s queens and princesses (Isabel Stünkel, “Relief Decoration of the Cult Chapels, in press) and on the east wall of the offering chamber of Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 64-65, pls. 97-101). In private tombs of the Old Kingdom, cattle slaughtering is usually, though not always, placed on the east wall (Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, pp. 107-8). Often placed above these scenes are depictions of piled offerings, which in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple were probably replaced by the inscribed vessels and tables.

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north wall. Inscribed vessels in relief are known from private tombs, 677 as are large groupings of vessels sitting on tables, 678 but as far as is known, no other pyramid temple had either inscribed depictions of these objects or such a large portion of wall space devoted solely to them. 679 Since Senwosret III’s small pyramid temple could not have included much (or any) storage space for precious items, it may be the case that instead of provisioning the temple with actual ritual equipment, the implements were simply depicted on the wall. 680 The largest block with the vessels and tables motif depicts most of two inscribed tables supporting tall yellow vessels (gold) and squatter white ones (alabaster). Across the top is a horizontal masonry edge and at the bottom a block border framing the top of a doorway (reg. nos. 92.332; 93.590; 55.5 x 95.5 cm; pls. 355, 457). 681 On the underside of the block are preserved some stars from the soffit and a piece of the 677

Inscribed vessels are found in the tomb of Ptahhotep at Saqqara (K. Lange, Ägypten, fig. 70); inscribed vessels, tables and chests are depicted on a coffin of the Seventh to Eighth Dynasty (Lapp, Typologie der Särge, pl. 5d). 678 For example: in the tomb of Ti at Saqqara (Wild, Tombeau de Ti, vol. 1, pl. LIX); in the tomb of Khentika at Saqqara (James, Mastaba of Khentika, pls. XXIII, XXIV); in the burial chamber of Sobekhotep at Saqqara (Jéquier, Douze ans, p.112, fig. 31); in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari (Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, pt. V, pl. CXXX). The possible relationship between Senwosret III’s arrangements of inscribed vessels and tables and depictions of the “seven sacred oils” and “inventory lists” in private tombs will be the subject of future research. 679 In the pyramid temple of Pepi II, Jéquier noted that vessels were arranged in regular groups of four interspersed with other objects. The vessels do not seem to have been inscribed (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 63, pls. 62, 82). 680 For actual precious objects stored in pyramid temples or inscriptions making reference to them, see Landgráfová, Faience Inlays; Landgráfová, “Function of the Faience Inlays,” pp. 2038; Landgráfová, in Verner ed., Raneferef, pp. 451-92; Posener-Kriéger, Néferirkarê-Kakaï, passim and esp. pp. 125-208; Posener-Kriéger, “News from Abusir,” p. 22; Borchardt, Neferir-ka-reë, pp. 59-66, pls. 3-8. For precious objects donated to pyramid temples and deity temples during the reign of Amenemhat II, see H. Altenmüller, “Inschrift Amenemhets II.,” pp. 1-48. 681 A similar doorway without decoration distinctive to a lintel seems to originate from the north end of the west wall of Senwosret III’s square antechamber, see above pp. 248-56.

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painted yellow and green stripes that covered the reveal, an area that would have held the door wing when it was in an open position (see pls. 11-12 for the elements of an Egyptian door). Based on parallels from other pyramid temples, the door must have stood at the east end of the offering chamber’s south wall. Although some offering chambers had additional doorways on the east end of the north wall that provided access to storerooms, Senwosret III’s small pyramid temple could have accommodated them. 682 The height of the door lintel block from the soffit to the upper masonry edge is 86.7 cm; preserved on the right side of the block is an 8.8 cm high section of the reveal that stood on the west side of the doorway (pl. 457). Based on parallels in other pyramid temples, it can be assumed that the square antechamber preceded the offering chamber. 683 The inscribed vessels-and-tables lintel would therefore have stood on the north side of the same doorway as the large rectangular lintel discussed in conjunction with the square antechamber (pp. 117-36), 682

Archaeological remains indicating the placement of offering chamber doorways are preserved in the pyramid temples of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. I, pl. 16); Neferirkare (Borchardt, Nefer-ir-ka-reë, pp. 57-58, pl. 10); Niuserre (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pp. 59-60, pl. 28); Djedkare (Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt. VIII, pp. 78-80, pl. 14); Unis (Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, fig. 32); Teti (only the north doorway is preserved; Lauer, Téti, pp. 31, 35, pls. XXXII, XXXV); and Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 54, pl. 1). All preserved examples indicate that the the offering chamber’s entrance doorway had its jamb in the preceding room (the square antechamber from the mid-Fifth Dynasty on) and its reveal in the offering chamber itself. In contrast, doorways leading from the offering chamber to storerooms had their jambs on the offering chamber side of the door and the reveal on the storeroom side. Thus the original position of the vessels-and-tables lintel is indicated not only by the seeming lack of storerooms in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, but also by the small piece of the reveal preserved on the doorway itself. 683 For examples of square antechambers directly preceding offering chambers, see the pyramid temples of Djedkare (Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt. VIII, p. 78, pl. 14); Unis (Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 47-48, fig. 32); Teti (Lauer, Téti, pp. 30-31, pl. XXXV); Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 1); and Senwosret I (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, foldout II). An exception is found in the pyramid temple of Niuserre, where a small room lies between the square antechamber and the offering chamber (Borchardt, Ne-userReë, pl. 28).

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which is estimated to have been 101 cm high. Since the interior doorways and walls in the pyramid temple are estimated to have been about 160 cm deep (that is about 3 cubits; see SA 133), it is unlikely that the lintels in adjoining rooms were contained on single blocks. 684 The 14.3 cm difference in height between the blocks used to construct the lintels in the square antechamber and in the offering chamber (101 cm in the square antechamber vs. 86.7 cm in the offering chamber) can be explained by the different sides of the doorway they represent. The doorway in the square antechamber, the “outer” part of the door, included projecting jambs, a lower soffit, and the stop faces at the top and sides that prevented the door from swinging into the square antechamber when it was closed (pl. 12). On the offering chamber side, the door’s “inner” section, the soffit was higher and the side walls spaced farther apart in order to accommodate the door wing when it was in an open position. One would therefore expect that the soffits were somewhat lower on the square antechamber side of the doorway and higher on the offering chamber side. 685

684

In the temple at Qasr el-Sagha, which has been dated to the later part of the Twelfth Dynasty, a door about 180 cm deep had three lintel blocks (Arnold, Tempel Qasr el-Sagha, pl. 26). In Senwosret III’s burial apartments, the 105 cm deep lintel between the antechamber and serdab is composed of a single block, while the 260 cm deep doorway between the antechamber and the burial chamber is roofed with three blocks (Arnold, Senwosret III, pls. 1617). The north chapel of queen’s pyramid 8 in the Senwosret III complex had a door lintel composed of a single block 76.6 cm deep (Stünkel, Chapels of the Royal Women, in preparation). 685 For a discussion of the Egyptian door, see Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, pp. 74-76 with further references. For the 10 cm difference in doorway height between the so-called vestibule and the east wall of the square antechamber of Pepi II’s pyramid temple, see Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 52-53.

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Dominating the west wall of the offering chamber would have been the false door, probably of red granite, 686 flanked by depictions of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen, falcon- and jackal-headed divinities that respectively represent important cities in Lower and Upper Egypt. The term bæw is the plural of the word bæ, generally translated as “soul” or “spirit,” though because these English equivalents are somewhat imprecise, the term has not been translated here (for a more detailed discussion of the bæw, see pp. 479-82). As the ceiling of the chamber was vaulted along its length, the east and west walls would have had rounded tympana in the spaces between the vault and the horizontal top of the walls. Surviving fragments from the offering chamber tympana in the pyramid temple, as well as comparison with better preserved pieces of the same feature from the king’s north chapel (see below), suggest that tympana from both these locations were decorated with central depictions of deities (back-to-back) addressing the enthroned king, behind whom were goddesses, kneeling fecundity figures and columns of inscription (for a suggested reconstruction, see pl. 356). Controversy surrounds the question of when offering chambers and false doors first appeared in pyramid temples. 687 The earliest rectangular, east-west oriented chamber attached to the east side of a royal superstructure has been found not at a 686

See Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 53-54 and here below for discussions of the recovered fragments. 687 For general discussions of offering chambers in pyramid temples, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 130-31, 134-37, 269-70; Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 152-53. For a discussion of the evidence surrounding the appearance of offering chambers and false doors in pyramid temples, see Jánosi, “Die Entwicklung und Deutung,” pp. 143-63. For a brief response, see Stadelmann, “Development of the Pyramid Temple,” pp. 1-16, esp. p. 6. See also Stadelmann, “Exkurs,” pp. 237-41; Stadelmann, Pyramiden, pp. 65, 122, 130-31 fig. 36, 135 fig. 39, 137, 148-49, 154; Barta, “Totenopfertempel,” pp. 48-52; Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” pp. 59, 265 n. 98; Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 13-37.

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pyramid complex, but at the so-called Mastabat Faraoun of the pharaoh Shepseskaf. Although the shape of the space and its position directly adjacent to the mastaba suggests that a false door should have been present on the west side of the room, no traces of one were found. 688 The earliest definitive example of a royal false door was recovered in the pyramid temple of Sahure, 689 after which they become a regular feature in offering chambers. Numerous earlier depictions of non-royal deceased individuals seated at an offering table facing processions of offering bearers, piled offerings and offering lists attest that the basic elements of the decorative program in royal offering chambers

688

Jéquier, Mastabat Faraoun, pp. 13-16, pls. VI, VII no. 1. Convincing is Jánosi’s argument (“Die Entwicklung und Deutung,” pp. 143-63, esp. p. 154) that offering chambers and false doors were originally features of private tombs connected to the concept that the deceased resided in his tomb and required a passage to and contact with the world of the living. Earlier ideas about the king’s afterlife, which focused on celestial aspects, did not require this earthly connection. When Shepseskaf adopted the mastaba form for his final resting place, an architectural type that heretofore had been used only by private individuals, he also built a temple that seems to have incorporated elements of the non-royal program such as the false door. Although subsequent kings returned to the architectural form of the pyramid, the offering chamber and false door were retained. A small chapel built between Menkaure’s pyramid temple and the pyramid slope included either a false door or a stela (Lehner, Pyramids, p. 136; Hawass, “Programs of the Royal Funerary Complexes,” p. 223). The structure seems to have been begun by Menkaure and modified later (Reisner, Mycerinus, pp. 27-28, 30-32; Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt. VI, pp. 54-56, 60, 122, 114, 116-20; Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” p. 58; Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, p. 30). Jánosi dates the structure to Shepseskaf and suggests that a false door was located here (“Die Entwicklung und Deutung,” p. 150). Although it seems more likely that the chapel had a stela, perhaps recalling those placed in the early Fourth Dynasty royal chapels of Snefru (Stadelmann, Pyramiden, pp. 97 fig. 26, 82-84 fig. 22b, pl. 23), the possibility that a false door was installed cannot be completely excluded. 689 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. I, pp. 21-22, 57-58. The pyramid complex of Userkaf included what appears to be a small offering chapel directly adjoining the center of the pyramid’s east side. Although it can be assumed that a false door was installed there, no traces of one were found. A larger temple, the form of which seems to recall Fourth Dynasty structures, lies to the south of the pyramid and is not directly connected with it (Jánosi, “Die Entwicklung und Deutung,” pp. 155-56; Labrousse, Complexes funéraires d’Ouserkaf).

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derive from those in private tombs. 690 The main difference between the decorative programs of royal and non-royal offering chambers lies in the inclusion of figures or elements that belong to the sacred realm of the king, including representations of Horus or Nekhbet flying above the pharaoh, arrangements of the king’s titulary juxtaposed with Nekhbet and Wadjet, the depiction of the royal ka, the royal throne, the group of fecundity figures who stand and stride beneath the king, and the divinities who flank the false door. Because this dissertation focuses on scenes involving the king and deities, the discussion here will concentrate on those elements preserved in Senwosret III’s offering chamber that are generally confined to the royal sphere, 690

For examples, see the mastabas of Rahotep and Nofret (early Fourth Dynasty; Harpur, Nefermaat and Rahotep, pls. 65, 73); Khafkhufu I (time of Khufu; Simpson, Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I and II, pls. 31, 32); and Meresankh III (late Dynasty 4-early Dynasty 5; Dunham, Mersyankh III, fig. 9). See also Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, p. 79. No Fourth Dynasty pyramid temple preserves definitive remains of an offering scene. The estate personifications in the statue cult (or valley) temple of Snefru carry only ritual objects and cannot really be equated with groups of offering bearers carrying foodstuffs (Fakhry, Temple Reliefs, pp. 17-58, pls. XII-XV). However, Baines (Fecundity Figures, p. 134) considers the possibility that female figures with gifts on their heads were also present in the temple; see also ibid., pp. 131-33. Contrary to Stockfisch (Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 20, 27, 95, 130, 269; vol. 2, nos. 4.2.4, 4.2a), the findspot of fragments with offering scenes suggests that they originate from subsidiary pyramid G-I b rather than Khufu’s pyramid temple; for a description of the pieces and the place in which they were discovered, see Reisner, History of the Giza Necropolis, vol. II, p. 4, figs. 3-4. A block found in the Khafre complex that is said to depict offering bearers preserves only the lower part of a group of striding figures (Stockfisch, Unterschungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 27, 269; vol. 2, no. 4.4a). Not only is it impossible to definitively identify them, but their position above a scene involving captives argues against associating them with offerings. The piece may not originate from Khafre’s complex (see Oppenheim, “Decorative Programs,” pp. 469-70 with further references). For the wall decoration (or lack thereof) in early pyramid temples, see Oppenheim, “Decorative Programs,” pp. 455-76. Goedicke (“Verhältnis,” pp. 57-67) traces corresponding and diverging tendencies in the decoration of royal and private mortuary structures in the Old Kingdom without adequately accounting for the different beliefs surrounding the afterlife of the two groups. In private tombs, east-west oriented offering chambers with a false door on the west wall and offering scenes on the north and south walls appear only in the Fifth Dynasty. It is possible that in private tombs this method of orienting an offering chamber and assigning iconographic themes to particular walls was influenced by the arrangement of offering chambers in pyramid temples (Jánosi, Gräberwelt, pp. 109-10; Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, pp. 106-10).

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namely, the scenes of the king, deities, and fecundity figures on the tympana of the east and west walls, the groups of deities flanking the false door, the fecundity figure processions under the king’s throne and the ka-figure. The excavation of Senwosret III’s north chapel has been of great importance for understanding the offering chamber in the king’s pyramid temple.691 Beginning in the reign of Djedkare and continuing throughout the rest of the Old Kingdom 692 and Twelfth Dynasty, 693 north chapels were built at the center of the north side of the king’s pyramid, usually over the entrance to the royal burial chambers. The buildings were oriented north-south. Unlike the offering chambers in the pyramid temple, north chapels did not have vaulted ceilings. 694 Presumably because of their location over the entrance passage to the tomb, most north chapels were devastated by ancient

691

For the different designations of the small chapels built on the north sides of pyramids, see Jánosi, “Nordkapellen,” p. 145 n. 1. 692 For north chapels of the Old Kingdom, see Jánosi, “Nordkapellen,” pp. 145-68 with further references and Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 8-19, 48-55, 81-82, 122-34 figs. 18-69, 153-62 figs. 97-119, 187-90 figs. 154-57. 693 The north chapel of Amenemhat I will be discussed in Jánosi, Pyramid Temple of Amenemhat I, in preparation; the large false door found there (see below) may not have originally belonged to the chapel. Remains of Senwosret I’s north chapel and pieces of its decoration have been recovered (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 76-83 with a list of north chapel references). Nothing is known about the north chapel of Amenemhat II. Remains of the foundations and some relief fragments were found in Senwosret II’s north chapel (Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, p. 5, pls. 8, 17 upper). No remains of Amenemhat III’s north chapel at Dahshur have been excavated, though he is likely to have had one (Arnold, Pyramidenbezirk des Königs Amenemhet III., vol. I, p. 64). For the north chapel at Amenemhat III’s Hawara complex, see Uphill, Pharaoh’s Gateway, pp. 73-74; Lepsius, Denkmaeler, plate vol. 1, pls. 46-47; text vol. 2, pp. 2425. 694 Jánosi, “Nordkapellen,” p. 149 n. 28. Senwosret III’s north chapel clearly had a vaulted ceiling, perhaps because it was not located over the entrance to the royal burial chambers. Queens’ pyramids could also have north chapels, see Jánosi, Pyramidenanlagen, pp. 16061 with further references. For the recently excavated pyramids of the royal women of Pepi I, see Labrousse, “Neue Entdeckungen,” pp. 33-37, with further references. The queens’ pyramids of Senwosret III also had north chapels; for a preliminary report, see Isabel Stünkel, “Relief Decoration of the Cult Chapels,” in press.

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robbers anxious to gain access to the king’s burial chambers and the treasures presumably interred therein. Although the shaft leading to Senwosret III’s underground apartments was not situated in the traditional location,695 a chapel was still erected at the center of the pyramid’s north side. 696 Despite the destruction of the chapel down to its mud brick subfoundation, excavation of the area has resulted in the recovery of thousands of pieces of wall decoration. These fragments, as well as remains of Old Kingdom and other Twelfth Dynasty north chapels, seem to show that the decorative programs of north chapels largely followed those in pyramid temple offering chambers. One notable point of departure is the location of north chapel entrances, which were placed in the middle of the short north wall opposite the false door to the south. 697 In contrast, in pyramid temples, access to the offering chamber was through a door at the east end of the long south wall. Senwosret III’s north chapel is particularly valuable for our understanding of his pyramid temple offering chamber. Not only were some elements better preserved in the north chapel than in the pyramid temple, but the smaller scale of the north chapel’s decoration means that even modest blocks can provide much information about the relationships between figures and the arrangement of scenes. 695

The shaft was placed on the west side of the pyramid, north of the center (Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 32-34). No evidence has been found to indicate that a chapel was built over or around it. 696 For a summary of previous excavation of Senwosret III’s north chapel, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 54-55. The present expedition of the Metropolitan Museum began working in the area in 2003 and has succeeded in clearing the entire area of the chapel proper. However, because of high debris mounds and the presence of numerous post-New Kingdom burials, the search for relief fragments in the area around the chapel had not been completed by the end of the 2007 season. 697 For examples, see Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 102 fig. 16, 125 fig. 23 (Pepi I), pp. 151 fig. 95, 156 fig. 102 (Merenre), pp. 181 fig. 147, 188 fig. 155 (Pepi II).

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FECUNDITY FIGURES UNDER AND BEHIND THE KING’S THRONE

Fecundity Figures in Offering Chambers of the Old and Middle Kingdoms The content of the scenes on the west ends of the long walls in the pyramid temple offering chamber and the north chapel has been clarified by remains from other Old and Middle Kingdom examples of these structures to be discussed in greater detail below. From these examples, it can be concluded that directly beneath the king’s throne were depictions of standing fecundity figures bending forward slightly at the hips and tying together plants representing northern and southern Egypt. Between the inner tying figure and the west end (pyramid temple) or south end (north chapel) of the walls (i.e. below the ka-figure behind the throne) were striding fecundity figures facing away from the false door and towards the line of offering bearer’s approaching the king in the lowest register. Probably three figures were depicted. Because reconstructed scenes show that the lowest register maintained a uniform height across its length, the fecundity figures and the offering bearers were of roughly the same stature. The best preserved example of this section of decoration originates from the east wall of Pepi II’s north chapel. Here remained most of both fecundity figures binding together papyrus and lily plants, as well as parts of three fecundity figures carrying hetep-trays, hes-vases, was-scepters and ankh-signs hanging from strings. Inscriptions identify the first figure as Nepri (grain) and the second as Djefai (food or

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nourishment); Jéquier suggested that the third was either Hu (food or nourishment) or Hotep (offerings). 698 Not preserved is the vertical block border that would have indicated the wall corner and thus confirmed the number of figures. Less survives from the same scene on the west end of the south wall of Pepi II’s pyramid temple offering chamber. 699 A long fragment remains that includes parts of the entire center of the tying scene, along with pieces of the striding figures behind them. Reconstructed from several fragments is a procession of three left facing, striding fecundity figures, 700 the first of which connects directly to a fourth figure, who also faces left and ties together plants. Another fragment, which does not directly join the larger piece of the scene, preserves part of one of the three striding fecundity figures and a small piece of the corner block border at the west end of the south side of the wall. A third fragment, placed above the first figure by Jéquier, includes part of the head of a fecundity figure identified as Hu by the quail-chick-sign above his head. Since part of the inscription belonging to the figure following Hu remains, Hu must have been either the first or second figure of the group, assuming that the reconstruction of three is correct. 701 In Pepi II’s north chapel, the first two fecundity

698

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. I, pp. 2-4; Jéquier, Douze ans, p. 42, fig. 13. Baines (Fecundity Figures, p.157) states without further explanation that the total number of figures is uncertain. See also Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 81-82, figs. 154, 157. 699 For the south wall, see Jéquier Pepi II, vol. II, p. 57, pls. 61, 66. The corresponding section of the north wall is almost completely destroyed (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 57 n. 1, pls. 81, 83). 700 Jéquier (Pepi II, vol. II, p. 57) states, “…sous la figure du ka, trois personnages constitués comme les Nils représentent les dieux nourriciers…” without explaining how he arrived at a reconstruction with three figures. 701 The rationale for assigning the head to the first rather than the second figure is unclear.

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figures beneath the ka-figure are Nepri and Djefai, 702 meaning that the striding fecundity figures in Pepi II’s north chapel and pyramid temple offering chamber were not arranged in the same manner. Other Old Kingdom pyramid temple offering chambers and north chapels preserve fragments that may originate from fecundity figure processions. From the pyramid temple of Sahure are two pieces with depictions of Nepri and Djefai, that may have originally stood at the west end of the offering chamber’s north wall. 703 The west wall of Pepi I’s north chapel preserves two fragments from the fecundity figure procession. The first includes inscriptions for Nepri followed by Djefai. The second piece contains part of the feet and the corner block border of the last figure in the group, which according to Labrousse’s reconstruction belongs to an unnamed fecundity figure. 704 Only a small piece of the smæ-tæwy tying scene beneath the king’s throne and the foot of one of the fecundity figures remains from the east wall of Merenre’s north chapel. 705 A piece from the pyramid temple of Senwosret I depicts captions for the fecundity figures Djefai and Nepri, facing left. The figure of Nepri is preserved, painted red rather than yellow with red slashes indicating grain. Behind him is the

702

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. I, pp. 2-4, fig. 1. Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 41-42, 104, pl. 25. 704 Labrousse does not provide a rationale either for the placement or the number of the figures (L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 14-15, docs. 18-19, figs. 39, 41-42). Nothing of the companion scene from the north chapel’s east wall remains (ibid., fig. 29). 705 Labrousse does not speculate about the total number of figures (L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 52-53, doc. 51, figs. 107-8). 703

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vertical block border of the wall corner, indicating that he is the last figure and suggesting further compositional variability. 706 In sum, it can be stated that in pyramid temple offering chambers and north chapels, two unnamed fecundity figures tied together plants symbolizing Upper and Lower Egypt directly below the king’s throne. Reconstructions regularly show a procession of three fecundity figures following them, 707 which are variously identified as Nepri, Djefai, Hu and perhaps Hotep. However, in none of the extant examples is the entire scene preserved from end to end; in some cases only relatively small pieces remain. Thus the question whether or not the fecundities were always arranged in groups of three cannot be definitively answered.708 That the scenes were not exact replicas of each other is suggested by the different order in which the identifiable figures were placed in the north chapel and in the pyramid temple offering chamber of Pepi II. If the order or even the identities of the figures could vary, it is also possible

706

Metropolitan Museum accession number 09.180.7 (Rogers Fund, 1909). It is mentioned but not illustrated in Hayes, Scepter, vol. 1, p. 187. For the question of the double name, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 189-90. Red color is preserved on the figure; see Baines, Fecundity Figures, p. 156 for the absence of preserved color in Middle Kingdom fecundity figures. 707 For an unusual depiction of fecundity figures in a non-royal tomb, see Blackman, Meir, pt. VI, pp. 33, 35, 37, pls. XV, XVII, XXI. 708 A chapel built for Ramesses I at Abydos includes a wall depicting offering scenes. Beneath the king’s throne, the two fecundity figures who tie together Upper and Lower Egyptian plants are surrounded on each side by two striding fecundity figures (Winlock, Temple of Rameses I, pls. IX-X). There is no evidence for such an arrangement of figures in either the Old or Middle Kingdoms. In the offering hall of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari, the three striding fecundity figures were displaced by a smæ-tæwy widened by the inclusion of a lengthy inscription and depictions of rekhyt-birds between the two tying figures. The fecundity procession was transferred to a position in front of and facing Hatshepsut’s throne (Naville, Temple of Deir el Bahari, pt. IV, pl. CX).

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that their numbers might have fluctuated as well. The question of the number of fecundity figures in Senwosret III’s offering chamber will be discussed below.

Fecundity Figures in the North Chapel of Senwosret III A piece found in the north chapel of Senwosret III preserves parts of the legs and bellies of three fecundity figures striding to the left (reg. nos. 93.705; 03.342; 30.9 x 13.1 cm; pl. 287). 709 Based on parallels found in other north chapels, as well as the offering chambers of pyramid temples, it is presumed that Senwosret III’s figures originate from the south end of the north chapel’s east wall. Unfortunately, neither the inscriptions that must have identified them nor the end of the scene have been preserved. The figure at the far left could belong either to the section of the scene in which the plants of Upper and Lower Egypt are tied together or to the striding group. Since only the figure’s belly and legs are preserved, the action it is undertaking cannot be determined. 710

Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple Offering Chamber of Senwosret III As will be discussed in the chapter on ritual scenes, five or possibly six different groups of fecundity figures have been isolated from different parts of the temple. Two of these groups include standing figures facing left who tie together plants representing Upper

709

One of the fragments joined to the piece was found in the area of the pyramid temple, but the small scale excludes the possibility that it originated there. The fecundity figures are assumed to come from the north chapel because the larger pieces were found there and the scale is appropriate for this structure. 710 Both fecundity figures tying together plants and those in the procession are striding.

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and Lower Egypt; both are followed by striding fecundity figures also facing left. Such iconography and orientation make them both candidates for the west end of the offering chamber’s south wall, but because the groups contain the same section of the scene and the figures are distinctly different in size, only one of them can originate from the offering chamber, while the other must come from a different room. The first question that needs to be addressed is the height of the offering bearers, the height of the lowest register of the offering chamber’s east-west walls and consequently the approximate height of the fecundity figures. As was discussed above, the lowest register seems to be of uniform height from end to end, meaning that the offering bearers and the fecundity figures must have been about the same size. One nearly complete offering bearer figure is about 54 cm high (reg. nos. 93.138; 00.621; 25.2 x 89.5; pl. 288). 711 Another block preserves two offering bearers from the top of their heads to the horizontal masonry edge that cuts through their calves; also remaining are their captions and the groundline of the register above (reg. no. 02.83; 35.5 x 82 cm; pl. 289). The preserved height of these figures is 46.5 cm, but originally they also must have been about 54 cm high. The distance from the tops of their heads to the groundline above is 10.2 cm, a space that was occupied by inscriptions providing the titles of the offering bearers but not their names.712 The total height of the offering bearer registers can be estimated at about 64.2 cm.

711

See Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 141, pl. 160d. In the pyramid temple of Pepi II, the offering bearers are identified by title and name (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 57-63, pls. 61-62, 70-76, 82, 88-91). 712

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Preserved from the first group of fecundity figures is the full height, though not the complete width, of a figure facing left whose arms are angled in way that suggests he is knotting together the sedge plant curving in front of him (cat. no. UL 14, pl. 370). 713 On his head is a smaller sedge-plant that touches the bottom of the register above, where part of the king’s throne and a large male foot facing left are preserved. To the right of the tying figure are remains of a left facing fecundity figure carrying a hetep-sign (pls. 371-72). The tying fecundity figure is 61.5 cm high, excluding the plant headdress, and the complete height of the register is 80.5 cm from the top of the groundline on which the figure stands to the bottom of the groundline above. Therefore the fecundity figures and the entire register of the first group are too tall to be assigned to the offering chamber and must originate from elsewhere in the temple (for further consideration of this group, see below pp. 525-35). The second group, which preserves parts of four fecundity figures facing left and a corner block border, contains figures that correspond to the height of the offering bearers, suggesting that it originates from the offering chamber (pls. 285-86). The fecundity figures are divided between two groups of fragments that cannot be directly connected, though their similar size and scale suggest that they originally joined; the separation lies between the second and third figures from the right. Best preserved is the figure at the far right in front of the block border, which retains parts of its head, outstretched arms, stooped torso and legs. The figure is 46 cm high from the top of the head to the center of the calves, which are cut by a horizontal masonry edge. 713

The figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual should be considered fecundity figures; see Baines, Fecundity Figures, esp. pp. 69-70, 134-38, 226-305.

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Although the piece with offering bearers described above (pl. 289) has a masonry edge in a similar position and the figures are preserved to a similar height, the distance from the wall corner was probably too great for the fecundity figures and the offering bearers to have originally belonged to the same block. 714 An additional fragment preserves the bottom of the calves and the feet of a figure striding left and standing on a groundline above a dado (reg. no. 98.410; 32.5 x 18.5 cm; not illustrated). The piece aligns well with the legs of the fecundity figure at the far right, suggesting that it either belonged to this figure or to another in the row. When the fragment is added to the bottom of the fecundity figure, the total height is 52.5 cm or 1 cubit, a dimension that is again similar to the 54 cm height of the offering bearers.715 Behind the figure at the far right are parts of the corner block border, which consists of the usual sequence of vertical outer stripe, central series of large and small rectangles and vertical stripes that terminate at the actual wall corner; the total preserved width of the border was 13.7 + x cm. 716 The distance between the corner border and the elbow of the last figure in the group is 17. 5 cm. The distance between the elbows of the figures is 30.5 cm, meaning that from the elbow of the third figure in the procession to the elbow of the first figure there is a distance of 61 cm. There is an additional 14 cm from the elbow to the fingertips of the first figure. Therefore the total width occupied by the fecundity figure procession is about 93 cm from the block 714

Particularly since the remainder of the smæ-tæwy, equivalent to the width of the king on his throne, would have been between the preserved pieces. 715 The slight discrepancy is probably a result of the stooped posture of the fecundity figures, which make them appear to be shorter. 716 The width of the inner vertical stripes seems to have varied in order to even out the space between the end of a scene and the actual wall corner.

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border to the fingertips of the first figure. 717 An equal amount of space in the register above seems sufficient for the protective inscription assumed to have been behind the king’s throne and the depiction of the king’s ka that should have followed it. Each of the three fecundity figures on the right wears an apron with four stripes of cloth and each carries a hetep-sign that overlaps the staff of a was-scepter. The figures are depicted with the shoulder thrust in front of the neck and what appear to be only one upper arm, forearm and hand. The Egyptians must have imagined that the trays were balanced on parallel, outstretched arms, meaning that in profile only one would be visible. Parts of the arm, shoulder, torso and legs remain from the fourth (far left) figure in the row. Fortunate preservation allows the observation that the arms of this figure are separated, with the proper right upper arm angling slightly downwards and the proper left upper arm angling down more steeply, a position clearly indicating that he and a now-missing companion were engaged in tying together the plants symbolizing Upper and Lower Egypt. The tying figures may have been slightly taller than their three companions in the procession behind.

Catalogue of Fecundity Figures from the Pyramid Temple Offering Chamber of Senwosret III 717

In the north chapel of Pepi I, the scene is about 55 cm wide (Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, fig. 39). In the north chapel of Pepi II, the scene is about 47 cm wide (Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, fig. 157). The smaller scale is to be expected in north chapels, which may have had decoration about half the size of that in corresponding pyramid temples. In the pyramid temple of Pepi II, the area occupied by the reconstructed fecundity figure procession in the offering chamber occupies 1.1 m (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 61); the scale of the drawing is not given, but from other measurements in the publication it can be calculated at 1:18.

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OC 1 Parts of Two Fecundity Figures Facing Left (pl. 285) 50.8 x 31.1 cm

94.662 (R/29c); 98.379 (R/28); 98.404 (R/28); 98.700 (Q/28);

99.75 (T/29a-28b); 99.100 (Q/27-28); 99.201 (Q/29) Preserved are parts of two fecundity figures facing left. The figure at left preserves portions of the torso, the back (proper left) thigh and pieces of both upper arms. Both arms are at different angles, indicating that the figure is tying together the plants symbolizing Upper and Lower Egypt. Remaining from the second figure are parts of the neck area, the front of the torso and the arms. The figure preserves patches of yellow color on top of which were painted now faint, angled red ovals. The pattern represents grain, indicating a depiction of Nepri, the fecundity figure who represents this commodity. 718 As was discussed above, Nepri commonly appears under the king’s ka-figure in the pyramid temple offering chamber and the north chapel. Balanced on the figure’s outstretched arm is a hetep-sign, which overlaps the staff of a was-scepter. At the far right is a small piece of the head of the next figure’s was-scepter.

OC 2 Parts of Two Fecundity Figures Facing Left with Corner Block Border (pl. 286) 65 x 50 cm

94.869 (R/29d); 98.331 (R/28); 98.699 (Q/28); 98.855 (Q/28);

99.216 (Q/28); 99.270 (Q/29); 99.398 (T/29a); 99.487 (V/30)

718

A similar fecundity figure was found in the pyramid complex of Sahure; see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 30. See also Baines, Fecundity Figures, p.139. All the other fecundity figures in this group and catalogue number OC 2 preserve patches of red color. For the lack of preserved color in Middle Kingdom fecundity figures, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, p. 156.

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There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the center of the calf of the right figure. Although this piece does not directly connect to catalogue number OC 1, similarities in style, scale and subject matter suggest they originally fit together. If this supposition is correct, then the was-scepter head at the right end of catalogue number OC 1 belonged to the figure on the left side of this fragment. Remaining from the left figure are parts of the torso, the buttocks, the upper arm and most of the thighs; patches of discolored red paint are preserved. The fourth and final figure of the group is the best preserved, with only pieces of the torso, the hand and parts of the hetep-sign and wasscepter missing. The calves are cut by a horizontal masonry edge, but part of the lower leg and foot may remain on another fragment. Notable is the deliberate damage inflicted on the figure’s face, part of a pattern of mutilation found on other figures that originated from the lowest registers. 719 To the right is part of a vertical corner block border.

Conclusion: Fecundity Figures in the Offering Chamber A discussion of the fecundity figures in the offering chamber requires the consideration of several important questions: what do the figures symbolize in this particular context, how can the number of figures in the procession be explained, and why are they placed under the royal throne and ka-figure? In general, it can be said that the figures symbolize the fertility and prosperity of Egypt, necessary conditions for the

719

See here pls. 155-56, 286, 370, 379.

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country’s continued stability and the provisioning of the king’s mortuary cult. In addition, they can be seen as the divine counterparts to the offering bearers, acting as the embodiment of general gifts or blessings while the human offering bearers bring more tangible items. 720 Among the fecundity figures represented in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple offering chamber and north chapel, only Nepri can be identified based on his coloration, though the remainder are likely to be the same as those found in other pyramid complexes: Djefai (food or nourishment) and Hu (food or nourishment) or Hotep (offerings). The tying figures are never named, but are identified as personifications of Upper and Lower Egypt by the plants they bind and wear as headdresses. In sum, the fecundity figures represent commodities, 721 appropriate subjects for a room dedicated to offerings, rather than personifying other concepts such as the inundation (Hapy) or a bodies of water (Wadjwer). Three possible explanations can be offered for the number of figures, none of which exclude the others. First, as noted above, the space available on this section of wall is suitable for three figures. Second, the presence of three fecundity figures may be intended to represent “many” or “all” such divinities. Third, the figures depicted seem to have had an inherent meaning for the offering chamber itself, possibly, as noted above, representing essential categories of foodstuffs that the king would need to sustain him. 722

720

Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 35, 37, 131. For the relationship between fecundity figures and offering bearers, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 117, 131-34. 722 The author has considered the possibility that the fecundities represent the three seasons of the Egyptian year, but can find no definitive evidence to support the contention. While 721

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The position of the figures can be explained by what seems to be the tendency in pyramid temple offering chambers and north chapels to employ iconographic themes at the back of the chambers that relate specifically to the divine nature of the ruler. In contrast, in the tombs of non-royal individuals, the space beneath the tomb owner was occupied either by additional offering bearers, who continued their procession to the corner of the wall, or other human activity. 723 The inclusion of divine beings in the offering chamber will be considered in greater detail below in relation to the false door wall.

TOP OF THE EAST AND WEST WALLS: TYMPANA

Introduction A common architectural feature in Egyptian monuments is the vaulted ceiling, which stretches across the width of a room. In chambers with wall decoration, the vaults can be covered with yellow stars on a blue background, lines of inscription or geometric patterns. The spaces below the curved ceilings and above the horizontal tops of the shorter, end walls were filled with masonry in the form of lunettes or tympana. 724

“grain” can be identified with “harvest,” the other two more general categories of offerings either do not carry a specific time reference or we are no longer able to recognize it. Also arguing against the connection of the three fecundity figures with the seasons is the observation that two of the seasons are personified by female figures, which are not known to have appeared in the offering chamber. 723 For examples, see Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs, pp. 379-449. Depictions of deities in Old or Middle Kingdom non-royal tombs are extremely rare. For depictions of Anubis as a jackal, see idem, p. 55. 724 For a well-illustrated discussion of vaults in Egyptian architecture, see el-Naggar, Les voûtes; for a geometrical consideration of ellipses, see Rossi, Architecture and Mathematics, pp. 113-18. A

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Comparison with earlier pyramid temple offering chambers demonstrates that vaulted ceilings were a standard element in such spaces and there is no reason to believe Senwosret III’s offering chamber departed from this tradition. 725 In the vast majority of these offering chambers, the vaults would have curved north-south and the tympana would have stood above the west (false door) and east walls. Proving the point are several large blocks decorated with ceiling stars on curved surfaces that have been recovered from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. 726 In addition, a few pieces preserve slight evidence of the curved tops of the tympana themselves (see below). Moreover, in the king’s north chapel, a structure with a decorative program comparable to that of the pyramid temple offering chamber, one enormous block and several smaller fragments preserve the curved edges of the tympana from the north and south ends of the room (see below). Several large ceiling blocks from the north chapel also originate from a vault, which must have run east-west. The chapels belonging to the queens and princess of Senwosret III’s court, which were located on the east and north sides of vaulted ceiling, tympanum and rectangular wall are illustrated in Lauer, Téti, p. 14, fig. 3 in conjunction with the vestibule or pr-wrw of the outer pyramid temple. Here the author reconstructed a narrow window under the tympanum. The chambers in the pyramid temple of Teti were not of uniform height, resulting in a roof with varied elevations and many possibilities for light openings (Lauer, Téti, pl. XXXVII; see also Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pl. 105). Based on the small size of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple and recovered architectural pieces, it has been proposed that the temple’s roof was a continuous surface with a single level (Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 52-53); openings to admit light seem to have been inserted into the ceiling (ibid., p. 53). There is no evidence that either Senwosret III’s north chapel or the chapels of his queens and princesses had narrow windows below the tympana. For undecorated tympana found in the underground apartments of the Senwosret III complex, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pls. 12c-d, 16B, 17B, 18, 21b-d, 57-58, 62b-c, 74c-d, 76d, 78b-c, 81b, 82a-b, 90, 94, 98, 102. 725 Vaulted ceilings in offering chambers are discussed in Jánosi, “Die Entwicklung und Deutung,” pp. 156-57. The only exception seems to be the offering chamber of Raneferef (Verner, Raneferef, p. 153). 726 Arnold, Senwosret III, pl. 36A.

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their small pyramids, had vaulted ceilings. 727 Here again, fragments of tympana and blocks from the curved ceiling have been recovered. The decoration of the lunette-shaped tympana posed an interesting set of challenges for ancient Egyptian artists, who generally arranged their compositions on rectangular wall surfaces. 728 At least in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, tympana curves were often shallow, meaning that towards the outer edges they became quite narrow. In the New Kingdom, the tendency towards more steeply vaulted ceilings resulted in tympana with broader outer edges that more easily accommodated decoration. 729 Relevant to the discussion here are two types of tympana: those with only inscriptions and those with figure scenes. 730 Clearly easier to compose is the first type, because the fluid character of Egyptian hieroglyph arrangement allowed columns of text to taper

727

The decoration of the queens’ chapels will be published in Stünkel, Chapels of the Royal Women, in preparation. For a preliminary report, see idem, “Relief Decoration of the Cult Chapels,” in press. For the architecture of the chapels, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 59-62, 6465, 67, 76-77, 82-83. 728 An important exception is provided by round-topped stelae. The connection between stela and tympana decoration might be an interesting study. 729 For examples of tympana with steep outer edges, see the Anubis shrine and the sanctuary of Hatshepsut’s temple at Deir el-Bahari (Naville, Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pt. II, pl. XLIII; Naville, Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pt. V, pl. CXXXVIII). 730 Another type of tympanum, less relevant for the present discussion, is decorated with geometric designs and elements such as bound papyrus plants, djed-pillars and the heads of small falcons gazing outwards. In these cases, it appears that lunettes were chosen for symbolic rather than structural reasons, as they were often placed in rooms with flat ceilings. In order to square off the wall, masonry was needed to fill the spaces between the curve of the lunette, the vertical side walls, and the horizontal ceiling. For examples, see Hayes, Scepter, vol. 1, p. 160, fig. 97 (from the tomb of Henhenet); Naville, Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pt. II, pls. XIV, XV, XIX (from the shrine of Aashait); Metropolitan Museum acc. no. 26.3.353r (tomb of Neferu, unpublished; Rogers Fund, 1926).

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towards the outer edges. 731 In Senwosret III’s complex, this type of tympanum was used in the chapels of the queens and princesses. 732 More difficult to produce were those tympana that included figures. The centers must have been relatively simple for artists to handle, as they could compensate for the ceiling’s gradually decreasing height by manipulating inscriptions above the figures. More problematic was the arrangement at the outer edges as they approached the juncture with the wall corners. Solutions to this problem generally involved either placing inscriptions in these areas or including figures positioned in such a way that their height decreased. 733 In Senwosret III’s pyramid temple offering chamber and north chapel, the outer edges of the tympana seem to have been filled with kneeling fecundity figures followed by five vertical columns of text that gradually decrease in height (see below).

Tympana in Pyramid Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms Few examples of tympana have survived from pyramid complexes of the Old or Middle Kingdoms. From the pyramid temple of Teti, two large pieces originate from the left side of a tympanum that stood not in the offering chamber but at the west end of the pr-wrw-shrine of the outer temple (called a vestibule by Lauer), another type of 731

Inscriptions could also be placed on triangular wall spaces formed by the juncture of a horizontal wall and the slope of a saddle roof. See el-Naggar, Les voûtes, pls. 120, 124-25, for examples from the burial chambers of Unis, Merenre and Pepi II. 732 For an example of one of these tympana, see Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 146, pl. 164d; since the publication of the block, more pieces have been joined to it. 733 For example Anubis on his shrine in the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahari (el-Naggar, Les voûtes, vol. 2, p. 102, fig. 152ab); wings that curve into the corners (ibid., p. 103, fig. 153b, p. 122, fig. 180); disproportionately small figures (ibid., p. 231, fig. 313b, p. 235, fig. 317); crouching baboons (ibid., p. 235, fig. 316); kneeling figures (ibid., p. 240, fig. 321).

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vaulted room that does not seem to have existed in Senwosret III’s small pyramid temple. 734 To the right is a standing deity that can be identified as Seth (facing right) based on the inclusion above his head of a nbw-sign, which designates his sacred city of Ombos; in front of Seth is part of a vertical column of his speech to the king. Behind Seth is a figure of Nekhbet (facing right), also preceded by a vertical column of text. Remains of the inscription identifying her are crowded into the space between her face and the top of her was-scepter, an arrangement that may result from the gradually decreasing height of the tympanum. Behind the human version of Nekhbet and approaching the outer edge of the tympanum is an arrangement of Teti’s vertically oriented cartouche (facing right) flanked by the snake form of Wadjet (facing left) and the vulture form of Nekhbet (facing right); the heads of both deities appear to have been at roughly the same level. Above Wadjet, the hieroglyphs describing her as the mistress of Dep and Pe are arranged in a compact, rectangular format. In contrast, the artist was forced to manipulate the four hieroglyphs that make up the name Nekhbet, in order to compensate for the substantially narrower space above the vulture. Particularly noticeable is that the b-sign is lower than the nãb-sign. The preserved left end of the tympanum contains an inscription beginning dí.s ënã ÿd “she gives life and stability,” part of the blessings Nekhbet will bestow upon the king. The outer edge of the tympanum probably concluded with ÿt 735 or perhaps mí Rë ÿt. It is likely that the center of Teti’s tympanum was occupied by either a single image of the king or two 734

Lauer, Téti, pp. 60-62, no. 1, pls. XXII, XXIIIa; see also pp. 11-15. Pr-wrw-shrines belong to the so-called outer part of pyramid temples much larger than that of Senwosret III. 735 The tympana found in the queens’ chapels of Senwosret III conclude with the word ÿt (Isabel Stünkel, “Relief Decoration of the Cult Chapels,” in press).

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back-to-back figures. The right side of the tympanum probably depicted deities connected with northern Egypt, plausibly Horus and Wadjet, and a royal name again flanked by Nekhbet and Wadjet. Jéquier recognized that decorated tympana were to be expected on the east and west walls of Pepi II’s pyramid temple offering chamber, but he was left to speculate about their content. Rather than a simple continuation of an offering theme, Jéquier guessed that the tympana were decorated with hieroglyphs, symbols, religious emblems or “une représentation essentiellement religieuse,” 736 and concluded that these might involve solar barks. 737 Jéquier further surmised that two fragments preserving parts of scenes above a block border and kheker-frieze originated from a tympanum. 738 The inscription, which reads from right to left, states nbw tæw “all lands (or flat lands)” and …?...nãw, possibly a reference to a protector or defender. Since inscriptions related to foreign lands are a feature of the tympana found in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple offering chamber and north chapel (see below), the piece may show that similar types of inscriptions were found on Pepi II’s tympana. Another piece illustrated on the same plate in Jéquier’s publication depicts a kneeling fecundity figure, below which are a groundline, block border and masonry edge (but no kheker-frieze) that are similar to those found on the inscription fragment. As kneeling fecundity figures are known

736

A strange statement, since all scenes in the pyramid complex are in one way or another religious in nature. One might suggest that Jéquier meant scenes involving deities, rather than the human figures who play such a prominent role in the offering chamber (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 65). 737 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 64-65. 738 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 65, pl. 105.

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from Senwosret III’s tympana (see below), this fragment provides another possible instance of similar iconography. The remains of what were probably two tympana were found by Gautier in the pyramid temple of Senwosret I at Lisht. Since only a section of the outer part of the temple was excavated, it is likely that these pieces come from the pr-wrw-shrine rather than the offering chamber. The tympana preserve inscriptions with the vertically oriented cartouches of the king surrounded by the names of deities who bestow blessings. 739 The two larger pieces, which are said to come from the same tympanum, are inscribed with the names of Osiris (left) and Nekhbet (as a vulture) and Anubis hewho-is-on-his-mountain (right). The second, less well-preserved tympanum fragment is inscribed with the names of Ptah and Amun-Re. Gautier’s proposed reconstruction would result in an odd arrangement, as the design does not include the central focal point one would otherwise expect in an Egyptian composition. Following the tympanum of Teti, one might instead suggest that figures of the king and at least two deities occupied the center, while the inscribed segments were placed at the outer edges.

Tympana in the North Chapel of Senwosret III Senwosret III’s north chapel was a rectangular building, oriented north-south and roofed with an east-west vault, the only example of this type of structure to have such a

739

Gautier, Licht, pp. 19-20, figs. 11, 13. Gautier offers virtually no comment about the composition, architectural context or meaning of the pieces. The tympana in the queens’ chapels of Senwosret III also consist solely of inscriptions (see above).

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ceiling construction. There were tympana above its south (false door) wall and north (entrance) wall. 740 Excavations undertaken by The Metropolitan Museum of Art have led to the recovery of a large block from the south tympanum,741 along with smaller pieces that belonged to it (for a reconstruction, see pl. 356). Smaller pieces survive from the north tympanum, but they include almost all elements necessary for a fairly complete reconstruction of the east (right) side. Both north and south tympana clearly had the same decorative program and within each tympanum the two halves were largely symmetrical, the main differences reflecting elements associated specifically with northern and southern Egypt. The north and south tympana can be distinguished on the bases of style and the repetition of elements (see below). How can the two tympana be assigned to their respective original walls? The largest block with the king and Horus (see below) was found in square L/37cd, that is, west of the chapel’s northwest corner, a findspot that might suggest the piece originates from its north wall. Key to orienting the piece is the depiction of the king on the right side of the tympanum wearing the red crown, which is associated with Lower Egypt. As has been discussed above in conjunction with the square antechamber, Egyptian rules governing the geographic orientation of wall decoration seem to indicate that the Lower Egyptian crown should be placed on the east side, meaning that the tympanum would have originated from the north wall of the chapel, i.e. over the entrance.

740

The north chapel interior seems to have lacked the horizontal torus present in the pyramid temple’s offering chamber (Dieter Arnold, personal communication). For the offering chamber torus, see here below. 741 The piece was published in Grimal, “Fouilles et travaux,” p. 217, fig. 24; see here plate 308.

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However, the admittedly scanty remains of north chapels from other pyramid complexes suggest that, on some level, their decorative programs represent a transfer without rearrangement of the east-west oriented pyramid temple offering chamber to the north-south oriented north chapel. Unfortunately, only two examples remain that preserve any information about the geographic orientation of north chapel wall decoration. In the north chapel of Pepi II, the sole surviving bæw of Pe faces left and therefore must have originally stood to the west of the false door,742 meaning that here the west side of the wall represents northern Egypt. Similarly, in the north chapel of Senwosret I, Wadjet (representing Lower Egypt) is depicted on the west wall above the enthroned king, 743 while Nekhbet (representing Upper Egypt) is depicted in the companion scene on the east wall. 744 Here again west is equated with the Lower Egypt (north) and east with the Upper Egypt (south). One would therefore assume that the enthroned king with the Lower Egyptian crown on the large tympanum block from Senwosret III’s north chapel originated from the west half of the south side of the room, that is above the false door. Stylistic comparison makes it possible to differentiate between the fragments that originate from the north and south tympana in Senwosret III’s north chapel. On the large block from the south tympanum and on the smaller fragments that seem to belong to it, figures and hieroglyphs are rendered with less modeling and less detail,

742

Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 189, fig. 156. Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pl. 56. 744 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pl. 53. Here only the lily plant serves to identify the goddess; her figure has not survived. 743

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with edges that are not crisply cut and surfaces that are relatively flat.745 In contrast, the figures and hieroglyphs of the north tympanum include greater modeling, fine internal detail and edges that are extremely well cut. Also distinct is the preservation of paint: those pieces from the higher-quality north tympanum preserve much vivid color, while those from the south retain little pigment. Although one might expect that the finer tympanum originated from the southern false door wall, as discussed above, this does not seem to have been the case. Instead, it seems that the more accomplished tympanum was placed over the entrance door in the north wall, and the tympanum of lesser quality stood over the false door. The largest single block preserved from either tympana comes from the center of the south wall and is decorated with a ritual scene depicting the enthroned king surrounded by various deities. In addition, the very edge of the vaulted ceiling remains, though unfortunately none of the ceiling stars have been preserved (pl. 308). 746 Just to the right of the tympanum’s center line, a right facing Horus is depicted as a human figure with a falcon head, who stands before a left facing enthroned Senwosret III. The deity is described as the Behedite, the great god and foremost of Hebenu, a place name that often refers to a location near the necropolis of Zawiyet el-Amwat, 747 but can also designate a site in the Delta.748 In front of the deity 745

The hieroglyphs on the tympana found in the chapels of Senwosret III’s queens and princesses also have fairly flat surfaces; see Stünkel, “Relief Decoration of the Cult Chapels,” in press. 746 Reg. no. 04.185; 71.5 x 53 cm (entire block including portion of ceiling.) A small piece of the bottom of the throne is omitted from the picture. 747 Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 1369; the site is on the east bank, slightly south of modern Minya. See also Gauthier, Dictionnaire, vol. 4, p. 25; Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 310-11.

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and facing right is the upper part of his speech to the king, in which he bestows life, dominion and probably all health or joy. Above his speech is a vertically oriented Khakaure cartouche followed further to the right by the epithets “the perfect god and the Lord of the Two Lands,” phrases that one would have expected above the cartouche, but are here shifted, probably for lack of space. Senwosret III sits on a throne the side of which is completely covered by a motif of bound lily and papyrus plants. The king wears the red crown, holds a flail in his forward (proper right) hand and a mekes-instrument in his back (proper left) hand; his arms are flexed at the elbow. Behind the king are parts of a shen-sign serving as the base of a sunshade followed by two half-sky-signs or doorpost-signs also supported by shen-signs; 749 below is the edge of a sæ-sign (Sign-list V16). To the left of the central vertical dividing line is an inscription for Seth. Preserved is part of the nbw-sign designating Seth’s sacred city, followed by part of the inscription ãnty sw níwt(?) “foremost of Su.” 750 The figure of 748

For the possible Delta location of a place called Hebenu, see Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. II, pp. 219-22. See also Nowak, “Passage of Merikare,” pp. 83-86. Since Senwosret III wears the red crown here, it seems likely that the northern Hebenu is intended. 749 The hieroglyph has the form of a rectangle with a triangular projection at the lower right, a shape that can be associated either with the end of a star band or the bottom of a door wing with a triangular pivot. The rectangular part of the object is supported by a shen-sign. According to Spencer (“Enigmatic Hieroglyphs,” p. 54), the sign is meant to denote the boundary of the sky. Westendorf (“Himmelsgöttin,” pp. 348-57) also believes the sign depicts the corner of the sky. These signs must have existed as actual objects, since men are shown carrying them in the pyramid temple of Userkaf (Labrousse, Complexes funéraires d’Ouserkaf, vol. 1, pp. 121-22, vol. 2, p. 83, fig. 265), the pyramid temple of Niuserre (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, p. 85, fig. 62), the sun temple of Niuserre (vom Bissing, Re-Heiligtum, vol. II, pls. 16, 18, 19, 22), the pyramid temple of Unis (Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 112, doc. 79, fig. 105) and probably in the pyramid temple of Khufu (Reisner, History of the Giza Necropolis, vol. II, p. 5, n. 6 no. 5, fig. 7 no.37-3-4h). The position of these objects behind the king is an indication that they had some sort of protective value. 750 The third s-sign that should belong to the toponym Su is not visible. The place was in the area of Herakleopolis and was sacred to Seth; see Gomaà, Besiedlung Ägyptens, vol. I, pp. 36365 for other Middle Kingdom royal inscriptions naming this city.

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Seth must have stood below, where there is now the setting for a large patchstone that has not been recovered. Three other pieces must originate from the right (west) side of the south tympanum. Fragments have been recovered with the same elements facing in the same direction as those that have been assigned to the north tympanum, including a goddess facing left, a kneeling fecundity figure and inscriptions mentioning foreign lands. The two groups of pieces are stylistically quite distinct, suggesting that those similar to the large piece discussed above belonged to the same tympanum. Specifically, as was mentioned above, the pieces from the south tympanum lack modeling and tend to have incised details rather than the slight surface modulation that is common in the pyramid complex of Senwosret III. In addition, the fragments have a similar brownish patina, which suggests that they might have originated from the same block.751 First is a fragment that includes part of the opening phrase of a deity speech [ÿdmdw] dí.n n[.k]… “[Recitation:] have given to [you]…” To the right is part of the head of the Lower Egyptian goddess Wadjet, identifiable by the fragmentary inscription above as well as the cobra on her forehead. Behind her is a vertical dividing line (pl. 309). 752 The goddess and accompanying texts all face left and must have originally followed directly after the protective inscriptions placed behind the enthroned king. An example of a goddess standing behind the enthroned king is

751

Though surface condition and color are not definitive means of deciding which pieces originally came from the same block; see here pls. 63, 111-12, 117, 180, 199, 238 for examples of joined fragments with widely varying surface preservation. 752 Reg. nos. 04.307/1; 04.373; 04.637/1; 25.3 x 8.6 cm.

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known from the pyramid temple of Niuserre 753 and a position more towards the center of the tympanum would be appropriate for a standing figure. Another piece with all elements facing left includes part of a kneeling fecundity figure’s outstretched arm and hetep-sign, below which are ankh-signs suspended from short strings. In front of the figure is part of a column of inscription …œtpw nb ÿfæ nb… “…all offerings, all food…” (pl. 310). 754 Two blocks found in the pyramid temple offering chamber show clearly that tympana included kneeling fecundity figures (see cat. nos. OC 19-20, pls. 305-7), and two similar inscriptions, also directly behind goddesses, are found on pieces that probably originate from the same location (cat. nos. OC 17-18, pls. 303-4). Kneeling fecundity figures would be logical choices for the narrower, outer sections of the tympana, which according to the present reconstruction could not accommodate standing figures (pl. 356). Behind the kneeling figures, the outermost sections of the north chapel tympana contained columns of inscription proclaiming the king’s dominion over surrounding lands. 755 A section with parts of five undivided vertical columns remains from the right (west) side of the north tympanum. From left to right the text reads ãæswt nb[t?] 756 “all foreign or hilly lands,” [œæw]-nb[w] 757 nbt “all lands of the Delta coast

753

Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pp. 16 fig. 6, 57, 88-91, pl. 16. In the New Kingdom goddesses are quite commonly placed behind the throne of a god; for examples, see Nelson, Great Hypostyle Hall, pls. 36, 46, 55-56, 58, 70, 80, 137, 150. 754 Reg. nos. 00.361/1; 00.380; 00.695/2,/3; 03.362/2; 03.373; 25.0 x 15.4 cm. 755 Reg. nos. 03.353; 03.356; 03.364/1; 03.365/5; 39.9 x 12.0 cm. According to Baines (Fecundity Figures, p. 247), foreign countries and fecundity figures share the same sphere of meaning since both can bring gifts. 756 Another similarly inscribed fragment from a north chapel tympanum preserves both the nband t-signs (reg. nos. 04.92/3; 04.113/2; 04.221/1; 04.588/1). However, there does not seem to be enough space here for the t-sign and it was possibly omitted.

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or Mediterranean,” 758 tæ[w?] fn[ãw? nb] “? [all?] lands? of the Fenekhu,” 759 pÿwt nbt “all foreigners or bow-people.” 760 Clearly the general tone of the text is that all areas near Egypt are under the control of the king. 761 Curiously Nubia is not mentioned, as Senwosret III is known to have conducted extensive military campaigns there. 762 The omission suggests that the text was formulaic and not an attempt to enumerate the king’s historical accomplishments. Although only one small piece with what is probably a foreign lands inscription can be tied directly to either of the tympana in the

757

One of the pieces from the left side of the south tympanum, not illustrated here, preserves a similar inscriptions with three nb-signs followed by nbt. For the use of triple hieroglyphs to indicate plurals, see here pp. 74-75. 758 Erman, Wörterbuch, vol. II, p. 227. Hannig (Großes Handwörterbuch, pp. 400, 502) suggests that over time the meaning of the word may have evolved from a reference to the coast of the Delta, to the more general north Mediterranean and finally, in the 26th Dynasty, to the Aegean. The sense probably intended here is that the king has dominion over the seas north of Egypt. The hilly lands and north Mediterranean follow each other on a relief from the pyramid temple of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 95-96, pl. 19). 759 In the pyramid texts, Fenekhu seems to have been used as a general description for foreigners coming from the east (Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel, p. 63 with further references). According to Allen (Pyramid Texts, p. 430), the term refers to “people east of Egypt.” In a New Kingdom text, the Lebanese coast is intended (Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel, p. 200). See also Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 306; Erman, Wörterbuch, vol. I, p. 577. A very similar text sequence is found on the east and west façades of Senwosret I’s socalled White Chapel at Karnak with only the pÿwt nbt omitted; see Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pp. 211-12, pl. 2. Lacau divides the text into three thematic segments: material provisions, life and similar general blessings, and foreign lands. In this case, the gifts are intended for Amun-Re rather than the king. See also Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 209-10. 760 Most likely the nbt at the far right belongs with the pÿwt and these signs concluded the tympanum decoration. 761 All three preserved segments of the text from both north chapel tympana include the “Delta coast or north Mediterranean” and traces of the Fenekhu, arguing against the possibility that the inscriptions were changed to reflect their position on the walls of the temple. 762 For discussions of Senwosret III’s Nubian campaigns, see Callender, in Shaw ed., Ancient Egypt, pp. 165-67; Vandersleyen, L’Égypte, pp. 92-95; Delia, “Senwosret III,” pp. 24-107; S. Smith, Askut, pp. 4, 27, 32, 40, 42, 43, 46, 50, 68-70, 179, 190; Säve-Söderbergh, Ägypten und Nubien, pp. 74-79 all with further references.

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pyramid temple offering chamber, 763 the overall similarities found on complementary pieces from both structures suggest that the outer edges of all tympana were comparable. The question of why themes of territorial dominance were placed here will be addressed below, in conjunction with other conclusions about the arrangement of the false door wall. A larger group of fragments remains from the north tympanum, particularly from its right (east) side. Pieces have been assigned to this tympanum based on the finer rendering of details, subtle modeling, slight layering of forms and greater preservation of paint. The back-to-back depictions of Horus and Seth, separated by a vertical green dividing line, and their accompanying inscriptions are preserved on several pieces (pls. 312-14, 319-20, 328). 764 In contrast to the directions of the figures on the south tympanum, here Seth faces right towards the king in the white crown and Horus faces left towards the king in the red crown. Both gods were dressed in a bluegreen tunic with a ceremonial tail at the back and carried a was-scepter in the front hand and held an ankh-sign in the back hand. Rather oddly, the inscription above Horus identifies him as ãnty pr-wr “foremost of the per-wer-shrine,” a structure associated with Upper Egypt. 765 However, the papyrus-plant sign just to the left of the center dividing line seems to suggest the existence of a Lower Egyptian per-wer, or is perhaps simply a scribal error. Above the figure of Seth is part of a sedge-sign (Sign-list 763

The only remaining fragment of the text on a piece that can be assigned to a pyramid temple offering chamber tympanum is the word nbt behind one of the kneeling fecundity figures (see here OC 16, pl. 305). 764 1) Reg. nos. 04.81; 04.301; 04.374; 23.3 x 20.4 cm; pl. 312 2) Reg. nos. 03.580; 04.524/1; 11.2 x 8.0 cm; pl. 313 3) Reg. nos. 03.340; 04.63; 04.666/1; 35.7 x 22.9 cm; pl. 314 4) Reg. nos. 03.435; 04.335; 07.305/2; 29.1 x 6.5 cm; pl. 328. 765 Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, p. 174.

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M26), a hieroglyph designating Upper Egypt. Seth makes a speech to the king, which also faces right, that seems to grant him so-called general blessings (pls. 314, 319-20). A number of pieces preserve the left-facing enthroned king himself, who wears the white crown and holds a flail in his proper right hand and a mekes-instrument in his proper left hand (pls. 317-20). 766 Extraordinary is a piece with the bottom of the king’s profile, distinguished by a faint but distinct naso-labial fold and a slightly drooping jaw, features included on this small work that recall the so-called aged appearance of the king’s face on larger reliefs and statues. 767 In this instance, the king seems to have been designated by his Horus-of-gold name Kheper, a somewhat unusual occurrence, followed by the phrase dí ënã “given life” (pls. 314-15). 768 A group of protective objects and a text facing left are vertically aligned behind the king; they include probably two examples of the shen-sign supporting either the doorpost-sign or the halfsky-sign (see n. 749). 769 Below is a shen-sign beneath a vertical object from which hangs a scorpion holding an ankh-sign. The text concludes with sæ [œæ].f nb “all protection is behind him” (pls. 316-17, 320). Behind the king was a standing depiction of the goddess Nekhbet facing left, who wears a vulture headdress and carries a was-scepter and an ankh-sign. She is identified by an inscription that was placed at the very top of the tympanum; two of 766

1) Reg. no. 03.361; 15.3 x 4.6 cm; pl. 317 2) Reg. no. 07.181; 6.2 x 4 cm; pl. 318; 3) Reg. nos. 03.554/1; 07.221; 07.305/1; 07.365; 18.7 x 11.2 cm; pl. 319; 4) Reg. nos. 03.501; 03.554/2; 03.563; 04.24; 04.124; 04.464; 04.567/2; 04.611; 07.274; 07.348; 07.420; 64.5 x 23.8 cm; pl. 320. 767 For examples, see Wildung, Ägypten 2000, pp. 94-111; Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, pp. 37-44; F. Polz, “Bildnisse,” pp. 227-54. 768 Reg. no. 03.531; 13 x 8.9 cm; pl. 315. 769 The smaller one is reg. no. 04.748; 7.3 x 2.8 cm; pl. 316; the larger contained part of the king’s head and has been mentioned above.

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these fragments preserve curving strokes of blue-green paint, which must have been accidentally brushed onto the tympanum when the blue background color was applied to the ceiling (for the same feature in the pyramid temple offering chamber, see below). The goddess makes a speech to the king, also facing left, that seems to consist of general blessings (pls. 320-24). 770 Following the goddess, the right side of the tympanum concludes with series of elements facing left. First there is a speech that lists offerings made by a kneeling fecundity figure who carries a hetep-tray in his outstretched arms, below which are ankh-signs suspended from strings. The figure wore a headdress that was most probably composed of sedge plants. An inscription directly in front of the figure either identifies him or lists more blessings the king will receive. Behind the fecundity figure is what seems to be a five column inscription similar to the one described above that granted the king dominion over foreign lands. The right end of the text preserves a piece of the curving juncture of the tympanum and the ceiling (pls. 323-27). 771 A few pieces from the left (west) half of the north tympanum rounds out the picture of the decorative program. As was mentioned above, the enthroned king faced right, confronting the god Horus who faced to the left and made a speech to the king;

770

1) Reg. no. 04.187; 13.2 x 6 cm; pl. 321; 2) Reg. nos. 04.271/1; 05.390/2; 11.2 x 5.3 cm; pl. 322; 3) Reg. nos. 04.295/3; 04.379; 6.7 x 4.7 cm; pl. 323; 4) Reg. no. 07.374; 12.2 x 4 cm; pl. 324. 771 1) Reg. no. 03.599; 7.1 x 6.7 cm; pl. 325; 2) Reg. nos. 03.422; 03.450; 03.511; 03.558; 03.583; 04.92/3; 04.110; 04.113/2; 04.211; 04.221/1; 04.588/1; 04.647/3; 61.8 x 24.4 cm; pl. 326 3) Reg. no. 04.699/3; 2.5 x 3 cm; pl. 327a 4) Reg. nos. 03.595; 07.162; 7.6 x 3.4 cm; pl. 327a 5) 04.608/1; 11.5 x 6.2 cm; pl. 327b.

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parts of both figures and the inscription have survived (pls. 312, 314, 328). 772 Enough remains of the king himself to show that he had the same bent elbow pose as the other tympana figures and presumably carried a flail and mekes-instrument. As was mentioned above, the king here wears the red crown (pls. 329-30). On the west end of the tympanum Senwosret III is identified by a vertically oriented Khakaure cartouche and is described as the “perfect god” and the “lord of the two lands” (pl. 328). Similar protective symbols were placed behind him. Small pieces remain of the goddess behind the king, who in this case must have been Wadjet facing right, and the speech she makes to the king (pls. 331-32). 773 Finally, there is a small piece of the kneeling fecundity figure facing right, who wears a papyrus headdress, and portions of the foreign lands inscription (pls. 333-34). 774

Because there are very few gaps in the decoration, the width of the right half of the north tympanum can be estimated as follows: Distance from center dividing line to Seth was-scepter

ca. 16.0 cm

Distance from was-scepter to back of throne

26.5 cm

Distance from back of throne to goddess speech

10.3 cm

Width of goddess speech

7.3 cm

Distance from goddess speech to fecundity figure speech

772

14.0 cm

1) Reg. no. 04.270; 10 x 5.2 cm; pl. 329; 2) Reg. nos. 04.562; 04.697/1; 14.8 x 6 cm; pl. 330; 3) Reg. no. 03.421; 19.5 x 3.7 cm; pl. 332. 773 Reg. no. 04.586/2; 3.2 x 2.5 cm; pl. 331. 774 1) Reg. no. 04.307/2; 9.4 x 7.6 cm; pl. 333; 2) Reg. nos. 03.493/1; 05.351; 05.395; 22.3 x 12.2 cm; pl. 334.

415

Width of fecundity figure speech

7.5 cm

Distance from area in front of fecundity figure to end of Fenekhu inscription

46.2 cm

Width of “all foreign lands” inscription

ca. 8.0 cm

Width of final nbt inscription

10.0 cm

Estimated width of right half of north tympanum

145.8 cm

The total width of the north chapel tympanum and therefore of the north and south walls in the structure would therefore have been about 292 cm (288.75 cm=5.5 cubits). It is possible that there were an additional several centimeters in the corners of the tympana after the last group of signs.

Tympana in the Pyramid Temple Offering Chamber of Senwosret III Several pieces of evidence have helped to identify parts of the pyramid temple offering chamber tympana. First, it was observed that some relief fragments that must have originated from inside the temple included the remains of a horizontal torus, a feature usually associated with outside walls. 775 On these pieces the torus was placed above the kheker-frieze, a finishing element that usually occupies the very top of a decorated wall. 776 Above the torus were the remains of figures, a position that is not only unusual, but also indicates the presence of a scene above and separate from the main 775

See Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 50, 51, fig. 18a, 54, pl. 36d-e for a discussion of interior tori. For other examples of an interior tori in rooms with vaulted ceilings, see el-Naggar, Les voûtes, pls. 219-20; Naville, Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pt. V, pl. 119. 776 The kheker-frieze is briefly discussed in Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, p. 122.

416

decoration of the room (OC 5, OC 9, OC 19-20). 777 Second, one large piece without a torus found in the pyramid temple clearly shows that it joined a curved ceiling (OC 14), while a second fragment preserves slight remains of such a juncture (OC 11). Third, some of the fragments have blackish-gray background color, a feature found on some of the pieces from the false door wall. Finally, several pieces found in the pyramid temple have iconography that is extremely similar to what is found on the better-preserved north chapel tympana. 778 While the structure of the vaulted room clearly required two tympana, the surviving fragments cannot be divided between them. As was the case with the tympana found in the north chapel, it appears that in the pyramid temple the king did not occupy the center of the composition, but rather was shifted slightly to the side; the central figures were back-to-back depictions of Horus and Seth. The arrangement of two enthroned (or standing) figures receiving offerings or blessings is a common one in Egyptian art and the relative positions of the figures does not seem to have been fixed: either the king or a deity (or deities) can be shown as two central, back-to-back images that face outwards. The position of the figures also does not indicate who is the celebrant and who is the recipient of the cult. 779 In Senwosret III’s pyramid complex, the position of the king outside the center 777

A fragment probably from one of the tympana in Pepi II’s offering chamber includes the remains of a kheker-frieze with a block border and an inscription above it (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 65, pl. 105); in Senwoset III’s pyramid temple offering chamber, there does not seem to have been a block border above the kheker or torus. 778 As noted above (n. 740), the north chapel did not have an interior torus. 779 For examples of back-to-back depictions of the king presenting offerings to a deity, see a lintel of Senwosret III from Medamoud now in the Louvre (E13983; Cottevielle-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pl. IX; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1929],” pls. VIII, XII). For

417

of the composition facing inwards means that he essentially faces towards the center of the false door. 780 Although royal false doors do not seem to have included representations of the king on the door itself, private false doors often depict the deceased oriented inwards towards the center. 781 The position of Senwosret III on his tympana may therefore have been influenced by its position above the false door.

Catalogue of Tympana Pieces from the Pyramid Temple Offering Chamber of Senwosret III

OC 3 Enthroned Senwosret III with Red Crown Facing Right (pl. 290) 43.1 x 85.8 cm

92.317 (S/30d); 92.432 (S/30cd); 92.436 (S/30d); 93.186

(S/30ab); 96.841 (T/31b); 96.863 (T/31b); 00.531/1, /2 (Q/30c); 00.741 (Q/30c)

examples of back-to-back depictions of the king receiving offerings, see a lintel from the pyramid temple of Amenemhat I (JdE 40484; Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” p. 77, fig. 33); a lintel of Senwosret III from Medamoud now in the Egyptian Museum (JdE 56497; Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1929],” pl. IV; Cottevielle-Giraudet, Médamoud [1931], pl. 1). For examples of back-to back depictions of a deity presenting offerings, see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 10 (in this case Nekhbet and Wadjet in vulture and cobra form present was-scepters and shen-signs to the name of the king). For examples of back-to-back depictions of a deity receiving offerings, see the stela of Senwosret III from the temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahari (Naville, Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pt. I, pl. XXIV; the figures receiving offerings are Amun and the deified Mentuhotep Nebhepetre); a lintel of Amenemhat Sobekhotep from Medamoud (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1929],” pl. V). Note that in some of these examples inscriptions separate the central figures. 780 In the north wall of the north chapel, the king would face towards the entrance. 781 Numerous examples can be found in Hassan, Gîza 1930-1931, pp. 25 fig. 22, 27 fig. 25, 38 fig. 35, 51 fig. 45, 53 fig. 48, 55 fig. 50, 82 fig. 86, 91 fig. 94, 175 fig. 208, 201 fig. 222, 206-7 fig. 228, 210 fig. 230. There are also instances in which double figures of the deceased facing inwards are placed in panels above the false door; for an example, see Kanawati, Teti Cemetery, vol. III, pls. 18, 58.

418

The piece belongs to a large patchstone and preserves vertical masonry edges at left and right; large chunks of the plaster used to secure it to the wall still adhere to the back. Remaining are parts of the head, arms, torso and legs of the enthroned Senwosret III facing right. 782 The king wears the red crown, a feature that eliminates either the square antechamber or the long walls of the offering chamber as an original location for the piece. 783 In his proper right hand the king holds a flail; the arm is bent at the elbow and the forearm overlaps the back of the chest. The king’s proper left arm stretches in front of him; based on a comparison with the north chapel tympana, it probably held a mekes-instrument. The preserved upper half of the throne contains a representation of the bounds plants of Upper and Lower Egypt in an inset at the lower left.784 In front of the king is the bottom of his Khakaure cartouche (prenomen) with the inscription dí ënã “given life” below. Behind the king’s head is a sunshade with an angled bottom standing in a shen-sign; below his elbow is a sæ-sign meaning “protection,” followed

782

The piece was included in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 138, pl. 157a. At that time it was not possible to precisely determine where the piece had stood in the temple and it was erroneously suggested that he was surrounded by the figures now identified as the bæw of Pe and Nekhen. 783 Evidence from the pyramid temple of Pepi II indicates that the king wore the nemesheaddress in the square antechamber and when seated at the offering table (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 50, 51, 61, 63-64); however, the king’s headdress is preserved only on one wall of each chamber. Senwosret I wears the nemes-headdress when seated at his north chapel offering table (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pls. 49, 56). Senwosret III also seems to wear the nemesheaddress when seated before the offering table in the north chapel (unpublished fragments). For the idea that the nemes-headdress is worn in important scenes, see Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 318-19. 784 The inverted flowers of the bound plants do not seem to touch the upright ones; for a discussion of the bound plant motif in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, see Do. Arnold, “Studies on the Statue Acc. 25.6,” forthcoming. In the Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasties, the flowers often touch.

419

after a broken area by ënã.f nb and a small piece of curving sign with yellow color and a red outline. Stylistically the figure is not as fine as others from the pyramid temple: there is little surface modeling and objects that lie on top of other objects are simply incised, rather than carved back around the edges to create a raised effect. Such inferior workmanship is somewhat surprising in an image of the king, but may reflect the problems inherent in carving an awkwardly placed section of the wall. 785 Based on comparison with the large north chapel block, this piece must have stood to the left of the center of one of the offering chamber’s tympana, facing the center of the composition and probably a standing depiction of Horus. The king’s red crown indicates a northern orientation, meaning that the piece would originate from the north side of the offering chamber’s east tympanum.

OC 4 Patchstone Containing Front of Throne and Ankles of King Facing Right (pl. 291) 19.1 x 7 cm

98.1191 (S/28)

The piece is a patchstone with masonry edges preserved on the top, bottom and left sides. Remaining on the patchstone is a section of the lower quadrant of the front of the king’s throne; to the right is a vertical block border marking the edge of the throne and to the left a portion of the yellow interior, a color probably intended to signify 785

It is difficult to understand why one tympanum in the north chapel was clearly higher in quality than the other, as one would expect that the problems of carving directly beneath the ceiling were the same for both. Perhaps there were differences in available light or perhaps one sculptor was simple more skilled or better able to cope with the cramped conditions.

420

gold. To the right are parts of the overlapping ankles and upper feet of the king facing right. Based on the scale, the patchstone probably originates from one of the tympanum in the offering chamber and originally it may have been placed between catalogue numbers OC 3 and OC 5, the latter of which preserves the setting for a patchstone at the top.

OC 5 Piece of King’s Throne and Foot Facing Right with Edge of Interior Horizontal Torus Below (pl. 292) 13 x 14.8 cm

00.371 (Q/30d)

There is a horizontal setting for a patchstone at the top of the piece and a small part of the right side of patchstone setting at the right. The upper part of the block contains the bottom of a depiction of the enthroned king facing right. To the left is the lower right corner of the king’s throne with remains of the vertical block border that embellished its right edge. To the right is the back of the ankle, heel and half of the arch of the king’s foot. Below is part of the rectangular throne base with green color, followed by an uneven incised groundline and an incompletely smoothed area. At the bottom of the piece is the rising edge of the top of the horizontal torus. The piece probably originates from the bottom of the fragmentary scene depicting the king with the red crown described above (cat. nos. OC 3-4).

OC 6 Piece of King’s Throne and Inscription Behind It Facing Left (pl. 293)

421

26.2 x 16.5 cm

00.783/3 (R/30b); 00.1091 (R/31ab)

The piece on the right is a patchstone with preserved masonry edges on the top, bottom and left sides; the fragment on the left aligns well with the edge of the patchstone and is stylistically quite similar. Preserved on the fragment is part of the throne inset with the bound plants; those on the left are probably papyrus and those on the right lilies, as they are slightly narrower, though neither flower is well defined. Part of the vertical block border marking the front of the inset is preserved to the left and part of the vertical block border at the back of the throne remains to the right. Behind the throne is the end of an inscription facing left that reads “…nb [mí] Rë ÿ[t]” “all…?… [like] Re forever.” The piece has been assigned to one of the tympana based on the size of the throne inset.

OC 7 Piece of Throne (pl. 294) 10 x 5.9 cm

93.975 (S/29b); 98.1406/2 (S/28)

Parts of lily and papyrus plants tied around a “windpipe” are preserved on this fragment; a section of the “lungs” at the bottom of the “windpipe” is also preserved. Based on the scale of the elements, the piece seems to belong to one of the tympanum; the direction cannot be determined. Note however that to the right of the lilies there is a large area of background without any indication of the throne borders. It is therefore possible that the object depicted here is not part of a tympanum, but rather is a hieroglyph describing the uniting of the two lands. 786

786

For a similar sign in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, see here pl. 226.

422

OC 8 Piece of Throne (pl. 295) 7.8 x 3.7 cm

98.1406/1 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the piece near the bottom of the throne. Preserved on this fragment is a vertical block border and part of the plant stems from a tying scene in a throne inset. The scale of the throne suggests that it originates from one of the tympana; the direction cannot be determined.

OC 9 Piece of Figure(?), Interior Horizontal Torus and Kheker-Frieze (pl. 296) Upper decorated surface: 25.4 x 10.4 cm; destroyed horizontal torus: ca 12 cm high; kheker-frieze: 17.5 x 10.5 cm

00.597 (Q/31d)

Three separate elements are found on this piece. Above is the bottom of a scene, probably with part of a male figure. In the middle is the badly chipped surface of the horizontal torus that ran around the top of the offering chamber’s walls. Below is the fan-shaped top of two khekers from the frieze placed across the top of the rectangular portion of the wall. The piece can be assigned to a tympanum because this is the only decorated section of the offering chamber that would have been above the horizontal torus.

OC 10 Part of Inscription from Two Figures Facing Each Other (pl. 297) 15.2 x 10.3 cm

99.355/1 (Q/28)

423

The piece is a patchstone with masonry edges on the top, bottom and left sides. Preserved are parts of two inscriptions facing each other. At right, reading from left to right, is the phrase ÿd-mdw dí… “Recitation: …given…” marking the beginning of a speech made by a deity to the king. At left is a nïr-sign reading from right to left that presumably belonged to the “perfect god” epithet of the king. The piece has been assigned to a tympanum based on the size and the rough rendering of the hieroglyphs, which are similar to those found on the large block with the king in the red crown discussed above. If the fragment originates from an offering chamber tympanum, the juxtaposition of the nïr-sign and the top of the deity speech would indicate that the pyramid temple and the north chapel tympana had slightly different arrangements (see pl. 308). A rearrangement of elements may be a result of switching the flail from a position in front of the king (north chapel) to one behind him (pyramid temple), leaving more room for text in front of the figure. The patchstone may have originally joined the following fragment (cat. no. OC 11).

OC 11 Part of Inscription for Horus Facing Left (pl. 298) 32.1 x 18.2 cm

93.580 (R/30cd); 94.406 (R/30d)

The piece to the right is a patchstone with parts of all four edges preserved. The piece to the left preserves the edge of a patchstone setting on the right. Two fragments belong to this piece. At right is a patchstone placed here based on the alignment of the signs spanning the two pieces and the unusual incised horizontal guideline that runs across the bottom of the ãnt-sign. Parts of the three vertically

424

aligned columns of text facing left remain, none of which are separated by dividing lines. The far left column states dí.f ënã “he gives life” a phrase meaning Horus will give life to the king; because of the available space, the f-sign is placed below both the dí-sign and the ënã-sign. The center column contains the epithets of Horus Bœdt nïr ëæ “the Behdedite, the great god.” 787 At the far right the text reads ãnty ít…, probably describing Horus as “foremost of the ítrt-shrines,” holy places that can be connected with Upper or Lower Egypt and Horus. 788 On the background of the fragment at the upper right is a stripe of bluish-green paint that must have been accidentally brushed onto the tympanum when the ceiling was painted blue. Similar lines of paint are visible on catalogue number OC 14 (pl. 300) and pieces from the north chapel (pls. 321, 323, 326). Here the line is only slightly curved, probably reflecting its position near the apex of the tympanum.

OC 12 Shoulder and Divine Wig of Male Deity Facing Left with Vertical Dividing Line (pl. 299, left)

7.3 x 13.1 cm

00.655/1 (R/30b)

OC 13 Back Arm and Portion of Divine Wig of Male Deity Facing Right (pl. 299, right) 789 8 x 15.5 cm

00.623 (Q/31d)

787

For a discussion of the term nïr ëæ, see Baines, “’Greatest God,’” pp. 13-28. More signs would be needed to understand the location. Since the relief may have been joined the king in the red crown, the reference might have been to Lower Egypt. See Leitz, Lexikon, vol. V, pp. 789-92. For an example of an Upper Egyptian ítrt-shrine in a pyramid temple, see Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 113, doc. 83, fig. 109, pl. XXXVII. A Lower Egyptian example is found on the side of the statue throne of Senwosret I; see Gautier, Licht, p. 37, fig. 36. 789 The two pieces were photographed separately and have been here combined into single image using the Photoshop graphics program. 788

425

There are vertical masonry edges on the right side of the left piece and on the left side of the right piece. The two pieces discussed here probably originally joined across the vertical masonry edge and belonged to the center of one of the offering chamber’s tympana. At left is a patchstone with part of the proper left shoulder and wig of a male deity facing left. Behind the figure and nearly touching it is a vertical dividing line. Another piece includes part of the proper right arm and two strands of a wig from a male deity facing right. To the left is a vertical masonry edge. When placed together, the two pieces align well and are both equally close to the vertical dividing line on the piece at left. In addition, both fragments have the grayish-black background color found on some pieces that appear to originate from the false door wall. The figures likely come from the center of one of the offering chamber tympana, where comparison with the north chapel shows that back-to-back deities standing close to and separated by a dividing line are to be expected (see pls. 308, 312, 314).

OC 14 Left Side of Tympanum with Part of Two Columns of Inscription Facing Right (pl. 300)

22.1 x 18 cm

01.216 (R/32)

A curved line that preserves the edge of a vaulted ceiling places this piece on one of the tympana of the offering chamber. Marking the edge of the curve is a line of bluishgreen color brushed here when the ceiling was painted (for a similar line, see cat. no. OC 11). Parts of two inscriptions remain, circumscribed by vertical dividing lines. At right is a nãn-sign (Sign-list O48), signaling that the goddess represented below was

426

Nekhbet, a figure who also appears on the tympana of the north chapel. To the left, framed by vertical dividing lines, is the top of a deity’s speech to the king ÿd-mdw dí… “Recitation…?…given…” The direction of the speech shows that this figure and presumably also Nekhbet faced to the right. Since Nekhbet is most closely associated with Upper Egypt, and since the figures must have faced towards the back of the enthroned king to the right, one would assume that this fragment originated from the south side of the west tympanum, that is, over the false door and to the left. The figure addressing the king behind Nekhbet should be one of the kneeling fecundity figures that occupied the outer sections of the tympana (pls. 310, 326-27, 333).

OC 15 Part of Deity Speech and Top of Was-Scepter Carried by Deity Facing Left (pl. 301) 12.2 x 13.6 cm

96.416 (T/31a); 98.756 (S/28)

To the left is the beginning of a deity speech ÿ[d-mdw] dí.n n.k [ënã] wæs [nb]… “Recitation: I have given to you [all life,] dominion…” To the right is the top of a was-scepter, which is much larger than the one in the inscription, indicating that it must belong to a deity rather than a line of text. Based on the scale of the hieroglyphs, the piece has been tentatively assigned to a tympanum. However, it should be noted that most, though not all, of the deity speeches on Senwosret III’s north chapel tympana are set off by vertical dividing lines (for the absence of dividing lines, pls. 308, 312, 314, 319; for the presence of dividing lines, pls. 309-10, 320-21, 323-26, 332). Perhaps the dividing lines were omitted in the pyramid temple for reasons of space, as it has been difficult to fit the tympana into the proposed 5.25 m width of the offering

427

chamber (see below under conclusions). The presence of a deity speech directly in front of the figure and the smaller scale of the inscription exclude the possibility that the piece originates from the square antechamber.

OC 16 Part of Deity Speech and Hand of Female Deity and Was-Scepter Facing Left (pl. 302) 15.4 x 9.9 cm

94.1269/1 (R/31a)

The piece is a patchstone with part of the roughly rendered hand and was-scepter staff of female deity facing left. In front of the figure is a portion of the inscription …nb æwt [íb nb]…, “…all…?…[all] joy…,” which belongs to a speech made by the goddess to the king. The patchstone has been assigned to one of the offering chamber tympana for the same reasons as the preceding piece and with the same reservations (cat. no. OC 15). The two pieces could conceivably have belonged to the same figure and inscription. The patchstone has traces of the same grayish-black background observed on other pieces from the tympana and the false door wall.

OC 17 Legs of Female Deity Facing Left Followed by Part of Fecundity Figure Speech (pl. 303) 28.5 x 24.3 cm

00.783/1 (R/30b); 00.962 (R/31a)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece.

428

To the left are the legs of a female deity facing left dressed in a green garment and holding an ankh-sign in her proper left hand. 790 Behind her is vertical dividing line and the vertically oriented inscription …nb ÿf3t [nb]… “all…?… [all] food (or nourishment)” also facing left. Although the goddess’s hand and ankh-sign are about the same size as those of the figures in the square antechamber, the distance from the hand and ankh-sign to the garment hem is longer than the same interval on square antechamber goddesses, suggesting a somewhat larger figure.791 In addition, the inscription behind the goddess mentioning nourishment does not fit to what is known of the square antechamber’s decorative program, where speeches to the king seem to precede the registers of figures. Therefore a location for the goddess in the square antechamber can be excluded. Preceding one of the north chapel fecundity figures is an inscription similar to that on the piece under discussion here, though unfortunately, the goddess and fecundity figure cannot be directly connected (see pl. 310). The fragment with the goddess and offering inscription from the pyramid temple has been assigned to one of its tympana based on the similar inscription found on the north chapel tympanum, the size of the figure and the remains of blackish-gray color on the background, a feature that has been observed on other false door wall fragments.

790

For the question of color in deity garments, see here pp.69-72. Assuming that all deities in the square antechamber were more or less the same height (see p.78). 791

429

OC 18 Legs of Female Deity Followed by Part of Fecundity Figure Inscription Facing Right (pl. 304) 22.5 x 7

93.570 (R/30cd)

The piece is a patchstone with masonry edges on all four sides. Preserved are parts of the lower legs of a female deity wearing a green dress. Behind her is a vertical dividing line followed by a small piece of a vertical column of inscription. If the goddess had faced left, one could expect that the staff of her wasscepter would be visible in the space between the figure and inscription. However, since none is in evidence, one can determine that the goddess faced right. Preserved from the inscription is part of a thick horizontal hieroglyph that is probably an pæt-sign (Sign-list X4), which can belong to ÿfæw, a word found behind the similarly attired goddess on the preceding piece (cat. no. OC 17). The vertical sign could be part of a group of three strokes indicating multiple offerings; a similar arrangement is found on a piece from the north chapel (see pl. 325). Despite the differences in text arrangement, the patchstone can be tentatively assigned to an offering chamber tympanum based on the size of the figure, the type of inscription behind the goddess and the remains of blackish-gray color on the background.

OC 19 Foot of Kneeling Fecundity Figure Facing Right Followed by Part of Inscription; Interior Horizontal Torus Below (pl. 305) 11.5 x 14.3 cm

98.402/5 (R/28)

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Preserved is part of the upturned foot of a kneeling fecundity figure facing right followed by an inscription ending with nbt. The text may have originally read ãæst nbt “all foreign lands,” based on comparison with inscriptions originating from behind kneeling fecundity figures on north chapel tympana (pls. 311, 326). At the bottom of the fragment, the edge of the rising surface of the offering chamber’s horizontal torus is preserved, definitively indicating that the piece originated from a tympanum.

OC 20 Torso, Arm, Legs and Hetep-Tray of Kneeling Fecundity Figure Facing Left; Interior Horizontal Torus Below (pls. 306-7) a) 14.2 x 18.8 cm b) 20 x 14 cm

98.439/1 (R/28, lower)

92.668 (S/30cd)

There is a horizontal masonry edge between the fragments. Preserved on the upper block is parts of the front of a left facing fecundity figure’s torso with a pendulous breast and fleshy belly. Stretched in front of him are parts of the arms. A tiny piece of the edge of the thigh is visible to the left of the belly. The right end of the hetep-tray carried by the figure remains, along with traces across the arm of a string that must have held a suspended ankh-sign. As will be discussed below in conjunction with the ritual scenes of uncertain location (pp. 508-25), figures that carry ankh-signs suspended from strings seem to enact libation rituals, which this figure clearly does not. However, because the fecundity figures on tympana also carry ankhsigns but do not libate (see pl. 310), the original location of the figure can be

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recognized. The lack of surface modeling also suggests that the figure comes from a tympanum. Remaining on the lower block are parts of the buttocks, thigh, calf and foot of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left. The position of the masonry edges suggests that this piece joins to the torso discussed in the preceding paragraph. Like the piece described in the previous catalogue entry (OC 19), this block preserves remains of an interior horizontal torus at the bottom, indicating that it originates from one of the offering chamber’s tympana. Similar figures half the size were found in the remains of the north chapel, where they were depicting holding hetep-signs in their outstretched arms, below which three ankh-signs hung from short strings (pls. 310, 326-27). Both this figure and the one discussed above (cat. no. OC 19) probably inhabited the outer sections of one of the tympanum, where they would have occupied less vertical space than standing figures.

For concluding remarks about the tympana in the offering chamber, see below under “Conclusion: Understanding the Arrangement of the False Door Wall.”

WEST WALL: THE FALSE DOOR AND FLANKING DEITIES

Introduction

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The back walls of offering chambers,792 royal as well as private, and royal north chapels were dominated by the false door, conceived as the passage through which the deceased would have contact with the world of the living and receive the offerings necessary to sustain him or her in the next world. Little has survived from these walls in Old or Middle Kingdom royal offering chambers, but enough evidence remains from some pyramid complexes to show that false doors did not occupy the entire wall, but were flanked by scenes depicting striding deities. In Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, pieces of half life-size figures seem to have originated from such a location, but it is only with the help of parallels that a reconstruction can be proposed. Important for understanding this section of the offering chamber is the number, arrangement and selection of the deities.

Deities Flanking the False Door in North Chapels and Pyramid Temple Offering Chambers of the Old and Middle Kingdoms Evidence for the composition of the back walls of pyramid temple offering chambers and north chapels has survived from the north chapels of Pepi I, Merenre, Pepi II, and Senwosret I as well as the pyramid temple offering chambers of Sahure and Unis. Each show that striding divinities arranged in multiple registers flanked the false door and faced towards it. Although an arrangement of three registers is usual, variations clearly existed in the pattern and the number of figures included in each row. Because 792

The decorative programs of north chapels follow the same overall scheme as the offering chambers of pyramid temples; see Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 81 n. 184; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. I, pp. 4-5; Jánosi, “Nordkapellen,” p. 149; Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 78.

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divinities flank the false door in Sahure’s offering chamber, it appears that a standard iconographic program for the entire wall was established at roughly the same time as the false door was introduced into the pyramid complex. 793 The retention of flanking figures over such a long time span attests to the belief that they played a key role in facilitating the effective functioning of the royal false door. In the north chapels of Pepi I, Merenre(?), and Senwosret I, reconstructions suggest that there were three registers of decoration on each side of the false door and that each register had three figures, meaning that eighteen deities were depicted; according to Labrousse, these can be seen as two enneads. 794 From the north chapel of Pepi I, parts of two unidentified deities have been recovered. 795 The larger piece includes the corner block border at the right end of the wall, the inside corner of the wall and the rough, interior surface marking the juncture of the room’s south and west walls. 796 Although Labrousse has reconstructed registers of three figures, only groups of two are attested on the fragments. A large single block found in the north chapel of Merenre depicts an unidentified male deity facing right carrying a was-scepter and an ankh-sign. In front of the figure is part of a vertical line of text mentioning a granite

793

False doors were probably introduced two reigns earlier by Shepseskaf, but no information about the configuration of the false door or the space around it has survived from either his cult temple or that of his successor Userkaf. The question as to whether or not false doors were erected in the first pyramid temples or only appeared later is controversial (see pp. 381-84). 794 Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 11, 51. Labrousse does not attempt to identify or explain these enneads. 795 Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 11, 126-27, figs. 26-28, pl. IVb, c. At least one of the figures is human-headed, meaning that it cannot represent one of the bæw of Pe or Nekhen. 796 Visible on the photo in Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pl. IVc.

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false door, followed by an inscription related to offerings. 797 To the right of the text is a vertically oriented block border, which separated the deities and inscription from the false door, followed by a vertical masonry edge. Below, part of the inscription of a deity on the lower register is preserved, though unfortunately not enough remains to identify the figure. 798 Although Labrousse believed that each register had three deities, direct evidence only remains for single figures in each row.799 Five fragments have been recovered from the decoration flanking the false door of Senwosret I’s north chapel, including one large block that stood to the east (left) of the false door and depicts three partially identifiable male figures facing right.800 At the beginning of the procession is a male deity with a nome-standard on his head. Although a small piece of the vertical left contour of the object above the nome-sign remains, not enough is preserved to identify the symbol. Next is a jackal-headed figure who can be identified as Anubis of Gebelein based on the two pustule-signs (Sign-list Aa2) below the seated jackal hieroglyph; 801 the deity also appears on Senwosret III’s Medamoud gateway 802 and in his pyramid temple square antechamber (see cat. no. SA 235). The final deity is probably Amun, based on the tall, double-plumed headdress. A fragment from another register preserves part of the head of a jackal deity facing right 797

According to Labrousse (L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 52 n. 110), this line of text does not exist to the side of the false door in the north chapel of Pepi I. On Merenre’s relief, the figure of the deity and the inscription of the deity below are both in raised relief, while the vertical inscription is sunk (ibid., pl. XVIIIb). 798 Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 51-52, 157-58, figs. 104-5, pl. XVIIIb, c. 799 Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 157, fig. 104. 800 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 78-79, 82-83, pls. 51, 54. 801 Leitz, Lexikon, vol. I, p. 395. Arnold (Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 79) identified the figure more generally as an Anubis or Wepwawet. 802 Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud (1928),” pp. 49 and 107, no. 483; Cottevielle-Giraudet, Médamoud (1931), pl. 1. The gateway is now in the Egyptian Museum (JdE 56497).

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with the word snb “health” above him and a block border behind. Based on the frequency with which the bæw of Nekhen are represented to the side of royal false doors (see below), one could speculate that the jackal-headed figure belonged to a group of these divinities, but such an identification cannot be proved. A deity inscription placed west (right) of the false door and facing left may designate Geb.803 Another fragment with text and figures facing left includes the foot and tail of male deity and part of an inscription from the god below; preserved are a nb-sign and three horizontally oriented strokes, which seem to designate a deity who is nb Ãmnw, “lord of Khemenu (Hermopolis).” The position of the Hermopolitan deity seems strange, as one would expect geographical considerations to dictate that Upper Egyptian deities associated with Hermopolis and Gebelein should be placed on the same side of the false door. Finally, a relief found by The Metropolitan Museum of Art Expedition in 1984 preserves parts of two figures facing left, the second of which has been identified as a goddess. 804 Close examination of the excavation photo shows that only the figure’s hand and arm have survived, features which are often insufficient to determine gender. The identification a female would be important, as no other examples remain among the admittedly scanty material to indicate that goddesses were ever included among the deities flanking the false door. A depiction of a kneeling bæ of Nekhen also remains

803 804

Part of a goose-sign is preserved; see Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p.79, pls. 51, 53. Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 79.

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from Senwosret I’s pyramid temple, but it presumably did not originate from the side of the false door, as the figures depicted there appear to always stand.805 Particularly interesting for the present study are blocks recovered from the pyramid temple offering chambers of Sahure and Unis and the north chapel of Pepi II, all of which included representations of the bæw of Pe (falcon-headed) and Nekhen (jackal-headed) to the sides of their respective false doors. 806 In each case, the bæw of Pe were placed to the right of the false door and the bæw of Nekhen to the left of it. The figures are depicted in striding poses rather than the kneeling position combined with the hnw-gesture often adopted by these figures. 807 In the pyramid temple of Sahure, representations of three jackal-headed bæw of Nekhen and one presumably falcon-headed bæ of Pe were found mainly in the offering chamber and are believed to have originated from there; both sets of figures had human bodies. One piece preserves part of the long vertical line of text that was in front of the figures, most of a single figure and part of the corner block border behind it. Thus in Sahure’s pyramid temple offering chamber, each register had only a single figure and a total of six figures flanked the false door. As is to be expected, the bæw of Nekhen were placed south of the false door and the bæw of Pe to the north. 808

805

The relief may have originally stood in the courtyard. The unpublished piece is now in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum (acc. no. 09.180.41, Rogers Fund, 1909). 806 In the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty and especially in the Ramesside Period, examples are known in which the standard iconographic forms of the heads are reversed, meaning that the bæw of Pe have jackal heads and the bæw of Nekhen have falcon heads; see Schibler, “Ikonographie,” pp. 187-97. 807 The gesture is said to be one of respect or jubilation and rejoicing (Dominicus, Gesten und Gebärden, pp. 61-65). 808 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 39-40, fig. 6, pl. 23. See also Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 2, no. 5.2.13; Krug, Sahure-Reliefs, pp. 14, 24-25, 33, pl. 1.

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From the offering chamber of Unis’s pyramid temple comes the unique in situ survival of part of the false door and the feet of the figure standing to the south of it. Additional blocks were recovered that preserve parts of three registers each containing one jackal-headed bæ of Nekhen. It can be reasonably assumed that their companions the bæw of Pe stood north of the false door and faced left. No information remains about what was placed in front of the deities.809 In the north chapel of Pepi II,810 part of a falcon-headed bæ of Pe facing left was excavated, along with a portion of the vertical line of text in front that ran the length of all registers. 811 Although Labrousse has reconstructed three registers each containing three figures on either side of the false door, there is no direct evidence to suggest such a distribution. The information from the six pyramid complexes can be summarized as follows: King

Location

Identity

Number on Each Side Of False Door (=Both Sides)

809

Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 50-51, fig. 35, pp. 97-99, doc. 50, fig. 76, pl. XXXV. See also Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 2, no. 5.9.19. For an analysis of the texts related to the bæw of Pe and Nekhen in the pyramid temples of Sahure and Unis, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 33-34. 810 The north chapel of Pepi II was disassembled during a later construction phase and never rebuilt; see Jánosi, “Nordkapellen,” p. 147 with further references. 811 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. I, pp. 4-5, fig. 4; Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 8182, 189, fig. 156. Jéquier speculated that the offering chamber of Pepi II had similar figures flanking the false door, but he found no remains of them (Pepi II, vol. II, p. 66). The jackalheaded bæw of Nekhen were depicted in the square antechamber of Pepi II’s pyramid temple on the west wall (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 43, pls. 50-53); Jéquier assumed that the falconheaded bæw of Pe once occupied a section of the square antechamber’s east wall (ibid., p. 51). See also Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, p. 344, vol. 2, no. 6.5.26. The jackalheaded figures that stood in the vestibule north of the door leading to the square antechamber were identified by Jéquier as depictions of Anubis (Pepi II, vol. II, p. 34, pls. 44-45); they have sometimes been identified, probably wrongly, as bæw of Nekhen (Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” p. 270; DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 133).

438

Sahure

Pyr. Temple

bæw

1 figure in 3 registers (=6)

bæw

1 figure in 3 registers (=6)

Deities

at least 2 figures in 3 registers

off. chamber Unis

Pyr. Temple off. chamber

Pepi I

N. Chapel

(=12 + x) Merenre

N. Chapel

Deities

?

Pepi II

N. Chapel

bæw

?

and possibly deities Senwosret I

N. Chapel

Deities

3 figures in 3 registers (=18)

and possibly bæw

Although these six chambers provide some information about the arrangement and identities of the figures flanking false doors, it is difficult to establish a pattern.812 Since only a limited number of structures retain any evidence of the program of the false door wall and since these are concentrated in the later Fifth and Sixth Dynasties, the information provided may not be valid for the Twelfth Dynasty. Even in instances where the relief decoration flanking the false door is preserved, only relatively small portions remain, making it difficult to define and therefore to interpret the selection of deities. Although it appears that false doors in pyramid temple offering chambers were flanked by only the bæw of Nekhen and Pe while north chapels included a wider array 812

One might also note that the variations show the creativity of the ancient Egyptian artists and architects, who were able to constantly reinvent and refresh even well-established forms.

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of divinities, such a conclusion is based on information gleaned from the remains of just two pyramid temple offering chambers and four north chapels, all from different complexes. It is, for example, quite likely that the bæw of Nekhen and Pe were included in the larger groups of deities securely attested from the north chapels of Pepi I and Senwosret I, but the identifying inscriptions have not survived. That the earlier structures of Sahure and Unis include only the bæw of Pe and Nekhen may suggest that these divinities were the original ones chosen to flank the false door and the addition of other deities was a later development. Evidence from the pyramid temple of Senwosret III, to be discussed below, confirms that groups of nine divinities, which probably consisted only of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen, flanked each side of the false door in the pyramid temple offering chamber. In contrast, the north chapel of Senwosret III had single figures in each register. Although they can be securely identified in conjunction with only three of the six false door walls preceding the pyramid complex of Senwosret III, it is still quite possible that all or at least most of the false doors in pyramid temple offering chambers and north chapels were surrounded by scenes that included the two groups of bæw. Providing additional evidence that the role of the bæw of Nekhen and Pe was closely connected to the false door is the observation that the limestone and granite false doors of Amenemhat I found at Lisht North were both inscribed with texts mentioning these divine beings. On the limestone false door found in the remains of Amenemhat I’s pyramid temple, the king is described as beloved of the bæw of Nekhen in all four inscription columns on the left and beloved of the bæw of Pe in all four

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inscription columns on the right. 813 The false door is 1.25 m wide and the remaining height 1.28 m. In front of the entrance to the underground apartments on the north side of Amenemhat I’s pyramid, about two-thirds of an enormous red granite false door was found, apparently reused as building material. 814 The center and the left side of the door are preserved along with the original height of 3.86 m; the original width was 3.34 m, an impressive dimension similar to the estimated 3.79 m width of the destroyed false door of Sahure (see below). The bæw of Nekhen were mentioned on the far left column of Amenemhat I’s false door and also possibly on the second column from the left. For an unknown reason, both these inscription columns were erased before the block was reused in the foundation of the pyramid entrance area. The bæw of Pe and Nekhen continued to play a crucial role in relation to the royal false door during the New Kingdom. In the temple of Hatshepsut at Deir elBahari, the bæw are mentioned in connection with the false doors of Tuthmosis I and Hatshepsut in their respective chapels. 815 The well-preserved false door dedicated by Hatshepsut to her father Tuthmosis I mentions deities that have strong funerary associations: on the left the king is described as beloved of Osiris and on the right of

813

Lythgoe, “Egyptian Expedition,” pp. 115-16, fig. 4; the false door is depicted on MMA archival photos including L7-8:831, 866, 872, 874, 882. It will be published in Jánosi, Pyramid Temple of Amenemhat I, in preparation. 814 Now in the Egyptian Museum, JdE no. 45086. The false door is very briefly discussed and the findspot illustrated in Mace, “Egyptian Expedition III,” pp. 185 fig. 3, 187; it is depicted on MMA archival photos including L7-8:300-302, 351-52, 362-64, 412-13, 487-88. According to Lythgoe, the piece was identified as reused based on “its present position and a reworking of its under side.” The false door will be included in Jánosi, Pyramid Temple of Amenemhat I, in preparation. 815 For the use of Old and Middle Kingdom antecedents in the early New Kingdom, see Kozloff, “Artistic Production,” pp. 292-324; Wildung, Sesostris und Amenemhet, pp. 227-35. For Hatshepsut’s temple at Deir el-Bahari, see Roth, in Roehrig ed., Hatshepsut, pp. 147-51.

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the bæw of Pe and Anubis. 816 The bæw of Nekhen are omitted, perhaps because one of the columns on the left was filled with a dedicatory inscription of Hatshepsut that left no space for additional text. Although the false door of Hatshepsut herself is badly damaged, the relief decoration that partially survives on the flanking walls includes both the bæw of Dep and Pe (i.e. of the north), instead of those of Pe and Nekhen. In this case both types of bæw seem to have been placed to the right of the false door. 817 The bæw of Nekhen and Pe are included on the false door of Tuthmosis III that was found reused as a Ptolemaic doorsill in the Small Temple at Medinet Habu; it probably originates from that king’s mortuary temple.818 The false door has six vertical columns of text, each of which describes the king as beloved of a different divinity, namely (from right to left) Re-Horakhty, Ptah, bæw of Pe, bæw of Nekhen, Osiris and Amun. In contrast to the false door of Tuthmosis I, the figures mentioned in the inscriptions do not have primarily funerary associations, but instead represent some of the major male deities in the Egyptian pantheon. 819

816

Roth, in Roehrig ed., Hatshepsut, pp. 156-57; Winlock, “Reburial of Tuthmosis I,” pp. 56-68. 817 The chapel of Hatshepsut has not been completely published. For the false door wall, see Szafranski, Queen Hatshepsut, pp. 149-50 fig. 27, 224. The decorative program is briefly described in Porter, Topographical Bibliography, vol.II, pp. 360-61 no. 101. An earlier state of restoration is depicted in MMA photo T699. 818 The false door was 1.9 x 4.04 m; see Ricke, Totentempel Thutmoses’ III., pp. 10-12, pls. 1g, 2, 8; U. Hölscher, Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty, p. 30, pl. 22. Also found in the Small Temple at Medinet Habu was part of a similar false door inscribed for Amenhotep II. Although none of the deity inscriptions are preserved, the similarity of the remaining texts to the false doors of Tuthmosis I and Tuthmosis III makes it likely that the bæw of Pe and Nekhen were named on the piece (ibid., p. 30, n. 43). 819 However, Anubis was depicted on the tympanum above the false door (Ricke, Totentempel Thutmoses’ III., pl. 1g).

442

Although the false doors of Tuthmosis I and III may not be fully representative of the New Kingdom type, it is notable that neither includes an inscription for a female deity, particularly since, as noted above, goddesses may not have flanked the royal false door in either the Old or Middle Kingdoms. More important, the continued invocation of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen demonstrates the abiding importance of their cultic role in relation to the royal false door. Theories concerning the role and identity of the bæw are discussed below in the conclusion to this chapter (pp. 479-82). In relation to reconstructing the false door wall of Senwosret III, information about the figures flanking false doors in north chapels and pyramid temple offering chambers is of great help in determining the total width of the rooms as well as the width of the surrounding scenes and the false door itself. As can be seen from the charts below, it appears that in the Old Kingdom, the north chapel walls were divided into three nearly equal parts (if the estimates are correct), while in the north chapel of Senwosret I and the pyramid temples of Sahure and Unis, the false doors were the larger of the three parts and more visually and perhaps symbolically dominant. The west wall in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple seems to follow the earlier tripartite scheme in which all three segments are of approximately equal width.

443

False Door Wall Dimensions in Old and Middle Kingdom North Chapels (all dimensions are estimated) Note that 6 cubits = 315 cm King

Width of Scenes on each

False Door

Total Width of

Side of the False Door

Width

False Door Wall

Including Block Borders

(=percentage

(=in cubits)

(=total width of both sides)

of total wall)

Teti

90 cm (=180 cm)

140 cm (=42%)

330 cm (=6.28 c)820

Pepi I

96 cm (=192 cm)

120 cm (=38%)

312 cm (=5.94 c) 821

Merenre

94 cm (=188 cm)

116 cm (=38%)

304 cm (=5.79 c)822

Pepi II

94 cm (=188 cm)

116 cm (=38%)

304 cm (=5.79 c) 823

ca. 157.5 cm

297.5+x cm

Senwosret I 70+x cm (=140+x cm)

(=53%)

820

(=5.66+x c) 824

Only a small piece from the right side of the false door was found. Nothing is known about what might have flanked it; see Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 1, pp. 45-49, vol. 2, pp. 15-18, figs. 29-35 with further references. 821 According to Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p.126, fig. 26. In his description of the scenes flanking the false door in this chapel and that of Merenre, the widths provided in the text omit the block borders (ibid., pp. 11, 51). The estimates offered here have therefore been taken from the scaled drawings. However, the estimated total width of Pepi I’s north chapel taken from the drawing conflicts with the stated width of 210 cm (=4 cubits) mentioned on ibid., p. 8. 822 Based on the drawing in Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 157, fig. 104; see also ibid., pp. 49, 51. There is no conclusive evidence from Merenre’s chapel for a reconstruction of three deities per register. 823 Based on the drawing in Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 189, fig. 156; see also ibid., pp. 81-82. The reconstructed width of the north chapel is partly based on the idea that it is half the size of Pepi II’s pyramid temple offering chamber, although the reconstructed width as measured from the drawing is actually somewhat wider. As was the case with Merenre’s north chapel, the preserved piece from the flanking wall does not provide evidence for a reconstruction of three figures in each register. 824 According to Arnold’s reconstruction, the deities flanking the false door occupied a width of 70 cm on each side. However, a column of text with a deity speech probably should be added to Arnold’s reconstruction. Arnold estimated that the interior space of the north chapel was

444

about 6 cubits (=315 cm), a dimension that could be achieved by slightly shrinking the size of the false door and adding a line of text in front of the deities. See Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 77-79.

445

Dimensions of False Door Walls in Pyramid Temples of the Old Kingdom (all dimensions are estimated) 825 Note that 10 cubits = 525 cm King

Width of Scenes on each

False Door

Total Width of

Side of the False Door

Width

False Door Wall

Including Block Borders

(=percentage

(= in cubits)

(=total width of both sides)

of total wall)

Sahure

73 cm (=146 cm)

379 cm (=72%)

525 cm (=10 c) 826

Unis

50 cm (=100 cm)

365 cm (=78%)

465 cm (=8.85 c) 827

825

Presented here are only those false door walls that preserve evidence of the width of the false door itself and/or the flanking figures. 826 The widths of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen sections of the walls have been estimated from Borchardt’s scaled drawings (Sahure, vol. 2, p. 40, fig. 6, pl. 23) and the width of the room estimated from Borchardt’s plan of the temple. In his discussion of the west wall of the offering chamber, Borchardt does not mention the false door’s dimensions (Sahure, vol. 1, pp. 21-22, 57-58, vol. 2, pp. 39-40, 102-3). 827 The estimate of the false door width is taken from the drawing in Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 51, fig. 35. In the text, Labrousse (ibid., p. 48) states that the base of the false door measured 345 cm. The measurement in the drawing (used in the chart above) seems more likely to be correct, as a wider false door is needed to reach the estimated total wall width of 470 cm (=9 cubits; ibid., p. 48). The false door of Unis is the only royal false door of the Old or Middle Kingdoms found still partially in position. Also still in its original location are parts of the feet of the bæ of Nekhen in the lowest register.

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Deities Flanking the False Door in Senwosret III’s North Chapel Only two substantial pieces have been excavated thus far that probably originate from the walls flanking the false door in Senwosret III’s north chapel. Unfortunately, neither fragment originates from the area directly around Senwosret III’s north chapel. The larger block was found north of queen’s pyramid no. 4 in square Q-R/40 and the smaller piece on the east side of queen’s pyramid no. 4 in square R/38.828 There is no evidence suggesting that any of the chapels belonging to Senwosret III’s queens and princesses included depictions of deities. As no other monument belonging to Senwosret III has been found on the north side of the his pyramid, it seems likely that these pieces were dragged from the ruins of the north chapel towards the cultivation and then abandoned or dropped during the transport. The scale and style of the pieces also accords well with those excavated closer to the north chapel. The larger block preserves most of the body, legs and arms of a male deity facing left (98.1137; 30 x 38 cm [preserved surface]; pl. 353). He wears a tunic with an attached tail that hangs down to the level of his ankles and he carries a was-scepter and an ankh-sign (now chipped away). In front of him is the end of a vertical column inscribed with a speech made by the deities to the king; the only recognizable hieroglyphs are a t- and a nb-sign at the level of the deity’s arm and the faint remains of the word ÿt at the bottom. Behind the figure is a vertical corner block border and beneath it is a groundline and a small piece of the dado, the latter of which indicates that the block comes from the lowest decorated register. When found, the surface of

828

See Arnold, Senwosret III, plan VI for the locations of the squares.

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the block was flaking as a result of exposure to moisture; 829 the left side was also badly chipped during the destruction of the chapel. Based on what is generally known about the decoration in pyramid temple offering chambers and north chapels, the only suitable place for a standing deity would have been either on a tympanum or to the side of the false door; the presence of the vertical block border eliminates the first option, as tympana could not have included this feature. Therefore the deity must have stood on the west side of the north chapel’s south wall and faced towards the false door. Vertical masonry edges are preserved on the left and right sides of the block, which has a total width of 39.5 cm. As was discussed above (pp. 415-16), the total width of the north chapel’s north and south walls is estimated to have been about 292 cm, slightly more than 5.5 cubits and a bit more than half the estimated 10 cubit width of the pyramid temple offering chamber. If the total width of both flanking blocks in the north chapel was about 80 cm, then the false door would have been about 212 cm wide. In comparison, the false door in the pyramid temple offering chamber is estimated to have been about 167 cm wide (see below), meaning that the north chapel false door was 45 cm wider, a seemingly unusual circumstance that at present cannot be explained. 830

829

The block was stabilized by Metropolitan Museum conservator Kendra Roth. In the queens’ chapels in the Senwosret III complex, the blocks flanking the false door each seem to have had a width of about 50 cm. They depicted so-called inventory lists and not deities. The chapels were about 207.5 cm wide, meaning that the false doors were about 107.5 cm wide. The measurements are based on pieces from two different queens’ chapels and will be discussed in Isabel Stünkel, Chapels of the Royal Women, in preparation. 830

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The second fragment preserves the top of a was-scepter facing right, presumably held by a now-missing deity. In front are the hieroglyphs t nb [ÿd?]t nb “all…?…all stability(?),” which belong to the speech made by the divinities to the king (97.50; 8.6 x 15 cm; pl. 354). The size of the scepter and the hieroglyphs seem too large for this piece to have originated from a tympanum, but accord well with the block that stood to the side of the false door described above. Based on evidence provided by the block with the inscription, figure and corner block border described above (pl. 353) and Old Kingdom parallels, the false door in Senwosret III’s north chapel must have been flanked by three registers each containing a single deity. One would expect that these were the bæw of Pe and Nekhen, though there is no conclusive evidence to confirm their identities. If this supposition is correct, the figure on the large block would have represented a bæ of Pe that stood to the right (west) of the false door, while the smaller piece would have depicted a bæ of Nekhen located to the left (east) of the false door.

Deities Flanking the False Door in Senwosret III’s Pyramid Temple Offering Chamber A number of pieces have been recovered from the pyramid temple area that depict half life-size, striding deities, some of which can be identified as having jackal (cat. nos. OC 33-36) or falcon heads (cat. nos. OC 21, 26-27); the figures are clearly larger than those that have been assigned to the square antechamber. Three pieces preserve evidence that at least two figures were placed in each register (cat. nos. OC 26, 33, 38). Directly in front of some of the figures are parts of a standard deity speech, which in one example is preceded by a vertical block border (cat. nos. OC 21-22).

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A number of inscription fragments furnish evidence about the identities of the figures, particularly a large-scale text from the top of the wall that mentions the bæw of Pe (cat. no. OC 21). The inscription is connected to the block border and deity speech that preceded the figures and the was-scepter carried by one of them. No inscription has been found that directly joins to the bæw of Nekhen. However, two fragments probably originate from a single large bæw-sign (cat. no. OC 28) similar in size to catalogue number OC 21, one of which has a wider star band suggesting that the piece came from an uppermost register. Another piece carried an inscription for the bæw of Nekhen along with part of a figure in the register above that is comparable in scale to the other half life-size deities (cat. no. OC 29). Finally, the common pairing of the bæw of Pe with the bæw of Nekhen suggests such an identification for the jackalheaded figures. Large amounts of red color have been preserved on the faces of the jackal-headed figures, rather than the standard black, an unusual variation that has not been previously connected to the bæw of Nekhen. 831 Several pieces of evidence support the supposition that these figures stood to the sides of the pyramid temple’s false door. First, as was discussed in detail above, jackal-headed bæw of Nekhen and falcon-headed bæw of Pe often flanked false doors in pyramid temple offering chambers and/or north chapels. Thus the placement of these figures on the false door wall would conform to the iconography deemed suitable for the space. Second, an important clue is provided by those pieces that include a deity 831

For references to a red dog in a demotic text and Late Period wood jackals that are red with black markings, see DuQuesne, Black and Gold, p. 25, para. 31 and n. 187. For the color of jackals on the walls of Eighteenth Dynasty tombs, including one that was red, see ibid., p. 37 paras. 55-56.

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speech facing towards a vertical block border. Generally, deity speeches are directed towards depictions of the king and the orientation of figures in Egyptian royal relief tends to be towards other, facing figures, rather than wall corners.832 However, instances in which deity speeches face vertical block borders occur to the sides of the royal false door, 833 where the border must be seen as a framing device that provides a transition between the figure scenes and the false door. One might imagine that the figures address the spirit of the deceased king as it moves through the false door. Third, as discussed above, deities clearly flanked the false door in Senwosret III’s north chapel and the pyramid temple offering chamber and the north chapel seem to have had very similar decorative programs. Finally, given the small size of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, the half life-size figures can be placed to the sides of the false door by a process of elimination. An examination of the square antechamber’s decorative program, as well as the remainder of the offering chamber, does not suggest another appropriate location for figures of this height. 834 The ritual scenes of uncertain location discussed below could not accommodate the half life-size deities, as these scenes seem to have been composed of either life-size figures or smaller fecundity figures.

832

Although, as shown above in the discussion of the square antechamber, in at least one instance a deity speech ended in a wall corner. However, in this case, the speech must be visualized as wrapping around the corner and being directed towards a large image of the king on an adjoining wall. Another example of a speech adjoining a wall corner is discussed under ritual scenes of uncertain location. 833 See above pp. 433-46. 834 In the square antechamber of Pepi II, the deities are all more or less the same size with the exception of the few much larger figures over the doorways (Jéquier, Pepi II¸vol. II, pls. 4660). The deities in these scenes occur singly, not in pairs. In Pepi II’s offering chamber, the only preserved non-human actors are located under or behind the king (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 61-62, 81-82, 97).

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A possibility that cannot be completely excluded is that the half life-size figures flanked a doorway or were placed to the sides of the temple entrance. In the pyramid temple of Pepi II, three registers of single, jackal-headed figures stood to the right of the interior doorway leading from the so-called vestibule into the square antechamber, though according to Jéquier these are depictions of Anubis rather than the bæw of Nekhen. 835 The walls of the portico south of Sahure’s pyramid temple (“Nebeneingang”) had rows of deities and other personifications making speeches that ended with a block border and a doorframe. 836 However, neither the bæw of Nekhen nor the bæw of Pe are included on the surviving portions of the Sahure reliefs and no such portico has been identified at or near Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Also arguing against such a location for Senwosret III’s half life-size figures is the observation that many of the fragments have well-preserved paint, which suggests that they stood in an area protected from wind and rain. Arrangements of figures flanking the royal false door in the Old Kingdom and early Twelfth Dynasty, seem to have followed two general rules: 1) the bæw of Nekhen and Pe appear in groups of three, expressing the concept of “many”; 2) the registers flanking the false door have either single figures, in which case only the bæw of Nekhen and Pe are depicted, or groups of three figures, in which case other divinities are 835

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 34, pls. 44-45; Jéquier read the inscription of the lowest figure as “he-who-is-on-his-mountain,” an epithet of Anubis. For authors who have probably erroneously referred to them as bæw of Nekhen, see Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” p. 270; DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 133. 836 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 28-31. Another fragment from the Sahure pyramid temple shows a kneeling fecundity figure with the end of a deity speech in front of him and a vertical block border. The original location of the fragment is uncertain (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 40-41, pl. 24).

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included. As was mentioned above, preserved fragments indicate that at least two half life-size figures were included in each register flanking Senwosret III’s false door in the offering chamber. Based on the criteria discussed above, it is assumed that each register flanking Senwosret III’s false door had three figures, an arrangement that probably divided the west wall into three segments of comparable width (bæw of Nekhen – false door – bæw of Pe; for an estimate of the width, see below). A total of three registers on each side of the false door not only conforms to what seems to be the standard pattern, but also results in a wall height quite similar to that found in the square antechamber (see below). However, since the offering chamber had a vaulted rather than a flat ceiling, the level of the vault’s apex would have been higher and consequently the roof above the offering chamber would have been higher. Therefore it is proposed that nine deities should be reconstructed on each side of the false door for a total of eighteen figures. Based on the juxtaposition of the beginning of the deity speech with the inscription for the bæw of Pe, it is assumed that these figures occupied the top of the wall north (right) of the false door, while their partners the bæw of Nekhen stood opposite them on the south side (left); both groups of figures were preceded by a vertical line of text. The identities of the other eleven figures are more problematic. As was mentioned above, a long narrow piece has an inscription that designates the bæw of Nekhen. The foot of a male figure in the register above, means that these bæw of Nekhen could not have originated from an uppermost register. Two points suggest that the false door wall is also the likely place of origin for the piece. First, the

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preserved toe is similar in scale to other figures that have been assigned to the false door wall. Second, the piece has a vertical masonry edge on the right side that corresponds quite closely to vertical edges found on other pieces associated with the section of wall south of the false door. Although not definitive, one should also note the presence of a few round chips and dents on the surface that are similar to those found on other pieces from the false door area. Thus the only conclusion that the present author is able to draw from the surviving evidence is that the bæw of Nekhen were depicted in groups of three in all three registers south (left) of the false door, while the bæw of Pe were depicted in groups of three in all three registers north (right) of the false door. In sum, there would have been nine bæw of Pe and nine bæw of Nekhen, an arrangement for which there is no known parallel. 837 As was seen above in relation to the bæw of Iunu, arranging bæw figures in groups of nine may have had some particular religious resonance during this period, perhaps as some sort of expression of totality. Although all of the half life-size deities are quite fragmentary, one of the jackalheaded figures (cat. no. OC 33) is preserved from the top of the head to the waist and another deity (cat. no. OC 37) is preserved from nearly the top of the shoulder to the horizontal bar of the ankh-sign in his back hand. Comparison with other deities shows that the horizontal bar of the ankh-sign lies slightly above the hem of the tunic, 838 meaning that the distance from the shoulder to the tunic hem on the deity in catalogue number OC 37 was about 44 cm. The same dimension on the square antechamber 837

The possibility that there were only two figures per register for a total of six bæw per side cannot be completely excluded, but as was discussed above, royal false doors seem to have been flanked by registers with either single figures or groups of three. 838 See here for example pls. 117-18, 156, 175, 188, 192, 195, 230, 235.

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deities was about 30 cm, suggesting that the ratio between the height of the half lifesize figures and the square antechamber deities was 3:2. As was discussed above, the total height of the square antechamber deities was 56.5 cm. Applying the 3:2 ratio results in an estimated total height of 85 cm for the offering chamber’s half life-size figures (excluding the ears of the jackals). Based on the bæw of Pe inscription (cat. no. OC 21) the height of the texts above the figures was about 22 cm; the distance between the bottom of the caption line and the heads can be estimated at about 7 cm. Thus the total height of the register, excluding the star band above the inscription and the groundline, would have been approximately 114 cm. The star band above the bæw of Pe, presumed to be the uppermost register because it adjoins the beginning of the deity speech, was about 9 cm high. Based on the pattern found in the square antechamber, the uppermost star band would have been wider than those of the following registers; if the same 3:2 ratio is followed, the combined height of the lower star bands and the groundline would have been about 9 cm. The lowest groundline is 2.2 cm wide. Thus the total height of the decorated portions of the wall surface can be estimated at 371.2 cm, excluding the block border/kheker-frieze at the top of the wall and the dado, 839 a figure that corresponds fairly closely to the estimated 384 cm height of the portion of the square antechamber walls decorated with figure scenes.840 839

The height of the decorated wall surface in the offering chamber of Pepi II’s pyramid temple was about 385 cm (as measured from the drawing in Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 61). 840 Square antechambers and offering chambers generally seem to have been higher than the surrounding rooms (see Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 47, 49, 54-56, pl. 105). Because of the small size of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, Arnold has argued that the roof of this structure must have been of uniform height (Senwosret III, pp. 52-53). However, the vaulted ceiling of the offering chamber might have made the roof of this portion of the temple slightly higher.

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The distances can be summarized as follows: Uppermost star band Uppermost register Star band and groundline Middle register Star band and groundline Lowermost register Lowermost groundline Total

9 cm 114 cm 9 cm 114 cm 9 cm 114 cm 2.2 cm 371.2 cm

The likely horizontal space occupied by the figures can be calculated based on information provided by the piece that includes the vertical block border and deity speech (cat. no. OC 21) and the block with the feet of two deities facing right (cat. no. OC 38). The remaining width of the vertical block border in front of the deity speech is 11 cm. The width of the single column deity speech and the vertical line separating it from the first deity is 18.5 cm. There is a space of about 8 cm from the dividing line to the staff of the first deity’s was-scepter. Each figure occupies a space of 43.5 cm from was-scepter to was-scepter. Since the figures seem to be quite closely spaced, it can be assumed that the third figure in the row also occupied 43.5 cm from his scepter to the end of the scene. Finally, the vertical corner block border, like that around the false door, must have been at least 11 cm wide. Thus the scenes on either side of the false door each occupied a width of at least 179 cm (=3.40 cubits). The total for both scenes would have been at least 358 cm.

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Study of pyramid temple offering chambers has shown that the standard width for these rooms was a fairly consistent 10 cubits (=5.25 m). 841 Confirming a width of 10 cubits for Senwosret III’s offering chamber is Arnold’s calculation based on the curvature of several blocks from the vaulted ceiling. 842 Since a total of at least 3.50 m of Senwosret III’s false door wall seems to have been occupied by the flanking groups of divinities, the width of the false door itself is estimated to have been about 1.67 m. It is unlikely that the chamber could have been much wider, as Egyptian architects do not seem to have been able to construct unsupported spans of more than 10 cubits (=5.25 m) until the New Kingdom. 843 The small size of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple also argues against an offering chamber wider than the well-established standard. If these estimates are correct, the false door wall in Senwosret III’s offering chamber was divided into three more or less equal sections with of the false door in the center flanked on either side by nine bæw of Pe or Nekhen split equally between three registers.

The False Door of Senwosret III A large quantity of mainly small red granite fragments that were recovered from the pyramid temple’s north side and the center of the west side probably belonged to the 841

The dimensions of pyramid temple offering chambers are listed in Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 57 (in cubits). The only known offering chamber to deviate from the 10 cubit standard is that of Unis, which was only 4.7 m wide (=about 9 cubits; see Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 48). 842 Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 50. 843 According to Arnold (Building in Egypt, pp. 183-84), flat roofs had spans of under 6 m until the New Kingdom. None of the so-called false vaults discussed by Arnold (ibid., pp. 195-200) exceed this dimension.

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false door in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. 844 However, it is not impossible that some or all of the red granite fragments come from a statue shrine with a winged sun disk and cavetto cornice at the top, tori at the corners, and an inscription with the names and titles of the king running down the doorframes. 845 The most likely location for such a shrine would have been in a room meant specifically to accommodate statues, perhaps located in the southwest quadrant of the temple (see pl. 10; room arrangement is discussed in the concluding chapter of this dissertation). No discernable features were preserved on most of the fragments, though a number of pieces included parts of a cavetto cornice and tori. A few inscribed fragments contain parts of a winged sun disk, the epithets of Horus the Behdetite and the king’s Horus name all rendered in sunk relief and painted green. 846 No fragments showing the standard recesses found on false doors were recovered, though some have two smooth faces at right angles to each other. Based on the reconstruction of the offering chamber’s west wall discussed above, the width of the false door is estimated to have been about 1.67 m, a dimension that seems rather small in comparison to the enormous false doors suggested for the pyramid temples of Sahure and Unis (see above). Presuming that the false door stood on a base equivalent in height to the dado (i.e. that the bottom of the false door was 844

For a summary of what remains of the false door, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 48, 50-51, 53-54, 141, figs. 16, 18a. To date, no identifiable remains of the false door that must have stood in Senwosret III’s north chapel have been recovered. 845 The possibility that the red granite fragments could originate from a statue shrine is discussed in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 53-54. 846 It is difficult to say whether or not the color choice was meaningful. One might suggest that green was chosen simply because it provided the strongest contrast to the deep red granite with black flecks.

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flush with the beginning of the wall’s figural decoration) and that it ended below the level of the kheker-frieze, it would have been 3.71 m high, that is more than twice as high as it was wide. 847 In addition, as noted above, the proposed reconstruction of the false door in Senwosret III’s north chapel is somewhat wider than that in the pyramid temple. The only possibility for increasing the width of the false door in the pyramid temple would be to decrease the rows of figures to its side from three to two; since there is direct evidence for at least two figures per row, single figures can be excluded. However, a reconstruction of two figures in each register would contradict the rules extensively discussed above that seem to govern the royal false door wall in the Old and Middle Kingdoms: the bæw of Pe and Nekhen always occur in groups of three and the registers had either one or three figures, but never two (with the possibly but unlikely exception of the north chapel of Pepi I, see above). The possibility that a statue niche rather than a false door stood in the middle of the offering chamber’s west wall cannot be ruled out, but there are again no parallels for such a substitution.

Catalogue of Pieces that Probably Stood to the Right (North) of the False Door in Senwosret III’s Pyramid Temple Offering Chamber: bæw of Pe 847

Unfortunately, not enough intact royal false doors remain to allow statements to be made about their proportions and it is uncertain if they began at floor level or at the same level as the decoration. The granite false door of Amenemhat I is 3.34 m wide and 3.86 cm high, suggesting squarish proportions (see above n. 814). However, the false door of Tuthmosis I from Deir el-Bahari is 1.51 cm wide and 2.69 cm high (Roth, in Roehrig ed., Hatshepsut, pp. 156-57) and that of Tuthmosis III from the small temple at Medinet Habu is 1.9 m wide and 4.04 m high (Ricke, Totentempel Thutmoses’ III., pp. 10-12, pls. 1g, 2, 8; U. Hölscher, Temples of the Eighteenth Dynasty, p. 30, pl. 22), proportions that are closer to that proposed for Senwosret III’s false door.

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Five general criteria were used to assign pieces to this wall. 1) The figures and/or their accompanying inscriptions all face to the left, i.e. towards the false door. 2) In some cases figures or inscriptions seem to represent the bæw of Pe, figures that are often placed to the sides of royal false doors in the Old and Middle Kingdoms. 3) The figures are about half life-size (85 cm), that is, distinctly larger than the deities from the square antechamber, but smaller than the unplaced life-size figures that enact ritual scenes with the king, including the purification rites. Figures of this size cannot be securely assigned to any other location in the pyramid temple. The accompanying inscriptions are larger than those in the square antechamber, but seem proportional to the half life-size figures. 4) Study of the square antechamber has shown that the star bands at the top of the walls in this room are wider than those in subsequent registers (ca. 7.5 cm vs. ca. 4 cm). It can be assumed that the same principle applied to the false door wall, namely that the uppermost star band was wider than those on the two registers below; the star bands in the uppermost register are about 9 cm wide. Several fragments with larger inscriptions that seem to belong to the false door wall, have star bands about 6 cm wide and may come from the wall’s middle and lower registers. 5) During the destruction process, the surfaces of some but not all of the fragments sustained damage in the form of small roundish indentations. These marks do not seem to be deliberate attempts to ritually “kill” the divinities, but rather damage that resulted from the disassembly of the wall. However, such marks are not exclusive to the pieces assigned to the false door wall and cannot be used as an absolute criteria in placing them.

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OC 21 Vertical Block Border, Deity Speech, Was-Scepter and Inscription Containing bæw of Pe Facing Left (pl. 335) 50.4 x 82.8 cm

93.450 (R/30cd); 93.513 (R/31); 93.607/2 (R/31); 94.497

(R/31d); 94.506/1, /4 (R/30d); 94.1265 (R/31a); 99.443/2 (V/30); 00.771/2 (Q/30c); 02.510 (U-V/27-28) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top, just above the center of the stars, and a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom, just below the second nb-sign; the entire 82.8 cm height of the block is preserved. Included on the relief is a large star band, cut a bit above the center by a masonry edge. Based on its size, it originated from the top of the wall. Below is preserved most of a bæw-sign reading from left to right, with part of the legs and the tip of the last bird’s tail broken away. Below is a p-sign followed to the right by a round hieroglyph that must be a níwt-sign; the combination of hieroglyphs designates the bæw of Pe. Below the inscription is the top of a was-scepter held by one of the falcon-headed figures identified in the caption. A thick vertical green dividing line separates the bæw of Pe from the vertically oriented column of the speech they make to the king. The text, which reads from left to right, states ÿd-mdw di.n n.k ënã wæs ÿdt nb[t]… “Recitation: have given to you all life and power, all stability…” To the left of the inscription is a small piece of the vertical block border that marks the transition from the figure scene to the false

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door. 848 The surface of the piece is covered with small chips and dents from the destruction process.

OC 22 Proper Right Arm, Leg and Was-Scepter of Deity Facing Left with End of Vertical Column of Text in Front (pl. 336) 33.3 x 60.8 cm

93.237 (S/30ab); 94.509 (R/31d); 00.559 (Q/30c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the figure at the shoulder just above the armpit. Depicted here are the hand, part of the proper right arm and part of the was-scepter staff of male deity facing left. Below is part of the front of the figure’s proper right leg with the curve into the top of the foot. To the left is the end of a column of inscription …t(?) [ënã] tí ÿt “…? may you [live] forever.” Because the inscription seems to conclude here, the figure probably stood just above the now-missing dado in the lowermost register. There is a distance of 7 cm between the left side of the was-scepter and the right side of the vertical dividing line that frames the inscription. The fragment is covered with roundish chisel marks from the destruction process. It has been assigned to the wall north of the false door based on its size, the direction of the figure and the chisel marks. The position of the masonry edge at the top of the piece suggests that it originates from the same block as catalogue number OC 23.

848

A block border between the striding deities and the false door is preserved in the north chapels of Merenre (Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 157-58, figs. 104-5); Pepi II (Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 189, fig. 156); and the pyramid temple of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 23).

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OC 23 Proper Right Upper Arm of Male Deity Facing Left (pl. 337) 11.6 x 16.7 cm

98.444/1 (R/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the figure at the shoulder just above the armpit. A piece of the outstretched proper right arm of a male deity facing left is preserved on the fragment. Based on the size and direction, the figure probably came from the wall north of the false door. Based on the position of the masonry edge, the piece probably originally belonged to the same block as catalogue number OC 22.

OC 24 Bottom of Tunic and Top of Knee of Male Deity Facing Left (pl. 338) 16.2 x 14.6 cm

93.831/3 (S/31cd); 96.1166 (S/31c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the figure just above the bottom of the tunic. Part of the proper right knee and the hem of the tunic remain on the fragment. The size of the figure, the direction and the many small areas of damage suggest that the figure was one of the bæw of Pe that originated from the north side of the false door.

OC 25 Inscription Containing ÿ nb ãr.sn Facing Left (pl. 339) 55.5 x 37 cm

96.449 (S/32d); 96.840 (T/31b); 98.312/1 (R/28); 99.187 (T/28bc;

used as a retaining wall in a post-New Kingdom burial) The left side of the large lower block is extremely eroded, indicating long exposure to the elements, perhaps as a result of its reuse as part of the retaining wall of a later burial.

463

The piece contains parts of three sections of an inscription that from left to right reads …ÿ…nb œr.sn. The hieroglyphs are too large to originate from the deity procession in the square antechamber and seem most similar to the inscriptions for the bæw of Pe group described above. The empty space below the signs, as well as the absence of vertical dividing lines, indicates that the inscription should be read as a continuous horizontal text. Below were presumably one or more figures of which no traces remain. In its fragmentary state, it is difficult to propose a translation. The nb-sign probably is intended to affirm that that the king receives “all” of the item once described by the now-missing left portion of the text, of which only the ÿ-sign survives. Given that the block seems to have stood to the side of the false door, the object intended for the king may be ÿfæt “food” or “nourishment.” The ãr-sign below could be a parenthetic, translated as “say” or “said,”849 which would normally occur near or at the end of a quotation. 850 Based on the placement of the s-sign directly above the n-sign, it seems likely that these two hieroglyphs form the pronoun “they.” 851 The text could thus be translated “…all nourishment say (or said) they” or “…all nourishment that they have,” an expression similar to one that occurs in the

849

Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 313. Parenthetics are used to refer to a speaker after a direct quotation (Allen, Middle Egyptian, pp. 312-14). 851 A more rectangular composition is commonly used for the word snb. 850

464

Eighteenth Dynasty temple at Buhen in conjunction with the bæw of Nekhen. 852 The expression also seems to be used in relation to fecundity figures. At the top of the piece is a long section of a star band that was originally about 6 cm wide, smaller than those found in either the uppermost registers of the square antechamber or the false door wall, suggesting an original position in the middle or lower register to the right of the false door (for a star band of similar size that also originates from the false door wall, see cat. no. OC 29).

OC 26 Two Falcon-Headed Deities (bæw of Pe?) Facing Left (pl. 340) 42.5 x 17 cm

98.356 (R/28)

Preserved on this block are parts of two half life-size deities facing left. The deity at left can be identified as having an animal head based on its blue-green divine wig and the tunic, features which appear in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III only on animalheaded deities with human bodies. 853 The figure can be identified as having a falcon head based on the slight remains of a curve at the back of the face; falcon-headed figures commonly have a crescent shape across the face that begins at the back of the eye and curves around the hairline. To the right is the top of the was-scepter and the beak of a falcon-headed deity. Based on their size and direction, both probably belong

852

The texts read ënã wæs nb hr.sn and ÿdt nb hr.sn; see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 34-35 fig. 5, 186-88. According to Baines the third person plural verb is rarely found in temple inscriptions. In the Buhen temple the bæw only grant the king life, power, etc.; there is no reference to food offerings. 853 The costume type is discussed above in conjunction with the square antechamber; see pp.69-70.

465

to a group of the bæw of Pe. The surface is covered with round dents and chips from the destruction process.

OC 27 Falcon-Headed Deity Facing Left (bæ of Pe?) (pl. 341) 9.3 x 7.4 cm

94.827/5 (R/29d)

The small fragment includes part of the back of the head of a falcon-headed deity facing left. The crescent shape on the face identifies the figure as a representation of a falcon. Based on its size and direction, the fragment may belong to a representation of the bæw of Pe.

Catalogue of Pieces that Probably Stood to the Left (South) of the False Door in Senwosret III’s Pyramid Temple Offering Chamber: bæw of Nekhen The same criteria were used to assign pieces to the wall south (left) of the false door as were used above in connection with the north wall. There are two obvious caveats: the figures and inscriptions discussed below face to the right rather than the left and the inscriptions and figures are identified with the southern bæw of Nekhen.

OC 28 Part of Inscription with bæw-Sign Facing Right From the Top of a Wall (pl. 342) a) 10.2 x 10.7 cm b) 8.4 x 4.7 cm

99.479/1 (T/29a); 00.790/1 (R/30b) 02.606 (U-V/27-28)

Part of a large bæw-sign facing right is preserved on two pieces that do not directly join, but based on their direction, size and style probably originally belonged to the same

466

hieroglyph. The scale of the sign is similar to the bæw-sign on catalogue number OC 21, which reads from right to left, suggesting that the piece discussed here originates from the wall to the south of the false door. A small piece of a large star band at the top of the piece is also similar in scale to catalogue number OC 21.

OC 29 Upper Register: Part of Foot Facing Right; Lower Register: Part of Inscription for bæw of Nekhen (pl. 343) 6.2 x 34 cm

94.622 (R/29c); 94.950 (R/29a); 94.961 (R/29a); 98.338 (R/28)

There is a vertical masonry edge at the right that cuts through the block just in front of the toe in the upper register, through the first bird of the triple-jabiru-sign (Sign-list G30) and through the right end of the nãn-sign. In the upper register is part of the toe and foot of a male figure: the toe is about 2.6 cm wide from the tip to the triangular notch at the bottom that separates it from the ball of the foot, a dimensions that accords well with the 2.8-3 cm width of the toes on catalogue number OC 38. Below is a star band 6.1 cm wide followed by part of a triple-jabiru-sign facing right; only the center section is preserved (for a star band of similar size from the false door wall, see catalogue number OC 25). At the bottom of the piece is part of a nãn-sign, meaning that bæw of Nekhen are again designated here. The vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece, near what must have been the beginning of the register, corresponds to similar edges on catalogue numbers OC 32 and OC 38, suggesting the pieces originate from the same or adjoining blocks. Based on this piece it can only be concluded that all three registers to the south of the false

467

door contained depictions of the bæw of Nekhen; there was presumably a similar series of depictions of the bæw of Pe on the north side.

OC 30 Piece of Deity Speech Facing Right and Vertical Block Border (pl. 344) 33.5 x 18 cm

93.592 (R/31)

There is a vertical masonry edge on the right side of the piece that cuts through the block border. At left is part of the inscription …nb æwt íb nb… “…all…?…all joy…;” the angle of the æw-sign (Sign-list F40) indicates that the text reads from right to left. To the right is part of a vertical block border that separates the inscription and the deities from the false door to the right. The remaining width of the block border is 9.1 cm. The piece has been assigned to the false door wall based on the size of the hieroglyphs and the position of the block border in relation to the direction of the text.

OC 31 Piece of Deity Speech Facing Right (pl. 345) 13.7 x 13.1 cm

94.652/3 (R/29c); 98.708 (Q/28); 98.1074/5 (S/28)

Preserved on the fragment are parts of very battered ãæ-, ë-, tí- and y-signs arranged in a vertical column that reads from right to left. They seem to belong to the phrase “appearing” in a deity speech. Based on their size, the chipped surface, the content and direction, the piece probably originally stood to the left (south) of the false door wall directly above catalogue number OC 32.

468

OC 32 Piece of Deity Speech Facing Right (pl. 346) 23.5 x 25 cm

98.348 (R/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge on the bottom below the two t-signs and a vertical masonry edge to the left in front of the area that was presumably occupied by the deity. The vertical column of text reads from right to left and presumably comes from a deity speech; to the left is part of a vertical dividing line. The inscription reads …[ãëw] m nswt bíty [œr st-Œrw]… “[appearing] as king of Upper and Lower Egypt [upon the throne of Horus].” The surface is marred by smaller and larger chipped areas. The column of text is 16 cm wide between the vertical dividing line to the left and the chipped vertical line to the right, which should belong to the vertical block border separating the speech from the false door. The area to the left of the dividing line is 5.2 cm wide and there are no traces of any hieroglyphs or objects. The size of the hieroglyphs and the dividing line are similar to those found on other pieces of deity speeches believed to originate from the false door wall. The block was probably originally located below catalogue number OC 31 to the south of the false door. The position of the vertical masonry edge on this piece and two others (cat. nos. OC 29, 38) suggests that one or more narrow blocks were used to fill a space between the main portion of the wall south of the false door and the left side of the false door itself. The use of such “filler” blocks might in some way relate to the positioning of the massive false door and perhaps suggests that it was put in place only after some of the surrounding walls had already been erected.

469

OC 33 Red Jackal-Headed Deity (bæ of Nekhen?) and Was-Scepter of Second Deity Facing Right (pl. 347) 38.9 x 27.9 cm

94.412 (R/29b)

Dominating the block is a large part of a jackal-headed deity facing right who is distinguished by the red rather than black color that was applied to the face and upper neck; normally jackal-headed figures have black heads. Preserved are the cosmetic line and the end of the eyebrow, the back of the snout, the base of the ears and the neck. Behind the head is a mass of the divine wig divided into strands by incised lines; a smaller lock of the wig falls across the forward shoulder. The back of the torso remains along with the upper part of the back arm. Behind the figure is a vertical green line that must be part of the was-scepter of the subsequent deity. The figures have been assigned to the wall south of the offering chamber’s false door based on their size, direction and the suitability to the context of jackal-headed bæw of Nekhen.

OC 34 Head of Red Jackal-Headed Deity (bæ of Nekhen?) Facing Right (pl. 348) 9 x 4.2 cm

99.119/1 (Q/27-28)

The fragment preserves the bottom of the ears, the top of the head and the upper edge of the divine wig of a jackal-headed deity facing right. The scale of the figure is similar to that of the deity in the preceding piece (cat. no. OC 33) and the unusual red coloring also suggests that the fragments originate from the same scene.

OC 35 Ears of a Red Jackal-Headed Deity (bæ of Nekhen?) (pl. 349)

470

5.8 x 7.8 cm

98.736 (Q/28)

Remaining on the small piece are parts of the ears of a red, jackal-headed deity. That the figure faced right can be deduced from the positions of the inner and outer surfaces of the ears. Based on the size, direction and red color, the piece is likely to have originated from one of the bæw of Nekhen located to the left (south) of the false door.

OC 36 Snout of a Red Jackal-Headed Deity (bæ of Nekhen?) (pl. 350) 4.3 x 2.2 cm

94.666 (R/29c)

The small fragment contains part of the snout of a red, jackal-headed deity facing right. Based on the scale of the figure, direction and red color, it is likely to have belonged to one of the bæw of Nekhen depicted to the south of the false door.

OC 37 Back Arm of Deity Facing Right and Corner Block Border (pl. 351) 45 x 20 cm

99.368 (T/28b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that would have cut through the figure near the base of the neck. Preserved are most of the half life-size deity’s vertical back (proper right) arm, the top of the ankh-sign he holds and part of the shoulder. Also remaining is the end of the lock of the divine wig that falls over the shoulder and the tail and swelling outline of the buttocks. The striated green divine wig and the tunic worn by the figure indicate that this is an animal-headed deity. To the left is the edge of a vertical block border, which must have adjoined the southwest corner of the offering chamber.

471

OC 38 Feet of Two Deities Facing Right Above Dado (pl. 352) 56.9 x 50.5 cm

99.271 (Q/29)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the legs a bit below the center of the calf; there is a vertical masonry edge to the right. Parts of the ankles and feet of two figures facing right are preserved with a large area of the dado below. Remaining from the first figure are the bottom prongs of the wasscepter, most of both feet and ankles and the tip of the garment tail. Remaining from the next figure are the bottom of the was-scepter and the front of the forward (proper right) foot. The figures stand on a thick black groundline 2.2 cm wide, followed below by a red band 9.5 cm wide, a black band 2.4 cm wide and a yellow band 16 cm wide. Below the yellow band is black color that continues for an unknown distance to the bottom of the wall. 854 There are remains of hieratic graffiti that probably date to the New Kingdom on the dado. Nothing on the piece indicates whether the deity at left is the first or the second in the presumed group of three. However, it is assumed this figure was the first because the vertical masonry edge at right would correspond to the vertical masonry edge on the left side of the deity speech m nswt bíty described above (cat. no. OC 32) and the bæw of Nekhen inscription (cat. no. OC 29). The surface of the fragment discussed here is covered with small chips that are similar to those found on the deity speech. Possible is that a group of narrower blocks were needed to fill a gap between 854

The height of the dado cannot be definitively determined for any room in the pyramid temple (see below).

472

the false door and a larger block that began at the southwest corner of the offering chamber. 855

CONCLUSION: UNDERSTANDING AND RECONSTRUCTING THE FALSE DOOR WALL OF SENWOSRET III

Evidence gleaned from the fragments found in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple and north chapel has been combined to create the suggested reconstruction of the offering chamber false door wall illustrated in plate 356 and figure 4. For the scenes flanking the false door, the figure and register size, the spacing of the figures, the width of the deity speech and the minimum width of the vertical block borders have all been derived from a number of fragments catalogued above. The following calculations have been used to estimate the 167 cm width of the false door: 525 cm = standard width of pyramid temple false door walls (= 10 cubits, see above) -358 cm = width of both sides of scenes flanking false door (see above) =167 cm The approximately 8 cm diameter of the torus framing the false door is known from excavated pieces and the 28-46 cm height of its cavetto can be estimated. 856 The combined 68.4 cm height of the kheker-frieze and horizontal block border at the top of the wall is known from numerous examples recovered from the pyramid temple and 855

A group of narrow “filler” blocks or patchstones seem to have been used in the north wall of the Nebit mastaba (NM 18), a structure located in the private cemetery north of Senwosret III’s pyramid complex (see Oppenheim, “Identifying Artists,” in press). 856 Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 54.

473

seems to have been the same in all rooms. The 11-12 cm diameter of the horizontal interior torus is also known from recovered fragments. 857 The distance between the top of the torus and the groundline of the tympanum scene has been measured on one block (cat. no. OC 20). More complicated has been the reconstruction of the tympana. Although most elements included on the pyramid temple offering chamber reconstruction represent fragments actually recovered from the pyramid temple, in almost all cases the same elements were better preserved in the north chapel. Therefore, evidence from the north chapel has been heavily relied upon in creating the reconstruction. Not preserved (or at least identifiable) from the pyramid temple offering chamber were any substantial remains of the inscriptions at the outer edges that mention foreign lands. The texts included here are therefore based only on pieces from the north chapel, which also preserves evidence verifying the repetition of the same texts on both sides of each tympanum. In addition, based on the direction of the figures or texts and the geographical references they contain, most of the fragments preserved from the pyramid temple tympana can be assigned to the east wall rather than the false door wall on the west. Therefore in order to correctly orient the tympanum elements, several pieces from the east tympanum have been reversed in the reconstruction. Inscriptions

857

Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 54, pl. 36E, no. 2; on p. 54 it is mistakenly stated that the fragment illustrated on pl. 36E might originate from a statue shrine. Note that the top of the torus is set back about 3 cm farther into the wall, an observation that is reflected in the reconstruction.

474

that would have had inappropriate geographic associations have been eliminated 858 and little has been done to reconstruct the inscriptions beyond adding obvious hieroglyphs. The creation of the reconstruction revealed several interesting points about the design of the tympanum. First, in view of the height of the king in the red crown preserved from the pyramid temple offering chamber (cat. no. OC 3), the height of the ceiling had to be raised to accommodate the figure. However, the tympanum still represents a segment of a circle. Second, the reconstruction of the tympanum seems to be about 10-15 cm too narrow, resulting in the cramped placement of some elements. It may be the case that the offering chamber was not exactly 5.25 m wide, but rather a bit larger. 859 Finally, the kneeling fecundity figures seem quite small and out of proportion in comparison to their companions. However, evidence from the north chapel shows that the figures had plant headdresses that corresponded to their symbolic alignment with cardinal points (pls. 326, 333), which would have made them taller. Because the headgear was not well preserved the proportions could not be established and they have been omitted here. From this reconstruction, the overall height of the false door wall can be estimated. As was mentioned above, the height of the wall from the groundline of the lowest register to the top of the uppermost star band was 371.2 cm. To that can be added the combined height of the horizontal block border above the uppermost star

858

Particularly regrettable is the omission of the hieroglyphs directly in front of the kneeling fecundity figures, which has unfortunately resulted in large empty spaces in the reconstruction. 859 Slight discrepancies in the cubit measurements were found in other parts of the pyramid complex, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 35, 59, 62, 79. These were all admittedly less than 5 cm.

475

band and the kheker-frieze, which together were 68.4 cm. The height of the horizontal torus was 12 cm and the height of the tympanum from the top of the torus to the apex of the ceiling was 117.5 cm. The total height of the wall without the dado is therefore estimated to have been 569 cm (11 cubits = 577.5 cm). The height of the colored stripes on the dado is about 28 cm from the bottom of the groundline to the beginning of the black color (cat. no. OC 38, pl. 352). Unfortunately, nothing remains to indicate the height of the black section of the dado. One might speculate that the total dado height was 3 cubits (=157.5 cm) for a total wall height of about 14 cubits (=735 cm), but the measurement cannot be verified. 860 It is possible that in the offering chamber the dado was somewhat lower in order to compensate for the additional height of the vaulted ceiling.

860

The presence of numerous so-called visitors’ graffiti on the red and yellow sections of the dado suggest that this portion of the wall could not have been very high.

476

Figure 4. Isometric reconstruction of the offering chamber of Senwosret III. Not to scale. Some additional conclusions can be drawn based on this examination of the evidence surviving from false door walls in pyramid temples and north chapels of the Old and Middle Kingdoms. First, although the royal false door was the focus of the west wall, it was not its sole occupant, but was flanked by processions consisting of either six or eighteen divinities and capped by a decorated tympanum. In Senwosret

477

III’s pyramid temple offering chamber and north chapel these tympana depicted the back-to-back images of Horus and Seth facing the enthroned king, while either Wadjet or Nekhbet and a kneeling fecundity figure occupied the space behind him. Although no other royal offering chamber tympana have survived, the standard use of vaulted ceilings in such spaces makes it likely that similar types of decoration were employed on these architectural elements. Notable is that pyramid temple tympana from the prwrw of Teti (see above) featured depictions of Seth and Nekhbet, presumably facing a depiction of the standing or enthroned king. Second, the bæw of Pe and Nekhen were believed to play such a key role in the function of the royal false door that they seem to have been consistently associated with it for hundreds of years. 861 Remarkable is their link with false doors dating from Sahure (early Fifth Dynasty) to Pepi II (end of the Sixth Dynasty), their reappearance in the Twelfth Dynasty pyramid complex of Amenemhat I and their persistence until the time of Senwosret III and probably later. At least until the mid-Eighteenth Dynasty, a period by which the idea of the royal cult and afterlife had shifted radically from the old Memphite model, an awareness survived of the importance of these figures for the royal false door and its ritual function.

861

In the Old and Middle Kingdoms, the presence of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen seems to have been largely confined to royal monuments. However, the kneeling bæw of Pe are depicted on an 11th Dynasty stela (Louvre C15), which uniquely illustrates a number of enigmatic ritual scenes. It is possible that the falcon-headed figures depicted here are not intended as representations of actual supernatural beings, but rather priests wearing falcon masks. For the stela, see Eissa, “Stele Louvre C 15,” pp. 227-46 with further references; for a somewhat inaccurate drawing of the entire stela, see Gayet, Stèles, pl. LIV. For brief discussions of masked priests, see Sainte Fare Garnot, “Égypte antique,” pp. 61-63; Barguet, “Note sur le masque,” pp. 64-66.

478

The ritual meaning of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen, as well as those of Iunu,862 has been treated in several studies dealing with the place of the ba in Egyptian religion. 863 Although a comprehensive analysis of the identity of these figures is beyond the scope of this dissertation, a few points will be discussed in relation to the appearance of these figures on and around the false door, a topic that is not particularly addressed in other studies. Specific discussions of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen have followed two lines of thought: that the bæw represent shadowy, prehistoric ancestral kings or that they embody an active aspect or manifestation of a particular deity or perhaps a particular place. 864 The identification of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen with ancestral monarchs derives from their association with cities that seem to have been centers of political power before the complete unification of Egypt. However, although it is clear that Egyptians of the historical era saw their pharaohs as descendants of divine earlier rulers,

862

The bæw of Iunu are depicted in Senwosret III’s square antechamber and discussed in that chapter (pp. 89-107). 863 Most notably in two books, Zabkar, Ba Concept, esp. pp. 16-35 and Wolf-Brinkmann, Begriffes ‘bæ,’” both of which date from 1968. In view of recently excavated material and evolving ideas about Egyptian religious practice, a new study of the ba in relation to deities, kings and “ordinary” individuals would be welcome. For general discussions of the towns of Pe (Buto) and Nekhen (Hierakonpolis), see H. Altenmüller, “Buto,” cols. 887-89; Adams, “Hierakonpolis,” cols. 1182-86. 864 Theories concerning the identity and derivation of the bæw are discussed in Zabkar, Ba Concept, passim and Wolf-Brinkmann, Begriffes “’bæ,’” passim, both with further references. For a short, general discussions of the bæw, some in relation to the pyramid complex, see Hornung, One and the Many, pp. 60-62; Beinlich, “Seelen,” cols. 804-6; Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 259-60, 344; Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 26971; DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 132-33, 277-85, 314, 357, 554, 558-68 (DuQuesne erroneously states that the bæw of Pe and Nekhen carry the king in the sun temple of Niuserre. The piece referred to in his text actually dates to Tuthmosis III and originates from Karnak). For a discussion of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen in New Kingdom royal scenes, see Walker, “Egyptian Kingship,” pp. 22-29.

479

several objections can be raised to specifically identifying them with the bæw of Pe and Nekhen. First, there is nothing inherently royal in the iconography of the jackal- and falcon-headed figures. Rather the combination of animal head and human body, as well as the costume and demeanor of the figures, more closely conforms to standard depictions of Egyptian deities. Furthermore, where secure depictions or references to ancestral kings do exist, they are quite different. For example, in the Amduat, ancestral kings are portrayed as human figures in Osiride form who wear royal headdresses and are accompanied by their own human-headed ba-birds. 865 In the Turin Canon, some of the earliest “mythological” rulers are referred to as æãs rather than bæw. 866 The Pyramid Texts do state that the king will become a bæ among those of Iunu, Nekhen and Pe, 867 but their role in relation to the king is not specified and it is nowhere stated that they should be seen as his ancestors or predecessors. Second, the bæw of Pe and Nekhen appear in the company of other deities without being distinguished from them. As was mentioned above, the bæw of Pe and Nekhen can appear to the sides of the false door in the company of other deities, and on the west wall of Pepi II’s square antechamber, the bæw of Nekhen are depicted at the end of the lowest register of deities, mixed with other gods. On the New Kingdom false doors mentioned above, the bæw are named along with other deities and 865

The images occur in the 6th hour; see Hornung, Amduat, vol. I, pp. 101-2, 108-10; vol. II, pp. 112-13, 117-19. See also Zabkar, Ba Concept, pp. 74-75. 866 Beckerath, Chronologie, pp. 20-21, 182; Gardiner, Royal Canon, pl. 1. According to Allen (“Cosmology,” pp. 1-28) the deceased king becomes an “imperishable akh.” However, for the identification of the æã with the bæw, see Zabkar, Ba Concept, pp. 34-35. 867 Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 124, no. 319a, from the pyramid of Pepi I. The king can also be identified with other deities in the Pyramid Texts, for example “Pepi is Thoth” from the pyramid of Pepi I (Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 163, no. 472).

480

no indication is given that they were imagined as belonging to a different class of divine beings. Finally, it must be stressed that the bæw figures are connected to other places and deities, although some of these relationships certainly postdate the appearance of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen. Particularly prominent are the bæw of Iunu, who were discussed above in reference to their appearance in Senwosret III’s square antechamber. Other localities that had bæw were Hermopolis, the West, and the East. 868 It is more likely that in the context of temples the bæw represent powers unrelated to once mortal beings such as kings and instead serve as manifestations of divine beings or sacred places. Perhaps they are most easily understood as a category of otherworldly creature that complements those we refer to as “gods.” The term may refer to a specific aspect of the “personality” or distinctiveness of a deity, 869 or it may describe a hidden aspect that in some way animates the deities.870 For example, New Kingdom texts describe Re as possessing seven bæs, and deities can apparently also act as bæs for each other, so that Amun-Re can be the bæ of Osiris and Khnum the bæ of

868

Beinlich, “Seelen,” col. 804; these other bæw are admittedly often considered to be later creations derived from the original groups associated with Pe and Nekhen. Wilson (“Buto and Hierakonpolis,” p. 236), refuted the idea that the bæw were ancestral kings based on the idea that Pe and Nekhen were “…never militarily or administratively significant…” but instead “…did achieve political importance as two clearly distinct particularizers of the two coordinates which made up a united Egypt.” In other words, because the two cities were not really capitals they could not have been the residences of early rulers. 869 Allen, Middle Egyptian, p. 79 translates the word as “something like ‘impressiveness.’” See also Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, pp. 237-38. 870 Assmann, Egyptian Solar Religion, p.142 states “…a hidden power (bæ), which assumes form (ãpr) in the many gods and makes them into gods.” For further discussion of the bæ concept in relation to New Kingdom solar theology, see ibid., pp. 133-55.

481

Shu. 871 In this light, the bæw of Pe and Nekhen can be seen as divine, otherworldly beings that embody certain sacred aspects of the places from which they originated. Several important ideas about their function seem to be expressed both in the depictions of bæw in the Old and Middle Kingdoms and the Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts spells that mention them. It is evident that the bæw of Pe and Nekhen played a leading and specific role in the king’s transition from this world to the next. 872 For example, the Pyramid Texts state, “There have come to him the bas of Pe and the bas of Nekhen, the gods who belong to the sky and the gods who belong to the earth, that they might make for him conveyance on their arms.” 873 In the Coffin Texts, the bæw of Pe, Nekhen and Iunu are associated with funerary offerings, “A great festival is celebrated for you with offerings of bread and beer with the Souls of Pe, Nekhen and On.” 874

871

See Zabkar, Ba Concept, pp. 11-13. In the Coffin Texts (spells 157-58), the four sons of Horus are equated with the bæw: Imsety and Hapi are called the bæw of Pe and Duamutef and Qebehsenuf the bæw of Nekhen (Willems, Chests of Life, p. 140). In the Coffin Texts passages, Horus is also included as a member of both the bæw of Pe and Nekhen, increasing their number to the standard three (Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. 1, pp. 135-37, spells 157-58). 872 The bæw retained this role until well in the New Kingdom. In the tomb of Ramesses I, the deceased king kneels between the bæw of Pe and Nekhen and the texts state that the king has joined them in the afterlife: “Paroles prononcées par les âmes de Pe lorsqu’elles acclament l’Horus de l’Horizon, leur fils, Osiris roi, Men-Pehty-Rê, fils du soleil, Ra-mes-sou, justifié comme l’un d’eux” and “Paroles prononcées par les âmes de Nekhen lorsqu’elles font des acclamations aux maîtres de l’éternité et que l’Osiris roi, maître des Deux Terres, Men-PehtyRê, le justifié, est comme un des leurs” (Piankoff, “Ramsès Ier,” pp. 198-99, pl. IX; the painting is beautifully illustrated in Hawass, Royal Tombs, pp. 28-30). 873 From the pyramid of Unis (Allen, Pyramid Texts, p. 57, no. 211). The text also seems to equate the bæw not only with the duality of Upper and Lower Egypt, but also with the division between sky and earth. See also ibid., p. 164, no. 478 from the pyramid of Pepi I; ibid., p. 222, no. 261 from the pyramid of Merenre; ibid., p. 279, no. 422 from the pyramid of Pepi II; ibid., p. 313, no. 11 from the pyramid of Neith. 874 Faulkner, Coffin Texts, vol. 1, p. 198, spell 258.

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More generally, the tendency to pair divine figures representing the important Egyptian spiritual centers of Pe and Nekhen relates them to the juxtaposition and unity of north and south that is a common Egyptian iconographic theme.875 As is demonstrated in the pyramid temple offering chamber and north chapel of Senwosret III, the themes of northern and southern Egypt figure prominently in the layout of the tympana. Here the enthroned king wears either the red or white crown and is surrounded by Horus and Wadjet (north) or Seth and Nekhbet (south). 876 On each of the king’s thrones, bound Upper and Lower Egyptian plants are depicted. With the inclusion of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen, the emphasis on the two lands of Egypt that begins above the false door is carried down to the decoration flanking it. The message that Senwosret III is ruler of both Upper and Lower Egypt is further reinforced at the inner ends of the long walls, where fecundity figures beneath the throne symbolically tie together the plants representing the two halves of the country. Themes of fecundity also unite the false door wall and the area around the enthroned king on the long walls of chambers. Behind the fecundity figures tying together the two lands are three fecundity figures in procession, who, based on better preserved examples, seem to personify grain, food, and nourishment. Related to them are depictions of kneeling fecundity figures on the tympana, in front of whom are

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DuQuesne, Jackal Divinities, para. 134 proposes that they symbolized all the deities of Upper and Lower Egypt because they had “the function of balancing the two territories.” However, other divinities can play similar roles (for example Nekhbet and Wadjet or Horus and Seth), so it is difficult to accept his proposition without further evidence. 876 Seth, Wadjet and Nekhbet (only in vulture form) are also found on the fragmentary tympanum from the pyramid temple of Teti (Lauer, Téti, pp. 60-62, no. 1, pls. XXII, XXIIIa; see also pp. 11-15).

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inscriptions mentioning offerings. 877 Thus the false door walls and the area around the king are joined by themes of the geographic and cosmic unity of Egypt, the supply of goods necessary for the king’s afterlife, and by extension the productivity and fertility of the land. 878 A seemingly curious feature of the tympana, partially discussed above, is the inclusion of inscriptions defining the king as dominant over the hill countries or foreign lands, the area of the north Mediterranean, the coast of Lebanon or eastern lands, and foreigners in general. Depictions of the king prevailing over foreigners are common in pyramid temples 879 and their seeming absence in Senwosret III’s structure is notable. However, as far as is known, this theme does not belong in the offering chamber. 880 Rather than being strictly martial in nature, the text here may instead be intended to show the domination of foreign lands as a means of procuring objects desirable for the pyramid temple or more generally ensuring the prosperity of Egypt. In a sense, the 877

The fecundity figures may also be related to the offering bearers on the long walls. As has been noted by Baines (Fecundity Figures, p. 131), in the Old (and Middle) Kingdoms, offering bearers bring material goods needed by the deceased, while the fecundity figures bring symbolic ones. 878 For the question of the king’s reliance on earthly goods in the afterlife, see Goedicke, “Verhältnis,” pp. 57-67; Jánosi, “Entwicklung und Deutung,” pp. 143-63; Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” pp. 59, 71-72, 74-76. 879 For a summary of scenes in pyramid temples involving foreigners, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 116-18, 131-34, 145, 202-30, 275-76, 323-24, 38485; Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 205-11. 880 Food offerings and “general benefits” such as life, dominion, etc. are juxtaposed with foreign lands in the inscriptions below the fecundity figures in Senwosret I’s White Chapel; see Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pp. 211-12, pl. 2; Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 209-10. It is interesting to note that in the White Chapel texts, foreign lands are also in the last position. On Senwosret III’s tympana, “general benefits” are presented first by the standing deities, followed by food offerings presented by the kneeling fecundity figures. An inscription mentioning “all foreign or hilly lands” seems to precede a domain carrying a hetep-sign in the sun temple of Niuserre; the figure probably belongs to a procession of fecundity figures and domains in the temple (Edel, Jahreszeitenreliefs, pl. 16).

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inclusion of texts describing the extended domain of pharaoh adds the final touch to the false door wall. As the culminating point of the pyramid temple or north chapel, the wall elegantly summarizes the major themes of the structure’s wall decoration: a balance of forces maintains cosmic order; the king is blessed by the gods generally and by those representing Upper and Lower Egypt in particular; the king is in control of all of Egypt and holds sway over the surrounding lands; the fertility of Egypt is guaranteed by the gods as well as the king and the bounty of the land will sustain the pharaoh, and by extension his followers, for eternity.

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CHAPTER 3: RITUAL SCENES OF UNCERTAIN LOCATION

INTRODUCTION

Although the decorative programs of the square antechamber and offering chamber can be reconstructed with some confidence, other fragments found in the remains of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple depict figures and scenes that do not seem to belong to either of these chambers and are therefore more difficult to place. According to the proposed reconstruction of the pyramid temple’s ground plan (pl. 10), which is discussed in more detail in the conclusion to this dissertation, these scenes would have adorned either the “entrance chamber” or the “statue chamber.” Best-preserved among them are fecundity figure881 either striding or enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual, depictions of the enthroned king and purification rites. Although some of these figure types do occur in either the square antechamber or the offering chamber, considerations of scale and/or iconographic detail make it unlikely that they originate from these rooms. Some of the scenes are particularly interesting because they seem to provide clues about the developing conceptions of the king’s cult in the latter part of the Twelfth Dynasty, which may have influenced the decision not only to construct Senwosret III’s south temple at Dahshur and perhaps his mortuary complex at Abydos,

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For the history of the designations of these figures and the present term, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 112-16.

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but also the gradual abandonment of the pyramid complex as an architectural form central to the ideology of kingship. Several considerations hamper our understanding of the wall decoration discussed here. First, because the figures and their associated paraphernalia are large in scale, many more or less life-size, even relatively big fragments contain only a small percentage of a figure or element. Preservation of more than one figure on a piece is uncommon. In consequence, beyond such general assertions as seated figure or standing figure, it is often impossible to determine the rituals that are being performed and the exact participants. Furthermore, distinguishing between depictions of the king and male deities is sometimes difficult or impossible. Second, as was seen here in connection with Senwosret III’s square antechamber, Old Kingdom prototypes were not slavishly copied, but underwent alterations, presumably in response to changes in religious beliefs and ideology. As a result, pyramid temples of the Old Kingdom and the earlier Middle Kingdom cannot always be relied upon in formulating reconstructions of either the architecture or the decorative program of this complex. Evidence found on the fragments from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple also points to the possibility that at least one and perhaps more scene types were included here that had not previously appeared in the pyramid temple decorative repertoire. Finally, the destruction of the temple’s ground plan means that assigning the scenes to specific rooms is highly speculative. In analyzing the square antechamber and the offering chamber, the general configuration of the rooms, their decorative

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programs and their spatial relationship could be established using both Old Kingdom parallels as well as the internal evidence provided by the fragments themselves. However, as no secure parallels exist between the scene types preserved here and earlier examples, the arrangement and program of other chambers in Old Kingdom pyramid temples cannot be used. 882 Because the ground plan of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple can only be tentatively suggested, the shape and placement of the chambers that contained these scenes remains in doubt. It is unlikely that all the fragments discussed in this chapter originate from a single chamber. Based on the proposed reconstruction of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple (pl. 10), there are two possible rooms in which the scenes could have been located, both of which were most likely in the temple’s southwest quadrant between the west wall of the square antechamber and the south wall of the offering chamber; they have been tentatively designated the entrance chamber and statue chamber. It is unlikely that there were additional rooms east of the aligned east walls of the square antechamber and the offering chamber and there is no room for them either to the north of the offering chamber or to the south of the square antechamber. The configuration of the pyramid temple’s chambers will be discussed in detail in the conclusion of this dissertation.

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For example, in the pyramid temple of Pepi II, the chamber preceding the square antechamber contains scenes of the king smiting foreigners and hunting in the desert (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 36, 41). However, there is no evidence for scenes with these subjects in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, making it quite likely that other themes were used in the room preceding the square antechamber.

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FECUNDITY FIGURES AND DEPICTIONS OF THE ENTHRONED KING

Introduction Addressed here are two seemingly distinct topics, namely the depiction in wall relief of fecundity figures and the enthroned king. The iconographic elements are sometimes but not always related: the enthroned king may sit above fecundity figures, but the king can appear on the throne without adjacent fecundity figures and fecundity figures can be depicted without a direct spatial relationship to the enthroned king. However, as will become clear from the discussion below, in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III the enthroned king is often accompanied by fecundity figures and in order to avoid unnecessary repetition, the two subjects are here treated consecutively. Included in the decorative program of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple were depictions of fecundity figures in different sizes and poses, carrying an assortment of sacred implements and enacting different rituals. Since less is known about Middle Kingdom fecundity figures than those of the Old and New Kingdoms, the figures are particularly important, though the lack of more or less contemporary parallels also makes it more difficult to establish what types of scenes could feature them. Based on the criteria listed above, the figures have been divided into six groups: 1) Processions of figures probably about 53.5 cm high who carry hetep-trays, was-scepters and ankh-

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signs suspended from long strings and who pour liquid from qebeh-vessels. 883 2) Standing figures about 61.5 cm high (without headdress), who enact the smæ-tæwy ritual, at least one of whom is followed by one or more figures with only hetep-trays and was-scepters. 884 3) Kneeling figures about 57 cm high (in their kneeling pose), who also enact the smæ-tæwy ritual. 4) Standing figures, perhaps about half-life-size (ca. 80 cm) who may carry qebeh-vessels. 5) Small kneeling figures who originate from the tympana of the offering chamber; they carry hetep-trays and ankh-signs hanging from short strings. 6) Standing figures who come from the register beneath the king’s throne in the offering chamber; two enact the smæ-tæwy ritual and are followed by a three striding figures carrying only hetep-trays and was-scepters. Groups 5 and 6 were discussed above in connection with the offering chamber. The standing and kneeling figures that enact the smæ-tæwy ritual in groups 2, 3 and 6 appear to occupy the lowest register of wall decoration beneath what must have been life-size images of the enthroned king; the figures in group 5 occur at the outer edges of tympana scenes that include smaller depictions of the enthroned king. Unfortunately, the images of the enthroned Senwosret III above the smæ-tæwy ritual in groups 2 and 3 are not well preserved, meaning that it is impossible to determine what rites were enacted. However, the following survey of Old and Middle Kingdom enthroned kings depicted in relief may provide some clues. In all instances in which the structure of Senwosret III’s throne can be identified, it conforms to the 883

For examples of the metal vessel, see Radwan, Kupfer- und Bronzegefässe, pp. 52, 55, pl. 24 no. 130A, p. 61, pl. 31 no. 154. The vessel seems to have been used to present drink offerings. 884 For the smæ-tæwy ritual in Old and Middle Kingdom monuments, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 319-23.

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œwt-type, 885 a form in which the lower back corner contains a “box” that is said to give the entire seat the appearance of a œwt-sign (Sign-list O6). In Old Kingdom relief decoration, the œwt-throne seems to have been used primarily for scenes in which the king interacts with deities as well as in the offering chamber. In contrast, statues placed in royal mortuary temples do not seem to have had œwt-thrones. 886 Many of the fecundity figures, though not all, originate from the lowest decorated register, meaning that the depictions of the enthroned king and other ritual actions occur in higher registers. The arrangement of registers with smaller, often repetitively posed figures below and larger figures in more static poses above is a method of composing wall decoration found very early in royal cult temples. 887 This type of composition is quite prominent in the so-called statue cult temple of Sneferu, a structure that is not only quite near the pyramid of Senwosret III, but also preserves evidence that it was used during the Middle Kingdom. 888 One must consider that Sneferu’s temple may have either directly influenced the composition of some scenes in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple or the influence was filtered through earlier Twelfth Dynasty royal monuments.

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An exception is found on the tympana of Senwosret III’s north chapel (pl. 308), where the entire throne is covered with bound papyrus and lily plants. Because of the small scale of the throne, it was not possible to confine the tied plants to a corner box. Another throne from a north chapel tympanum has a box in the lower right corner, but no smæ-tæwy (pl. 320). 886 Throne types in relation to Old and Middle Kingdom royal relief and statuary are discussed in Do. Arnold, “Studies on the Statue Acc. 25.6,” forthcoming. For discussions of Middle Kingdom throne types, see also Evers, Staat aus dem Stein, pp. 55-65; Metzger, Königsthron, vol. 1, pp. 33-50, vol. 2, pp. 24-35. For the œwt-throne, see Kuhlmann, Thron, pp. 57-60, 8283. 887 As defined by Dorothea Arnold; see “Royal Reliefs,” pp. 84-86, 90. 888 Fakhry, Temple Reliefs, pp. 12-13; idem, Finds, pp. 15-94.

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Fecundity Figures and Enthroned Kings in Mortuary Temples of the Old and Middle Kingdoms 889 Many examples of fecundity figures and the enthroned king occur in mortuary temples of the Old and Middle Kingdoms either as parts of the same or different scenes.890 In these depictions the king is generally the passive recipient or observer of an action, which often involves a procession of figures who approach him. Such scenes are quite common in temples that are dedicated to the king, as the main cult recipient in these structures is the king rather than a deity. In the New Kingdom, when kings “share” their mortuary temples with deities, it is more often the case that the king approaches an enthroned god. In the pyramid temple of Userkaf, only one piece survives that actually depicts a piece of the king’s throne, though the surrounding elements make its interpretation uncertain. The throne does not stand on a groundline and a diagonal rope passes beneath it, meaning that the scene may take place on a boat or it may depict the transport of a statue to the temple. 891 The original location of the fragment could not be determined. Other scenes in which Userkaf sits on a throne show him receiving offerings from domains and other figures, but these are entirely reconstructed and at

889

The term “mortuary temple” rather than “pyramid temple” is used here because the nonpyramidal, Theban burial place of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre includes depictions of the enthroned king. For the absence of a pyramid on top of this structure, see Arnold, Temple of Mentuhotep, pp. 34-35; Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. 1, Architektur, pp. 27-32. 890 The earliest fecundity figures may occur in the so-called valley temple of Sneferu (Fakhry, Temple Reliefs, pp. 101, 106-7, fig. 110). However, because these figures carry different “gifts” and have different inscriptions, Baines (Fecundity Figures, pp. 85, 133-34) doubts whether they should be considered fecundity figures. For a survey of relief and three-dimensional images of the king on his throne, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp.159-66. 891 Labrousse, Complexes funéraires d’Ouserkaf, vol. 1, pp. 128-29; vol. 2, p. 88 fig. 288a-b.

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least partially based on later parallels from the Pepi II pyramid complex. 892 No identifiable remains of fecundity figures were found in Userkaf’s pyramid temple. Enthroned depictions of the king occur several times in Sahure’s pyramid temple. In one instance, the king is seated above a doorway holding a flail in one hand and mekes-instrument in the other while facing a deity of uncertain identity. Another image of the enthroned king also seems to face a deity.893 Additional fragments with more depictions of the king show that some thrones had striding lions beneath them and at least one probably had fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual; 894 the actions taking place around these figures cannot be determined. Another throne had an elaborate base composed of alternating djed- and tyet-signs; remains found in the register below indicate a procession of figures who are identified by inscriptions as children of the king. 895 A large block found in the “Torbau” shows the king in a sedfestival costume enthroned beneath a baldachin. 896 Another depiction of the enthroned Sahure in a sed-festival costume shows him facing two registers of figures enacting rituals, one of which involves presenting cattle to the king.897 Recently found along the causeway of Sahure’s pyramid complex was part of a scene depicting the enthroned king in front what is supposed to be a frankincense tree.898 Based on the presence of a

892

Labrousse, Complexes funéraires d’Ouserkaf, vol. 1, pp. 83-84, 89 n. 225; vol. 2, pp. 24-25 figs. 52-53, p. 35 fig. 64, p. 56 fig. 121, p. 58 fig. 123. 893 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 52-53, 114-15, pl. 42. 894 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 53, 115, pl. 43. The presence of a fecundity figure is suggested by the loop beneath the king’s feet, which must belong either to a plant being tied or the plant headdress of a fecundity figure. 895 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 53-54, 115, pl. 44. 896 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 54-55, 115, pl. 45. 897 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 56-57, 115-16, pl. 47. 898 el Awady, “King Sahura,” pp. 37-44.

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tent pole behind the king, the scene must have taken place under a baldachin or some other structure. The king, who faces left, holds a piece of folded cloth in the proper left hand and stretches his proper right hand towards the tree, a pose that recalls depictions of the pharaoh in front of the offering table. Several examples of fecundity figures were found in other areas of Sahure’s pyramid complex, including standing figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual and ones carrying hetep-trays, was-scepters and hanging ankh-signs. Kneeling fecundity figures are also shown carrying hetep-trays, some of which have qebeh-vessels balanced on top; wrapped around the arms of the figures are strings from which ankh-signs are suspended. 899 Some of these fecundity figures kneel on the groundline above the dado, while others seem to populate a higher register. Other fecundity figures carry heteptrays and was-scepters and also make libations with qebeh-vessels; these seem to have been interspersed with deities and domain figures. 900 Best attested are the right and left facing fecundity figures who occupied the bottom registers on two walls in the complex’s side entrance; 901 they carry only hetep-trays, was-scepters and ankh-signs hanging from strings. Fragments from the pyramid temple of Neferirkare reveal the presence of a fecundity figure procession that perhaps occupied multiple registers. 902 Based on the inscription, one figure can be identified as Hu (food or nourishment), a commonly 899

Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 40-42, 103-5, pls. 24-25. Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 42-43, 105-6, pls. 26-27. The pendulous breast and rounded belly of the figure in the upper row, second from left on pl. 26 indicate that she is a fecundity figure. 901 Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pp. 45-46, 108-9, pls. 29-30. 902 Borchardt, Nefer-ir-ka-reë, pp. 28-30, figs. 29-30. 900

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attested personification. The figures carried hetep-trays, was-scepters and three ankhsigns hanging from strings. All the preserved figures faced right. Since at least one is female, the figures probably did not originate from the offering chamber, where all known fecundity figures are male (see above under the offering chamber, pp. 386-98). A magnificent relief from the pyramid temple of Niuserre was found in the temple’s transversal hall, on a portion of wall between the door leading to the western part of the temple and a niche that seems to have held the statue of a lion. In the lifesize scene, Anubis presents bundles of ankh-signs to the enthroned Niuserre, while holding one of the symbols to the king’s lips. Wadjet stands behind the king and embraces him. 903 Originally all figures had inlaid eyes, presumably of calcite and obsidian set into a metal rim, which were subsequently gouged out by robbers. 904 The œwt-throne has an inset in the bottom right corner decorated with a feather pattern, rather than a smæ-tæwy. The throne rests on a large, elaborate rectangular base covered with a scene depicting two kneeling fecundity figures tying together the plants of Upper and Lower Egypt; lilies (Upper Egypt) are to the left in front of the feet of Anubis and papyrus (Lower Egypt) are to the right in front of Wadjet. The fecundity figures lack plant headdresses, and instead are directly under the top of the throne base, which has a block border on all four sides. Behind the figures are inscriptions related to offerings. In contrast to most other fecundity figure depictions, these particular

903

Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, p. 16 fig. 6, pp. 57, 88-91, pl. 16; the goddess is mistakenly identified as Nekhbet in ibid., p. 90. 904 Part of an eye inlay is preserved in a relief of Teti (Lauer, Téti, p. 92, pl. XXXIIIA with further references). Inlaid eyes in relief decoration are not known from the Middle Kingdom; see Oppenheim, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 442-43.

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figures should not be understood as divine beings participating in the ceremony taking place around them, but rather as ritually significant images that were sculpted, painted or inlaid onto a piece of sacred furniture. Beneath the front and back of the throne base are unusual, small semicircular objects that have the appearance of rollers, suggesting that the throne and its base could be moved. 905 In the lowest register of the tableau, a row of bowing officials face inwards towards a central inscription that is more or less below the heel of the king. 906 From the sun temple of Niuserre at Abusir are fragments depicting processions of fecundity figures and personified nomes in multiple registers. 907 The figures, each of which carries only a hetep-tray, face both left and right and are likely to have come from different scenes. One large block indicates that there were at least four rows of figures. 908 In one instance, a procession appears to possibly precede one of the largescale personifications of a season, 909 in another scene a procession adjoins a desert hunt, 910 and in a third example it adjoins various activities taking place during the shemu- (harvest) season. 911 It might therefore be suggested that at least some of the fecundity figure and nome processions served as general embodiments of prosperity that 905

See Do. Arnold “Royal Reliefs,” p. 97 with further references. A section of the north side of the doorway leading into the western part of the temple was also preserved on the block with the throne scene. Part of one deity with an animal head remains on the adjacent wall (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, p. 91, fig. 68). 907 Edel, Jahreszeitenreliefs, pls. 4-7, 11,16, 24, 28, 30-32, 42, 46. 908 Edel, Jahreszeitenreliefs, pl. 6. 909 Edel, Jahreszeitenreliefs, pl. 7. On p. 19 of the small booklet that accompanies the plates, the large figure is described, without comment, as a fecundity figure. Fischer (“Some Notes on the Easternmost Nomes,” pp. 140-42) has suggested a reconstruction of this wall that contains nine registers of figures in front of and below one of the season personifications. Smith has reconstructed the same wall with six registers (W. Smith, Interconnections, fig. 178). 910 Edel, Jahreszeitenreliefs, pl. 16. 911 Edel, Jahreszeitenreliefs, pl. 11. 906

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accompanied the personified seasons and acted as intermediaries between the depictions of the seasons and the natural world. In the Unis causeway, the enthroned king is depicted several times facing long files of figures and receiving offerings. 912 Although reconstructions of some of these scenes feature standing or kneeling fecundity figures performing the smæ-tæwy ritual beneath the throne, it does not appear that actual remains of these figures were recovered. 913 In one instance, the king’s throne stands beneath a baldachin, which has led Labrousse to suggest that he was carried by courtiers, perhaps as part of a royal inspection. 914 The action viewed or undertaken by the enthroned king on the opposite wall is uncertain. 915 In two cases the king faces files of bowing officials, 916 and in another the king and queen receive bowing officials and deities.917 Further up the causeway, the king seems to have been represented on two superimposed registers receiving domain personifications and fecundity figures. 918 Finally, the king is shown facing rows of domains and deities; notable in these scenes is that the deities seem to be interspersed with the domains, rather than preceding them as their presumed

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Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 48. Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 154 figs. 62-63, p.171 fig. 110, p. 172 fig. 111, p. 180 fig. 130, p. 191 fig. 156. 914 For a depiction of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre under a baldachin that is certainly stationary, see O’Connor “Dendereh Chapel,” pp. 215-20; Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” pp. 19-28. 915 Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 48-50 docs. 46-47, pp. 153-54 figs. 60-63, pl. VIIIa. 916 Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 54, 55-56 doc. 58, pp. 58-59, 59-60 doc. 62, pp. 60-61, 63, 159 fig. 75, p. 160 fig. 79, pp. 161-62 figs. 80-81, pl. XIIbc. 917 Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 74-75 doc. 86, pp. 76-77, 7980, p. 169 fig.106, pp.171-72 figs. 110-11. 918 Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 82-84 doc. 91, pp. 173-74 figs. 114-15, pl. XVIc. 913

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superior status might suggest. 919 In the pyramid temple of Unis, the king is depicted on the throne facing right, wearing the short sed-festival cloak and carrying a flail in his proper right hand. 920 Another piece, which must come from the north wall of the offering chamber, shows him facing right and seated before the offering table.921 In the pyramid temple of Pepi II, the enthroned king is depicted above the door in the square antechamber that leads to the offering chamber and also in the offering chamber itself. 922 On the north wall of the square antechamber, Pepi II receives an ankh-sign held to his lips by Nekhbet, while Anubis stands behind him. Above the scene are columns of text listing the blessings given to the king by the deities. 923 In the offering chamber were the standard scenes of the king enthroned in front of an offering table. Another fragment depicts a throne from an uncertain location. 924 A piece from the valley temple may indicate the presence of a fecundity figure, perhaps as part of a procession. However, since all that remains is the proper right foot of the left facing figure and parts of three ankh-signs on strings, a domain or nome could have been depicted rather than a fecundity figure.925 In the causeway of Pepi II, the enthroned king faces files of deities and estates who march up the walkway

919

Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 87-88, 180-81 figs. 130-31, p. 183 fig. 135. 920 Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 86 doc. 31 fig. 57, pl. XXXI. 921 Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 89 doc. 38 fig. 64, pl. XXXII. 922 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 61, 63-64, 81. 923 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 54-56; Jéquier speculated that there may have been a companion scene over the door in the antechamber’s east wall and there seems to be a small fragment with the bottom of a throne that may have belonged to this scene (ibid., p. 52, pl. 60). 924 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 105. 925 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, p. 4, pl. 5; little is suggested about the nature of the decorative program.

498

towards the monarch. Below the throne, two kneeling fecundity figures tie together plants symbolizing Upper and Lower Egypt. 926 That at least some other fecundity figures were depicted in the causeway processions may be indicated by a fragment with the name of Hu, who is often grouped with this type of figure.927 In the Eleventh Dynasty mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahari, the enthroned king is depicted on the north, outer wall of the sanctuary receiving “millions of years” from Horus (in front of the throne) and Seth (behind the throne), who are respectively accompanied by Nekhbet and Wadjet. 928 The king’s throne is covered with an inscription and symbols, including a smæ-tæwy in the back bottom corner; no fecundity figures were present. Two other pieces from the sanctuary depict the king on his throne, but not enough remains to decipher what action took place in the scene. 929 Perhaps the most dramatic fecundity figure procession of either the Old or Middle Kingdom adorned the inner enclosure wall of Senwosret I’s pyramid complex at Lisht South. The decoration, which seems to have been unique for a pyramid complex, featured panels composed of the king’s Horus name combined with alternating nomens and prenomens, elaborate palace facades and fecundity figures carrying hetep-trays with hanging ankh-signs, was-scepters and qebeh-vessels. The panels occurred at approximately 5 m intervals on all four sides of both the inside and outside 926

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pp. 14-15, pls. 19-22; the same scene was probably also placed on the north wall, but the depiction of the king on his throne has not survived. 927 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pls. 24-25. 928 Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, pp. 22-23, frontispiece, pls. 10, 12, 58a; Naville, XIth Dynasty Temple, pt. II, pp. 2, 20-21, pl. VA, D 929 Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, p. 43, pl. 37, nos. 4981, 4982; see also p. 35, pl. 38 no. 61. Naville, XIth Dynasty Temple, pt. 1, p. 68, pl. XIID, G.

499

of the inner enclosure wall; there were 100 figures on each side of the wall. The panels were about 549 cm high and 82.5 cm wide; the figures were about 125 cm high. Evidence found on the west side of the pyramid indicates that the procession began there with back-to-back figures, and continued around to the east, ending at the pyramid temple. 930

930

Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 58-63, pls. 27-37, 87-88, 94.

500

Summary of Fecundity Figures in Pyramid Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms 931 Reign

Pose

Implements

Action

Location

Sahure

Kneeling under throne ?

smæ-tæwy

Pyr. temp.

Sahure

Striding

hetep, was, hanging smæ-tæwy

Pyr. temp.

ankhs Sahure

Kneeling

hetep with qebeh,

?

Pyr. temp.

Procession

Pyr. temp.

hanging ankhs Sahure

Striding with libation

hetep, was, qebeh,

with deities and domains Sahure

Striding

hetep, was, hanging Procession ankhs

Side ent.

with deities above

Neferirkare

Striding

hetep, was, hanging Procession ankhs

Pyr. temp.

poss. in multiple reg.

Niuserre

Kneeling as part of

None

smæ-tæwy

throne base

Transversal hall

Niuserre

Striding

hetep

Procession

Sun temple

Unis

Striding

?

Procession

Near top of

931

Fecundity figures in the offering chamber were discussed above in the offering chamber chapter and are omitted here.

501

causeway Unis

?

?

smæ-tæwy

Causeway

(reconstructed) Pepi II

Kneeling

None

smæ-tæwy

Causeway

Pepi II

Striding

?

Procession

Causeway

Senwosret I

Striding

hetep, was,

Procession

Inner encl.

qebeh, hanging ankhs

502

wall

Summary of Enthroned Kings in Mortuary Complexes of the Old and Middle Kingdoms Reign

Action

Associated Figures Location

Userkaf

Perhaps in boat

None

Pyr. temp.

or may be statue transport Sahure

Holds flail and mekes

Deity

Door lintel

Sahure

?

Figures said to be

Pyr. temp.

king’s children below Sahure

sed-festival ritual

?

“Torbau”

Sahure

sed-festival rituals including

Participants in festival Pyr. temp.

cattle lead towards king Sahure

Viewing trees while under

?

Causeway

Anubis (in front),

Transversal hall

baldachin Niuserre

Receiving ankh-signs

Wadjet (behind), courtiers (below) Unis

Receiving files of figures in

Deities, fecundity,

several different groups

figures, domains,

Causeway

courtiers Unis

sed-festival ritual

?

Pyr. temp.

Unis

In front of offering table

?

Offering chamber?

Pepi II

Receiving ankh-signs

Nekhbet (in front)

Sq. antechamber

503

Anubis (behind) Pepi II

In front of offering table

Ka-figure behind

Offering chamber

Pepi II

Receiving files of deities,

Deities, domains,

Causeway

domains, fecundity

fecundity

figures

figures

Mentuhotep

Receiving millions of

Horus, Nekhbet

Nebhepetre

years

(in front), Seth, Wadjet (behind)

504

Sanctuary

Fecundity Figures in the South Temple of Senwosret III Several recovered fragments indicate that fecundity figures were depicted in Senwosret III’s south temple. Most intriguing, however, is a large block that was found in the ruins of Jacques de Morgan’s excavation house, which lies northeast of the Senwosret III complex along the edge of the desert plateau. Preserved are parts of two registers from a procession of fecundity figures facing right; the block has horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom and a vertical masonry edge at the right (reg. no. DMH94.1; 52.4 x 82.4 cm; pl. 393). In the upper register are parts of two male figures. The left figure retains a hetep-tray, was-scepter and ankh-signs dangling from strings on either side of the scepter’s pole. In his proper right hand the fecundity figure grasps a qebeh-vessel, which he appears to empty over the hetep-tray. Most of the torso and legs remain from the figure to the right, along with the proper right arm, which is bent in a manner that suggests the figure also enacted a libation ritual; presumably all the figures on the block were engaged in the same action. In the lower register, a part of the figure’s head remains to the right, followed by the was-scepter of the subsequent figure. The inscription above the first fecundity figure ends mí ÿdt perhaps defining the personification as “stability,” though it is uncertain how to account for the mí-sign, which can be translated as the preposition “like.” To the left is the caption dí[.?] ënã wæs “ or [she] gives life and dominion;” followed by nãb and an uncertain sign. In the pyramid complex of Sahure, a similarly named female fecundity figure nãbt may

505

personify “budding.” 932 However, the final sign of that group is a rush (Sign-list M22), which does not seem to be included in the relief found in de Morgan’s house. The word could also be nãbw “newly plowed land,” 933 a seemingly appropriate persona for a fecundity figure, though one that is not attested. As de Morgan does not mention the block in either of his Dahshur publications and no royal name is included in the inscriptions, one can only speculate about its origin. Since fecundity figures in the Middle Kingdom are known only from royal or deity temples, an origin in a private mastaba can be discounted. 934 Thus the block can only come from one of the three Middle Kingdom pyramid complexes at Dahshur that de Morgan excavated more or less simultaneously: Amenemhat II, Senwosret III and Amenemhat III. Among the approximately 150 fragments of relief and statuary that the Metropolitan Museum excavation has found in the ruins of de Morgan’s house, none can be assigned to either the complex of Amenemhat II or Amenemhat III based on inscriptions or published documentation. 935 One can therefore conclude that de Morgan probably did not transport material from other parts of the site to his excavation house, meaning that the block most likely originates from Senwosret III’s 932

Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, p. 109, pl. 30; Baines, Fecundity Figures, p. 147. According to Baines (“Destruction of the Pyramid Temple,” pp. 9-14) nãbt is not attested between the Old Kingdom and the Twenty-sixth Dynasty. 933 Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch, p. 426. 934 However, the tomb of Ukhhotep at Meir (Tomb C no. 1; Blackman, Meir, pt. VI, pp. 33, 35, 37, pls. XV, XVII, XXI) does contain depictions of fecundity figures along with other iconographic elements that were normally excluded from private monuments. The tomb seems to have been exceptional and cannot be used to suggest that fecundity figures were a standard part of the iconography in private tombs. 935 The pieces published by de Morgan (Dahchour 1894) that have been rediscovered by the Metropolitan Museum Expedition originate from: the mastaba of Khnumhotep (pp. 20-21 figs. 25-36), the mastaba of Khentykhetyemsaf (p. 28 fig. 47), the mastaba of Nebit (pp. 33-34 figs. 65, 66 top center, 68-69), and the pyramid temple of Senwosret III (pp. 47, 51 fig. 111).

506

complex. The north chapel can be eliminated on the grounds of scale, as the approximately 61 cm high figures are much too large for this structure. Stylistic considerations exclude the fecundity figures from the pyramid temple - the fecundity figures on the de Morgan house block have less modeling than those in the pyramid temple, the top of the hetep-sign has points near the bottom of the “loaf” that are not found in the pyramid temple and the hieroglyphs seem to be rendered with somewhat thicker lines. In addition, the figure in the upper register carries two ankh-signs hanging from strings, one on either side of the was-scepter pole, while the fecundity figures in the pyramid temple have two ankh-signs between the pole and the figure (see pls. 358, 363-64). A similar distribution of ankh-signs is found on a possible fecundity figure from the south temple (pl. 395), and an absence of detailed modeling has been noted on some figures from this structure. Further study of the south temple’s wall decoration is needed to establish additional stylistic and iconographic links, but at this point it seems most likely that the large block found in the remains of de Morgan’s house originates from Senwosret III’s south temple. If this supposition is correct, then a multiple register procession of fecundity figures enacting libation rituals was located somewhere in the building. Two small fragments found in the south temple depict under life-size figures that are most likely fecundity figures. One, mentioned above, includes the delicately rendered outstretched arm of a yellow figure facing right who holds a hetep-tray, wasscepter and two ankh strings. With the now-missing proper right hand it held a qebehvessel symbolically pouring its contents over the hetep-sign (94.573; 9 x 10.9 cm; pl.

507

395). The depiction cannot be definitively identified as a fecundity figure, and could represent an estate or domain enacting a libation ritual. 936 A male fecundity figure facing left, identified by his pendulous breast, holds a hetep-sign and part of a wasscepter pole (94.816; 15.6 x 6.9 cm; pl. 396). Another figure found in the south temple is of interest to the present discussion because he enacts a libation ritual (94.989; 33.3 x 87.8 cm; pl. 394), though since he is slender and wears a kilt, he cannot be identified as a fecundity figure. The male, who faces right and stands on a groundline above the dado, carries a hetep-sign and three ankh-signs on short strings, but no was-scepter; in his proper right hand he carries a qebeh-vessel, the contents of which he appears to pour over the hetep-tray. Architectural remains found on the block indicate that the figure was placed on a doorframe that adjoined a striped reveal; because the figure faces away from the door, he must be oriented towards the scene in the room rather than the doorway itself. Also found in the area was another piece of a similar figure that probably originates from the same scene (94.944; 10.6 x 30.4 cm; not illustrated).

Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Procession of 53.5 cm High Figures with Hetep-Trays, Qebeh-Vessels and Hanging Ankhs (Libation Ritual) A large group of fragments seems to originate from a procession of fecundity figures facing left, each of which carries a hetep-tray balanced on an extended, horizontally

936

For examples of estates or domains enacting libation rituals, see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 31; Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 181 fig. 131, p. 184 fig. 139, p. 185 fig. 142, pp. 192-94 figs. 157-59; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, pls. 19, 21, 24, 26.

508

oriented, proper right arm. Overlapped by the hetep-tray is a was-scepter, the staff of which is wedged between the thumb and forefinger of the fecundity figure in a manner that seems physically impossible. Wrapped around the fingers and arm are three strings, two to the right of the was-scepter pole and one to the left, from which are suspended three ankh-signs. The proper left hand grasps the base of a qebeh-vessel, held diagonally to indicate that its contents are being poured over the hetep-tray. The procession seems to have been preceded by a vertical inscription with at least one line of text. In addition, some fragments indicate that there were horizontally oriented captions above the figures. Some figures seem to have been identified by short vertical inscriptions in front of their faces. All inscriptions were oriented in the same direction as the figures. Reconstructing the scene in terms of the total number of registers, the number of figures per register and the overall height of the wall is complicated by the fragmentary nature of the material, the lack of parallels and uncertainty about the temple’s ground plan. Although there is no direct evidence that all figures originate from the same scene, given the small size of the pyramid temple and the similar scale and activities of the figures, it is assumed here that all the fecundity figures enacting libation rituals belonged to a single procession. However, as will be noted in more detail below, the distance between the dividing line on the right side of the inscription and the was-scepters carried by the figures is slightly different on the two pieces that preserve evidence of the text (cat. nos. UL 1-2). The discrepancy could suggest that the fecundity figure procession was divided into two scenes, each of which culminated with its own speech to the king. More likely is that the figures were staggered to avoid

509

a static, grid-like vertical alignment, a method of composition that is known from other scenes with multiple rows of similar figures. 937 The desire to avoid a vertical alignment would explain the slightly different distances. Unfortunately none of the fecundity figures is completely or even largely preserved, meaning that their height and also the height of the registers can only be estimated by combining evidence found on different fragments. Three pieces preserve the distance from a horizontal masonry edge to the top of the hanging ankh-signs (cat. nos. UL 2, UL 9, UL 10, pls. 358, 365-66). On the first piece (cat. no. UL 9; pl. 365), the distance from the upper horizontal masonry edge to the top of the suspended ankh-sign is about 10 cm. On the second piece (cat. no. UL 2; pl. 358), the same space is about 12 cm. The third piece (cat. no. UL 10; pl. 366) has a distance of about 13 cm. Although there is a 3 cm discrepancy between the pieces, it is here assumed that they come from the same block and register. However, it is not clear which fragments originally belonged to the block above, and the choice of pieces changes the height of the figures by several centimeters. The two possibly figure heights are analyzed below. 1) One fragment (cat. no. UL 3; pl. 359) preserves the 16 cm distance from the bottom of the star band to the top of a fecundity figure head. A distance of about 31.5 cm has been measured from the top of another fecundity figure’s head to the horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the middle of the ankh-sign strings and the figure’s buttocks (cat. no. UL 8; pl. 364). Using the information found on catalogue

937

For example, see n. 281.

510

numbers UL 2, UL 9, and UL 10, the distance from the center of the strings to the top of the ankh-signs would have been 10-13 cm. From a fragment that preserves the bottom of a female fecundity figure and the wall dado (cat. no. UL 7, pl. 363), we learn that the distance between the top of the ankh-signs and the top of the groundline was about 20 cm. Thus the minimum height of the figures would have been about 61.5 cm and the maximum height about 64.5 cm; the total register height, excluding the 4.5 cm wide combination of the star band and groundline, would have been between 77.5 and 80.5 cm, that is approximately 1.5 cubits. 2) The second proposed register height results in shorter figures and is based on the premise that the three pieces with horizontal masonry edges and hanging ankh-signs (cat. nos. UL 2, UL 9, UL 10; pls. 358, 365-66) adjoined catalogue numbers UL 3-5 (pls. 359-61), which have masonry edges directly below the horizontal arm. As measured from catalogue number UL 3, the distance from the bottom of the star band to the masonry edge is 39 cm, which includes the inscription at the top of the register, the space below it, and the fecundity figure’s head and upper torso. The distance from the horizontal masonry edge to the top of the hanging ankh-signs remains the same 1013 cm measured from catalogue numbers UL 2, UL 9, and UL 10 and discussed above. Also unchanged is the 20 cm distance from the top of the hanging ankh-signs to the groundline measured on catalogue number UL 7. Thus the total figure height would have been between 53.5 and 56.5 cm and the total register height would have been between 69 and 72 cm, excluding the approximately 4.5 cm wide combination of star band and groundline.

511

The second set of proposed measurements seems more likely for two reasons. First, if five registers are reconstructed for the scene, the dimensions result in a total decorated wall height of between 370-385 cm, a measurement that corresponds to the decorated height of 371.5 cm proposed for the false door wall in the pyramid temple offering chamber and the height of 384 cm proposed for the square antechamber walls. 938 If the taller registers suggested by option 1 are used, it is not possible to compose a wall with decoration in the 370 cm high range using either four or five registers. Second, the smaller register height accords well with the scale of the figures, which seem to be either the same size or slightly smaller than the deities in the square antechamber. 939 The proposed decorated portion of the wall containing the fecundity figure procession can be summarized as follows: Upper star band Register 1 Star band and groundline

4.5 cm 69.0 cm 4.5 cm

938

Excluding the block border and kheker-frieze at the top of the wall and the height of the dado; see above under the square antechamber (pp.78-80) and offering chamber (pp.475-76). Note that the discrepancy of as much as 14 cm quite possibly represents miscalculations in the proposed heights of various fragmentary elements, rather than errors made by the ancient builders. 939 Placing the drawings of catalogue numbers UL 1 and UL 3 over those of several deities from the square antechamber, shows that the fecundity figures were probably slightly smaller than the deities, suggesting that the smaller figure size of 53.5 cm is correct. The apparent height of the fecundity figures must have been affected by their stooped postures. Register heights for the fecundity figure procession similar to those in the square antechamber were achieved by increasing the distance between the bottom of the inscription and the top of the heads from about 3.7 cm in the square antechamber to about 6-6.5 cm for the fecundity figure procession; the additional 3 cm space between inscription and figure compensates for the approximately 3 cm lower height of the stooped figures.

512

Register 2 Star band and groundline Register 3 Star band and groundline Register 4 Star band and groundline Register 5 Lowermost groundline Total

69.0 cm 4.5 cm 69.0 cm 4.5 cm 69.0 cm 4.5 cm 69.0 cm 2.5 cm 370.0 cm

Although not enough evidence remains to suggest an overall reconstruction, several observations can be made in regard to the arrangement of the fecundity figure procession. 940 Two pieces must come from the beginning of the procession, as they both include part of a horizontal line of text that precedes it (cat nos. UL 1-2; pls. 357-58). However, the registers into which they were placed cannot be determined. One figure originates from the register immediately above the dado (cat. no. UL 7; pl. 363). The scene occupied a minimum of two registers (cat. no. UL 1; pl. 357), though the evidence presented above suggests that it is likely to have spanned five registers and covered the entire height of the wall. Indicating that three fragments originally came from the bottom of the same block is the similar position of a

940

According to Baines (Fecundity Figures, pp. 25, 181) fecundity figures were placed in ordered compositions, rather than randomly. However, there is no archetype used to arrange the figures, meaning that processions must have been composed individually.

513

horizontal masonry edge just below the outstretched proper right arm on which the hetep-tray is balanced (cat. nos. UL 3-5; pls. 359-61). Each fragment preserves part of a different figure, one of which retains traces of green on the torso, while the other two have remains of red on the arms. A fourth piece with a horizontal masonry edge at the top seems to come from the block below and preserves a small part of the back of the fecundity figure’s fist grasping the base of the qebeh-vessel (cat. no. UL 12; pl. 368). Yellow pigment and red ovals on the hand identify the figure as a depiction of Nepri, the personification of grain. Based on their green and red color, none of the three figures from the block above can be Nepri, adding at least a fourth figure to the register. Since each figure seems to have occupied about 38 cm, a register of four figures would have occupied the substantial space of about 160-170 cm including a single vertical line of text in front of the procession. The possible scenes that could have preceded the fecundity figure procession will be discussed in the conclusion to this chapter.

Catalogue of Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Procession of 53.5 cm High Figures with Hetep-Trays, Qebeh-Vessels and Hanging Ankhs (Libation Ritual)

UL 1 Upper Register: Fecundity Figures Facing Left; Lower Register: Inscription; Left: Vertical Column of Inscription (pl. 357)

514

81.7 x 36.4 cm

93.840 (S/31cd); 96.1149 (S/31c); 00.370 (Q/30d); 00.888/3

(T/32c); 02.610/1 (U-V/27-28) Three elements survive from a scene depicting a procession of fecundity figures: an upper register with the legs of two blue-green figures facing left; 941 part of the inscription from the register below, which presumably also contained fecundity figures; and parts of two hieroglyphs from a vertical inscription in front also reading from left to right. The figures in the upper register can be identified as fecundity figures not only by their color, but also because of the position of the was-scepters, which are some distance in front of the feet; in depictions of male deities, the bottom of the wasscepter is more or less just above the toe of the front foot (for examples, see pls. 35, 63, 71, 91, 160, 175, 267). Unfortunately, only the bottom of the was-scepter poles survive and it is not possible to determine if the figures carried ankh-signs on strings or performed the libation ritual. However, since there seems to be a significant, multiregister group of similarly scaled figures making libations, it seems likely that the piece belongs with this scene. The lower register includes part of a word that could be either snb “health” or nãbt, the name of a fecundity figure, 942 followed by ãr. That the word may not be snb is indicated by the black color of the n-sign; in other examples of snb preserved in

941

For the color of fecundity figures, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 139-42, 357-89; blue fecundity figures are first attested in the reign of Niuserre and green fecundity figures first in the tomb of Ukhhotep at Meir (ibid., p. 140). 942 See Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 110, 147; the word may mean “budding.”

515

Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, the n-sign is blue. 943 At left is part of a vertical column of inscription œr st “…upon the throne,” separated from the figures by a vertical dividing line, which is 7.7 cm distant from the left side of the first fecundity figure’s was-scepter. The inscription probably belongs to a speech made by the fecundity figures to the king. 944 Although protective texts placed behind the king can include this phrase, 945 the combination of the libation procession and a depiction of the pharaoh would probably occupy a section of wall too long for the proposed reconstructions of the statue or entrance chambers.

UL 2 Implements of Fecundity Figure Facing Left With Part of Vertical Column of Inscription to the Left (pl. 358) 30.5 x 16.7 cm

96.1186 (T/31b); 00.557 (S/32d); 00.1018 (T/32a); 01.580

(T/31a) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the ankh strings, wasscepter pole and the top of the ankh-sign at left. At right are parts of the implements carried by a fecundity figure: three strings that held ankh-signs, part of one of which remains at right, and a section of a was-scepter pole. The inclusion of the ankh-signs places the figure with the libation group and the

943

The n-sign can also be blue that has turned to green; for examples, see here pls. 29-31, 36, 137, 226. 944 The same phrase is included in the speech made to the king by the bæw of Iunu; see cat. nos. SA 4-5. 945 For examples of the phrase “upon the throne” behind the king, see Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 12, 16, 61, 63.

516

position of two of them to the right of the was-scepter pole indicates that the figure faced left (see pls. 363-64). At left, a vertical dividing line separates the figure from a single ankh-sign that is at a different level from those hanging from strings. The sign must belong to the vertical inscription partly preserved on catalogue number UL 1; the original width of the ankh-sign across the horizontal bar can be estimated at 6 cm, meaning that the sign was wider than the ankh-signs held by the deities in the square antechamber.946 The sign probably does not belong to a general wish that the king be given life, dominion, stability, etc., since the ankh-sign is usually the first blessing in these texts and therefore would have been on the left side of the text column, not the right as it is here. The sign perhaps belonged to the phrase “given life like Re forever,” which would be appropriate for the end of the text. In this case, the fecundity figure would have originated from the lowest register of the procession. The distance between the right edge of the vertical dividing line and the left edge of the figure’s was-scepter is about 11.5 cm, that is slightly but distinctly larger than the same distance on catalogue number UL 1. However, as was discussed above, this discrepancy most likely results from the desire to stagger the figures rather than align them in vertical rows.

946

Some of the deities facing left in the square antechamber have a horizontal masonry edge in a similar relative position to the ankh-sign on this piece, that is the masonry edge cuts through the top of the ankh-sign near the top of the loop (pls.186-92). The possible correspondence of masonry edges raises the question as to whether or not the fecundity figures discussed here could have belonged to the deity procession in the square antechamber. However, the larger size of the ankh-sign in catalogue number UL 2 seems to exclude this possibility.

517

UL 3 Upper Part of Fecundity Figure Wadjwer Facing Left with Part of Inscription Above (pl. 359) 35.5 x 41 cm

96.460 (S/32d); 00.372 (Q/30d); 00.892/1 (T/32c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom that cuts through the waist of the figure and the area just below the outstretched arm. Most of the upper body and head of this left facing fecundity figure are discernible, albeit somewhat battered; slight remains of blue-green paint are visible on the figure. Because the inscription above is so well preserved, it is uncertain if the damage to the figure was intentionally inflicted, or, more likely, the result of exposure to the elements. The fecundity figure can be identified as enacting a libation ritual by the part of the diagonally oriented qebeh-vessel remaining at left. In front of the figure’s face are most of the hieroglyphs that identify it as the wæÿ-wr or “great green,” or “bluegreen,” 947 a term that denotes either a body of water such as the Red Sea or the marshy landscape of the Delta. 948 Above this inscription is a horizontal line of text ..ÿdt wæs æwt [íb] nb… “…stability, dominion, all joy…” that belongs to a general series of blessings bestowed by the fecundity figures on the king. Above the djed- and was-signs is a horizontal line that must be the bottom of the star band at the top of the scene. The piece may part of one of the two blue-green deities described above (cat. no. UL 1). The arrangement of the text with blessings for the king across the top and

947

According to Allen, Middle Egyptian, pp. 21, 456. For different interpretations of the term, see Goelet, “Lexicographical Method,” pp. 205-14; Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 182, 185; Vandersleyen, “Ouadj-Our,” pp. 345-52; FavardMeeks, “Delta Egyptien,” pp. 39-63. 948

518

inscriptions for the fecundity figures below might indicate that this is the uppermost register. 949

UL 4 Arm, Vessel and String that Held Ankh-Sign of Fecundity Figure Facing Left (pl. 360) 11.2 x 8.2 cm

98.755 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom that cuts through the figure just below the outstretched arm. Remaining is the bottom of the fecundity figure’s diagonally positioned upper arm and the right side of the horizontal lower arm; red color is still visible. A diagonally oriented qebeh-vessel crosses over the elbow area. The right end of the hetep-tray remains above the lower arm, and over the arm are the incised lines of a string from which an ankh-sign must have been suspended. To the right of the arm is the outline of the fecundity figure’s pendulous breast.

UL 5 Arm, Vessel and String that Held Ankh-Sign of Fecundity Figure Facing Left (pl. 361) 6.7 x 6.8 cm

96.941 (S/32d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom that cuts through the figure just below the outstretched arm. The small fragment preserves parts of the lower contours of the upper and lower arm on either side of the elbow; red pigment remains on the arm. An incised line over the

949

For an uppermost register with deity blessings, see the bæw of Iunu in the square antechamber (pp. 89-104). In other registers of the libation procession (cat. no. UL 8), the identifying inscriptions are not directly in front of the faces.

519

lower arm indicates the string from which an ankh-sign was suspended. Covering the elbow is the diagonally oriented qebeh-vessel.

UL 6 Part of Inscription for Fecundity Figure Hapy(?) Facing Left (pl. 362) 10.8 x 10.1 cm

93.434/5 (R/30cd)

Parts of three hieroglyphs are preserved on this small fragment. At the top is the corner of a hieroglyph with reddish color, a thicker vertical right side and a thinner horizontal bottom, which is probably an arm-sign facing to the left. Below is the bottom left corner of a rectangular hieroglyph that is probably a p-sign. The bottom hieroglyph is a channel-sign (Sign-list N36). Most likely designated here is the fecundity figure Hapy (inundation), in which case the preserved hieroglyphs would have been preceded by an œ-sign. 950 To the right is an area of background with no traces of hieroglyphs, suggesting that the signs were placed in front of the face of the fecundity figure, as was done with Wadjwer (cat. no. UL 3; pl. 359). Since other fecundity figures from the libation procession do not have their inscriptions in front of the face (cat. no. UL 8; pl. 364), Hapy and Wadjwer might have belonged to the same register,951 and should

950

For the different determinatives used for water, see Loprieno, “Water in Egyptian Literature,” pp. 26-27. For Hapy, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, 79-80. See also Leitz, Lexikon vol. V, pp. 44-46. According to Hornung (One and the Many, p. 79), Hapy is the only fecundity figure who exists as an independent deity. He may have had a cult place in Gebel Silsileh that received an endowment from Amenemhat II (H. Altenmüller, “Inschrift Amenemhets II.,” p. 20). 951 An inscription for Hapy is unlikely to originate from the west wall of the offering chamber, as he does not seem to have been normally included among the fecundity figures in this position (see pp. 386-90).

520

perhaps be identified with the two blue-green figures discussed above (cat. no. UL 1; pl. 357). 952

UL 7 Ankles, Feet, Hanging Ankh-Signs and Was-Scepter Pole of Female Fecundity Figure Facing Left on Wall Dado (pl. 363) 24 x 48 cm

96.508 (S/32d); 96.1340 (T/31a)

There is a vertical masonry edge at the right, just behind the proper left leg of the figure. Represented here is a female fecundity figure facing left, identified by her long, green garment and yellow color; she is adorned with elaborate incised anklets. 953 Unlike goddesses, who stand with overlapping feet, female fecundity figures are shown striding. 954 In front of the figure are parts of the was-scepter and hanging ankh-signs she carries, the latter of which strongly suggest that the figure belongs to the group performing libation rituals. Below is a large section with the striped surface of the dado.

UL 8 Parts of Male and Female Fecundity Figures with Hetep-Trays, Vessels, Was-Scepters and Hanging Ankh-Signs Facing Left; Part of Inscription Above (pl. 364) 38.6 x 41.7 cm

96.1133 (S/32d); 98.394 (R/28)

952

For the parallelism of Hapy and Wadjwer, both of which represent watery concepts, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp.181-85. 953 According to Baines (Fecundity Figures, p. 95), anklets are rare; broad collars, which adorn the fecundity figures in Senwosret III’s complex, exist on these personifications from the Middle Kingdom on. 954 Baines, Fecundity Figures, p. 102.

521

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom that cuts through the buttocks of the figures and a vertical masonry edge at the left cuts through the proper right shoulder of the first figure. Parts of two fecundity figures facing left remain on this block. At left is a male figure painted red with a partially preserved head and upper body. One lock of his wig falls behind the shoulder and another across the torso, an arrangement that is only found on upright fecundity figures. 955 Nothing remains of his ritual equipment, but the position of the proper left arm across the body indicates that he was holding a qebeh-vessel and enacting a libation ritual. Above the male figure is the bottom of what seems to be a nb-sign and to the right is a vertical green dividing line, indicating that in this register the names of the fecundity figures are above their heads rather than in front of the face. The next figure, which is not as well-preserved, can be identified as female by the yellow color and slender proportions of the hands, the only parts of the figure to survive. In her outstretched, proper right hand, she balances a hetep-tray and grasps a was-scepter; below are parts of three strings that must have held suspended ankh-signs.

UL 9 Thigh and Buttocks of Fecundity Figure Facing Left Followed by Hanging Ankh-Signs and Was-Scepter Pole (pl. 365) 24.5 x 15.4 cm

01.411 (Q/32)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the buttocks of the figure and a vertical masonry edge at left cuts through the legs of the figure.

955

Baines, Fecundity Figures, p. 93; Baines categorizes this hairstyle as type 6.

522

Portions of two figures are visible on this piece. To the left are parts of the red buttocks and proper left thigh of a fecundity figure facing left. To the right are objects that must belong to the next fecundity figure: an ankh-sign suspended from a string, the shaft of a was-scepter and another ankh-sign that also must have been suspended from a string.

UL 10 Calf of Fecundity Figure Facing Left Followed by Hanging Ankh-Sign of Next Figure (pl. 366) 28 x 16.5 cm

93.516 (R/30cd)

There is a vertical masonry edge to the left that cuts through the center of the calf of the figure’s proper left leg. There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the strings holding the ankh-signs. Parts of two figures are preserved. On the left is a small piece of the proper left leg of a red fecundity figure and on the right the first ankh-sign and its string from the subsequent figure.

UL 11 Parts of Arm, Vessel and Hetep-Tray of Fecundity Figure Facing Left (pl. 367) 8.1 x 5.3 cm

03.82 (S/33b)

The small fragment contains a triangular portion of the back contour of the fecundity figure’s upper arm and a section of the right side of the lower arm with remains of red color. A qebeh-vessel with contours that widen upwards crosses diagonally over the elbow. A small piece of the hand grasping the vessel appears to be preserved at the

523

bottom of the fragment. Above the lower arm is the lower right corner of the figure’s hetep-tray.

UL 12 Fist of Fecundity Figure Nepri Grasping Base of Vessel Facing Left (pl. 368) 7.8 x 4.7 cm

00.1053 (T/33d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the top of the hand grasping the qebeh-vessel. Remaining here is part of a fecundity figure’s proper left hand grasping a qebeh-vessel, a tiny bit of which remains below. Traces of red ovals on the yellow hand indicate that the figure is Nepri, the personification of grain. 956 The fragment may have originally joined catalogue number UL 13 (pl. 369), which also seems to be a representation of Nepri.

UL 13 Proper Left Knee of Fecundity Figure Nepri Facing Left with Corner Block Border at Right (pl. 369) 25 x 10.5 cm

92.358 (S/30cd)

The fragment preserves the knee area of the proper left leg of a fecundity figure facing left. The masculine quality of the leg and its yellow paint with red ovals identify the figure as Nepri, the personification of grain. To the right is part of a corner block border. Because none of the figure’s implements remain, it is not certain if he belonged to group enacting libation rituals, although one of these figures can be

956

Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 30; Baines, Fecundity Figures, p.139.

524

identified as Nepri (cat. no. UL 12). The figure cannot originate from the south wall of the offering chamber, because the figure that adjoins the corner block border is colored red (see cat. no. OC 2). Alternately, the figure could stand to the right of the ca. 61.5 cm, standing Upper Egyptian fecundity figure enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual discussed in the following section.

Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Smæ-tæwy Scene with Standing Figures ca. 61.5 cm High Another group of fragments seems to originate from a scene with standing fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual above the dado, from which a wide (3 cm) groundline and a small piece of the red band below are preserved (pl. 370). The more complete figure, who faces left, wears a flowering sedge headdress and binds together the same type of plants, which symbolize Upper Egypt; only a small piece of the papyrus headdress symbolizing Lower Egypt survives from his right facing companion. As was previously discussed in the chapter on the offering chamber, the directly measured height of the Upper Egyptian personification is 61.5 cm, excluding the plant headdress, and the total register height 80.5 cm. 957 Behind the Upper Egyptian fecundity figure is part of the regalia of a striding figure of undetermined gender who also faces left; the figure is presumed to be a fecundity figure because of the preserved portions of a hetep-tray and was-scepter and its position adjoining a smæ-tæwy-scene (pls. 371-72). On the left side of the separate block that preserves the Upper Egyptian 957

Such dimensions exclude the possibility that the scene originates from the offering chamber (see above pp. 390-93 under the offering chamber).

525

papyrus headdress is the right end of a star band, which indicates that the scene continued to the left, perhaps with additional fecundity figures (pl. 373). A small piece of the upper register contains part of the royal throne and part of the foot of a large male figure facing left. The throne conforms to the œwt-type and preserves part of the lattice pattern commonly used as the base of lilies, indicating that bound plants were placed in the throne’s lower corner. To the right is part of a vertical block border, marking either the inner side of the inset or the back edge of the throne itself, and below is the rectangular green throne base. Preserved on the remaining bottom right end of the register is the front part of a large male foot facing left, which overlaps the base of the throne. In light of this overlap, it seems most likely that the back portion of the throne remains here, meaning that the king faced left.958 The position of the male figure so close to the throne is uncommon, particularly in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, and his identity is uncertain. He is unlikely to be a depiction of the king’s ka, as such figures normally carry a standard topped by a royal head or the ka-sign and no remains of the bottom of a pole are

958

If the king were facing to the right, the preserved section of the throne would come from its center and the male figure represented by the foot would have overlapped the king. Although there are parallels for such a juxtaposition of figures, they are uncommon and usually occur because of special circumstances involving one of the actors in such a scene. For example, in the temple of Sety I at Abydos, an enthroned Osiris offers an ankh-sign (breath of life) to a standing depiction of the king, whose forward foot lies just in front of the inset on Osiris’s throne (Calverley, Sethos I , vol. III, pl. 38). The overlap is probably necessary because of Osiris’s mummiform shape, which restricts his arms to the area directly in front of his body. In other scenes in the same temple, the king interacts with enthroned deities whose arms can stretch farther away from the body, allowing greater distance between the figures. See, for example, the scene of Sety I placing a crown on the head of Re-Horakhty, in which the king’s forward foot extends only as far as the front of the god’s throne (Calverley, Sethos I, vol. II, pl. 18).

526

visible above the foot. 959 The figure also does not carry a was-scepter, an implement commonly held by deities, because the forked bottom would be visible directly above the foot. The seeming absence of a ceremonial object in the proper right (i.e. forward) hand of the figure suggests that he is engaged in an action that takes place at a higher level, most likely embracing the king around his shoulder. A similar pose is assumed by Wadjet in the pyramid temple of Niuserre, where she stands behind the king as he receives the breath of life and bundles of ankh-signs from Anubis. 960 The scene discussed here could depict the king receiving the breath of life, though without further evidence such a suggestion must remain speculative. Another possibility is that the piece belongs to a coronation scene and the deity touches the headdress of the king. However, the king stands in the few remaining Old and Middle Kingdom examples of this ritual. 961 Finally, the possibility cannot be completely discounted that the figure stands close to the king because of some sort of spatial constraint that can no longer be discerned.

959

For a reconstruction of the ka-figure behind the enthroned king, see Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 61. In general, the ka-figure does not stand so close to the king; for Middle Kingdom examples, see Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pls. 49, 56; Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pl. 15. However, see Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pls. 30, 40, where the foot of the king overlaps the foot of the ka-figure and the ka embraces him from behind. In one of these scenes (pl. 30) the bottom of the standard held by the ka is raised higher above the groundline. This anomalous scene may be an attempt to compress several elements into the confined space of the pillar. 960 Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pl. 16; note that the goddess, whose feet are together rather than in a striding position, slightly overlaps the back of the throne base. In the pyramid temple of Pepi II, Anubis occupies a similar position behind the king in a breath of life scene, but here he stands farther back and does not embrace the pharaoh (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 54). There are numerous examples of the king frontally embracing male deities; for examples from the reign of Senwosret I, see L. Gabolde, Grande château, pls. VII, XIII-XIV, XIX-XX, XXVa, XXVIII-XXXI. 961 For Old and Middle Kingdom coronation scenes, see pp. 561-67.

527

The question now arises as to whether or not the pieces discussed here were part of the same tableau as the procession of fecundity figures performing libation rites described above. Several observations argue fairly conclusively against uniting the two groups. First, the proposed 73.5 cm high registers of the libation group diverge from the directly measured 80.5 cm height of the scene discussed here.962 Second, the end of the hetep-tray carried by the figure behind the personification of Upper Egypt has three vertical incised lines running across its left end, a detail that does not seem to appear in the libation group (see pl. 364). 963 Third, the figure does not possess the ankh-signs hanging from strings found in the libation group, as at least one of these would have been visible to the side of the was-scepter pole. Finally, the striding fecundity figure directly follows the personification of Upper Egypt, leaving no room for the vertical line of text that seems to have been placed in front of the libation group. 964 Since the striding fecundity figure is pressed noticeably close to the Upper Egyptian personification (see pl. 372 and in contrast pl. 364, however, see also pl. 285 from the offering chamber), one might suggest that the striding figure was not part of a larger procession, but may have been a single figure, or perhaps part of a small group,

962

However, it should be noted that the possibility of 80 cm high registers for the libation group was considered but ultimately discounted. The same reservation discussed above would also apply here, namely that registers of this height cannot be reconciled with what seems to have been the approximately 370 cm high decorated portions of the walls. 963 Another fragment from the pyramid temple (96.305; 11 x 9.2 cm; not illustrated here) preserves part of the horizontal arm of a yellow fecundity figure balancing a hetep-tray with incised lines along its right edge; the piece may originally have joined catalogue number UL 16. 964 However, if this vertical line of text was a protective inscription behind the king rather than a speech made by the figures (see here pl. 357), one would not expect it to continue into the lower register.

528

that filled the space below the male deity. 965 If such a supposition is correct, it is likely that the wall corner stood not far to the right of the preserved figures. It is uncertain what figures stood to the left of the smæ-tæwy scene and under the star band preserved on catalogue number UL 17 (pl. 373). Perhaps additional fecundity figures were represented, but such a suggestion remains highly speculative (for a scene that may have shown fecundity figures facing right, see below).

Catalogue of Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Smæ-tæwy Scene with Standing Figures ca. 61.5 cm High

UL 14 Upper Register: King’s Throne and Large Foot; Lower Register: Fecundity Figure Facing Enacting smæ-tæwy Ritual (pl. 370; the proper left foot is omitted from the photo) 27 x 94.5 cm without patchstone at lower right 93.938 (S/29b); 93.1079 (S/29bc); 93.1081 (S/29b); 94.414 (R/30d); 94.565 (R/30d) There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the bottom of the scene in the upper register and at the bottom that cuts through the top of the dado. There is a vertical masonry edge at right that cuts through the fecundity figure. There is a setting for a patchstone in the lower right corner of the piece. Parts of two registers

965

For the possibility that a yellow figure stood behind the large standing smæ-tæwy, see here catalogue number UL 13.

529

remain on this piece, one of the few that preserves the entire height of the block, in this case 94.5 cm. 966 In the upper register is a portion of what is probably the back of the king’s œwt-throne with parts of the throne base, vertical block border and base of a lily plant from the throne inset. Overlapping the back of the throne base is the front of a large male foot facing left, presumably that of a deity (see above). 967 In the lower register is the front half and parts of both arms of a fecundity figure representing Upper Egypt, who ties together a sedge plant that loops around at the top of the register. The figure also wears a sedge-plant headdress, a damaged portion of which remains. The figure has both feet on the groundline and both arms thrust in front of the body, a pose similar to that adopted by the tying fecundity figure in the offering chamber (see pl. 285). 968

UL 15 Back of Head of Fecundity Figure Enacting smæ-tæwy Ritual Facing Left Followed by Was-Scepter (pl. 371) 19.9 x 12.5 cm

93.1171/1, /2 (S/29bc)

966

Another block that preserves its complete 89.5 cm height depicts offering bearers; see here p. 391. However, indicating that there was wide variation in dimensions is a 160 cm high block that can be assigned to the exterior of the temple because of the partial remains of a cavetto cornice (Dieter Arnold, personal communication). 967 The thrones of the seated deities in Senwosret III’s square antechamber have similar projections at the bottom of the back, see here pls. 172, 174. 968 Note that the proper left foot, preserved on a patchstone, is omitted from the photo. Metzger, (Königsthron, pp. 40-43) and Baines (Fecundity Figures, pp. 229-44) have categorized the different methods used to compose smæ-tæwy scenes with standing figures during the Middle Kingdom. There are two main variants: 1) The fecundity figures have both feet on a groundline and both arms and hands in front of the body grasping plant stems. 2) The figures have one foot on the groundline and the other braced against the lung at the center of the scene. One arm is in front of the body and the other across it. The figures are posed in a manner intended to capture the moment during which the knot around the windpipe is pulled tight.

530

There is a vertical masonry edge to the left that cuts through the figure just behind the back of the head. Remaining on the fragment is part of the striated wig, neck and broad collar of a red, male figure facing left. The preserved inner line of the wig and the outer line of the neck show that the figure was depicted without a back shoulder, which according to Egyptian conventions would be consistent with both arms performing an action in front of the body. To the right is the top of a was-scepter that belongs to the following figure. The wig, back of the neck and the collar of the first figure align well with the preceding piece (cat. no. UL 14), suggesting that they originally joined across the vertical masonry edge. The lower part of the back of the figure enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual is preserved on catalogue number UL 16.

UL 16 Torso and Thighs of Fecundity Figure Enacting smæ-tæwyRitual Facing Left Followed by Hetep-Sign and Was-Scepter Pole (pl. 372) 17.4 x 29.1 cm

96.1177 (T/31b); 98.1069 (S/28)

There is a vertical masonry edge to the left that cuts through the belly of the figure and the back of the proper right thigh. The protruding belly and striped apron identify the figure at left as a fecundity figure. Preserved from the left facing figure are the bottom of the wig, the back of the torso, the back half of the protruding belly and parts of both thighs, all of which have the deep red color of a male figure. The torso, proper right leg and particularly the line of the belly align well with catalogue number UL 14 (pl. 370), suggesting that they

531

originally joined across the vertical masonry edge. The back of this figure’s head remains on catalogue number UL 15 (pl. 371). To the right, is the left end of a heteptray with incised vertical lines and a small section of the was-scepter pole from the following figure, who also faces left and was likely a fecundity figure.

UL 17 Part of Papyrus Plant from Headdress of Fecundity Figure and Star Band (pl. 373) 13 x 5.1 cm

93.572/1 (R/30cd)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top that cuts through the lower part of the upper register. Depicted on the fragment is a papyrus flower that touches the bottom of the groundline of the register above; the plant almost certainly belonged to the headdress of a fecundity figure personifying Lower Egypt. Unfortunately, the surface of the upper register has flaked off. To the left is the right end of a star band, with most of one star on its surface. The distance from the bottom of the groundline to the horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece is 10.9 cm; the same distance on the large piece with the fecundity figure performing the smæ-tæwy ritual is 10.6 cm (cat. no. UL 14, pl. 370), suggesting that the two pieces originally belonged to the same block.

UL 18 Arms and Sedge Plant of Fecundity Figure Enacting smæ-tæwy Ritual Facing Right? (pl. 374) 23 x 9 cm

98.848 (S/28)

532

There is a masonry edge at the back of the piece, probably indicating that it was part of a patchstone. It is very difficult to discern what was represented on this badly battered block, but at least two elements seem to be present that provide important clues as to what might have been represented here. First in the center of the piece is a green line that curves towards the top, seems to loop around and ends with what appears to be three dropshaped leaves or petals, most of which are chipped away. The object has the overall appearance of a sedge-plant, and based on the size it probably originated from a depiction of fecundity figures tying together plants symbolizing Upper and Lower Egypt, rather than a hieroglyph. At the upper left edge of the block is a diagonal red line, which has the appearance of the angled arm of a fecundity figure performing the tying ritual. The block can therefore be tentatively identified as originating from a depiction of a fecundity figure enacting a smæ-tæwy-ritual; based on the curve of the sedge-plant, the figure must have faced to the right. The scale of the elements is similar to catalogue number UL 14, but since the fecundity figure on that block faces left and handles a sedge, the piece under discussion here might come from a complementary scene with elements in the opposite direction. The following piece (cat. no. UL 19) may also come from this second scene.

UL 19 Male Foot Facing Left on Groundline Above Dado with Object in Front (pl. 375) 19.1 x 19.9 cm

94.1198 (R/29b)

533

Two elements from this scene are preserved: the toe of a male figure facing left, which is larger than those of either the deities in the square antechamber or the offering bearers in the offering chamber, and an object with traces of red color that has a concave right side that tapers upwards. The figure and object rest on a groundline above the dado. The piece cannot belong to a depiction of the king seated in front of the offering table, because this scene does not take place on the lowest register, but rather a group of fecundity figures are placed below the king (see fig. 3). 969 In addition, the figure is too small. The elements on the piece can be interpreted in two different ways. First, the fragment may belong to a depiction of a male deity standing in front of an offering stand, an object that normally has concave sides. In this case, one would expect to the left a depiction of the king either enthroned or standing facing right towards the god. However, there are no other indications of such a scene and none of the attested representations of the enthroned king in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple are located directly above the dado. More likely is that the foot belongs to a fecundity figure standing in front of a concave, Lower Egyptian papyrus plant base. 970 The red color remaining on the object would be consistent with the base of this plant. The scale of the toe is admittedly slightly larger than that of the fecundity figure personifying Upper Egypt discussed above (cat. no. UL 14), which also faces left. Since both fragments preserve the slight 969

See, for example, Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 62, 81. For comparison, see here plate 39 illustrating the heraldic lintel in the square antechamber. Note, however, that the papyrus plant on the lintel has a narrow horizontal band across the bottom that is absent from the concave object under discussion here. 970

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notch between the toe and the ball of the foot, the piece under discussion here cannot belong to catalogue number UL 14 and in any case different plants are depicted in conjunction with the figures. Thus this fragment and the preceding one (cat. no. UL 18) present the intriguing possibility that they originate from a smæ-tæwy scene with reversed elements from the one discussed above (cat. nos. UL 14-17). The two scenes may have been on opposite walls.

Catalogue of Fecundity Figures Facing Right A small group of fecundity figures have been identified that face to the right, in contrast to the majority of those recovered, which face left. Some of these figures may originate from the north wall of the offering chamber, where they would have opposed the offering bearers who approached the king. However, for convenience and because of the uncertainty of their original location, they are included here.

UL 20 Belly of Fecundity Figure Facing Right (pl. 376) 9.8 x 8.7 cm

00.1177/3 (V/31)

Part of the torso, hanging belly and the apron belt remain from this fecundity figure facing right. Bits of red color are preserved.

UL 21 Belly of Fecundity Figure Facing Right (pl. 377) 7.5 x 7.4 cm

93.1129 (S/29bc)

535

The small fragment includes part of the hanging belly with a deeply cut naval and the end of the apron belt of a fecundity figure facing right; much red color remains.

UL 22 Proper Right Thigh and Apron Stripes of Fecundity Figure Facing Right (pl. 378) 7.6 x 6.6 cm

98.490 (R/28)

Remaining from this red fecundity figure facing right are parts of the proper right thigh and knee and stripes from the apron.

UL 23 Feet of Two Fecundity Figures Facing Right Above Dado (not illustrated) 40.4 x 42.1 cm

94.519 (probably R/31c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the legs above the ankles. Preserved on this extremely worn block is the proper left foot of one figure and the proper right foot of the one that follows; both figures face to the right. Between them is the bottom of the was-scepter held by the second figure. The depictions can be identified as fecundity figures based on the position of the bottom of the was-scepter, which is not directly above the foot, as is the case with male deities, but well in front of the it (see above under cat. no. UL 1). Beneath them is a large section of the dado. The figures may originate from the north wall of the offering chamber, but the possibility that they belonged to a procession on the left side of the large standing smætæwy scene (cat. nos. UL 14-17) cannot be excluded.

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Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Smæ-tæwy Scene with Kneeling Figures ca. 57 cm High Three bigger pieces and a number of smaller fragments depict kneeling fecundity figures about 57 cm high enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual. Primarily because two of the large pieces both depict kneeling fecundity figures facing right (cat. nos. UL 24, UL 29; pls. 379, 384), one of which binds a lily flower and the other a papyrus, it appears that there were two similar scenes, possibly mirror images of each other on opposite walls. One of the pieces preserves part of Senwosret III’s ankles, feet, ceremonial tail and throne base, confirming that the king was depicted above the smæ-tæwy scene (cat. no. UL 29; pl. 384). Parts of the dado below the figures indicate that they occupied the lowest decorated register of the wall. Most of the recovered fragments can be divided between the two scenes based on the positions of masonry edges, the repetition of elements and the orientation of lily and papyrus plants. The largest block from the first scene includes most of a kneeling fecundity figure facing right binding a lily plant, from which one flower remains (cat. no. UL 24; pl. 379). Behind him is the end of an inscription …[ÿ]fæ mí Rë ÿt “…offerings, like Re forever,” followed by the vertical block border of the wall corner. 971 Below is a section of the dado. Although nothing remains of the register above, based on comparison with the second scene, we can presume that there was a depiction of the enthroned king, in this case facing right, i.e. in the same direction as the fecundity figure and away from a wall corner. According to the proposed 971

For the use of the phrase mí Rë ÿt in relation to fecundity figures, see Baines, “Inundation Stela,” p. 46.

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placement for the two scenes discussed in the conclusion of this chapter, they may have originated from the north and south walls of the “statue chamber.” If this supposition is correct, one would expect that the kings were on the west side of the walls, i.e. facing towards the front of the temple and away from the pyramid. A horizontal masonry edge cuts through the figure in the first scene just above the eye, while a vertical masonry edge divides the scene near the center of the bound plants, a position similar to the vertical edge in the companion scene. The correspondence of the vertical edges may be another indication that the scenes were placed on parallel walls. A somewhat battered face of similar scale also has a masonry edge directly above the eye and faces left (cat. no. UL 25; pl. 380), suggesting that it comes from the corresponding personification of Lower Egypt in the first scene. This figure would have tied together papyrus plants. Also facing to the left and probably originating from the Lower Egyptian figure are the back of a proper left hand with papyrus stalks (cat. no. UL 26; pl. 381), identifiable by the angled surfaces of their stems, and parts of the legs of a kneeling fecundity figure with a small piece of the dado below (cat. no. UL 28; pl. 383). From the second scene, one block preserves part of the king’s ankles and feet resting on a throne base and facing left. In the register below are the raised proper left hand of a fecundity figure facing right, the papyrus flower he binds, and the top of his papyrus headdress (cat. no. UL 29; pl. 384). There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the block, which must have cut through the calves of the king, and a vertical one at right, which must have fallen near the center of the bound plants. Probably

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originally belonging to this figure is part of a horizontally oriented, proper right hand that grasps a papyrus stalk and is surrounded by additional stalks and a flower (cat. no. UL 30; pl. 385). Other fragments likely to come from this scene have a horizontal masonry edge that cuts through the kneeling fecundity figures between the thigh and the calf, meaning that is near the bottom of wall’s decorated portion. Since catalogue number UL 29 has a masonry edge in the upper register, the horizontal edge through the folded legs would result in a block about 114 cm high, somewhat larger but still within the range of other blocks with two preserved masonry edges found in the pyramid temple. 972 If this assumption is correct, the large block with the bottom of the right side of a smæ-tæwy ritual (cat. no. UL 31; pl. 386) and the ankle area of an upturned foot (cat. no. UL 32; pl. 387) belong to the right side of the smæ-tæwy scene below the king facing left. The width of each scene can be estimated from preserved fragments. On the large block from the first scene, a distance of about 80 cm remains from the outer edge of the block border to the front of the knee (cat. no. UL 24). From the block with the knee and calf of the kneeling figure, plant stalks and central lung, one can measure 27 cm from the knee to the center of the lung (cat. no. UL 31). Thus half the length of the smæ-tæwy scene was 107 cm, meaning that the total length was 214 cm (4 cubits = 210 cm) assuming that both kneeling figures had inscriptions behind them and no further figures were present. The block borders would have added about 18 cm to each side of the scene, suggesting it may have filled a wall about 250 cm wide.

972

For block heights in the pyramid temple, see p. 257.

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The height of the lower register can be reconstructed by combining the information provided by the two largest blocks (cat. nos. UL 24, UL 29). A height of 52 cm remains from the fecundity figure with the Upper Egyptian lily, from which one may estimate a total figure height of about 57 cm without the plant headdress. Evidence from the block with the Lower Egyptian fecundity figure suggests that the headdress occupied another 20 cm, for a total register height of about 77 cm, that is approximately 1.5 cubits. 973 If this wall had the same 370 cm high decorated section that has been proposed for other walls in the pyramid temple, approximately 293 cm would remain above the kneeling fecundity figures, a space more than sufficient to accommodate the enthroned Senwosret III and an accompanying inscription.

973

The register with standing fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual was directly measured at a similar 80.5 cm, see above.

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Figure 5. Suggested orientation of scenes with the king and kneeling fecundity figures. Not to scale.

Catalogue of Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Smæ-tæwy Scene with Kneeling Figures ca. 57 cm High

UL 24 Head, Torso, Legs and Most of Arms of Kneeling Fecundity Figure Facing Right Enacting smæ-tæwy Ritual with Lily ; Part of Inscription Behind (pl. 379) 113 x 62.5cm

92.379 (S/30cd); 92.380 (S/30cd); 93.591 (R/31); 96.499 (T/31d);

96.1198 (T/31b); 01.515 (T/31b); unnumbered piece of vertical corner block border

541

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the figure’s forehead and a vertical masonry edge to the right that cuts through the lily plants. Preserved on this block is most of a kneeling fecundity figure facing right, who ties together lily plants and thus personifies Upper Egypt. The top of the head and the figure’s plant headdress would have been on the block above. The wig falls down the back, ending at a level slightly below the armpit. 974 Missing are a portion of the back of the head that was contained on a patchstone and a section of the raised, proper left arm; the proper right wrist and hand were chipped away, along with parts of the knee and thigh. As was the case with other figures that originated in the lowest register, the face seems to have been deliberately mutilated. The figure has the pendulous breast, bulging stomach and striped apron typical of fecundity figures. He kneels so that the front of the calf is flush with the groundline and the arch and heel of the foot are upturned. The proper right arm angles downwards and then becomes horizontal below the elbow, stretching out towards the lily plant, while the proper left arm reaches upwards towards another part of the lily. Behind the figure are hieroglyphs forming the phrase …[ÿ]fæ mí Rë ÿt “… offerings, like Re forever.” The signs are some distance from the back of the fecundity figure (there is about 41.5 cm from the block border to the back of the wig), and the corner block border, presumably because of the need to coordinate the lower register with elements of the scene above. Also preserved is the entire width of the vertical corner block border (18 cm) along with a

974

The arrangement of the wigs on the kneeling fecundity figures and those in Senwosret III’s offering chamber conform to Baines’s type 1 (Fecundity Figures, p. 89).

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very small piece of the rough surface that originally would have been covered by the masonry of the adjoining wall.

UL 25 Head of Kneeling Fecundity Figure? Facing Left (pl. 380) 12.4 x 7.6 cm

00.1033 (Q/31c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece near the top of the figure’s forehead. The somewhat weathered and battered face probably originates from a fecundity figure representing Lower Egypt that faced the Upper Egyptian personification described above (cat. no. UL 24). Both faces are similar in scale and have similarly placed horizontal masonry edges, though the vertical masonry edge on the right side of catalogue number UL 24 means that the fragments must come from different blocks. Part of the profile, the eye and the mouth are recognizable.

UL 26 Bottom of Hand of Fecundity Figure Facing Left with Papyrus Stems Below from smætæwy Ritual (pl. 381) 10.1 x 16.3 cm

93.581/6 (R/30cd); 96.895 (S/31c); 00.191/5 (R/32d)

Remaining on the fragment is the back of a proper left hand facing left, identifiable as belonging to a fecundity figure because of the plant stems below, which must belong to a smæ-tæwy ritual. The scale of the hand and stems suggests that they belong to the one of the kneeling figures. Since the plant stems have angled sides and a rounded peak in

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the center, they can be identified as papyrus, meaning that the fragment belonged to the companion of the Upper Egyptian fecundity figure with the lily.

UL 27 Waist and Apron of Kneeling Fecundity Figure Facing Left (pl. 382) 27.4 x 7.6 cm

93.924 (S/31cd); 96.261 (T/31)

The piece is a patchstone with horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom. Preserved is a narrow section of a fecundity figure facing left, with part of the back, a small piece of the stomach, the belt of the apron and small pieces of the apron stripes. At the far left, a small piece of the figure’s thigh angles to the lower left, indicating that it is kneeling. The piece may originate from the Lower Egyptian fecundity figure described above (cat. nos. UL 25-26), but because the fragment belonged to a patchstone, the possibility that it came from the second scene cannot be ruled out.

UL 28 Legs of Kneeling Fecundity Figure Facing Left with Groundline Above Dado (pl. 383) 18.1 x 10 cm

00.199/1 (R/32d); 02.168 (T/31c-U/31b)

Parts of the legs of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left remain on the fragment. At the far right, an upturned incised line marks the curve towards the figure’s heel. The horizontal incised line at the bottom of the fragment marks the transition from the shin to the groundline above the dado. Because the fragment does not have a horizontal masonry edge on top and a substantial part of the thigh remains, the piece cannot have belonged to the same block as catalogue numbers UL 31, which preserves part of a

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kneeling fecundity figure facing left. Thus it is likely is that the legs belong with the fragments of a Lower Egyptian fecundity figure facing left (cat. nos. UL 25-27).

UL 29 Upper Register: Feet of King on Throne Facing Left; Lower Register: Papyrus Plant and Hand of Fecundity Figure Enacting smæ-tæwy Ritual Facing Right (pl. 384) 66.7 x 72.2 cm

94.441 (R/30c); 96.956 (S/31c); 00.533 (Q/30c); 00.599 (Q/31d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the calves of the king. There is a vertical masonry edge to the right that cuts through the stalks of the papyrus plant. Parts of two registers are preserved on this block. The upper one includes parts of the ankles, battered feet and throne base of the king facing left. The end of the king’s ceremonial tail angles down in front of the legs. Below is part of the papyrus headdress of a fecundity figure facing right and his proper left hand, which grasps a papyrus stem that loops backwards and ends with a down-turned flower. The piece most likely belonged to a scene placed on a wall opposite catalogue number UL 24.

UL 30 Hand of Fecundity Figure Facing Right and Papyrus Plant from smæ-tæwy Ritual (pl. 385) 15.7 x 19.6 cm

93.832/6 (S/31cd); 96.924 (S/32d); 96.1471 (T/32a)

On this fragment are parts of the battered proper right hand of a fecundity figure facing right and three stems and a flower from a papyrus plant. Based on the scale and the

545

direction of the figure, the piece probably originally belonged to catalogue number UL 29.

UL 31 Knee of Kneeling Fecundity Figure Facing Left with Lily Stalks in Front and Lung from smæ-tæwy Scene (pl. 386) 61.6 x 29 cm

00.357 (Q/30d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece that cuts through the division between calf and thigh. Above a large section of the dado are the knee and calf of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left, the stems of the plants he is binding together, and the lung shape that forms the base of the object around which the plants are bound. The rounded stems suggest a lily plant, meaning that the figure was probably the companion of the left facing fecundity figure with papyrus plants (cat. nos. UL 29-30). The scene is 7 cm wide from the top of the groundline to the horizontal masonry edge at the top of the block.

UL 32 Ankle of Kneeling Fecundity Figure Facing Left (pl. 387) 13.4 x 9 cm

96.942 (S/32d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the top of the piece near the line dividing calf from thigh. This oddly shaped object is the ankle area, upturned heel and the back of the arch of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left. Below is a piece of the groundline above the

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dado. Based on the masonry edge, the piece probably originally joined catalogue number UL 31.

UL 33 Papyrus Flower Probably from smæ-tæwy Scene (pl. 388) 9.9 x 7.3 cm

00.166/2 (S/32a)

Based on its size, the papyrus flower probably originates from one of the two scenes depicting kneeling fecundity figures.

UL 34 Plant Stalks Probably from smæ-tæwy Scene (pl. 389) 12.9 x 7.1 cm

03.271 (S/33a)

The piece is a patchstone with a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom and a diagonal masonry edge across the top. Parts of three stems remain that fan outwards as they move up. The size of the stems suggests that they belong with the kneeling fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual. The best-preserved right stem has a rounded peak in the center and sides that are slightly angled, suggesting that the plant represented here may be papyrus.

UL 35 Lung and Windpipe from smæ-tæwy Scene (pl. 390) 12.1 x 10.5 cm

00.349 (Q/29c)

Based on its size, this piece of a lung and windpipe probably originates from one of the scenes with kneeling fecundity figures.

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Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Catalogue of Half LifeSize Figures 975 Parts of two fecundity figures have been found that do not conform to any of those discussed here or those from the offering chamber. One figure appears to be standing, but is distinctly larger than any of the other similarly posed fecundity figures in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. The other figure may be enacting a libation ritual, but it is also larger than those in the procession discussed above. The standing figure can be identified as a male based on its red color; the libating figure is yellow. 976 The fecundity figures must have been included in the upper registers of one or two scenes, though their role is uncertain, as such large fecundity figures are not known from pyramid temples. 977

UL 36 Upper Thighs with Apron Stripes of Larger Fecundity Figure Facing Left (pl. 391) 20.1 x 8.5 cm

93.598 (R/31)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom that cuts through the figure near the top of the thighs. Remaining on this fragment are parts of both thighs and the apron stripes of a red fecundity figure facing left, who seems to have been about half life-size (ca. 80 cm). The arrangement of the apron stripes and the lack of a groundline on either side of the 975

Because only small pieces of the figures remain, the exact size can be estimated at about half life-size or ca. 80 cm. 976 The male fecundity figure Nepri can be yellow overlaid with diagonal red lines. As it is possible that such red lines faded in the piece under discussion here, the color cannot be used to determine the gender of the personification. See Baines, Fecundity Figures, p.139. 977 For a large fecundity figure on a door lintel of Pepi I from Bubastis, see Habachi, Tell Basta, figs. 2-3.

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figure’s legs means that it cannot be kneeling. With the possible exception of catalogue number UL 37, no other pieces have been recovered that could originate from a similar fecundity figure, suggesting that this fecundity figure did not belong to a large group or a procession. The ritual it performed cannot be determined.

UL 37 Arm and Vessel of Fecundity Figure Facing Left? Enacting Libation Ritual (pl. 392) 6.2 x 7.9 cm

99.169 (Q/29)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the fragment that cuts through what seems to be the figure’s arm. Preserved on this piece is a wide yellow object that appears to be horizontally oriented. Although the upper contour line is not preserved, the surface slopes down towards the upper masonry edge, suggesting the object was not much wider. Crossing the arm diagonally is an object with contours that widen upwards and remains of red paint. The arrangement has the appearance of part of the arm of a yellow fecundity figure facing left holding a qebeh-vessel. However, the “arm” is wider than the those of the fecundity figures in the libation procession, meaning that the figure must have been larger. It is also notable that the red “vessel” does not cross the arm over the elbow, as happens in the libation procession. The fragment could originate from a larger fecundity figure, perhaps the same size as catalogue number UL 36, facing left and enacting a libation ritual. However, the possibility cannot be excluded that the fragment comes from an entirely different scene, perhaps one with piled offerings rather than figures.

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Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Procession With HetepSigns and Was-Scepters These figures originate from the offering chamber, where they were placed below the ka-figure who stood behind the king’s throne at the west end of the long walls. For a detailed discussion, see pages 386-98.

Fecundity Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III: Small Kneeling Figures These figures belong to the tympana in the offering chamber. For a detailed discussion, see pages 404-32.

PURIFICATION SCENE WITH LIFE-SIZE FIGURES

Introduction A number of fragments found in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple attest to scenes composed of life-size figures of the king and deities enacting rituals. With the exception of a purification scene, which can be securely identified from several fragments with ankh-signs emerging from heset-vessels and chains of ankh-signs, the exact nature of these rites cannot be determined. Although there are probably three earlier examples of purification scenes and at least two not much later (see below), Senwosret III’s fragments represent the first and possibly only instance in which this scene type was depicted on the walls of a pyramid temple.

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In a purification scene, the pharaoh stands or kneels between two male deities, who raise heset-vases 978 above his head. 979 From these vessels spill enveloping chains of ankh-, was- or djed-signs, 980 either as a the repetition of a single type of sign or in an alternating sequence of multiple signs; more rarely, stylized water is depicted. 981 Generally the adult pharaoh stands with his arms at his sides between the deities, though rarely the king is depicted as a child 982 or in a kneeling position. 983 Because the deities are roughly the same height as the king, but must reach over his head, they are often elevated on rectangular bases. The king is most commonly flanked by Horus and 978

Heset-vessels are always used for the purification of the living king, see B. AltenmüllerKesting, “Reinigungsriten,” p. 92; Gardiner, “Baptism,” p. 6. See also Do. Arnold, “Reinigungsgefäse,” cols. 216-17. 979 Purification is a broad topic and the term clearly embodies different kinds of rituals including the cleansing of the deceased before mummification and burial, the arrangement of food offerings and the preparation for ritual acts in a temple. For a comprehensive study of purification rituals, see B. Altenmüller-Kesting, “Reinigungsriten.” Various types of purification scenes are outlined in Blackman, “Purification,” pp. 476-82. The purification ritual discussed here certainly relates to the living pharaoh (A. Smith, “Kingship, Water and Ritual,” p. 335; Gardiner, “Baptism,” p. 3). 980 Gardiner (“Baptism,” p. 12), mentions only ankh- and was-signs in relation to purification scenes. However, a fragment from the temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre depicts a presumably repeated pattern of ankh-, djed-, and was-signs (Dieter Arnold, unpublished excavation material of the German Archaeological Institute, Cairo; see also below). In a country so heavily dependent on a single water source, the equation of water with life, power and stability should not be surprising and perhaps needs no other explanation. According to Assmann, the ankh-signs flowing from vessels in purification scenes relates to the idea that water spilled out of the wounded Osiris (Death and Salvation, pp. 361-62). According to Walker and following earlier opinions (“Egyptian Kingship,” pp. 60-73), the ankh- and wassigns represent Shu and Tefnut. 981 Nelson, Great Hypostyle Hall, pl. 51. 982 Hatshepsut is presumed to have been depicted as a child, though the figure of the pharaoh has been erased (Naville, Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pt. III, pl. LVI); see also Gardiner, “Baptism,” p. 7. 983 For example, the king kneels in the hypostyle hall at Karnak (Nelson, Great Hypostyle Hall, pl. 198). An example of the king receiving purification while seated on the throne exists in the Theban temple of Sety I. The ritual is enacted with a nemset-vessel rather than a heset-vessel and representations of water, rather than hieroglyphs, come out of it. This depiction may therefore have a different meaning than those in which the standing king is purified with hieroglyphs that emerge from heset-vessels. See B. Altenmüller-Kesting, “Reinigungsriten,” pp. 170-71.

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Thoth, though combinations of Horus and Anubis, and Horus and Seth are also known. 984 Occasionally a single god acts alone. 985 Purification scenes are generally found in the outer parts of temples, presumably reflecting the idea that the king would need to be ritually or even physically cleansed before he entered a sacred space. 986 In the view of the present author, the purification rituals described above must be distinguished from other rites in which the king is cleansed, including the foot bathing enacted by human followers that was depicted in the sun temple of Niuserre and possibly in the so-called valley temple of Sneferu. 987 A clear separation between the scenes lies in the division between a rite that belongs to the world of the gods and one that seems to take place in an earthly context. Scenes in which the king is purified by two deities involve only the ruler and the gods; no human participants ever seem to be included. In contrast, the cleansing scenes in the temples of Sneferu and Niuserre involve only the king and his human attendants; no divinities are participants or witnesses to the action. In addition, different vessels are used in the rites, again suggesting they did not carry the same meaning. Therefore one must see them as separate rituals unlikely to have had the same significance.

984

See Gardiner “Baptism,” pp. 3-12; A. Smith “Kingship, Water and Ritual,” pp. 329-36; See B. Altenmüller-Kesting, “Reinigungsriten,” pp. 90-149, 144-49 for discussions of the deities depicted in purification scenes. Seth is said to appear in only three purification scenes, all of Ramesside date. However, as will be seen below, it is likely that Seth was one of the deities enacting this ritual in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Occasionally Horus is omitted from the scene Gardiner, “Baptism,” p. 5; Gardiner, “Addendum,” p. 111. 985 Nelson, Great Hypostyle Hall, pls. 51, 259; Gardiner, “Baptism,” p. 5 nos. 6A, 27A with further references. 986 Lacau, Chapelle d’Hatshepsout, p. 287. 987 The identification of the Sneferu scene is based on a small fragment with an upturned foot and is not secure; see Fakhry, Temple Reliefs, pp. 91-92 fig. 78. For the scene in Niuserre’s sun temple, see von Bissing, Re-Heiligtum, vol. II, frontispiece, pl. 9.

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Purification Scenes in the Old and Middle Kingdoms Although the majority of preserved purification scenes date from the New Kingdom and later, ongoing excavation work has shown that the scene type appeared much earlier than was previously thought. 988 The recent publication of small faience fragments found in the pyramid temple of Raneferef has provided convincing evidence that purification scenes were formulated at least by the first third of the Fifth Dynasty, if not earlier. Two small surviving pieces from a purification scene include parts of the king’s hands and legs facing right surrounded by vertically oriented chains of ankhsigns. 989 They were found in conjunction with a large collection of fragmentary faience and Egyptian blue inlays that originally must have been set into pieces of temple equipment and furniture, possibly including naoi for statues. According to Landgráfová, the inlays may have been intended as a substitute for the wall decoration that is absent in Raneferef’s pyramid temple. 990

988

For the appearance of a purification scene in the Twelfth Dynasty tomb of Djehutyhotep, see Blackman, “Some Notes on the Ancient Egyptian Practice,” pp. 117-24; he saw the scene as a depiction of the deceased’s corpse being washed. One might view this scene as another instance in which a provincial official usurped iconography that was normally reserved for the pharaoh. Several examples of a seeming usurpation of royal imagery are found in the tomb of Ukhhotep (Tomb C, no. 1) at Meir (Blackman, Meir, pt. VI, pp. 13-37, pls. IV, IX-XXXI). 989 Landgráfová, Faience Inlays, pp. 20-22 fig. 4, p. 109 no. F1185+F1187; CD cat. p. 64 nos. F1185, F1187; Landgráfová, in Verner ed., Raneferef, pp. 473 nos. F1185 and F1187, pp. 48889. While it is tempting to see the use of extensive faience inlays as a means of compensating for the absence of wall decoration, it is difficult to imagine that scenes on one or more naoi would have been recognized as the ritual equivalent of a large-scale wall relief program. 990 Landgráfová, Faience Inlays, pp. 49-52; Landgráfová, in Verner ed., Raneferef, pp. 485-92.

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The next attested purification scene survives on four fragments that come from the Eleventh Dynasty cult temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahari. 991 The most important of them includes parts of both heset-vases, held more or less horizontally, and below them part of one djed-pillar that belongs to the streams of hieroglyphs issuing from the vessels. Above is a piece of the horizontally oriented cartouche of the king. Another fragment includes the edge of the king’s proper left arm and part of the chain of djed-, was- and ankh-signs flowing down in front of him; since the inside curve of the elbow remains, the king must have been facing right. Two other pieces, which probably come from the same figure, include parts of the king’s hands at his side, a pose he commonly assumes in purification scenes. 992 It is uncertain which deities enacted the ritual. The height of the scene is estimated to have been 3.5 m and the width 4.5 m. Another purification scene may originate from the temple of Montu at Armant. A small fragment, dated on stylistic grounds to Amenemhat I, depicts Montu raising a vessel above his head, seemingly pouring the contents over a now-missing figure to his right, presumably the king. The preserved concave sides and flat bottom of the vessel are consistent with the profile of a heset-vase, the standard container used for this ceremony. 993 991

The fragments are unpublished. I would like to thank Dieter Arnold for permission to use the documentation from his excavation of the temple undertaken on behalf of the German Archaeological Institute, Cairo. 992 However, the pose is found in other scenes, for example the king standing in front of a deity (Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pls. 2-3, 27, 34, 36, 41; Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 95-97, docs. 47-49, fig. 73). 993 Because only an extremely poor drawing of the piece was published in Mond (Temples of Armant, p. 171, pl. XCIX no. 7), it is impossible to reevaluate the proposed date of the

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The only pre-New Kingdom purification scene that remains on a standing wall is preserved in the temple at Medinet Madi, dated to the reigns of Amenemhat III and Amenemhat IV (pl. 406). The scene is located on the west wall of the temple’s columned, outer hall and depicts the king being purified with ankh-signs by Sobek and Anubis. 994 The king faces towards Sobek and the interior of the structure, while Anubis stands behind him. The purification scene seems to have been the only decorated section of the west wall; 995 the subsequent scenes on the adjacent north wall show the king being led towards the inner room of the structure. 996 In addition to the faience fragments discussed above, purification scenes could also be depicted on other portable objects, specifically seals. Such objects have been found outside Egypt in the Levant and date to the Bronze Age. The rites depicted on the seals are not precisely those known in Egypt, but are variants of the type. 997

Purification Scene in the South Temple of Senwosret III fragment. The authors describe the vessel as a “mrœt-vase,” and do not suggest the type of scene from which the fragment could originate. The piece was identified as part of a purification scene by Hirsch (Kultpolitik, p. 178). 994 Sadly, the temple of Medinet Madi has never been properly published. This structure is one of the very few Middle Kingdom temples with standing walls and it is in poor condition. The author was able to visit the temple in the fall of 2006 (with thanks to Dieter Arnold for the long drive through the Fayum). For a description of the temple, see Vogliano, Secondo Rapporto, pp. 17-36, pls. VI-XV, XVIII, XXVII, XXXI-XXXV; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 12330, 139-40, 355-67, 376-83, pls. 12-16; Vandier, Manuel, vol. 2, pp. 619-21, 623. For descriptions of the purification scene, see Vogliano, Secondo Rapporto, p. 24; B. AltenmüllerKesting, “Reinigungsriten,” p. 147; Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 124, 356-57. For the texts surrounding the purification scene, see Donadoni, “Madinet Madi,” pp. 338-40. For a photo, see Hirsch, “Zur Kultpolitik der 12. Dynastie,” fig. 7. An illustration of the purification scene has been included in this dissertation (pl. 406). 995 According to Naumann, “Der Tempel des Mittleren Reiches,” p. 186. 996 Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 124, 357. 997 See Gee, “Ritual Purity,” pp. 19-20.

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The only evidence found thus far that a purification scene existed in Senwosret III’s south temple comes from one small but decisive fragment (94.1025; 5.8 x 3.4 cm; pl. 405), which preserves part of the top of an ankh-sign’s loop directly adjoining the bottom of another ankh-sign. 998 The two ankh-signs almost certainly come from a chain of hieroglyphs that surrounded the king during a purification ritual. Since the ankh-signs are at an oblique angle in relation to the masonry edge, the piece probably comes from a portion of the scene in which the stream of signs curved around the head or shoulders of the king.

Purification Scene in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III The purification scene in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple seems to have been composed of more or less life-size figures and must have occupied a significant amount of both vertical and horizontal wall space. However, only six relatively small fragments can be definitively assigned to the large scene; two additional pieces are likely to have originated from it. The fragments indicate that only ankh-signs were used to purify the king, rather than the combination of ankh-signs and other hieroglyphs sometimes found in such scenes. Two fragments include parts of the heset-vases from which the ankhsigns emerge. Only one very small piece seems to include part of one of the figures who enacted the ritual. Although, it is likely that fragments of other large figures originated from this scene (see below), it has not been possible to fit them to any of the defining 998

The fragment is mentioned in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 143. The scene would be slightly later than that in the pyramid temple.

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pieces. Chief among the pieces that are candidates for inclusion in the purification scene are life-size figures of a falcon-headed god, probably Horus, and Seth, who appears to be performing an action in which an arm is stretched across the base of the neck and possibly over the head (cat. no. UL 47; pl. 408). Horus commonly takes part in the purification ritual, so his presence here would not be surprising, but Seth is otherwise not attested in these scenes until the Nineteenth Dynasty. 999 If the Seth figure, which faces right, originates from the purification ritual, then according to the rules for orienting such scenes the king would also face right and Horus left.1000 It is uncertain if the king was oriented towards the interior or exterior of the temple.1001 The possible original position of the purification scene will be discussed in the conclusion to this chapter.

Catalogue of the Purification Scene in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret IIII

UL 38 Heset-Vessel Facing Left with Stream of Ankh-Signs (pl. 397) 24.5 x 10.4 cm

93.11 (S/21); 96.275/2 (T/31b); 00.1128/1 (T/32c)

999

Gardiner, “Baptism,” pp. 3-12; B. Altenmüller-Kesting, “Reinigungsriten,” p. 95. No large scale depictions of Thoth, who often appears in purification scenes, have been recognized among the remains of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. 1000 According to B. Altenmüller-Kesting (“Reinigungsriten,” p. 92), the king always faces Horus, who can be oriented both to the left and right. An exception is a purification scene of Amenhotep III in the Luxor temple, where the king faces Thoth and turns away from Horus (Brunner, Die südlichen Räume, pls. 16, 72). 1001 The orientation of purification scenes varies in relation to the entrance of the room. In the temple of Medinet Madi, the king is oriented towards the interior of the temple (Hirsch, Kultpolitik, pp. 124, 356-57); in room XII of Hatshepsut at Karnak, the pharaoh faces towards the entrance of the temple (Jéquier, L’architecture et la decoration, pl. 24 no. 3; Arnold, Wandrelief und Raumfunktion, pl. II).

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Preserved on the fragment is part of the rim, neck and shoulder of a heset-vase from which an ankh-sign emerges. The juxtaposition of the vessel and the ankh-sign indicates that this fragment and the following one come from a purification scene. The remains of two other ankh-signs below the vessel reveal that the figure holding it stood to the right of the king. In purification scenes the deities could hold the vessels horizontally, 1002 slightly upturned 1003 or steeply upturned. 1004

UL 39 Heset-Vessel Facing Right with Stream of Ankh-Signs (pl. 398) 24.5 x 9.2 cm

96.275/1 (T/31b); 02.169 (T/31c-U/31b)

The rim and neck of a heset-vase are preserved here, along with most of an ankh-sign emerging from it. Part of another ankh-sign at an oblique angle to the first one must come from below the vessel and indicates that the figure who held the vessel stood to the left of the king.

UL 40 Two Adjoining Ankh-Signs (pl. 399) 16.7 x 31.9 cm

01.219 (R/32)

1002

For example in the temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre, unpublished; Chassinat, Temple d’Edfou, vol. 10, fasc. 1, pls. LXXXIV. 1003 For an example, see Jéquier, L’architecture et la decoration, pl. 24 no. 3. The fragments from Senwosret III’s pyramid temple were photographed as if the vessels were slightly upturned. 1004 For example: Epigraphic Survey, Temple of Khonsu, vol. 2, pl. 176; Epigraphic Survey, Festival Scenes, pl. 234; Epigraphic Survey, Temple Proper, pt. I, pl. 296; Nelson, Great Hypostyle Hall, pls. 105, 148, 198. The vessels can also be held in their logically correct downturned position; see Chassinat, Temple d’Edfou, vol. 10, fasc. 2, pls. CXIII, CXVII, CLI; Naville, Temple of Deir el-Bahari, pt. III, pl. LVI (in this case because Hatshepsut was probably depicted as a child).

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Parts of two adjoining ankh-signs remain on this piece, along with a large area of background to the left. The hieroglyphs must come from a stream of ankh-signs that formed part of a purification scene.

UL 41 Two Adjoining Ankh-Signs (pl. 400) 11.3 x 11.5 cm

01.473 (R/32)

Parts of two adjoining ankh-signs are preserved on this piece, which must originate from a purification scene.

UL 42 Part of Two Adjoining Ankh-Signs (pl. 401) 3.8 x 5 cm

00.187/1 (R/32d)

A small part of two adjoining ankh-signs from a purification scene remain on this piece.

UL 43 Part of Two Adjoining Ankh-Signs (pl. 402) 8.9 x 3.8 cm

00.187/2 (R/32d)

Only very small pieces of the bottom of an ankh-sign and the loop of the next one in the stream survive on this fragment from a purification scene.

UL 44 Toe of Life-Size Figure Facing Right and Standing on Podium (pl. 403) 7.1 x 7.1 cm

98.984/2 (S/28); 98.1373/1 (S/28)

The fragment preserves part of the toe with an incised nail from a life-size male figure facing right. The toe rests on what seems to be kind of podium with a block border

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pattern; the vertical right end of the podium remains along the right edge of the fragment. Examples from the pyramid temple of Senwosret III show that the feet of the enthroned king seem to have rested on a solid green mat that could include incised vertical lines but was otherwise unadorned (pls. 370, 384). None of the surviving examples include a block border. It therefore seems likely that another object is depicted here, probably a podium supporting one of the deities taking part in the purification rituals, as they needed to be raised a bit higher than the king in order to reach over his head. Small platforms on which the gods stand are commonly found in purification scenes. 1005

UL 45 Podium Above Groundline (pl. 404) 6.6 x 5.7 cm

98.524/2 (R/28)

A section of a block border is preserved here that seems to sit on top of a groundline. Although the pieces cannot be directly connected, it may belong to the podium depicted in catalogue number UL 44, and if so, it would be an indication that the purification scene did not take place on the lowest register, but rather was located higher up on the wall.

1005

For examples, see The Epigraphic Survey, Festival Scenes, pl. 234; Jéquier, L’architecture et la decoration, pl. 24 no. 3; The Epigraphic Survey, Temple of Khonsu, vol. 2, pl. 176; Lacau, Chapelle d’Hatshepsout, p. 14; Nelson, Great Hypostyle Hall, pls. 105, 148, 198. The enthroned king can rest his feet on a throne base that includes a block border, but these borders do not rest directly on a groundline and instead enclose a decorated interior; for examples, see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 43-44. Throne bases with block border patterns alone do seem to exist (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 42), but none are securely attested in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III.

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Conclusion: Purification Scenes The survey of purification scenes in Old and Middle Kingdom temples raises many interesting issues about the development of the scene type and the evolution of the royal cult temple. Previous studies of purification scenes have been largely limited to discussions of the ritual as a New Kingdom phenomenon,1006 but the omission of earlier material has certainly lead to erroneous conclusions about its meaning. A combination of fresh examination of and new evidence from the pyramid complex of Raneferef, the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre, the temple of Amenemhat I at Armant, the pyramid complex of Senwosret III, and the long neglected late Twelfth Dynasty temple at Medinet Madi not only expands our knowledge of the scene type, but significantly alters our understanding of it. Despite evidence that pushes the introduction of the scene back to the Fifth Dynasty, New Kingdom purification scenes remain better understood, not only because so many depictions survive, but also because the sequences in which they occur are better preserved, allowing the place of the king’s purification to be examined within a larger ritual context. 1007 It has been previously noted that after purification, the king is generally either crowned or given the breath of life (i.e. ankh-signs are held

1006

Studies include Gardiner (“Baptism,” pp. 3-12), whose earliest example dated to Hatshepsut, later amended to the later Twelfth Dynasty with the recognition of the Medinet Madi scene (“Addendum,” p. 111); Walker, “Egyptian Kingship,” pp. 60-73; A. Smith, “Kingship, Water and Ritual,” pp. 329-36; Mysliwiec, “Purification of Sethos I,” pp. 115-16. Gee (“Ritual Purity,” pp. 19-25), dates the earliest scenes to Bronze Age Levantine seals, but omits the Medinet Madi example. 1007 For lists of New Kingdom purification scenes, see Gardiner, “Baptism,” pp. 4-5; B. Altenmüller-Kesting, “Reinigungsriten,” pp. 90-173. For purification scenes in Karnak see Barguet, Le temple d’Amon-Re, pp. 58, 66, 69, 71, 73, 139, 143, 148, 188, 191, 195, 206, 209, 211, 229, 255, 263, 310, 313.

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to his face) and then led into the presence of another god, before whom he kneels while his coronation is affirmed. 1008 Since many of these sequences survive in the Theban area, the rituals commonly conclude in front of Amun. The juxtaposition of coronation and purification scenes has led some Egyptologists to conclude that this rite is enacted not because the king must undergo a transformation before he encounters the deity, but rather because he must be ritually cleansed before he receives kingship. 1009 The tendency has been to see these scenes as reflections of the actual installation of a new monarch. 1010

1008

Gardiner, “Baptism,” pp. 3-12; Arnold, Wandrelief und Raumfunktion, p. 70-77. In socalled coronation scenes, one or two deities are depicted touching the king’s headgear, often accompanied by a text that alludes to the king’s appearance on the throne. In European languages, the term “coronation” unfortunately carries the very specific association to a single ritual during which an individual is installed as monarch; this rite usually includes the transfer to the new ruler of symbolic objects including an elaborate headpiece. The modern bias inherent in the term coronation is exemplified by Gardiner’s opening sentence in his article on the coronation of Horemhab, “In this Coronation year of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II of England an Egyptologist’s thoughts travel back easily to a comparable event that occurred well over three thousand years ago.” (Gardiner, “Coronation,” p. 13). For the question of bias in the study if Egyptian history, see Redford, “Historiography,” pp. 8-10. For Old Kingdom coronation and possibly related scenes, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 251-58. The connection between birth and coronation rituals in the New Kingdom is considered by Barta (“Bemerkungen zur Existenz der Rituale,” pp. 1-13); see also Barta, Untersuchungen zur Göttlichkeit, pp. 44-61. While numerous written sources attest that the ancient Egyptians had a ceremony during which a new king assumed office (Gardiner, “Coronation,” pp. 13-31), one must question whether or not such a specific rite is depicted in the scenes where deities touch or adjust the pharaoh’s headgear. Depictions of single, ephemeral events are generally excluded from the interiors of either royal or deity temples, in favor of scenes that have repeated, transcendent value. One might suggest that the depictions Egyptologists have designated “coronation” scenes instead should be viewed as more general affirmations of kingship that do not have a specific political or historical context. The question of reenactment of coronations is briefly discussed in Liszka, “Tracing Stylistic Changes,” pp. 1151-61; note also the varying types of headgear and accoutrements used in New Kingdom examples of the scene. According to Bell (“New Kingdom,” pp. 173-74), a type of coronation ritual was included in the annual ceremonies of the Opet festival in Luxor temple. 1009 Blackman saw purification rites as a prelude to entering a temple (“House of the Morning,” pp. 148-65; “Some Notes on the Ancient Egyptian Practice” pp. 117-24), though he also saw

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However, an examination of the Old and Middle Kingdom evidence shows that purification and coronation scenes were not necessarily linked during these periods. A possible connection between purification and coronation rites may have existed among the small faience inlays found in the pyramid temple of Raneferef, where both scene types are attested for the first time. As was discussed above, pieces from a purification scene were found and, in addition, one fragment seems to show a deity touching the king’s headdress, the definitive element of a coronation. However, because only small fragments of the both scenes were recovered, their original relationship to each other or lack thereof cannot be determined. 1011 The next evidence for a coronation comes from the pyramid temple of Unis, the only such structure of the Old Kingdom from which the scene survives as an element of wall decoration. 1012 As the wall decoration in this temple was not well preserved, the possibility that a

them as part of the coronation rituals and as having a strong solar connection (“Sacramental Ideas,” pp. 57-66, 86-91). Gardiner (“Baptism,” p. 6) saw all purification scenes as being related to “…coronation ceremonies…in a real or imaginative series…,” rejecting the possibility that the king was being purified before performing temple rites. He unfortunately saw in the purification scenes “the analogy of our rite to that of Christian baptism,” undoubtedly slanting his perception of the depictions. Gardiner (“Coronation,” p. 24) notes the omission of a reference to purification in the coronation inscription of Horemhab and offers the explanation that either this portion of the ceremony that was taken for granted and did not need to be mentioned, or that it was omitted because of unnamed special circumstances. Fairman (“Kingship Rituals,” pp. 77-80), Pirelli (“Temple of Queen Hatshepsut,” pp. 455-63) and Leclant (“Rites de purification,” pp. 48-51) also connect purification and coronation. Walker, (“Egyptian Kingship,” pp. 60-73) focuses on the solar aspects of the ritual and the rebirth of the king as a sun god. 1010 For the connection between coronation and smæ-tæwy, see Baines, Fecundity Figures, pp. 261-65. 1011 For the coronation scene, see Landgráfová, Faience Inlays, pp. 20-21 fig. 3, p. 71 no. F0020; CD p. 61 no. F0020; Landgráfová, in Verner ed., Raneferef, pp. 470, 488-89, fig. 2.9.1. The fragments of the coronation and purification scenes were not found in the same room of the temple. 1012 See Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 95-97, docs. 47-49, pl. XXXIV. For Old Kingdom coronation scenes, see Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” p. 192.

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purification ceremony was depicted here cannot be discounted, though no traces of one were found. The final attested Old Kingdom coronation occurs on a gilded plaque from the pyramid temple of Pepi II; the relatively small object has no other pieces associated with it. 1013 Thus a link between purification and coronation scenes in the Old Kingdom could only be suggested in the case of Raneferef, but the evidence for it is not compelling. However, given the small amount of material available for examination, an association between the two rituals cannot be conclusively refuted. Of the five purification scenes dated to the Middle Kingdom, four (Deir elBahari, Armant, and the two Senwosret III Dahshur temples) are too fragmentary for anything to be suggested about adjoining scenes. However, the temple at Medinet Madi contains a purification scene that is certainly not associated with a coronation rite (see above), but rather with the introduction of the king into the temple. To counter the absence of a coronation, it has been suggested that the Medinet Madi purification scene is somehow different from later ones and perhaps should be identified as part of a mortuary ritual. 1014 However, there is nothing in the iconography of the small temple to suggest funerary rites and it is hard to imagine such depictions in a temple dedicated to deities. Instead, greater insight may be gained by viewing the sequence of scenes at

1013

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. III, p. 39, fig. 27; the plaque did not preserve any indication of an attachment mechanism, though Jéquier speculated that it belonged to a box. 1014 B. Altenmüller-Kesting, “Reinigungsriten,” p. 147. On the wall opposite the purification scene in the Medinet Madi temple is a very damaged depiction of foundation ceremonies. Purification and foundation rite are also associated in the reconstructed reliefs of Amenhotep I from Karnak, where a foundation scene is placed above what seems to have been a purification scene. Unfortunately only a small section of the top of the purification scene remains and not enough survives of the adjoining scenes to understand what actions are being performed (Graindorge, “Karnak avant Karnak,” pp. 43-44, fig. 6).

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Medinet Madi as part of an earlier tradition from which later decorative programs diverge, rather than the reverse. A further examination of Middle Kingdom coronation scenes from deity temples shows that they did not necessarily join depictions of purification rituals. The ka-chapel built by Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Dendera, which was found with its wall decoration largely intact, contains three examples of deities touching the crown of the king, but no purification. 1015 The chapel is dedicated to the king’s ka and is intended to allow him to participate in the cult of Hathor, but it is not a deity temple dedicated specifically to the goddess. Therefore if the supposition is correct that purification scenes are confined to deity temples, one would not expect the ritual to have been depicted here. In each of the three coronation scenes, the king’s crown is touched only from the back, while another action takes place in front. 1016 Although one could argue whether or not a true coronation is intended here, 1017 the gesture of touching the king’s headgear is the same and perhaps reinforces the suggestion that these depictions are intended simply to emphasize the idea that the king’s rule is sanctioned by the deities. In the temple built by Mentuhotep Seankhare at Tod, Tjanenet and Montu touch the king’s crown in a scene that originally may have stood on the east wall of the

1015

The decorative program of the chapel is summarized and illustrated in Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” pp. 19-28. 1016 The king is suckled two times by Hathor, once while apparently seated on her lap; in the third scene he presents a lotus to Hathor. For Horakhty crowning the king, see Berteaux, “Harachte,” p. 366. 1017 O’Connor believes that elements of the decorative program allude to coronation (“Dendereh Chapel,” pp. 218-20), as does Gestermann (Kontinuität und Wandel, pp. 44-45).

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outer chamber. 1018 To the left was a wall corner; to the right is part of a royal or divine figure, who is conspicuously smaller than those in the coronation, meaning that whatever is being depicted here, it cannot be a purification ritual. The scene below the coronation also cannot be a purification ritual, because the position of a winged sun disk shows that the king was placed on the left side of the scene, rather than in the center as would be necessary during purification. In addition, remains of the inscription indicate the presence of Nekhbet, a goddess who is not attested in purification scenes. Unfortunately, nothing else is known about the actions surrounding the Tod coronation and, although it seems unlikely, the possibility that a purification was depicted on the adjacent north wall cannot be excluded. 1019 In the White Chapel of Senwosret I, Rehorakhty stands behind the king and touches his crown while Amun holds ankh- and was-signs to the mouth of the pharaoh. 1020 Not only is the scene not juxtaposed with a purification ritual, the latter rite was definitely not included in the well-preserved decorative program of the chapel. Another scene that seems to be related to the New Kingdom purification/coronation sequence is the so-called breath of life, in which an ankh-sign is

1018

Bisson de la Roque, Tod, pp. 79-81, fig. 32; a coronation dating to Mentuhotep Nebhepetre was also found at the site, but unfortunately nothing remains of the adjoining scenes (ibid., pp. 72-74, fig. 26, pl. XVIII). 1019 For a reconstruction of the relief blocks within the temple, see Arnold, “Bemerkungen zu den frühen Tempeln,” pp. 175-86. According to a footnote in Hirsch (Kultpolitik, p. 154 n. 3), the opinion has been expressed that a purification scene existed in at Tod, but she finds no justification for the assertion. The present author has not been able to obtain the German dissertation that she references. For a discussion of the coronation in relation to the deities depicted, see Derchain-Urtel, Synkretismus, pp. 37-41. 1020 Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pl. 16 scène 9.

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placed before the nose and mouth of the king.1021 Old Kingdom examples of this ritual are preserved from the pyramid temples of Niuserre 1022 and Pepi II, 1023 but in neither case are the scenes associated with purification or coronation. What this examination of purification and coronation scenes has shown is that in the Old and Middle Kingdoms there are no definitive links between depictions of the two rites, and clear evidence that they were not necessarily connected. Instead, one might suggest that in the New Kingdom, the iconography of purification, giving the breath of life, and coronation or affirming the king’s legitimacy were reformulated into a sequence that ended with the pharaoh kneeling before a deity. Such sequences found their place both in so-called Theban mortuary temples as well as other cult places dedicated to deities. Although the composition of the purification scene itself stayed the same, its meaning subtly shifted in response to New Kingdom religious developments. Considering the context of the scenes in the Old to New Kingdoms, the ritual seems most likely to belong to a cleansing that the king underwent before meeting a god or taking part in temple ritual.1024 A striking aspect of pre-New Kingdom purification scenes is their apparent omission from the walls of pyramid temples, structures that were among the most important cult places of the Old and Middle Kingdoms. Earlier discussions of these scenes treat them as a new element introduced in the late Middle Kingdom, after the 1021

The scene is also found in the Dendera chapel of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre (Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” pp. 19-28; O’Connor, “Dendereh Chapel,” pp. 215-20). 1022 Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pp. 16 fig. 6, 57, 88-91, pl. 16. 1023 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 54-56. 1024 An idea suggested by Schott, Reinigung Pharaos, pp. 87-90. For purifications involving water, see Gee, “Ritual Purity,” pp. 291-301.

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so-called golden age of pyramid complex construction had ended. The scene type then became widespread during the New Kingdom, a period that saw a vast expansion of iconographic forms. However, we now know that purification scenes existed as early as the Fifth Dynasty. Why then were they excluded from the walls of pyramid temples? Two theories can be offered to explain their absence. First, purification scenes actually may have been included in pyramid temples of the later Fifth and Sixth Dynasties, but evidence of their existence has either not survived or been recognized. Second, and in the view of this author more likely, purification scenes may have been absent from pyramid complexes because such iconography was only appropriate in temples dedicated to deities, rather than those centered on the cult of the king. Admittedly, the sole Old Kingdom example of a purification scene does originate from a pyramid temple, that of Raneferef at Abusir. However, the small-scale scene comes from a portable piece of temple furniture, perhaps a naos housing a statue of the king (see above), and may be connected to rituals that involved the object originally placed within it. Also possible is that the object was transported to Abusir from another location, perhaps in order to speed the completion of the deceased king’s pyramid temple, meaning that the iconography may not be directly related to the structure in which it was found. Because the Raneferef faience fragments preserve the earliest example of a purification scene, they also present an interesting question about the nature of iconographic development in ancient Egypt. Were new scene types created for small scale objects such as pieces of temple furniture, or were they first formulated for temple walls? Unfortunately, the question cannot be addressed here and

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it may be the case that not enough evidence survives to understand the emergence of new iconographic forms. In the case of Old Kingdom deity temples, the remaining evidence is so sparse that the content of their decorative programs can no longer be recovered. 1025 The three preserved Middle Kingdom purification scenes, which date both before and after the reign of Senwosret III, all come from temples dedicated partially or wholly to deities. 1026 Alterations to the Theban temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre resulted in portions of the temple being sanctified to Montu, Amun and perhaps other gods, 1027 and the temple’s relief decoration clearly mixes scenes in which the king is

1025

Little consensus has emerged about the form of these temples or if they were developed locally or under centralized, royal authority. For discussions of Old Kingdom deity temples, see Seidlmayer, (“Town and State,” pp. 108-27) and Kemp, (Ancient Egypt, pp. 111-35), both of whom argue against centralized planning of deity temples until at least the later Old Kingdom. O’Connor (“Status of Early Egyptian Temples,” pp. 83-98) suggests that the sites of major Old Kingdom temples have yet to be excavated. Dieter Arnold (“Hypostyle Halls,” pp. 39-54) has argued convincingly that columns found reused in temples of the Delta and the Fayum could not have originated only from Old and Middle Kingdom pyramid complexes, indicating that there were at least some large, deity temples constructed in stone during the Old Kingdom. One would assume that such structures had wall decoration, even though only a limited amount of material remains. The blocks found reused in the Twelfth Dynasty pyramid complex of Amenemhat I may partially or wholly originate from deity temples rather than pyramid complexes. For differing opinions as to the origins of this material, see Goedicke, Reused Blocks; Arnold, “Hypostyles Halls,” p. 50; Oppenheim, “Decorative Programs,” pp. 46465. See also Baines, “Temples as Symbols,” pp. 216-41, who argues for the centrality of divine temples. 1026 One should note that it has been stated that there is no real distinction between so-called mortuary and deity temples (Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” p. 20). While this argument may have some validity in relation to New Kingdom structures, in the case of the Old and Middle Kingdoms, one must consider that the king’s cult place is either directly attached or placed quite close to the impressive mass of the pyramid. The absence of a similar monumental structure in relation to the deity temples must reflect a significant difference in how they were perceived. 1027 Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. I, Architektur, pp. 72-89; Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, pp. 30-34; Arnold, “Royal Cult Complexes,” pp. 74-76. The presence of Amun in the temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre may represent the earliest appearance of the deity in Thebes (Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. I, Architektur, pp. 78-80). In contrast to later Theban

569

honored by the gods with those in which the king presents offerings to Amun. The temple of Amenemhat I at Armant was dedicated to Montu and the Medinet Madi temple belonged to Renenutet and Sobek. In the New Kingdom, when purification scenes flourish, the line between royal and deity temples becomes blurred, as all socalled mortuary temples of this period have significant, central portions dedicated to the worship of deities, chiefly Amun. Thus it can be stated that purification scenes overwhelmingly originate from temples dedicated wholly or partially to deities. What is perhaps most astonishing about the presence of a purification scene in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple is that what seems to be the ritual’s first appearance in such a structure occurs in one of the last examples of the type. As was also observed in relation to Senwosret III’s square antechamber, the apparent introduction of new iconographic elements suggests that while the pyramid temple was reduced in size and probably in importance, its iconography did not remain static. Instead, its decorative program was altered in response to ongoing changes in religious thought, which ultimately lead to the abandonment of the pyramid complex as a place of royal cult. Although it is difficult, not to mention perilous, to try to understand the mindset of the ancient Egyptians, the juxtaposition of Senwosret III’s small pyramid temple with his much larger and radically different south temple, may indicate that religious ideas about the king’s cult and afterlife had developed in such a way that the pyramid temple and its decorative program had become not only insufficient, but ritually inadequate. Dissatisfaction with the pyramid temple most likely lead to the development of the mortuary temples, Amun here plays only a supporting role. However, according to Arnold it was not the primary cult place for the deity in the Middle Kingdom.

570

enormous south temple, the structure and form of which seem to foreshadow some New Kingdom, Theban mortuary temples. 1028 Since, as has been shown above, purification scenes seem to have been largely confined to temples dedicated to deities, we must now consider if the presence of this scene in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple indicates that a deity was worshiped here alongside the king. In this case, one would have to imagine that the king was purified in the pyramid temple so that he could enter the presence of the deity with whom he shared the cult. Evidence from other Middle Kingdom mortuary complexes suggests that deities did receive cult in royal temples and it is distinctly possible that this was also the case in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. 1029 As was discussed above, the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Deir el-Bahari clearly included central sections that were dedicated to Amun and other deities. This early inclusion of deities in the king’s cult temple may have found resonance in the Twelfth Dynasty. In the pyramid complex of Senwosret I, there are indications for a cult of Hathor of Atfih, though Arnold has placed this not in the pyramid temple, but in front of the king’s kapyramid. 1030 More evidence has been found at Lahun, where a recent examination of

1028

Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 97-105, 118-20; Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 142-

45.

1029

The question is briefly discussed in Nuzzolo, “Sun Temples,” pp. 217 n. 6, 218. Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 17, 74. The assertion that a statue of Amun stood in the offering chamber of Senwosret I’s pyramid temple is without any basis (Dohrmann, “SedfestRitual Sesostris’ I.,” p. 306); the reference in her note 32 should read Lisht Journal II, p. 275 and refers to archival material in the Egyptian Department of the Metropolitan Museum. The red granite arm referred to by Dohrmann belonged to either a statue of the king or the official Senwosretankh (Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 48; Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, in press). 1030

571

the Lahun papyri points to the distinct possibility that Anubis received cult in the pyramid complex of Senwosret II. 1031 To date, no direct evidence has been found to suggest that one or more deities were cult recipients in Senwosret III’s south temple. However, the enormous size of the structure clearly indicates the need to accommodate a vast ritual program. In addition, as noted above, the shape of the south temple is similar to that of some New Kingdom mortuary temples, which have significant components dedicated to deity cults. Although the use of later structures to understand earlier ones must be approached with caution, the possibility of some sort of correspondence between Senwosret III’s south temple and Theban mortuary temples cannot be dismissed. One might further suggest that the need to accommodate divinities within the royal cult place influenced the abandonment of the pyramid temple form and the subsequent development of a new type. Admittedly, Senwosret III’s successor Amenemhat III

1031

Quirke has observed that Anubis occupies an exceptionally elevated position in the pyramid complex of Senwosret II, suggesting that the god had a cult either in the pyramid complex or near it (“Anubis at Lahun,” pp. 24-48, esp. pp. 28-34). According to his interpretation of the Lahun papyri, a single institution was responsible for the cults of the king and Anubis and they were housed in a single temple complex. The question as to whether or not deities were worshiped with the king in Old Kingdom pyramid complexes has not been conclusively answered. The possibility that deity statues were housed in two of the five niches generally found in pyramid temples remains theoretical (Posener-Kriéger, Néferirkarê-Kakaï, pp. 545-46). In the valley temples of Khafre and Menkaure at Giza there is evidence that goddesses played important roles. In the Khafre temple, statues depicted the king enthroned with Bastet and Hathor (Seidel, Statuengruppen, pp. 17-24). In the Menkaure valley temple, Hathor was a key figure and may have had a cult place (Seidel, Statuengruppen, pp. 25-49). Structures known as meret-temples, which were possibly connected to Hathor, may have stood near the valley temples (see Arnold, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, p. 152 with further references). The king can present offerings to deities in pyramid temples, but these scenes are not common and are not necessarily associated with a deity receiving cult in the pyramid temple; see Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 165-70; Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 187-90.

572

continued with the construction of a pyramid temple of the Senwosret III type in his Dahshur complex. 1032 However, the subsequent pyramid complex he built at Hawara, which was certainly influenced by Senwosret III’s south temple, 1033 included the cult of one or more deities along with that of the king.1034 Although numerous fragments from large scale figures have been recovered in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple (see below), none of them have yielded any firm evidence that another deity received cult here. While it is treacherous to speculate about which deity might have been worshipped here, one piece of intriguing evidence does suggest a possible answer and deserves mention. Previously, it has been observed that Horakhty was prominently featured in the exterior inscription of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple (see under Introduction, p. 17), where his name appears at least three times in the horizontal texts that adorned the top of all three walls. Not only is it remarkable that the deity is named so many times, but the manner in which his name is inserted into the inscription is also notable. In other horizontal lines of text in Senwosret III’s complex, particularly those found on depictions of tables in the offering

1032

For the architecture of Amenemhat III’s Dahshur complex, see Arnold, Pyramidenbezirk des Königs Amenemhet III., vol. I. According to Arnold (Senwosret III, pp. 116-17) it is likely that the construction of Amenemhat III’s Dahshur complex occurred before the south temple of Senwosret III was constructed. The decoration of the pyramid temple has not yet been published, but Dieter Arnold has kindly allowed me to see the documentation of the fragments. Unfortunately, not a great deal of material remains and nothing is indicative of either changes in the decorative program or the cult of another deity alongside that of the king. 1033 Arnold (Senwosret III, pp. 116-17) considers that the temple at Hawara may have been built before and independently of Amenemhat III’s pyramid. 1034 Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 61-69. This temple was probably a “House of Millions of Years.” The question as to whether or not Senwosret III’s pyramid temple could belong to this category of temple will be considered in the conclusion to the dissertation.

573

chamber, 1035 a pattern consisting of three elements seems to have been used (pl. 355): 1) names and titles of the king; 2) statement that the king is beloved by a particular deity; 3) blessings (life, dominion, etc) given to the king by the deity. The juxtaposition of elements found on the largest block recovered from the pyramid temple’s exterior inscription shows a pattern that is slightly, but perhaps significantly different (pl. 15): 1) “beloved of Horakhty”; 2) “the perfect god…” Presumably the name of the king followed, meaning that here Horakhty was integrated with the texts listing the king’s names and titles, perhaps an indication that he played a more significant role in the pyramid temple. 1036 For now all suggestions about the role of deities in Senwosret III’s pyramid complex must remain tentative, perhaps to be refuted or reinforced by continued excavation in the south temple.

OTHER SCENES WITH LIFE-SIZE FIGURES

Catalogue of Life-Size Deities in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III

UL 46 Divine Wig of Large Deity, Possibly Seth, Facing Right (pl. 407) 9.8 x 3.9 cm

96.415 (T/31a)

1035

See here p. 19 and Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 141, pl. 161c. Quirke (“Anubis at Lahun,” p. 27), mentions that Re-Horakhty of Iunu is included in letters found at Lahun. However, he does not believe the references constitute evidence that the deity had a Lahun cult place. Note that the important role played by Sobek of Shedyet in the pyramid complex of Amenemhat III at Hawara shows that the king could share the temple with a god that had important local rather than national significance (Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 61-69). 1036

574

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the figure’s wig. The fragment preserves stripes of a multicolored divine wig from a large male deity; the curve of the stripes reveal that the figure faced right. The narrower stripes towards the right indicate that the wig comes from an area near the back of the figure’s face. Since human-headed male deities in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple seem to have had black hair, the god depicted here probably had an animal head. The slightly rounded surfaces of each stripe and their alignment suggest that this piece originally joined catalogue number UL 47 across the masonry edge.

UL 47 Divine Wig Neck and Arm of Seth Facing Right (pl. 408) 22.2 x 17.4 cm

93.119 (S/30a); 96.387 (T/31d); 96.1327/2 (S/32d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that must have cut through the bottom of head. The rings across the neck identify the deity facing right as a depiction of Seth. 1037 Preserved is a small piece of the lower back corner of the face, a piece of the striped, multicolored divine wig and most of the neck. The position of the masonry edge and the quality of the wig suggest that the piece originally joined catalogue number UL 46. At the bottom of the piece is part of the figure’s proper right arm, which is positioned across the upper body in a manner that suggests he is taking part in a ritual

1037

See, for example, Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 95-96, doc. 48, figs. 73-74; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 53; also see here pls. 79a, 314.

575

that requires him to lift both arms above the head. The figure most likely belonged to the purification scene discussed above. 1038

UL 48 Snout of Seth Facing Left (pl. 409) 14.4 x 6.8 cm

93.978 (S/29b)

There are horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom that cut through the edges of the snout. The upper edge may come from the original cut of the block, while the lower one has plaster adhering to it and probably joined a now-missing patchstone. The fragment preserves a large portion of the snout of Seth facing left. Because of its direction, the snout cannot belong to the Seth of catalogue number UL 47, indicating that there were at least two life-size depictions of the deity.

UL 49 Possibly Ears of Seth Facing Uncertain Direction (pl. 410) 8 x 7.5 cm

98.1416 (S/28)

These two diverging bands may originate from the ears of a Seth figure. Although the photo is oriented as if the figure faced right, the actual direction is uncertain.

UL 50 Bottom of Head and Divine Wig of Falcon-Headed Deity Facing Right (pl. 411) 46.5 x 15.1 cm

93.1346 (R/31); 00.54/1 (T/33a); 00.111/1 (S/33d); 03.16

(R/33c)

1038

For the position of arms raised high in a purification scene, see Jéquier, L’architecture et la decoration, pl. 24 no. 3 (note the awkwardly elongated upper arms); The Epigraphic Survey, Temple Proper, pt. I, pl. 296; Brunner, Die südlichen Räume, pls. 16, 72.

576

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the center of the neck. Depicted here is a life-size, falcon-headed deity facing right; the end of the crescent at left and the rounded end of the vertical line at right belong to the common markings found on falcon-headed figures (for example, see here pls. 94-95, 257). Below the short neck are parts of two arching lines designating the collarbone and the transition from a bird head to a male, human body. A lock of the wig curves around the front of the neck, while a thicker mass falls behind and in front of the proper right shoulder. The wig is rendered with broad incised strands, some of which retain remains of their blue, green or red coloring. The absence of an arm crossing the body means that the figure cannot originate from a purification scene, but the action is otherwise unknown. The piece probably joined catalogue number UL 51 across the masonry edge.

UL 51 Collar, Divine Wig and Part of Shoulder Possibly of Horus Facing Right (pl. 412) 18.2 x 5.7 cm

93.1087 (S/31cd)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top that cuts through the figure’s shoulder area. Preserved on this piece are parts of the red shoulder, striped, multicolored divine wig and broad collar of a life-size, male, animal-headed deity facing right. The scale and manner in which the wig is rendered suggest that this piece joined catalogue number UL 50 across the masonry edge.

577

UL 52 Divine Wig and Piece of Proper Left Shoulder of Male Deity Facing Left (pl. 413) 23.4 x 23.2 cm

93.662 (R/31); 94.521 (R/31c)

Most of this fragment is occupied by a mass of striped, multicolored wig from a lifesize, animal-headed deity. The curve of the wig indicates that the figure faced left; the red color remaining on the small preserved piece of the proper left shoulder shows that it was male. Although one can speculate that this figure is the falcon-headed deity that performed the purification ritual with the Seth who faces right (cat. nos. UL 46-47), not enough of the shoulder remains to define the figure’s action.

UL 53 Piece of Arm of Male Figure Facing Right Performing Action Above Head (pl. 414) 13.3 x 6.6 cm

00.1109/4 (T/33d)

The piece seems to preserve part of an arm bent at the elbow and a small piece of the body it overlaps. The arm is too large to have come from an offering bearer or cattle slaughterer, two types of figures that assume more complicated poses. Most likely the arm belonged to the Seth facing right (cat. nos. UL 46-47), who probably participated in the purification ritual.

UL 54 Parts of Arms, Torso and Kilt of Male Deity(?) Facing Right (pl. 415) 93 x 38.7 cm

93.874 (S/31cd); 93.878 (S/31cd); 93.1394 (no square recorded);

00.598 (Q/31d) Three sections of a male figure facing right are preserved on this block: a vertically oriented proper right arm behind the body, the abdomen and top of the kilt, and a

578

small piece of the proper left arm in front of and angling away from the body. The figure wears a kilt covered with carefully rendered pleats at the back and smooth fabric at the front; a tie lies diagonally across the abdomen. The curve of the buttocks and the position of the proper right arm show that the figure is standing, while the pose suggests that he is greeting or addressing another figure or perhaps observing a ritual, rather than performing an action. Several pieces of evidence suggest that the figure depicts a deity rather than the king. The figure does not wear an animal tail, a feature also absent from male deities wearing kilts in Senwosret III’s square antechamber (see pp. 69-70). 1039 In contrast, the king in this complex does wear a tail with a shendyt-kilt (pls. 290, 308). Most important for understanding the owner of the garment is the pattern of the pleating described above. Similar kilts with pleats on only one side seem to have been worn by deities, while the shendyt-kilts worn by the king had pleats on both sections and a

1039

The lack of tails on male deities who wear kilts may be a peculiarity of this complex or perhaps the mid- to late Twelfth Dynasty. Deities with kilts and tails are found in the White Chapel of Senwosret I (Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, passim). In the pyramid complex of Senwosret II at Lahun, at least some of the deities who wear kilts do not have tails (Oppenheim, “Three Deities,” p. 210, fig. 1). On the gateway of Senwosret III at Medamoud, some of the deities wearing kilts have tails and some do not (Bisson de la Roque, “Médamoud [1930],” pl. VIII). According to Evers (Staat aus dem Stein, pp. 41-42), in Old Kingdom relief decoration the king always wears a tail. However, on statues tails are absent in the Eleventh Dynasty and in Upper Egypt, including Memphis and Lisht, during the reigns of Amenemhat I and Senwosret I. The same may be true for the relief decoration from the pyramid complex of Senwosret I at Lisht, where two pieces with part of the king’s legs and torso do not seem to have any indication of a tail (MMA 14.3.14; L33-34:290). However, on reliefs found in the pyramid complex of Amenemhat I at Lisht, the king does wear a ceremonial tail (Peter Jánosi, personal communication).

579

central piece with concave sides that fell between the legs. 1040 Although the personification of the king’s ka can wear a kilt with pleats on one side, the figure under discussion here seems to be too large for such a depiction. 1041

UL 55 Head of Life-Size Goddess Facing Left (pl. 416) 23.5 x 24.1 cm

96.612 (S/32d); 00.1113 (T/33d-32c)

Depicted here is part a life-size human head facing left, identifiable as a goddess by the yellow color on the face. Remaining is much of the hair, which has traces of black, and the ear. The only facial feature to survive is the eye, which has a now-faded red iris, a certain sign that a deity is represented, and slight modeling around the brow. The back of the face and the top of the neck are also preserved. Nothing remains of the inscription that must have accompanied the figure and she does not have any identifying headgear. It is therefore unlikely that she represented

1040

Deities can also wear shendyt-kilts in the Middle Kingdom; for examples, see Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pls. 3, 13, 16, 25, 28, 30. However, in the Old or Middle Kingdoms, the king does not seem to wear a kilt with only a single pleated side; see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 2, passim; Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, passim; Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, pls. 10-12, 14-20, 22-26, 30-37. According to Bonnet, (Ägyptische Tracht, p. 11), the king seldom wears a god’s kilt, but unfortunately he does not specify to what period(s) he is referring. For royal garments, see Vandier, Manuel, vol. 3, pp. 106-8. Figures wearing the red and white crowns were excavated by the Metropolitan Museum near the mastaba of Imhotep at Lisht South. The figures have kilts with pleats on the sides and back and a plain, triangular front portion. In a two dimensional representation, the kilts would look similar to the relief depicted here. Although the figures have been thought to be representations of the king, they are more likely to depict guardian spirits. According to Aldred (quoted in Johnson, “Two Wooden Statues,” pp. 11, 18 n. 4) the type of kilt found on the Imhotep statues is “… not a kingly garment but is peculiar to divinities.” See also Dieter Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Lisht, in press with further references. 1041 For examples of the ka wearing a kilt with pleats on one side, see Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, passim.

580

Nekhbet, Wadjet or Hathor, as the first two would have had feather headdresses with a vulture or cobra at the brow and the later would have had a sun disk and cow horns. The possibility cannot be excluded that the head belongs with the large yellow fecundity figure described above (cat. no. UL 37, pl. 392). As goddesses can take part in a number of rituals, the action in which the figure was engaged cannot be determined. 1042

UL 56 Inscription for Sokar (pl. 417) 20.5 x 20.5

92.416 (S/30cd)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the area just below the inscription. Preserved on this piece is part of a large star band followed by three hieroglyphs (s + k + r) that most likely belong to the name of the falcon-headed deity Sokar. Unfortunately, the destruction of the loop of the k-sign makes it impossible to determine whether the inscription originally read from right to left or left to right, as both the s- and r-signs are symmetrical. Based on the size of the hieroglyphs and the strong funerary associations of Sokar, the present author originally assumed that the piece belonged to one of the walls that flanked the false door. However, subsequent examination of pyramid temple fragments strongly suggests that all the deities flanking the false door were either the bæw of Pe or the bæw of Nekhen. In addition, the height of the star band on the Sokar block is slightly different than those around the false door 1042

For a summary of roles played by goddesses in pyramid temple decoration, see Oppenheim, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 442-43.

581

and the position of the masonry edge does not conform to those that have been isolated from that wall. Therefore the depiction of Sokar is likely to originate from another part of the temple and the inscription was perhaps connected with the large falconheaded deity discussed above (UL 50).

Catalogue of Life-size Depictions of the King in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III

UL 57 Top of Head of King Facing Right with Part of Inscription Above and Wall Corner to Left (pl. 418) 65.2 x 81.1 cm

00.153/1, /2 (S/32a); 01.354 (R/33, Q-R/32); 01.397 (Q-R/32)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece that cuts through the eye of the king (the small fragment is omitted in the photo). The block contains part of Senwosret III’s titularly, blessings that will be bestowed on the king, and a portion of the top of the king’s head. All elements are oriented to the right. To the left is a piece of a roughly rendered, vertical corner block border with a small section of the turn to the adjoining wall. At right are parts of the king’s twoladies name and Horus-of-Gold or Golden Falcon name in a vertical column, followed to the left by most of the vertically oriented Khakaure cartouche (prenomen). 1043 Below is a horizontal line of text reading …[dí wæs] ënã nb æwt [íb nb]… “[…given dominion,] life, [all] joy…” Preserved from the life-size figure of the king, who could

1043

Note that this example of the cartouche does not have three stripes, the common method of rendering the symbol in this complex. For examples, see here pls. 14, 36, 328, 438-39, 45354.

582

have been seated or standing, is the top of the nemes-headdress with a deliberately defaced uraeus. The top of the face remains with an intact, beautifully carved eye (omitted from the photo). If the king originated from the square antechamber, the right facing figure would have met the deities facing left. However, there is a doorway in what seems to be the only wall with deities facing left, which according to Jéquier’s reconstruction of the Pepi II square antechamber excludes the possibility of a large-scale depiction of the king. 1044 The piece cannot originate from the offering chamber, because his position so close to the wall corner does not allow space for the expected figure of the royal ka. The block therefore probably originates from one of the ritual scenes of uncertain location under discussion here; the purification scene can be excluded because the king would have been flanked by deities during this ritual. The image of the king could have originated above one of the smæ-tæwy rituals enacted by kneeling fecundity figures (cat. no. UL 24), which also include a wall corner. In this case the king possibly received such objects as ankh-signs or millions-of-years symbols from a deity.

UL 58 Upper Part of Face of King(?) Facing Left (pl. 419) 17.9 x 5.7 cm

96.1309 (S/32d); 99.585 (V/30)

Part of a life-size male head facing left is preserved on this piece, including the top of the rimmed eye, a piece of the hairline and part of the center of the ear. The small

1044

Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 45, 47, pls. 46, 50, 54, 58. Since Senwosret III’s square antechamber was smaller than Pepi II’s, it is hard to imagine how a large image of the king, rows of deities and a doorway could all be accommodated on a single wall.

583

incised diagonal line above and to the left of the ear probably represents one of the folds of a nemes-headdress, meaning that the piece belongs to a depiction of the king. 1045

UL 59 Part of Head of King in White Crown Facing Left (pl. 420) 17.7 x 3.3 cm

98.1190 (S/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the bridge of the figure’s nose. Depicted here is a small piece of the king’s face. Preserved from the left facing figure are the bottom of the eye, the bridge of the nose and most of the ear surrounded by a section of what seems to be the white crown. Although the present author initially assigned the piece to one of the tympana in the offering chamber, subsequent examination revealed that this depiction of the king was actually slightly larger than that on catalogue number OC 3. In addition, the distinct stylistic differences between this piece and others assigned to the tympana in the offering chamber suggest that it originated from another location. Based on the scale of the preserved features, the piece must come from an under life-size depiction of the king, but it is uncertain where in the temple besides the tympana such representations occurred. The small fragment is notable for its fine modeling, particularly the triangular depression under the eye, which recalls a prominent stylistic feature found on sculptures of Senwosret

1045

A similar diagonal line is still visible on a damaged face of Pepi II from the offering chamber of his pyramid temple (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 63-64).

584

III. 1046 The presence of the white crown indicates that wherever the fragment was originally located it had a southern orientation.

UL 60 Front of Overlapping Feet of Enthroned King Facing Right (pl. 421) 14 x 13 cm

96.1436 (T/31b)

Parts of two life-size (or perhaps even over life-size) feet facing right are found on this fragment. Red color indicates that the feet are male and their overlap shows that the figure is seated, meaning that this is presumably a representation of the king on his throne. Remaining are the top of the proper left foot, which extends farther forward, and the toe of the proper right foot. Below is an area that must belong to the throne’s base or footrest; a small amount of green paint is preserved in the lower right corner, the appropriate color for a footrest. Because the scale of the feet is similar to those facing left in the upper register of catalogue number UL 29 and because they face in the opposite direction, the piece was quite possibly located above catalogue number UL 24 (pl. 379), the proposed mirror image of the scene in catalogue number UL 29.

UL 61 Waist, Arm and Wrist of Enthroned King Facing Right (pl. 422) 12.1 x 10 cm

93.2 (S/31); 00.303/2 (R/32d)

There is a vertical masonry edge to the right that cuts through the top of the thighs and the wrist.

1046

For examples, see Wildung, Ägypten 2000, pp. 96-111, figs. 30-43.

585

The fragment contains part of a seated male figure facing right, certainly a depiction of the king. Preserved is part of the lower, proper right arm and wrist, an incised bracelet, a section of the belt, and pleats from the kilt. The seated position of the figure is indicated by the sharp curve in the contour of the waist and the top of the kilt. In all instances in which the king sits on a throne, the back arm crosses over the body, meaning that it is not possible to determine if this figure originates from the offering chamber, where the king is always seated, or from one of the other ritual scenes discussed in this chapter.

UL 62 Belly and Belt of King Facing Right (pl. 423) 11.8 x 9.7 cm

99.359/1, /2 (T/29ab)

Preserved on this small piece is part of the belt of a kilt and a male abdomen. Comparison with the preceding piece (cat. no. UL 61) suggests that they originally may have belonged to the same figure of the king.

Catalogue of Life-size Male Figures in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III

UL 63 Bottom of Was-Scepter (pl. 424) 14.9 x 7.5 cm

00.996 (R/32d)

The piece is a patchstone with masonry edges at the top, bottom and right sides.

586

Preserved is the bottom of a large was-scepter that must originally have been held by a life-size deity or the king as both types of figures can carry this implement. 1047

UL 64 Top of Was-Scepter Facing Right (pl. 425) 13.6 x 12.1 cm

93.704 (S/31, S/30ab); 93.928 (S/31cd)

There is a vertical masonry edge on the left that cuts through the staff of the wasscepter. Depicted on the fragment are the center and bottom of the head of a large was-scepter facing right. A deity or the king held the implement.

UL 65 Top of Was-Scepter Facing Left (pl. 426) 14.8 x 6.2 cm

93.526 (R/31)

Remaining is the upper half of the head of a large was-scepter facing left and the curve into the staff. As is the case with the two preceding fragments (cat. nos. UL 63-64), the scepter was held by a deity or the king.

UL 66 Back of Kilt, Tail, Proper Left Hand and Ankh-Sign of Male Figure Facing Left (pl. 427) 26.6 x 13.2 cm

92.315; 92.316 (both S/30cd)

1047

Although it is more common for deities to hold the was-scepter, the king can also carry it; see von Bissing, Re-Heiligtum, vol. II, pls. 16-22; idem, vol. III, pl. 19; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 50. See also Martin, “Was-Zepter,” cols. 1152-54.

587

Preserved on this fragment are sections of a life-size, proper left hand holding an ankhsign, buttocks, the proper left thigh and the ceremonial tail of a male figure facing left. The remains of a diagonal line across the garment indicates that the figure wore a kilt, neither side of which appears to have had pleats. As was noted above (cat. no. UL 54), the king’s kilt is generally pleated on both sides and in addition he does not usually hold the ankh-sign. 1048 However, as was also noted, male deities wearing kilts do not seen to have had ceremonial tails in Senwosret III’s complex. Thus it cannot be determined if this figure depicts the king or a deity, and in either case, the depiction does not conform to the proposed conventions for rendering garments in Senwosret III’s pyramid complex.

UL 67 Fist Facing Right Holding Object (pl. 428) 17.8 x 12.9 cm

96.355/2 (T/30b); 00.917/1 (R/32d); 00.1086 (R/31ab); 01.607

(prob. U/29) There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece above the thumb. There is a vertical masonry edge that cuts through the fingers; the fragment has been glued across the vertical masonry edge. This life-size male hand facing right seems to have grasped a stick or stave, a small piece of which remains across the bottom left of the palm. Neither the identity of the figure nor the action can be determined.

1048

According to Baines (“Inundation Stela,” p. 48), kings rarely hold ankh-signs. However, they do tend to carry the object in scenes where they are recipients of divine favor.

588

UL 68 Male Arm Crossing Torso(?) (pl. 429) 17.6 x 15.2 cm

00.115 (T/32b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top that cuts through the arm. The fragment seems to preserve part of the overlapping arm and torso of a life-size male figure. The direction and action cannot be determined.

UL 69 Proper Left Leg and Tail of Male Figure Facing Left (pl. 430) 32.3 x 18.8 cm

00.961 (Q/31d); 01.260/2 (R/32); 01.390/1, /2 (R/32); 01.399

(Q-R/32); 01.417/2 (Q/32); 01.428/1 (Q-R/32) Either a standing king or a male deity is represented by this proper left calf, ankle and ceremonial tail, which face left. The action in which the figure was engaged cannot be determined.

UL 70 Male Heel on Groundline Above Dado Facing Right (pl. 431) 21 x 10.6 cm

00.602 (Q/31d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top that must have cut through the ankle area of the foot. This fragment and the following three (cat. nos. UL 71-73) all preserve parts of male feet on the groundline above the dado. The fragments provide important evidence that at least some life-size figures stood directly above the dado, in contrast to those that

589

were above depictions of fecundity figures (see above). 1049 One of these figures may originate from the square antechamber, where a life-size depiction of the standing king facing deities is to be expected. 1050 Preserved on this fragment is part of a rounded heel facing right resting on the groundline above the dado. The piece cannot be part of the knee of a kneeling fecundity figure, because one would expect plant stems in the large are of background that occupies most of the piece (compare with pl. 386).

UL 71 Male Heel on Groundline Above Dado Facing Left (pl. 432) 14.4 x 8.2 cm

99.507 (V/30)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that must have cut through the ankle area of the figure. Part of a male heel facing left on the groundline above the dado remains on this piece. Along the left edge of the fragment, the surface of the heel curves down towards the contour of the arch.

UL 72 Male Foot Facing Right with Arch on Groundline Above Dado (pl. 433) 20.9 x 10.3 cm

01.478 (T/33ab)

1049

For the development of figure scenes in Old Kingdom pyramid temples, see Do. Arnold, “Royal Reliefs,” pp. 83-101. In the pyramid temple of Userkaf, the king stands above female domains (Labrousse, Complexes funéraires d’Ouserkaf, vol. 1, p. 83, vol. 2, p. 55, fig. 120) in a manner that recalls the scenes in the Snefru’s so-called valley temple, where large-scale scenes are place above a procession of nomes (Fakhry, Temple Reliefs, pp. 17-58). 1050 See Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 46, 50.

590

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece that cuts through the top of the foot. Preserved on this fragment are parts of a life-size male foot standing on the groundline above the dado. Only a small piece of the foot itself is preserved, but the line of the broken edge just above the groundline indicates the original curve of the foot’s arch. Since the curve seems to be steeper at left and more gradual at right, the foot and the figure probably faced right.

UL 73 Male Toe Facing Left on Groundline Above Dado (pl. 434) 2.9 x 5.7 cm

01.347/1 (Q/33)

A small piece of a male toe facing left remains on this fragment. Below the toe is part of a broad line, identifiable as a groundline by the remains of black color. Its thickness indicates that it belongs above the dado.

Catalogue of Flying Birds in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III Depictions of Horus and Nekhbet flying protectively above the head of the king are standard elements not only in pyramid temple decoration, but also generally in royal relief. In most cases, the king faces the same direction as the flying bird.1051 Such images are associated with a wide variety of scene types.

1051

For an exception, see the chapel of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre at Dendera (Habachi, “Nebhepetre Menthuhotp,” p. 24, fig. 7).

591

UL 74 Horizontal Wing of Vulture Facing Left with Parts of Inscriptions Above and Below (pl. 435) 58 x 15.5 cm (preserved surface)

92.422 (S/30cd)

The inscription at the top of the block preserves parts of a b-sign and to the right possibly the determinative for Nekhen, indicating that the flying bird is a vulture. Below is part of the outstretched proper right wingtip, followed by ÿdt wæs s[nb], from a text stating that Nekhbet gives “[life], stability, dominion, health.” Below the s-sign are the ends of bee-wings from the nswt-bíty title of the king. All hieroglyphs, the flying vulture and presumably the king who sat or stood beneath them face left.

UL 75 Vertical Wing of Falcon Facing Right with Part of Inscription Above (pl. 436) 15.2 x 54.4 cm

93.542 (R/31); 94.450 (R/29b-30c)

Part of the vertically oriented proper right wing of a flying falcon facing right is depicted here. Above are parts of the ã- (Sign-list Aa1), crested-ibis- (Sign-list G25), and tæ-signs (Sign-list N17) from the word akhet, either meant as part of the deity name Horakhty or the word for “horizon.”1052 Below there must have been a depiction of the king also facing right.

1052

A similar inscription is found on a block from a structure built by Khufu and reused in a private tomb at Lisht North. According to Goedicke (Re-used Blocks, pp. 14-15), the more complete description describes “the house of the Great God(?) in the horizon.” The expression also occurs in other temples, including the White Chapel of Senwosret I (Lacau, Chapelle de Sésostris Ier, pp. 146-47, pls. 13, 20, 35). According to Lacau, the use of the long sandy-tract-sign (Sign-list N18) at the end of the word, instead of the sun-rising-over-themountains-sign (Sign-list N27) is an archaism.

592

UL 76 Above: Horizontal Wing of Horus Facing Right with Part of Inscription Above; Below: Inscription Containing ÿdt ënã with Vulture Form of Nekhbet Facing Left (pl. 437) 15.4 x 65.5

93.966 (S/29b); 98.1139 (S/28)

There are horizontal masonry edges at the top and bottom of the piece. The total height of the block is 80.5 cm. Preserved on this block is part of the horizontally oriented, proper right wingtip of a flying Horus facing right. In this context, Horus presumably sheltered a depiction of the king also facing to the viewer’s right. Above are parts of the hieroglyphs designating the city of Behdet. Below the wing are parts of ankh- and djed-signs that belong to blessings bestowed on the king, followed by the goddess Nekhbet in vulture form, who faces left and sits on a nb-sign. Because of the rightward orientation of the king, Nekhbet probably faced one of the king’s names, though in this case she did not offer the shen-sign. The ankh-sign depicted here would have originally been about 12.5 cm high, that is smaller than the same sign on catalogue number UL 57, which was originally about 16.5 cm high; the piece discussed here may have belonged to a scene with a smaller representation of the king. The surface of the piece is covered with small holes from the destruction process, a phenomena that has been observed on other fragments from the pyramid temple, particularly those from the area of the false door in the offering chamber.

Catalogue of Large-Scale Inscriptions in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III

593

UL 77 Cartouche and Epithets of King Reading from Right to Left (pl. 438) 26.6. x 11.2 cm

01.355 (R/33)

Preserved at right is part of a vertically oriented Khakaure cartouche identifiable by the small surviving corner of a ka-arm. To the left and reading from right to left is ãt, presumably part of the king’s designation as “lord of action.” Further to the left is the edge of what seems to be a rë-sign (Sign-list N5), identifiable by its shape and remains of red color. The inscription reads from right to left.

UL 78 Two Ladies Name and Cartouche of King Reading from Right to Left (pl. 439) 32 x 12 cm

93.825 (R/31)

To the right is part of a quail-chick-sign, probably from Senwosret III’s Two Ladies name Netjerikheperu. To the left is part of a vertically oriented Khakaure cartouche (prenomen). The inscription reads from right to left. The style, scale and quality of this piece and catalogue number UL 77 suggests that they may have belonged to the same block, but an attempt to fit them together was unsuccessful.

UL 79 Horus Name of King Facing Snake Form of Wadjet on a nb-Sign (pl. 440) 36.9 x 52.8 cm

96.282 (T/31b); 96.958 (S/31c)

The piece to the right is a patchstone with vertical masonry edges at the right and left. The fragment to the left has a vertical masonry edge at right that cuts through the center of the Horus name.

594

The block preserves part of the king’s vertically oriented Horus name (left) facing Wadjet on a nb-sign (right). Parts of the claws and the front edge of the Horus body remain. Below is most of the king’s Horus name Netjerikheperu facing right and at the lower right a small piece of the palace façade. Only the edge of Wadjet’s outermost coil remains facing left, with part of the neb-sign and papyrus flower below. Between the Horus name and the now missing stem of the papyrus plant is the phrase dí.s “she gives.” On the right side of the stem were presumably ankh- and was-signs. The block certainly originated above a large-scale depiction of the king facing right.

UL 80 Inscription Containing snb mí Reading from Left to Right and Corner Block Border (pl. 441) 29.4 x 23.4 cm

00.222 (S/32a)

The large-scale inscription contains parts of n- and b-signs from the word snb “health” followed by a mí-sign, from the phrase mí Rë ÿt “like Re forever.” The vertical inscription reads from left to right. The mí Rë ÿt formula generally occurs at the end of a text, suggesting that the block originates from near the bottom of a scene. To the right is part of a vertical block border adjoining the corner of the wall. The background seems to preserve traces of blackish color, a feature that has been observed in relation to the false door wall of the offering chamber and other locations.

UL 81 Parts of Three Columns of Inscription Reading from Right to Left and Corner Block Border (pl. 442)

595

48.4 x 21.3 cm

94.455 (R/29b-30c); 96.872 (T/31b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece. Preserved on this piece are three columns of inscription facing left towards a vertical block border that marked the corner of a wall. The column at left reads …t dí.n n.k “… I have given to you…” The middle column states …nb æwt íb [nb] “… all…?…[all] joy.” The last column includes the edges of the four hieroglyphs, but only the two center ones can be deciphered nb pt “lord of the sky.” To the left is part of a vertical corner block border. That the hieroglyphs read from right to left is indicated by the direction of the æw-sign (Sign-list F40) in the center column. The inscription is unusual in several respects. First, as was noted above in the discussion of the false door wall (p. 451), it is uncommon for a speech made by a deity to face a wall corner rather than the king. The text could not have belonged to a doorframe, because additional vertical stripes adjoining a block border seem to be features found only at wall corners. The text also does not seem to conform to the speeches found in the square antechamber, some of which do face wall corners, because in those inscriptions each column begins with ÿd-mdw dí.n n.k, which does not seem to be the case here (see pls. 48-49). Instead the inscription may start by designating a deity, the name of which ends with the t-sign preserved at the top of the first column. The phrase “lord of the sky” most likely refers to a deity depicted below. The type of scene to which the inscription could have belonged is uncertain, but it must have been one that in some way continued on the adjacent wall.

596

Catalogue of Depictions of the King’s Ka in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III Numerous scenes from Old Kingdom pyramid temples depict the king followed by his ka. Included among them are tableaus in which the pharaoh symbolically controls chaotic forces by hunting wild animals and smiting foreigners,1053 iconography that does not seem to have existed in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. In other instances, including in the offering chamber and along the causeway, the ka stands behind the enthroned king. 1054 The king’s ka does not seem to have appeared in the square antechamber. 1055 Since the ka seems to assume human form in the offering chamber, 1056 it is possible that the male figure may originate from the north wall of this room. The ka-standard must come from one of the ritual scenes in either the “entrance chamber” or the “statue chamber.”

UL 82 Back of Head of Ka-Figure Facing Right with Part of Inscription Behind (pl. 443) 29.5 x 23.2 cm

00.642/1 (Q/30c); 00.1034 (Q/31c)

Preserved from this male figure facing right is part of the back of his head and the proper right shoulder. Curving away from the hair is a narrow streamer that identifies 1053

Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 17; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 28-29, pl. 8 (smiting foreigners); pp. 9-10, pls. 36-37, 39, 41 (smiting a gazelle); idem, vol. 3, pls. 30-31 (carrying a bow); pls. 32, 34 (hunting hippos); pls. 36-37 (smiting foreigners). 1054 Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 42, pls. 61, 65, 91 (offering chamber); idem, vol. 3, pls. 19-20 (causeway); Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 35 (uncertain location). For a list of appearances of the ka in Old Kingdom pyramid temples, see Stockfisch, Untersuchungen zum Totenkult, vol. 1, pp. 310-11. 1055 The ka-figure is omitted in Jéquier’s reconstructions of the wall decoration (Pepi II, vol. II, pp. 36, 40, pls. 46, 50). 1056 There is admittedly only one secure example from a pyramid temple offering chamber (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 61). However, the ka-figure behind the king in north chapel of Pepi I also seems to have a human form (Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, p. 128 fig. 29).

597

the figure as a depiction of the king’s ka. 1057 Behind the figure is the part of the standard inscription dí ënã ÿdt “ gives life and stability.”

UL 83 Part of Inscription Facing Right with Top of Horus’s Crown from Ka-Figure and Protective Inscription for King; Corner Block Border at Left (pl. 444) 50.1 x 30.5 cm

94.192 (no findspot recorded)

Three elements remain on this block. To the right is the top of a double crown, which based on its scale and position must come from a falcon sitting atop the king’s vertically oriented Horus name facing right. To the left is a section of text …wn.f ãnty [kæw ënãw]… “… may he be foremost [of the living kas(?)]...” At left is a vertical block border that adjoined the corner of the wall. The position of the Horus name in front of a protective text that is normally found behind the king suggests that the name belonged to a depiction of the royal ka. If the Horus name had belonged to an inscription listing the king’s names, titles and epithets, it would have been placed higher on the wall, above the king, and farther from the corner.

UL 84 Horus Name and Ka-Standard Facing Right (pl. 445) 44.2 x 60.5 cm

93.128/4 (S/30ab); 93.472 (S/30ab); 93.527/5 (R/31); 93.1381

(S/29bc); 96.1364 (T/29b); 00.603 (Q/31d); 00.764/6 (T/33d); 03.159/2 (R/33c) Preserved on this piece are portions of the king’s vertically oriented Horus name facing right: part of the tail and wing of the Horus, the top of the netjer-sign, most of the 1057

For examples, see Lauer, Téti, pp. 66-67, no. 10, fig. 24; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pls. 41-42, 61, 65; Lacau, Chapellle de Sésostris Ier, pls. 15, 30, 40.

598

kheper-beetle, most of the quail chick and a portion of the palace façade below. To the right, is a very crudely rendered arm and hand, indicating that the Horus name belongs to a depiction of the king’s ka. Farther right is part of the staff of the human-headed standard held by the figure, also roughly rendered. It is not clear why this portion of the relief is so poorly done, particularly when the signs at the top of the Horus name are of noticeably better quality. To the left is a vertical line that either belonged to a section of text behind the ka-figure or more likely to a vertical corner block border.

UL 85 Arms and Pole of Ka-Standard Facing Right (pl. 446) 23 x 17 cm

96.338 (T/30c)

Part of a non-human ka-standard is depicted here, facing right. 1058 Preserved are parts of both arms, bent at the elbows, and the central stick supporting the standard. The arm at left probably held a horizontally oriented feather and the arm at right a pole on top of which was a royal head. The Horus name would have been above the arms.

DOORWAY INSCRIPTIONS OF UNCERTAIN LOCATION

Introduction

1058

A similar ka-standard is found in the pyramid temple of Sahure, in a scene in which the standing king makes an offering to Bastet (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 35). Another similar standard may have originally existed behind the enthroned king in the same pyramid complex. Because the remaining pieces of the ka seem to have been fairly short, it seems more likely that a standard was depicted rather than a human figure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pl. 42). The standard is found behind a depiction of the running or smiting king in the vestibule of Pepi II’s pyramid temple (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 40).

599

Pyramid False Door

Statue Chamber? 6

7 1 Proposed Temple Entrance

8

Entrance Chamber?

Offering Chamber

5

2

Square Antechamber 3

4

Platform

Figure 6. Plan showing numbered doorway sides in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Not to scale. See also plate 10.

In the previous chapters, four sides of doorways were discussed: exterior (no. 1; pl. 13), square antechamber entrance (no. 2; pls. 155-56, 167-74), square antechamber exit (no. 3; pls. 35-43, 48, 50) and offering chamber (no. 4; pls. 355, 457). Door nos. 2 and 4 (entrance of square antechamber and offering chamber) continued the decoration of the wall surface without special embellishment. Door no. 1 (exterior) had a heraldic lintel, and door no. 3 (exit of square antechamber) had a combination of

600

a winged sun disk and a heraldic lintel. However, preserved pieces indicate that there were at least two to three other sides of doorways in the temple, one or two with heraldic lintels (nos. 5 and 6; cat. nos. UL 86, pl. 447; UL 87, pls. 448-49) and one with a winged sun disk (no. 7; cat. no. UL 92, pls. 455-56). None of the three can belong to the previously discussed lintels of the same type because they are somewhat smaller in scale or because they do not correspond to the surrounding wall decoration. The reduced scale of two of the pieces may indicate that they come from two doorways in the same room. One heraldic lintel (no. 5) may belong to the exit from the room that has been tentatively designated the “entrance chamber” to the square antechamber. In that case it would have stood on the opposite side of the doorway that included part of the left facing deity procession (see pls. 155-56, 167-74). Another heraldic lintel piece (no. 6) could originate from the proposed exit of the statue chamber. Because it has ceiling stars on its underside, the winged sun disk (no. 7) cannot be reconstructed above either heraldic lintel (nos. 5 and 6).1059 It may originate from the entrance to the room designated as a “statue chamber.” Also recovered were several pieces from projecting, inscribed doorframes, some of which preserve parts of the rounded doorjambs and surrounding block borders. It seems most likely that these frames belonged to the same doorways as the heraldic lintels, which projected a few centimeters outwards from the wall surface. Offering an important clue to the placement of the winged disk lintel no. 7 is the direction of the stars on the soffit. As is clearly shown by horizontally oriented

1059

As was done with the winged sun disk in the square antechamber, see pp.117-36.

601

bands of stars placed above registers of decoration, the Egyptian five-pointed star had a single arm on the top, two arms at the sides pointing upwards and two splayed arms on the bottom. Often ignored in publications, ceiling stars were arranged in offset horizontal rows that have the same top to bottom orientation as the stars decorating bands above registers of wall scenes. The question now arises as to whether or not the stars had a particular orientation in relation to the cardinal points. Although relatively few Old or Middle Kingdom monuments preserve evidence as to how ceilings were oriented, it does appear that stars sometimes faced in a particular direction. Observing ceiling stars in royal burial chambers of the late Fifth to Sixth Dynasties, Labrousse has noted that during the reigns of Pepi I, Merenre and Pepi II, the stars were oriented with their tops to the west. 1060 Such a direction reflected the actual east to west path of the stars across the night sky. From the Middle Kingdom, evidence of ceiling star orientation is preserved in two private tombs. In the burial chamber of Senwosretankh at Lisht, most famous for the pyramid texts inscribed on its walls, photos clearly show that the tops of the ceiling stars were oriented towards the west. 1061 In the statue recess

1060

Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 1, p. 136; Labrousse, L’architecture des pyramides, vol. 2, pp. 25-26, 33-34, 40-41, 64-65, 71, 85, 90-91, 94-95, p. 137 figs. 75-76, p. 139 fig. 79, pp. 143-44 figs. 84-86, p. 146 fig. 89, p. 168 fig. 131, p. 170 fig. 134, p. 173 figs. 137-38, p. 191 fig. 161, p. 195 figs. 167-68, p. 196 fig. 172. See also Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 17. Another example of east-west oriented ceiling stars may originate from doorway G in the pyramid temple of Teti, a north-south oriented passageway that lead from the statue chamber to storerooms to the north. A displaced block found near the doorway seems to have stop face visible in the photo that if positioned above the doorway would orient the tops of the stars to the west (Lauer, Téti, pls. XIVA, B, XXXV; the smooth edge above a rougher masonry edge in pl. XIVB appears to be the stop face). 1061 Hayes, Se’n-Wosret-ëankh, pl. 1.

602

of the tomb chapel of Ukhhotep at Meir (C, no. 1), a similar east to west orientation was recorded. 1062 Several pieces of evidence suggest that an east to west orientation of ceiling stars also existed in the pyramid complex of Senwosret III. Most important are the stars remaining on the soffit of the doorway located on the offering chamber’s south wall, which was discussed in relation to that room (pls. 355, 457). Although only parts of a few stars remain, enough is still visible to show clearly that they were not aligned with the direction of the doorway, but rather at a right angle to it (pl. 457). Careful examination indicates that the top of the stars point towards the west, as would be expected for a south-north oriented doorway. 1063 Other examples of ceiling stars in the complex may show a similar orientation, but it cannot be decisively determined whether the tops of the stars faced east or west.1064 In sum, it appears that from the reign of Pepi I on, ceiling stars were oriented with their tops to the west, imitating their path across the night sky as seen from the earth. 1065 Their orientation can be used as an aide to determining the original position

1062

Blackman, Meir, pt. VI, pp. 32-33, fig. 2. The soffit was published separately from the rest of the lintel in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 53, pl. 36F; see also Oppenheim, in Arnold Senwosret III, p. 142, pl. 161c. In the published drawing, the east-west alignment of the stars is not clear. However, a revised drawing (unpublished) does show such an orientation and it also is visible on photos. 1064 A piece of one of the tympana found in the east chapel of queen’s pyramid 3 connects to a section of the vaulted ceiling with east-west oriented stars (Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 65; MMA photos DH96:494, 498). The vault of the king’s north chapel has east-west aligned stars (unpublished). In addition, the ceiling of a granite shrine or naos from Senwosret III’s south temple has stars on that align with the depth of the structure. However, the orientation of the chapel within the south temple is uncertain (Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 104, pl. 143C no. 1). 1065 Note that the Egyptians believed of motion below the earth was the reversed west to east. Therefore the ceiling stars are depicted in accordance with the sky directly above the temple roof; for the reversal of direction in depictions of solar barks, see E. Thomas, “Solar Barks,” 1063

603

of displaced fragments. Returning to the winged sun disk lintel no. 7 mentioned above, the partial star on its soffit retains the two bottom arms, which are directly adjacent to the lower corner of the lintel. Using the orientation of the ceiling stars discussed above, one can surmise that the lintel originated from a west wall and faced east, thus orienting the tops of the stars on the soffit towards the west. Such an alignment eliminates the possibility that the lintel comes from the offering chamber, as such rooms are not known to have doors on their east or west walls. Also excluded is the square antechamber, as the door in its west wall has a lintel with depictions of enthroned deities (see above, pp. 248-56). By process of elimination, it can be suggested that the lintel originated above the entrance to the proposed east-west oriented “statue chamber.”

Catalogue of Doorways of Uncertain Location in the Pyramid Temple of Senwosret III

UL 86 Upper Right Corner of Heraldic Lintel with Horus and Sundisk Facing Left (pl. 447) 26.3 x 17.3 cm

96.443/1 (S/32d); 96.481/1 (S/32d); 00.314 (S/33a); 00.652/1

(R/30b)

pp. 65-79. In contrast, Allen (“Reading a Pyramid,” p. 24) has observed that the solar passage in burial chambers inscribed with pyramid texts runs reflects the night, that is it runs from west to east. In the New Kingdom there is some evidence that at least in royal tombs ceiling stars could have different alignnments (see R. Wilkinson, “Path of the Sun,” p. 78). In a doorway of Tuthmosis III at Semna, the ceiling stars point to the east (Caminos, Semna-Kumma, vol. I, pls. 6, 48). A thorough analysis of developments in the New Kingdom and later are beyond the scope of this dissertation. The use and orientation of the lowly ceiling star might make an interesting study in its own right.

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The piece can be identified as originating from a door lintel by the vertical line and undecorated border to the right, which matches the borders found on the large heraldic lintel from the square antechamber. Three elements are preserved from the upper right corner of the lintel: a cobra with an ankh-sign hanging from the base of its hood facing left, which was originally wrapped around a sun disk; the body and tail of a Horus falcon facing left, who presumably sat on top of the king’s vertically oriented Horus name; and the edge of a shen-sign to the left of the bird’s breast that must have been carried either by Nekhbet or Wadjet. The elements are slightly reduced in scale compared with the heraldic lintel from the square antechamber, meaning that they belonged to a somewhat smaller doorway. The piece originally may have belonged to the same doorway as catalogue number UL 87.

UL 87 Left: Parts of Two Registers from Uncertain Scene; Right: Block Border and Raised Border of Heraldic Lintel (pls. 448-49) 33.4 x 56.8 cm

92.630/7 (S/30cd); 93.125 (S/30ab); 00.578/1 (Q/30c)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece that cuts through the lower register 36 cm below the bottom of the star band. Parts of three elements are preserved on the block. In the upper left is the lower part of a register from which only the right end of the groundline remains. Above is a fairly large area of background with no evidence of inscriptions or figures. Below is a star band with stars that are faintly carved, followed by an enigmatic object that is probably a hieroglyph. The top of the object is rounded and the sides that widen downwards;

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below are a series of curving, colored stripes and, to the right, the edge of a line that curves outwards and then becomes vertical. The object could be the hieroglyph for “east,” (Sign-list R15), but the same sign in the square antechamber is rendered in a somewhat different manner (cat. no. SA 41, pl. 62). To the right is a vertical block border, followed by a broad, raised, undecorated surface that can only belong to the edge of a heraldic lintel (compare pls. 36-37, 39). Because there is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom and because the preserved portion of the raised border is about 12 cm at its widest point, the border is likely to originate from the bottom left corner of the lintel. An original location for the piece in the offering chamber can be eliminated because it appears that another lintel type decorated the room’s sole doorway. The block cannot belong to the lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber because the combined 4.5 cm width of the groundline and star band is noticeably narrower than the approximately 7 cm width of these features in the square antechamber. In addition, the large undecorated area in the upper register does not conform to what is known of the room’s design. If the admittedly speculative reconstruction of the pyramid temple’s ground plan is correct, then the lintel could not have originated from the east door in the “entrance” chamber, which would have lead into the square antechamber, because the left side of the lintel was very close to the wall corner and space would have been insufficient to accommodate registers with scenes. Following the proposed ground plan, the only position that the lintel could have occupied would have been the east side of the doorway that lead out of the

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“statue” chamber (fig. 6 no. 6). It is uncertain what was depicted in either of the two registers remaining on the piece, though if the hieroglyph at the top of the second register is an east-sign, the scenes may be related to one of the fecundity figure groups. 1066 Note that the size and style of the groundline and star band in catalogue number UL 17 is similar to that on the block under discussion here.

UL 88 Right Side of Doorframe with Parts of Two Columns of Inscription Facing Left (pl. 450) 39 x 39.4 cm

93.539 (R/31); 00.333 (S/32a); 00.385 (S/32b)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece, below the sæ Rë. The piece has a broad, undecorated border on the right that steps down to a vertically oriented block border, a small piece of which is visible in the lower right corner. Both of these details identify the piece as part of a doorframe. The block border at a lower level is not sunk, but rather shows that the frame and its adjoining lintel projected slightly above the surface of the wall, a characteristic of heraldic lintels and their adjoining doorframes. The leftward orientation of the hieroglyphs indicates that the piece comes from the right jamb. Two columns of inscription list the names and epithets of the king. At left, the only identifiable hieroglyph is the bottom of a ms-sign, presumably from the Two Ladies name of Senwosret III, Netjerymesut. To the right are the epithets …nb tæwy sæ Rë… “… lord of the two lands, the son of Re…;” the name Senwosret presumably immediately followed below. Based on the similar 1066

For fecundity figures associated with certain directions, see Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 29-30; note that these figures are associated with north and south.

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position of the masonry edges and the complementary inscription, the piece probably originally stood to the right of catalogue number UL 89. The width of the undecorated border at right is 8.5 cm and the right column of text is 18.2 cm wide between the two dividing lines; the left border and dividing line of catalogue number UL 89 are 10.5 cm wide. Thus the total width of the doorframe can be estimated at about 57.7 cm, excluding the corner block border, which may have been about 8-9 cm wide. Comparison of the drawings of the doorframe under discussion here and the heraldic lintel from the square antechamber reveals that the inscription columns and border of the doorframe are somewhat narrower than those on the lintel. However, there is a border at the bottom of the door lintel that separates it from the jambs below, meaning that the columns of text on the jamb were not necessarily aligned with the vertically arranged elements on the lintel. It is thus not possible to state definitely if this doorframe belonged below the square antechamber lintel or framed another doorway.

UL 89 Right Side of Doorframe with Part of One Column of Inscription Facing Left and Piece of Rounded Jamb (pls. 451-52) 27 x 15.6 cm

93.442 (R/30cd); 98.563 (R/27); 00.625/1 (Q/31d)

There is a horizontal masonry edge at the bottom of the piece below the t-signs. The rounded doorjamb on the left side of the piece shows definitively that it belonged to the right side of a doorway. Preserved from the doorframe is most of the royal epithet nswt-bíty conventionally translated as “King of Upper and Lower Egypt.” Part

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of the prenomen Khakaure, which must have immediately followed on the block below, seems to have been preserved on another fragment (cat. no. UL 90).

UL 90 Right Side of Doorframe with Rounded Jamb and Edge of Cartouche (pl. 453) 16.9 x 26.9 cm

92.340 (S/30d); 98.435/2 (R/28)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the top of the piece, just above the top of the cartouche. The piece preserves part of a curved doorjamb, a broad, undecorated border with a vertical line at the right end and the edge of a vertically oriented cartouche. Near the bottom of the cartouche is a small corner from the bottom left of a hieroglyph, probably a ka-sign. The position of the horizontal masonry edge at the top of the block suggests that it originally stood below catalogue number UL 89.

UL 91 Doorframe with Cartouche (pl. 454) 24 x 20 cm

93.608 (R/31); 93.979/3 (S/29b); 93.1080 (S/29bc)

There is a horizontal masonry edge across the bottom of the piece between the kasigns. On the left is a broad border with a vertical line indicating that the fragment comes from a doorframe and on the right is part of a vertically oriented Khakaure cartouche (prenomen). A second vertical line of text, presumably the Senwosret cartouche, would have been to the right. If this doorframe followed the pattern of the one discussed above (cat. nos. UL 88-90), the Khakaure cartouche (prenomen) would have

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belonged to the first column of text directly to the right of the door opening, meaning that this piece could not have come from the same doorway as catalogue numbers UL 88-90. The width of the text column is similar to those on catalogue numbers UL 8890.

UL 92 Door Lintel with Winged Sundisk and Soffit with Stars (pls. 455-56) 22.3 x 11.1 cm (wing); 21 x 6.2 cm (stars)

98.559 (R/27, upper)

The block has two decorated faces: a vertical one with part of a winged sundisk and a horizontal one that belonged to the soffit of a doorframe. Preserved from the winged sundisk are feathers with rounded and pointed ends from its left side. Below are the horizontal line and broad undecorated border that have been observed on other lintels. Since the feathers are slightly smaller than those on the winged disk from the square antechamber (cat. no. SA 20, pl. 35), this piece must originate from another doorway. On the soffit are the two bottom arms from one star, the top of which must have pointed away from the lintel. 1067 As was discussed above, the tops of the stars are likely to have faced west, meaning that this lintel must have originated from the west wall of a room. It is tentatively suggested that the lintel originated from the entrance to the “statue chamber” (fig. 6 no. 7). 1067

A fragment preserving parts of a winged sun disk lintel and a soffit with ceiling stars was found in the mortuary temple of Senwosret III at Abydos. A second, similar piece preserves the bottom of a lintel of uncertain type and two ceiling stars from the soffit. In both cases, the stars point away from the lintel. Although the cardinal alignment of the Abydos temple does not correspond the traditional east-west orientation known from Memphite temples, one might suggest that the tops of the stars were here oriented towards local west and the tomb structure built for Senwosret III. The lintels would therefore have come from doorways on the local west side of the temple. See Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p.140, fig. 55, nos. 2, 3, 144; Wegner did not consider the possible orientation of the lintel pieces.

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CONCLUSION: RITUAL SCENES OF UNCERTAIN LOCATION IN THE PYRAMID TEMPLE OF SENWOSRET III

The preceding discussion has isolated a number of large-scale, seemingly disparate scenes that, with some possible exceptions, could not have originated in either the square antechamber or the offering chamber, the subjects of the first two chapters. The question of where these scenes were placed and how they might (or might not) have been juxtaposed will now be addressed. The proposed ground plan of the pyramid temple, which will be discussed in detail in the conclusion to this dissertation, includes space for additional rooms in the southwest quadrant and it is here proposed that there were two. Although some possible locations for certain scenes can be presented, these must be taken as extremely tentative suggestions. Therefore no reconstructions of any of these walls will be offered. In addition to the large-scale figures of the king and divinities discussed above, several small pieces found in the pyramid temple area belong to an intriguing nautical scene, which is difficult to place (not illustrated). No extant fragments from Old or Middle Kingdom square antechambers or offering chambers contain such iconography. However, it is difficult to reconcile the small scale of Senwosret III’s nautical fragments with the much larger figures discussed in this chapter and the limited space available for the scenes. In pyramid complexes of the Old Kingdom, nautical scenes were generally

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placed in the valley temple, causeway, or the outer parts of the pyramid temple, 1068 areas that are either quite distant from the find spots of these fragments or nonexistent in Senwosret III’s complex. Old Kingdom nautical scenes appear to relate either to the transport of objects needed for the pharaoh’s temple or the king’s domination of foreign lands, themes that were probably excluded from the Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Since neither royal nor divine figures are preserved in connection with the admittedly scanty remains of Senwosret III’s nautical scene, 1069 the topic has not been considered in depth. 1070 Another point that should be mentioned is the possibility that the scenes originate from elsewhere in the Senwosret III complex. Nautical scenes are preserved in Senwosret III’s south temple and it is possible that in ancient times these pieces were somehow mixed with the debris of the pyramid temple. 1071

1068

For examples of Old Kingdom and Middle Kingdom nautical scenes, see Labrousse, Complexes funéraires d’Ouserkaf, vol. 1, pp. 70-73, docs. 13-15, 17, pp. 75-76, docs. 26-31; vol. 2, pp. 42-45 figs. 79-82, 84, pp. 47-48 figs. 93-98; Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. II, pls. 9-14; Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, p. 123 doc. 116; Labrousse, Le temple d’acceuil du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 79-81 docs. 27-30. Labrousse, La chaussée du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, pp. 24-32 docs. 11-21, pp.139-44 figs. 23-35; Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, pl. 105; Naville, XIth Dynasty Temple, pt. 1, pl. XIV; pt. III, pl. XIII. For discussions of some aspects of nautical scenes in Old Kingdom pyramid temples, see Oppenheim, in no editor, Age of the Pyramids, pp. 318-27; Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 250-56. 1069 The scene could have included a depiction of the king. However, in his discussion of the nautical scenes of Sahure, Baines (“Kingship before Literature,” pp. 140-41) doubts that a depiction of the king was included. 1070 An additional fragment depicts overlapping figures of women with pendulous breasts; the scale of the figures suggests that they may be related to the nautical scene. Although they could be fecundity figures, their pose and arrangement argues against such an identification. For a preliminary discussion of these figures and the nautical scenes in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, see Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 139, pl. 158d, e. 1071 An example of pieces excavated far from their original location are small fragments of pyramid temple decoration have been found in the king’s north chapel and vice versa; for one example, see here p. 390. No nautical scenes have been attested in the private mastabas north of the Senwosret III complex, eliminating this area as a source for the material; for fragments

612

As was noted above, six groups of fecundity figures have been isolated, two of which were assigned to the offering chamber. As fecundity figures have not been attested in square antechambers of either the Old or Middle Kingdoms, the remaining four groups probably originate from other rooms in the pyramid temple. The first group of fecundity figures seems to come from a fairly substantial procession enacting libation rituals. 1072 As was discussed above, the group may have been distributed between five registers each of which contained at least four figures (estimated total width 1.6-1.7 m). According to the suggested reconstruction, a scene of this width could be accommodated on the east and north walls of the “entrance chamber” or the north, west or south walls of the “statue chamber.” Since there are several examples of fecundity figure processions originating from entrance areas and causeways, 1073 one might be more inclined to place the group in the “entrance chamber.” Although the libation theme makes it tempting to associate the procession with the purification ritual, no direct connection exists between the two scenes and it is not even certain that they originate from the same room. In addition, the suggested 1.6-1.7 m width of this scene combined with the proposed 2.5 m width of the purification scene (see below) results in a wall over 4 m wide. According to the proposed reconstruction of the temple plan, the only wall that could accommodate such a scene would be the west wall of the “statue chamber.” If, as seems likely, this was the location of one or more statues, it of mastaba decoration, see de Morgan, Dahchour 1894, pp. 15-42; others will be included in Dieter Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation. 1072 According to Baines (Fecundity Figures, p. 107), the role of the jars is not clear, but may be related to purity. 1073 For fecundity figure processions in these locations in the pyramid complexes of Sahure, Unis and Pepi II, see above pp. 492-502.

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would be a seemingly unusual place for scenes that were probably related to entering the temple. Notable is that the purification scene at Medinet Madi, the only one of the Old or Middle Kingdoms that survives on a standing wall, is not associated with fecundity figures of any kind (see above). The meaning of fecundity figures enacting libation rituals is uncertain, and may relate generally to the granting of life1074 or ritual purity. It is also possible that the group was placed on the north side of the east wall of the “statue” chamber and is related to one of the heraldic door lintels (cat. no. UL 87, pls. 448-49). Although the proposed width of the libation scene is a bit too broad to be accommodated on the wall, the width of the scene is only estimated and it is uncertain whether or not the door was really centered, as it is in the proposed reconstruction. 1075 Less can be said about the original position of the second group of fecundity figures, which includes a smæ-tæwy scene and possibly at least a short fecundity figure procession under the enthroned king. As mentioned above, there may have been a pair of similar depictions. Since only a narrow section of the scene survives, it is not possible to estimate its width. The ritual in the upper register is also uncertain, but the male deity overlapping the throne suggests that a more complicated action is taking place, rather than a simple scene of the king facing deities or receiving rows of figures

1074

According to Baines (Fecundity Figures, pp. 306-16, esp. p. 316), “…the benefits of libation are correctly identified in the broadest way as life.” He goes on to say, “Nor should there be any attempt to reduce libation to a single meaning; its meaning varies with context…” 1075 Note, however, that one piece that could have originated from the libation scene adjoins a wall corner, not a doorway (cat. no. UL 13, pl. 369).

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in procession. Perhaps the king is receiving the breath of life. 1076 The scene probably could have been accommodated either on the west wall of the “entrance chamber” or the east wall of the “statue chamber,” where there is approximately 1.5 m of wall space available for a decoration on either side of their respective doorways. The male foot overlapping the throne and the cramped composition of the fecundity figure with the hetep-tray might be an indication that the available space was somewhat limited. This scene, or a possible companion (cat. nos. UL 14-19, pls. 370-75) could be connected to one of the heraldic door lintels (cat. no. UL 87, pls. 448-49). On the third tableau, the fecundity figures, they kneel while enacting the smætæwy ritual. As was discussed above, the preserved fragments indicate that there were two similar scenes, perhaps on opposite walls (cat. nos. UL 24, UL 29). The scenes were probably each about 215 cm wide; another 30 cm must be added for the two corner block borders, resulting in a total width of about 245 cm. Following the suggested reconstruction of the ground plan, the only place that facing scenes of these dimensions could be accommodated are the north and south walls of the “statue chamber.” In the present reconstruction these walls are about 260 cm wide, but there is no evidence whatsoever for the east-west length of the walls in either the “entrance chamber” or “statue chamber.” 1077 As a result, the seeming correspondence of the “statue chamber” walls to the width of the kneeling fecundity figures scene must be considered with extreme caution. Unfortunately, it is also not possible to understand 1076

For Old Kingdom examples of the enthroned king taking part in this ritual, see here p. 527. The length of the north-south walls is 4.2 m, based on the reasonable assumption that the rooms west of the square antechamber had east and west walls of the same length. Given the small area occupied by the pyramid temple, no other reconstruction seems possible. 1077

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the action performed by the enthroned king in the upper register. Since the space appears to have been somewhat limited, one could suggest that only one deity was present, perhaps simply addressing the king or presenting ankh-signs and the breath of life. One might further consider that the deities were goddesses who would more easily occupy the narrow spaces in front of the kings. Because only small fragments of the purification scene remain, its width cannot be reconstructed from the recovered fragments. The slightly better preserved purification scene in the temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre is estimated to have been 4.2 m wide. In Medinet Madi, the complete scene was much smaller, about 2.5 m wide. 1078 Given the overall size of the chambers and scenes in Senwosret III’s modest pyramid temple, a width of about 2.5 m for the purification scene seems more likely. Comparison with the placement of the purification at Medinet Madi suggests that Senwosret III’s scene might have originated from the “entrance chamber,” although the configuration of the two temples is quite different. If, as has been suggested above, the temple included a component with cult for deity, that location is most likely to have been the “statue chamber.” With the utmost caution, one could theorize that the purification scene was placed in the “entrance chamber,” where it could have been accommodated on either the east or north walls. 1079 After the ritual cleansing, the king 1078

Hirsch, Kultpolitik, p. 356 dok. 321c. One important caveat to the proposed placement for the purification scene is the direction of the king. As was discussed above, the king seems to generally face towards Horus and away from Seth regardless of how the scene was positioned in relation to the wall or other architectural features. Thus in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, the king most likely faced right. If such orientation began as early as the Twelfth Dynasty, then placing the purification scene on either the north or east walls of the entrance chamber would result in the king facing away from the entrance to the “statue chamber.” As reconstructed, the walls on either side of the 1079

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would then enter the statue chamber to meet both a deity and presumably his own statue. The life-size figures in the pyramid temple can be summarized as follows. First, the evidence from both the surviving fragments as well as the likely iconographic program of some rooms shows that a minimum of seven to eight depictions of the king existed in the temple: -

Two showed him enthroned on the north and south walls of the offering chamber.

-

One must have stood facing the deities in the square antechamber.

-

Two showed him enthroned above the pair of scenes with kneeling fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual; part of the head and inscription of one of these figures may be preserved on UL 57.

-

One (or two) showed him enthroned above 61.5 cm high standing fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual; as was noted above, there may have been two examples of this scene.

-

One stood in the center of the purification ritual. There were at least six to eight large deities, though it is quite possible that

there were more: -

Two figures, probably Horus and Seth, enacted a purification ritual.

door on the west wall of the entrance chamber are only about 1.5 m wide, seemingly too narrow for the scene. Further complicating this picture is the observation that the king does not always face towards the temple interior in purification scenes. For example, in room XII built by Hatshepsut in Karnak, the pharaoh faces outwards (Jéquier, L’architecture et la decoration, pl. 24 no. 3; Arnold, Wandrelief und Raumfunktion, pl. II; the scene is on the north wall and Hatshepsut faces west). As has been discussed above in connection with the square antechamber, the orientation of king and deities sometimes seems to clash with modern perceptions of what is “logical.”

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-

At least one figure in each of two scenes faced the enthroned king above the kneeling fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual.

-

Two figures flanked the king in the scene above the 61.5 cm high standing fecundity figures enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual. If the scene was shown two times, there would have been a total of four deities. The only identifiable deities are two life-size figures of Seth, and one falcon-

headed god, probably Horus. Possibly there was another falcon-headed deity paired with the second Seth, though this is uncertain. There also seems to have been one, life-size, unidentified goddess. Numerous parts of limbs, torsos and costumes remain from the life-size figures, the most interesting of which were described above. These fragments must originate from the kings and the gods, though for the most part it is impossible to try to assign them to specific figures. The ritual scenes discussed in this chapter seem to follow a pattern that was observed in the square antechamber, namely that the iconographic program concentrates on scenes in which the king interacts with deities, rather than those that have human participants. This tendency is most vivid in the square antechamber, where the rows of human figures best known from the lowest two registers in Pepi II’s square antechamber were replaced by deities. Although the offering chamber is filled with human figures serving as offering bearers, the trend is subtly visible in this room as well, since, as was discussed above (p. 391), Senwosret III’s offering bearers are identified only by generic titles and not specific names. Seemingly omitted from the pyramid temple’s decorative program were scenes such as the subjugation of foreigners,

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the homage of foreigners, and desert and marsh hunts that were prominent elements in earlier pyramid temples. In addition, despite circumstantial evidence that a deity, perhaps Horakhty, may have received cult in the pyramid temple along with Senwosret III, all identifiable themes relate only to the royal cult. If a deity was worshiped in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, he or she may have appeared only in the form of a statue. The iconographic themes presented in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, the justification for the reconstruction of the temple’s ground plan and the possible meaning behind the changes in architectural form and wall decoration will be addressed in the conclusion to this dissertation.

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CONCLUSION

To conclude this study, three main points will be addressed, aspects of which have been touched upon in the preceding chapters. First, how were the chambers of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple likely to have been arranged? Second, how were the elements of the decorative program distributed? Third, how can we understand the development of the pyramid temple in the late Twelfth Dynasty?

RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CHAMBER ARRANGEMENT IN SENWOSRET III’S PYRAMID TEMPLE

Introduction As was discussed in the introduction to this study, the only surviving in situ element of the pyramid temple is its mud brick subfoundation, a rough rectangle measuring between 18.5-18.95 m north-south and 14.8 m east-west (pls. 5-6, 9). 1080 Although it is possible that the subfoundation actually provides some information about the original arrangement of the temple’s chambers (see below), it is necessary to use other pieces of evidence to reconstruct the original appearance of the temple as no in situ walls or paving slabs have survived. Most of the clues as to the possible arrangement of the temple rooms have been gleaned from the iconographic themes found on relief fragments and the remains of architectural elements that survive either connected to the

1080

Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 49.

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decoration or as separate pieces. Particularly useful are those fragments that retain elements of the decorative program in combination with 1) portions of the top of the wall; 2) portions of the dado; 3) indications of wall corners; 4) elements of doorways; 5) indications of vaulted ceilings; 6) transitions between sections of the decorative program.

Arrangement of the Square Antechamber and Offering Chamber The proposed reconstruction of the chambers in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple has been built upon the typical shapes of the offering chamber and the square antechamber, as well as what seems to have been their standard spatial relationship during the Old Kingdom and the early Twelfth Dynasty. Thus, in essence, the temple has been reconstructed from the innermost rooms outwards (for the suggested reconstruction, see pl. 10). Although one cannot completely exclude the possibility that Senwosret III’s pyramid temple had an extraordinary form that radically departed from the arrangement of its predecessors, the generally conservative nature of Egyptian culture, the seeming lack of any compelling reason for such a divergence, 1081 and the evidence provided by the relief fragments themselves argues against such a prospect. Based on these suppositions, it can be stated with relative assurance that Senwosret III’s offering chamber was a rectangular space oriented east-west. Recovered fragments that seem to originate from the offering chamber preserve ample

1081

For example, the presence of earlier monuments that would have necessitated a change in ground plan. Such a situation altered the form of the Abusir pyramid complex of Niuserre; see Verner, Pyramids, pp. 311, 314; Stadelmann, Pyramiden, pp. 175-78.

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evidence that the room was decorated with the standard themes of the enthroned king, offering subjects and fecundity figures that traditionally covered the walls of such spaces (see Chapter 2). Some fragments also preserve parts of a decorated wall surface combined with the curve of a tympanum, indicating that the offering chamber had a traditional vaulted ceiling (cat. nos. OC 11, 14).1082 The direction of the rows of ceiling stars on the door lintel decorated with relief depictions of inscribed vessels and tables suggests that the chamber had a door in its south wall (pls. 355, 457). The passageway was presumably in the traditional position on the wall’s east end, as a door in another location would have disrupted the decorative program of the offering chamber’s south wall (see pp. 378-79). An aspect of the present reconstruction that may raise some objections is the proposed slight northward shift of the offering chamber, which diverges from the room’s traditional alignment with the center of the pyramid. Despite the discrepancy, no other position for the chamber seems to be possible. As was noted in Chapter 2, the offering chamber must have been approximately 5.25 m (10 cubits) wide (p. 457). If one were to align the center of the offering chamber with the center of the pyramid, the remaining space on either side of the chamber could have accommodated only extremely narrow rooms, even if the temple’s outer walls were presumed to be flush with the edges of the brick subfoundation. 1083 Thus a central offering chamber cannot

1082

For vaulted ceilings in offering chambers of the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties, see Jánosi, “Entwicklung und Deutung,” p. 156. Note that because of its unusual shape, the offering chamber of Raneferef had a flat ceiling (Verner, Raneferef, p. 153). 1083 According to the present reconstruction, the temple walls begin 3 cubits (1.575 m) inside the mud brick subfoundation. The setback distance has been suggested by Dieter Arnold

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be reconciled with the size of chambers needed to accommodate either the substantial ritual scenes of uncertain location or the extensive deity procession assumed to have decorated a square room (see below). A possible explanation for the northward shift of the offering chamber may be found in the position of the royal burial chambers, which were constructed northwest of their customary position in the center of the pyramid. 1084 The repositioning of the offering chamber and its key false door may have been an attempt to restore, at least in part, the traditional alignment of the two elements. 1085 The square antechamber must have been located south of the offering chamber, the conventional position of the room (see pp. 63-64). Based on evidence provided by the large heraldic door lintel (cat. no. SA 22, pl. 39), the passage between the two rooms was placed at the east end of the square antechamber’s north wall meaning that the east walls of the antechamber and offering chamber had a north-south alignment. Such a reconstruction departs somewhat from the standard relationship between the rooms, because the door leading out of the square antechamber and into the offering chamber was generally placed on the west side of the antechamber’s north wall. As a because a similar extension of the subfoundation has been observed around the foot of the pyramid (personal communication). Even if the distance were reduced, any rooms flanking a central offering chamber would have been still quite narrow. Structural considerations make it highly unlikely that the walls of the pyramid temple were flush with the edge of the mud brick subfoundation. 1084 For the position of Senwosret III’s burial chambers, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 32-43. 1085 The northward shift of the offering chamber still does not bring the false door into alignment with the burial chamber; see Arnold, Senwosret III, plan I. According to the reconstruction of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple presented here, the west wall of the offering chamber would have been more or less aligned with the southernmost portion of the tunnel dug behind the serdab of the king’s tomb. The tunnel appears to have been the work of Senwosret III’s builders rather than tomb robbers; it was extended by Jacques de Morgan. See here plate 1 and Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 32-33 fig. 7, 40-41 fig. 12, plan I.

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consequence, the east walls of the square antechamber and offering chamber would not have been aligned, but rather the square antechamber extended to the east of the offering chamber. As far as can be determined, the repositioning of the doorway in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple and the consequent alignment of the two chambers’ east walls must reflect the desire to construct a more compact structure.

Possible Location of Other Rooms in the Pyramid Temple Two possibilities can be suggested for the position of the room(s) that contained the large-scale ritual scenes discussed in Chapter 3: 1) the chambers were located east of the square antechamber and offering chamber, that is along the eastern edge of the temple; or 2) the chambers were placed in the southwest quadrant of the temple. In several respects positioning additional rooms east of the square antechamber and offering chamber is problematic. In order to accommodate rooms along the east edge of the temple, the reconstructed east-west length of the offering chamber would need to be much reduced, though the dimensions of the square antechamber and its position in relation to the offering chamber would remain unchanged. However, recovered fragments indicate that the offering chamber’s decorative program was substantial, meaning that the room cannot be radically shortened. Therefore any rooms positioned along the east edge of the chapel would have to be reconstructed as long, corridor-like spaces, which would seem to be ill-suited for the varied subject matter and scale of the ritual scenes presumed to originate from them. Placing rooms along the east edge of the temple would also necessitate a doorway in the east wall of the

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square antechamber, as movement through the temple must have required entering the square antechamber before the offering chamber. A doorway in the west wall of the square antechamber would still be required, since even if rooms are reconstructed along the east edge of the temple, there would have been space for a small chamber in the structure’s southwest corner. However, as was discussed above, considerations related to the decorative program of the square antechamber and earlier examples of the room indicate that it is unlikely to have had three doorways (see pp. 64-68). Based on these factors, one can discount the possibility that one or more corridor-like rooms were located on the east side of the temple. More probable is that the large-scale ritual scenes adorned two chambers that occupied the southwest quadrant of the temple. One perhaps served as an entrance chamber (see below), while the other may have housed one or more statues, the presence of which is attested by a number of preserved fragments. The reconstructed dimensions of these rooms are only approximate and based on the suggested widths of various segments of the decorative program (see pp. 611-19). One peculiarity of the statue chamber plan is that its doorway is seemingly reversed from the point of view of the human visitor to the temple. Normally as a visitor moved through a temple, he or she first entered the section of the doorway with the doorjamb, which in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple was rounded. 1086 As the visitor emerged into the following room, he or she walked through the section with the flat reveal (pls. 11-12). However, according to the present reconstruction, the portions of

1086

Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 53, pl. 35B, C.

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the doorway in the statue chamber are reversed, i.e. the person entering the statue chamber would first pass through the section with the reveal and then the rounded doorjamb (pl. 10). As was discussed above (pp. 601-4), the position of the doorjamb and reveal are suggested by the likely orientation of the soffit stars on a lintel fragment with part of a winged sun disk (cat. no. UL 92). If the reconstruction is correct, a possible explanation for the seeming discrepancy is that the doorway was oriented in relation to whatever might have been contained in the room, most likely one or more statues that would have been thought to symbolically or spiritually exit the chamber.1087 Similar seemingly “reversed” doorways are also found in other parts of Senwosret III’s complex, perhaps most notably in the king’s burial chambers, where the passages between the burial chamber and antechamber, serdab and antechamber and antechamber and connecting corridor all have such an orientation. 1088 The reversed doorways in the royal tomb were obviously oriented in relation to the deceased king, 1087

For the idea that the emergence of a statue is reflected in the construction of naos doors, see Fischer, “Egyptian Doors,” pp. 91-98. One cannot argue that the likely reversal of the doorway could be related to the conception that the spirit of the king exits his tomb through the false door and continues out from the offering chamber, as these rooms normally have jambs on the outer part of the door and a reveal on the inner part; for examples, see the pyramid temples of Sahure (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë, vol. I, pl. 16); Neferirkare (Borchardt, Neferir-ka-Reë, pp. 57-58, pl. 10); Niuserre (Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, pp. 59-60, pl. 28); DjedkareIsesi (Maragioglio, L’architettura, pt. VIII, pp. 78-80, pl. 14); Unis (Labrousse, Le temple haut du complexe funéraire du roi Ounas, fig. 32); and Pepi II (Jéquier, Pepi II, vol. II, p. 54, pl. 1). Note that one cannot exclude the possibility that statues were housed in the offering chamber. For the prospect that a statue was housed in the offering chamber of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre, see Arnold, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. II, Wandreliefs, pp. 30-31, fig. 6; idem, Königs Mentuhotep, vol. I, Architektur, pp. 85-86. Remains of a statue base were found in the offering chamber of Sahure, but it is uncertain if it originated from the room (Borchardt, Sahu-Reë¸ vol. I, p. 58). According to Cwiek (“Relief Decoration,” p. 35), there is no decisive evidence for a royal statue in the offering chamber. For the possibility that the square antechamber of Niuserre contained a statue, see Borchardt, Ne-user-Reë, p. 59; Rochholz, “Sedfest,” p. 267 n. 79; Stadelmann, Pyramiden, p. 176 (the reference in n. 508 is incorrect). 1088 Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 34-35, pls. 11d, 12-17, 19b, 23a.

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who was believed to emerge from his sarcophagus and tomb in spirit form, rather than with regard to human visitors. Indeed, after the interment the entrance to the burial place would have been blocked with stone or brick and the entrance shaft filled with sand. 1089 Similar reversed doorways are also found in the queens’ chapels of Senwosret III’s complex, perhaps again signaling that their primary orientation related to the emergence of the deceased rather than the entrance of human celebrants. 1090 Another irregularity in the reconstructed plan of the pyramid temple is the seeming absence of any storerooms. Although these features are quite prominent at the end of the Old Kingdom, they are small or even absent in the pyramid complexes of the Fourth Dynasty and the very beginning of the Fifth Dynasty. From the reign of Sahure on, storerooms take up a greater portion of the temple area and by the Sixth Dynasty they occupy the largest percentage of the pyramid temple precinct. 1091 Given that Senwosret III’s complex contained a number of archaistic features, one might suggest that the absence of storerooms at least partially belongs to this trend. 1092 It is also possible that when the pyramid temple was built the architects already envisaged the construction of some sort of “south temple” that would accommodate extensive storerooms. Yet there is no evidence that the south temple was conceived so early in the construction process and the completion of all enclosure walls tends to argue against 1089

Pyramid texts in royal tombs seem to have been oriented in accordance with the idea that the deceased individual would read them as he or she exited the tomb; see Allen, “Reading a Pyramid,” pp. 5-28, esp. pp. 23-24. 1090 The queens’ chapels will be published in Stünkel, Chapels of the Royal Women, in preparation. 1091 Bárta, “Location of the Old Kingdom Pyramids,” pp. 184-87. Storerooms in Old Kingdom complexes are reviewed in Verner, Raneferef, pp. 155-65. 1092 For archaistic features in the Senwosret III complex, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 121-22.

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such a theory. 1093 Finally, it may be the case that whatever cult was enacted in the small temple required only a limited amount of goods and implements, which either were brought to the temple as needed from another location, perhaps now-destroyed brick buildings in the complex, or could be discretely housed in rooms not dedicated solely to storage. 1094 An important consideration in the discussion of storerooms is that although they occupy conspicuously large areas in some Old Kingdom pyramid temples, it remains uncertain exactly how they were utilized. More specifically, were the goods housed in these rooms intended only for the cult of the deceased king, or did the spaces serve as general “treasuries” for the pharaohs? One could imagine that the pyramid complexes were considered more secure because of their secluded location in the desert, their limited number of entrances and their high enclosure walls. Thus it may be the case that the presence or absence of storerooms, precious objects and other commodities within the pyramid complex was not completely linked to the cult enacted in its temples, but rather such possessions were preferably housed in the greater security of the complex.

Subfoundation of the Pyramid Temple Although all of the pyramid temple’s pavement and foundation blocks were displaced by ancient stone robbers, most of its mud brick subfoundation remained intact,

1093

92. 1094

For the enclosure walls of the pyramid complex, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 19-25, 89For actual precious objects found in pyramid temples, see here n. 680.

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providing at the very least the maximum east-west and north-south dimensions of the structure (see above and pl. 9). Until the preparation of this study, the present excavators of the complex had believed and previously stated that the bricks were laid in a manner that simply facilitated the efficient distribution of the workers. As a result, any pattern perceived in the arrangement of the bricks was deemed insignificant and without any relation to the rooms that were later constructed above. 1095 Behind this supposition was the observation that since the bricks would have been covered by probably two layers of stone foundations followed by the paving slabs that carried the actual walls, there was little need for the lowermost level of the temple to in any way reflect the final appearance of the structure. Rather it was thought that the brick subfoundation was simply a rectangular platform that leveled and stabilized the area as a prelude to further, more refined work. During the preparation of this dissertation, it became apparent that the brickwork might in some way reflect the original interior form of the temple. Specifically, it appears that the northern half (right side) of the brick subfoundation preserves the shape of a long, east-west oriented rectangle, which is similar to the proposed form and position of the offering chamber. Further, the brick subfoundation in the southeast quadrant of the temple has a squarish appearance, suggesting that this could be the location of the square antechamber, a position that was first suggested by the common spatial relationship between the square antechamber and the offering chamber as well as the position of the heraldic lintel (cat. no. SA 22). The brick

1095

Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 48; Oppenheim, in ibid., p. 133.

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pattern found in the southwest quadrant of the temple seems to form a separate unit, which might correspond to the rooms thought to contain a variety of ritual scenes (see here Chapter 3). It must be stressed that the pattern of the pyramid temple’s brick subfoundation was not used during the formulation of the structure’s suggested room arrangement. Rather, once the present author had arrived at a possible reconstruction of the pyramid temple chambers, it was observed that the brickwork appeared to include patterns that resembled the proposed distribution of rooms. The arrangement of the bricks may therefore provide supporting evidence that the suggested reconstruction is correct; it was not used in the formulation of the proposed ground plan. One can only speculate that if the brick subfoundation does reflect the plan of the building, it may be the case that the architects for some reason required a rough, full-scale “model” of the proposed structure.

Entrance of the Pyramid Temple Most commonly, the main entrance to a pyramid temple was located on its east side at the end of a long causeway, which provided a secure and secluded route from the valley temple to the pyramid temple. Yet excavations in the pyramid complex of Senwosret III have thus far not yielded any indication that a finished causeway was attached to the king’s pyramid temple, but rather that one was built later in conjunction with the king’s south temple. 1096 The entrance to the pyramid temple was

1096

For the completed causeway that connected the presumed valley temple to the south temple, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 92-97. During the 2007 excavation season, remains of brick walls were uncovered north of and roughly parallel to the causeway that joins the east

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therefore not contiguous with a causeway and theoretically could have been placed in any of the temple’s walls. Because of the temple’s small size, it is assumed that it had only one entrance. A western entrance to the temple can be categorically ruled out because the structure directly adjoined the east face of the pyramid. A northern entrance to the temple also can be discounted, because the main access to the complex seems to have been from the south. In addition, at least according to the present reconstruction, an entrance on the north side of the pyramid temple would have led directly into the offering chamber, an arrangement that seems highly unlikely given that the room is the culminating ritual space of the temple. An entrance in the east must be quite seriously considered, as this is the standard position for the feature, though several points argue against an entrance in this position. First, according to the present reconstruction, a doorway on the east side of the pyramid temple would have led directly into either the square antechamber or the offering chamber. A direct entrance into the offering chamber seems implausible. Further, as has been discussed above, a doorway in the east wall of the square antechamber would result in a room with three passages, an arrangement that seems highly unlikely. Finally, the space between the east wall of the pyramid temple and the inner enclosure wall is rather narrow, meaning that not only would a visitor to the temple have had to squeeze into the confined space between the walls, but any ritual

side of the south temple. Although these walls cannot be directly connected to what appears to have been the original entrance to the complex (Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 22), they may belong to an unfinished causeway intended to link a valley temple to the original pyramid complex gateway.

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equipment introduced into the temple would have had to be maneuvered in the constricted space. Thus the most likely location for the entrance to the pyramid temple is along its south side, presumably in the southwest quadrant of the temple, rather than in the south wall of the square antechamber. Supporting this location is what seems to be an emphasis on the south side of the original pyramid complex, exemplified by the placement of the original gateway in the complex’s outer enclosure wall and perhaps also the position of the two largest subsidiary pyramids. 1097 In addition, most of the fragments that belong to the exterior door lintel (pl. 13) were recovered south of the pyramid temple, though because the pyramid temple fragments were scattered over a wide area, this last piece of evidence must be used with caution.

RECONSTRUCTION OF THE DECORATIVE PROGRAM IN SENWOSRET III’S PYRAMID TEMPLE

All major elements of the decorative program in Senwosret III’s square antechamber have been discussed in detail in the preceding three chapters. In order present a complete picture of how the wall relief is likely to have related to its architectural setting, a summary of the present understanding of the decorative program is presented here, arranged in the order in which the human visitor to the temple would have encountered it.

1097

Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 22, 75-86.

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First, the visitor would have viewed an elaborate pattern of inscription on the outside of the temple, which consisted of royal-name panels arranged vertically at the corners (pl. 14) and a horizontal inscription with the king’s names and titles across the top of the wall (pl. 15; see here pp. 18-19). The entrance to the temple, which was likely on the south side, was adorned with a heraldic door lintel (pl. 13). Although the exterior inscription will be the subject of a separate study, a few points about its content and meaning should be included here. The inscriptions do not provide any unambiguous information about the cultic meaning of the temple, but they do suggest that Horakhty and the bæw of Iunu played key roles, perhaps reflecting the heightened importance of the deities in relation to the royal cult. The emphatic and prominent display of the royal titulary accompanied by divine affirmation of the king’s status may have been intended to protect or define the area of the sacred precinct. 1098 Upon entering the temple from the south, the visitor was probably confronted by a number of ritual scenes, many of which featured life-size or near life-size figures. Most likely another room also decorated with large-scale scenes was located to the west, requiring the visitor to enter a doorway on the entrance chamber’s west wall. The second room perhaps housed one or more statues. Decorating the walls of the two rooms were a procession of fecundity figures enacting libation rituals, large-scale depictions of the enthroned king receiving actions initiated by deities and a purification scene. More precise suggestions for the distribution of these scenes can be found on pages 611-19. According to the present reconstruction, the route through the temple

1098

Such a theory was discussed briefly in Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 137.

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was neither linear nor followed a single route with changes in direction. Rather, the visitor would have first turned left into the presumed statue chamber, reversed direction, reentered the entrance chamber and then continued to the east to the square antechamber. Most pyramid temples of the Old Kingdom have non-linear pathways that lead successively from room to room, though there are exceptions to this type of arrangement. 1099 The need to retrace one’s steps is a prominent feature of New Kingdom temples, which often have rooms with different cultic functions arranged on either side of a central axis. The cult officiant could not enter all rooms in an uninterrupted succession. The passage between what is likely to have been the entrance chamber and the square antechamber must have been located at the north end of the entrance chamber’s east wall. The visitor would therefore have entered the square antechamber at the north end of its west wall, a position indicated by the door lintel with enthroned deities (cat. nos. SA 144-50, pls. 167-74). As was discussed extensively in Chapter 2, the square antechamber walls were covered with long registers of deities walking in a procession; the gods faced to the left on the west wall and to the right on the north, east and south walls. A life-size image of the standing king facing the deity procession was depicted on either the south or east wall. A doorway on the east end of the north wall led the visitor to the offering chamber, the culminating space in the pyramid temple. The false door would have 1099

For example, in the pyramid temple of Neferirkare there were two rectangular rooms south of the offering chamber that shared the same east-west orientation. A visitor to the temple who utilized these spaces would have had to enter and exit each room in succession via the same small antechamber (Borchardt, Nefer-ir-ka-Reë, pp. 9, 30, pl. 10).

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stood on the west wall flanked by nine depictions each of the bæw of Pe and Nekhen. On the north and south walls were representations of the king enthroned before an offering table with the royal ka behind him and a short procession of fecundity figures below. In front of the king was an extensive offering list, piled offerings, processions of offering bearers and cattle slaughtering. On the east side of the room were probably relief depictions of inscribed vessels sitting on inscribed tables. Clearly the decorative program of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple drew its inspiration from Old Kingdom sources, particularly in relation to the square antechamber and the offering chamber. Yet even when older iconographic themes were incorporated into the pyramid complex, new elements were introduced that subtly or perhaps radically changed or expanded upon earlier meanings. 1100 Such alterations are particularly noticeable in relation to the square antechamber (see pp. 368-73). With the inclusion of a purification scene in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, a new scene category seems to have been introduced to the repertoire of this type of monument, which may signal a movement towards the united cults of king and deity that became prevalent in the New Kingdom. The decorative programs of Old Kingdom pyramid complexes and that of Senwosret III present many important points of contrast, perhaps chiefly because the earlier programs were housed in much larger structures and were therefore much more extensive. Because of the diminutive size of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, a

1100

The observation argues against Wildung’s idea that “The ‘present’ of the Middle Kingdom was not seen as the fruit of traditions from the past of the Old Kingdom.” (“Looking Back into the Future,” p. 76). See also in Wildung, Ägypten 2000, p.166 ff.

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substantial number of scene types attested in Old Kingdom pyramid temples were eliminated (or vice versa), including scenes in which the king dominates foreigners, hunts in the desert or marshes and enacts rituals that take place during the sed-festival. Scenes in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple show the king either as a passive observer of events (offering chamber, square antechamber) or acted upon by deities (purification). No tableaux can be identified that show the active king (for example smiting foreigners or hunting animals). 1101 It is uncertain how much significance can be attached to this observation, particularly since just those “active” scenes omitted in the pyramid temple (domination of foreigners, sed-festival) are among the key components of Senwosret III’s south temple. 1102 It might be suggested that the “active” scenes were somehow deemed less vital to the idea of the king’s afterlife embodied by the reduced pyramid temple. After the transition to the more elaborate architectural form of the south temple, it became desirable or even necessary to incorporate them into the new structure.

THE DIMINUTION OF PYRAMID TEMPLES IN THE TWELFTH DYNASTY AND THE TRANSITION TO OTHER TEMPLE FORMS

Despite its ruined state, the pyramid complex of Senwosret III must be regarded as a key monument for understanding the evolution of ideas surrounding the royal afterlife 1101

For categories of scenes in which the king is active, acted upon, partially active or passive, see Cwiek, “Relief Decoration,” pp. 151-52. 1102 For a brief survey of the south temple’s decorative program, see Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 142-45.

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in the latter part of the Middle Kingdom. A perhaps obvious point, which nevertheless should be stated unambiguously, is that the small size and variant room arrangement in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple represented a conscious choice made by the architects and/or priests who planned the structure. As was mentioned above, as far as is known, the area east of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple was sufficient to accommodate a largescale structure of the Old Kingdom type. Although it is possible that there were older monuments in this area, any such structures were almost certainly private mastabas of the Fourth Dynasty, constructions that presumably could have been easily removed to make way for a royal building project. 1103 Therefore the size, shape and decorative program of Senwosret III’s pyramid temple must be regarded as intentional departures from Old Kingdom and earlier Twelfth Dynasty precedents. A brief examination of Twelfth Dynasty royal mortuary complexes shows that the period was a dynamic one for the construction of such monuments. As far as can be ascertained, the pyramid temples were widely divergent in form and, one would suspect, in meaning. When examined together, they clearly indicate that the Twelfth Dynasty was a period of transition during which the concepts related to the king’s afterlife and divine status were in flux. However, because of the poor preservation of most Twelfth Dynasty pyramid complexes, coupled with the absence of any truly explanatory texts, the precise nature of the transformation remains shadowy. Interpretation of the changes occurring during this period is therefore ultimately

1103

For Old Kingdom mastabas in the vicinity of Senwosret III’s complex, see Arnold, Tomb Architecture at Dahshur, in preparation.

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dependent upon the evidence provided by the scanty and often poorly published remnants of architecture and decorative programs. Earlier Twelfth Dynasty pyramid complexes show a revival of Old Kingdom forms, particularly in connection to the pyramid temple. Though a complete understanding of the pyramid complex of Amenemhat I and its relation to earlier structures must await the current study of the its remains, 1104 at least during the reign of Senwosret I, later Fifth and Sixth Dynasty precedents were still closely followed. 1105 Unfortunately, the inadequate excavation and publication of Amenemhat II’s pyramid complex at Dahshur precludes a proper understanding of the monument. The presence of a large court east of the pyramid does suggest that a substantial structure was constructed, quite possibly similar to the pyramid temple of Senwosret I. 1106 Senwosret II’s constructions at Lahun signal that a radical change had taken place in the form of the pyramid complex, which presumably reflects an altered understanding of the royal afterlife. 1107 Evidence also indicates that the king was not the sole cult recipient at Lahun, but rather that Anubis also received rites somewhere in 1104

Peter Jánosi, Pyramid Temple of Amenemhat I, in preparation. Arnold (Pyramid of Senwosret I, p. 56), doubts that the pyramid temple of Amenemhat I was large enough to accommodate all the chambers and decorative elements known from the later Old Kingdom. 1105 Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 17, 41-57. Note that Arnold has argued that Senwosret I’s reversion to a Sixth Dynasty form for his pyramid temple does not signal that Old Kingdom ideas about kingship had been revived, but rather represents the return to an ancient type now disassociated from its original cultic significance (Arnold, “Pyramidenbezirk,” p. 3). 1106 De Morgan, Dahchour 1894-1895, pp. 36-37, pl. 3. 1107 For political changes that appear to have taken place from the reign of Senwosret II on, see Gestermann, “Sesostris III.,” pp. 37-47; idem, “Politische und Kulturelle Wandel,” pp. 31-50. Many of these changes relate to what seems to be the “abolition” of the office of nomarch. For the idea that the nomarchy was not abolished, but simply allowed to die out, see Franke, “Career of Khnumhotep III.,” pp. 51-67. For changes in burial customs during the Twelfth Dynasty, see Bourriau, “Patterns of Change,” pp. 3-20; Bourriau does not consider religious motivations that might have lead to these changes.

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the complex. 1108 Here the king’s pyramid temple is reduced to a small structure that could only have accommodated a limited decorative program. 1109 However, two structures were built in the vicinity of the king’s pyramid. The first is the so-called sedfestival chapel, which was located to the north of the pyramid. The structure was so badly destroyed that no ground plan could be suggested and only a few relief and architectural fragments were recovered, along with several foundation deposits. There does not seem to be any real evidence connecting the structure to the sed-festival. 1110 The Lahun valley temple was much larger than the pyramid temple, a circumstance that has led to the suggestion that by the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty, the center of cult or ritual had moved to these structures. 1111 However, the seeming shift from the pyramid to the valley temple can be documented only in the pyramid complex of Senwosret II and perhaps in the Abydos complex of Senwosret III, though it is treacherous to include the latter, as it was not connected to a pyramid. As has been suggested by Wegner, when some of the royal temples of the second half of the Twelfth Dynasty are considered together (valley temple of Senwosret II, south temple of Senwosret III, Abydos temple of Senwosret III, Hawara temple of Amenemhat III), it becomes apparent that the shift is not so much from pyramid to valley, but rather from structures directly connected to the pyramid to ones that are separated from it. 1108

Quirke, “Anubis at Lahun,” pp. 24-48. For the pyramid temple, see Petrie, Illahun, p. 4; Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, p. 5, pls. XVI, XVIII. According to Arnold (“Labyrinth,” pp. 1-2), the pyramid temple of Senwosret I occupied an area of about 2,900 sq. m, while that of Senwosret II was about 400 sq. m. 1110 Petrie, Lahun, vol. II, pp. 18-20, pl. XX-XXI. 1111 Wegner suggests that the valley temple of Senwosret II at Lahun could be a predecessor of the mansions of millions of years; see Mortuary Temple, pp. 24-26, 224-26. See also Horváth, “’August Chamber’ of el-Lahun,” pp. 99-118. 1109

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Such a division cannot be merely a matter of spatial or topographical organization, but must be an indication of religious change. Because separated cult and burial places for the king are a prominent features of New Kingdom religion, one must now consider the possibility that the roots of these beliefs lie in developments taking place during the later Twelfth Dynasty. Indeed, in the second half of the Twelfth Dynasty many other aspects of pyramid complex architecture and decoration seem to presage better known New Kingdom forms. Two later Twelfth Dynasty trends will be dealt with here as they seem to be most strongly reflected in the Senwosret III complex: 1) the separation of the king’s temple and burial place mentioned above; and 2) the shift from temples dedicated more or less completely to the king, to ones in which the king’s cult is united with those of one or more deities. These changes cannot be tracked as a series of clear, linear developments, but rather the period seems to have been one of experimentation, during which various solutions were proposed for what must have been new and evolving religious requirements. As was discussed above, in the Lahun complex of Senwosret II greater stress seems to have been placed on a temple in the “valley,” seemingly at the expense of the temple attached directly to the pyramid. Nothing is known about the valley temple of Senwosret III, the remains of which must lie under the groundwater and the fields to the east of the site. 1112 Since Senwosret III’s completed causeway and probably also his valley temple seem to belong to a later phase of construction, it is uncertain how much

1112

Arnold, Senwosret III, p. 97.

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they are likely to reflect the development of these structures during the reign of his predecessor Senwosret II. Rather, the first cult structures of Senwosret III at Dahshur were most likely the small temple attached directly to the east side of the pyramid and the north chapel. At some point later in the reign, a serious cultic change occurred, necessitating the construction of an enormous temple to the south of the main complex. Like the pyramid temple, the south temple was destroyed down to its brick subfoundation, meaning that again architecture and relief fragments provide the only information about its interior arrangement. As indicated by its brick subfoundation, the overall shape of the structure was a large rectangle about 47 m north-south and 76 m east-west, with a projection at the east end of the south side about 18 x 17 m. Pieces of large columns suggest that the building had one or more columned courts or hypostyle halls and fragments of granite found along the west side of the structure suggest that shrines were located there. 1113 The new structure quite likely not only expanded upon the concept of a temple separated from the pyramid, but also must have absorbed the development of architectural forms and decorative programs necessary to accommodate evolving religious beliefs. Themes found in the decorative program seem to be those omitted from the small pyramid temple, including the smiting of foreigners and sed-festival rituals, 1114 but an evaluation of the wall relief is based only on a relatively small number of isolated fragments. Perhaps when the temple was whole, the composition and juxtaposition of the scenes made alterations in meaning apparent.

1113

For a discussion of the south temple, see Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 97-105. For the decorative program of the south temple, see Oppenheim, in Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 142-45.

1114

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If one accepts the proposition that the pyramid temple alone was no longer adequate to guarantee the king’s afterlife, a circumstance that culminated in the creation of Senwosret III’s south temple, then one must examine how these monuments compare and relate to the three following royal temples, namely Senwosret III’s South Abydos temple and Amenemhat III’s Dahshur pyramid temple and so-called Labyrinth at Hawara. The South Abydos temple of Senwosret III was a substantial structure with one or more columned halls and perhaps three chapels on its local west side. It dates quite late in the reign of this king or perhaps was even constructed as a memorial by Amenemhat III.1115 Although the structure is badly destroyed, some of its paving and other architectural features remain in situ, providing evidence about the structure’s original appearance. 1116 In form it seems unrelated to at least what is known of the ground plan of the other late Twelfth Dynasty royal cult places. The ground plan of the Dahshur pyramid temple of Amenemhat III is uncertain, but recovered relief fragments do suggest that there must have been a structure in the area. In contrast to the pyramid temple of Senwosret III, there was evidence that it contained granite columns. 1117 Equally uncertain is the precise form of the Labyrinth built by Amenemhat III at Hawara in the Fayum,1118 though the temple seems to have included substantial spaces dedicated to deities of the Egyptian pantheon, 1115

Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 35-40, 390. For a comprehensive discussion of the temple and its possible original form, see Wegner, Mortuary Temple, pp. 49-219, esp. pp. 137-49. 1117 Arnold, Pyramidenbezirk des Königs Amenemhet III., vol. I, pp. 61-64. 1118 For comprehensive discussion of the excavation of the site and a review of all relevant literature, see Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 1-34. The author believes it is impossible to create an actual reconstruction of the temple, but has instead proposed to create an intellectual one (ibid., p. 35). 1116

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perhaps concentrating on those most relevant to the area. Based on its size and position south of the royal pyramid, one would suspect that the structure must in some way respond to Senwosret III’s south temple. The Hawara temple seems to have had the character of a mansion of millions of years, though no recovered inscription explicitly names it as one. 1119 Also of interest is what seems to be the complete absence of a temple attached to the east side of the pyramid.1120 Recently the possibility has been raised that the Labyrinth was constructed before the royal pyramid north of it, perhaps serving as a kind of subsidiary temple for Amenemhat III’s pyramid at Dahshur. When Amenemhat III’s Dahshur pyramid encountered structural problems, a decision was made to construct another one adjacent to the Labyrinth. 1121 While such a sequence is quite plausible, the chronological position of Amenemhat III’s Dahshur pyramid temple remains problematic, as one might expect that this king’s builders would have responded more forcefully to the innovations of Senwosret III’s nearby south temple. Instead they constructed a pyramid temple that at least by its size and position does not seem to acknowledge changing ideas about the royal afterlife. It has therefore been suggested that the pyramid temple of Amenemhat III directly followed that of Senwosret III, as such a chronology would explain why Amenemhat III chose a traditional form for this structure – the new ideas encompassed by the south temple had not yet reached

1119

As advocated by Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 61-73. According to Blom-Böer (Amenemhets III., p. 69-70), the elements found in the temples east and south of the pyramid were united in Amenemhat III’s Labyrinth. 1121 Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 116-17; Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 66-67. 1120

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fruition. 1122 A proposed sequence of the Senwosret III/Amenemhat III cult buildings would be as follows: 1) Pyramid temple of Senwosret III at Dahshur 2) Pyramid temple of Amenemhat III at Dahshur 3) South temple of Senwosret III at Dahshur 4) Temple of Senwosret III at South Abydos 1123 5) So-called Labyrinth of Amenemhat III at Hawara Such a chronology has problematic aspects, particularly because it places construction of both the south temple and the South Abydos complex very late in Senwosret III’s reign. The sequence presented above also should not be viewed rigidly, as it is likely that the five projects overlapped each other. No evidence has yet been found indicating the date of the south temple, but perhaps such information will emerge once excavation of the area is renewed. As has been noted previously in this dissertation and elsewhere, in some respects Senwosret III’s south temple resembles so-called New Kingdom mortuary temples, structures that were built by a succession of Eighteenth to Twentieth Dynasty kings on the west bank of Thebes. 1124 These temples, along with others both in Thebes

1122

Arnold, Senwosret III, pp. 116-17. The chronological position of the Abydos temple directly preceding the Hawara temple has been suggested by Wegner (Mortuary Temple, pp. 389-90). 1124 It should be noted that the terms “mortuary temple” and “god’s” or “deity temple” are creations of Egyptology that have no equivalent in ancient Egyptian terminology. As stated succinctly by Ullmann “Die Einteilung der ägyptischen Tempel in ‘Göttertempel’ und ‘Totentempel’ findet keine Bestätigung in der ägyptischen Terminologie.” (König für die Ewigkeit, p. 672). Haeny (“New Kingdom ‘Mortuary Temples,’” p. 86) also dislikes the use of the term “mortuary temple.” See also Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 72-73. However, since no truly satisfactory term has been found to replace it, the expression “mortuary temple” 1123

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and in other locations in Egypt, were designated “houses” or “mansions of millions of years,” a complex category of religious institution that has not yet been satisfactorily explained. 1125 Recently it has been suggested that the temple type is first attested late in the reign of Amenemhat III in an inscription from Tura, 1126 though it is uncertain whether this text refers to the king’s pyramid complex at Hawara. 1127 While a thorough discussion of the term “mansion of millions of years” is beyond the scope of this dissertation, the question of the emergence of the temple type must be addressed in relation to the transition from the pyramid temple to other structures built to accommodate the royal cult. The work of many Egyptologists has resulted in the definition of some of the likely key features of the temple type, though others remain unclear. 1128 Mansions of millions of years certainly unite the cult of the king with that of one or more deities, generally those who are of particular importance for the area in which the temple

has been retained here to designate those west bank Theban structures that seem to have been built at least in part to commemorate individual rulers. 1125 For an extensive discussion of the term and the larger phrases used to describe the structures, see Ullmann, König für die Ewigkeit, pp. 639-60. 1126 Blom-Böer, Amenemhets III., pp. 61-69; Ullmann, König für die Ewigkeit, pp. 1-5, 625. 1127 According to Ullmann (König für die Ewigkeit, pp. 1-5, 625), the late date of the inscription precludes the possibility that it refers to either the Dahshur or Hawara complexes. However, Blom-Böer (Amenemhets III., pp. 61-63) does not rule out the possibility that the inscription could be a reference to building activity at Hawara. 1128 For the main studies of mansions of millions of years, see Arnold, “Pyramidenbezirk,” pp. 1-8; idem, “Labyrinth,” pp. 1-9; idem, Ancient Egyptian Architecture, pp. 112-13; Haeny, “La function religieuse,” pp. 111-16; idem, “Zur Funktion,” pp. 101-6; idem, “New Kingdom ‘Mortuary Temples,’” pp. 86-126; idem, Basilikale, pp. 15-16; Stadelmann, “Totentempel,” pp. 303-21; Leblanc, “Quelques reflexions,” pp. 49-56; Pirelli, “Temple of Queen Hatshepsut,” pp. 455-63; Nelson, “Identity of Amon-Re,” pp. 127-55. A recent book by Ullmann (König für Ewigkeit) catalogues all examples of mansions of millions of years known from either standing monuments or inscriptions, and extensively discusses the meaning of the temple type.

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bearing the designation is located. The rites undertaken in the temples not only served to renew the king’s power, but also kingship itself. All of these structures, but most notably those that were in the vicinity of the king’s burial place, were the scene of cultic activity during the pharaoh’s lifetime. 1129 Although the temples play a role in the royal afterlife, they are never directly connected to the king’s burial place. 1130 While the uniting of king and deity is consistent in these temples, other aspects can vary: 1) they appear to have been located throughout Egypt rather than just in Thebes or in proximity to the king’s burial place; and 2) they seem to have had widely divergent ground plans. To date no inscriptions have been found that identify Senwosret III’s south temple as a mansions of millions of years, though its size, basic form, separation from the pyramid and the attestation of such monuments from the following reign make it likely that it was one. Perhaps the term had not yet been created at this period and the underlying concepts were still being developed. An interesting point to be noted about the south temple of Senwosret III is that its outline is similar to later New Kingdom Theban mansions of millions of years, rather than the earlier examples. The first mansion of millions of years to survive in a somewhat intact state is the Hatshepsut temple at Deir el-Bahari, which was quite differently conceived from the rectangle 1129

Nelson, “Identity of Amon-Re,” p. 150; Leblanc, “Quelques reflexions,” p. 49; Ullmann, König für Ewigkeit, pp. 668-69. 1130 It has been suggested that the mansions of millions of years may be successors to the temple type known as the ka-house, structures not directly connected to a burial place. The ka-houses seem to arise in the later Old Kingdom and disappear at about the same time as the mansions of millions of years are first attested; see Haeny, Basilikale, p. 15; idem, “Zur Funktion,” pp. 102-3; idem, “La function religieuse,” p. 114; Ullmann, König für Ewigkeit, p. 674. Arnold (“Pyramidenbezirk,” p. 7) has quite plausibly suggested that the joined cults of king and deity necessitated the separation of the royal burial and cult places.

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with a southeastern projection built by Senwosret III. Poorly preserved temples constructed by Tuthmosis II and Tuthmosis III both seem to lack the projection placed to the left of the temple façade. 1131 The Luxor temple as constructed by Amenhotep III may have had a somewhat similar form, if a small mud brick palace was located to the east (i.e. to the left) of the structure’s main axis. 1132 Indeed, the structures most closely resembling the general architectural form of Senwosret III’s south temple are the much later west bank Theban temples of Sety I, Ramesses II, and Ramesses III. In the New Kingdom, the potential afterlife of the king seems to have been concentrated in the tomb and centered around texts and illustrations that described his journeys in the other world. The so-called mortuary temples of these rulers on the west bank of Thebes were decorated with scenes that illustrated the king’s domination of foreigners, animal hunts, religious festivals and seemingly endless vignettes in which the king brings different offerings to the gods of Egypt. Little in these temples relates directly to the afterlife or mortuary ritual. These scenes stress the king’s temporal power and his worship of the deities rather than the homage bestowed to the king that is the focus of much pyramid temple decoration. An important characteristic of mansions of millions of years leads to the second trend that seems to emerge at the end of the Twelfth Dynasty, namely that cults of the king and deity are merged in such temples. During the Old Kingdom there is evidence that festivals of other deities may have taken place within the royal pyramid

1131

As was noted by Stadelmann, “Totentempel,” pp. 309-10. Bell, “New Kingdom,” p. 154. For the “palace” sections of New Kingdom Theban temples, see Stadelmann, “Tempelpalast,” pp. 221-42.

1132

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complex, 1133 but there seems to be no proof that they received cult. From the early Middle Kingdom there is more definitive evidence for the worship of deities within the royal complex, particularly in relation to the mortuary temple of Mentuhotep Nebhepetre in Thebes, which included shrines dedicated to deities (see pp. 569-70). The pyramid complex of Senwosret I may have included an area dedicated to Hathor of Atfih 1134 and there is evidence that Anubis received cult in the complex of Senwosret II at Lahun. 1135 The Labyrinth built by Amenemhat III at Hawara almost certainly included areas dedicated to the worship of deities. 1136 At least by the time of Hatshepsut in the Eighteenth Dynasty and from then on, the central cult place was no longer dedicated to the pharaoh, but rather to an important deity, who in the Theban area was obviously Amun. The preserved evidence does not allow a firm conclusion as to whether or not other deities received cult alongside the king in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple, though, as was discussed above, the inclusion of a purification scene in the temple’s decorative program provides a hint that other deities may have shared the structure with the king (see pp. 571-74). What seems to be the prominent position of Heliopolitan deities and Horakhty may suggest the identity of the gods who were included in Senwosret III’s pyramid temple. Although it cannot be conclusively proved, Senwosret III’s south temple at Dahshur likely contained cult places dedicated 1133

Posener-Kriéger, Néferirkarê-Kakaï, pp. 59-123. Arnold, Pyramid of Senwosret I, pp. 17, 74. 1135 Quirke, “Anubis at Lahun,” pp. 24-48. 1136 Lloyd described the Labyrinth as both a mortuary temple for the king and a deity temple, finding the structure comparable to New Kingdom mortuary temples. He states “…the Labyrinth was a composite structure designed to serve the cults of the gods as well as that of the dead king.” (“Egyptian Labyrinth,” pp. 95-96). 1134

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to one or more deities of the Egyptian pantheon. None of the pieces of wall decoration recovered so far provide unambiguous evidence that another deity was worshipped in the structure. Additional evidence that Senwosret III included cult places for deities within his temples may be suggested by the structure found east of his Abydos tomb. According to the plan proposed by Wegner, the back of the temple contained three adjoining, parallel, rectangular rooms, which he suggests accommodated an offering chamber and a room with deity processions of the square antechamber type. However, the rectangular, north-south oriented entrance halls proposed for the temple along with the tripartite arrangement at the back of the temple are forms that more closely resemble structures containint deity cults, rather than those dedicated solely to the king. Yet no evidence for a deity cult was found. 1137 Therefore, following Wegner, one might suggest that Senwosret III’s temple at Abydos was intended to accommodate not only the king’s cult, but also that of one or more deities, perhaps as another early example of a mansions of millions of years. 1138 Finally, one must note that whatever changes were taking place in the later Twelfth Dynasty in terms of architectural form, temple decoration and religious belief, 1137

According to Wegner (Mortuary Temple, p. 224), there is no direct evidence for a deity cult in Senwosret III’s Abydos temple. However, a fragment from the exterior of the temple seems to indicate the inclusion of a scene in which the king presents nw-pots to a deity. Depictions of the king making offerings to deities are prominent iconographic elements in temples dedicated to deities as well as mansions of millions of years. Such scenes are not, however, common in temples dedicated solely to the king’s cult. For the fragment, see Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 176 fig. 71 no. 1, p. 181 fig. 76 no. 5.SA.9314, pp. 184-85. For examples of Middle Kingdom deity temples with tripartite shrines in the back, see the temple of Amenemhat III and Amenemhat IV at Medinet Madi (see here n. 994) and the temple of Tod (Arnold, “Bemerkungen zu den frühen Tempeln,” pp. 175-86). 1138 Wegner, Mortuary Temple, p. 228.

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the developments do not seem to have been entirely linear. The pyramid complexes of the succeeding Thirteenth Dynasty are not well studied, particularly in relation to their cult places. 1139 Excavation at the pyramid of Khendjer revealed the remains of what seems to have been a large pyramid temple on the east side of the structure, indicating that the traditional temple type did not die out at the end of the Twelfth Dynasty.1140 A cult place also seems to have existed at the unfinished southern pyramid of Mazghuna, which may date to the very end of the Twelfth Dynasty. This structure was probably not attached to the pyramid, but because of the unfinished nature of the complex, it is difficult to evaluate the significance of its position. 1141 Little is known about the decorative programs of either of these complexes. Royal pyramid building continued in the Seventeenth Dynasty with a series of structures built in the area of Dra` Abu el-Naga, Thebes, at least some of which had cult places either attached to or near their east faces. 1142 What seems to be the last royal pyramid in Egypt proper was built at Abydos for the pharaoh Ahmose, who began an elaborate complex that included multiple structures for himself as well as a memorial for his grandmother Tetisheri.1143 Although

1139

For a discussion of Thirteenth Dynasty pyramids, but without any mention of above ground cult installations, see Dodson, “Kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty,” pp. 36-45. See also Verner, Pyramids, pp. 434-41; Lehner, Pyramids, pp. 184-87; Stadelmann, Pyramiden, pp. 24957. 1140 Jéquier, Deux pyramides, pp. 3-6, pls. I-III; Verner, Pyramids, pp. 439-41; Lehner, Pyramids, pp. 186-87; Stadelmann, Pyramiden, p. 252. 1141 Petrie, Labyrinth, pp. 48-49, pls. XXXIX, XLI, XLV; Lehner, Pyramids, p. 184; Stadelmann, Pyramiden, p. 251. 1142 Winlock, “Tombs of the Kings,” p. 273. Nubkheperre’s pyramid has been recently excavated, but the area east of it is badly damaged (D. Polz, Pyramidenanlage, pp. 14, 39-41). 1143 The constructions of Ahmose at Abydos are thoroughly analyzed in Harvey, “Cults of King Ahmose.”

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the area situated immediately to the local east of the pyramid remains covered by what is most likely a destruction ramp, it is distinctly possible that Ahmose’s temple was not directly connected to his pyramid. 1144 In any case, it is nearly certain that the king was not interred beneath the pyramid, meaning that the cult temple and burial place were separate and the Abydos complex most likely served as a cenotaph. 1145 The question as to why the kings of the Thirteenth, Seventeenth and very early Eighteenth Dynasties seem to have reverted to cult places attached directly to the pyramid is perhaps easily answered. Since these were periods of political turmoil and foreign invasion, it is likely that the rulers sought to associate themselves with well-established forms steeped in tradition and history, rather than continue the development of potentially jarring new concepts. As the political situation settled and the rulers of the Eighteenth Dynasty became more secure and confident, it was again possible to resume the evolution of royal and divine cult. The pyramid temple of Senwosret III is perhaps the last example of this type of structure that still preserves some of the important iconographic themes from the golden age of pyramid building in the Old Kingdom. Perhaps ironically it is also one of the best preserved pyramid temples, at least in terms of the percentage of recovered wall decoration. While both its overall size and consequently its decorative program are much reduced in comparison to some of its more imposing ancestors, Senwosret 1144

Harvey, “Cults of King Ahmose,” pp. 143-372. No burial chamber was found beneath the pyramid, though an underground tomb for Ahmose was found in the desert local west of the pyramid (Harvey, “Cults of King Ahmose,” pp. 99-103, 427-29). However, a shawabti inscribed for Ahmose said to be from Thebes and a mummy identified as his found there suggest that the king had an unidentified burial place in the area (Harvey, “Cults of King Ahmose,” 15-18). 1145

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III’s pyramid temple is nevertheless still capable of providing a window onto an important transitional period of Egyptian history.

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Plate 1. The pyramid complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur.

Plate 2. Simplified plan of the pyramid complex of Senwosret III. 1-4) Queens’ pyramids 1-4; 5) North chapel; 6) Pyramid temple; 7) King’s ka-pyramid?; 8-9) Queens’ pyramids 8-9; 10) South temple; 11) Original entrance to complex; 12) Causeway.

Plate 3. Plan of the east side of the Senwosret III pyramid with a grid showing the squares in the area. Squares in which relief fragments were found are shaded.

Plate 4. Storeroom of the Metropolitan Museum excavation with some of the fragments from the pyramid temple’s square antechamber.

Plate 5. Mud brick subfoundation of the Senwosret III pyramid temple facing southwest.

Plate 6. Area of the Senwosret III pyramid temple with a section of the mud brick subfoundation seen from the pyramid slope.

Plate 7. The area of the Senwosret III pyramid temple indicated with modern limestone walls seen from the pyramid slope. To the east of the pyramid temple is a section of the reconstructed inner enclosure wall. At the center left is a portion of the post-New Kingdom cemetery.

Plate 8. Elevation showing the platform around the base of the pyramid of Senwosret III with the pyramid temple in front.

Plate 9. Plan of the mud brick subfoundation of the pyramid foot, pyramid temple and inner enclosure wall of the Senwosret III complex.

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Plate 10. Suggested reconstruction of the pyramid temple of Senwosret III.

Plate 11. The parts of an ancient Egyptian door. To the left is a view from the front of the door. To the right is a view from the inside of the doorway looking up towards the entrance.

Plate 12. Proposed reconstruction of the section through the doorway between the square antechamber (left) and the offering chamber (right).

Plate 13. The left side of the exterior door lintel.

Plate 14. A royal name panel from the exterior inscription that mentions the bæw of Iunu.

Plate 15. Section of the horizontal text from the exterior inscription that describes the king as beloved of Horakhty.

Plate 16. First section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 17. Second section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 18. Third section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 19. Fourth section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 20. Fifth section depicting the deities of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 21. Sixth section depicting the deities of Iunu followed by Horus foremost-of-the-houses and another falcon deity from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 22. Large star band and piece of bird-sign? that probably originally joined to the fragment in plate 21. It probably originates from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 23. Piece of a falcon-sign that probably originally adjoined the left side of the fragment in plate 21. It probably originates from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 24. Lower block 1 depicting the bæw of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 25. Lower block 2 depicting the bæw of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 26. Lower block 3 depicting the bæw of Iunu from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 27. Section of the deity speech (Group A) from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 28. Section of the deity speech (Group B) from the top of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 29. Section of the deity speech (Group C) from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 30. Section of the deity speech (Group D) from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 31. Section of the deity speech (Group E) from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 32. Section of the deity speech (Group F) from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 33. Section of the deity speech (Group G) from the north wall of the square antechamber. To the left are parts of two registers from the deity procession.

Plate 34. Section of the deity speech (Group H) from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 35. Winged sun disk lintel, two figures from the deity procession and the bottom of columns 5 and 6 of the deity speech from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 36. Left half of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 37. Upper right corner of the heraldic lintel from north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 38. Upper right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 39. Lower right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 40. Piece that probably originates from the center and right of the center of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 41. Piece with Nekhbet epithets that probably originates from right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 42. Piece with Wadjet that probably originates from right side of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 43. Patchstone with part of the arm and was-scepter of a male deity and the upper left corner of the heraldic lintel from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 44. Male deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 45. Male deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 46. Female deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 47. Male deity that may originate from register 2 of the north wall of the square antechamber.

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Plate 48. Suggested reconstruction of the north wall of the square antechamber.

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Plate 49. Suggested reconstruction of registers 1 and 2 and the deity speech from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 50. Suggested reconstruction of the winged sun disk, heraldic lintel and register 3 from the north wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 51. Deity inscriptions from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Right side and center of piece with Ro-setjau and Anubis-Khentyimentiu inscriptions.

Plate 52. Deity inscriptions from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right. Center and left half of piece with Sekhmet? and unidentified deity.

Plate 53. Deity inscription containing ënã- and nïr-signs from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 54. Deity inscription containing a ãæst(?)-sign from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 55. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which probably ends with a sæ-sign and the second of which begins with di- and s-signs. The inscription is from the top of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 56. Feet of male deity from the bottom of the decorated portion of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 57. Feet of goddess from the bottom of the decorated portion of a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 58. Hand and was-scepter of a male deity facing a corner block border from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 59. Parts of two registers and a corner block border that probably originates from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 60. Part of a male deity in front of a corner block border from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 61. Part of a male deity in front of a corner block border from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 62. Iabtet (goddess of the east) from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 63. Two registers of deities including a feline goddess and Hathor from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 64. Female deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 65. Goddess with red wig(?) and a horn and an inscription containing a š-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 66. Female deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 67. Female deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 68. Two registers of deities including a feline goddess and Weret-hekau from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 69. Detail of Weret-hekau.

Plate 70. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 71. Two registers of deities including Weret from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 72. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 73. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 74. Feline goddess from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 75. Deity inscription containing s-sign and bird-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 76. Female deity in red dress from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 77. Seth with an inscription containing Seth- and k-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 78. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 79a. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 79b. Ear of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 80. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 81. Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 82. Snout of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 83. Snout of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 84. Snout of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 85. Ears of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 86. Ears of Seth from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 87. Deity inscription for Seth wnm “the one who eats?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 88. Deity inscription for Seth wnm “the one who eats?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 89. Deity inscription containing Seth-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 90. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing Sethsign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 91. Two registers of deities including Horus and an inscription containing ënã- and Œrw-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 92. Falcon-headed deity with an inscription containing a water-birdsign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 93. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 94. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 95. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 96. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 97. Falcon-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 98. Inscription probably for a falcon-headed deity containing ënã- and Œrw-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 99. Jackal-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 100. Tip of the snout of a jackal-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 101. Anubis “he-who-is-on-his-mountain” followed by another deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 102. Deity inscription for Anubis “he-who-is-on his mountain” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 103. Deity inscription containing Ínpw from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 104. Inscription containing jackal-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 105. Inscription containing Ínpw- and nb-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 106. Deity inscriptions containing wp-sign and jackal-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 107. Deity inscription for Wepwawet from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 108. Crocodile-headed deity with a vulture-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 109. Crocodile-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 110. Crocodile-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 111. Ram-headed deity with inscription containing ãnty Œrw from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 112. Ram-headed deity with inscription containing nïrw-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 113. Neck and wig of a ram-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 114. Neck and wig of an ibis-headed deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 115. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing a Thoth-determinative from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 116. Human-headed male deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 117. Parts of two male deities including one with a human head from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 118. Male and female deities from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 119. Deity inscription containing water-bird-on-peaked-object-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 120. Deity inscription containing bæ? from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 121. Deity inscription containing a bæw-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 122. Deity inscription containing a water-bird- and an n-sign and male deity from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 123. Deity inscription containing a water-bird-sign and three t-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 124. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing diand ënã-signs and possibly Geb from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 125. Deity inscription for “the one who struggles against the washers?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 126. Two human-headed male deities, the first one of whom may be “the great fighter” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 127. Deity inscription containing vulture- and niwt- or nãn-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 128. Two registers of deities including an inscription that ends with a falcon-sign and an inscription that begins with di-, ënã- and ï-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 129. Deity inscriptions containing bird- and níwt-signs and papyrussign? from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 130. Deity inscription containing a Œrw-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 131. Deity inscription containing ãnt(?)- and Œrw(?)-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 132. Deity inscription containing Wsír wr Osiris “the great?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 133. Two deity inscriptions the first of which ends with a wr-sign and the second of which begins with a di-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 134. Deity inscription containing ënã-, ÿd-, wæs- and ÿ-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 135. Two deity inscriptions, the first of which is for Djedet and the second of which begins with a di-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 136. Deity inscription containing mnw- and ë-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 137. Deity inscription “he who is born in strength?” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 138. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing šwt or œp nb (“shadow” or “sunshade”) from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 139. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with an fsign and the second of which contains di-, ënã-, ï-, œ- and n-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 140. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with a sacred-boat-sign and the second of which contains di-, s- and ënã-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 141. Deity inscription containing a ãæst-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 142. Deity inscription containing two t-signs, a reed-leaf-sign and a ãæst-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 143. Deity inscription containing a šmë-sign and uncertain sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 144. Deity inscription containing ëœë-? and šmë-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 145. Deity inscription containing a composite œwt- and sedge-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 146. Deity inscription containing a ÿt and a walking-legs-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 147. Two registers of deities including an inscription for “the one who kneels” from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 148. Two registers of deities including an inscription that ends with an r-sign and an inscription that begins with a š-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 149. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing diënã- and œ-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 150. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing an ënã-sign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 151. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing ënãand ãnt-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 152. Deity inscription containing ënã-, ãnt- and t-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 153. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing an nsign from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 154. The end of a deity inscription containing niwt- and t-signs from a wall in the square antechamber with deities facing right.

Plate 155. Three quarter view showing male deity with doorframe, reveal and doorjamb probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 156. Male deity and block border doorframe probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 157. Vertical block border and part of the head of a was-scepter, probably from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 158. Vertical block border and part of the staff of a was-scepter(?), probably from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 159. Male deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 160. Two male deities probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 161. Feet of male deity(?) probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 162. Foot of male deity(?) probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 163. Feet of female deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 164. Feet of female deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 165. Female deity possibly from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 166. Feet of female deity probably from the lowest register (no. 5) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 167. Right side of the door lintel containing the enthroned deities Thoth of Khemenu (Hermopolis) and Tjaisepef (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber; a register with standing deities is above (register 3).

Plate 168. Piece of the door lintel containing feet of enthroned deity (register 4) and the upper right corner of the block border doorframe from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 169. Neck of animal-headed deity from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 170. Goddess from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 171. Enthroned goddess from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 172. Two thrones from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 173. Throne from the door lintel with enthroned deities (register 4) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

384.5 cm

260.5

Deity Speech

Deity Speech

310.5

234

?

157.5

18

46

307

433

472.5 cm

Plate 174. Suggestion reconstruction of registers 3-5 and the doorway of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 175. Two registers of deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. In the upper register is a male deity who may be Amun followed by a deity who may be Khnum and a goddess. In the lower register are inscriptions for “the one foremost of sweetness(?)” and possibly Sokar.

Plate 176. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 177. Male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 178. Female deity and another deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 179. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 180. Two registers of deities from the west wall of the square antechamber. In the lower register are Iunmutef, Hathor of Nefrusy, Khnum of an uncertain location, Anubis of the embalming place and probably a falcon-headed deity who may be Horus of Hebenu.

Plate 181. Parts of two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with a niwt-sign and the second of which begins with iwn- and mwt-signs (Iunmutef) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 182. Suggested reconstruction of two deity inscriptions from the west wall of the square antechamber. The first inscription is for names Hebenu; the second begins with a di-sign.

Plate 183. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 184. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 185. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 186. Two registers of deities including one with a ram head (left) and one with a falcon head from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 187. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 188. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 189. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 190. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 191. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 192. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 193. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 194. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 195. Two male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 196. Inscriptions for two deities, the first of which ends with a st-sign and triple strokes and the second of which begins with mwt- and m-signs (Mut?) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 197. Two registers of deities including an inscription for the bæwy of a place(?) that begins with an œ-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 198. Two registers of deities including inscriptions for Wed (left) and possibly Demdjet (right) from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 199. Two registers of deities including an inscription for Heket from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 200. Female deity followed by two male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 201. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 202. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 203. Was-scepter of a deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 204. Was-scepter of a deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 205. Two registers of deities including an inscription containing a disign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 206. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 207. Horned sun disk headdress of Hathor and deity inscription containing pustule-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 208. Hathor from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 209. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 210. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 211. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 212. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 213. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 214. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 215. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 216. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 217. Female deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 218. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 219. Female deities including Bastet from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 220. Detail of Bastet in plate 219.

Plate 221. Detail of goddess with vulture headdress in plate 219.

Plate 222. Deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with ÿ- and t-signs and the second of which begins with a di-sign from the uppermost register (no.1) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 223. Deity inscription containing s-, ënã- and uncertain sign from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 224. Deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with t- and niwt-signs and the second of which begins with a di-sign from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 225. Deity inscription containing di-sign from the uppermost register (no. 1) of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 226. Two columns from the top of a deity speech and a corner block border that probably originates from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 227. Deity speech, vertical dividing line and staff of was-scepter of deity that may originate from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 228. Two registers of deities (male deity in upper register) from the right side of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 229. Male(?) deity probably from the right side of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 230. Male deity and corner block border from the right side of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 231. Male deity and corner block border from the right side of the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 232. Male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 233. Patchstone containing female and male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 234. Patchstone containing female and male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 235. Patchstone containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 236. Patchstone containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 237. Patchstone containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 238. Patchstone containing jackal-headed and human-headed male deities from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 239. Patchstone? containing male deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 240. Deity inscriptions for Bastet, ram deity in the temples? and Mut? from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 241. Two deity inscriptions, the first of which is for Pakhet and the second of which begins with a falcon-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 242. Two registers of deities including an inscription that cannot be deciphered from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 243. Three deities from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 244. Female deity with vulture headdress from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 245. Female deity with vulture headdress from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 246. Female deity with vulture headdress from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 247. Deity inscription containing vulture-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 248. Deity inscription containing vulture-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 249. Goddess Djedet from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 250. Feline goddess with bird-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 251. Deity inscription for Bat from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 252. Goddess(?) and inscription from the west wall of the square antechamber. The relief was reused as a gravestone in the Roman Period.

Plate 253. Deity inscription containing a Seth-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 254. Seth and an inscription containing a Seth-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 255. Seth? from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 256. Falcon-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 257. Falcon-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 258. Falcon-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 259. Deity inscription for Nemty from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 260. Deity inscription containing ënã- and Œrw-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 261. Anubis of Gebelein from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 262. Jackal-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 263. Jackal-headed deity from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 264. Deity inscription containing [ímy?]-wt from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 265. Deity inscription containing a jackal-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 266. Deity inscription for Khentyimentiu from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 267. Two registers of deities including an inscription for a ramheaded deity containing š-, nw- and niwt-signs and an inscription containing di- and ënã-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 268. Deity inscription for Dedwen from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 269. Deity inscription for Osiris from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 270. Deity inscription containing mnw- and ãnt-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 271. Deity inscription containing wn- and niwt-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 272. Deity inscription containing kæ- and ram-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 273. Deity inscription containing ÿ-, imy- and m-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 274. Two deity inscriptions, the first of which ends with an f-sign and the second of which begins with š- and d-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 275. Deity inscription containing sïæ-sign from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 276. Deity inscription containing mi-, nw- and niwt-signs from the west wall of the square antechamber.

Plate 277. Headdress with horns and sundisk from Hathor facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 278. Probably horn of headdress from Hathor facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 279. Atef crown(s) facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 280. Horn of ram-headed deity facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 281. Ear of jackal-headed deity facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 282. Deity inscription containing Seth-sign facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 283. Deity inscription containing a šm-sign facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 284. Deity inscription containing ënã- and n-signs facing an uncertain direction in the square antechamber.

Plate 285. Fecundity figure enacting the sema-tawy ritual (left) and fecundity figure in procession (right) from the south wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 286. Two fecundity figures in procession with the corner block border at right from the south wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 287. North Chapel of Senwosret III. Parts of three fecundity figures in procession from the east wall.

Plate 288. Two offering bearers from the south wall of the offering chamber. The upper figure is preserved to its complete height.

Plate 289. Two offering bearers from the lowermost register of the south wall of the offering chamber with piled offerings in the register above.

Plate 290. Enthroned Senwosret III wearing the red crown from the east tympanum in the offering chamber.

Plate 291. Patchstone containing front of a throne and the ankles of the king possibly from the east tympanum in the offering chamber.

Plate 292. Piece of the bottom right side of the king’s throne (at left) and the heel of the king’s foot facing right (at right). Below is the green footrest under the king’s foot, followed by a ground line and a yellow-painted area between the throne and the edge of the horizontal interior torus. Possibly from the east tympanum in the offering chamber.

Plate 293. Piece of a throne inset with tied plants (left) and an inscription behind the throne (right) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 294. Piece of a throne inset with tied plants from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 295. Piece of a throne inset with tied plants from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 296. Piece of the top of the east or west wall of the offering chamber with (top to bottom): a piece of a male foot(?) from one of the tympana, a chipped horizontal torus and the top of the kheker-frieze.

Plate 297. Parts of two inscriptions with [nïr] nfr and ÿd mdw di facing each other from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 298. Part of an inscription for Horus from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 299. Reconstruction of the back-to-back deities from the center of one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 300. Section of the top left side of the west tympanum in the offering chamber with a Nekhen-sign (right) and the ÿd mdw di formula from the beginning of the fecundity figure speech (left).

Plate 301. Beginning of a deity speech and the top of a was-scepter held by a deity from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 302. Section of a deity speech and part of the hand and was-scepter of a goddess from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 303. Lower part of a goddess facing left (left) and part of the speech made by a fecundity figure (right) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 304. Legs of a goddess facing right (left) and part of the speech made by a fecundity figure (right) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 305. Upturned foot of a kneeling fecundity figure facing right (right) with nb- and t-signs (left) and the edge of a horizontal torus (below) from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 306. Torso, arm and hetep-sign of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 307. Legs of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left and a piece of the horizontal torus below from one of the tympana in the offering chamber.

Plate 308. North chapel of Senwosret III. An inscription for Seth (left) and Horus facing the enthroned Senwosret III wearing the red crown (center and right) from the center of the south tympanum.

Plate 309. North chapel of Senwosret III. Piece of deity speech (left) and inscription and head of Wadjet (right) from the right side of the south tympanum.

Plate 310. North chapel of Senwosret III. Speech made by the fecundity figure (left) and the front of the kneeling fecundity figure facing left (right) from the right side of the south tympanum.

Plate 311. North chapel of Senwosret III. Inscriptions giving the king dominion over foreign lands from the right side of the south tympanum.

Plate 312. North chapel of Senwosret III. Tail and leg of Seth (right) and the bottom of Horus (left) from the center of the north tympanum.

Plate 313. North chapel of Senwosret III. Legs and arms of Seth from the center of the north tympanum.

Plate 314. North chapel of Senwosret III. Torso and head of Seth with an inscription above, part of his speech to the king and part of the king’s Horus of gold name (right); head and shoulders of Horus and an inscription for him (left) from the center and right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 315. North chapel of Senwosret III. Part of the king’s Horus of gold name and phrase di ënã from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 316. North chapel of Senwosret III. Part of the protective inscription behind the king from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 317. North chapel of Senwosret III. Head of Senwosret III with the white crown and a protective inscription behind him from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 318. North chapel of Senwosret III. Lower part of the face of Senwosret III from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 319. North chapel of Senwosret III. Was-scepter and part of the speech of Seth (left) and the hand of Senwosret III holding a flail (right) from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 320. North chapel of Senwosret III. From left to right: the was-scepter and speech of Seth, the torso, legs and throne of the king, the protective inscription behind the king, the speech of Nekhbet, the upper torso and arms of Nekhbet from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 321. North chapel of Senwosret III. Top of the speech made by Nekhbet and a piece of Nekhbet’s inscription from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 322. North chapel of Senwosret III. Inscription for Nekhbet from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 323. North chapel of Senwosret III. Inscription for Nekhbet and the top of the speech made by the fecundity figure from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 324. North chapel of Senwosret III. Headdress of Nekhbet (left) and the top of the speech made by the fecundity figure (right) from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 325. North chapel of Senwosret III. Area behind Nekhbet (left) and the bottom of the speech made by the fecundity figure (right) from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 326. North chapel of Senwosret III. From left to right: the speech made by the fecundity figure, inscriptions in front of the fecundity figure, the kneeling fecundity figure and inscriptions granting the king dominion over foreign lands from the right side of the north tympanum.

Plate 327ab. North chapel of Senwosret III. a) Legs of the kneeling fecundity figure from the right side of the north tympanum. b) Nbt from the right corner of the north tympanum.

Plate 328. North chapel of Senwosret III. Name and epithets of Senwosret III (left) and the inscription for Horus (right) from the left side of the north tympanum.

Plate 329. North chapel of Senwosret III. Top of the red crown of Senwosret III and the protective inscription behind him from the left side of the north tympanum.

Plate 330. North chapel of Senwosret III. Torso and arms of the enthroned Senwosret III from the left side of the north tympanum.

Plate 331. North chapel of Senwosret III. Legs of Wadjet from the left side of the north tympanum.

Plate 332. North chapel of Senwosret III. From left to right: the bottom of the protective inscription behind the king, the bottom of the speech made by Wadjet and the bottom of Wadjet’s was-scepter from the left side of the north tympanum.

Plate 333. North chapel of Senwosret III. Back of the head of the kneeling fecundity figure and a papyrus blossom from his headdress (right) and part of the foreign lands inscription (left) from the left side of the north tympanum.

Plate 334. North chapel of Senwosret III. Section of the inscription granting the king dominion over foreign lands from the left side of the north tympanum.

Plate 335. From left to right: Vertical block border framing the false door, the top of the deity speech and the inscription for the bæw of Pe with the top of a was-scepter held by one of the deities from the first register on the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 336. The bottom of the deity speech (left) and the arm, leg and wasscepter of one of the deities (right) from the third register on the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 337. Part of an arm of a male deity, probably one of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 338. Part of the leg and tunic of a male deity, probably one of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 339. Inscription above the second or third register of deities on the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 340. Parts of two falcon-headed deities, probably two of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 341. Part of a falcon-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Pe, from the north side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 342. Part of a bæw-sign, probably from the designation of the bæw of Nekhen, from the first register on the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 343. Inscription for the bæw of Nekhen and the foot of a deity in the register above from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 344. Piece of the block border framing the false door (right) and a piece of the deity speech (left) from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 345. Probably piece of the deity speech from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 346. Piece of the deity speech from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 347. Jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 348. Top of a jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 349. Ears of a jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 350. Snout of a jackal-headed deity, probably one of the bæw of Nekhen, from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 351. Corner block border (left) and part of a deity facing right from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber.

Plate 352. Feet of two male deities facing right from the south side of the west wall of the offering chamber. Striped dado of the wall with later graffiti is below.

Plate 353. North chapel of Senwosret III. Deity facing left with the corner block border (right) and the bottom of a deity speech (left) from the west side of the south wall. Dado of the wall is below.

Plate 354. North chapel of Senwosret III. Was-scepter of a deity facing right (left) and part of a deity speech (right) from the east side of the south wall.

Plate 355. Door lintel with depictions of vessels inscribed with royal-name panels that sit on inscribed tables from the east side of the south wall of the offering chamber. On the underside are ceiling stars from the soffit of the doorway and a small piece of the green and yellow stripes of the reveal (not visible on this photo, see plate 457).

569 cm

Inscription

Inscription

451.5 439.5

371.2

B3w Nekhen

B3w Pe

B3w Nekhen?

B3w Pe?

B3w Nekhen?

Deity speech

Deity speech

False Door

B3w Pe?

50

Dado

Plate 356. Suggested reconstruction of the false door wall in the pyramid temple of Senwosret III.

Plate 357. Parts of two registers with the legs of two fecundity figures (upper register) and an inscription (lower register); a vertical line of inscription is in front. The figures probably belong to a group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 358. Ankh-sign from a deity speech (left) and hanging ankh-signs and a was-scepter pole (right) from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 359. Fecundity figure Wadjwer enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 360. Parts of an arm, a qebeh-vessel and a string that held an ankh-sign from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 361. Parts of an arm, a qebeh-vessel and a string that held an ankh-sign from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 362. Inscription probably from a depiction of the fecundity figure Hapy, perhaps from group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 363. Was-scepter pole, hanging ankh-signs and the feet of a fecundity figure probably enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below.

Plate 364. Remains of an inscription (above) and parts of two fecundity figures enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 365. Parts of two fecundity figures with the buttocks and proper left thigh of the first figure and the hanging ankh-signs and was-scepter pole of the second figure probably from a group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 366. Parts of two fecundity figures with a small piece of the proper left calf of the first figure and a hanging ankh-sign from the second figure probably from a group enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 367. Parts of an arm, a qebeh-vessel and a hetep-tray from a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 368. Fist and a small bit of a qebeh-vessel of fecundity figure Nepri enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 369. Proper left knee of fecundity figure Nepri possibly enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location. To the right is the vertical block border of a wall corner.

Plate 370. Part of a fecundity figure enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual (below) and a piece of the king’s throne with the foot of a large figure overlapping it (above) from a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below.

Plate 371. Parts of two fecundity figures with the back of the head of the figure enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual in plate 372 followed by the top of the wasscepter of a following fecundity figure from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 372. Parts of two fecundity figures with the body and legs of the figure enacting the smæ-tæwy ritual in plate 372 followed by the end of the hetep-sign and a piece of a was-scepter pole of the following figure from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 373. Top of a papyrus flower from the headdress of a fecundity figure facing right touching the ground line of the register above (right) and the right end of a star band (left) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 374. Probably part of the outstretched arms of a fecundity figure facing right (left) and a damaged sedge-plant (center) from a scene with a smæ-tæwy ritual of uncertain location.

Plate 375. Toe of a male figure on a ground line above the dado (right) and an unidentified object (left) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 376. Belly of a fecundity figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 377. Belly of a fecundity figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 378. Thigh and apron stripes of a fecundity figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 379. Kneeling fecundity figure enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual with an inscription and the vertical corner block border behind him from a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below.

Plate 380. Face that probably comes from a kneeling fecundity figure from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 381. Hand and papyrus stalks of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 382. Waist and apron belt of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 383. Legs of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left (above) and the ground line above dado (below) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 384. Hand and papyrus headdress of a kneeling fecundity figure facing right enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual (below) and the ankles, feet, ceremonial tail and footrest of the king facing left (above) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 385. Hand and plant stalks of a kneeling fecundity figure enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 386. Leg of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left (right) enacting a smæ-tæwy ritual with plant stalks (center) and the “lung” in the middle of the tied plants (left) from a scene of uncertain location. The dado is below.

Plate 387. Ankle and upturned foot of a kneeling fecundity figure facing left (above) and the dado (below) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 388. Papyrus flower probably from a smæ-tæwy scene of uncertain location.

Plate 389. Plant stalks from a smæ-tæwy scene of uncertain location.

Plate 390. Lung and windpipe from a smæ-tæwy scene of uncertain location.

Plate 391. Top of the thighs and the apron stripes of a large standing fecundity figure facing left from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 392. Possibly the arm and vessel of a large fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 393. Parts of two registers of fecundity figures enacting a libation ritual found in the remains of Jacques de Morgan’s excavation house at Dahshur. The provenance of the piece is uncertain.

Plate 394. South temple of Senwosret III (square L/19). At left is the striped reveal of the doorway, at right is a section of the adjoining wall with a male figure facing right enacting a libation ritual above the dado.

Plate 395. South temple of Senwosret III (square N/15). Parts of the arm, qebeh-vessel, hetep-sign, strings and was-scepter staff probably of a fecundity figure enacting a libation ritual.

Plate 396. South temple of Senwosret III (square K/19). Arm and breast of a fecundity figure carrying a hetep-sign and holding a was-scepter.

Plate 397. Heset-vessel and stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 398. Heset-vessel and stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 399. Stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 400. Stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 401. Small piece of a stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 402. Small piece of a stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 403. Toe of a male figure, probably a deity, facing right and standing on a podium. Probably from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 404. Piece of podium on ground line probably from a purification scene of uncertain location.

Plate 405. South temple of Senwosret IIII (square L/19). Small piece of a stream of ankh-signs from a purification scene.

Plate 406. Purification scene in the first chamber of the late Twelfth Dynasty temple at Medinet Madi in the Fayum.

Plate 407. Piece of large, striped divine wig from a life-size male figure, possibly Seth, facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 409.

Plate 408. Neck, divine wig and a piece of the overlapping arm of a life-size Seth facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 408.

Plate 409. Snout of a life-size Seth facing left from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 410. Possibly ears of a life-size Seth facing an uncertain direction from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 411. Divine wig, neck and facial markings of a life-size falcon-headed deity facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 412.

Plate 412. Divine wig, collar and forward shoulder of a life-size male deity facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 411.

Plate 413. Divine wig and a piece of the proper left shoulder of a life-size male deity facing left from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 414. Overlapping arm and a small piece of the torso of a life-size figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 415. Center of the torso, top of the kilt and parts of the arms of a life-size male figure, probably a deity, from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 416. Part of the face of a life-size goddess from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 417. Piece of an inscription for Sokar from a scene of uncertain location. The direction in which the inscription should be read cannot be determined.

Plate 418. Top of the head of a life-size depiction of the king with a nemesheaddress and a uraeus (lower right), the names of Senwosret III and blessings bestowed on him (above) and the wall corner (left) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 419. Pieces of the eye, face and ear of a life-size male figure, probably the king wearing a nemes-headdress, from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 420. Part of the face of the king wearing the white crown from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 421. Overlapping feet of a life-size depiction of the king on the throne from a ritual scene of uncertain location.

Plate 422. The waist, arm and wrist of an enthroned, life-size king facing right in a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 426.

Plate 423. Piece of the garment belt and belly of a life-size king facing right from a scene of uncertain location. It probably originally joined the piece in plate 425.

Plate 424. Bottom of a was-scepter from a life-size deity or king in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 425. Top of a was-scepter from a life-size deity or king in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 426. Top of a was-scepter from a life-size deity or king in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 427. Back of the kilt, tail, proper left wrist and hand holding an ankhsign of a life-size king or deity from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 428. Proper right hand grasping an object from a life-size figure in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 429. Possibly a small piece of the torso and overlapping arm of a lifesize male figure facing right from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 430. Proper left leg and tail of a life-size male figure facing left from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 431. Probably the heel of a life-size male figure facing right and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 432. Heel of a life-size male figure facing left and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 433. Arch of the foot of a life-size male figure facing right and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 434. Toe of a life-size male figure facing left and standing on the dado in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 435. Tip of the horizontal (proper right) wing of a flying vulture facing left with inscriptions above and below from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 436. Top of the vertical (proper right) wing of a flying falcon facing right with an inscription above from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 437. Tip of the horizontal (proper left) wing of a flying Horus facing right with inscriptions above and below from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 438. Inscription with epithets of the king (left) and a piece of the king’s cartouche (right) from a scene of uncertain location. It may have originally joined the piece in plate 439.

Plate 439. Inscription with the cartouche of the king (left) and probably part of his two ladies name (right). It may have originally joined the piece in plate 438.

Plate 440. Inscription with the Horus name of king (left) facing Wadjet on a neb-sign that is supported by a papyrus plant and surrounded by an inscription (right) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 441. Inscription containing snb mí (left) and the block border adjoining a wall corner (right) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 442. Parts of three columns of an inscription with blessings for the king and possibly epithets of a deity (right and center) and the vertical block border adjoining a wall corner (far left) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 443. Back of the head and the proper right shoulder of a ka-figure (right) and an inscription (left) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 444. Top of the double crown above the ka-figure (right), a protective inscription (center) and the vertical block border adjoining a wall corner (left) from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 445. Part of the Horus name carried by a ka-figure from a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 446. Arms and pole from a ka-standard in a scene of uncertain location.

Plate 447. Piece of the Horus atop a Horus name and a snake with an ankhsign from the upper right corner of a heraldic door lintel of uncertain location.

Plate 448. Parts of two registers from an unidentified scene (left) and the borders around a heraldic door lintel (right) from an uncertain location.

Plate 449. Detail of the unidentified hieroglyph in plate 448.

Plate 450. Two columns of inscription with the names and epithets of the king from the right side of a doorframe from an uncertain location.

Plate 451. Column of text with nswt bity from the right side of doorframe from an uncertain location

Plate 452. Three-quarter view of the right side of a doorframe with a rounded doorjamb from an uncertain location.

Plate 453. Cartouche from the right side of a doorframe from an uncertain location.

Plate 454. Cartouche from a doorframe text from an uncertain location.

Plate 455. Block containing a door lintel with a winged sun disk and a soffit with stars from an uncertain location.

Plate 456. Block containing a door lintel with a winged sun disk and a soffit with stars from an uncertain location.

Plate 457. Soffit of the door lintel at the east end of the south wall of offering chamber. The tops of the stars are facing west. For the front of the lintel see plate 357.