Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia: The Life and Times of F.W. Hasluck, 1878-1920 9781463225421

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Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia

Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

Collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies are brought together in Analecta Isisiana. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia

The Life and Times of F.W. Hasluck, 1878-1920

Volume 1

Edited by

David Shankland

« % The Isis Press, Istanbul

gOÎ^ÎaS pre** 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 2004 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010

o

ISBN 978-1-61719-087-2

Printed in the United States of America

\

I Photograph reproduced with the kind permission of King's College, Cambridge

TO

MY

DARLING

WITHOUT WHOSE NEITHER THIS NOR WOULD

WIFE

LOVE AND ANY OTHER REACH

A Y§E G UL SUPPORT PROJECT COMPLETION

CONTENTS VOLUME ONE Preface Acknowledgements

11 13 INTRODUCTION

1.

David Shankland, THE LIFE AND 1 HASLUCK, 1878-1920 PART ONE: PERSONALITIES

2.

Giovanni Salmeri, FREDERICK WILLIAM HASLUCK FROM CAMBRIDGE TO SMYRNA

71

3.

Birgit Olsen, R.M. DAWKINS AND GREECE

105

4.

Edhem Eldem, AN OTTOMAN ARCHAEOLOGIST CAUGHT BETWEEN TWO WORLDS: OSMAN HAMDI BEY (1842-1910)

121

Roderick Bailey, MARGARET HASLUCK AND THE SPECIAL OPERATIONS EXECUTIVE (SOE), 1942-44

151

Margaret Hasluck, A MURDER CASE IN 1944 (with an introductory note by Roderick Bailey)

183

Tom Winnifrith, S„ S. CLARKE IN ALBANIA

191

5. 6. 7.

PART TWO: THE SCHOOLS ABROAD 8.

9.

Amalia Kakissis, FREDERICK HASLUCK AND THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS BEFORE WORLD WAR ONE

205

David Gill, THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN THE LATE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

223

8 10.

11.

CONTENTS

David Barchard, MODERNITY, MUSLIMS AND BRITISH ARCHAEOLOGISTS: MICHAEL GOUGH AT THE BRITISH INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AT ANKARA AND HIS PREDECESSORS

257

Matthew Elliot, EUROPEAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL INSTITUTES IN TURKEY: AN ITALIAN AMBASSADOR'S VIEW IN 1925

281

PART THREE: ETHNOGRAPHY AND THE ALEVI-BEKTASHIS 12. 13. 14.

15. 16.

Irène Mélikoff, HASLUCK'S STUDY OF THE BEKTASHIS AND ITS CONTEMPORARY SIGNIFICANCE

297

Harry Norris, BEKTA§I LIFE ON THE BORDER BETWEEN ALBANIA AND GREECE

309

Ayfer Karakaya-Stump, THE EMERGENCE OF THE KIZILBA§ IN WESTERN THOUGHT: MISSIONARY ACCOUNTS AND THEIR AFTERMATH

329

Hans-Lukas Kieser, ALEVILIK AS SONG AND DIALOGUE: THE VILLAGE SAGE MELÛLI BABA (1892-1989)

355

George Ellington, URBANISATION AND THE ALEVI RELIGIOUS REVIVAL IN THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY ..

369

VOLUME TWO Preface to Volume Two

9

PART FOUR: SYNCRETISM AND CONVERSION 17. 18.

19.

Keith Hopwood, CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM SYMBIOSIS IN ANATOLIA

13

Charles Stewart, RITUAL DREAMS AND HISTORICAL ORDERS: INCUBATION BETWEEN PAGANISM AND CHRISTIANITY

31

Frank Trombley, THE CHRISTIANISATION OF RITE IN BYZANTINE ANATOLIA: HASLUCK AND RELIGIOUS CONTINUITY

55

20.

21. 22.

23. 24.

25.

26.

CONTENTS

9

Afrodite Kamara, 'URBAN' AND 'RURAL' RELIGION IN LATE ANTIQUE CILICIA: FROM PAGAN DIVERSITY TO CHRISTIAN HERESY

77

Hovann Simonian, HAMSHEN BEFORE HEMSHIN: THE PRELUDE TO ISLAMISATION

93

Michel Bali vet, 'A LA MANIERE DE F. W. HASLUCK': A FEW REFLECTIONS ON BYZANTINE-TURKISH SYMBIOSIS IN THE MIDDLE AGES

123

Rustam Shukurov, ANATOLIA

135

THE

CRYPTO-MUSL1MS

OF

Galia Valtchinova, CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM RELIGIOUS SYMBIOSIS ACCORDING TO HASLUCK: COMPARING TWO LOCAL CULTS OF SAINT THERAPON

159

Marc Baer, THE CONVERSION OF CHRISTIAN AND JEWISH SOULS AND SPACE DURING THE 'ANTIDERVISH' MOVEMENT OF 1656-76

183

Keith Hopwood, A SHARED HERITAGE: BYZANTINE AND OTTOMAN VIEWS OF THE CLASSICAL MONUMENTS OF ISTANBUL

201

PART FIVE: TRAVELLERS, EMPIRE AND NATION 27.

Ömtir Bakirer, TRAVELLERS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND TOPKAPI PALACE

217

28.

Malcolm Wagstaff, COLONEL LEAKE AND THE TURKS ...

237

29.

Bülent Özdemir, RELIGION AND PLURALITY IN OTTOMAN CULTURE: THE ORTHODOX COMMUNITY IN SALONICA IN THE 1840s

253

Ipek Yosmaoglu, FIELD OF DREAMS: ETHNOGRAPHICAL MAPS AND THE ETHNE OF MACEDONIA, 1842-1906

269

Michael Meeker, GREEKS WHO ARE MUSLIMS: COUNTER-NATIONALISM IN NINETEENTH CENTURY TRABZON

299

30.

31.

10 32.

33. 34.

CONTENTS

Renee Hirschon, 'WE GOT ON WELL WITH THE TURKS': CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM RELATIONS IN LATE OTTOMAN TIMES

325

Fotini Tsibiridou, MUSLIM EXPERIENCE OF 'FEAR AND SHAME': THE CASE OF THE POMAKS IN GREECE

345

Alice Forbess, HASLUCK, MOUNT ATHOS AND THE RECONSTITUTION OF MONASTIC LIFE IN POSTSOCIALIST ROMANIA

363

PART SIX: ARCHAEOLOGY, HERITAGE AND IDEOLOGY 35.

36. 37.

38. 39.

Mehmet Ozdogan, HERITAGE AND NATIONALISM IN THE BALKANS AND ANATOLIA: WHAT HAS HAPPENED SINCE HASLUCK?

389

Olga Demetriou, CYCLOP'S CAVE: APPROPRIATIONS OF ANCIENT THRACE

407

Lucia Nixon, CHRONOLOGIES OF DESIRE AND THE USES OF MONUMENTS: EFLATUNPINAR TO CATALHOYUK AND BEYOND

429

Begumgen Ergenekon, DORIAN ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY AND LOCAL FOLKLORE IN DATQA

453

David Shankland, THE UNIVERSAL AND THE LOCAL AT CATALHOYUK, TURKEY

465

APPENDICES 1. 2. 3.

David Shankland, AN OUTLINE CHRONOLOGY OF THE LIFE OF F.W. HASLUCK 481 Roderick Bailey, AN OUTLINE CHRONOLOGY OF THE LIFE OF M.M. HARDIE (Mrs F. W. HASLUCK) 483 David Gill, A PRELIMINARY BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE WORKS OF F. W. HASLUCK AND OF M. M. HARDIE (Mrs F.W. HASLUCK) 485

CONTRIBUTORS

491

PREFACE

This volume derives from a conference that was held at the University of Wales Gregynog in November 2001. On that occasion, more than sixty delegates from twelve different countries met together to discuss Hasluck and issues connected with his life and work. Heritage and archaeology in the Balkans; nationalism, culture and ideology; the Schools abroad; continuities and causality in the cultural record; religious syncretism; western travellers in Turkey; conversion; the ethnography of the Alevi-Bektashis were but some of the themes addressed. The event was marked by a scholarly effervescence that was as exciting as it was reassuring. However difficult our contemporary conditions, something of the British universitv tradition Hearlv still survives.

For this we must be surprised and grateful. The events of 11 September meant that some colleagues who would have like to have taken part in the initial discussions were impeded from doing so. Others, though, have joined in, and the publication offered here has gradually evolved since the conference. It consists now of two volumes divided into six parts, with contributions offered from a distinguished group of scholars whose membership crosses national as well as disciplinary boundaries. If considered in the light of the introduction, the chapters that follow may be read as a commentary on the work of Hasluck and its possible ramifications. The respective sections, in turn, group together papers on similar themes: syncretism, for example, and the relationship between heritage, archaeology and nationalism are found in Volume Two, whilst various of the personalities associated with the schools abroad, descriptions of those schools themselves, ethnographic essays on the Alevi-Bektashis (the group in whom Hasluck specialised), and more detailed summations of Hasluck's life are found in Volume One. Each chapter is, of course, an essay in its own right, in each case offering pointers where further work may be undertaken. To take only the four plenary speakers at the conference, all of whom who have offered chapters here: S a l m e r i ' s immensely suggestive comments on Ridgeway, antiquarianism and the Cambridge of the early 1900s; Melikoff's comparison

12

PREFACE

between the Bektashis, the Hurufis, and the Bogomils; Meeker's pioneering work on the transition from empire to nation on the Black Sea Coast; and Hopwood's exploration of cultural interaction on the Byzantine/Turkish frontier are all areas where further study would be as stimulating as it would be rewarding. From the point of view of the disciplinary history of anthropology and archaeology, it is hoped that the story of Hasluck's life will shed some light on that puzzling separation between archaeology and anthropology in this country, a phenomenon that has still not been properly explained. Taken more theoretically, the contributions encourage speculation on the complex interrelations that obtain at the point of transitions between societies and peoples, whether in time or space, and are a sharp antidote to that contemporary tendency to see cultures as occupying distinct, discrete political spaces. The two volumes conclude with a brief chronology of the lives of Hasluck and his wife (née Margaret Hardie), and also a preliminary bibliography of their respective publications provided by David Gill. In the case of Margaret Hardie in particular, we hope that it will be possible in the future to provide a more detailed study. Here, Roderick Bailey has very kindly offered a short piece by her (Chapter 5) that has not otherwise been published. He also generously made available the photograph of Mrs Hasluck that acts as a frontispiece to Volume Two. In future gatherings, we hope both to look at these issues further in the context of the differing religious and cultural traditions of south-east Europe and Anatolia, and to explore specific topics and figures. Amongst these last may be found the more general study of the place of the foreign schools of archaeology and anthropology abroad, ethnographic studies of interaction between Muslim and Christian communities in the region, and a more detailed evaluation of the redoubtable Ramsay than we have been able to offer here. The editor would naturally be delighted to receive comments or suggestions of further questions that it is felt should be taken into account.

David Shankland, Bristol. [email protected]

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work's first debt is to the British School at Athens, and I am most grateful for initial leave to consult their London office archives, and for subsequent permission to publish extracts from them. Sadly, during the project the whole relevant archive was transferred to Greece by the School in spite of my pleas that the project was ongoing. This naturally can have nothing to do with the fact that the archive contradicts sharply the information provided in the School's official history. Nevertheless, it does seem unfortunate that a major unstudied academic resource for our understanding of the development of British intellectual life should be moved abroad to such a distant location, particularly whilst it was in use, and without consultation with the wider scholarly community. One can only hope that this action will be reversed. Other than this mishap, the project has received a very great deal of help and assistance. A grant from the UK Economic and Social Research Council was essential in enabling me to devote time to the project, and I would like to place once more on record the extraordinarily understanding way in which the Council supports social science research. The original conference 'Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage: the life and times of F. W. Hasluck, 1878-1920' took place at the University of Wales Gregynog, 5-7 November 2001. The impeccably friendly and efficient staff at Gregynog did a great deal to make the occasion enjoyable and memorable. The event was organised jointly by a committee consisting of Keith Hopwood, Stephen Mitchell and David Shankland, and supported by a number of different bodies. We would like to acknowledge and to thank the British Academy and its Secretary Peter Brown; the University of Wales Colloquium Fund; the University of Wales Centre for the Study of Southeast Europe; the University of Wales, Lampeter and its Vice-Chancellor, Professor Keith Robbins.

14

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The production of the publication has been a joint effort in every sense. However, I should like to thank the Director and Staff of the Isis Press, Istanbul for the highly efficient way that they handled the manuscript. I would also like to acknowledge, with gratitude, the Vice-Chancellor's Fund of the University of Bristol, for its generous assistance whilst taking the project to its conclusion. Finally, I should acknowledge, many years later than I should have liked, the advice of the late Professor Ahmet Edip Uysal, of Ankara University, himself a pioneering folklorist. It was he who emphasised to me in Turkey in the 1980s the significance of Hasluck's researches, and who encouraged me to find archival evidence concerning his life.

1. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF F. W. HASLUCK (1878-1920) David SHANKLAND 1

Deceptively laconic, lucid, highly original, wide-ranging and sceptical, the work of F.W. Hasluck has been almost entirely ignored by the generations of scholars who have followed him. As a re known outside a small number of devotees but also the inner currents of his life and thought are as yet scarcely established. One of our aims in this volume is to begin to redress this balance. In part, the reasons for Hasluck being so comparatively overlooked are clear. He died young, at the age of forty-two. Whilst he wrote a great deal in article form, he published only one monograph during his lifetime, 2 leaving his wife, (née Margaret Hardie), to edit, collect and publish his remains. Much of what he wrote is sharply in contrast to the then prevailing intellectual tenor and contains scant doffing of his cap to the established leaders. Whilst he enjoyed his working life, he was not particularly good at institutional politics. This facilitated his dismissal as Assistant Director from the British School at Athens, a rejection that he took quietly, and with scarce a m u r m u r of complaint. He achieved therefore a self-reinforcing obscurity; his work was too modernist to be immediately accessible or comprehensible to even his closest colleagues, and at the time of his death he had no professional position that might have offered his posthumous reputation an easy legitimacy. Dying of consumption unemployed in Switzerland was, whilst perhaps romantic, not a recipe for f a m e in a field crowded with some very good, and very ambitious, minds. Yet, speaking as a professional anthropologist, my feeling is that he anticipated some of the most important insights of the Malinowski school nearly two decades before they became apparent to the wider world of 1 Whilst this introduction owes a great deal to many friends and colleagues, I would like to thank David Barchard, Richard Clogg, Nigel Morley, Lucia Nixon, and Giovanni Salmeri in particular for their most helpful comments. 2 Hasluck (1910).

16

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SHANKLAND

scholarship. Doing so, indeed, contributed toward the intellectual insouciance of his elders toward him, and his toward them. Not just this, he made further research contributions across a very wide field: to classics, ethnography, ancient and modern history, folklore, archaeology, numismatics and indeed librarianship. His work's leitmotif, the complex cultural interaction between Christianity and Islam in the Balkans and Anatolia, could hardly be more relevant in today's troubled world. These are compelling reasons to pause, and to reconsider his life and works afresh.

King's and the Cambridge

influence

Hasluck was one of that brilliant generation of scholars brought up in the intellectual strong-house of King's College Cambridge before the Great War, arriving there from the Leys School on a scholarship. 1 Whilst the current mania for keeping student records was at that point hardly conceived, a few points are at least immediately clear from their respective records: at the Leys School Hasluck gained the School Higher Certificate with distinction in French, Latin and Greek. He became a prefect, and more significantly perhaps, editor of the school newspaper, The Leys Fortnightly, in 1897. 2 It is too early to judge very much from that school experience, but there are signs that in certain respects his later orientation may be anticipated: he is thanked for donating a coin cabinet to the school library, and wins an occasional prize. 3 It is also possible — and detailed exploration of this theme will have to wait until further archival material has been unearthed — that the particular background of high Methodism upon which the Leys School was founded gave him exactly that curious combination of character traits that we see later in his life: that is, the self-confidence of a well-educated person of good family but without any corresponding need to feel part of the country's governing ethos. 4 This thought, albeit intriguing, is for later exploration. What is clear is that the school, in order to mark the achievement of its pupils in winning Oxbridge scholarships, declared a day's holiday. 5

1 King's College, Meeting Book, 2 December 1896 lists four scholars as receiving scholarships for that year and ranks them accordingly: 'Order of Scholars: A G R E E D that the order of Scholars now elected be:- Grace, Meredith, Hasluck, Monteath'. 2 I am most grateful to Mr Houghton, archivist of the Leys School, for his kindness in bringing these references to Hasluck to my attention. 3 For the coin cabinet: Leys School Fortnightly, Vol XXI 1897, page 159; for prizes, pages 175, 280. 4 On the history and background of the Leys School, see Houghton and Houghton (2000). 5 The Leys Fortnightly, Vol. 21, 26 February 1887; 179.

THE

LIFE

AND

TIMES

OF

F.

W.

HASLUCK

17

At K i n g ' s , he took a first in both parts of the Classics Tripos, and also won the B r o w n Medal f o r Latin epigrams. 1 H e built upon this success by being elected a fellow in 1904. Whilst we do know precisely what impulse led him to the British School of Athens, S a l m e r i ' s fascinating analysis in this volume gives persuasive food for thinking that his later theoretical toughness was profoundly honed by the precociousness of that C a m b r i d g e milieu. As Salmeri also suggests, it is highly likely that it is possible to discern the m o r e specific i n f l u e n c e of R i d g e w a y ' s eclectic a n t i q u a r i a n i s m and the innovative flexibility of the late nineteenth century classical tripos. Just w h y this background should be important f o r the intellectual h i s t o r y of a n t h r o p o l o g y

is, upon r e f l e c t i o n , o b v i o u s . B r i t i s h

Social

Anthropology is a misnomer in as m u c h as it took its modern form (a f o r m that is only today beginning to lose its shape) through a foreign import. M a l i n o w s k i ' s distinct methodological insistence on individual fieldwork and historical scepticism c o m b i n e d with his a c u m e n and s h a r p instinct f o r institutional leadership did indeed revolutionise that branch of scholarship. His model produced not just a strong disciplinary ethos but also s o m e of the best ethnography published anywhere. Seeking the ideological roots of this combination, Gellner and others have turned to M a l i n o w s k i ' s past; his doctorate in empiricist philosophy of science f r o m Krakow, his experience of eastern European nationalism, and his work in non-literate societies. 2 Y e t the e x a m p l e of Hasluck shows that a similar result could have been generated in a slightly different way: through the Cambridge scepticism of Russell and the Apostles combined with equally brilliant scholarship generated through the classical tradition, drawing upon an ethnographic area, south-east Europe, that Herzfeld many years, and several generations later, was so notably to lament as having been forcibly neglected by the vigour of the Malinowskian impulse to work in the C o m m o n w e a l t h . 3 T o realise that there could be such other paths is not to belittle M a l i n o w s k i . I n d e e d , H a s l u c k ' s u n a v a i l i n g pleas to his e m p l o y e r s f o r permission to live with his wife at the School show h o w admirably strong Malinowski must have been to cope with similar institutional obstacles that he met with such remarkable élan. 4 T h e current implosion of British Social 1

See Hasluck's obituary paragraph in the King's College Annual Report, 20 November 1920; 2. See, for instance, Gellner (1995, 1998). 3 Herzfeld (1987). 4 On Malinowski's (and early social anthropology's) institutional background, see Goody (1995). 2

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SHANKLAND

Anthropology in its immediate form, does however, mean that the search for alternatives will continue apace. What, for example, if anthropology in this country had not separated off from archaeology so forcefully? What if it had taken further the model of foreign schools abroad and remained with it for longer than it actually did? What, indeed, if it had not distanced itself so markedly from the group ethos that dominates primary research activity within archaeology (and indeed did also the early Haddon expedition to the Torres straits), and worked in teams in more sustained fashion than it later came to do? Hasluck's cruel misfortunes provide ammunition, it is true, for those who argue that social anthropology must have been right to strike out for such independence, if only to avoid being crushed at source. The utter brilliance of Hasluck's material, with its seamless use of textual, archaeological and anthropological data, material that now acts as a unique source quarried by specialists on the Balkans and Anatolia, argues that it might have been otherwise.

Hasluck's

works

Though he wrote widely, Hasluck's intellectual focus may be regarded as the investigation of the successive cultures of the Balkans and Anatolia emphasising the while both their respective comparative setting and points of historical transition between them. His approach differs clearly from his immediate colleagues twice over. He shows scant regard, even scorn for any presumption that one culture may 'survive' into another over time in any straightforward way, and at the same time insists that the causal basis for any cultural continuity must be set in the way present factors selectively shape the past. This scepticism toward survivalism characterises much of his work and letters. He writes to his friend Dawkins in October 1915 for instance, 'Every one is so eager to believe in picturesque survivals. Even X saw the other day S. Spyridon must be (why?) a survival of Alchinus: ie. that every cult in a given radius must be a survival of every other in that radius. This is, well - ' . Then, in November 1917 even more bluntly, 'In all survivals the first man ignores the chronological gap in his theory & the public doesn't know there is one'. 1 This general orientation comes most sharply into focus in his writings in an explicit battle with the f a m o u s Victorian Professor Sir William Ramsay. Himself a most interesting man, William Ramsay might be 1

Hasluck (1926; 13, 54).

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regarded, not altogether flippantly, as an itinerant theologian: itinerant in that in the latter part of the nineteenth, and early twentieth century he conducted extremely extensive survey work in Anatolia into later classical and early Christian remains. Theologian in that he wrote widely on the historical basis of the scriptures, attempting to use his field findings to illustrate the literal truth of the Bible. Possessed of a forceful character, he was an early example of an international academic star, attending conferences, going to America on lecture tours, and publishing too his reflections on modern Turkey and the Young Turk revolution. 1 During the course of these presentations, he on several occasions outlines a startlingly clear continuity thesis. He claims that sites held to be sacred by the contemporary cultures of Anatolia, such as streams, graves, trees, tombs, mountains, streams or rocks, are always evidence of continuity from an earlier stage of religious life. Or, to put it another way, when a site comes to be regarded as holy by a particular group, it somehow always remains so, retaining its numen for the later incomers to that spot. The practical consequences of this approach for his survey work are very convenient. Much of his work takes place amongst the Muslim villages of Asia Minor. His argument divides their religious life into two. Mosquegoing activities are genuinely Islamic. Any other are not Muslim. In regard to their religious ideas, we begin by setting aside all thai belongs strictly to Mohammedanism, all that necessarily arises from the fact that a number of Mohammedans, who live together in a particular town or village, are bound to carry out in common the ritual of their religion, ie. to erect a proper building, and to perform certain acts and prayers at regular intervals. Anything that can be sufficiently accounted for on that ground has no bearing on the present purpose. All that is beyond this is, strictly speaking, a deviation from, and even a violation of, the Mohammedan religion ... But the actual belief of the peasantry of Asia Minor attaches sanctity to a vast number of localities, and to these our attention is now directed. Without laying down any universal principle, it will appear easily that in many cases the attachment of religious veneration to particular localities in Asia Minor has continued through all changes in the dominant religion of the country. 2 Whilst this puritanical interpretation of what is 'truly' Islamic would please the most reformist Wahabbi cleric today, it leads immediately to the vast proportion of the religious activity of an Anatolian village being regarded a 1 2

Ramsay (1909). Ramsay (1906; 167).

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mere relic. Indeed, saints' tombs, graves, streams, holy trees, places of worship, with which the countryside is dotted, suddenly become not just 'nonIslamic' but also likely direct and convenient entry points facilitating timetravel into just that past world that Ramsay wishes to study. Ramsay's question is not an empty one: in an area which has seen the intermingling, conquering, reconquering and ultimately separation of empires and nations, as well as dozens of different smaller, but often at least partially distinct peoples overlapping and co-existing with each other, the question of what happens to the successive material remains, and the extent to which society may leave a cultural influence on the next, is indeed crucial to our wider understanding of humanity. Nevertheless, his answer is astoundingly static. His perspective requires successive cultures to be frozen out of almost any possibility of social creativity by their predecessors, who have somehow imbued the landscape, and their culture, with permanent sacred meaning. It also immediately leads to an infinite regress, because if a sacred tradition is by definition a relic of a previous past, it can in turn only be explained by a previous tradition, and so on. Hasluck was so important not just because he was sceptical (he can hardly have been the only such sceptic) but more specifically that, by virtue of his extensive fieldwork, he marshalled ample material to rebut Ramsay decisively. In doing so, he arrived at a dynamic theory of culture which implies that the past is continuously reinterpreted by the present, an idea that both solves the logical regress, and is one that researchers within modern anthropology, and Malinowski himself, would certainly find much more congenial than Ramsay's survivalism. The briefest way to demonstrate the efficiency of Hasluck's counterargument is perhaps to look at his most sustained and explicit attack on Ramsay. This longer piece consists of the first section, totalling 118 pages, of Christianity and Islam under the Sultans. Its intent, though carefully and politely phrased, is clear from the introductory, opening page. Professor Sir William Ramsay has in repeated articles laid stress on the tenacity of local religious traditions in Asia Minor ... My own conclusion derived, I hope, impartially from the evidence, is that a survival of religious tradition is so far from inevitable that it is only possible under favourable conditions. 1

1

Hasluck (1929; 3).

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In order to demonstrate his point, Hasluck considers a very wide range of religious p h e n o m e n a f r o m across the Balkans and Anatolia, dividing up his material in terms of the type of building or locality in question. T o imply the idea of a sense of sanctity continuing f r o m one culture to the next he uses the word 'transference'. T h u s he considers the successful 'transference' of sacred buildings, or where such an attempt to transfer such a sense of the sacred has failed. H e considers churches that have fallen into disuse. H e considers those areas, both in the countryside and in the towns, where Islamic communities have respected Christian places of worship, and vice versa. He discusses the possible transference of 'natural' spirituality, ie. cases where it appears that a mountain, or a stream has a long sacred tradition attached to it that passes f r o m one culture to the next. H a s l u c k ' s conclusions are directly opposed to those of R a m s a y ; he concludes that there is simply n o precise or predictable way that one sacred m o n u m e n t is treated so in the following culture. H e is not concerned to deny that a 'transference' might sometimes occur, for example, in such buildings as A y a s o f y a in Istanbul, or lesser known churches such as those in K o n y a , or even that there are rural continuities w h e r e b y a stream held sacred by Christians might also be held to be so by an Islamic village. W h a t he is questioning is the inevitability

of such a 'transference', the causal mechanism

by which it might take place. Hasluck maintains that responsibility must lie with the social conditions that obtain at that time within the contemporary community, that only if they are appropriate will the past b e c o m e reflected in the present. Thus: The continuance of ... religious centrcs depends directly on the continuance of their population ... An isolated sanctuary, if on a frequented route especially the great pilgrim road to Mecca, stands a greater chance of wide popularity than one remote from it: if the road becomes less populous, the sanctuary suffers with it... 1 ... it is apparent that many sites of extraordinary sanctity both in ancient and in Christian times have at the present day lost all tradition of that sanctity. Ephesus ... seems never to have passed on its religious traditions to Islam. ... At ... Corycian ... a Christian church was built on the very site of the pagan temple. The nomad Turks who now inhabit the district use the cave itself as a stable for camels, and scout the idea of anything supernatural about it. 2

1

Hasluck (1929; 113).

2

Hasluck (1929; 115-116).

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The religious awe attaching to ancient places of worship thus dwindles or dies where it is not continuously reinforced by organization. It is human organization in the end which was responsible for all the widely reputed sanctuaries ... All owed their extended vogue either to the external organization of politics, or commerce, or the internal organization of an astute or even learned priestly caste dealing in cures, oracles or mysteries. .... For every dying cult...one [can] point to a hundred dead, and new ones daily grow up to take their place and satisfy the religious needs of a varying population. 1

Finally, his closing lines sum up: (My) inference is that changes in political and religious conditions, especially change of population, of which Asia Minor has seen so much, can and do obliterate the most ancient local religious traditions, and, consequently, that our pretensions to accuracy in delineating local religious history must largely depend on our knowledge of these changes. Without this knowledge, which we seldom or never have, the assumption too often made on the ground of some accidental similarity that one halfknown cult had supplanted another is picturesque but unprofitable guesswork." 2

These scattered quotations hardly do justice to the wealth of detail that Hasluck offers. They do, however, illustrate the fullness of the jump in vision has taken place. Humans, their thought processes, and the wider political and economic events along with all the uncertainty that this must entail have replaced the bare presumption of the primacy of the archaeological or textual record and its straightforward adoption into a fixed cultural or historical scale. In so positing such a shifting dynamic between material culture, environment and society, Hasluck reaches a position that is rightly held to be quite central, even integral, to the modern practice of anthropology, and of its founding revolution.

Early

research

'Transferences' is Hasluck's final major piece, one that he reworked extensively whilst he was ill, and circulated before his death to Ridgeway for comment. It represents therefore his careful thought over the previous two decades of research. Nevertheless, even in his earliest work, certain preoccupations may be discerned that act as stepping stones toward his mature position. One of the most important of these is the question of what is more 1

Hasluck (1929; 117).

2

Hasluck (1929; 118).

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generally called today cultural relativism. T h e excesses of the self-acclaimed post-modernists within the social sciences have rightly m a d e scholars highly suspicious of the pernicious effects of such nomenclature. Nevertheless, that approach contains an important insight: there is o f t e n in practice a link b e t w e e n r e f u s i n g to give any o n e culture priority o v e r any other and overcoming the tendency to o f f e r causal precedence to any o n e particular civilisation in our depiction of the past. In other words, even though there may be n o logical or necessary link between a private belief that Ancient Greece or Egypt or w h e r e v e r is the s u m m i t of civilisation and giving that culture causal precedence in o n e ' s intellectual analysis, in practice such a connection is extremely difficult to discount. R a m s a y , the butt of H a s l u c k ' s attack, is a case in point. Whilst he wrote and travelled widely, he assumes that the underlying aim of archaeology in the Near East is to illuminate the scriptures, and more particularly the life of St Paul. This leads him to a marked inclination to f a v o u r the Christian communities of the Middle East, and to a scorn for the Ottoman Empire, and indeed f o r the Turkish language, that grates rather on modern sensibilities. Indeed, whilst there is still n o biography of Ramsay, in any attempt at writing one it would hardly be possible to disentangle his Gladstonian approach to the Near Eastern question f r o m his wider writings on the civilisations of Asia Minor. For example: The tree nearest the spring is hung with patches of rag, fastened to it by modern devotees. In the contrast between the ancient sculpture and the modern tree [at this spot] you have, in miniature, the difference between Asia Minor as it was 2,700 years ago, and Asia Minor as it is under the Turk. The peasants' language is as poor as their ritual ... ' T o suggest that the richness and complexity of rural Turkish is ' p o o r ' — an assertion that R a m s a y repeats over the subsequent two pages — is absurd, all the more so as R a m s a y evidently spoke no more than a f e w words of what is sometimes k n o w n today in Turkey as 'archaeology T u r k i s h ' : that is, a f e w phrases picked u p sufficient for basic purposes when travelling in Anatolia but with respect f o r neither grammar nor style. T h e Ramsian emphasis on the idea that archaeological research exists to supplement sacred texts has never quite faded away, nor was it in Hasluck's day unimportant. It m a y be seen, for example, still in the substantial volume edited by Hogarth, himself Director of the British School at Athens between ^Ramsay (1906; 173).

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1896 and 1898 (and subsequently Keeper of the Ashmolean), that appeared in 1899. 1 Nevertheless, in style it already appears a little old-fashioned at the end of the nineteenth century, harking back to the work of Layard, and even those early travellers who assumed that the point of journeying in the Near East was to visit the Seven Churches of Asia Minor. Rather, the men who founded the British School at Athens were influenced by the romantic revival that had long started to replace Christian allusions with the spirit of classicism, and above all by the Hellenic spirit of Dodwell, Stuart, Byron and Hobhouse. This was represented perfectly in Hasluck's day by George Macmillan, its long-serving Chairman in London, and its first Director, Penrose, who measured the columns of the Parthenon. It was the custom of the School to offer an annual studentship in alternate years to Oxford and Cambridge in return for the support that they offered it through subscriptions. The Vice-Chancellor had nominated Hasluck for the 1901-1902 season. When he arrived, there appears no obvious reason to suppose that he would differ sharply from this prevailing ethos. As usual, he was expected to pursue a certain course of study, and he achieved this by joining in with an expedition led by Bosanquet (who was the School's Director at that time) to Cyzicus, the ancient city on the peninsular of the Dardanelles. The hope was that Cyzicus would be excavated, and therefore Hasluck become acquainted with digging techniques in practical fashion through working on the site. Digging permission from the Ottoman authorities, however, was not forthcoming, though he was able to visit in spring 1902, and with remarkable promptness, published his first academic paper (albeit brief) on the site in the British School at Athens Annual for that year. 2 Though permission still did not arrive, Hasluck continued to visit the region each year until 1906. Whilst publishing subsequent articles on the site, he turned his survey material into a successful Fellowship dissertation for King's — indeed judging from the notes of that meeting, he appears to have received the most votes of all the candidates. 3 The dissertation, unfortunately, appears to be lost but his researches were ultimately published as part of the Cambridge Archaeological and Ethnological Series, with the rather 1

Hogarth (1899). Hasluck (1902). 3 King's College Meeting book, 12 March, 1904: 'At a meeting of the Electors to Fellowships .... the Electors voted for each candidate separately, votes being given as follows: for Mr Hasluck 15 votes, Barger 13 votes, Temperley 12 votes, Tilon, none. Mr Hasluck and Mr Barger were declared provisionally elected...'. 2

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cumbersome title Cyzicus: Being some account of the history and antiquities of that city, and of the district adjacent to it, with the towns of Apollinia ad Rhyndacum, Miletupolis, Hadrianutherae, Pirapus, Zelia, etc.1 In fact, far more auspicious than this title appears at first sight, Hasluck has written a neat and pleasant account of the area from the diachronic and the synchronic point of view, covering the site on the one hand from its earliest known period (the 'Milesian') until the Turkish conquest, and on the other considers questions of its present-day comparative religion and government in a most suggestive way. At this stage of my researches, I cannot claim an intimate knowledge of the development of classical scholarship at the turn of the last century. However, both Professor Salmeri and Mr Hopwood have kindly discussed the place of this monograph in its field with me, and they reinforce the impression that a casual glance may give in that it is highly original in the flexibility with which it treats its subject. Rather than regard the only significant part of the settlement as being its place at the height of classical antiquity, Hasluck has self-consciously included far more than would be then usual in such an explicitly classical work on other periods, and indeed far more detail on present-day customs gained from travelling in the locality. He notes, for example, a series of different cases of 'incubation': that is, Greek, and occasionally Turkish, seekers who are prepared to sleep at the tomb of a saint in order to gain miraculous intercession (see also Stewart's contribution in this work). He also comments extensively on the islands, ports and settlements around the site of Cyzicus itself, giving a sense of their present prosperity and activity. Whilst the longue durée has now become something to which in principle we are accustomed, this refreshing presentation of historical sequence, scholarly detail and field research combined in a single text is even today sometimes lacking in archaeological survey volumes on Anatolia, facilitating an aridity that is as off-putting as it is artificial. Monuments and remains in the landscape, unless they are bereft entirely of any human contact, always have some relationship with the living societies around them, and it is to Hasluck's credit that he realised this and even in his earliest major work did not attempt to exclude such social context from his account. 2 At the same

1

Hasluck (1910). On this point, it is also worth glancing at Hasluck's annotations to the architectural survey conducted by Jewell of the 'Church of our Lady of the Hundred Gates (Panagia Hekatontapyliani)' in Paros, (Jewell and Hasluck 1920).

o

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time, it is clear, even in this first monograph that he has no interest whatsoever in illuminating a specifically glorious classical past.

Islam and

Christianity

A self-conscious readiness to study history as a multiple, dynamic process is certainly essential to Hasluck's reworking of Ramsay's survivalism, and indeed to his escaping from the dominant classical tradition. Also important though is his readiness to work with the lived experience of religion, with its quirky side as much as its orthodoxies. Thus, rather than dismiss all non mosque-going religious activities, as does Ramsay, to some sort of folklore, he assumes that they constitute an integral part of life within the Islamic communities of Anatolia. His work benefits profoundly from this even-handed approach. It means that he is able to look systematically at what is sometimes known as the 'saintly' tradition in Islam; that is, the readiness of the Muslim Balkans to embrace mystical inspiration, tombs, and brotherhoods within daily life, however frowned upon by orthodox-inclined imams,. It leads him too to treat the relationship between Islam and Christianity in Anatolia and the Balkans as a reciprocal interaction, one in which both sides may be affected in different ways by each other without prejudice as to their priority. Both these themes are explored in some detail in Christianity and Islam under the Sultans. However, it should not be forgotten that these essays are, in effect, his collected works, often prepared originally for periodical or, in the case of the opening essay on 'transferences', separate publication. His style was already rather concise, and the effect of such varied offerings pressed cheek by jowl against one another can sometimes be rather off-putting. This, combined with the fact that Margaret Hasluck, his posthumous editor, pressed yet more matter into the already extensive footnotes makes it difficult simply to sit down and read each section consecutively as one would a monograph. Instead, though, any single chapter may be treated as a concentrated snapshot, a way into a specific problem that Hasluck has highlighted by drawing upon his diverse sources — his fieldwork, his modern reading in Greek, or of the older literary, travel, or classical sources. Later, he referred to this habit of unearthing some interesting aspect of social or religious history as 'truffling', and hoped that his comments would be starting points for further research.

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This hope appears to be justified in as much as his writings, though so condensed, are often extremely suggestive. For instance, there appeared in the British School at Athens Annual a piece called 'Christianity and Islam under the Sultans of Konya', reprinted in the second volume of Christianity and Islam} It is a brief treatment of Konya in the Seljuk period, when that city was the capital of their empire. Choosing to eschew political history for a more nuanced, explicitly social consideration of life at that time, Hasluck stresses that the emergence of Rumi, who was the inspiration for the Mevlevi Dervishes, as a great mystical leader may be seen within the context of a pluralistic society in which both Christian and Islamic traditions could celebrate and venerate such a holy figure. The essay is, just as he points out, a preliminary effort. Yet, this train of thought is immensely suggestive. Hopwood, for example, in this volume uses it as the starting point for a fascinating analysis of the social background of the Turkish conquest of Anatolia. It also lends itself to more ahistorical generalization, for instance the thought that, when Christian and Muslim communities are found alongside one another, though they may achieve, naturally, many different types of accommodation (see for example, the chapters here by Balivet, Kieser or by ShuKurov), mutual religious respect is shown often through reciprocal worship or sacrifice in the name of the other's saints and at saintly tombs rather than through potentially more formal contact between mosque and church.

This implies straight away that inter-faith contact may occur most frequently precisely through those 'folkloric' aspects of the Muslim faith that Ramsay had dismissed as being irrelevant. More than this, however, it helps to identify the way in which social relations between communities may spiral into a self-reinforcing cycle of distance and confrontation during times of mutual difficulty. Albeit, starkly and over-simply put, the argument would go like this: heightened inter-communal tension often leads to an emphasis on religious orthodoxy. However, through worship being concentrated more purely on church and mosque, each community is drawn further into itself from the sociological point of view — into their respective sacred buildings — and away f r o m just that form of more informal religious practice during shrine and saints' festivals that appears to admit, during normal times, a much greater degree of interaction and tolerance.

1

Hasluck (1913), reprinted in Hasluck (1929; 370-79).

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Part of my own work on the Konya Plain led, to my great surprise, to a parallel constellation of ideas. The problem that faced me was how to trace the interaction between the present day, Sunni Muslim Turkish community, and the archaeological remains (mostly in the form of mounds) that are found in their territory. 1 The situation is potentially made much more complex by other factors, such as the large international excavation team that is investigating one particular prehistoric mound named (.'atalhoyuk, a site that is already well-known. Nevertheless, it appears that, rather than ascertaining explicitly whether the mounds that dot their territory derive ipso facto from Muslim, Christian, or other civilisations, the local villagers stress the possibility that saintly influence may continue to emanate from them by virtue of the persons that may be buried there, whatever their epoch. If asked, they maintain the idea that individuals may be favoured by the Divine in many different times, saying for example, 'Every age may have its prophets'. This readiness to extend the sacred to historical periods other than those discernibly Islamic is at odds with a significant tendency in the international Islamist political movement, which is both markedly more orthodox in its dislike of the idea that a person may maintain an earthly presence after their death, and typically shows much less tolerance toward the remains of other cultures. The existence of the Talibani and their destruction of Buddhist statues in Afghanistan, discussed in Nixon's suggestive article in this volume, is a case in point. This is just one instance of the way Hasluck's work, and his emphasis on the shifting, changing interaction between cultures, may be taken further. There are others in this volume: Shukurov, for instance, looks at the way that Muslim minorities may have been absorbed into the Byzantine Empire during the years of its slow decline. Building on the idea 'Crypto-Christians', discussed by Hasluck in a remarkably influential article of no more than a few pages, Simonian looks at the question of early conversion in the Black Sea Coast. Valtchinova follows up Hasluck's repeated insistence that it is communities who create saints through their collective attribution of sanctity by tracing the changing fortunes of Saint Therapon. Stewart writes on the phenomenon of 'incubation', a habit that both Muslim and Christian in the Balkans display of sleeping within a saint's tomb in the search for inspirational or healing dreams. Often the same tomb may serve both communities, a phenomenon that Hasluck noted at the outset of his studies at Cyzicus, and is still occasionally to be found today.

1

A preliminary essay appears in Shankland (1999), see also my chapter in this volume.

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Field-work H o w e v e r valuable H a s l u c k ' s lead, it might be remarked that, in spite of his readiness to take into account the idiosyncrasies of living societies, he was no field-worker in the Malinowskian, modern anthropological sense. This is not strictly fair. His a p p o i n t m e n t in A t h e n s led him to reside f o r more than a decade in the heart of the Balkans, and it is clear that he avoided being sucked into the d i p l o m a t i c , or into w h a t today would be called the ex-patriot community. T h e r e is no doubt too that he spoke, read and wrote first class, idiomatic m o d e r n G r e e k (an attribute that not all a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s

who

specialise in that region today could in all conscience claim). Further whilst he does not appear to have read Ottoman texts systematically as part of his studies, he does appear to have had at least some spoken Turkish. H e was too, a ferocious traveller, even by the standards of the British School at that time. He spent a great deal of his time simply out j o u r n e y i n g f r o m one part of the Balkans to another, and possessed an intimate knowledge of more than one region. A m o n g s t these are Cyzicus near Istanbul, the place of his first, and repeated research; S m y r n a (today's Izmir) in the west, upon which (as Salmeri outlines) he had intended to write a longitudinal history; Konya, where he researched the Seljuks; the Orthodox monasteries at Athos, upon which he wrote a m o n o g r a p h , published posthumously, and Albania, where he researched the Bektashi lodges. W e need to take into account too the various and frequent journeys that he undertook for professional purposes for the School, his visits to a r c h a e o l o g i c a l sites, and (albeit this time not obviously for scholarly purposes) a sabbatical spent travelling around in India. Evidence for these trips survives not j u s t in his writings and letters, but the extensive photographic material that he sent regularly to the Hellenic Society archives in London. 1 Even more important is the theoretical approach that Hasluck adopted during these journeys. Whilst m a n y of the ethnographic researches that took place at that time at the school are still, even today, of great interest, the underlying tendency was still to regard fieldwork as being potentially a way into the past. This is true, for example, of D a w k i n s ' research into language and folktales, W a c e ' s excursions amongst the Vlach, and H a l l i d a y ' s various articles on folklore. Hasluck, in contrast, was much more interested in the

1 Several of these illustrations were used by Ferriman (with due acknowledgement) in his work Turkey and the Turks (1911). I am most grateful to Mr Barchard for drawing these to my attention.

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way that societies fitted together. He does not appear to have drawn on any explicit functionalist analogy such was later adopted by Radcliffe-Brown, but he does assume that social organisation is, in itself, a question of prime importance, one that needs some sort of explanation. This leads him to a much more comparative perspective than his fellows typically embraced, and it is this that appears to have led him to realise that society, religion and ideology can be seen as intertwined in a causal way. For instance, his monograph on the monasteries at Athos (published posthumously, but completed whilst he was still in Athens) is offered, modestly, as a guide. 1 In fact, however, he offers initially a scrupulous account of the history, organisation and changing finances of each monastery. Then, anticipating an anthropological presumption that came only very much later, one indeed that Forbess develops most suggestively in her contribution to this work, he asserts that the disputed past of each monastery changes according to the approach of whichever particular nationalist ideology wishes to lay claim over it: The whole question of national claims to a monastery is exceedingly complicated ... ... De jure they must be based on the nationality of the founders ... de facto nationality depends merely on the predominance (not necessarily numerical) of one nationality in the council of the monastery ... Russian action in regard to Athos has been instigated by politico-religious motives, the idea being that the premier Orthodox state should logically predominate in ecclesiastical affairs over the Orthodox area. 2

Albania, the Bektashis and the

'Qizilbash'

That same preoccupation with the relationship between authority, religion and society underlies a much more ambitious project with which Hasluck was preoccupied throughout the later years of his research. This was an investigation into the Bektashi brotherhood or Tarikat, and the Kizilba§, now known often as the 'Alevis'. Broadly speaking, the Alevis are a heterodox minority in today's Anatolia who, until very recently occupied almost entirely rural regions of the country. They are often loosely affiliated with the Bektashis, a moderate brotherhood that is based still today at the shrine of Haci Bektash, in central Anatolia, but at that time also extremely widespread in the Balkans. 1 2

Hasluck (1924). Hasluck (1924; 61-63).

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Hasluck's illness intervened before he was able to write up his final monograph. However, enough remained of his prepared notes and articles to illustrate that he regarded this a major project. The Balkan state above all in which the Bektashis were prevalent was Albania, and he made frequent trips to Bektashi lodges and figures there, sometimes in extremely arduous conditions. He also collected the vernacular literature, and undertook his usual meticulous searches through the earlier literature, the results of which are largely republished in Christianity and Islam} It is always difficult to discuss writers whose work, whilst it may appear prescient, does not appear to have directly influenced later writers in their field. The Kmlba$ had long been known to travellers as a tribal people in eastern Turkey — Morier, for example, describes a 'Qizilbash' chief in his early nineteenth century novel Aysha.2 More solid information had begun to emerge too through missionaries based in the region, whose reports were published in the Missionary Herald throughout the late nineteenth century, reports that are meticulously analysed in this volume by Karakaya-Stump. It is safe, however, to assert that Hasluck's broad research work in this topic was not matched in anthropological terms until the publication, some seventy years later of the monograph on an Alevi group in the west of Turkey by Altan Gokalp. 3 Since then, there have been a number of further works, but Hasluck's comparative survey is still of substantive use today, all the more so because such a project has not, even today a century later, been attempted rigorously in Anatolia. His profoundly important insight is discussed in more detail in the masterly summary of Hasluck's work in this area by Professor Melikoff in this volume. However, it is worth dwelling upon a little. In concentrating on the lived unorthodoxies of Anatolian religious life; the saints, the Bektashi babas, the Mevlevi dervishes, the Hurufis, and the Kizilba§, he is immediately avoiding that problem that dogs so much scholarship on the Middle East even today where concentration on the orthodox dogmas leads to a profound misunderstanding of the way every day life in Muslim countries is subject to an enormous degree of negotiation within that f r a m e w o r k of ostensibly orthodox doctrine. It opened too an enormous field of research, whether through the minute study of travellers' accounts or through the more practical, everyday exploration of the multi-faith contemporary situation in which he found himself living. 1 2 3

Hasluck (1929 passim, but esp. 121-174, 500-596). Morier (1834). Gokalp (1980).

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Hasluck also approached his study with a strikingly modern question in mind. What puzzled him throughout his researches on the Bektashis is their social organisation in the context of their cultural interaction with the hitherto Christian communities of the Balkans. His answer, in which he suggested that it was the ability of the Bektashi priests to appear ambiguous figures in the light of their uncertain position vis-à-vis the two main religious traditions, has hardly been bettered to this day. Toward the end of this life, he was coming to grips too with the idea that a loose network of holy figures linked together by hierarchy or kinship to a central lodge could fan out and maintain social links over a very wide area, an aspect of Islamic society that became famous within anthropology after the work of Evans-Pritchard, and more recently Gel hier.' Hasluck does not appear to have been known to these later researchers in the anthropology of Islam. This is a pity in a number of ways: he offers a geographical counter-point to the Maghrebian emphasis of so much of subsequent fieldwork, and he develops a sophisticated model of how Christian and Muslim societies interact, something that was often lacking from that later work. Again, from the point of view of comparative ethnography, the Alevi-Bektashis exemplify a gap in the wider schema developed by Gellncr in that they illustrate the way that in certain circumstances the rumbustious tribal, nomadic ethos so emphasised by him, may give way to a more sedentary, mystical version of social life, one still largely independent of the state with regard to its internal affairs but quiescent as to the wider scheme of things. 2

Hasluck, Anthropology and the 'way in ' Throughout this piece, I have examined in particular Hasluck's contribution from the point of view of modern social anthropology: that is, anthropology as it developed in the United Kingdom in the years subsequent to the Great War. It is perhaps worthwhile noting explicitly, however, that I would not regard Hasluck as a 'proto-anthropologist'. Indeed, quite the opposite. My understanding of Hasluck's life and works is that he remained throughout his life immersed in the classical tradition, even though he was attempting to 1

Gellner (1981), Evans-Pritchard (1949). This train of thought is taken further in the final chapter of Shankland (2003). It is possible that this point could be widened to suggest that overall Gellner failed to take into account the socalled ghulat (quietist mystical Shi'ite) groups that are found in many Islamic countries. For an interesting introduction to the ghulat sects, see Moosa (1987). 2

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apply the wide learning gained through his training to a variety of problems that are characteristic of human societies more generally. W h a t I would argue, rather, is that the particular issues and the particular way that he argued them was rejected by the classical tradition that produced him, and it was left to anthropologists to take them over (or rediscover them) and extend t h e m in later generations. F r o m one point of view, then, Hasluck represents a cul-desac, a direction in studies that, quite literally, at least until very near the time of his death, his peers regarded as going nowhere, however much they m a y have paid the occasional polite compliment in the direction of his considerable output. Later, of course, and especially toward the end of the twentieth century, classics became again interested in wider ideas of society, and has embraced anthropology vigorously. Just as in archaeology, however, this reintroduction has been acutely painful. It tends even today to divide both archaeology and classics internally between the empiricists ( w h o work self-consciously with as little theory as possible) and the theorists ( w h o sometimes doubt that data may exist at all). Thus, the rejection or expulsion of Hasluck f r o m the British School at A t h e n s o f f e r s indirect evidence f o r the necessity of f o u n d i n g a separate institutional base for an explicitly social anthropology. That base, protected by its own departments and professional organisations, was able to explore in peace the consequences for social theory when it was released f r o m the 'time m a c h i n e ' approach that so often assumed that history a f f e c t s the present a causal way, either through our being part of an unfolding tapestry of evolutionary progress or simply through survivals within an overtly Hellenist tradition. In short, classics begat H a s l u c k through the extraordinarily high standards of rigour and scholarship that it demanded, but was unable to cope or digest the ideas that he c a m e u p with when he applied that rigour to its own material. Neither at the time of his expulsion f r o m the school nor since has the British School at A t h e n s shown the slightest interest in following up a scholar w h o m a y easily be regarded as touched with genius, a star in their scholarly record. Malinowski, on the other hand, coming f r o m outside Britain, was able to build a distinct profile f o r himself without the weight of an existing place within our system. H e was, it is true, f a r more ruthless than Hasluck, but he was all the more easily able to exercise that quality for being an outsider.

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There are, nevertheless, profound parallels between Malinowski's and Hasluck's career. Both he and Hasluck fought their sharpest rhetorical battle with a weighty opponent over similar themes. Though Hasluck's opponent Ramsay was a survivalist, and Malinowski's rival Elliot Smith a diffusionist, both were accused by their more junior colleagues of neglecting the role of the present in creating the past, and both Hasluck and Malinowski were scarcely able to contain their impatience with a cumbersome model that was transparently too simplistic to account for the variety of the social and ethnographic record. Space precludes a sustained pursuit of this striking parallel in more detail. It is worth noting, however, that once more, in their respective jousts, Malinowski was by far the more fortunate or perhaps perspicacious from the political point of view. Whilst a senior man, Grafton Smith held a Chair in Anatomy at University College London, and could therefore pose little threat to Malinowski's academic ambitions at the London School of Economics. Ramsay, on the other hand, was a towering figure in Anatolian studies, a founding member of the British Academy, an active member of the Hellenic Society and the British School at Athens, active too as an anti-Ottoman liberal in current affairs. He was the teacher or acquaintance of all those in classical studies who were to rule over Hasluck's fate, such as Hogarth (who was markedly lukewarm in his support of Hasluck, a fact that is puzzling unless it is recalled that he was a co-author and fellow traveller of Ramsay in Turkey). This courageous, albeit perhaps too risky criticism of his own working institutional and intellectual background at the School, a background far less forgiving of brilliance than the King's, and indeed the Cambridge, ambience to which he was accustomed, was to cost Hasluck dear. It is to the story of this gradual fall from grace that we now turn.

Life at the School Hasluck's arrival at the school coincided with a high point of its fortunes. The School had succeeded in gaining a direct grant from the Treasury (a grant that they receive until this day), and interest in their activities was strong. The Managing Committee in London was chaired by George Macmillan, a man of transparent integrity, who through his profession as a publisher was often in a position to help materially with that side of the School's activities. As is usual, the Committee changed its composition on occasion, but it was fortunate on those it was able to draw. Hogarth was one. But amongst others

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were Jane Harrison, the pioneering Cambridge classicist and Arthur Evans, the excavator of Knossos. They were also, naturally able to consult their broader scholarly constituency, and the range of their contacts, as evinced from the attendance at their meetings and the diverse names that crop up in their office correspondence, was wide. The day-to-day running of the School also proceeded well. They were fortunate in attracting a number of young men of approximately similar age, who appear to have worked together over a number of years through applying to be registered as 'students' at Athens. Toynbee, for example, spent a season at the school. Amongst others were Peet, Leaf, Dickins, Droop, Tod — adventurous, good at their work, and extremely well trained. 1 Hasluck appeared to fit into this life well. He travelled mightily, bargained for sufficient time off to do research in the field, and wrote steadily. His letters are full of whit, and he gained a reputation in Athens of a person worth seeing. Dawkins, who became Director in 1906, and Hasluck got along well together, and gradually a correspondence developed between them. Hasluck's correspondence with the London secretary, Penoyre, is also affectionate, and he refers to Hasluck often by the nickname, 'Tophet'. During this period, then, missives from Hasluck are frequent, cheerful and meticulous. They indicate someone happy in his chosen situation, and getting on with life in a creative way. The Managing Committee reciprocated, applauding Hasluck's work, rewarding him at steady intervals. He had arrived in 1901. He became Librarian in 1904, and then Assistant Director in 1906, chosen to become so over a field that included Wace. He developed the library with great panache, buying cheaply and well in a number of fields, but particularly travel and Greek vernacular material. Finally, he was asked to become Acting Director in 1912, to cover for Dawkins, who had seemingly taken a sabbatical in Wales to care for his unwell sister. In retrospect, this was the height of his good fortune. Within two years, the atmosphere had changed. The Committee, seemingly step by step less sure of their man, hesitated to consider him for Director, awarding the position to Wace. With his wife, Hasluck was then forced to leave the School premises and live out. He was then placed on six months notice on either side, whereas his position had previously been regarded as continuous. 2 Finally, 1

See Waterhouse (1986) for an account of life at the School. That is, in today's language, his terms of employment were altered from 'permanent' to his being placed on a rolling contract with the possibility of six month's notice at any time

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after a growing period of uncertainty, Wace asked the Committee to dismiss him, a request to which they acquiesced. Something, clearly, had gone very wrong indeed. It is difficult to piece together the emotions and flow of a complicated administrative situation that occurred now nearly a century ago. Even though the correspondence in the London archive is occasionally extremely detailed, it is rare that all parts of an exchange are present, meaning that one is constantly seeking to piece together social relationships through the occasional snapshot, however revealing. There is also a tantalising tendency to outline most of a case in writing and but hint at the remainder, or in exceptional cases to suggest that the recipient burn an enclosure that is no longer present. Nevertheless, it is possible to see in retrospect from this archival material certain factors that appear to have weakened his position materially. One is that Hasluck occasionally appears a little detached, and he clearly had difficulty in dealing with hierarchies. He was also sometimes perhaps a little casual: Penoyre, his close friend in London, an almost avuncular figure, occasionally addresses him a note reminding him to thank Macmillan, the Chair, for some favour. As things became difficult, he found himself in an impasse when dealing with authority, alternating between being rather too self-effacing but occasionally allowing his feelings to show too transparently.

British Schools

abroad

In order to illustrate why such comparatively slight issues should grow to be of such significance, it may help to enlarge a little on the background and the administration of the British schools abroad. Whilst several western countries maintain academic institutions in order to pursue archaeological research in what might be called the classical archaeology 'zone': that is places such as Turkey, Egypt, Syria, Italy and Spain, each is slightly different in its ethos, orientation and funding. The Germans, for example, have a separate archaeological service, with a secretariat in Berlin and branches in the respective host countries, including Greece and Turkey. This means that their organisation is established, and though government funding can be on occasion squeezed, they have the merit of stability and an established career structure. The American schools, on the other hand, work on an entirely private basis. Dependant on universities opting in as corporate members, and upon generous private donations, they can enjoy great wealth, though this is naturally linked to their enjoying good and close relations with their funders

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over a period of time. This means that they have never developed and worked together as the German schools have, but being entirely devolved, can often operate very informally and flexibly. The British schools fall somewhat in between these two extremes. They are founded as private learned societies, and their subscribing members are drawn from the professions and interested private individuals. The Athens school, just as this model implies, is just such a private organisation, proposed by the Hellenic society who felt that a society of learned men could be set up in order to administer a building and research base in Greece. It was followed by the British School at Rome. 1 They in turn provided the model for the Ankara Institute (described by David Barchard in this volume), where I was based in the early 1990s, as Assistant and then Acting Director. Unlike the American model, it has been the case in Britain that such schools abroad have successfully appealed to the Treasury f o r direct, regular government subvention on the grounds that there is little chance to maintain an adequate research programme without a basic grant to cover running costs. Today, the British Academy acts as an umbrella organisation to administer, channel and oversee this government funding. Nevertheless, the individual school committees themselves decide their budget and how the institution will be run with the funds at their disposal. This pattern was already established at the time when Hasluck came to join the School in Athens. Whilst in some respects it can work extremely well, it also rather dictates the school's ethos. The members of the committee serve without reward or stipend, and whilst they may take their duties very seriously, share their many other professional commitments with its demands. Whilst holding absolute executive power, they can only meet formally at intervals, and have to come to decisions at these meetings that can have a profound affect on the way the school, many miles away, is run. Whilst naturally they welcome and solicit money for their school when they are able, the regular stipend f r o m the government means that the bulk of the various amounts of time that they are able to spare to the school is devoted to administering its daily activities according to the budget that they have at their disposal. In these circumstances, they are often extremely reliant upon a 1 See the splendid history of the Rome School by Wallace-Hadrill (2001). In some respects the story that emerges from the BSA archives parallels that of the Rome School. As the individuals concerned are sometimes similar (Penoyre for instance was Secretary to both Schools), and as the Schools were set up with similar organising structures and overlapping aims, this is perhaps not too surprising. Nevertheless there are differences in their respective institutional personalities. See also the article by Elliot in this volume on the putative Italian School in Turkey.

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salaried full or half-time secretary employed in the London office, who may act as a conduit for information between it and their base in the field, and thereby have crucial role in the way administrative decisions are made by the managing committee. In the light of this background it is not surprising that the committees tend to possess certain desiderata. They dislike unpredictability intensely. They place enormous emphasis on the smooth running of the distant school, and deplore any hint of unevenness in their daily running. Faced with limited sources of information, they seek to reconcile any apparent disruption as quickly as possible, even if the long-term costs or consequences may be high. Intellectually, they tend to be conservative; not in the sense that they seek to impose any one line on the research that is done, but more because their overriding criterion is to maintain the adequate administration of the Treasury budget, intellectual creativity is not uppermost in their minds when they consider the tasks with which they are faced. Hasluck both fitted into this pattern and he did not. He fitted in well in as much as he worked hard, wrote meticulous reports, was sociable, and very careful not to incur extraneous expenditure. He was also an extremely gifted librarian, a fact that his Committee appreciated greatly. However, his difficulty in striking exactly the right tone when dealing with the Committee affected him adversely, and as indeed did his reluctance to play a social part in the activities of the British Legation in Athens. On one occasion, for example, he appears to have avoided a dinner to celebrate Christmas at the Embassy and was held to have almost precipitated a terrible social gaffe in doing so. Intellectually, too, he did not quite fit in. The Committee sought in their director a good scholar prepared also to take on a major excavation, an excavation for which the Committee would then endeavour to provide support. They did not always achieve this; permits were not always forthcoming, and directors themselves did not always find digging and heading the School at the same time a congenial long-term combination of activities. Nevertheless, this was the ideal. Hasluck did not find excavation attractive, and rather than working in one place he travelled very widely upon different themes. His emphasis on the interaction between cultures and his preference for Byzantine and later periods (rather than the classical) found at best a limited answering chord with the Committee. Indeed, such references that are found to his scholarly work are usually polite but slightly disparaging. Further, the only

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consistently successful negotiations that he conducted with the Committee involved his insisting that he be permitted to research for a fixed period each year, if necessary away from Athens. This, albeit not exactly against the inclination of the Committee, did not show that he was giving absolute priority to the school. Their usual orientation toward him is, therefore, of slightly bemused tolerance toward a character they regarded as yet youthful. Pleased with him in general, but not convinced that he is quite the right stuff. It is highly doubtful that many of them read his work.

The fall This background may seem a little too detailed: after all a combination of scholarly foundation and government grant is a frequent funding pattern in England, and there must be similar committees with similar inclinations. What makes the diversion so important, however, is that fact that the above sketch covers what might be called the normal state of affairs, a relationship that covered much of Hasluck's first decade working for the school. Whatever tensions that then existed, they were manageable, and it is in this decade that Hasluck laid thoroughly, industriously and seemingly entirely peaceably the foundation of his intellectual heritage. The subsequent breakdown of relations, which was followed by Hasluck's exclusion from residence at the school, dismissal, and premature death, can therefore only be understood in the light of the way this steady state of affairs came gradually to be disturbed. Curiously enough, this takes us directly to the vexed question of the relationship between the sexes, and the legitimacy or otherwise of women integrating with institutions created and administered by men.

The London Committee and the question of women The prime task of the London Committee was, and is, the administration of the School in Athens. However, its members were also conscious of their responsibilities to the wider academic and scholarly constituency within Britain, and much of its activities concerned interaction with their various supporters and subscribers. Thus, we see them negotiating with the Treasury for the maintenance of their grant, with printers for the publication of the Annual, and with similar scholarly institutions and figures in Europe.

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Penoyre, the principle secretary during this period, discharged his tasks urbanely and politely, and we see him throughout his correspondence answering efficiently and quickly the points that were brought to his attention. In May 1911, however, he received an approach that gave him cause for anxiety. It was from Jane Harrison, the Cambridge Classicist. He writes on that same day to Macmillan, the Chairman of the Committee; I have had a disquieting letter from Miss Harrison f r o m which it appears that the presence of the ladies at Melos has been a failure. She does not tell me much but remarks that the situation will have to be 'thoroughly gone into'. I want to write to her in the sense that that is last thing that we should do: Dawkins' attitude is spoken of most warmly by both sides, and we had very much better let the thing blow over than make ourselves ridiculous by anything like an enquiry. I think you know my own view on this whole point. It is that I am not enthusiastic about the presence of ladies but I foresee that in the long run il is bound to come, and I think every case should be met as it turns up, and that no public utterance should be made, no legislation and no enquiry. 1

We never quite know from the correspondence exactly what went wrong when the heady mixture of young men and women were placed together in the field at Melos. In any case, further question of such involvement was effectually buried by the failure of the School's proposed plan to dig at Datcha, in the south-west of Anatolia, because of the increasingly uneasy international situation.

The Oxbridge Studentship Harrison's reference to the difficulties of integration in the field, however, turns out to be by way of a preliminary skirmish. Her more immediate aim was to admit a woman student to the School, an issue upon which she was prepared to battle directly. Her chosen path was the regular Oxbridge scholarship, offered to each university in turn to their respective ViceChancellors, a scholarship that until then had been awarded only to men, one of whom had been Hasluck. Dear Mr Penoyre, A student of mine who is going in for the archaeological section of Pt 2 Classical Tripos, wants to apply for the studentship for which this year the nomination is made by Cambridge. I can find nothing in our rules about it. Ought she to apply to the School direct through you, or to the Vice1

Penoyre to Macmillan, 29 May 1911 (BSA).

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Chancellor here. I am asking this rather early because immediately after the examination (ie. June 1st) she has to go off the Asia Minor to join Professor Ramsay and I must see to matters in her absence, but I imagine the application ought to come from her direct. Should it be accompanied by testimonials or is this matter left to the Vice-Chancellor? I should be grateful if you would kindly tell me the right routine for her to follow. Yours very sincerely Jane Ellen Harrison 1 Penoyre writes to Macmillan on 15 May 1911, once more full of trepidation: Dear Macmillan, Will you look at the enclosed? It is all very well but we must have a fair field and no favour. If Miss Harrison can produce a young lady better than any of the men eligible, well and good, but she must not be allowed to corner an ignorant Vice Chancellor in advance. I am quite willing, with your concurrence to offer the nomination to the Vice-Chancellor without waiting for a School Committee to authorises [sic| the act. There is a precedent for this ... 2 Macmillan appears to have concurred. Penoyre according!} wrote to the ViceChancellor quite correctly, drawing his attention to the fact that the School left the decision as to w h o would be nominated to him as Vice-Chancellor, sending a copy to Harrison. H e also wrote to Harrison separately saying 'I saw M r M a c m i l l a n and w e considered that you w o u l d be quite in order in approaching the Vice Chancellor in f a v o u r of any student w h o m you had in your mind . . . ' ,

3

to which she replies:

Dear Mr Penoyre Thank you for your two letters. I was waiting to write till we have decided about the application. Our principal asked the Vice-Chancellor and finding it was all in order Miss Hardie has sent her application to him. There will be a man student applying as well, Mr Tillyard. Neither I should say are certain 'distinctions', but [rather] good first class students. Miss Hardie is a very good student, not exactly brilliant but a thorough worker. She has had two years for archaeology here, one term of which she spent on my advice in Berlin. Immediately after her examination she joins Prof. Ramsay in Asia Minor for the summer. She is already at work on Turkish so she will, if she goes on, come to Athens with good training and experience ... 4

1 2 3 4

Harrison to Penoyre, 13 May 1911 (BSA). Penoyre to Macmillan, 15 May 1911 (BSA). Penoyre to Harrison, 26 May 1911 (BSA). Harrison to Penoyre, 27 May 1911 (BSA).

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The speed with which Harrison acted in order to obtain the nomination for Miss Hardie turns out to have fully justified the men's fears. Even though Penoyre had seemingly hoped to alert the Vice-Chancellor to his duty, she did indeed obtain the nomination for her protégée through her pre-emptive action. Faced with a fait accompli, the remaining men on the Committee accepted with the best grace they could muster the innovation of a woman student obtaining the grant to go to Athens from the School's funds, and arranged for Hardie to proceed accordingly.

Further

controversies

Throughout 1912, the matter gradually assumed greater and greater importance. There was clearly resistance from senior supporters of the school to women scholars and, formally speaking, it turned out that the wording with which the studentship was offered the University appeared to preclude the possibility of a women because, at that time, women were not matriculated students of the university. It is not precisely clear from the correspondence in the archive how or when the anomaly was noted (though it is perhaps suggestive that Leaf, and Gardner, a former Director of the School, should have been minuted as supporters of Macmillan's position) but it appears that the School's Managing Committee, of which Harrison was a member, was not prepared to adjust the wording in order to remove the ambiguity. Harrison appears then to have accused them of going back on their established position, in that she already had been given permission to approach the Vice-Chancellor with a women candidate in mind, and threatened to call a full meeting of the subscribers. The note of the meeting, held on 16 July 1912, reads as follows: Miss Harrison regretted the use in the letter to the Vice-Chancellor of the phrase "a duly qualified member of the university" which would exclude women from the Studentship. The Universities examined women and she considered that it should be open to such women also. The Chairman gave the history of the studentship which was in effect an acknowledgement to the two Universities of the grants made by them to the School. The view of the Committee had therefore always been that this Studentship was open only to "Members of the University". ... Dr Leaf and Prof. Ernest Gardner concurred. Miss Harrison would consider her position carefully, but felt it right to notify the Committee that she might feel it her duty to bring the matter before a General Meeting of the Subscribers ... 1

1

Minute Book, 16 July 1912 (BSA).

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A r o u n d this time, p o o r P e n o y r e is clearly very distressed. S o m e of the problem at least appears to be that in his worry he had forgotten the initial correspondence that he had held with Harrison the previous year, that which had led Miss Hardie being accepted as the School student. H e therefore slowly begins to realise that he had unwittingly been the precipitate of the crisis, because the School C o m m i t t e e n o w had n o wish to e n d o r s e H a r r i s o n ' s nomination of w o m e n on a regular basis. H e therefore had recopied all forgotten letters and sent the bundle to M a c m i l l a n f o r his consideration. Acutely conscious of the difficulty of the situation, he wrote a covering note in his own hand full of portent, a carbon copy of which is in the L o n d o n office archive. Dear Macmillan, Through all our ins and outs of many years you have faced with such courage patience and decision that I believe you will feel less perturbation than I do at a really difficult situation that lies before us. I beg that you will read this letter to the end and bear in mind that whatever muddle we have drifted into we have both a perfectly good conscience of right intention and fair dealing. Well it concerns this question of Miss Harrison and the lady "School Student". When we were talking the other day I felt a little restless and uneasy when you reminded me of that interchange of words with her at Burlington House (I think at a Hellenic meeting) in which she asked and you answered affirmatively the question whether lady students could come to the school. It seemed to me then that that was not all the dealings we had had with her. However, my memory for 1911 is (owing to causes you know of) not reliable: you spoke very convincingly and I persuaded myself that if there had been anything else if was some muddle of my own making. I talked a little with Miss Hutton and she rather thought the same — that the committee's line had never been departed from, but Miss Harrison was in a minority of one, and that no good purpose would be served by digging up exactly what I had said to Miss Harrison. Well I thought over this a good deal but finally sent Wise for all my letters to and from Miss H. in 1911 and all my letters to and from you for the same year. This I did this afternoon. Well, to make a long story short it is clear from these [enclosures] — that she gave us good warning: that we consulted together that we told her that the source she proposed was in order & that I sent you the draft of the letter to the Vice Chancellor for approval.

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This exceeded immeasurably my anticipation of what I should find. But it explains at once what mystified me the other day, you may remember, her sound allegation that we had gone back on a decision. The committee haven't but we have.

From the Minute Book, it is clear that Macmillan wrote a letter in apology to Miss Harrison. 2 However, the point remained that the Committee of the School itself had not authorised her to nominate a woman to the ViceChancellor, only Macmillan and Penoyre. At this point, there appears in the file a very wise albeit lengthy letter from Waldstein (Professor of Classics at Cambridge) to Macmillan, which evidently anticipates the subsequent crucial committee meetings where the matter will be revisited. His letter is long, but appears worth giving here in full. It is worth recalling that, before the Great War, the question of women's rights and the Suffragette movement was one of the most important and divisive social issues of the day. Not just politics and public life more broadly, but also the universities had gone through upheaval. Waldstein's revealing letter bears the hall marks of one who has thought long and hard over the issue, and even himself now become wearied of the fight. Newton Hall Newton Cambridge 26 t h August 1912 My dear Macmillan, I am very sorry, if not distressed, at my inability to attend the Committee Meeting tomorrow. I feel the importance and gravity of the question to be discussed, and I should make every effort to be present. Unfortunately it is impossible for me to leave tomorrow, as it has been arranged months ago that we were to receive and entertain the female portion of the Mathematical Congress now assembled at Cambridge at our house tomorrow afternoon. You, and the other, members of the Committee will realise that I cannot absent myself on that occasion. Though there will be other male representatives of the Congress here I, as host, cannot possibly be away. On the other hand, I have studied the whole question from every side, as far as I could ascertain the facts, and I realise, with all of you, the gravity of the crisis. We can not afford to diminish the support for our School and our work, so much needed, by the loss of a portion of those subscribers who hold definite views upon the position of women, if we can reconcile our action with the main principles of our administration and with the best

1 2

Penoyre to Macmillan, nd [1912], BSA. Minute Book, 27 August 1912, BSA.

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interests of the School. The chief point seems to me to consist in our avoiding, as far as possible, our being drawn into a general discussion of the much-vexed question of women's rights, which we need not and cannot solve in our case, having such very definite/other objects for which we exist. We must at all costs avoid such a general discussion of so wide a question and must not be drawn into it when we have such definite objects that are not essentially concerned with that question. It is quite an honest policy to avoid such an issue coming to a head, and, as far as possible, to evade these complications. What I should like to impress, as forcibly as possible, upon the members of the Committee present at the meeting is: 1. That the questions before us should in no way be decided, or allowed to be put as a general question of the rights of women versus those of men. 2 . The ground of their exclusion from the hostel should be so stated that it can not possibly be put as an expression of our views on the general rights, or disqualifications, of women. I should, therefore, advise avoiding the negative form of settling that point and not say that women are not allowed to use the hostel; but I should say, positively, that women members of the school will be [orig emph.] allowed to reside on the School premises as a soon as a separate hostel is erected and endowed for them. 3. As regards the presence of women at excavations, I should again pass no resolution excluding them from participation in our excavations. But I should — as is but just and right — put the authority for choosing the students who are to participate in excavations entirely into the hands of the director or head of the excavations. He would have to use his judgement as to their physical and other qualifications; and it might well be that he would as a matter of fact exclude women. I can speak with authority on this matter, as in two excavations directed by me women were present, namely, the wives of two of my assistants. It was on the ground of the indispensable utility of these male assistants, whose wives — it so happened — could not be left alone without them in Athens, that I consented to their presence. My experience was that they did give trouble. Under ordinary circumstances I should not have admitted them. Considering the numerous difficulties and complications already existing in the organisation and prosecution of such excavations, I doubt whether it will be advisable or possible to admit a mixed body as regards sex within excavating staff. I may say that excavations carried on under the direction of a woman might well have a staff of women assistants. I may also add that I found it necessary to reject some men, students of the School, on physical and personal grounds; and I do not think that it is reasonable, all things considered, not to entrust the director of excavations with full and absolute rights in the choice of his staff. Adopting this line, which is just and reasonable, the thorny question of women's rights in their relation to our School can be avoided, and I would again urge strongly upon you not to admit of the question being so put as to involve a general decision on the general question.

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4 . Lastly, I come to the question of the studentship. I need not remind you, and the other members of the Committee, that we have fought out the question of women's degrees here in Cambridge in an open battle ending in the victory of those opposed to the women. I desire that you do not consider what my own position in this question has been, nor am I considering it myself. But I feel that policy and duty go together in enjoining upon the Committee strictly to avoid any possible reference, direct or indirect, to this main question of principle. It is for the University and not for us to decide whether a prize or studentship, the disposal of which is in their hands, can go to women or not, and it is our best policy, and the straightest and fairest mode of action on our part to turn this responsibility towards the University and to leave it with them. Perhaps it was a mistake on our part to leave to the University the authority to select and appoint studentships to the School. But, having done so, we must leave to the University the authority to select and appoint studentships to the School. I therefore hope that no resolution will be passed by us reflecting on the past, or communicating our action and policy in the future, as regards the appointment of women students. I hope that what I have written, which I beg you to impress upon the meeting as the well-considered opinion of one who had the good of the School at heart, the necessity of great circumspection in the action they may take, and I repeat my advice that, whilst thus settling the question of the hostel, and putting the authority for the selection of assistants into the hands of the director, and, finally, transferring the responsibility as regards studentships to the University, the Committee would avoid any definite expression of a difference in the rights and qualifications of men and women of our School. Believe me, Yours sincerely [signed] Charles Waldstein 1 W a l d s t e i n w a s surely right t h a t t h e s i t u a t i o n w a s p o t e n t i a l l y e x t r e m e l y volatile. B y a n d large, t h e m e m b e r s of t h e C o m m i t t e e w e r e c a r e f u l a n d scrupulous in their dealings. E a c h decision is carefully weighed and m e a s u r e d , a n d a t t e m p t s m a d e q u i e t l y to e n s u r e t h a t t h e b u s i n e s s of t h e S c h o o l is a d e q u a t e l y m a i n t a i n e d . W h e r e w o m e n a r e i n v o l v e d , h o w e v e r , this l e v e l h e a d e d n e s s s i m p l y d i s a p p e a r s . T h e q u e s t i o n of w o m e n and their role h a d clearly b e c o m e politicised, and provided an opportunity f o r open conflict and e x a c e r b a t i o n of existing tensions and strains. A t the s a m e time, the m a j o r i t y opinion appears to have been first that w o m e n should be k e p t a w a y f r o m the

1

Waldstein to Macmillan 26 August 1912 (BSA).

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School as much as possible, and secondly that where there is a man w h o is capable of doing the task in question, then w o m e n should be excluded — a neat reversal of t o d a y ' s positive discrimination. Thus, Macmillan writes as follows just before the meeting is to be held:

April 20 1913 My dear Penoyre, We only got home last night when I found your letters of April 16 with the copy of your letter to Miss Harrison which I quite approve. You may count on my attendance on Tuesday April 22, not May 22 as in your letter to me. The Cambridge situation must be faced. I trust that Ernest Gardner will come as you may remember that he gave formal notice that he would move that the Studentship should be offered to the V.C. for his nomination in consultation with the Craven Committee. I thought this a good suggestion as they would no be likely to nominate a woman unless she were exceptionally well qualified and there were no good men available. I am sorry to hear that male candidates are likely to be so short. I wonder what this means ... 1 W h a t e v e r M a c m i l l a n may have felt in private, ultimately W a l d s t e i n ' s , or similar counsels appear to have obtained. T h e Committee agreed to amend the working of the studentship sufficiently to permit at least in theory, the possibility of a w o m a n student, though at the same time making clear their distaste. After the meeting, 1913, they came up with a revised proposed letter to the Vice-Chancellor which opens in the following manner: Dear Sir, I am instructed by the Managing Committee of the British School at Athens to offer for your nomination in consultation with the managers of the Craven Fund, a Studentship of the value of £100 for the session of 19121914. The conditions of this Studentship are as follows:(1) The student so nominated should be either a duly qualified member of the University or a duly qualified student of Girton or Newnham College, preference being given to a duly qualified member of the University ... 2 Harrison was not quite satisfied, but sufficiently mollified to withdraw her threat. She writes on 2 7 June 1913 a tough letter, but one that makes it clear that the Committee has done just enough to withdraw f r o m the brink of open confrontation. 1 2

Macmillan to Penoyre, 20 April 1913. Minute Book, 22 April 1913 (BSA).

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Dear Mr Penoyre I am so glad to be able to tell you that — after careful enquiry and consultation — I shall not feel it necessary to bring the matter of the new 'preference' clause before a General Meeting. We took pains to ascertain privately the interpretation put by the ViceChancellor on the clause, after full explanation to him of the circumstances under which it had been framed, and we find that interpretation was satisfactory, i.e. that the clause would apply only in the case of exact equality. Otherwise, there would be no prejudice to a woman student .... Of course the working of the clause, and indeed its existence at all is not and cannot be quite satisfactory to me, but I do earnestly desire peace and I do not think I am bound to contend about a disability that will probably always remain verbal and theoretical ... Equally of course I shall have to watch each nomination of either ViceChancellor and to see that he is fully informed on the whole matter. This is troublesome and I regret the necessity imposed on my by the Committee's action, but is not painful, as any criticism of my own Committee's action before the General Meeting would be. Should any Vice-Chancellor interpret the clause in a way to us less satisfactory the whole question would of course have to be reraised. May I just point out — which no doubt you have already noted — that our present form of letter with its mention of Girton and Newnham only, must necessarily be modified next year in view of the Oxford Colleges for women. The necessary modification can of course easily be made next strong, but for fear of oversight will you let me know that you have noted this point? Will you kindly read this letter in full at the next meeting of the Committee so that the position I adopt with reference to the new clause may be perfectly clear. Thanking you for the kind way in which you have kept me informed during unavoidable absences. I am Yours very sincerely 1

Whilst this, at least, meant that the situation in Britain was resolved, albeit uneasily, it still let that in Greece in play. Even as this extra-ordinary situation was developing in London, Miss Hardie was in Athens at the School's student. To the enormous irritation of at least some at the London end, within a year she was married to Hasluck.

1

Harrison to Penoyre, June 27 1913 (BSA).

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Hasluck)

Miss Harrison's student, Margaret Hardie, is beginning to attract attention in her own right as a highly interesting, even f o r m i d a b l e figure. I n d e e d , the outline of her life is clearer in s o m e ways than her h u s b a n d ' s , courtesy of a chapter on her life by Marc Clark which appeared in the well-known collection Black

Lambs

& Grey

Falcons}

M a r g a r e t M a s s o n H a r d i e was born in

Scotland, of a f a r m i n g f a m i l y on 18 J u n e 1885. At the U n i v e r s i t y of Aberdeen, she became the pupil of Ramsay, who had moved back to Scotland having held a Fellowship in Cambridge. There, he appears to have encouraged Hardie to m o v e d o w n to Cambridge, where (as is the case on occasion even today) she entered into that system by taking the undergraduate Tripos, even though she had graduated f r o m another university with a first degree. H a v i n g left C a m b r i d g e with a First, and b e c o m e a student of the School, she appears to have been guided in her choice of topic by Hasluck. W e d o not have, sadly, an abundance of letters f r o m Hardie, but Hasluck writes to Miss Hutton (who was standing in for Penoyre at the London end of the School) of her work briefly as follows: ... I have advised Miss Hardie (as she is by no means sure of going again with Ramsay) to study Smyrna. There is no good book on it, and it is the only place in A[sia] M[inor] where a girl wd have a chance of doing anything alone if the worst came to the worst. If she does go with Ramsay, it will be always useful to have done the epigraphy part, which I suggest she should begin on ... 2 H e writes to Dawkins in similar vein, clearly warming to H a r d i e ' s company: Miss Hardie gets on very well with us all and can do things without offence that the other young women couldn't. She has the good old-fashioned feminine quality of blarney, which an excellent lubricant, and is really admirable. I don't think she is lonely ... 3 Then on 2 4 M a y ; My dear Director I am writing to say that Miss Hardie has promised to marry me so she will not want to come to Datcha next year. I am not half good enough for her, but apparently this does not matter in such cases. I have written to Miss Hutton for the Committee's views as to my continuing this job if married. Put in a good word for me if you think fit. I should hate to give up the school or to let it down ... 4 1

2 3 4

Clark

(2000).

Hasluck to Hutton, January 15 1911 (BSA). Hasluck to Dawkins 13 January 1912 (TIO). Hasluck to Dawkins 24 May 1912 (TIO).

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In A t h e n s , they lived the first part of their married life with D a w k i n s in the D i r e c t o r ' s h o u s e . A s D a w k i n s w a s a b a c h e l o r , and in a n y c a s e t h e closest f r i e n d of H a s l u c k , this a p p e a r s to h a v e w o r k e d very well. D a w k i n s , t h o u g h , decided to resign f r o m the Directorship. In this, D a w k i n s appears to h a v e been i n f l u e n c e d by a desire to l o o k a f t e r his ill sister, but it m e a n t that at o n e stroke Hasluck w a s threatened with the loss of a close c o n f i d e n t and protector, and his marital abode at the school. T h e o b v i o u s r e m e d y , f r o m H a s l u c k ' s point of view, m i g h t h a v e been to b e c o m e Director but he does not a p p e a r to h a v e c a n v a s s e d at all f o r this, though given that he had gratified to be the A c t i n g Director, there is n o reason to think that he w o u l d h a v e r e f u s e d the j o b . W h a t did w o r r y him, h o w e v e r , was the difficulty s u r r o u n d i n g the question of w h e r e they m i g h t live, and he did his u t m o s t to p e r s u a d e the C o m m i t t e e to p e r m i t his w i f e and himself to remain in residence at t h e school. T o this end, he prepared a ' m e m o r a n d u m ' dated 30 M a r c h 1914, addressed to the Committee: For the past two years, by a private and personal arrangement with Mr Dawkins, my wife and I have been sharing with him the Director's house. This arrangement naturally terminates with Mr Dawkins's resignation of the Directorship. As both my wife and I are reluctant to sever our connection with the School and with Athens, we have had to consider the question of residence elsewhere. The alternatives at our disposal are: 1) To rent a house or flat as near the School or 2) to take rooms in a hotel. Both these alternatives involve serious difficulties. ... it is obviously bad economics to rent a house & keep up an establishment for twelve months when the session consists of eight months of which two are spent in travel. Rents are high and furnishing expensive. I therefore beg to submit for your consideration as a possible solution of the difficulty a project which I have discussed with the Director for our residence in the hostel. The question of principle involved, ie. the advisability of the admission of married persons to the Hostel which was designed for unmarried students, it is not for me to discuss. As to practical details, the upper floor of the hostel contains ten rooms ... we should require three ... but of the eight [bedrooms] one would normally be occupied by an unmarried librarian, so that the practical reduction is from seven to six. ... Your consent to the scheme, or to a year's trial of it, would be welcomed by my wife and myself ... I need hardly say that an unfavourable decision will be loyally accepted. In either event we should be glad of an answer as soon as possible in order to make such arrangements as are necessary for the coming season. 1 1 Hasluck, memorandum to the Committee, 30 March 1914 (BSA).

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This m e m o r a n d u m resulted in a rapid informal response f r o m Penoyre that indicated the C o m m i t t e e were likely to be against the proposal. In turn, Hasluck sent in a number of alternative proposals, all of which were refused. The Committee were absolutely obdurate. They refused to consider, or even to entertain, the possibility of such an event, even as H a s l u c k ' s suggestions came flooding in. The relevant note in the minute book reads as follows: To avoid keeping him waiting longer than necessary for an answer, the chairman and Secretary had consulted with other members of the Committee, in London and had told Mr Hasluck that so far as they could foresee, the Committee would be unlikely to grant his request. Mr Hasluck had then asked whether this negative would be given on principle or on practical grounds, and the Secretary had replied that so far as he could divine, the negative answer would be on principle .... Laid on the Table 'plan A ' representing the top floor of the hostel ... The Committee considered ... objections to the scheme ... 1 Their final argument was so carefully laden with sophistry as to make it quite specious yet difficult to refute because of its vagueness. One cannot help but feel that Waldstein's careful advice to avoid confrontation on the general issue of women, but always regret the lack of present facilities was being adopted here. Here is Penoyre's letter, sent on behalf of the Committee: My dear Hasluck, 1 am glad I sent you a forecast of what the Committee's decision on your living in the hostel was likely to be, as I hope that by that means your very natural disappointment in the ultimate issue may be a little lessened. They met yesterday, having received a special whip beforehand and by consent gave their whole time and thought to the matter in hand. At the end of the meeting the following resolutions were carried unanimously:(1) That the Committee having given careful consideration to Mr Hasluck's original memorandum on the question of his residence at the hostel, and also the other plans submitted to them having the same object in view regret that they feel unable to give their consent. (2) That in the event of Mr Hasluck deciding to continue his appointment and live outside they were prepared to consider favourably a suggestion for an increase to his salary. You will not expect me to recapitulate the lengthy discussions by which these decisions were made. But I think I can put for you in one paragraph the essential point.

1

Minute Book, 12 May 1914 (BSA).

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SHANKLAND

They would consider no scheme that fell short of providing really fitting and adequate marital quarters for you. But the execution of these would envolve heavy initial outlay and probably increased annual expenditure. Now it is in the highest degree unlikely that our secondary job at Athens will ever be on a financial footing to make it worthwhile for a married man to put in for it. Hence if we built for you we should, when you left, be very likely to have quarters which we do not need left on our hands. It is a matter of general and outspoken regret on the Committee that we cannot meet your wishes on a point we know you have at heart. To these regrets, though I quite subscribe to the arguments outlined above, I must add an expression of my personal sorrow. Yours affectionately] John Baker Penoyre Secretary] 1

The full minute of the meeting is rather more free in the different arguments that are employed against Hardie and Hasluck. As well as the point about the possibility of an Assistant Director in the future not needing accommodation, they stress that the space is sometimes needed in the hostel, that occasionally students are ill, that the 'whole character' of the hostel would be changed, that 'the men would feel less comfortable than that had hitherto', that 'the scheme did not take into consideration the point of an Assistant Director having a family' and finally, 'the personal element could not quite be disregarded, as the position would require great tact on the part of both Director and Assistant Director.' 2 The couple were therefore faced with no alternatives other than to leave the School's employment altogether, or move to the (at that point in time) distant Athens centre, away from the comparatively healthy conditions that obtained at the School itself. Hasluck's letters, after this point, take upon a rather different tone. His forced exclusion, I think, affected him far more than did his not becoming Director, and from that point on, he appears almost to have been resigned to being unable to influence the London Committee. He did though clearly give Penoyre his opinion of the Committee's action next time he visited London. This, whilst understandable, is a pity because Penoyre was genuinely immensely fond of him, moving him to write in exasperation to Macmillan:

1 2

Penoyre to Hasluck, May 13 1914 (BSA). Minute Book, 12 May 1914 (BSA).

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Dear Macmillan, Hasluck is in one of his states, but he quietened down after talking and I send I would let out conversation do instead of a letter from him. I think I had better record the result for a record: 1) He will return for this session and no longer. 2) He will accept £50 in lieu of residence for this session. I would rather have had it in writing from him but this seemed the best way. Really, I am glad he is going, he is so unimaginative and self-deceptive. Yours ever,' Whilst other than this outburst, Hasluck does not appear to have complained, Hardie certainly did, and she very quickly fell out with W a c e w h o was now Director in place of D a w k i n s . O n e such quarrel a p p e a r s in the L o n d o n archives, sparked by a request by W a c e that she surrender her latch-key to the library now that her official time as the School's stipendiary student had c o m e to an end. This letter is sad, perhaps, in its reflection of a quarrel now long passed, but her reference to her thesis being delayed does help us to note that point at which a conventional academic career appears no longer available to her; Grand Hotel Place de la Constitution Athens 13 th October 1915 Dear Mr Penoyre, Your letter of Sep 24 arrived a few days ago. I enclose you my key to the Library. Mr Wace's first letter was rude and bullying, and his second was a threat. You will therefore understand that it is impossible for me to hand the key to him. Please do not trouble to send me a key when a fresh set is made: it will then be [illegible] too late for me to attempt to finish my thesis on time. Yours sincerely M.M. Hasluck 2

1 2

Penoyre to Macmillan, 22 July 1914. Hasluck (née Hardie) to Penoyre, 13 October 1915.

54

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SHANKLAND

In retrospect, it is reasonable to assume I think that Hardie and Hasluck were in part at least the unwitting butt of the Committee's anger at Miss Harrison and the suffragette movement: in effect, she had forced a women student upon them through her active approach to the Vice-Chancellor, who seems to have been considerably more liberal in his approach than they. That student had then arrived in Athens, and promptly married their Acting Director. When they were offered the opportunity to exclude the cuckoo from the nest, they took it with a vengeance, and the fact that in doing so they damaged Hasluck appears to have been entirely incidental. He had, after all, made what was from their point of view a disastrous marriage, one that brought neither connection nor fortune. These arguments over residence and the place of women in society took place largely between 1912 and 1914. They were soon overshadowed by the Great War, and from the couple's personal point of view, Hasluck's dismissal from his post. Following this, Hasluck carried on his work in counterintelligence until the continuing deterioration in his health led them to seek a cure in the sanatoriums of Europe. They travelled together, first to France and then to Switzerland, where Hasluck died in 1920. Whilst Hardie's precise movements after Hasluck's death do not appear yet ascertained, it is clear that she returned to Britain at some point, where she began the task of publishing Hasluck's remains. This she did efficiently, resulting in his Athos, Letters on Folklore, and Christianity and Islam. She also appears to have been awarded a travelling scholarship from Aberdeen, presumably with Ramsay's help, which enabled her to go visit Albania. There, she settled. She had built a substantial house, and set out to make a sustained study of the Albanian language, and its folklore. When the Second World War began, she became drawn into operational training, a part of her life that Roderick Bailey describes in his excellent chapter in this volume. After a dispute with her employers, she appears to have resigned her position, and later was to die of leukaemia in Ireland on 18 October 1948. Hardie was a fascinating figure, one of those people who become the more interesting the more that they are studied. There is, as yet, no biography of her life, but it is to be hoped that before too long such a work will be attempted. Nevertheless, certain observations as to the place of her life and work are perhaps immediately relevant. It is sometimes claimed that Hardie was responsible not just for editing but also for writing much of Hasluck's work. This would appear to be quite mistaken: the two had quite different

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55

characters. Hasluck was intellectually incisive, with a mind that could organise and synthesise vast quantities of material, returning to certain pivotal issues that preoccupied him again and again. In contrast, just as Harrison noted in her reference to the School right at the outset, Hardie was hard working rather than intellectually curious, thorough but with none of Hasluck's brilliance or ability to develop a wider picture. In as much as there may be discerned an intellectual exchange between the two, it flows from Hasluck to Hardie. She, as he did, began in classics. However, under his tuition she turned to history, folklore, and finally to Albania, the area that he was pursuing before his illness, and the war, prevented him from travelling there. In a way, indeed, she is his direct follower in adopting a move from classics to anthropology in the modern sense: her own posthumously published work, The Unwritten Law in Albania, is regarded as containing very important ethnography to this day. 1 I make these points not to diminish Hardie, but rather to suggest that to seek her in her husband is to belittle her achievement, and her very great merits. In fact, rather than primarily an academic, she was brave, courageous, loyal, honest and determined: these qualities come out in her extremely difficult journey from Aberdeen, through Cambridge to Athens at a time when women were so explicitly, and so firmly discriminated against. They also emerge in her persistence in gaining original ethnographic material in Albania, and in her diverse experiences during the Second World War. Here one should record a slight but entirely amicable difference of interpretation from my good friend, Dr Bailey. The incident concerns her leaving the Special Operations Executive. At that point, as Bailey describes in this volume, she had been taken off various tasks: her attempt to recruit agents in war-time Istanbul had been a failure — Hardie had simply been unable to act in sufficiently tactful or delicate a fashion. Further, the SOE, determined to work with the pro-Communist guerrillas against the Axis forces who were occupying Albania, had been criticised by her as mistaken: her position being that Communism was a destructive and dangerous phenomenon. They, on the other hand, felt that it was the most effective way to combat the enemy, and were of course following the War Cabinet's decided policy. Unable to agree, she resigned.

1 Hann, for instance, mentions it in his work Teach Yourself Anthropology (1988), as being a useful source.

56

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SHANKLAND

In evaluating this part of her life, it seems to me that rather than stressing the difficulty that others had in working with her, it is perhaps more helpful to praise her perspicacity in recognising the consequences of a communist expansion through eastern Europe, and her refusal to give on this point. No doubt, she was influenced by her close ties with the loyalists in Albania, who were opposed to the guerrillas. Nevertheless, her general conclusion was absolutely right: as Popper later famously remarked, the British do indeed have a tendency to overlook totalitarian ideologies. It does not, perhaps, speak volumes for her tact or flexibility that she was unable to sustain her working relationship with the SOE by keeping her differences to herself, but she may be given at least the moral benefit of the doubt as being substantially correct in the accusation that she made.

The Hasluck marriage There is also occasional speculation about the sort of match that Hasluck and Hardie made. Of course, it is impossible to know what passes exactly between a couple, and it is equally perhaps distasteful to attempt to do so. It is worth noting, though, that even if the Committee regretted Hardie's marriage, there is no indication that she herself, or that Hasluck did so. Certainly, Hasluck's passing references to her in his letters to Dawkins are unfailingly affectionate. If she had married simply for a husband, it is hardly likely that she would have spent the rest of her days defending his reputation and publishing his works so meticulously, let alone paying him the compliment of following his, rather than her, teachers' profession. This would hardly be worth mentioning other than for a curious aspect of modern day folk-history. Whilst Hardie does have her defenders, she is remembered most often through a series of moderately unflattering anecdotes: that she was a predator looking for a husband, that she struck Wace off her list of suitors only after he had thrown a jug of water over her when she pretended to faint, and so. It is surely unnecessary that the prejudices of a hundred years ago should be sustained in the face of such overwhelming evidence, and on the

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subject of one whose life deserves more sustained consideration than such slighting asides.'

Politics and Hasluck 's fall To return now to Hasluck, and the final part of his life at the School. In general, his aim was to work as hard as possible, to publish quickly in comparatively short but highly polished articles, to do his job efficiently, and not to politic unduly. This approach is understandable, in that it had seen him successfully through a good school, university, and to the position of Acting Director at the School. It had the great merit that his daily existence was not marred by the tortuous ways of the ambitious. The disadvantage is that it relied upon the perceptions of others as to his merits. It also meant that he was immensely vulnerable should he ever have the disadvantage of making a genuine enemy, who would thereby have the field free to influence others against him. Penoyre, who appears to have taken several periods of leave, is acutely aware of this. He writes to Hasluck's mother in 1911 just before one of these absences, referring to him by his nickname, Tophet: It is curious that my last official letter should be written to you ... I feel rather as if I were deserting Tophet, and I did make a suggestion that I might go out and act as his locum tenens while he is away. My employers however poured scorn on my suggestion, and said that I might as well work here as go out there and work. There is something in this I suppose ... ^

Penoyre clearly understood far better than Hasluck the undercurrents that surrounded his position in Athens, and he was quite right to be concerned. Hasluck appears to have had two enemies in particular: the first was Wise, Penoyre's Assistant, who acted as Secretary during Penoyre's absence. From his correspondence, it may be seen that Wise was much less suave then Penoyre, and much less diplomatic. He also makes passing references to Hasluck that are far from flattering, for instance: Whilst, wishing to establish first the outlines of Hasluck's career, I have deliberately not sought to trace parallels in this essay, the comparative example of the British School at Rome should once again be noted. There too, the question of women's residence was a significant cause of conflict, and there too a triangle (in this case two women and one man rather than two men and one woman) resulted in a significant upheaval (see Wallace-Hadrill 2001). Beard's note of the later neglect of Mrs Strong (who was dismissed as the Rome School's Assistant Director along with its Director) is also highly relevant in the light of the disapproval that still often faces Mrs Hasluck when her name is mentioned today at the British School. One obvious difference however is that the Rome School have reported the difficulties that their school faced in their official history, meaning that the quarrel is a matter of public record, whilst the Athens School did not. I would argue that in terms of our understanding of intellectual history, the cost of such prevarication is extremely high. 2 Penoyre to Mrs Hasluck (mother), 1 December 1911 (BSA). The reference to Hasluck being away refers to his insistence on continuing with his regular research trips from the school.

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... It seems to me that the Assistant-Director's engagement is the direct proof of the extreme undesirability of appointing a lady School student, our object is to promote the study of archaeology and not matrimony. I have not been able to meet with anyone who has seen Miss Harrison since the denouement was announced, but people w h o know her seem to think that she will not be pleased. 1

In this cordial dislike of Hasluck he appears to have found a ready ally in A. J. B. Wace. Wace (1885-1965), though a little older than Hasluck was a student at almost the same time. Without actually appearing rivals, they were interviewed, considered for the position of Assistant Director in 1906, and Hasluck was chosen. This decision meant that Hasluck was free to remain at the School. Wace instead appears to have developed interests are the newly founded Rome School, becoming student and librarian there. At the same time, far from cutting his ties with the Athens School after their choosing Hasluck over him, he eventually became a member of the Managing Committee. Today, a hundred years later, to view another's political manoeuvrings places one in an intensely difficult, almost embarrassing situation. It is also indisputably the case that an archive can only ever show a very partial story, being by definition only what a person was prepared to write down. Nevertheless, it appears at this distance that the technique that Wace used was simple enough: he joined the London Committee in 1909, 2 did his best to repair relations where they had hitherto been a little difficult — he became close friends with Wise, went to see Harrison to convince her of his support for the place of women in academia, and cultivated Macmillan. He also set himself systematically to make sure that any uncertainty connected with Hasluck's position was amplified, so that the Committee became increasingly concerned at what appeared to be a growing possible factor of instability at the school. One way in which this was done was ensure that little things became exaggerated, such as Hasluck avoiding a dinner at the Residence, or his being temporarily arrested by the Ottoman Authorities during an excursion to take photographs of a monument in Thrace. The Committee also, in spite of Hasluck's notes indicating his readiness to work with the School, seem to have been moved by Wace to doubt his future intentions. This resulted in their converting his position from one that was, in effect, automatically renewed each year, to placing him on six month's notice. 3 This also had the effect of causing the Committee to reconsider each year whether or not he was to join the School during that season, something that in previous years had not been open to doubt. 1 2 3

[Wise] to Yorke, 10 June 1912 (BSA). See BSA Annual, Vol XVI, 1909-10; 306. Penoyre to Hasluck, 7 February 1913 (BSA).

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When the time came to consider who the new director might be, so effectively had Hasluck fallen from grace that it is clear that they were determined that he should not be seriously considered, even though as a matter of form he appears on their list of candidates circulated to their members. They appear to have hoped firstly that the Oxford classicist Guy Dickins (who was later killed in the Great War) might take the job. When he refused due to personal commitments after the death of his father, they turned to Wace, who accepted. It appears that, at about this time, the Vice Chancellor of Cambridge sent a note enquiring after Hasluck. Penoyre's response on behalf of the Committee was to send him a secret memorandum outlining their reasons for rejecting him, asking the Vice-Chancellor to destroy it when he had read it:

November 19 th , 1913 Sir John Sandys St John's House Grange Road Cambridge

Dear Sir John, Many thanks for your letter. Yesterday the Committee made a unanimous offer of the directorship to Mr Wace. I appreciate what you say of Hasluck, and send for your perusal a little memorandum which embodied the reasons why he was not considered. I do this with complete confidence, only asking you to destroy it when read. Yours sincerely 1 Secretary

As this work goes to press, I do not know whether it will be possible to unearth the memorandum. I have not yet been able to trace it. It is tempting though, to suspect that it contains a combination of two main points: the first that Hasluck's commitment was wavering, and that therefore they could not be sure that he would or should take up the post. The second that they doubted that his wife was quite the sort of material that Director's wives were made of — as Hogarth writes in negative fashion to Penoyre, the question in their mind appears to have been, 'What's she like?'.

1

Penoyre to Sir John Sandys, 19 November 1913 (BSA).

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S H A N K L A N D

. . . ' H a s l u c k — well — I really d o n o t k n o w h i m well e n o u g h to j u d g e ! I a m told h e is n o t persona grata w i t h G r e e k s b u t h a v e n o f i r s t - h a n d k n o w l e d g e of this. W h a t is she l i k e ? ' ' T h e t a l e o f t h e d i s m i s s a l i t s e l f is q u i c k l y t o l d . A f t e r W a c e ' s

appointment,

H a s l u c k and his w i f e sent a note to the C o m m i t t e e declaring their willingness to w o r k with W a c e . 2 T h e C o m m i t t e e e x p r e s s e d their p l e a s u r e at this, a n d W a c e took up his duties. Gradually, however, W a c e began to express

his

d i s p l e a s u r e w i t h H a s l u c k , a n d h e f i n a l l y a p p e a r s in 1 9 1 5 to h a v e c o n c l u d e d that he should not be permitted to begin the following season, even assuming to t h e L o n d o n C o m m i t t e e t h a t h e w o u l d b e r e p l a c e d in his p l a n n i n g letters t o them. T h o u g h they w e r e chagrined at w h a t they regarded his p r e s u m p t i o n a n d p e r h a p s n o t c o m p l e t e l y clear as to his intent, t h e y did a s k h i m

directly

whether he wished Hasluck to return the following year.3 H e wrote

back,

bluntly, asking that Hasluck be sacked. Just before the meeting, Macmillan writes to Penoyre, w h o had tried to shield Hasluck by reassuring him that the C o m m i t t e e would

renew

his

a p p o i n t m e n t , 4 a n d h a d r e c e i v e d a very c r o s s letter f r o m W a c e in r e t u r n . M a c m i l l a n had sent W a c e a reprimand for his acerbity, and writes n o w

to

P e n o y r e on W a c e ' s reply. 10th J u n e 1 9 1 5 M y dear Penoyre, I t h i n k that y o u will a g r e e w i t h m e t h a t t h e e n c l o s e d reply f r o m W a c e t o m y l o n g letter of M a y 2 0 is v e r y m u c h to h i s c r e d i t , a n d I h o p e n o w t h e r e is n o r i s k of a n y f u r t h e r t r o u b l e . H e a d m i t s t h a t h e w a s p e r h a p s u n d u l y s e n s i t i v e and that his isolated position rather tends to aggravate that tendency. W e m i g h t a d d a l s o t h e e f f e c t of t h e A t h e n i a n c l i m a t e , u p o n w h i c h b o t h D a w k i n s and B o s a n q u e t d w e l t . T h e c u r i o u s t h i n g is that h e s e e m s t o h a v e s u p p o s e d t h a t h i s p e r s o n a l letter t o y o u w a s in its u s u a l f r i e n d l y t o n e , b u t I a m v e r y g l a d that in t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s y o u d i d n o t a n s w e r it o r s h o w it t o anyone.

1

Hogarth to Penoyre, 13 October 1913 [orig. empj. Note by Hasluck to London office, 24 November 1913 (BSA). 3 Macmillan to Wace, 20 May 1915 (BSA). 4 See here the admirable description in Beard's account of Harrison's early life (2000). 4 Whilst I would like to work further on this issue, I think that it would be a mistake to regard the Committee as being divided into hard and fast factions (and, of course, its membership changed frequently). Broadjy speaking, however, it appears that with regard to the question of women (and Hasluck himself) there does appear to be a liberal tendency which consists of Harrison, Penoyre and Dawkins who are in favour of his continuing and indeed of women being permitted to attend the School, and by inclination a more conservative faction consisting of Macmillan (Chair), Gardner (a former Director), Wace himself and Wise. In spite of his rather negative comment about Hasluck quoted above, Hogarth is careful for the most part to remain intelligently neutral. Purely from the political point of view, the second tendency is both more representative of the School's wider constituency than the first, and has at least three seats on the Committee (Macmillan, Wace, Gardner), as opposed to the single vote of Harrison during much of the period discussed here. 2

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This official letter, with mine to which it is an answer, must of course come before the next Committee, if only because of his clear opinion in regard to the reappointment of Hasluck. I do not see how we can possibly renew that appointment in the face of this opinion from the Director, given at the express invitation of the Committee. In a personal letter, he explains other matters which would make it quite impossible for him to go on with the present librarian [Hasluck]. These are by no means outside the cognisance of the Committee and of course mainly concern the Lady, who has evidently been taking far too much upon herself in regard both to the Hostel and the Library. In acknowledging Wace's letter I have taken the opportunity of correcting the phrase "want of judgement" to "misapprehension" in regard to what you did about H. I am, Yours ever [Macmillan] P.S. I think, by the way, that you might now write a few friendly lines to W. apropos what he says about you in his official letter. 1 T h e i r hand f o r c e d , the C o m m i t t e e did as W a c e requested, t h o u g h not particularly enthusiastically, dismissing Hasluck formally at a meeting on 22 June 1915. Their resolution reads as follows: That Mr Hasluck's appointment as Assistant Director and Librarian be not renewed, but that the Chairman be asked in conveying this decision to Mr Hasluck to express in the name of the Committee their warm appreciation of his long and valuable services to the School. In its aftermath, Macmillan writes to W a c e on 2 4 June as follows; My dear Wace, ... After referring the matter to you for a direct opinion the Committee felt that they could not but fall in with your view that Hasluck's reappointment was, in present circumstances, not in the best interests of the School. If a senior officer is, for any reason, unable to get on with his subordinate a change must clearly be made with a view to harmonious working, and though the particular points which you mention were comparatively trivial in themselves, their cumulative affect was, I think, sufficient to show that you had grounds for your decision. The other matters touched on in your private letter were not absent from the mind of the Committee, though they would naturally not appear in any record of its proceedings.

1

Macmillan to Penoyre 10 June 1915 (BSA).

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At the same time I think you will understand that there is a very general feeling in the Committee that Hasluck's work as Librarian has been of immense value, and that it will be very difficult indeed to find anyone else so well qualified in that respect. On the whole, we think it best not, in the meantime, to take any action for the appointment of a successor. Your idea of an architect who might help in excavations might be well enough for next season when probably there will be again no students and very few visitors to Athens, but it is entirely contrary to the view taken by the Committee as to the function of the Assistant Director, which is to represent the School when the Director is absent in the field and in particular to pay attention to the Library. You will no doubt let me know when you will be returning to England and what address will find you. I am, Yours very sincerely^ W a c e n o w had complete control of the A t h e n s end of the School, but he soon fell out with the C o m m i t t e e in his turn. O n e aspect they particularly disliked w a s his habit of c o n t i n u i n g to write rather b a d - t e m p e r e d letters to L o n d o n . T h o u g h this can be an e f f e c t i v e w a y to k e e p a C o m m i t t e e at a distance, it o b v i o u s l y u p s e t P e n o y r e . W a c e c o m p e n s a t e d f o r this by c o m m u n i c a t i n g w h e r e possible directly with M a c m i l l a n and carried on in A t h e n s t h r o u g h o u t t h e w a r , v o l u n t e e r i n g to w o r k at the L e g a t i o n . In return, the A m b a s s a d o r granted him exemption f r o m military service: Sir, In view of the new Military Service Act in the United Kingdom and the urgent need of men for his Majesty's forces and being aware of your desire to serve your country in whatever way your services can be of the greatest use, I enquired of the Foreign Office whether those members of H.M. Legation who are of military age and fit should offer themselves for military service. I have received a reply from the Secretary of State placing on me the responsibility of deciding whether any man at present employed in the Legation can be spared and emphasising the fact that it is my duty to ensure the efficient discharge of the work of the Legation. I have considered the matter very carefully and have felt obliged to inform Mr Balfour that I could not guarantee the efficient working of the Legation with any fewer men than I have at present and that I therefore take the responsibility of refusing to release you from your present duties Signed [Granville] A.J.B Wace The British Legation 2

1 2

Macmillan to Wace 24 June 1915 (BSA). Granville to Wace, 16 May 1918 (BSA).

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A f t e r the war, W a c e ' s relations with the L o n d o n C o m m i t t e e did not i m p r o v e , and even M a c m i l l a n appears to have ceased to support him. Indeed, he learnt of his dismissal in 1922 only in the course of an angry e x c h a n g e of letters with M a c m i l l a n h i m s e l f , wherein the C h a i r m a n i n f o r m e d h i m that t h e n e w Assistant Director had been o f f e r e d the j o b on the basis that he would replace W a c e as Director. ... I told you in my last letter that is was possible that Mr Woodward might be prepared to take the post of Assistant Director and Librarian, but I should now explain that the only ground upon which it seemed likely that he would give up his post at Leeds for an office carrying a much lower salary was the prospect of its leading to the Directorship when your present term of office comes to an end ... after very full consideration he expressed himself willing ... Accordingly ... it was decided that he should be appointed Assistant Director and Librarian for next session and succeed you in your present post at the end of the following session. It will of course be a great advantage to him to have had the year's experience in the subordinate post and we feel sure that you will find him a very useful and congenial Assistant. ... I think that in the comments you have from to time made in your letters to the Secretary upon other decisions of the Committee you have been inclined to overlook the fact that it does consist of men who have had practical experience in the work of the School, in some cases from its very foundation. I am, Yours very sincerely [Macmillan]. 1 W a c e arranged a circular letter signed in his support by G r e e k scholars in Athens, but the C o m m i t t e e refused to change their m i n d . 2 H e perforce returned to L o n d o n , w h e r e he f o u n d a post at the Victoria and A l b e r t M u s e u m , and ultimately a d e c a d e later w a s a p p o i n t e d L a u r e n c e P r o f e s s o r of Classical Archaeology in C a m b r i d g e . 3 Hasluck of course, was long since dead, and the 1 Macmillan to Wace, 12 January 1922 (BSA), Wace to Macmillan January 25 1922 (BSA), Macmillan to Wace 9 February 1922. The quotation is taken from the last of these letters. 2 Memorandum in support of Wace dated 24 July 1922 to London office, signed by eight Greek scholars (BSA). 3 There is a suggestion in MacGillivray (2000) that Sir Arthur Evans led the Managing Committee to take a 'scunner' against Wace because of W a c e ' s opposition to Evan's interpretation of the Minoans. Whilst of course the difference of opinion between these two men is a matter of record, there is no evidence in those parts of the archive that I have been able to study that suggests that Macmillan was influenced by the quarrel. Leaving to one side Wace's scholarly attainments, it really does appear as if his particularly brusque choice of style in dealing with opposition exhausted London's patience, as Macmillan notes himself in his letter of dismissal to him.

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files contain but scanty reference to him. Penoyre did design a plaque in his memory, 1 and Hasluck himself remembered the School in his will, leaving them £100 for 'improvements to the hostel or garden'. 2 There is also one letter by Casson, then Assistant Director, dated three months after Hasluck's death that reads: M a y 3 r d 1920

Confidential M y dear Pen[oyre] A line to let you know that I have just received your letter of the 2 3 r c ' re. Hasluck's kit. i have had a letter f r o m Mrs H. asking m e to take charge of various things of his and to act generally for her in various matters. All she said about W a c e was that she did not want to leave the a r r a n g e m e n t of things to him. N o attacks or unpleasantness. I know nothing of the inner history of the tragedy and the quarrels and so forth and I am not particularly keen to know them. I think I can see how differences must have arisen because I can size up most peoples' characters. But I don't think there is as m u c h need f o r apprehension now as you think. The letters I have received lately f r o m Mrs H. have been remarkably nice and very human. In any case, however, it would be far better if she did not c o m e out here at all, as if I were not here the situation would be rather strained to say the least. I hardly know M r s H. personally at all but I can well i m a g i n e that she is rather on edge. K n o w i n g nothing of the actual causes of the trouble I can give you a very good idea its psychological c a u s e s I think. A n y h o w I can m a k e any a r r a n g e m e n t you like about H a s l u c k ' s things. The list of special things you gave m e I have checked. Funnily enough, I was in the American School recently and saw the very things in question lying uncared for on the top of a wardrobe .... Let m e know how things go and I will fit in to any arrangement you make .... Yours ever Signd: Stanley Casson.

Conclusion In organising the Hasluck conference, my fear was not so much that there would be no interest — this concern was quickly assuaged by the wonderful response from colleagues who found that theme worth pursuing — but rather that Hasluck's academic work would not stand up to the test of so much examination. After three days of intense discussion, this fear too was 1

It reads, 'In this place worked Frederick William Hasluck: Librarian of the School 19061915, who died Feb 22 1920. DESIDERATUS' (BSA Annual, Vol. 27, 1920-1921; 233). BSA Annual, Vol. 27, 1920-1921; 232.

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assuaged. The meticulous reasoning and scholarship that Hasluck had put into his work stood up to the test. Whilst of course his work is not without flaws, H a s l u c k ' s insistence on examining transition, transformation and the boundaries between cultures led him to an innovative exploration of conversion, cultural interaction, and shared religious practices that stands out as a land-mark, a rare example of a fundamental contribution that will not be superseded. Now, at a time when disciplinary boundaries are perhaps more fluid than ever before, there would appear to be no reason why his work should not gain wider currency, and his due place in the history of ideas acknowledged. T h e great surprise, however, was the role that institutional and individual politics played in his life and still do. Himself not at all ambitious, he found no answering intellectual chord in the School that employed him and the Committee that ruled over him. Even today, the episode is not represented accurately by the School. In its history, published in 1986, it is written that he resigned — 'Hasluck resigned as Librarian and Assistant Director, and both he and his wife were absorbed into British Government agencies', 1 whereas of course he was dismissed, and the precise wording of that dismissal is recorded clearly in the School's Book of Minutes. Again, whilst this project was in progress the archival material was removed from London to Athens in its entirety, in spite of my repeated pleas that it was still needed. It seems that it is not enough to be intellectually precocious as was Hasluck, nor indeed to work industriously, as he did. The lesson that the sordid end of his life tells us, and indeed its continued tangled aftermath, is that politics matter terribly.

REFERENCES Archives Archive Centre, King's College, Cambridge. Dawkins/Hasluck correspondence, Taylorian Institution Library, Oxford. Administrative Correspondence, British School at Athens, London [now transferred to BSA, Athens], Photographic Archive, Hellenic Society, London [now transferred to BSA, Athens].

1

Waterhouse (1986; 24).

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Published Beard, M. 2000 The Invention University Press.

of Jane Harrison,

Cambridge; London; Harvard

British School at Athens Annual [Periodical], London; British School at Athens. Clark, M. 2000 'Margaret Masson Hardie' in Allcock, J. and Young, A. (eds), Black Lambs & Grey Falcons: Women Travellers in the Balkans, Oxford; Berghahn Books, 128-154. Evans-Pritchard, E. 1940 The Sanusi of Cyrenaica, Oxford; Clarendon Press. Ferriman, Z. 1911 Turkey and the Turks, New York; James Pott & Co. Gellner, E. 1995 Anthropology and Politics: Revolutions in the Sacred Grove, Oxford; Blackwells. Gellner, E. 1981 Muslim Society, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Gellner, E. 1988 Language and solitude: Wittgenstein, Malinowski, and the Habsburg Dilemma, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Gökalp, A. 1980 TStes rouges et bouches noires; une confrérie tribale de l'Ouest anatolien, Recherches sur la Haute Asie; 6, Paris; Société d'ethnographie. Goody, J. 1995 The Expansive Moment: the Rise of Social Anthropology in Britain and Africa, 7978-1970, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Hann, C. 1998 Social Anthropology, London; Teach Yourself Books. Hasluck, F. 1902 'Sculptures from Cyzicus', British School at Athens Annual 1901-1902, London; British School at Athens, Vol. 8; 190-196. Hasluck, F. 1910 Cyzicus: being some account of the history and antiquities of that city, and of the district adjacent to it, with the towns of Apollonia ad Rhyndacum, Miletupolis, Hadrianutherae, Piapus, Zeleia, etc. Cambridge; at the University Press. Hasluck, F. 1913 'Christianity and Islam under the Sultans of Konia', Annual of the British School at Athens Vol. 19, pages 191-97. Hasluck, F. 1924 Athos and it Monasteries, London; Kegan Paul. Hasluck, F. 1926 Letters on Religion and Folklore, annotated by Margaret M. Hasluck, London; Luzacs. Hasluck, F. 1929 Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, edited by M. Hasluck, Oxford; Clarendon Press. Herzfeld, M. 1987 Anthropology through the Looking-Glass: Critical Ethnography in the Margins of Europe, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Hogarth, D. (ed.) 1899 Authority and Archaeology sacred and profane: essays on the relation of monuments to Biblical and Classical Literature, second. Ed, London; John Murray. Houghton, G. and P. 2000 Weil-Regulated Minds and Improper Moments: a History of The Leys School, Cambridge; The Governors of The Leys School. Jewell, H. and Hasluck, F. 1920 The Church of Our Lady of the Hundred Gates (Panagia Hekatontapyliani) in Paras, London; Macmillan and Co (on behalf of the Byzantine Research and Publication Fund).

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MacGillivray, J. 2000 Minotaur: Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology of the Minoan Myth, London; Jonathan Cape. Mélikoff, I. 1998 Hadji Bektach: un mythe et ses avatars: genèse et évolution du soufisme populaire en Turquie, Leiden; Brill. Moosa, M. 1987 Extremist Shiites: the Ghulat Sects, Syracuse; Syracuse University Press. Morier, J. 1834 Ayesha, the Maid of Kars, 3 vols, London; Richard Bentley. Ramsay, W. 1897 Impressions of Turkey during twelve years' wanderings, London; Hodder & Stoughton. Ramsay, W. 1906 Pauline and other Studies, London; Hodder and Stoughton. Ramsay, W. 1909 The Revolution in Constantinople and Turkey, London; Hodder and Stoughton. Shankland, D. 1999 'Integrating the past: folklore, mounds and people at Çatalhôyiik' in Gazin-Schvvartz, A. and Holtorf, C. (eds.) Archaeology and Folklore, London; Routledge, pages 139-157. Shankland, D. 2003 The Alevis in Turkey: the emergence of a secular Islamic Tradition, London; RoutledgeCurzon. The Leys Fortnightly [school newspaper], The Leys School, Cambridge. Wallace-Hadrill, A. 2001 The British School at Rome; one hundred years, London; British School at Rome. Waterhouse, H. 1986 The British School at Athens: the first hundred years, London; British School at Athens.

2. FREDERICK WILLIAM HASLUCK FROM CAMBRIDGE TO SMYRNA Giovanni SALMERI

Cambridge Early in the afternoon of 11 January 1899, Edward Morgan Forster and Frederick William Hasluck travelled down by train together from London to Cambridge at the end of the Christmas holidays. 1 It was pouring when they arrived, and they had to take a cab to reach King's College, which both had entered in October 1897 to read Classics. 2 In his diary the future novelist makes no mention of the topics of conversation with Hasluck on the way. In a later entry, however, he records that on the afternoon of the following 14 February he met Hasluck for tea, and we may well imagine that he talked over the essay he was to write on 'Distinctive Characteristics of the Attic Genus', 3 a task that had already taken him to the Archaeological Museum of Little St Mary's Lane in search of inspiration. 4 In another entry, dated 23 February, Forster records the difficulty he was then experiencing in writing a paper on 'The Greek Feeling for Nature', but makes no mention of any discussion with Hasluck. We could go on at length delving into Forster's diary to enter more closely into the everyday life of a classics student in late Victorian Cambridge. 5 Here, however, we are interested in tracing out the essential lines in the cultural background of Frederick Hasluck, the future assistant director and librarian of the British School at Athens, 6 and it may therefore prove more relevant to consider at this point an event holding central importance for classics studies in Cambridge in the late decades of the nineteenth century and the opening decades of the twentieth, namely the 1879 reform of the Classical 1 See the 11 January entry in Forster's diary for 1899, deposited at King's College, Cambridge, Modern Archive Centre. I should like to offer my thanks for permission to view it. 2 See Withers (1929; 273, 277). See the diary entries for 13 and 14 February 1899. 4 On the Museum, see Beard (1993). 5 For an account of Forster's years at Cambridge as an undergraduate, see Furbank (1991, I; 49-80). 6

For Hasluck's life, see now David Shankland's 'Introduction' to this volume.

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Tripos. On this reform reference can be made to the studies by Christopher Stray and Mary Beard. 1 These two scholars not only identify the precedents and reconstruct the history of the reform, but also demonstrate how ultimately it gave rise to the most interesting researches on the ancient world carried out in Cambridge between the 1880s and 1920. With the reform, the Classical Tripos was split into a Part 1 and a Part II. Part I, which led to a degree, was essentially linguistic in nature and reserved ample room for prose and verse composition, following in the tradition of the Tripos as it had been inaugurated in 1822. Part II, on the other hand, was optional; open to students who had passed Part I, it offered the opportunity to delve deeper into particular branches of classics. It was divided into five sections (A-E): literature, philosophy, history, archaeology and comparative philology; literature, the toehold of traditional Cambridge scholarship, remaining compulsory until 1895. 2 However, the section that played the greatest part in opening up horizons for research on the ancient world and revising methods was unquestionably D, or archaeology, comprising not only the history of Greek and Roman art and ancient topography, but also study of Greek and Roman mythology and religion and 'the art and handicraft and the inscriptions, of the ancient Greeks and Romans, in relation to their domestic and national life.' 3 The remarkably wide range covered by archaeology in the new 1879 Tripos, extending so far as to include ethnology, 4 was recently — and, I believe, rightly — traced back 5 to the conception expounded in 1850 in a lecture by Charles Newton, 6 who was to be the excavator of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus and Keeper of the Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum. One of the main functions of archaeology, he maintained, was to assemble evidence for historical reconstruction, and to this end inscriptions represented the most useful category of antiquities. To get the right perspective on the matter we must only remember that, far from constituting a novelty, Newton's views on archaeology were perfectly consistent with the antiquarian research tradition of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth, which sought to piece together a complete, systematic picture of

1

Stray (1998; 141-167, 1999b, 2001); Beard (1999, 2001). See especially Beard (1999, 2001). Beard (1999; 113). 4 Between 1906 and 1920, the University Press was active in publishing: a 'Cambridge Archaeological and Ethnological Series', for it Hasluck published his book Cyzicus (Hasluck 1910). The then Disney Professor of Archaeology, William Ridgeway, discussed below, was an influential member of the publishing committee. 5 By Beard (2000; 127-128). 6 The lecture ('On the Study of Archaeology') can be read in Newton (1880; 1-38); for Newton's achievements and career, see Cook (1997). 2 3

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the a n c i e n t world d r a w i n g on various types of material, inscribed and otherwise, and assigning an important place to religious aspects. 1 W h a t is, however, clear is that the descent of Section D of Part II of the Classical T r i p o s f r o m the tradition of antiquarian research — p r o b a b l y not f u l l y perceived by the advocates of the reform — does not mean that the f o r m e r owed its existence solely and entirely to the latter. Rather, the line of descent shows how the potential of eighteenth-century antiquarian research — through the mediation of figures like Newton in England and B a r t o l o m e o Borghesi in Italy and Europe — f o u n d expression in the production and e n d e a v o u r of scholars of the ancient world active in the second half of the nineteenth century. 2 T h e reorganisation of the Classical Tripos, in particular the creation of Section D, led to the recruitment of new staff called upon to teach the prescribed subjects. Notable among them were Charles Waldstein and William R i d g e w a y , w h o m a y be considered the s p o k e s m e n f o r the n e w line. 3 On Waldstein, part American, part German, who arrived in Cambridge in 1880 to b e c o m e the first R e a d e r in Classical A r c h a e o l o g y ( 1 8 8 3 - 1 9 0 7 ) , w e have various contributions by Mary B e a r d , 4 pointing out the role he played in the foundation and running of the C a m b r i d g e Greek Play, his interest in the University collection of casts and the singular ease he e n j o y e d in navigating between ancient and modern art history. As for Ridgeway, to my knowledge no adequate profile has yet been produced, 5 although he was possibly the most significant interpreter of Part II of the Tripos, at least in the 1890s. W e shall have m o r e to say about him later on, but here it is worth noting that his lecture on the 'Relation of Archaeology to Classical Studies' 6 accorded closely with N e w t o n ' s vision of archaeology as not only, and not so m u c h , to be approached in terms of art history, but as a fundamental means f o r a correct reading of ancient texts, whether historical or literary and philosophical.

1 For the antiquarian research tradition, see especially Momigliano (1950), Schnanp (1993) Salmeri (1998). 2

For Italy, see Salmeri (1998; 275-277). It is also worth recalling that the board of examiners for Section D included Sidney Colvin, Slade Professor of Art, and James Frazer in 1883: see Beard (1999; 104). For Frazer, see the' last note but one of this section. 3

4 Beard (1993; 14-15, 1999; 115-120, 2000; 51, 62, 65). On Waldstein's role in the foundation and running of the Cambridge Greek Play, see Easterling (1999; 31, 34-35). 5 See Conway (1926), Stray (1998; 149-151) and my discussion of Ridgeway below. I have not been able to identify the year of the lecture; the published text I consulted in the Library of the British School at Athens is recorded as entered on 1 November 1908.

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Ultimately the creation of Part II of the Classical Tripos, based as it was on the principle of specialization as well as choice and geared — albeit with due circumspection — to take studies beyond the linguistic-literary limits and enhance the historical perspective, 1 went hand in hand with the shift from 'liberal education' to 'learning' that characterised the study of classics in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Britain, and notably at C a m b r i d g e . 2 It was, however, neither a linear nor a simple process, an excellent example of its composite nature being offered by Forster, Hasluck and the other thirteen students who went up to King's with them in 1897 to read Classics. 3 Of the thirteen, nine took only Part I of the Classical Tripos, left much the same by the 1879 reform, with its linguistic-literary orientation. On graduating they went their various ways, appointed to the Indian Civil Service (in the case of G. K. Darling and J. Monteath), the Ceylon Civil Service (J. Scott), or even appointed student interpreter in the Turkish Dominions (A. B. Geary). They also included a future clerk in the House of Commons (K. J. C. Moorsom), but all demonstrate by their experience that classics constituted the solid core of education for civil servants and imperial administrators as the nineteenth century came to a close. 4 Relations with the ancient world proved no more professional for the remaining students of King's who had gone up with Hasluck and continued their studies after taking Part I of the Classical Tripos. Indeed, three — including Forster — abandoned classics to take Part II of the Historical Tripos, only two going on with Hasluck to Part II of the Classical Tripos. Of these one became assistant master at Eton (J. F. Crace) while the other, a member of the Stock Exchange, turned his interest to the history of mediaeval art (A. Gardner). Thus of the fifteen young men who entered King's to read classics in 1897 only one maintained a professional interest in the ancient world on completing his studies. On exactly how he set about it, as we shall endeavour to show, the reform of the Classical Tripos with the introduction of Part II had no small influence. There was, however, another of those fifteen young men who continued to occupy himself with the ancient world, above all as the

1 2 3 4

Stray (2001; 44). Stray (1998; 117-119, 1999b; 1). For the careers of them all, see Withers (1929; 272-285). Symonds (1986), Hingley (2000; especially 9-11). See also Levine (1986).

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author of essays and short stories, and that was Forster.' He is not the object of our interest here, but for a better understanding of Hasluck it may prove useful to turn our attention briefly to the future novelist and his approach to the ancient world. Overcoming the gentlemanly amateurism, based on the classical authors and typical of liberal education, 2 this approach can be seen to respond to the lively cultural climate of Cambridge in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, and to the innovations that found their way into Part I of the Classical Tripos thanks to the stimulus of the Part II teaching and its teachers. The starting point in Foster's rapport with the ancient world lay in his capacity to absorb the language and contents of the Greek and Latin authors. For the year 1899 the future novelist's reading list included Homer, Pindar, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Aristophanes, Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, Plautus, Cicero, Lucretius, Lucan and, in addition, books like A. W. Verrall's Euripides the Rationalist: A Study in the History of Art and Religion? But Forster did not limit himself to the perusal of these and other Greek and Latin authors, critical and searching as it might be, and reproduction of their style in his compositions. He also formed his own personal perspective on the ancient world. Here a major contribution came from Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson, a complex intellectual figure who was a fellow of King's and College Lecturer in Political Science. 4 His professional interest was in France and the Revolution, but his work that enjoyed the most fame was The Greek View of Life of 1896. 5 It is hardly surprising that Dickinson's choice should fall on this area given that he had started in Cambridge by taking Part I of the Classical Tripos in 1884 but, as Forster wrote in his biography of the scholar: ' ... it was not until he had got away from the classics that he saw what they

Apart from Pharos and Pharillon (1923) and Alexandria. A History and a Guide (1922), which will be taken into consideration at the end of this paper, among the works of Forster having to do with the ancient world and tradition we may, for example, cite for his early period 'Macolnia Shops' (1903), 'Cnidus' (1904) and 'Gemistus Pletho' (1905), all published in the Independent Review, now collected in Forster (1996; 163-182). Forster moreover provided an introduction and notes to The Aeneid of Virgil, translated by E. Fairfax Taylor for the Temple Greek and Latin Classics (London 1906, J. M. Dent & Co.). See also the short story 'The Road from Colonus' (1903) discussed below. 2

On this, see Stray (1998; 154-155). Published by CUP in 1895. For this list see Furbank (1991,1; 70). 4 Forster produced a biography of the fellow of King's (Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson, London 1934, E. Arnold & Co.), which went through a number of editions and shows great attention to intellectual aspects. 3

^ London, Methuen & Co. The work went through very many editions, the twenty-third of which, published in 1957, also contains a preface by Forster.

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meant.' 1 Indeed, the ancient world, and the Greek world in particular, came to represent for the mature Dickinson a looking-glass to help form a clearer picture of the modern world, and an ideal of harmony to aspire to, while recognizing that it could never be attained since the Athenian citizen had virtually nothing in common with his counterpart in the British empire. 2 In short, Dickinson was not a classicist of the type produced in the Germany of his days: significantly, he was always in favour of translations for the nonspecialists to read the Greek authors, and supported the abolition of compulsory Greek in his University. 3 Moreover, his duties as a lecturer also saw him dealing with other civilisations. Thus, while he went on to produce A Modern Symposium,4 inspired by his beloved Plato, he also wrote an Essay on the Civilisations of India, China and Japan,5 the fruit of lengthy travels in those parts, showing extraordinary openness in his understanding of their political and religious life. Forster was apparently indebted to Dickinson not only for a view on the ancient world opening beyond strictly classicist perspectives, but also for the stimulus to turn his attention and thoughts to aspects of modern history and politics. Thus it may well have been Dickinson, who prompted the future novelist, while still working on Part I of the Classical Tripos, to attend Lord Acton's lectures on the French Revolution in 1898/' Again, it was quite likely Dickinson who fostered his interest in Indian politics, probably during the period that saw them both in the subcontinent, in 1912. 7 After choosing to take Part II of the Historical Tripos, moreover, Forster found himself extending his historical horizons from the ancient world to the Middle Ages and modern times, and showing predilection for the Italian — and in particular Florentine — Renaissance. 8 Finally, to understand just how Forster's viewpoint on the ancient world opened out as it did we should also remember that he cultivated a sceptical cast of mind and the habit of questioning all assumptions, attending the meetings of the Apostles, officially known as the

1

Förster (1962; 106). See Dickinson (1957; especially 66-67, 134-137). 3 In favour of translations: Forster (1957; vi); in support of the abolition of compulsory Greek: Forster (1962; 102). For the debate over compulsory Greek at Cambridge, see Raphaely (1999). 4 London (1905), Brimley Johnson & Ince Ltd. 5 London and Toronto (1914), J. M. Dent & Sons; see Forster (1962; 135-137). 6 F u r b a n k ( 1 9 9 1 , I ; 55-56). 7 See Forster (1962; 135-137) and Furbank (1991,1; 220-254). On Forster's complex relations with India and on his novel A Passage to India (1924), see Childs (2002). See also below. 8 Forster extolled the intellectual freedom enjoyed by the Florentines of the fifteenth century in a text on 'Gemistus Pletho' (1905): Forster (1996; 175). On Forster's Italian interests, see Troisi (1974). 2

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T h e Cambridge Conversazione Society'. 1 Forster joined the Society in 1901, in his last year as a student at Cambridge, subsequently remaining an assiduous participant in the sessions, meeting and pitting his wits against not only Dickinson, but also the sagacious intellects of Lytton Strachey, John Maynard Keynes and Leonard Woolf. 2 What, however, did the 1879 reform of the Classical Tripos with its new openings in Part II mean for Forster? Given the natural osmosis produced in a study community where the same teaching staff work at various levels and the exchange of opinions flows unimpeded, there was, as we have said, a fallout also for students taking only Part I, manifestly evidenced, for example, by the title of the paper 'The Greek Feeling for Nature' which Forster was preparing in the late February of 1899. Behind it we can sense the debate, above all on the subject of Greek religion, that William Ridgeway, Jane Harrison and, from a more detached position, James Frazer must have woven together — each f r o m a distinct personal viewpoint — at Cambridge as the century drew to a close. 3 It is in fact significant that the echo of these discussions also reverberates in the literary work of Forster, and in particular in the superb short story entitled 'The Road from Colonus' of 1903, 4 with its sense of impending catastrophe and description of the Greek countryside with a shrine cut in a tree 'depicting a lamp and a little picture of the Virgin, inheritor of the Naiad's and Dryad's joint abode'. This short story may indeed be seen as the final draft of the paper on 'The Greek Feeling for Nature'.

Hasluck We have only limited material to reconstruct Hasluck's cultural background, but the evidence is clear that he was an excellent student: he gained a First in Part I of the Classical Tripos, while Forster for example could only manage a Second; in Part II of the same Tripos Hasluck obtained a First, while Forster

1 For the Cambridge Apostles, see the excellent Lubenow (1998). For the characteristics of the Apostles' discussions, see especially Banfield (2000; 30-36). 2

Lubenow (1998; 417-418). For Ridgeway see below; for Harrison see Beard (2000) and Robinson (2002); for Frazer as a classicist see Beard (1992), and more in general Ackerman (1987). For the debate they wove, see Robinson (2002; 138-141) on Ridgeway and Harrison, and Beard (2000; 111-112) on Frazer and Harrison. Beard (2000; 109-128) is fundamental in showing how 'Harrison's apparently distinctive combination of interests (of ritual, archaeology, visual images, and religious theory) found a precursor, maybe indeed its origins, in the archaeology section of the Classical Tripos at Cambridge' (page 125). 3

4

It can be read in Forster (1954; 95-108). The quotation, below in the text, is from page 97.

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got a Second in the Historical Tripos. 1 It is also worth quoting the opening of the brief remark that William Ridgeway wrote on his former pupil Hasluck after his premature death in 1920: 'He was one of the best scholars I have ever known, not simply learned, but with a real insight'. 2 This — and in particular the First in Part I of the Tripos — means that Hasluck had a very good knowledge of Greek and Latin, which won him the Brown Medal for a Latin epigram in 1901, 3 and which more importantly did not remain confined to the classical authors alone. Indeed, shortly after finishing his studies at Cambridge, Hasluck showed himself perfectly capable of tackling highly complex Greek authors of the Roman Imperial Age such as Aelius Aristides, not to mention the hagiographers and historians of the Byzantine Age. 4 To this, in the course of time, he added a refined knowledge of Modern Greek and Turkish, as well as the major languages of European culture, including Italian. 5 On the sure foundations of his linguistic skills Hasluck succeeded in a mere twenty years — the brief span from the end of his studies to his death — in building a solid construction of learning ranging from ancient and mediaeval numismatics and epigraphy to the topography of Asia Minor and the Genoese and Venetian monuments of the East, from folklore to such highly relevant matters as the interrelations and interactions of Christianity and Islam in Asia Minor and Europe. 6 This rich variety evidences a curious or possibly somewhat restless mind that preferred to range wide rather than dwell on a single subject with protracted attention, but we can also discern behind it a Cantabrigian matrix, and again the 1879 reform of the Classical Tripos.

The influence of William

Ridgeway

The most significant representative of both in Hasluck's education was William Ridgeway. He came from Ireland but belonged to 'the Pale', came fifth in the Classical Tripos of 1880 and, after holding the Chair of Greek at University College, Cork, for nearly ten years, was appointed Disney 1

Withers (1929; 273, 277). The quotation in the text is f r o m the 'Annual Report of the Council on the General and Educational Condition of the College, King's College, Cambridge, 20 November 1920', 2-3 (which includes a touching obituary of Hasluck, who 'bequeathed to the College the sum of £100, together with such books from his library as they may select'). I thank the King's College, Cambridge, Modern Archive Centre for the opportunity to peruse the 'Report'. 3 'Annual Report', pages 2-3. 4 See, for example, Hasluck's monograph on Cyzicus (Hasluck 1910), preceded by a dissertation on the same city presented in 1904, which gained the author award of a fellowship at King's College, Cambridge. 5 Babinger (1923-26; 322). 6 See below. A bibliography of Hasluck's writings is provided by D. Gill in this volume. 2

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Professor of Archaeology at Cambridge in 1892. 1 Hasluck always saw Ridgeway as his mentor, and to him he dedicated the following epigram at the beginning of his volume on Cyzicus published in 1910 2 in the 'Cambridge Archaeological and Ethnological Series': 'En hebeti angustum sulcavi vomere campum: / rite est Triptolemo rara vovenda seges'. These verses are indicative of the relationship between the two, with a term like rite also evoking the subject of religious rites in the ancient — and above all Greek — world, ever an object of the Disney Professor's keen attention. Although we lack recent detailed researches on Ridgeway, it seems quite clear that he showed scant interest in the history of ancient art, assigned to Charles Waldstein as soon as the organisation of Section D in Part II of the Tripos got under way. The Disney Professor started out from a position that we might define of an antiquarian type: on the evidence of his copious production he appears to have shown considerable attention, on the one hand, to very concrete aspects such as The Origins of Metallic Currency and Weight Standards3 and The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse,4 and on the other hand to themes relating Greek civilisation and literature with ethnology, as in the volume The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of non-European Races with Special Reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy.5 More generally, Ridgeway shows a bent for research on the origins of institutions, phenomena and traditions, and indeed of civilisations themselves, as witnessed by his major work The Early Age of Greece,b in many respects now superseded but still worthy of attention, in particular for having asserted clearly and independently from others that 'the Aegean civilisation had originated and developed in the Aegean area and had not been superimposed on an aboriginal population by Achaean invaders.' 7 The method that Ridgeway follows in his work is by his own express definition comparative, 8 in his case — with certain differences to Frazer 9 in this respect — deriving in part from the tradition of German grammatical comparativism 10 1 See Conway (1926). ^ Hasluck (1910). In the 'Preface' to the volume the author also recalls Charles Waldstein (see above) thus: 'I would that Cyzicene sculpture had given me more direct cause to express my indebtedness to Professor Waldstein!' 3 Ridgeway (1892). 4 Ridgway (1905). 5 Ridgeway (1915). 6 Ridgeway (1901 Vol. 1, 1931 Vol. 2). 7 Wace (1931; xxiii-xxiv). ® See, for example, Ridgeway (1892; v). 9 On Frazer's comparative scheme, see Beard (1992; 217-220). It is worth noting that Ridgeway dedicated the first volume of The Early Age of Greece (see above) to Frazer. 10 See Conway (1926; 328).

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and in part from the eighteenth-century tradition of antiquarian research as conducted by figures like Cardinal Borgia, paying great attention to ethnographic material as a basis for comparison in their studies on the institutions and phenomena of the ancient world. 1 The archaeological and ethnographic Museum of Cardinal Borgia can, moreover, be seen as a prototype of institutions such as the Museum of Classical and General Archaeology which opened in Cambridge in 1884 and housed over six hundred plaster casts of ancient statues, as well as various collections of British antiquities and ethnographic materials coming mainly from Fiji. 2 Thus with his researches and teaching Ridgeway stood as an innovator in the study of classics at Cambridge between the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, contributing significantly to freeing it from forms of purism and the linguistic-literary fixation. Just how successful the Disney Professor was here can be seen in the essays and studies presented to him in 1913 on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday. 3 The contributions are divided into three sections — classics and ancient archaeology, mediaeval history and literature, anthropology and comparative religion — reflecting the broad scope of Ridgeway's interests, while the contributors include, just to mention a few names of Cambridge people, J. E. Harrison, F. M. Cornford, R. M. Dawkins, A. B. Cook, J. G. Frazer and F. W. Hasluck. With all of them the Disney Professor discussed, above all, aspects of Greek religion. Highly significant of his influence is the fact that Jane Harrison, arriving in Cambridge as a Fellow of Newnham College in 1898, drew precise limits to her volume Prolegomena to the study of Greek Religion, acknowledging the fundamental contribution Ridgeway made to her reflections on ritual and mythology 4 — yet another effect of the Classical Tripos reform and creation of Part II. As for Hasluck, he owed to Ridgeway and, more in general, to the antiquarian tradition that the Disney Professor somehow represented his own vast range of interests, from numismatics to mediaeval Latin epigraphy, his familiarity with sources other than literary, his freedom from prejudice about periods other than classical and, above all, the keen attention he paid to religious phenomena at the level of folklore. 1 On the attention paid by Ridgeway to anthropological parallels, see Wace (1931; xxiii); for Borgia's ethnographic interests, see Pucci (2001). ^ On the Borgia Collection see Germano and Nocca (2001); for the Cambridge Museum see Beard (1993). 3 Quiggin (1913). 4 Harrison (1903; xiii-xiv); but see Peacock (1988; 214-215) underlining the personal conflict existing between Harrison and Ridgeway. On the firmly conservative positions taken by Ridgeway on matters of academic policy at Cambridge, see Robinson (2002; 285).

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The interest Hasluck showed in the Eastern Roman Empire and the history of the mediaeval and early modern-age civilisation of Asia Minor from his earliest works in the first decade of the twentieth century, 1 disregarding for now the other factors that could have fired it, coincided with the arrival of John Bagneli Bury in Cambridge as Regius Professor of Modern History in 1902, and his appointment in the same year as professorial fellow of King's, 2 where Hasluck, too, was elected a fellow in 1904 subsequent to presentation of a dissertation on Cyzicus. It is far beyond the scope of this paper to trace out, even in the roughest outlines, the gigantic figure of Bury. At least, however, we may recall him as one of the most sensitive interpreters of an idea of Hellenism embracing at one and the same time, in an essentially cultural perspective, Pindar and the last emperors of Byzantium. 3 He is also to be credited for drawing attention back to Gibbon, with his monumental edition of the Decline and Fall,4 and for shedding revealing light on the processes of transformation in the Eastern Roman Empire. 5 The influence of this huge scholarly undertaking can clearly be seen not only in Hasluck, but also in Forster, who wrote on the late Byzantine scholar Gemistus Pletho in the Independent Review in 1905, Gibbon figuring among his sources. 6 Hasluck thus emerged from his years at Cambridge with a mind keenly attuned to the manifold aspects of ancient civilisation, an excellent knowledge of Greek and Latin, some interest in the later phases of the history of the Eastern Roman Empire and in folklore but, as also in the case of Forster, albeit to a lesser extent, he can hardly be said to have taken on the habit of the pure scholar. For Hasluck it was essential to understand, interpret and come up with answers, not to construct scholarly apparatuses of footnotes which often prove ends in themselves. The contrast with his contemporary Marcus Niebuhr Tod, a more professional Oxford product who had for four years (1901-1904) before him been assistant director and librarian of the British School at Athens, could hardly have been sharper. 7 Indeed, in an article for the Journal of Hellenic Studies dedicated to the publication of inscriptions from south-western Messenia the young Tod states he has no time for the mediaeval 1

See especially Hasluck (1910). Baynes (1929; 23, 49). 3 See Baynes (1929; 17) and Huxley (1976; especially 100-104); see also Cameron (1996; XIII; 6-9). ^ It appeared in seven volumes between 1896 and 1900 (London, Methuen & Co.); a new and revised edition appeared between 1909 and 1914. 5 See, in particular Bury (1912). 6 See Forster (1996; 171-182, 426). 7 See An Address Presented to Marcus Niebuhr Tod for His Seventieth Birthday with a Bibliography of His Writings, Oxford 1948, Clarendon Press. On the study of Ancient History at Oxford between 1872 and 1914, see Murray (2000). 2

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and modern history of Methone, 1 while offering searching and still relevant study on the loghistes, corresponding to the Latin curator rei publicae, namely 'the imperial officer appointed to superintend the financial administration of one or more cities.' 2 As for Hasluck, in the volume on Cyzicus he evidences his own shaky conception of the loghistes;3 however, we owe some pages to him — on subjects such as the unproductiveness 'of historical events in the ordinary sense' which appears to characterize 'the period of unsurpassed prosperity for the Roman provinces which opened with the second century A D ' 4 — still able to inspire historical reflection. Nothing of the sort is to be found in Tod.

The British School at Athens The institution within which Hasluck completed his education, and which also saw all his labours from 1905 to 1915, first as librarian and subsequently also as assistant director, was the British School at Athens. Lately we have seen an increasing number of contributions dedicated to the activities of the School, including the very recent Cretan Quests,5 but it must be recognised that only the earliest — the 'Short History' by G. A. Macmillan — offers due acknowledgement of Hasluck's fundamental work as librarian and his researches on Asia Minor. 6 In a volume by Helen Waterhouse published in 1986, our assistant director is recalled above all as 'a great mainstay of British Intelligence in Athens in the early years of the First World W a r . ' 7 This secondary status accorded to Hasluck and his work may, to my mind, be attributed to the increasing attention paid by the School, and thus by the studies on it, to the excavations, especially once field activity had started on Crete and in Laconia in the early twentieth century. Here worked scholars whose names are still remembered, from Hogarth to Wace and Dawkins, all

1

Tod (1905; 35). Tod (1905; 44). 3 Hasluck (1910; 256). 4 Hasluck (1910; 186). 5 Huxley (2000). See the review by A. L. D'Agata: Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2001.09.38. 6 Macmillan [1910-11; xviii, xx, xxii, xxiii, xxvi, xxvii, xxxii, xxxv ('Since Mr. Dawkins became Director in 1906 the library has been under the capable control of Mr. F. W. Hasluck, whose great knowledge of bibliography and wide range of interest have been of the utmost service'), xxxviii]. See also British Archaeological Discoveries in Greece and Crete, 1886-1936, Catalogue of the Exhibition, London 1936, Royal Academy of Arts; 75, 7 7 , 7 8 , 83, 91. 7 Waterhouse (1986; 25). At any rate, the best account of Hasluck's endeavours in the service of British Intelligence in Athens in the early years of the First World War is to be found in Mackenzie (1931; 194-202, 316-319) and Mackenzie (1939; 78-79, 207, 358-359). 2

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dominated by Arthur Evans, the excavator of Knossos who was, however, only an honorary student of the School. 1 In comparison, Hasluck could only boast some fleeting episodes of archaeological field work, at Cyzicus in the first years of the twentieth century, in Laconia with Wace in 1905 and in Thrace (Kirk Kilisse) in 1 9 1 1 2 Unlike his friend Richard Dawkins, another Cambridge-man, director of the British School at Athens from 1906 to 1913, he was unable to reconcile the demands of excavation with other areas of knowledge. 3 This — I believe — is why Hasluck's name is now unknown to many who find their way to the British School at Athens, despite a particularly refined memorial plaque of Portland stone displayed in the Penrose Library. 4 Especially in the early stages of his career, Hasluck drew much of the material for his researches from the shelves of libraries. 5 The library of the British School at Athens, which he had begun to haunt in 1901, 6 had shortly before, in 1899, been enriched with the collection of books and papers of George Finlay, presented by W. H. Cooke, the historian's sole surviving e x e c u t o r . 7 Finlay's library was remarkable above all for its travel books, including the most important so far written on Greece and the Levant, and the texts which the great philhellene used in the composition of his monumental

History of Greece from its Conquest by the Romans to the Present Time, BC ¡46 to AD 1864? This was the material that Hasluck drew upon for his ' A brief outline of the excavations carried out by the British School at Athens in its first hundred years can be seen in Waterhouse (1986; 90-126), for Crete, see Huxley (2000). For Hogarth, see Lock (1990); for Dawkins, see two notes below; for Evans, see Evans (1943) and the controversial MacGillivray (2000). On the honorary studentship of the School conferred upon Evans, see Macmillan (1910-11; xxxi). 2 Cyzicus: Hasluck (1910; ix); Laconia; see especially A. J. B. Wace and F. W. Hasluck, 'Laconia I. Excavations near Angelona' and 'Laconia I. Geraki. Excavations', Annual of the British School at Athens 11 (1904-05), respectively 81-90 and 91-99; Thrace: F. W. Hasluck, 'Tholos Tomb at Kirk Kilisse', Annual of the British School at Athens 17 (1910-11), 76-79. 3 On Dawkins's career and study interests, ranging from archaeology and Greek dialectology to folklore, see Jenkins (1956) and Mackridge (1990), also the very valuable article by Olsen in this volume. According to Jenkins (1956; 382) it was Hasluck who aroused Dawkins's interest in folklore as an independent field of study. On this, sec also Olsen. 4 'In this place worked/ Frederick William/ Hasluck, Librarian/ of the School: 1906-15/ who died Feb 22 1920/ Desideratus' (Annual of the British School atAthens 24, 1919-21,233). 5 During the periods he spent in England the British Museum Library was a regular working and study refuge for Hasluck. See for example Hasluck (1905-06). Hasluck also conducted ethnographic fieldwork, an aspect of his work that is discussed in more detail in Shankland's 'Introduction' to this volume. ^ For Hasluck's admission to the School at the end of 1901, see the 'Report' cited above in the second note of the Hasluck section, and Babinger (1923-26; 321). 7 See Macmillan (1910-11; xvi), Miller (1923-25), Hussey (1973, 1995). ® Seven tomes edited by H. F. Tozer, Oxford (1877), Clarendon Press. They were preceded, starting from the 1840s, by works dealing separately with the different periods from the Roman to the Ottoman. For reconsideration of Finlay as a historian, see Hussey (1994).

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works, which soon began to centre on Asia Minor and the post-classical period. The research line that came closest to Hasluck's own interests at the School was thus the one launched in 1887 by Sidney Barnsley and the travelling student of the Royal Academy, R. W. Schultz (R. S. Weir), who — to quote Macmillan — 'began the work on Byzantine architecture in Greece, which afterwards bore such excellent fruit in their admirable monograph, with abundant illustrations in colour and in black and white, on the monastery of St Luke, at Stiris, in Phocis.' 1 The monograph was published in 1901,2 and in 1908 a Byzantine Research and Publication Fund was established in association with the School. 3 In 1920 the Fund saw the sumptuous edition, produced by H. H. Jewell and Hasluck, of The Church of Our Lady of the Hundred Gates in Paros.4 Over and above this, however, and indeed the lengthy article on 'The Latin Monuments of Chios' and the posthumous book on Athos, 5 indicative of Hasluck's dominant interest, especially in the first decade of the twentieth century, in the history and variegated civilisation of the eastern Mediterranean in the Middle Ages and the early modern age, is the fact that even in works of a topographic nature or when taking a longue duree perspective he favours the later periods, to the extent that his article on Terra Lemnia6 totally ignores the evidence Vitruvius has to offer on the administrative condition of the Lemnian quarries in the Roman period, 7 focusing on the uses of the natural earth in the Middle Ages. Closely reflecting his approach to research is the composition of the world of scholars and, more generally, the society Hasluck frequented during the years he spent in Athens and the Levant. We have no significant records of contact with archaeologists of the prehistoric and classical ages, and in particular with Wilhelm Dorpfeld, director of the German Archaeological Institute, much sought after by Jane Harrison during her travels in Greece; 8 Hasluck's personal preference was to cultivate relations with families in the cosmopolitan circles of Constantinople such as the Thomsons, who took 1

Macmillan (1910-11; x). R. W. Schultz and S. H. Barnsley, The Monastery of St. Luke of Stiris in Phocis, London 1901, Macmillan & Co. 3 Macmillan (1910-11; xxiv-xxv). 4 London (1920), Macmillan & Co. Indicative here of Hasluck's interest in the Middle Ages and the early modern age rather than classical antiquity is his remark on Cyriac of Ancona: 'The next traveller, Cyriac of Ancona, is too much occupied with the classical antiquities of the island to notice the church' (page 4). Hasluck (1909-10a). Hasluck (1924), his book on Athos, had already been completed in 1912 (see 'Preface' to that volume). 6 Hasluck (1909-10b). 7 See Vitr. 7. 7. 2. 8 See Stray (1995), Beard (2000; 68, 73-74) and Robinson (2002; 92-93). 2

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great pains to help him in his travels in Asia Minor. 1 He also enjoyed the company of antique dealers, of local savants such as Constantinos Kanellakes from Chios 2 and of the Catholic Archbishop of Athens Mgr Petit, 'curator of a work on the Mohammedan orders'. 3 Among the scholars that Hasluck seems to have been on good terms with was the great Bollandist Hippolyte Delehaye, who complimented the librarian of the British School as being the only one in Athens to apply intelligence and constancy to acquiring non-classical material. 4 Hasluck also showed great interest in the Athenian visits of Paul Graindor, 5 the future author of Un Milliardaire antique. Hérode Atticus et sa famille,6 closely followed the movements of W. M. Ramsay in Asia Minor 7 and seems to have been deeply impressed by T. E. Lawrence, whom he met at Athens, defined as 'a first class man' both as an individual and as an archaeologist. 8 There would indeed be a great deal to say about Hasluck's work as a librarian, his passion for travel literature in all languages and on all the countries of the Mediterranean and his keen interest in the production — of essentially documentary interest — of local savants, even in the smallest centres in Greece and Asia Minor. 9 Here, however, for the sake of brevity, suffice it to quote Franz Babinger's appraisal in his obituary tribute: 'On the 1

Hasluck (1910; x). Hasluck (1909-10a; 137). 3 See the letter which Hasluck sent from Athens to R. M. Dawkins on 12 April 1915. This letter, together with a sizeable batch of other letters sent by Hasluck to Dawkins, some of which are referred to in the following notes, is conserved in the Dawkins Collection at the Taylorian Institution Library, Oxford. I thank this Institution for the opportunity to view the correspondence. For an interesting collection of papers on Mgr. Petit, see B. Holzer (ed.), Mgr. Petit, assomptionniste, fondateur des "Echos d'Orient", archevêque latin d'Athènes (1868¡927), Actes du Colloque, Rome 2002, Pontificio Istituto Orientale. ^ Hasluck (1926; 1). This is in a letter which Hasluck sent from Athens to Dawkins on 28 April 1914. For Delehaye, see B. Joassart, Hippolyte Delehaye: hagiographie critique et modernisme, Bruxelles 2000, Société des Bollandistes. ^ See the letter (now in the Dawkins Collection at the Taylorian: above) which Hasluck sent from Athens to Dawkins on 20 December 1914 . ^ Le Caire 1930, Imprimerie MISR, Société Anonyme Égyptienne. 7 See the letter (now in the Dawkins Collection at the Taylorian: above) which Hasluck sent from Constantinople to Dawkins on 20 June 1910. For an account of Ramsay's work and publications concerning Asia Minor see S. Mitchell, s. v. Ramsay W. M., in The Dictionary of British Classicists (forthcoming); see also Murray (2000; 349-350, 354). In Hasluck (1910; xj, are expressed the author's obligations to Ramsay's writings. 2

® See the letter (now in the Dawkins Collection at the Taylorian: above) which Hasluck sent from Athens to Dawkins on 'Monday 10 [.?.]' 1915. Lawrence had been sent on a brief visit to Athens (August 1915) by the Military Intelligence Department in Cairo in order 'to improve liaison with the Levant branch of British Intelligence' (Wilson 1992; 116). For Lawrence as an expert of Crusader Castles, see his thesis on the subject written in 1910 as an additional part of the Final Examination in History at Oxford. It was first published in 1936; it can now be read in a new edition by D. Pringle: T. E. Lawrence, Crusader Castles, Oxford (1988), Clarendon Press. ^ On the absence of serious professional writing on Asia Minor on the part of the community of scholars of independent Greece prior to 1922, see Kitromilides (1986-87; 29).

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library he has left a permanent imprint realising with his characteristic common sense that an institution so slightly endowed with funds as is the British School had better aim at distinction of quality rather than multiplicity in its books: for that reason the British School's collection of travel books bearing on the Levant is one of the finest in existence. He was also at pains to buy every archaeological book of Greek authorship which appeared, as these notoriously vanish from circulation within a few years of publication'. 1 The fruits of Hasluck's commitment to collecting this material are still there to be enjoyed by visitors to the Library of the British School at Athens, and especially by those engaged in study of the cities of Asia Minor and the Aegean islands. Particularly well covered in the Library among the cities of Asia Minor are Cyzicus and Smyrna, in which Hasluck also took an interest as a researcher. On Cyzicus, after a series of articles appearing as from 1902 on the city's topography, monuments and inscriptions, he published a monographic study in 1910 embracing all this material in a wide-ranging structure to offer an overall interpretation of the story of a city, already reduced to a field of ruins by the fourteenth century. 2 Hasluck turned his attention to ancient and modern Smyrna after completing his work on Cyzicus, but never succeeded in publishing a comprehensive volume although he had possibly been planning to do so since 1912, when a series of articles began to appear in the Annual of the British School dealing with the cults, buildings and traditions of the city, under his own name and that of his wife, Margaret Masson Hardie. 3 She had arrived at the School in late 1911, nominated for a studentship by the Cambridge Vice-Chancellor, and seems to have been entrusted with the topographical section for the ancient times. 4 This meticulous planning reflects a special technique that Hasluck had developed during the composition of his Cyzicus in order to write on ancient cities, a technique that is worth looking at in further detail.

1

Babinger (1923-26; 321-322). Hasluck (1910). For Hasluck's other writings on Cyzicus, see the bibliography by David Gill in this volume. 3 Hasluck married Margaret Hardie in 1912, see Gill (2002; 503). On her researches on Albania in the years of her maturity and her work for British Intelligence, see Clark (2000). See also the contribution by Bailey and the introduction by Shankland in this volume. 4 For the studentship, see Waterhouse (1986; 134); for arrival in late 1911, see the letter (now in the Dawkins Collection at the Taylorian: above), which Hasluck sent from Athens to Dawkins on 14 November 1911. Another letter (now in the Dawkins Collection at the Taylorian: above) sent by Hasluck to Dawkins on 13 January 1912 shows lively appreciation of Margaret Hardie; in the same letter Hasluck writes: '... I have advised her to do the epigraphy of Smyrna. In any case it is worth collection and study, and whatever she does epigraphy will help her', pointing out that Smyrna 'is the only place in A. M. [Asia Minor] where a young woman could think of working on her own, and in this case the horizon is capable of expansion into a history.' For the material produced by Margaret Hardie for the monograph on Smyrna planned by Hasluck, see below. 2

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Cyzicus The first part of the volume is dedicated to the topography of Cyzicus and its territory, 1 conceived in the broadest sense, not simply as the area directly administered by the city in ancient times, but wherever its political, cultural and economic influence as a central place extended. Thus Hasluck traces out a picture of a district that, together with the peninsula once occupied by the city of Cyzicus, also includes the islands of Marmara and a good part of Mysia. The librarian of the British School seems not only to have drawn on the authors of antiquity and the results of personal investigation, but also to have exploited a thorough knowledge of two types of sources — travel literature and the production of local scholars — which cast light on the area's overall development in modern times, the life of its ruins and the rise of traditions associated with them. For example, focusing on the centre of Cyzicus, Hasluck achieves an acceptable reconstruction of the temple of Hadrian in the light of a critical perusal of the description offered by Cyriac of Ancona in the mid-fifteenth century. 2 In discussions on the naturalistic aspects and agricultural exploitation of the land, however, the author turns for guidance to the Florentine botanist and antiquarian Domenico Sestini, who made a thorough survey of the area during his long stay in Constantinople in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. 3 At the same time, the publication of a volume by Manuel Gedeon of the Greek Patriarchate, Prokonnesos, which came out in Constantinople in 1895, offers the author an invaluable tool to reconstruct the process of the peopling of the islands of Marmara over the last few centuries. 4 On these foundations Hasluck produced a singularly wideranging topographic section that goes well beyond identification and description of the ruins to consider, among other things, the economic trends shown by the area and the changes brought about in the composition of the population from ancient to contemporary times. In this connection, suffice it here to recall how, in the case of Lopadium, rather than dwelling on the vicissitudes of the site in ancient times Hasluck prefers to focus on the ethnic earthquake represented, for what in modern times had become the village of Ulubad, by the arrival of a core of Circassians in 1845, reducing the hitherto dominant Greek population to minority status and the number of their 1

Hasluck (1910; 1-144). Hasluck (1910; 10-15). For Cyriac's description, see DeLaine (2002; 208). 3 See D. Sestini, Lettere odeporiche, o sia viaggio per la penisola di Cizico, per Brussa e Nicea fatto...l'anno 1779, MI, Livorno 1785, Carlo Giorgi; for his researches on Asia Minor see B. Pace, 'Per la storia dell'archeologia italiana in Levante. Viaggi dell'abate Domenico Sestini in Asia Minore (1779-1792)', Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene 3 (1916-1920); 2432

4

Hasluck (1910; 30-38).

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churches from the six in use in the seventeenth century to a mere two by the early twentieth century. 1 Thus, through his topographic approach to Cyzicus and its territory, far from stressing the ancient period and archaeological ruins Hasluck seeks to bring the focus on the present and current issues, eschewing any preconceived ideas of continuity to follow the — at times traumatic — processes of transformation affecting the area from ancient to modern times. It is, perhaps, this overpowering need to anchor the past to the present that represents the essential difference between the librarian of the British School and many of the ancient historians and archaeologists who set about writing monographs on cities in Asia Minor before and after him. Without leaving Cyzicus and its region, let us consider the works of two Germans: a volume of 1836 entitled Cyzicus und sein Gebiet by Joaquim Marquardt 2 and the Reisen in Mysien by Theodor Wiegand. 3 Neither of the texts leaves any room for the present or the processes leading from ancient to modern times. The past is taken in total isolation, and whilst we also owe to Marquardt pages that still remain valid on the administrative organisation of Cyzicus in Roman times, 4 he nevertheless fails to show any need to attempt in-depth interpretation of the city or to trace out the broad lines of its story in a perspective reaching at least as far as the end of the Eastern Roman Empire. The first, topographic part of Hasluck's volume is followed by a second part dedicated to the history of Cyzicus, beginning with a chapter that attempts to sum up over the long term the changes in the composition of the population of city and territory, geographically appearing as a transit area. 5 As far as the city's history is concerned, the author dedicates only a very few pages to the legends on the origins of Cyzicus and the tradition that saw it as a colony of Miletus. 6 Rather, he looks to the Hellenistic and Roman periods, 7 without leaving too much room for learned notes or discussion. In fact, Hasluck seeks in the first place to track down the reasons, over and above its happy position in relation to trade, thanks to which Cyzicus was able to grow into one of the most significant centres of Asia Minor between the fourth 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Hasluck (1910; 78-79). Marquardt (1836). Wiegand (1904). Marquardt (1836; 80-90). Hasluck (1910; 145-156). Hasluck (1910; 157-164). Hasluck (1910; 170-191).

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century BC and the third century AD. Departing from the quasi-deterministic idea of continuity on Anatolian history then being propounded by William Ramsay, 1 he identifies these reasons above all in factors of a political nature: for the Hellenistic period in the alliance with the Attalids of Pergamum, 2 and for the first century B C in the loyalty shown towards Rome in the war against Mithridates, which earned Cyzicus the status of free city. 3 As for the declining phase in the story of Cyzicus, beginning in the fourth century AD, once again Hasluck seeks its origins in a factor of a political nature, namely the foundation of Constantinople, immediately to become an extremely powerful pole of attraction for both sides of the Sea of Marmara. 4 Toward the end of the volume on Cyzicus we find two sections dedicated respectively to the religion and to the government and administration of the city. 5 Particularly worthy of attention is the first section where Hasluck looks beyond the Olympic divinities, already discussed by Marquardt, 6 to consider the 'immemorial gods of the native rural population'. 7 This too, together with the broad chronological range of the topographic investigation, is a way of countering the classicist approach to antiquity.

Smyrna As soon as he had published the book on Cyzicus, Hasluck started out on his investigations on Smyrna. He found himself led in this direction by a whole series of works he had composed in the first decade of the twentieth century on manuscripts relating to Levant geography and travel, on the Latin monuments of the nearby island of Chios and on heraldry of the Rhodian knights formerly in Smyrna castle. 8 In an essay that came out in 1919 but had already been c o n c e i v e d by 1915, Hasluck attributed c o n t e m p o r a r y S m y r n a with commercial supremacy in Asia Minor...assured by her control of the railways serving the old valley routes'. 9 However, more than this status of absolute economic predominance in Asiatic Turkey, which had by then obtained for a ^ See below, also the remarks by Shankland in this volume. Hasluck (1910; 174-175). 3 Hasluck (1910; 181). 4 Hasluck (1910; 192-194). 5 Hasluck (1910; religion 206-240, government and administration 250-262). 6 Marquardt (1836, 95ff). 7 Hasluck (1910; 206). 8 Respectively Hasluck (1905-06), Hasluck (1909-10a), Hasluck (1910-11). 9 Hasluck (1918-19; 147). For 1915 as the year of conception of the essay, see Hasluck (1926; 2

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number of centuries, what drew Hasluck's attention to Smyrna seems to have been its sheer beauty, its cosmopolitan character and population of many tongues, able to develop — albeit not to the extent of Constantinople — a rich social life and historical and antiquarian research on the city. 1 This was a world that, despite the fractures wrought by earthquakes, wars and pestilence, and in spite of the many consequent changes in the composition of its population, still conserved significant traces of its past, while at the same time transmitting flavours of the East imported with the caravans that had been arriving in the city from Persia and Syria from the early decades of the seventeenth century. 2 It was indeed a complex situation, and it saw both the Christian and Islamic milieus giving rise to and exchanging legends and traditions on the city's history and monuments. 3 Hasluck was fascinated by them, and it was these that led him on his search to identify the character and nature of the city, as one might seek to understand a person. As we have suggested, our librarian had possibly already planned a volume on the city by 1912, when a series of articles on the local cults, buildings and history began to appear in the Annual of the British School at Athens under his name and that of his wife, Margaret Masson Hardie. In the nineteenth volume of the Annual Margaret published an article on the cult of Dionysos at Smyrna, concluding with localization of the temple of Dionysos pro poleos or Breiseus 'on the hillside, thus adding another point to the beauty of imperial Smyrna as seen from the sea'. 4 As for Hasluck, in the twentieth volume of the Annual, he published his essay on 'The Tomb of Saint Polycarp and the Topography of Ancient Smyrna', 5 which is highly indicative of his way of working. Taking his cue from the publication in Constantinople, in 1911, of the volume Saint Polycarpe et son tombeau by Père S. Lorenzo of the Order of St Francis, 'who claims to have discovered the 1 For Smyrna, as a Ottoman city, up to the end of the empire, see the excellent Goffman (1999). For the period 1550-1650, see Goffman (1990). Special attention to Smyrna's commerce in the eighteenth century is paid in Frangakis-Syrett (1992). As far as 1 know, there is no general study on the local antiquarians and historians produced by Smyrna or active there (e. g. K. Oikonomos, L. Storari, B. Slaars, M. Tzakyroglou, A. Fontrier, G. Weber) in the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the twentieth. Some, such as Fontrier and Weber, saw their work published (respectively) in the Revue des Etudes Anciennes and the Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts; in any case, all of them held the identity of the city to be rooted in antiquity. For education and culture in the Greek community of Smyrna, see S. Anestides, 'Education and Culture', in Smyrna, Metropolis of the Asia Minor Greeks, Alimos w. d., Ephesus Publishing, 137-160; for the period 1919-22 see Llewellyn Smith (1998; 27-30) and Davis (2000; 83-87). 2 See Hasluck (1918-19; 144-145). 3 See Hasluck (1913-14). 4 Hasluck (M. M. Hardie) (1912-13; 94). The article finds great appreciation, although not precise reference, in Cadoux (1938; 209 n. 1). 5 Hasluck (1913-14). The quotations below in the text are drawn respectively from pages 80, 85-86, and 86.

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real church and t o m b of St Polycarp in a vineyard at some distance f r o m the site tacitly accepted hitherto both by the Greek and Latin c o m m u n i t i e s ' , Has luck demonstrates just how difficult it is to identify the t o m b of the saint on the basis of tradition alone, without the support of any epigraphic finds. H e is, in fact, convinced that, a b o v e all at S m y r n a , there should not be 'attached overmuch weight to traditions', given that the sack of the city by T a m e r l a n e in 1402 put an end to all traditions deriving f r o m antiquity, and that as f r o m the seventeenth century 'the names of St John and Saint Polycarp [were] applied to existing m o n u m e n t s and sites absolutely at r a n d o m ' . A second article by Hasluck entitled 'The Rise of Modern S m y r n a ' appeared in the twenty-third v o l u m e of the Annual}

and it remains f u n d a m e n t a l f o r

interpretation of the history of the city in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In particular, Hasluck opposes William R a m s a y ' s interpretation of the history of S m y r n a as being characterised, starting f r o m antiquity, by constant fortune and prosperity based on its geographical position; and it is indeed in factors of a historical-political nature that he traces out the reasons favouring the rise of modern Smyrna. 2 In broad outline — his argument runs — after the fall of Chios to the Turks in 1566, the commercial bases of the European powers slowly shifted to the city, which was also held by the Turks but c h a r a c t e r i s e d by c o m p a r a t i v e f r e e d o m f r o m o f f i c i a l o b s t r u c t i o n . 3 Moreover, the caravans transporting Persian silk found it more convenient in the early seventeenth century to ship their goods f r o m the port of S m y r n a rather than Alexandretta. 4 Turning his attention to the centuries of antiquity, much as in the case of Hellenistic-Roman Cyzicus, Hasluck attributes the fact that Smyrna overtook Clazomenae, Phocaea and Ephesus to the favour of the Hellenistic kings and Roman emperors. 5 T h e three w o r k s analysed a b o v e — as in the case of the papers preceding the volume on Cyzicus — would certainly have formed part of the m o n o g r a p h on S m y r n a planned by Hasluck but never brought to fruition, hailed t h o u g h it w a s as f o r t h c o m i n g in the s c h o l a r ' s obituary by F r a n z B a b i n g e r . 6 In f a c t , u n l i k e the p o s t h u m o u s book on Christianity Islam under the Sultans, 1

and

edited by the author's wife, 7 also announced as

Hasluck (1918-19). Hasluck (1918-19; 139-140), also Hasluck (1926; 1-2). 3 Hasluck (1918-19; 141-144), Although Goffman (1990; 61-64) and Goffman (1999) address the issue of commercial hegemony in the eastern Aegean passing from Chios to Smyrna, Hasluck's article receives no mention. 4 Hasluck (1918-19; 144-145). 5 Hasluck (1918-19; 146-147). 6 Babinger (1923-26; 325). 7 Hasluck (1929). 2

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forthcoming in the same obituary and published in 1929, the work on Smyrna never went to press. The preparatory material including filing of sources, drafts and even some chapters already well on the way to completion was very likely — the exact date is not clear — deposited by the scholar's wife at the British School at Athens, where it can still be consulted in the Archive under the heading 'Smyrna'. 1 The material on ancient Smyrna is perhaps the least interesting of the surviving papers. Lacking a chapter plan, it consists of five preparatory notebooks 2 and two papers by Margaret Hardie, one almost ready to go to press, the other in draft form, dedicated respectively to 'The River Meles at Smyrna' 3 and 'The Aqueducts' 4 of the city. They are essentially topographic works, showing in composition some affinity with the previously mentioned article by Hardie on 'Dionysos at Smyrna', 5 published in the Annual. In the two papers Hasluck's influence can be seen in the close attention the author pays to the production of the contemporary savants in Smyrna, in particular Fontrier and Weber. 6 As for the identification of the river Meles with Diana's Bath, the name there commonly used for the perpetual fountains of HalkaBunar, however, Hardie arrives at it above all through close study of the numerous references contained in the Orations of the second-century AD rhetor Aelius Aristides. 7 As far as Hasluck himself was concerned, apart from the guidance he gave to his wife's topographic studies, he must certainly be thought to have had a hand in the ancient section of the monograph on

I thank the British School at Athens for permission to study this material, which was probably deposited at the School by Hasluck's wife, Margaret Hardie, in 1929, when she presented a copy of Christianity and Islam under the Sultans (Hasluck 1929) to the Library of the Institution. In fact, in 1929 M. Hardie may indeed have decided not to go ahead with publication of the volume on Smyrna (see two notes above) containing writings by herself and, above all, by her husband. All the papers by Hasluck on Smyrna are present in the Archive in both manuscript and typescript form (in the latter case some in two copies). Therefore on departing for Switzerland in 1916, when his tuberculosis was diagnosed, Hasluck may have left a copy of the material in Athens in order to avoid the risk of loss during the crossing from Greece to Italy, under the menace of German submarines. See the 'Editor's Note' (by M. Hardie) in Hasluck (1929; v-vi). 2

'Smyrna' 1-5, all by M. Hardie. The notebooks contain, respectively: notes on the various remains in Smyrna with references to other authors (antiquarians and local historians); notes on the history of Smyrna; summaries of passages in various books which relate to Smyrna; catalogue of inscriptions at Smyrna; history from the death of Alexander to 63 BC. 3 'Smyrna' 7 (only in manuscript form). The legend 'Approved by F. W. Hasluck as a chapter in a book' appears in M. Hardie's handwriting at the top of the first page of the work containing 'The Introduction'. 4 'Smyrna' 6 (only in manuscript form). 5 Hasluck (M. M. Hardie) (1912-13). 6 In the paper on the river Meles Hardie's attention dwells above all on Fontrier (1907), criticizing the identification with the Potama made there, while in the paper on the aqueducts attention turns to Weber (1899). n The identification made by Hardie is also accepted in Cadoux (1938; 10-14).

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Smyrna, with his previously mentioned article on the t o m b of the martyr P o l y c a r p 1 and, m u c h as he had previously done in the case of Cyzicus, with the reconstruction of the history of the city f r o m its origins to the end of the first millennium A D . Of all this I have succeeded in f i n d i n g n o trace in the Archive of the British School at Athens. In any case, as w e have noted, we do know that Hasluck held the rise of ancicnt Smyrna to derive f r o m the f a v o u r of Hellenistic kings and Roman emperors. 2 T h e material dedicated to m e d i a e v a l S m y r n a 3 begins with a plan dividing it into three comprehensive sections — one Byzantine, one Frankish and one Turkish — which gives an idea of the way Hasluck had m e a n t to organise it. Evidently, his account was not to f o c u s only on diplomacy and wars, but to range over a variety of events including earthquakes. T h e notes and observations preserved on Smyrna Castle and the views of it to be seen in travel books of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries also suggest that the author had intended to dedicate a n u m b e r of pages to the building and its history. Noteworthy, too, is the collection of passages conccrning S m y r n a extracted

from

the

Byzantine

authors,

ranging

from

Constantinus

Porphyrogenitus to Dukas. On the evidence of the material collected it also seems that the a u t h o r had m e a n t to d e d i c a t e particular attention in his monograph to the raid a Venetian fleet launched under M o c e n i g o in 1472, plundering the city, which had by then been in Ottoman hands for about fifty years. This, to H a s l u c k ' s eyes, was the last significant event before life in the city revived in grand style in the early seventeenth century. T h e plan f o r the section on m o d e r n S m y r n a assigns a p r i m a r y , introductory role to some pages dwelling upon the 'Renaissance' of the city in the seventeenth century. They f o l l o w the same interpretative line as the previously mentioned article 'The Rise of Modern S m y r n a ' , differing f r o m it only in terms of f o r m and organisation, 4 and o f f e r a perfect f r a m e w o r k to embrace and enhance the remaining chapters dedicated to specific aspects or episodes. S o m e of these chapters have c o m e d o w n to us in practically definitive versions, o f f e r i n g clcar evidence of a distinct shift in H a s l u c k ' s interests and viewpoint f r o m antiquity to the mediaeval and modern periods after the publication of the monograph on Cyzicus. 1

Hasluck (1913-14). See Hasluck (1918-19; 146-147). 3 'Smyrna' 10 ('Manuscripts collected by F. W. H. about Smyrna in Medieval times I'), 'Smyrna' 11 ('Manuscripts collected by F. W. H. about Smyrna in Medieval times II'). 'Smyrna' 8 and 9 are two notebooks by Hasluck containing, respectively: 'summaries of various passages in books relating to Smyrna', 'summaries and extracts from books relating to Smyrna'. 4 See at the beginning of 'Smyrna' 12 ('Modern Smyrna. 17th c. history'), and Hasluck (191819). 2

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Of the surviving material, arranged in summary chronological order, mention should be made in the first place of the notes on the seventeenthcentury buildings of Smyrna, considered by Hasluck with at least as much attention as was devoted to the temple of Hadrian in the monograph on Cyzicus. Immediately after these comes a text dealing with the earthquake that shook Smyrna in 1688: this is a key fact for our periodization of the city's history, and the author gives an account of the events connected with it, drawing mainly on the pages by Paul Rycaut, a former English consul at S m y r n a . 1 With regard to the eighteenth century, Hasluck offers us a practically definitive text on the policy of the Karaosmanoglu dynasty, which kept watchful control over the valley of Hermus north of Smyrna, thus guaranteeing the city's safety and well-being. 2 Following this is a broad fresco calling for just a few finishing touches, which bears the plain and simple title of 'Population', but succeeds in bringing back to life before our eyes the variegated world of Smyrna in the latter half of the seventeenth century and the eighteenth century. 3 Here we find description — based on records and, above all, travel journals and accounts — of the uses, customs, domestic and religious traditions, hospitals and temples of the Turkish, Greek, Armenian and Jewish communities, in order the most numerous of the city's residents. As for the European communities living and trading in Smyrna, Hasluck divides them into national groups — 'English', Dutch, French and Italians — and describes their economic activities, public organisation based on the figure of the consul, and their religious practices. Exceptionally interesting and strikingly modern in conception would have been the section the author planned but never, alas, composed, dedicated to the social life of the 'English' community, reviewing the rites they engaged in, ranging from archaeological parties to shooting and hunting, funerals, carnival festivities and New Year. 4 After the fresco dedicated to the 'Population', the monograph material in our possession closes with a substantial chapter, almost complete, dedicated to the city's foreign trade. 5 Following a great and still flourishing tradition in British studies, ample space is devoted at the outset to the system of roads 1 For this material see the second half of 'Smyrna' 12. For Rycaut, who was English consul at Smyrna from 1667 to 1678, see Anderson (1989). 2 'Smyrna' 13 ('Smyrna. 18th c. history'); see Hasluck (1929; 597-603). 3 'Smyrna' 15 ('Population'). Fundamental for the composition of this section appears to be the contribution offered by travellers visiting Smyrna in the eighteenth century, Hasluck having a thorough knowledge of the material. Here it is also interesting to recall a remark by Hasluck's wife, Margaret Hardie, in Hasluck (1926; vi): 'In style my husband was consciously influenced by Edward Lear's letters and by early books of travel'. 4 See 'Smyrna' 17 ('Smyrna Varia'), 10. Precise lists of the European — and in particular 'English' - consuls are contained in 'Smyrna' 14 ('Consular Lists and Extracts'). 5 'Smyrna' 16 ('Trade').

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leading to Smyrna. Attention then turns to the organisation and composition of the caravans that carried products of the East to the city over the centuries, and here the author also dedicates some space to the various goods traded. The draft we have lacks specific reference to the commercial activities of contemporary Smyrna, although Hasluck had addressed the subject in his article 'The Rise of Modern Smyrna' stressing the danger — very real in the latter half of the nineteenth century — that the port might by silted up by the Hermus and the challenge coming to the city's commercial supremacy with construction of the railways. 1 Having outlined the texts and notes on Smyrna left by Hasluck, offering a fairly clear idea of what the volume would have been like had it been published, we can go on to point out, in the first place, that — also in the light of the volume on Cyzicus — the monograph on a great city of Asia Minor was the type of work par exellence with which the librarian of the British School could bring into interactive play his manifold competences as archaeologist and epigraphist, expert in numismatics and palaeography, together with his extraordinarily vast bibliographic knowledge, with a view to historical reconstruction. Fundamental in this respect was his experience at Cambridge as a student of a scholar like William Ridgeway, who can be associated with the great eighteenth-century antiquarian tradition and who, precisely for this reason, never gave priority to any particular class of monuments or historical period in his work, holding them all equally important. Thus, far from the classicist positions common above all among the German scholars, Hasluck considered his monographs on Cyzicus and Smyrna as total histories in which all periods are taken into consideration, without discrimination, and in which even the minutest aspects of social and economic life are held to be worthy of interest in that they can open up new interpretative prospects over various periods and events. At a more general level, the work on Smyrna even more clearly than that on Cyzicus reveals Hasluck's rejection of the continuity-based approach that William Ramsay took to Anatolian history, flattening it out into a continuum without bumps. 2 By contrast, our author had a very aware sense of the transition from one historical phase to another — and in particular from

1 2

Hasluck (1918-19; 147). See Hasluck (1918-19; 139-140); Hasluck (1926; 2 n. 2).

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Byzantine to Turkish rule — with all the changes and 'transferences' 1 implied in the cultural and religious field and in social and economic life. Hasluck was also very firmly set against the geographical determinism of Ramsay, as epitomised in the latter's essay of 1902 entitled 'The Geographical Conditions Determining History and Religion in Asia Minor'. 2 For example, as we have seen Hasluck ruled out the idea that Roman Smyrna owed its fortunes to its happy geographical position on the Aegean coast of Asia Minor — an idea that has yet to be demonstrated, moreover — attributing them rather to factors of a historical-political nature. 3 Thus the librarian of the British School shows a sensibility that overrides barriers and pre-established schemes in the interpretation of geographical realities, much like that of Paul Vidal de la Blache, founder of the French tradition of 'géographie humaine' in the late nineteenth century. 4 I do not, however, believe that we can talk of any influence exerted by the French scholar on our British author, though it may perhaps be worth recalling that Vidal de la Blache began his career as 'élève de l'École française d'Athènes' in 1869 and 1870, and that his first work was dedicated to an analysis of the funerary inscriptions of Asia Minor considering them also from a regional point of view. 5 With the works of his maturity dedicated to the study of different areas of French territory taken as historical-geographical totalities, Vidal de la Blache also represented one of the principal sources of inspiration for the work of Louis Robert, the great expert of Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, as the latter readily acknowledged. 6 However, Robert produced detailed researches above all and, preferring analysis to synthesis, never wrote an actual comprehensive monograph on a city of Asia Minor. Nor were monographs on the cities of this geographical area and, more generally speaking, the Mediterranean a particular predilection of Fernand Braudel, another who followed in the ideal path traced out by Vidal de la Blache and author of La Mediterranée et le mond méditerranéen à l'époque de Philippe

1 Babinger (1923-26; 325) gives Transferences from Christianity to Islam and other Studies in Turkish History and Folklore as the title of the posthumous volume by Hasluck which eventually came out, however, under the title Christianity and Islam under the Sultans (Hasluck 1929). Babinger undoubtedly received the information from Margaret Hardie, Hasluck's wife, named in the obituary as editor of the work. 2 Ramsay (1902). 3 See Hasluck (1918-1919; 146-147). 4 For the fundamental contribution made by Vidal de la Blache to the new approach to the study of geography in France in the late nineteenth century, see Salmeri (2000; 159-162). 5 Salmeri (2000; 160-161 n. 7). 6 Robert (1992; 22).

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//.' Braudel himself, however, in his famous 1958 essay on the longue durée, dedicates some pages to the characteristics that should be shown by monographs on cities if they are to be considered successful. The French historian stresses above all the need to take the longue durée perspective, writing: 'Can we truly consider it a matter of indifference, and not essential, when recording a certain type of exchange between town and country, a certain industrial or commercial rivalry, a certain cultural transformation, to know whether we are dealing with a recent movement in full momentum or a point of arrival, a distant re-emergence or monotonous restart?' 2 Some decades before Braudel, in his works on Cyzicus and Smyrna, Hasluck shows just such insight. In his empirical approach, typical of a British scholar, he had learnt this from hard experience of work on singularly diversified material, from sheer necessity to bring order to this material and a profound passion for the objects of his study. The same opposition to mechanistic, deterministic approaches pervading the works on Cyzicus and Smyrna is also to be found, albeit of course in different guises, in Hasluck's two volumes on Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, published posthumously in 1929. 3 Particularly evident is the author's opposition to Ramsay and his production, with the stress very much on paths of survival in the religious life of Asia Minor. 4 With a discreet touch of caution Hasluck, by contrast, points out that: 'Despite the readiness with which the eye of faith detects "survivals", welldocumented instances of the imposition of Mohammedan cults on Christian are rare in Turkish lands'. 5 Moreover, discussing stone cults in the GraecoTurkish area he concludes that: 'Reverence for such stones, whether secular or religious, by Christians or Moslems, need not be of old standing, nor need it persist. Proven or either probable survivals from antiquity are exceedingly rare'. 6 The point would merit further consideration, which, for reasons of space, we must omit here. Nevertheless, before going on to the conclusion we must at least remark how truly consistent the viewpoint taken by the librarian of the British School on religion in Asia Minor — characterised by a keen sense of the differences and refusal to grant the natural elements a leading role — is with the rest of his production, and particularly with the spirit of the ' Paris 1949 (1966, 2nd edition), Librairie Armand Colin. In any ease Braudel directed Prato, storia di una città, I-III, Firenze 1986-91, Le Monnier. 2 Braudel (1958; 738) (my translation). 3 Hasluck (1929). See Horden and Purcell (2000; 623). 4 See for example Hasluck (1929; 3). 5 Hasluck (1929; 4). In Vryonis (1971) Hasluck and his book occupy an important position in the discussion on 'The Byzantine Retinue in Turkish Anatolia' (Chapter VII). 6 Hasluck (1914-16; 83), reprinted as Hasluck (1929; 220).

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two works on Cyzicus and Smyrna. Thus we cannot accept the hypothesis advanced by Hasluck's wife that her husband's researches on Christianity and Islam were prompted under the impact of the 'fateful' visit to Konya in 1913, given to her as a wedding present. 1 Against the hypothesis we also have the eloquent evidence of no few works by the author dating back before 1913 collected in Christianity and Islam2 — a sign of closely interconnected production, rooted in Late Victorian Cambridge and centred on Asia Minor then going through the last years of the Ottoman Empire. To conclude, let us return to Forster, having left him in the early years of the twentieth century when he wrote his short story 'The Road from Colonus', in 1903, and his essay on Gemistus Pletho in 1905. Without going into the novels that he published in the ensuing years, and to which he rightly owes his fame, I should like to call attention to Alexandria. A History and a Guide, which he wrote during the First World War when, as a Red Cross volunteer, he was stationed in that city. First published in 1922,3 this volume offers perhaps the closest comparison to be found with the monograph on Smyrna planned by Hasluck, albeit with all the distinctions due to the two different genres the two works belong to: both take the longue durée perspective on the history of the cities they are interested in; they are firmly rooted in the present, from which they derive certain keys to interpret the past; they show a thorough knowledge of the production of the local savants, and they painstakingly weigh up the various hypothetical identifications and localisations of the ancient monuments. Moreover, in 1923 Forster went on to publish a volume entitled Pharos and Pharillon,4 which consists of a collection of essays on ancient and modern Alexandria opening up a broad cross-section of the city, characterised as a melting pot of peoples and home to refined intellectuals from Philo to Cavafy. Taking the parallel between Forster's and Hasluck's production yet a little further, without addressing the two authors' approach to Islam, let me now go on to suggest comparing, on the one hand, the pages Forster dedicated to the rites of social life observed by the Anglo-Indians in A Passage to India

1

Hasluck (1929; v, viii, 'Editor's Note' by M. M. Hardie). E.g. Hasluck (1909-10b) ('Terra Lemnia') reprinted as Hasluck (1929; 671-688), Hasluck (1911-12) ('Plato in the Folk-lore of the Konia Plain') reprinted as Hasluck (1929; 363-369). For a discussion of this last article see Nixon in this volume. 3 See now Forster (1982). 4 Forster (1923). On the relationship between Forster and Alexandria, see Spear and Aly (1987). 2

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(1924) 1 and Hasluck's sections on the uses and customs of the European, and especially 'English', residents in the S m y r n a of the eighteenth century. 2 T h e affinities to be f o u n d in the representation the two authors give of the life of foreign c o m m u n i t i e s settled in the East are quite extraordinary, 3 but they should not surprise us if we consider that the t w o at Cambridge, in the same years and the same College, breathed the same air reading classics. It was the Cambridge not only, and not so much, of Jane Harrison, whose role m a y have received a little too much emphasis in recent years, 4 but a b o v e all of the Disney Professor of Archaeology, William Ridgeway, of the philhellene Bury and the meetings of the Apostles, the Cambridge where classics was perhaps still studied to acquire such a culture as might equip citizens better to serve their country rather than discuss the theories of Wilamowitz and Dorpfeld, and where — if we are to take the word of Virginia Woolf — undergraduates read Julian the Apostate and Gibbon at least as much as Sophocles and Euripides. 5

REFERENCES Archival 'Smyrna': notebooks manuscripts and typescripts by M. Hasluck and F. W. Hasluck in the British School at Athens Archive. Letters sent by F. W. Hasluck to R. M. Dawkins held at the Taylorian Institution Library at Oxford. E. M. Forster's diary for 1899, deposited at King's College, Cambridge, Modern Archive Centre. Published Ackerman, R. 1987 J. G. Frazer. His Life and Work, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Anderson, S. 1989 An English Consul in Turkey. Paul Rycaut at Smyrna, 16671678, Oxford; Clarendon Press. Babinger, F. 1923-26 'F. W. Hasluck. An Obituary Notice', Mitteilungen zur Osmanischen Geschichte, II, Wien; 321-325. ' See, for example, Part 1, Chapters 4 and 7. For the novel in general, see Childs (2002), and also Das (1977) and Said (1994; 241-248). 2 See 'Smyrna' 15 and 17 (in the Archive of the British School at Athens: above), and above. 3 These affinities are to be seen above all in the attention accorded to the rites of social life and occasions for socializing, which often also saw the presence of strangers to the various communities. 4 But see Beard (2000), a volume which seeks to de-mythologize the figure of J. Harrison. 5 See Jakob's Room (1922): Woolf (1992; 55). Clear, here, is the allusion to Gibbon. Page 58 for Julian the Apostate.

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Banfield, A. 2000 The Phantom Table. Woolf, Fry, Russell and the Epistemology of Modernism, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Baynes, N. 1929 A Bibliography of the Works of J. B. Bury, C a m b r i d g e ; Cambridge University Press. Beard, M. 1992 'Frazer, Leach and Vergil: The Popularity (and Unpopularity) of The Golden Bough', Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 34; 203-224. Beard, M. 1993 'Casts and Cast-Offs: The Origins of the Museum of Classical Archaeology', Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, N. S. Vol. 39; 1-29. Beard, M. 1999 'The Invention and (Re-invention) of "Group D": An Archaeology of the Classical Tripos, 1879-1984', in Stray 1999a; 95-134. Beard, M. 2000 The Invention of Jane Harrison, Cambridge, Mass.; Harvard University Press. Beard, M. 2001 'Learning to Pick the Easy Plums: The Invention of Ancient History in Nineteenth-Century Classics', in Smith and Stray 2001; 89-106. Braudel, F. 1958 'Histoire et sciences sociales. La longue durée', Annales ESC, Vol. 13; 725-753. Bury, J. 1912 A History of the Eastern Roman Empire from the Fall of Irene to the Accession of Basil I, London; Macmillan and Co. Cadoux, C. 1938 Ancient Smyrna. A History of the City from the Earliest Times to 324 AD, Oxford; Basil Blackwell. Cameron, A. 1996 Changing Cultures in Early Byzantium, Aldershot; Variorum. Childs, P. (ed.) 2002 E. M. Forster's A Passage to India, London and New York; Routledge. Clark, M. 2000 'Margaret Masson Hasluck', in J. Allcock and A. Young (eds.), Black Lambs & Grey Falcons: Women Travellers in the Balkans, second ed., New York and Oxford, Berghahn Books; 128-154. Conway, R. 1926 'Sir William Ridgeway, 1853-1926', Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. 12; 327-336. Cook, B. 1997 'Sir Charles Newton, KCB (1816-1894)', in I. Jenkins and G. Waywell (eds.), Sculptors and Sculpture of Caria and the Dodecanese, London, British Museum Press; 10-21. Das, G. 1977 E. M. Forster's India, London; Macmillan. Davis, J. 2000 'Warriors f o r the Fatherland: National Consciousness and Archaeology in 'Barbarian' Epirus and 'Verdant' Ionia, 1912-22', Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, Vol. 13, 1; 76-98. DeLaine, J. 2002 'The Temple of Hadrian at Cyzicus and Roman Attitudes to Exceptional Constructions', Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 70; 205-227. Dickinson, G. 1957 The Greek View of Life, 23rd ed., London; Methuen. Easterling, P. 1999 'The Early Years of the Cambridge Greek Play: 1882-1912', in Stray 1999a; 27-47.

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Evans, J. 1943 Time and Chance. A Story of Arthur Evans and His Forebears, London and New York and Toronto; Longmans, Green & Co. Fontrier, A. 1907 Peri tou potamou Meietos, En Athenais; Typographcion 'O Areios Pagos'. Forster, E. 1923 Pharos and Pharillon, London; The Hogarth Press. Forster, E. 1954 Collected Short Stories, Harmondsworth; Penguin Books. Forster, E. 1957 'Preface', in Dickinson 1957; v-ix. Forster, E. 1962 Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson, pocket ed., London; E. Arnold. Forster, E. 1982 Alexandria. A History and a Guide, with an introduction by Lawrence Durrell, London; Michael Haag Ltd. Forster, E. 1996 Abinger Harvest and England's Pleasant Land, ed. by E. Heine, London; Andre Deutsch. Frangakis-Syrett, E. 1992 The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century, 1700-1820, Athens; Centre for Asia Minor Studies. Furbank, P. 1991 E. M. Forster: A Life, repr., London; Cardinal. Germano, A. and Nocca, M. (a cura di) 2001 La collezione Borgia. Curiosità e tesori da ogni parte del mondo, Napoli; Electa. Gill, D. 2002 'The Passion of Hazard: Women at the British School at Athens before the First World War', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 97; 491-510. Goffman, D. 1990 Izmir and the Levantine World, 1550-1650, Seattle and London; University of Washington Press. Goffman, D. 1999 'Izmir: From Village to Colonial Port City', in E. Eidem, E. Goffman and B. Masters, The Ottoman City between East and West. Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 79134. Hasluck, F. 1905-06 'Notes on Manuscripts in the British Museum Relating to Levant Geography and Travel', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 12; 196-215. Hasluck, F. 1909-10a 'The Latin Monuments of Chios', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 16; 137-184. Hasluck, F. 1909-10b 'Terra Lemnia', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 16; 220-231. Hasluck, F. 1910 Cyzicus, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Hasluck, F. 1910-11 'Heraldry of the Rhodian Knights, formerly in Smyrna Castle', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 17; 145-150. Hasluck, F. 1911-12 'Plato in the Folk-lore of the Konia Plain', Annual British School at Athens, Vol. 18; 265-269.

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Hasluck, F. 1913-14 'The "Tomb of S. Polycarp" and the Topography of Ancient Smyrna', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 20; 80-93. Hasluck, F. 1914-16 'Stone Cults and the Venerated Stones in the Graeco-Turkish Area', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 21; 62-83. Hasluck, F. 1918-19 'The Rise of Modern Smyrna', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 23; 139-147.

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Hasluck, F. 1924 Athos and its Monasteries, London and New York; Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. Ltd. and E. P. Dutton & Co. Hasluck, F. 1926 Letters on Religion and Folklore, annot. by M. Hasluck, London; Luzac & Co. Hasluck, F. 1929 Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, two volumes, cd. by M. Hasluck, Oxford; Clarendon Press. Hasluck, M. (M. Hardie) 1912-13 'Dionysos at Smyrna', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 19; 89-94. Hingley, R. 2000 Roman Officers and English Gentlemen. The Imperial Origins of Roman Archaeology, London and New York; Routledge. Horden, P. and Purcell N. 2000 The Corrupting Sea. A Study of Mediterranean History, Oxford; Basil Blackwell. Hussey, J. 1973 The Finlay Papers. A Catalogue, London, The British School at Athens; Thames and Hudson. Hussey, J. 1994 'The Historian George Finlay — Readjustements', Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, Vol. 44; 179-186. Hussey, J. (ed.) 1995 The Journals and Letters of George Finlay, Camberley; Porphyrogenitus. Huxley, D. (ed.) 2000 Cretan Quests. British Explorers, Excavators and Historians, London; The British School at Athens. Huxley, G. 1976 'The Historical Scholarship of John Bagnell Bury', Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, Vol. 17; 81-104. Jenkins, R. 1956 'Richard MacGillivray Dawkins, 1871-1955', Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. 41; 373-388. Kitromilides, P. 1986-87 'The Intellectual Foundation of Asia Minor Studies. The R. M. D a w k i n s - M e l p o Merlicr C o r r e s p o n d e n c e ' , Deltio Kentrou Mikrasiatikon Spoudon, Vol. 6; 9-30. Levine, P. 1986 The Amateur and the Professional: Antiquarians, Historians and in Victorian England, 1838-1883, Cambridge; Cambridge Archaeologists University Press. Llewellyn Smith M. 1998 Ionian Vision. Greece in Asia Minor, 1919-1922, with a new introduction, London; C. Hurst & Co. Lock, P. 1990 'D. G. Hogarth (1862-1927): "...Specialist in the Sciencc of Archaeology" Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 85; 175200. Lubenow, W. 1998 The Cambridge Apostles, 1820-1914. Liberalism, Imagination, and Friendship in British Intellectual and Professional Life, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. MacGillivray, Minoan Mackenzie, C. Mackenzie, C.

J. 2000 Minotaur. Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology Myth, London; Jonathan Cape. 1931 First Athenian Memories, London; Cassel & Co. 1939 Greek Memories, London; Chatto & Windus.

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Mackridge, P. 1990 ' "Some Pamphlets on Dead Greek Dialects": R. M. Dawkins and Modern Greek Dialectology', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 85; 201-212. Macmillan, G. 1910-11 'A Short History of the British School at Athens, 18861911', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 17; ix-xxxviii. Marquardt, J. 1836 Cyzicus und sein Gebiet, Berlin; Theod. Chr. Fried. Euslin. Miller, W. 1923-25 'The Finlay Library', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 26; 46-63. Momigliano, A. 1950 'Ancient History and the Antiquarian', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 13, 285-315 (also 1966, Studies in Historiography, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson; 1-39). Murray, O. 2000 'Ancient History, 1872-1914', in The History of Oxford University, VII, 2, Oxford, Oxford University Press; 333-360. Newton, C. 1880 Essays on Art and Archaeology, London; Macmillan and Co. Peacock, S. 1988 Jane Ellen Harrison. The Mask and the Self, New Haven and London; Yale University Press. Pucci, G. 2001 'Cose dell'altro mondo: Borgia e il collezionismo di antichità extracuropee', in M. Nocca (a cura di), Le quattro voci del mondo: arte, culture e saperi nella collezione di Stefano Borgia 1731-1804, Napoli, Electa; 302-312. Quiggin, E. (ed.) 1913 Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway on his Sixtieth Birthday, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Ramsay, W. 1902 'The Geographical Conditions Determining History and Religion in Asia Minor', 7he Geographical Journal, Vol. 20, 3; 257-282 (with discussion). Raphaely, J. 1999 'Nothing but Gibberish and Shibboleths?: The Compulsory Greek Debates, 1870-1919', in Stray 1999a; 71-93. Ridgeway, W. 1892 The Origin of Metallic Currency and Weight Standards, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Ridgeway, W. 1895 The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Ridgeway, W. 1915 The Dramas and Dramatic Dances of non-European Races with Special Reference to the Origin of Greek Tragedy, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Ridgeway, W. 1901 The Early Age of Greece, Vol. 1; 1931 Vol. 2, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Robert, L. 1992 'La terra e la carta. Incontro con l'Anatolia', Ital. transl., in C. Mossé (a cura di), La Grecia antica, Bari, Dedalo; 12-24. Robinson, A. 2002 The Life and Work of Jane Ellen Harrison, University Press.

Oxford; Oxford

Said, E. 1994 Culture and Imperialism, London; Vintage. Salmeri, G. 1998 'L'arcipelago antiquario', in E. Vaiani (a cura dì), Dell'antiquaria e dei suoi metodi, Quaderni degli Annali della Scuola Normale di Pisa 6; 257-280.

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Salmeri, G. 2000 'Regioni, popoli e lingue d'Asia Minore nella Geografia di Strabone', in A. Biraschi and G. Salmeri (a cura di), Straberne e l'Asia Minore, Napoli, Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane; 159188. Schnapp, A. 1993 La conquête du passé. Aux origines de l'archéologie, Paris; Editions Carré. Smith, J. and Stray C. (eds.) 2001 Teaching and Learning in Nineteenth-Century Cambridge, Cambridge; The Boydell Press. Spear, H. and Aly A. (eds.) 1987 Forster in Egypt, London; Cecil Woolf. Stray, C. 1995 'Digs and Degrees: Jessie Crum's Tour of Greece, Easter 1901', Classical Ireland, Vol. 2; 121-131. Stray, C. 1998 Classics Transformed. Schools, Universities, and Society in England, 1830-1960, Oxford; Clarendon Press. Stray, C. (ed.) 1999a Classics in 19th and 20th Century Cambridge. Curriculum, Culture and Community, Cambridge; The Cambridge Philological Society {Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, supp. 24). Stray, C. 1999b 'The First Century of the Classical Tripos (1822-1922): High Culture and the Politics of Curriculum', in Stray 1999a; 1-14. Stray, C. 2001 'A Parochial Anomaly: The Classical Tripos 1822-1900', in Smith and Stray 2001; 31-44. Symonds, R. 1986, Oxford and Empire: The Last Lost Cause?, London; Macmillan. Tod, M. 1905, 'Notes and Inscriptions from South-Western Messenia', Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 25; 32-55. Traisi, F. 1974 Edward Morgan Forster e l'Italia, Bari; Adriatica. Vryonis, Sp., Jr. 1971 The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century, Berkeley and Los Angeles and London; University of California Press. Wace, A. 1931 'Introduction', in W. Ridgeway, The Early Age of Greece, Vol. 2, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press; xvii-xxviii. Waterhouse, H. 1986 The British School at Athens. The First Hundred Years, London; The British School at Athens, Thames and Hudson. Weber, G. 1899 'Die Wasserleitungen von Smyrna', Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Vol. 14; 4-25, 167-188. W i e g a n d , T. 1904 'Reisen in M y s i e n ' , Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung, Vol. 29; 254-339. Wilson, J. 1992 Lawrence of Arabia, concise ed., London; Mandarin. Withers, J. 1929 A Register of Admissions to King's College, Cambridge, 17971925, London; Murray. Woolf, V. 1992 Jacob's Room, edited with an Introduction by K. Flint, Oxford; Oxford University Press.

3. R.M. DAWKINS AND GREECE Birgit OLSEN

The subject of this paper is a person of many facets and known to different scholars in different capacities. Some would think of him as an archaeologist, some as a linguist, some as a neo-Hellenist, and some as a folklore scholar. Being a neo-Hellenist working on Greek folktales, my main interest is Dawkins in his two latter capacities and the focus of this paper will mainly be on his folklore scholarship. The reason for including this many-faceted scholar in a conference on F.W. Hasluck is that for twelve years Richard Macgillivray Dawkins was attached to the British School at Athens alongside Hasluck, and they were close friends. In my paper I shall try to illustrate how this intellectual friendship influenced Dawkins and bis relations to Greece as a field of study. My principal sources are D a w k i n s ' own writings and a m o n g these unpublished material f r o m the Dawkins Archive at the Taylor Institution Library at Oxford. Most important of the unpublished papers are two sketches for an autobiography written in 1938 and 1950 respectively. According to his own information in the 1950 version Dawkins wrote these memoirs 'hardly for publication b u t . . . to help [those] who will write the sketch of my life for the British Academy Memoirs ... something to go upon beyond the entry in W h o ' s W h o ' . 1 In the earlier version he gives further motives: 'the impulse to leave behind some sort of record of one's life is perhaps all the stronger when a man has no children ... The feeling that I should like to set down something of this sort has been floating about in my mind for several years and now in 1938 I start this sketch of my doings'. 2 Of relevance for my purpose are also numerous letters f r o m Dawkins to Hasluck dating f r o m 1917 to 1920, likewise unpublished and kept in the archive.

1 Dawkins (1950b; note). It does seem to have functioned in this manner after Dawkins' death. His brother John M. Dawkins has noted on the cover to whom he has lent the manuscript. Among the names are R. Jenkins, W.R. Halliday, and N. Coghill who all wrote obituaries of Dawkins. 2 Dawkins (1938; 1).

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Dawkins was born in 1871 as the oldest child of a 'fairly prosperous family of the middle class' from Devonshire. His father was a naval officer who retired with the rank of Rear Admiral in unfortunate circumstances. On his mother's side, Dawkins had Scottish connections as well as his Scottish middle name. His first learning he obtained at home, first from his mother whom he describes as 'extremely competent and well read' and afterwards from a governess who does not get as positive a description. By the age of nine he was send to board with the headmaster of the Totnes Grammar School, and four years later he went to Marlborough. At neither place was he happy and he felt that he learned little in both. 1 At the age of nineteen, in 1890, he finished the Upper Sixth and went to King's College, London, to study electrical engineering, a field for which his father had destined him. Accordingly in his last term at Marlborough he had to give up classical studies in order to be coached in sciences, and it was not until later that he took his 'next step in philological learning'. 2 Once free of the bullying at Marlborough, however, Dawkins soon realised that he would never be any good at engineering and in the evenings he began to follow his bent. He made economies on his allowances and bought books in secret. He taught himself Sanskrit as well as Icelandic. The first he learned well enough to read the texts and he 'gradually perceived its comparative values'. 3 The latter he obviously kept reading on and off since, when later in his Oxford days he was working on a book on the Varangian Guard at Constantinople, he found this knowledge to be of use because it enabled him to study the Norse sources as well as the Byzantine. 4 In the evenings during his education in engineering Dawkins also went through many of the ancient classics and he studied Finnish, Old French and Middle Irish among other languages. Dawkins was at King's for two years and then went into an apprenticeship at a firm in Chelmsford, but he was far from happy with his profession. His real interest was his books and his reading which he stresses he had to keep secret. 5 The following passage from the 1938 version of the autobiography illustrates the young man's dilemma: 'How far was I justified in buying books with the money given me by my parents who ... had without doubt made considerable sacrifices for my education? The answer is that I was not justified and at that I must leave it. And what is to be thought of a young man who was content to study in secret with industry though with a desultory 1 2 3 4 5

Dawkins Dawkins Dawkins Dawkins Dawkins

(1938; 2-7). (1938; 9,12). (1938; 12-8). (1950b; x, 13). (1938; 16).

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industry subjects which he had no clear idea of bringing to use or fruitfulness? For I cannot say too emphatically that I had all through these years no idea of using my learning ... I can only feel in my defence that I was the last boy who ought to have been sent to a public school'. 1 So when his parents both died within a year, in 1896 and 1897 respectively, leaving him means to live by, it was a relief to him to be able to leave Chelmsford and engineering. First he travelled for several months on the Continent and afterwards, advised by friends, he decided to apply to Emmanuel College, Cambridge, in order to study for the classical tripos. He was admitted and finally at the age of twenty-seven had found his niche: 'So chance, Jimmy Hamilton and Tapper together sent me to Cambridge ... and to Emmanuel and to read classics there. It would have been impossible for me to have met with a more fortunate combination of circumstances'. 2 Davvkins has only positive things to say about studying at Cambridge and there he was able to indulge in what he before had been studying in secret. Not surprisingly in view of his former interests he specialised in linguistics. He fi nished classics in 1902 with distinctions and also won a Craven studsntship. 3 After his exams he joined the British School at Athens and soon afterwards went with the then Director R. C. Bosanquet to the School's excavations in Crete. The idea was that after Sir Arthur Evans finding evidence for the use of script at Knossos a classical linguist was needed at the Cretan excavations. 4 So far that I have been able to verify Dawkins had little formal training as an archaeologist. At Cambridge he had followed lectures in archaeology but he had never been on an excavation before. In Crete he was soon left on his own and 'gradually acquired some skill in excavation; it was all to be learned from the Knossos reports and with no Bosanquet present 1 was able to learn it and to apply what I learned'. 5 In this way, Davvkins became an archaeologist and archaeology was to become his main field of work for the next twelve years. 6 He finished digging in 1914 but published the results of the Artemis Orthia sanctuary at Sparta as late as 1929. 7

1

Dawkins (1938; 18-9). Dawkins (1938; 21-3). 3 Dawkins (1938; 23-7). 4 Dawkins (1950b; viii.l). 5 Dawkins (1938; 27). 6 According to the autobiography, Dawkins finished at Palaikastro, Crete, in 1906 and at Sparta m 1910 (1950b; viii, 6) but continued in Melos in 1911 and in 1913, and in Crete in 1914 (1950bviii, 7-8). 2

This was not a very successful publication. The long span of time between the excavations and the actual publication of the results had made some of it outdated. Dawkins in his memoirs is quite bitter because of the harsh criticism with which it met and, to make things worse in the Journal of Hellenic Studies (1950b; viii, 7).

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Dawkins had actually been to Greece once before he came to Athens. In the Easter vacation of 1900 he travelled for thirty-three days in Greece. He published an account of this trip in The Emmanuel College Magazine1 and, even though his destinations for this journey were classical highlights: Olympia, Sparta, Epidaurus, Corinth, Athens and Delphi, it is obvious already at this point that his interests were not limited to the archaeological remains of ancient Greece. He offers more detailed descriptions of the scenery of the places he passes through than of classical ruins. His old interest in botany, dating from his schooldays, 2 also comes to life again. He notices the flowers in bloom and the crops cultivated in the fields and comments on the fertility of the soil. But also the peasants' way of life attracted his attention and, for example, he remarks on the method of spinning in the following way: 'In a little village near Bassae I saw for the first time a woman spinning with a distaff and spindle. The names have altered but to judge from the shape of the little weight used to steady the spindle the method must have remained unaltered from antiquity to the present day'. 3 This account reveals an approach to modern Greek folk culture which Dawkins kept for years to come, the comparing of ancient and modern ways of life and the reciprocal illumination of the two cultures. This approach was to be expected from a classicist and also very much in accordance with the time. In the same way another classicist with an interest in folklore, W.H.D. Rouse, in his presidential address to the British Folklore Society in 1905 offered several examples of the interrelations between the ancient and the modern worlds and in an earlier review he described the situation of Greek folklore in this way: 'the material is vast and easy to gather, whilst no one can tell what light it may not yet throw on antiquity'. 4 Fortunately, however, Dawkins did not let survivalism overshadow his general approach to modern Greek folklore but he had a much more varied view of things when later on in life he became occupied more seriously with this study. 'A holiday in Greece' is in general a very vivid and pleasant travel account by an alert observer. It offers descriptions of various aspects of Greece that struck the traveller on his way. Dawkins also describes a monastery, Mycenaean, Byzantine, and Frankish castles and fortifications, and the Byzantine site of Mistra, which he obviously dislikes and leaves with the following remark: 'It was rather a relief to leave such a melancholy-looking

1 2 3 4

Dawkins (1900). At Marlborough he had become 'a pretty good field botanist' (Dawkins 1938; 31). Dawkins (1900; 173). Rouse (1905) and Rouse (1903; 448) respectively.

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and extremely smelling place and continue the path to Sparta among olive orchards'. 1 He also dwells on the eel fishing at Lake Copias and finally devotes a long passage to a description of the Easter celebration, which he experienced in Delphi, and was fortunate enough to get someone to explain to him in French. He obviously did not know Modern Greek at the time. I have dealt so extensively with this brief account of Dawkins' first visit to Greece because I find it interesting how, from when he first sat foot on Greek soil, he showed an open mind and a keen interest in many different aspects of Greek culture. Before the conference David Shankland asked me if, in the material, there are any indications of why Dawkins grew less interested in the past and came to concentrate on the present. Perhaps this is not the exact way to put the question. Perhaps, even before he became an archaeologist, Dawkins was interested in the Greece of post-Antiquity. In this brief travel account at least we can detect the seeds for some of Dawkins' later interests and dislikes. Both folklore and religion later became fields of work for him and a dislike for Byzantine culture seemed to stick with him. Even though he later became Professor of Byzantine and Modern Greek language and lite r ature he published almost nothing on specific Byzantine matters. Mackridge characterizes him as 'a medievalist rather than a Byzantinist' and finds in his interest in Byzantium 'an element of romantic medievalism'. 2 Jenkins describes Dawkins' relations to Byzantium in the following way: 'He was out of sympathy with the Byzantine conception of autocratic government. Even by the history of the Orthodox Church he was not greatly attracted'. 3 In 1906, after four years at the British School, Dawkins became its director. I would like to quote at some length his own remarks on how he fulfilled this task: 'How far I did my duty as Director it is hard for me to have any opinion. Things went smoothly; I liked the place and all the people. It does at times make my uneasy to reflect that in those years I always seemed to have an abundance of leisure to do very much what I wanted to do, whereas my predecessor and my successors seemed always to be much more fully occupied and often even overworked. I do not know. But I think that much of the reason for this was the high quality of the students ... in my time. Most of them in fact were men who stuck out each his own line and to attempt any kind of guidance would have been absurd. In one case the influence was very much the other way. This is not the place to attempt any sketch of the 1 2 3

Dawkins (1900; 175). Mackridge (2000; 185, 188). Jenkins (1956; 384).

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character as a scholar of F.W. Hasluck, a fellow of King's and Librarian and Assistant Director of the School. It was he who first led me to pay attention to folklore and popular religion; to the intense regret of anyone who knew him he died in the spring of 1920 in a sanatorium in Switzerland'. 1 We have seen above how Dawkins became an archaeologist through his attachment to the British School but alongside the archaeological digs during this period Dawkins started working in a new field. He developed an interest in the modern Greek language and especially in its dialects. After the dig in the summer of 1903 he went for the first time to Turkey when he visited the Greek island of Karpathos. There he made his 'first close study of a Greek dialect'. 2 These studies were published together with an account of the journey in the Annual of the British School at Athens} In retrospect Dawkins finds that he then lacked a proper knowledge of the dialects, but he made here at least first steps towards his later linguistic studies. After his trip to Karpathos he obviously began collecting material more systematically: 'In all my subsequent journeys in Greece it became my custom to note down immediately everything notable I could hear in speech and to add to this what information I could get from local scholars and schoolmasters'. 4 It is not my aim to comment on Dawkins as a linguist 5 but in his search for dialect material Dawkins looked to folklore. As we have seen, he himself ascribed his guidance in this direction to Hasluck. Anyway, in 1909, 1910 and 1911 he travelled in Asia Minor and there collected numerous folktales which he used for his linguistic studies of the dialect, resulting in the publication in 1916 of one of his major works: Modern Greek in Asia Minor. At this point his interest in the material was so strictly linguistic that he got Halliday to contribute to the publication with a separate chapter on the subject matter of the tales. 6 Linguistic material was not the only thing Dawkins collected in those years. While at the School he travelled extensively and in the summers of 1906 and 1907 he went to the Dodecanese and the Cyclades respectively together with Wace in order to 'see the sights, to look at archaeological 1

Dawkins (1950b; viii, 16). Dawkins (1950; viii, 9). 3 Dawkins (1903, 1904). 4 Dawkins (1950b; viii, 5). 5 Instead I would refer the reader to Maekridge's studies. See Mackridge (1990-1 and especially 1990). 6 Dawkins (1950b; xi, 4). 2

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remains and still more at the people; to collect on the spot the house embroideries which at the time began to interest both of us and were still obtainable and I to get some idea of the forms of Greek spoken on the islands'. 1 This new interest resulted in a fine collection of embroideries, some of which can be seen in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. But obviously it was also consuming all their money. Dawkins narrates how in 1907 they had to go from the island of Anaphi back to Athens because they had run out of money. There a telegram awaited him that called for his presence in England and he had to leave Wacc to continue the journey alone. 2 Dawkins and Wace also produced some publications on the matter. A joint effort appeared in The Burlington Magazine in 1914 and later, in 1935, Wace published a catalogue on Mediterranean and Near Eastern embroideries. 3 The approach in these studies betrays the authors' archaeological background. In the first publication attention is rather on the organization of the island villages and houses than actually on embroidery, and in the second — by Wace alone — the focus is on the typology of the motives and a systematic description of the material used. But in neither publication do the authors comment in any way on the context of the objects — their use, where were they placed (if for household use), when were they worn (if garments), etc. This fact is the more surprising since in 1938 Dawkins stresses the importance of their collecting tne material themselves: 'We found that by buying even rags and travelling in the islands and finding what was still in situ we could form much more accurate ideas on the subject than were then, or are even now current'. 4 In yet another way Dawkins' growing interest in modern Greek culture during his stay in Athens is evident. In the 1907 volume of The Year's Work in Classical Studies covering the year 1906 a new chapter occurs, namely on Modern Greek and this is written by no other than Dawkins. In these reports he comments on important publications on medieval and modern Greek subjects, with a clear emphasis on linguistics and folklore. When war broke out in 1914, Dawkins was travelling in the Greekspeaking villages of the Pontus in search of linguistic material. His hope was to write a book equivalent to Modern Greek in Asia Minor on the dialect of 1 2 3 4

Dawkins (1950b; viii, 10). Dawkins (1938; 28-9). Wace (1935). Dawkins (1938: 31).

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this region. The war put an end to his plans and they were never to materialize. He never travelled in Turkey again, and only once later did he visit, when he stopped for an hour at Adaline on his way from Rhodes to Cyprus. 1 At this point he had resigned from his post as Director of the School where his friend and fellow traveller Wace had succeeded him, as D. Shankland has shown, at the expense of Hasluck even though Hasluck had been Dawkins' Assistant Director and for a period in 1911 even Acting Director. 2 The war naturally meant a change in Dawkins' life and activities. Like Hasluck, and so many other academics, he worked in British intelligence, most of the time based in Crete. Even this situation Dawkins was able to make use of. When looking back at the war years he has this comment: 'The years of war had been for me very far from wasted. I had learned a lot more of the Greek language; I had made some good friends; my service I had enjoyed and in the wardroom and in the trawlers had always got along pleasantly. I think it was here I first acquired the title, then unofficial, of Professor; except from a Scottish engineer who preferred the name MacTavish. 3 I left the service with the deepest admiration for everything I had met with'. 4 Being a classicist he also seemed to enjoy the tasks and found himself well-prepared for the job: '1 was amused to find that when difficulties arose, while the professionals were naturally by far the most competent, after them came men with a classical training, especially those who had done any work on epigraphy and palaeography'. 5 This is also the peak period of correspondence between Hasluck and Dawkins. From 1914 to 1920 they regularly wrote to one another. Extensive extracts from Hasluck's letters were published by his wife, M. M. Hasluck, 6 whereas Dawkins' reciprocal letters to Hasluck are left unpublished in the archive. 7 It seems that M. M. Hasluck also intended to publish these but refrained from doing so. The original letters now bear the marks of editing. Thus passages are numbered and others are crossed out. In a letter to Dawkins dated 6 December 1935, M. M. Hasluck excuses the delay in returning the letters. Dawkins quite angrily notes on the same letter: 'This letter

1

Dawkins (1950b; viii,15). Shankland in this volume. 3 Probably a reference to Dawkins' Scottish relations. In Dawkins (1938; 4) the MacTavishes of Gartbeg are mentioned. 4 Dawkins (1950b; ix, 9). 5 Dawkins (1950; ix, 2). 6 Hasluck (1926). 7 Dawkins (1917-20). 2

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accompanied the parcel of my letters to Hasluck sent me by his wife from Elbasan. She had previously told me that she had destroyed them; and this after I had asked her for them three times. I note that she has marked my letters as if she intended to print them; which without my leave — not asked but never would have been refused — she had no right to do.' Although the war is sometimes referred to in the letters, they are concerned mostly with intellectual matters, and this is also how Dawkins valued them. I would like to quote, again at some length, from the memoirs: I was not in Crete altogether cut off from books. On occasional visits to Candida I could use the library ... Books too came by post ... I think that after all the main preventative of mental rust in those years was a long and close correspondence with F.W. Hasluck ... These letters were almost exclusively on the subject of popular religious ideas in Greece and Turkey; the sort of subject on which all that he lived to write was collected after his death in the two volumes of his Christianity and Islam under the Sultans ... it would be difficult to estimate how much I was benefited by this close contact with a mind in many ways so very different from my own and yet bent on the same studies and with the same interests. Hasluck's knowledge of the mentality of the people about whose beliefs he was writing showed me that no study of savages and still less of prehistoric peoples can ever lead to results as solid as can a study of people nearer to us with whom we can come into personal contact. This knowledge Hasluck had won by many years of sympathetic travelling in Greece and still more in Turkey ... 1 must count this correspondence and our close though always very limited friendship as one of the most profitable to my mental development that has ever come my way.'

I think that apart from Dawkins' praise of Hasluck in this passage we also — to go back to Shankland's question — find essential information about his own intellectual development. Dawkins was moving away from classics, and, when he after the war found himself back in England searching for a job, even though he could have looked in the direction of archaeology, he felt that he had moved away from that field: 'the most obvious course would have been to look about for some teaching post in archaeology. But my mind was I think rather turning away from archaeology. For classical teaching I had not then and probably never had had the equipment: I had not been a sufficiently good scholar ... The ideas I had formed of archaeology discouraged me'. 2 So, when at approximately the same time a new chair was established at Oxford, Dawkins applied for this professorship in Byzantine and Modern Greek Language and Literature and in this way became the first Bywater and 1 2

Dawkins (1950b; ix, 5A-8). Dawkins (1950b; x,l).

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Sotherby Professor. This job he kept until, much to his regret, in 1939 he was compelled to retire because of age. 1 In this position Davvkins further cultivated his studies in various medieval and modern Greek areas and he sees it as a great advantage of the job that it only required his presence at Oxford for two terms a year. This left him room to continue the habit of travelling all summer, 2 and he thus continued his fieldwork in linguistics and folklore. In the 1930s, his interests led him to Mount Athos where he collected material for his book The Monks of Athos. Again he feels inspired by Hasluck: 'certainly it was Hasluck's interest in the folklore of the orthodox church which led me to visit Athos again in my Oxford days'. 3 Following Hasluck, Dawkins' book is rather concerned with the — unofficial — folklore of the monasteries than on the ecclesiastic life of the monks. 4 In 1929 Dawkins gave the presidential address to the British Folklore Society with the title 'Folklore and Literature'. In opening, he reflects upon his own way to folklore: 'Folklore first came to me ... through my study of the modern Greek language, and this had begun in the earliest days of a prolonged residence in Greece; linguistic study led me to popular songs and ballads, and next to a serious collecting of folktales amongst the now scattered Greeks of Asia Minor. These I collected in order to have, for purpose of linguistic study, continuous samples of the popular dialects; conversation was hard to come by, and the printed texts were in quantity negligible. Gradually these stories became to me more and more interesting for their own sake', and he adds: 'Folklore appeared as the key to unlock many a door, the torch not only to throw light upon many an obscure passage in popular stories and songs, but by whose illumination alone their true colour was to be appreciated'. 5 In the latter part of this quotation we sense the influence of Hasluck and he is also explicitly mentioned. The rest of the address takes a series of examples from literature and art in order to illustrate how knowledge of folklore may help us to understand otherwise obscure passages. In the last paragraph Dawkins proposes to extend the service rendered by folklore not only to other subjects, such as history, but also to other geographical areas, and he concludes: 'In the library as well as in the field the folklorist still has a

1 2 3 4 5

Dawkins (1950b; xi,l). Dawkins (1950b; x, 8). Dawkins (1950b; x, 11). Mackridge (2000; 191-5). Dawkins (1929b; 14-5).

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lot to do'. 1 We see in this paper how i Xi \\ kins' attitude towards folklore has changed. Twenty years earlier he collected this kind of material only as samples of language. Now, his interest in the subject matter of the texts become predominant, and folklore became his major field of work during the latter period of his life. At about the time of his retirement in 1939, Dawkins came into possession of a vast folklore collection, that according to the 1950 version of the autobiography 'have been the centre of my work for these last ten years'. 2 At the beginning of the century Jakovos Zarraftis, a Greek native of Cos, had collected all kinds of oral folklore on the request of W.H.D. Rouse. Rouse had intended to publish the material himself but never found the time and therefore left Dawkins with this task. 3 Dawkins published most of the folktales and folksongs from the Zarraftis collection in 1950 and 1951, and two more collections of tales were published in English translation in 1953 and 1955. He furnished his editions with very extensive notes. These, as well as the various studies he published alongside his editorial work, clearly show that he had become interested in the tales for their own sake. He was aware of this change in approach himself. He remarks in the memoirs: 'it is to be said that this has been my principal work for the last ten years and in the course of these years I have found the subject steadily more interesting. It is curious that when in the years [before] the First World War, 1909, 1910, and 1911, I collected a mass of stories in the Greek speaking villages of Cappadocia I found the texts themselves apart from their language of so little interest that I induced a friend to write the necessary notes on them'. 4 At this point I think a few comments on the folklorist Dawkins' approach to the material are appropriate. We saw at the beginning of this paper how, during his first visit to Greece, he described the method of spinning as an unbroken tradition f r o m antiquity. Also in his later travel accounts he would pay much attention to tools and costumes of the rural population and compare them to those of antiquity. 5 However, despite his classical background, survivalism did not characterise his general approach to modern Greek folklore. On the contrary he took a rather sceptical position and in a paper from 1930 entitled 'The Recent Study of Folklore in Greece' he accuses the Greeks of not having shown much interest in their own folklore 1 2 3 4 5

Dawkins (1929; 36). Dawkins (1950b; xi, 3). Dawkins (1950b; xi, 3). Dawkins (1950b; xi, 3-4). See Dawkins (1902-3, 1903-4, 1904-5, 1905-6, and 1906).

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until they discovered the possibility of finding in it relicts of their ancient life and culture. 1 Considering Dawkins' own way to folklore, through linguistics, I find the following remark too tempting not to quote: 'But at first folklore was hardly the conscious aim of these Greek scholars ... what the Greeks began with was rather their language and their archaeology ... because they saw in them their clearest links with the great historical past, and their means of rousing the nation to emulate that old greatness.' 2 Survivals also appear to have been a subject of discussion between Dawkins and Hasluck. In a letter from October 1915 Hasluck remarks: 'Everyone is so eager to believe in picturesque survivals. Even X. saw the other day S. Spyridon must be (why?) a survival of Alcinous: i.e., that every cult in a given radius must be a survival of every other in that radius', 3 and in another letter from November 1917: 'In all survivals the first man ignores the chronological gap in his theory and the public doesn't know there is one'. 4 When Dawkins in one of the tales from the Zarraftis collcction meets elements that he could explain in no other way than as a survival he only reluctantly does so: 'On the evidence, though it is a point on which it is safer to be sceptical and always to proceed with some care, I am inclined to see in the first part of The Fairy's Revenge ... a real survival'. 5 In general Dawkins' work on folktales is significant, extensive and often advanced. A very illustrative example of his pioneering approach may be found in the 1948 volume of the periodical Folklore. Here Dawkins published 'Some Remarks on Greek Folktales', in which he treats almost all important questions concerning this subject, such as diffusion and age, context, survivals, literacy versus orality, types and episodes and, not least, the symbolic meaning of the tales. As for the diffusion of the tales, Dawkins places himself very much along the lines of the geographic-historical method of the Finnish school and more specifically the ecotype theory branch of this school, launched by the Swedish scholar C.W. von Sydow. Tale types (a fixed series of episodes), Dawkins argues, must have been invented once in a given place and travelled from there to other parts of the world whereas episodes may easily have been 1 2 3 4 5

Dawkins (1930; 122). Dawkins (1930; 123). Hasluck (1926; 13). Hasluck (1926; 54). Dawkins (1950a; 348).

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i n v e n t e d i n d e p e n d e n t l y in m o r e places. D u r i n g their travels the tales constantly adapt to the local geographical and social circumstances. 1 H e therefore also finds that the tales could not possibly be of extreme old age and as a consequence refuses any idea about their representing layers of f o r m e r cultures now unintelligible. Such elements, he argues, w o u l d have been discarded in the course of transmission and replaced by others, meaningful to teller and audience. 2 T h e s e v i e w s s h o w h o w remarkably well Davvkins understood the special circumstances concerning the transmission of oral literature and he f u r t h e r m o r e p r e s e n t s a very b a l a n c e d

v i e w on the r e l a t i o n s h i p

and

interrelationship between oral and written literature. H e rightly finds that there are no clear-cut divisions between the two and that very often it is impossible to decide whether a written source proceeds an oral or vice versa?

Finally

Davvkins tries to give s o m e answers to why these supposedly childish stories about fairies, monsters, princes and princesses have had such vitality and such an appeal to adult people. Without explicitly saying so he touches upon the symbolic value of the tales. The telling of stories, he concludes, is a way of dealing with subjects otherwise surrounded by taboo in rural societies. 4 For a thorough analysis of D a w k i n s ' folktale studies I would like to refer to a c o m m e m o r a t i v e essay on the tenth anniversary of his death by R.A. Georges. In this paper the various aspects of Davvkins' scholarship are presented and analysed, and it is clearly shown how advanced his approach o f t e n was. D a w k i n s ' i m p o r t a n c e to posterity G e o r g e s describes in the following way: ' T o folklorists everywhere he is probably best remembered as the scholar w h o m a d e modern G r e e k f o l k l o r e m o s t extensively k n o w n , understood and appreciated. His numerous studies of modern Greek folktales provide the m o s t extensive survey of that tradition and the most penetrating analysis of the material in any language, including G r e e k . ' 5 S o m e twenty years later a Danish folktale scholar, B. Holbek, in his quest for the meaning of the folktale quoted D a w k i n s as one of the first scholars to approach the problem of the function of the marvellous elements in the fairy tales. 6

1 2 3 4 5 6

Dawkins (1948; 49-59). Dawkins (1948; 54). Dawkins (1948; 59-61). Dawkins (1948; 61-68). Georges (1965; 202). Holbek (1986; 393).

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A subtitle for this paper could have been 'how a classicist became a folklorist'. In my opinion Dawkins came to Greece with a classical background but with a mind open to many different aspects of Greek culture. He became an archaeologist more or less by chance. Archaeology happened to be his job at the British School at Athens. We have seen above how Dawkins became an archaeologist through his attachment to the School and he stayed in the field as long as he was at the School, but after 1914 he never went on a dig again. He had been interested in linguistics even early on and through living and travelling in Greece he extended this interest also to include modern language. At the same time he began to look at popular religion and the folklore and customs of the people he met on his journeys through rural Greece. As we have seen he attributed much inspiration for his intellectual development to his much admired friend Hasluck, and he certainly seems to have followed the guidance he claimed to have obtained from him when he choose to spent the latter part of his life studying the modern rather that the ancient Greeks. Let me therefore conclude this paper by quoting once more a characteristic and in my opinion very important phrase f r o m Dawkins' memoirs: 'Hasluck's knowledge ... showed me that no study of savages and still less of prehistoric peoples can ever lead to results as solid as can a study of people nearer to us with whom we can come into personal contact'. 1

REFERENCES Archives Dawkins, R. 1917-20 Unpublished letters ARCH.Z.DAWK 15(2) and (3), The Taylor Institution Library, Oxford. Dawkins, R. 1938 Ms draft for an autobiography F.ARCH.DAWK. 6(2). The Taylor Institution Library, Oxford. Dawkins, R. 1950b: Ms draft for an autobiography: F.ARCH.DAWK. 6(5). The Taylor Institution Library. Oxford. Published Dawkins, R. 1900 'A holiday in Greece', Emmanuel College Magazine, Vol. 11(3); 172-80. Dawkins, R. 1902-3 'Notes from Karpathos', The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 9; 176-210.

1

Dawkins (1950b; i x , 7 ) .

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Dawkins, R. 1903-4 'Notes from Karpathos', The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 10; 83-102. Dawkins, R. 1904-5 'A Visit to Skyros', The Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 11; 72-80. Dawkins, R. 1906 'The Modern Carnival in Thrace and the Cult of Dionysus', The journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 26; 190-206. Dawkins, R. 1916 Modern Greek in Asia Minor, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Dawkins, R. 1929a The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. Excavated and Described by Members of the British School at Athens 1906-1910, London; The Hellenic Society. Dawkins, R. 1929b 'Presidential Address: Folklore and Literature', Folklore, Vol. 40; 14-36. Dawkins, R. 1930 'The Recent Study in Folklore in Greece', Papers and Transactions of the Jubilee Congress of the Folklore Society. London. Dawkins, R. 1936 The Monks of Athos, London; Allen and Unwin. Dawkins, R. 1948 'Some Remarks on Greek Folktales', Folklore, Vol. 69; 49-68. Dawkins, R. 1950a Forty-five Stories from the Dodekanese, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Dawkins, R. 1951 'Tragoudia ton Dodekancson', Laographia, Vol. 13; 33-98. Dawkins, R. 1953 Modem Greek Folktales, Oxford; Oxford University Press. Dawkins, R. 1955 More Greek Folktales, Oxford; Oxford University Press. Dawkins, R. and Wace, A. 1905-6 'Notes from the Soprades', The Annual of the British School at Athens, \ ol. 12; 151-74. Dawkins, R. and Wace, A. 1914 'Greek Embroideries', Burlington Magazine, Vol. 26, November; 49-50 and December; 99-107. Georges, R.A. 1965 'Richard M. Dawkins. A Commemorative Essay on the Tenth Anniversary of His Death' Folklore, Vol. 76; 202-12. Hasluck, F. 1926 Letters on Folklore and Religion, ed. M. Hasluck, London; Luzac & Co. Holbek, B. 1987 Interpretation of Fairy Tales. FF Communications 239. Helsinki; Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia. Jenkins, R. 1956 'Richard M. Dawkins: 1871-1955', Proceedings of the British Academy 1955; 372-88. Mackridge, P. 1990 'Some Pamphlets on Dead Greek Dialects: R.M. Dawkins and Modern Greek Dialectology', Annual of the British School of Archaeology at Athens, Vol. 85: 201-12. Mackridge, P. 1990-1 'Unpublished Pontic Stories Collected by R.M. Dawkins', Deltio Kentrou Mikrasiatikon Spoudon, Vol. 8: 107-122. Mackridge, P. 2000 'R.M. Dawkins and Byzantium' in Through the Looking Glass: Byzantium through British Eyes, edited by R. Cormack and E. Jeffreys, Aldershot; Varorium. Rouse, W. 1903 Review of Macedonian Folklore by G. F. Abbott. Folklore, Vol. 14; 446-8.

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Rouse, W. 1905 Presidential Address, Folklore, Vol. 16; 14-26. Rouse, W. (ed.) 1907 The Year's Work in Classical Studies 1906, London. Wace, A. 1935 Mediterranean and Near Eastern Embroideries from the Collection of Mrs. F.H. Cook, London; Halton & Co.

4. AN OTTOMAN ARCHAEOLOGIST CAUGHT BETWEEN TWO WORLDS: OSMAN HAMDI BEY (1842-1910) Edhem ELDEM

Following his death in 1910, aged 68, after a long career as a painter and, above all, as Director of the Imperial Museum of Antiquities, Osman Hamdi Bey was mourned by the Musavver Nevsál-i Osmani (the Illustrated Ottoman Almanac) in terms that strongly emphasized the 'national' aspect of his personality and achievements. 1 According to the authors, Hamdi Bey's 'capacity and merit, and most particularly his skill in the art of painting were a cause of pride for the Ottoman world.' 2 After a long list of prizes, decorations and honours conferred upon the deceased by various European states and scientific institutions, the introductory part of the article ended with a description of the irreparable loss his demise constituted for the nation: With Hamdi Bey's decease, the Ottomans have lost their greatest painter and their greatest specialist of antiquities. Had there not been Halil Bey [Halil Edhem Bey, his brother] to take the succession of this venerable figure, this loss could have opened an incurable wound in the heart of the

nation (iimmet). 3

The necrology was followed by a long section describing the role played by Osman Hamdi Bey in the development of the Imperial Museum of Antiquities. 4 Interestingly, however, two out of the three pages of this section were devoted to the period before Osman Hamdi Bey's appointment to the management of the Imperial Museum, in what was clearly an effort at contrasting the abuses of its previous administrators and archaeologists with the patriotic efforts of its first Ottoman director. Long descriptions were thus given of the collusion between the Austrian ambassador cum numismatist Prokesch-Osten and Terenzio (director in 1871), of the partial destruction of the £inili Ko§k (Tiled Pavilion) when it was used as the new location of the 1

'Hamdi Bey,' in Regad and Ferid (1326; 209-214). Regad and Ferid (1326; 210). 3 Regad and Ferid (1326; 211). 4 'Merhum Hamdi Bey ve Osmanli Asar-i Atika Müzesi Tarihfesi', in Regad and Ferid (1326; 211-214). 2

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museum, of the leniency of the 1874 Regulation of Antiquities, which left a third of the finds to the excavators and another third to the landowners, and of the loss of the temple of Pergamon which was carried off to Berlin thanks to the collaboration of Anton Dethier, then director of the museum. Against this backdrop of abuse and treachery, Osman Hamdi was thus presented as the saviour of Ottoman antiquities, a man who had corrected the 1874 regulation with a new one, passed in 1884, which ensured the preservation of antiquities within the country, and whose excavations and publications had placed the Ottoman Empire on the map of modern science and culture. The article ended with two anecdotes showing the courage with which Osman Hamdi Bey had defended Ottoman antiquities against western greed, in one case against the Louvre Museum, and in the other by threatening to commit suicide on a sarcophagus if it were to be offered to a visiting sovereign — Wilhelm II, whom the authors avoided naming for obvious diplomatic concerns of the time. Interestingly, both anecdotes linked a nationalist discourse to that of the 1908 Young Turk revolution that had toppled Abdiilhamid II, by referring rather explicitly to the unpatriotic attitude of the ancien régime (devr-i sabik), depicted as eager and willing to satisfy all the desires of western antiquity hunters. 1 This portrait thus combined all the ingredients that have from then on constituted the basis for Osman Hamdi Bey's 'national' hagiography: an artist and intellectual who had mastered and appropriated the arts and sciences of the West thus gaining worldwide recognition from his peers; a reformist, who had contributed to the modernization of the Ottoman/Turkish nation and boosted the self-confidence of his compatriots by challenging the negative 'Turkish' stereotypes of the time; a patriot, who had fought against the ruthless exploitation of his country's cultural treasures by western imperialism; a modernist, whose secular attitude had enabled him to break free from the yoke of tradition and obscurantism.

1 'Thanks to the perseverance and courage he displayed all by himself against the palace, against the Louvre Museum, and against even greater forces while trying to preserve the objects of the Ottoman Museum, which had been graciously ceded! by Abdiilhamid to the Louvre Museum under the ancien régime, Hamdi Bey was able to keep within the museum those objects that had really been coveted. On yet another occasion, against the probable intentions of a sovereign visiting Istanbul and fearing the attitude of the ancien régime against such demands, he had contacted the ambassador, declaring without any hesitation that the only way the Sidon sarcophagus could ever leave the museum would be with his own corpse on top, thus saving at the price of his life that magnificent piece which attracts the world of science and arts to our museum' (Re§ad and Ferid 1326; 214).

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HAMDI

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( 18 4 2 - 19 10 )

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Needless to say, this image of the national hero of the arts and sciences dominates most of the recent literature on Osman Hamdi Bey. M u s t a f a Cezar, whose seminal w o r k on O s m a n Hamdi Bey still remains the most detailed study on the subject, does not hesitate to call him 'the guardian angel of Turkish antiquities.' 1 In somewhat different vein, W e n d y Shaw has reversed the accusation often m a d e against Osman Hamdi Bey that his painting merely reproduced the Orientalist standards of the time, by interpreting his paintings as a f o r m of ' s u b v e r s i o n of Orientalist v i s i o n ' . A l t h o u g h the article in question limits itself to an analysis of his paintings, it nevertheless bears on the issue of nationalism through a combination of artistic and archaeological concerns. The concluding paragraph sums up this process of exoneration: Posturing as admiration, mimicry often masks the seeds of political resistance. The more European Osman Hamdi appeared in dress, profession, and painterly expression, the more his activities aimed to counterbalance the cultural effects of European dominance over the interpretation of antiquities in their historical and nationalist context. The similarity between his multifarious professional activities and those of European institutions designed to present the Orient as territory in need of colonial expansion camouflaged his subversive anti-imperialist and Ottomannationalist agenda. At the same time, the appropriation of the Orientalist gaze allowed Osman Hamdi to use his paintings as expressions of the political motivations and frustrations behind his activities as the Director of the Ottoman Imperial Museum. 2 Whether O s m a n Hamdi Bey really fits this post-Saidian portrait is open to discussion, especially in the absence of any explicit statement by O s m a n H a m d i Bey himself of his 'nationalist' penchant and of his capacity for antiOrientalist subversion. W e would, for the moment, rather stick to yet another portrait drawn u p o n the death of O s m a n H a m d i B e y . In this o b i t u a r y , 3 Salomon Reinach, O s m a n Hamdi B e y ' s mentor turned friend and colleague, 4 describes him in much more human terms, quite remote f r o m post-colonial discourses. T o him, O s m a n Hamdi Bey was 'an unconventional and likable person, w h o shall be remembered, in the history of Turkey, as a pioneer and as a hard worker of the new e r a . ' 5 Politically speaking, he was a

Midhatiste

(in 1910!), that is a partisan of the father figure of Ottoman constitutionalism, 1

Cezar (1971; 226). Shaw (1999; 431). 3 Reinach (1910; 407-413). 4 Salomon Reinach (1858-1932) became a member of the French School of Athens in 1879 and directed, together with Pottier, the excavations at Myrina. He was invited by the French ambassador Tissot to Constantinople, where he met Osman Hamdi Bey and prepared the first catalogue of sculptures at the Imperial Museum. He remained some time in Tunisia before he returned to France as director of the Museum of Saint-Germain. 5 Reinach (1910; 407). 2

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Midhat Pasha, 1 a staunch opponent of Hamidian despotism, and as he himself jokingly said, 'the oldest of the Young Turks'. 2 His allegiances, according to Reinach, were multiple, or at least double: He was 'the most Parisian of Ottomans, the most Ottoman of Parisians,' and France was 'his second motherland,' that of 'his youth and his mind'; but he was 'a Turk at heart, exclusively a Turk.' With his mind French and his heart Turkish, Osman Hamdi was viewed with suspicion by most circles in Istanbul, due to his Frenchness, his political tendencies, and his unorthodox behaviour. With respect to his art, Reinach was quite outspoken. Osman Hamdi Bey had inherited from Boulanger and Gérôme their 'elegant and proper drawing, and their rather limp touch,' and the French government had bought some of his paintings, 'which were not masterpieces.' Yet, despite his rather academic style ('sa peinture léchée'), he bore a tremendous potential as an artist, and was the first to qualify himself as a 'rate", because 'he had not excelled in painting as he would have wished to.' As to archaeology, Reinach knew better than anyone else how Osman Hamdi had become an archaeologist, since he had himself formed him, through a 'crash course' upon his appointment at the head of the Imperial Museum in 1881. Interestingly enough, while praising Osman Hamdi Bey's capacity to learn this science and his efforts towards the establishment of a proper infrastructure for the Department of Antiquities, Reinach did not really refer to him as an archaeologist, but rather as a man to whom 'France ... owed most of the help found by our scientists in their research in Greek and Oriental archaeology.' 3 Who then, was really Osman Hamdi Bey, especially with respect to his 'allegiances' of a political, nationalist, and ideological nature? A quick look at his formative years as a young student in Paris may provide some interesting clues as to some aspects of his personality and of the cultural surroundings to which he was exposed in his late teens and early twenties. Without going into the wealth of detail that could be extracted from Osman Hamdi Bey's and his 1 Midhat Pasha (1822-1884), governor of the Danubian provinces, of Edirne, of Baghdad, president of the Council of State, instigator of the coup that toppled Sultan Abdiilaziz in 1876, grand vizier, was the leader of the Ottoman constitutionalist movement and one of the greatest opponents of Sultan Abdiilhamid II. He was tried in 1881 and found guilty of complicity in the alleged assassination of Abdiilaziz, exiled to Taif and strangled by order of Abdiilhamid in 1884. Osman Hamdi Bey had a personal attachment to, and a great admiration for Midhat Pasha, due to the years he spent with him in Iraq during the latter's governorship. On this episode of Osman Hamdi Bey's life, see Eldem (1991). 2 Quoted from a letter by Osman Hamdi Bey to Salomon Reinach on the occasion of the 1908 Young Turk Revolution (Reinach 1910; 412). 3 Reinach (1910; 407-408).

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t u t o r s ' c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h his f a t h e r , E d h e m P a s h a , 1 o n e can easily s i n g l e o u t s o m e i n t e r e s t i n g p o i n t s relating to t h e s p e c i f i c issue of d e f i n i n g t h e y o u n g m a n ' s a l l e g i a n c e s . N o t s u r p r i s i n g l y , it a p p e a r s f r o m this c o r r e s p o n d e n c e t h a t t h e t u t o r s w h o s u r r o u n d e d h i m w e r e e a g e r to i n c u l c a t e h i m w i t h a s e n s e of belonging to the O t t o m a n 'nation.' T h u s , less than a m o n t h after O s m a n H a m d i ' s a r r i v a l in P a r i s , A . C a p i t a n , s o n - i n - l a w of J e a n - F r a n ç o i s B a r b e t , f o u n d e r of t h e p r e p a r a t o r y s c h o o l w h e r e O s m a n H a m d i — l i k e his f a t h e r , s o m e thirty y e a r s e a r l i e r — w a s r e c e i v i n g his initial e d u c a t i o n , a s s u r e d E d h e m P a s h a of t h e c a r e t h a t w o u l d b e g i v e n t o t u r n t h e y o u n g m a n i n t o a g o o d Ottoman: There is one thing, Your Excellency, which I promise I will remind him often: that he is a Muslim and an Ottoman. I entirely agree with you on this matter; one has, before anything else, to belong to one's country and to one's religion ... There is nothing more logical and useful than to take from another society whatever good it may provide; but the education of a man should have as its unwavering base the religious beliefs and political principles of his country. If not, one finds only disorder and scepticism. 2 In t h e s a m e line of t h o u g h t , O s m a n H a m d i B e y ' s Parisian m e n t o r s e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n a b o u t t h e y o u n g m a n ' s sartorial l a x i t y , w h i c h , a c c o r d i n g to t h e m , could well b e i n t e r p r e t e d as a sign of a b a n d o n m e n t of his ' n a t i o n a l ' identity: The summer has been almost always extremely hot, which explains the idea that he [Osman H a m d i ] has sometimes had of replacing his national headgear with a hat or a cap, since the sunshade has never been used by men in Paris. I made some remarks to Hamdi on this matter, but he replied that he did not think you would blame him for this, and that, at any rate, he never visited the ambassador or his compatriots without wearing his national costume; he also added that he wore the French headgear only when he went to his classes. 3

I must express my deepest gratitude to Ms. Cenan Sarç, Osman Hamdi Bey's grand-daughter, who has entrusted me with his correspondence from Paris (1860-1868) and from Baghdad (1869-1871). This collection consists mostly of letters by Osman Hamdi Bey to his father, but includes also a number of letters and documents emanating from third parties, generally his tutors and instructors in Paris. These precious documents form the core of a work I am preparing on the formative years of Osman Hamdi Bey. Osman Hamdi Bey's father, Edhem Pasha (ca. 1818-1893) was a high official of the Empire. A Greek boy captured on Chios after the 1822 massacres, he was acquired and brought up by Husrev Pasha, who sent him to Paris in 1831 in order to acquire a western education. After some years spent at the Institution Barbet and at the École des Mines, the young Edhem returned to the Ottoman lands, where he filled various positions, from mining engineer to French instructor to Sultan Abdiilmecid, then from several ministerial and ambassadorial posts to the grand vizierate. 2 A. Capitan to Edhem Pasha, Paris, 11 May, 1860. 3 É. Dupré to Edhem Pasha, Paris, n.d., ca. September, 1861.

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To what extent his mentors' efforts were successful in transforming Osman Hamdi Bey into a 'good and patriotic Ottoman' is not clear, as his own letters to his father made absolutely no reference to such concerns. With a rather mediocre performance as a student and accumulating debts due — according to his tutor — to frivolous expenditures, Osman Hamdi's letters to Edhem Pasha were more concerned with excuses, financial demands, and occasional attempts at obtaining a secretarial post at the Ottoman embassy in Florence or in Paris. If Osman Hamdi Bey expressed any allegiance to his country , it was clearly only as long as he was permitted to remain in Europe, as he considered himself to be 'incapable of ever seeing my country again elsewhere than in an embassy.' 1 His plea, however, was to no avail, as his father had notified him, by the summer of 1868, of his irrevocable decision to have him return to the Empire. Osman Hamdi Bey's reply sounded like a desperate effort to make his father understand that his future lay in the West, and, more particularly, in Paris: For the moment being, I shall be content with telling you, my dear father, that I leave Paris with the firm intention of returning by any possible means, not because life here should seem better than there, but certainly because there is something binding to me here: as I told you more than once, I do not wish to abandon painting at any cost, as one does not learn it through books but has to see it done, has to see the ancient and modern masters, and Constantinople is not where I shall find all this. 2

What followed, however, was even worse than Osman Hamdi Bey had feared. His father not only forced him to return to Constantinople; he sent him out to Baghdad in the spring of 1869, as a member of the retinue of Midhat Pasha, who had just been appointed governor to that distant province of the Empire. Strangely, this sudden immersion into a world at the antipodes of Paris seems to have had the effect of opening the young Osman Hamdi's mind. From that moment on, his correspondence with his father takes on a totally different tone, that of a young idealist discovering the harsh realities of a Godforsaken land, one untouched by the benefits of civilisation and central authority. The sense of a mission civilisatrice — with strong Orientalist overtones — thus prevails throughout the son's letters to the father, signalling what seems to have been the triggering of patriotic feelings and a growing political consciousness. For besides an obvious desire to please his father, possibly still resentful of eight years of Parisian farniente, Osman

1 2

Osman Hamdi Bey to Edhem Pasha, Paris, 26 June, 1868. Osman Hamdi Bey to Edhem Pasha, Paris, 26 June, 1868.

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Hamdi seems to have developed during his stay in Baghdad a rather acute sense of concern and responsibility concerning the political destiny of the Empire. Reporting on the complexity of the ethnic texture of the province, expressing anxiety over the growing influence of Persia on the Shiite population, criticising the chronic venality and corruption of the Ottoman administration, relating his participation in punitive expeditions against rebelling Bedouin tribes, complaining about the impending threat of British hegemony in the Gulf, he displays a level of consciousness, which, while marked by a rather immature gusto for boasting an adventurous spirit and manly qualities, represent a rather marked departure from the artistic and somewhat mundane concerns that dominated his Parisian letters. 1 One should not, however, j u m p to the conclusion that his experience in Baghdad and his confrontation with the reality of the Empire had turned Osman Hamdi Bey overnight into a nationalist ideologue. True, his discourse involved many references to the necessary promotion of Ottoman identity and control throughout these distant regions of the Empire. It was necessary, he argued, 'to show that Turkey still lives, and to fly the Turkish flag — that is the flag of Muslims — before the eyes of all these peoples.' 2 Yet, despite several occurrences of such 'proto-nationalist' statements, one cannot help notice the underlying criticism that seems to prevail throughout Osman Hamdi B e y ' s description and assessment of the situation in this Ottoman province. This criticism can generally be identified as a reformist stand, but it does take a slightly more radical and essentialist tone when it comes to matters of religion and 'civilisation' at large. His remarks on the fanaticism and fatalism of the Muslim peoples and of the average Ottoman subject, his long diatribe against the degeneration of Islamic mores under the influence of arranged marriage, polygamy, and vice, remind one of the caricatures and stereotypes so often used by European observers of the Ottoman Empire. This feeling is further reinforced by the example he would wish to see adopted as a model f o r reform: 'bourgeois families [in Europe] are all more or less irreproachable, especially in Germany'. 3

1

For the integral text and a detailed comment of this correspondence, see Eldem (1991). Eldem (1991; 120, 127). The use of the terms 'Turkey' and 'Turkish' should be understood in the context of the French language used by Osman Hamdi Bey, as a synonym of what he would have probably called Devlet-i Aliyye (The Sublime State) or Memalik-i $ahane (The Imperial Domains) in Ottoman Turkish. 2

3

Osman Hamdi Bey to Edhem Pasha, Baghdad, 27 April 1870, Eldem (1991; 122, 125-136).

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It appears, therefore, that his rather intense experience in Ottoman Iraq had a major — and somewhat sobering — influence on Osman Hamdi Bey, who, for the first time in his life, was confronted with a political context that triggered some reflection in his mind on the problems of identity, authority, and sovereignty which the Empire had to face. This coming to grips with Ottoman reality certainly led to the development of a patriotic feeling, all the more exacerbated by the exhilaration of an adventurous mission at the side of one of the leading figures of Ottoman reform, Midhat Pasha. Yet, at the same time, one gets the sense that beneath all this excitement and this discovery of a new mission in life, Osman Hamdi Bey still maintained his profound attachment to western civilisation and to the lifestyle to which he had grown accustomed after years of residence in Paris. Patriotism, after all, was one of the chief virtues French culture had imposed on him, a way of asserting his identity as a modern man. What he did, it seems was find a way of turning these patriotic concerns into something that would be compatible with the main tenets of western culture and lifestyle, thereby minimizing the possibility of a conflict between these two dimensions of his adult personality. After his return to Constantinople in 1870, Osman Hamdi Bey's career seems to have taken a turn that — to a large extent — corresponded to these requirements, while at the same time satisfying his father's expectations. He was appointed deputy chief of protocol in 1871, sent to Vienna as the imperial commissary to the World Exhibition of 1873, became the head of the Bureau of Foreigners at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1875, that of the Bureau of Foreign Press in 1876, and finally, was appointed mayor to the Sixth Municipal District of Pera and Galata in 1877. 1 Strikingly, what all these posts had in common was their particular position between the Ottoman and western worlds, something that gave Osman Hamdi Bey the possibility of maintaining his dual allegiance. 2 This was particularly true of his mission to Vienna, which, besides the undeniable advantage of giving him the opportunity to visit, after five years of absence, a western capital, also offered him the chance to participate in the promotion of the Empire's image abroad, albeit through a strange mixture of

1

Cezar (1971; 140-144). This includes his term as mayor of Pera and Galata, since these districts were predominantly inhabited by the European community of the city, and the municipal council itself consisted mostly of foreign and non Muslim residents of the area.

2

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10)

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Orientalism, anthropology, and Ottoman image-making, by undertaking the publication of Les costumes populaires de la Turquie) What, however, really transformed Osman Hamdi Bey's life and set up the basis of what would eventually become his entire life's work and glory, was his nomination, by an imperial decree dated 4 September, 1881, to the head of the Imperial Museum (Mtize-i Hiimayun), followed, on 1 January, 1882, by his appointment as Director of the School of Fine Arts (Sanayi-i Nefise Mektebi).2 His sudden promotion to a position of control over both art and archaeology provided him with an ideal setting for the realisation of his dreams. Both were fields where he could unleash his artistic talents and taste, while at the same time fulfilling his mission civilisatrice. This was probably as close as he might ever come to creating for himself an environment in the image of the western lifestyle and culture to which he felt such a strong attraction and attachment. Moreover, he could do so while at the same time engaging in a patriotic struggle for the accession of his country to western civilization without having to invest in a political career in a system he himself described as unstable and corrupt. His first years at the head of the Imperial Museum reveal rather clearly the strategy he intended to follow for the success of his mission and career. This strategy was based on two major concepts: promotion and protection. The first of these concepts, promotion, aimed at placing the Empire — through the Imperial Museum and himself — on the map of modern archaeology, surpassing its merely passive role as an excavation site and a source of antiquities. For this purpose, the museum would have to be transformed from its previous role of a warehouse for archaeological finds into an institution capable of competing against its European rivals not only on the basis of its collections, but also on its role as a scientific organisation. Protection, or more specifically the protection of Ottoman archaeological sites and finds, was a logical and necessary corollary of the first concept. If the Imperial Museum in Constantinople was to become a recognised centre of Osman Hamdi and de Launay (1873). This work consisted of numerous captioned photographs describing the traditional costume of different ethnic, religious, and cultural groups living throughout the Ottoman lands and was commissioned by the Ottoman government for the 3873 Vienna exhibition. Heading the commission was Osman Hamdi Bey's father, Edhem Pasha. The commission also published a large folio volume on Ottoman architecture (de Launay, Montani Effendi, Boghoz Chachian, and Maillard 1873). On the subject of Le costume populaire, see Ersoy (2003). Cezar (1971; 144).

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western archaeology, it would need to exert its hold over its major potential assets, the produce of excavations on Ottoman soil and the knowledge and information that could be derived from it. In other words, it had to interfere with, and disrupt, the previously established pattern of western archaeology in the Empire by forcing the whole process to be redirected towards the Ottoman capital. The implementation of this plan began almost immediately. In a first and essential step, Osman Hamdi Bey acquired the minimum knowledge required of an archaeologist through his training by Salomon Reinach. Yet, Reinach's role was not limited to the training of this neophyte; Osman Hamdi Bey had also asked him to prepare the first formal catalogue of the museum's collections. 1 This, when added to the modest repairs made to the museum building, clearly suggests that Osman Hamdi Bey was conscious, from the beginning, that his real mission lay more in the management of the institution than in a possibly disappointing career as an archaeologist. The first archaeological campaign conducted by Osman Hamdi Bey in the name of the Imperial Museum further confirms this vision of a rather pragmatic approach to archaeology. His expedition to the tumulus of Antiochus I of Commagene on Nemrud Dagi, between April and June, 1883, showed every sign of having been organised in all haste, in an effort to reach and claim the site before the Germans, who had effectively discovered it. Indeed, a German engineer by the name of Sester had first spotted the site in 1881, and following his report to Berlin, the German Archaeological Institute had dispatched one of its young members, Otto Puchstein, to survey it in March, 1882. 2 A first report had thus been published by the Berlin Museum in October, 1882, followed by a detailed report in the minutes of the Prussian Academy of Sciences, 3 a French translation of which was found tucked in the original diary of the expedition kept by Osman Hamdi Bey and Oskan Efendi. 4 In other words, by rushing to eastern Anatolia as Director of the Imperial Museum, Osman Hamdi was in a way jumping the gun, and taking away from the Germans the glory of the discovery of one of the most extraordinary

1

Reinach (1882 and 1910; 409). Otto Puchstein (1857-1911), would eventually become secretary of the G e r m a n Archaeological Institute, professor at the University of Freiburg im Breisgau, and curator at the Berlin Museum. He made a number of discoveries in Eastern Anatolia and Syria with Carl Humann. As curator of the Berlin Museum, he had played an important role in the setting up of the Pergamon altar . 3 Puchstein (1883). 4 I am in the process of preparing an edition of this diary, which was kindly handed to me by Mrs Cenan Sar?. 2

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sites of Anatolia. The publication, the very same year and in Constantinople, of his report was almost an act of defiance against the western archaeological establishment. 1 There is no doubt that the Ottoman claim over the tumulus of Nemrud Dagi produced some of the effect hoped for. It gave Osman Hamdi Bey his lettres de noblesse, granting him some access to a recognised status of archaeologist within the international community. It had also put the Ottoman Empire in the position of a producer and promoter of archaeological research, and the Imperial Museum in that of a legitimate centre for the preservation and diffusion of archaeological knowledge. Osman Hamdi Bey had claimed a site in the name of his museum and of his country; the next step would be the extension of this claim to the totality of the sites throughout the Ottoman territories. This step was reached the following year, with the ratification, on 21 February 1884, of a new law concerning antiquities, based on a text drafted and submitted by Osman Hamdi Bey in November 1883.2 This new regulation replaced and brought radical amendments to a previous text, passed on 8 April 1874.3 The first law had foreseen that archaeological finds would be divided equally among the Imperial Treasury, the discoverer, and the landowner. Moreover, it authorised the exporting of the finds, as long as they were registered with the Ministry of Public Instruction. Osman Hamdi Bey's text brought a drastic modification to the essence of the law by cancelling the partition of finds and by strictly prohibiting archaeological finds from leaving the Ottoman territory. The Imperial Museum thus automatically became the recipient of all objects of importance found on Ottoman sites, while European archaeologists and museums were deprived of their previous source of provisioning. Interestingly, it seems that Osman Hamdi Bey's protectionist measures were, at least in part, inspired by his father, Edhem Pasha. Indeed, in 1877, when the British archaeologist Hormuzd Rassam — who had excavated in Iraq, first under the supervision of Austen H. Layard, and later, in the name of the British Museum — contacted Edhem Pasha, then grand vizier, to obtain the authorisation to resume the excavations in Mesopotamia, which had been

1

Osman Hamdy Bey and Osgan Effendi (1883). Cezar (1971; 285-297). For the text of the law, see, French translation, see Young (1905; 389-394). 2

3

The text of the 1874 law can be found in

Dtistur Zeyli,

Diistur, v. Ill,

v. IV, pp. 89-93; for its

[Istanbul, 1293/1877], pp. 426-431.

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interrupted since t h e C r i m e a n W a r , E d h e m P a s h a had replied that this d e p e n d e d e n t i r e l y on t h e S u l t a n ' s will, b u t that, a t a n y rate, it w a s n e c e s s a r y t o d r a w an Anglo-Ottoman convention with respect to archaeological missions. E d h e m P a s h a ' s proposed convention was, according to the scandalised

Rassam,

h e a v i l y i n s p i r e d b y a s i m i l a r text p a s s e d b e t w e e n G e r m a n y a n d G r e e c e , a n d f o r e s a w that t h e I m p e r i a l T r e a s u r y w o u l d p r e s e r v e all of t h e f i n d s , that B r i t a i n w o u l d e n j o y t h e e x c l u s i v e r i g h t of m a k i n g c o p i e s a n d c a s t s , a n d t h a t b o t h parties w o u l d s h a r e rights to p u b l i c a t i o n . 1 E d h e m P a s h a ' s p r o j e c t w a s n e v e r i m p l e m e n t e d , b u t it is m o r e t h a n p r o b a b l e that it p r o v i d e d his son w i t h t h e i n s p i r a t i o n f o r his 1 8 8 4 law. A t a n y rate,

its r a t i f i c a t i o n

sent

shockwaves

throughout

the

archaeological

c o m m u n i t y . C o n s u l t e d o n t h i s m a t t e r b y t h e F r e n c h M i n i s t r y of P u b l i c Instruction, Ernest Renan gave a highly negative — indeed, aggressive — a s s e s s m e n t of this i n n o v a t i o n a n d of its p o s s i b l e c o n s e q u e n c e s : This law, a sad proof of the infantile ideas that are f o r m e d among the Turkish government in scientific matters, will be remembered as an ill-fated date in the history of archaeological research. ... In actual fact, these u n f o r t u n a t e m e a s u r e s , which h a v e j u s t been c o d i f i e d , h a v e been implemented already for two or three years and have brought the greatest damage to archaeological and epigraphical studies.-^ Thus, we have had the greatest difficulty obtaining a photograph of an inscription from Palmyra, because some sand had accumulated at the foot of the monument and the two or three shovelfuls needed would have constituted an excavation! ... What, in effect, makes these measures particularly disastrous, is the immensity of the lands to which they apply, since Turkey's pretensions now reach out to regions over which it had previously had only nominal control. The concentration of antiquities in a national museum is conceivable (although it presents serious drawbacks) f o r a country of modest expanse and possessing, as it were, archaeological unity. Yet, what should one say of a museum housing a jumble of objects originating from Greece, from Asia Minor, from Syria, from Arabia, from Yemen, and from so many other lands over which the Porte believes it can claim some imaginary sovereignty? ... The Marquis de Noailles [the French ambassador in Constantinople] is right in qualifying the new irade [decree] as a most unfortunate event f o r all sciences pertaining to history and archaeology. 3

1 Rassam (1897; 55-56). Rassam attributed Edhem Pasha's protectionist zeal to his experience as ambassador in Berlin and Athens (in fact, he was never appointed to the latter capital). ^ This reference to a de facto implementation of these restrictions going back to 1881 or 1882 suggests that Osman Hamdi Bey's offensive had started shortly after his appointment to the management of the Imperial Museum. 3 Archives du Ministère des Affaires Étrangères (AMAE), Affaires diverses politiques (ADP), Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles archéologiques, 1884-1896, Ernest Renan to Minister of Public Instruction Fallières, 31 March, 1884.

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R e n a n ' s c o m m e n t s were typical of the reaction felt throughout the western world of archaeology to this unprecedented event. Although he did not say so explicitly, this was clearly a case of insubordination against the 'natural' order of things, a desire of the Ottomans to play on the same turf as the Europeans, when everyone knew they lacked the intellectual, cultural, and scientific means of doing so. O s m a n H a m d i Bey had clearly taken a substantial risk by going against the e s t a b l i s h m e n t and by c h a l l e n g i n g the privileges of western archaeology. It was a d m i s s i b l e for a western-educated O t t o m a n to 'play archaeologist,' as long as he did not exceed certain limits. Proof of this was provided by the appreciation of his efforts at setting up a proper museum, the positive reception of his publication on the tumulus of Nemrud Dagi, and the implicit recognition of the Imperial M u s e u m and of its Director as (near-) peers of the western scientific c o m m u n i t y . By suddenly taking a strongly protectionist stand, he was clearly endangering the still fragile reputation he had acquired in the field. Y e t , s u r p r i s i n g l y , d e s p i t e all the risks i n v o l v e d and a staunch opposition to his ' m u t i n o u s ' innovation, O s m a n H a m d i Bey did not step back, and was able to maintain his position. T h e question of how he was able to resist while maintaining — in fact, increasing — his prestige is probably best answered by a footnote in his obituary by Salomon Reinach. Indeed, the resentment felt by western archaeology against the 1884 law had been so strong that the F r e n c h archaeologist could not help but insert a negative c o m m e n t on this issue while paying respect to the m e m o r y of an old friend and colleague. H e did, however, tone down his criticism by emphasising what he considered to be the major redeeming quality of the deceased, his kindness and willingness to cooperate: I have often enough criticized in this journal the laws, the promulgation of which was provoked by Hamdi. These laws on antiquities (of 1884 and 1906) are really too draconian and a bit discouraging for foreign excavators; but I must say that Hamdi's kindness and his conciliating mind have remarkably facilitated their implementation. 1 Reinach's words amounted to more than rhetoric. Osman Hamdi Bey seems to have been very careful in the m a n a g e m e n t of his relations with the elite of western archaeology. For one, despite the rather drastic provisions of his law against both bona fide archaeologists and treasure hunters, in the rare 1

Reinach (1910; 408, n. 1).

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comments he made of the intentions underlying the new measures, he made sure to refer almost exclusively to clandestine excavations. Thus, his introduction to the report on the discovery Sidon sarcophagi — co-authored with Théodore Reinach — is exemplary in its ability to combine a damning portrait of archaeological poachers and, to a certain extent, tourists, with an exoneration of the local population, while at the same time praising the wisdom and patronage of science displayed by Sultan Abdiilhamid II: It would be a profound error to believe that this work of devastation | of antiquities] is due, as many choose to repeat, to the fanaticism of the inhabitants. One should seek its real cause in the venality and ignorance of the lower classes of the population, both Muslim and Christian, who find themselves continuously provoked and contained by some foreigners settled in this country, without any other objective than to engage in a wide contraband of antiquities. ... In his concern for the preservation of the ancient monuments of his wide empire, H.I.M. the Sultan has decreed consecutive and severe laws and regulations in order to prevent clandestine excavations and to inflict a just punishment on those who should dare undertake such excavations. Everywhere, provincial officials, in conformity with the Sovereign's orders, are now at the service of the archaeological cause, and it is thanks to these wise and just measures that the marvels of ancient art, to which we dedicate this volume, have entered the Imperial Museum unharmed, instead of being, like many others, put into pieces in order to be sold, one bit after another, to foreign tourists. 1

Over and above possessing caution, Osman Hamdi Bey seems to have excelled at the art of managing both his image and his social relations. In the same way that he had shown — and would display until his death — a great talent as a planner and manager of his rapidly growing museum, Osman Hamdi Bey was able to offset the harshness of his protectionist policies with a remarkable capacity for networking, public relations, and diplomatic skills. The best illustration of this success is probably the amazing collection of letters received by Osman Hamdi during the last fifteen years of the nineteenth century. The signatures on these letters read like a Who's Who of European archaeology: Georges Perrot, Theodor Mommsen, Charles Waldstein, Léon Heuzey, Alexander Conze, Otto Benndorf, Théophile Homolle, Otto Puchstein, Gaston Maspero, Melchior de Vogué, Charles Clermont-Ganneau, Eduard Glaser, Friedrich Sarre, to name only the most illustrious. The way in which they addressed him was even more telling: from a formal 'Excellence' to a more obsequious 'Excellence et collègue très honoré,'' or from a familiar 'Mon cher bey'' to a more intimate 'Mon cher ami,'' Osman Hamdi had come to be treated as a peer by the most prestigious names of western archaeology.2 1 2

Osman Hamdy Bey and Théodore Reinach (1892; iv-v). These letters, in Mrs. Cenan Sarç's possession, were published in Metzger (1990).

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Renan himself, by the time of the discovery of the Sidon sarcophagi in 1887, seemed to have radically changed his position, and had started working with Osman Hamdi Bey on the study of the finds. His collaborator Philippe Berger's letters conveyed R e n a n ' s 'expression de sa plus haute consideration,'' while one of his articles 'paid homage ... to the courtesy of the eminent director of the Museum of Constantinople, who has been kind enough to grant us the earliest use of his beautiful finds.' 2 There was no mystery behind this success. Of course, Osman Hamdi Bey had truly proved to be worthy of much praise through his achievements; but the real key to success and recognition lay in the way he managed to make himself useful — indeed, indispensable — through services rendered to his colleagues abroad. Most of the letters that were addressed to him either requested his help and support for some endeavour, or thanked him for previous assistance. Requests and thanks for photographs, casts, squeezes, and drawings, for private visits to the museum and to its collections, for access to specific objects, or for rights to publication, and, of course, demands of support for excavation permits made up most of this correspondence. By imposing a centralised control over the whole domain of antiquities and excavating activity throughout the Ottoman lands, Osman Hamdi Bey had effectively created a system in which himself — and the Imperial Museum — enjoyed a position of pre-eminence and power. Rather intelligently, not onlyhad he imposed constraints on the access of foreign archaeologists to antiquities, but he had also positioned himself and the museum in the role of facilitator of that limited access. As a result, as long as the system functioned, that is, as long as the museum was able to provide all the services that were expected from it, western archaeologists saw few reasons not to comply with the rules and regulations that had been imposed on them. From his own perspective, it was a total success. He had secured a position of power and prestige which put him exactly where he wanted to be: in between two worlds, in a well-protected environment which ensured him continuous intellectual and social contact with the West, while at the same time allowing him to fulfil his dreams of a scientific and cultural renaissance of his country. It would be naive, however, to imagine that Osman Hamdi Bey's control over Ottoman antiquities and their exploitation was absolute. There was more than one way in which European archaeologists could bypass the 1 2

Philippe Berger to Osman Hamdi Bey, 4 April 1888 (Metzger 1990; 13). Metzger (1990; 12).

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harsh provisions of the 1884 law. For one, they always had the possibility of obtaining the patronage of the Sultan himself, who would occasionally grant them the right to acquire objects from their excavations. A typical example was Tello, in Iraq, a site first explored and exploited by the French vice-consul in Bassorah, Ernest de Sarzec, from 1877 to 1881. During this first phase, the booty had been so rich that the Louvre Museum had created in 1881 a section of Oriental antiquities to house the objects and monuments received from it. However, Osman Hamdi Bey's appointment at the head of the Imperial Museum had brought the process to a halt and de Sarzec, then consul in Baghdad, had been unable to start a new campaign until 1888, when his negotiations with Osman Hamdi Bey had finally come to a positive conclusion. The finds from this and the following campaigns were thus all claimed and obtained by the Imperial Museum. However, French diplomacy was able to convince Sultan Abdulhamid II to present the Louvre with a number of finds, amongst which were the famous stela of the Vultures and the vase of Entemena. 1 Nor were European archaeologists limited to the patronage of the Sultan to obtain what Osman Hamdi Bey refused to grant them. Thus, in 1899, Paul Gaudin, a senior manager of the Izmir-Kasaba railway project, had amassed some fourteen crates of antiquities, which he intended to have shipped to the Louvre. In a letter to Théophile Delcassé, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, the French consul in Smyrna explained that 'since Ottoman regulations strictly forbid antiquities from leaving the territory of the Empire,' he had used the French postal service to ship all fourteen crates on board a French ship, and that similar operations had been realized the preceding year. He concluded his letter by noting that 'the shipping by postal [diplomatic] bag of numerous and heavy parcels was likely to draw the attention of the Ottoman administration.' 2 That very same year, the French consul in Salonika performed a similar service, shipping out to the Louvre funerary stelae from the Christian necropolis of the city, again by way of the diplomatic bag. The instigator, this time, was a certain Doitte, Director of the Salonika port building site, and the consul suggested that this entrepreneur be awarded with the palmes académiques for this 'interesting shipment.' 3 A similar pattern could be 1

Metzger (1990; 25-26). AMAE, Correspondance politique (CP), Turquie, 392, Fouilles archéologiques, 1897-1899, Guillois to Delcassé, 27 February, 1899, 3 A M A E , CP, Turquie, 392, Fouilles archéologiques, 1897-1899, Steeg to Delcassé, 21 November, 1899. Interestingly, a note attached to this letter noted that some of the inscriptions discovered in 1898 that had been declared to the local authorities had been confiscated and had ended up in the private collection of the governor's son. 2

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observed in other, and more distant, provinces of the Empire. In Aleppo, it had taken the consular dragoman three years to negotiate the purchase of two large basaltic stelae with Aramaic inscriptions, which, according to ClermontGanneau, would 'provoke the envy of foreign museums.' The stelae had then been transferred to the consulate in Beirut 'without awakening the suspicion of Ottoman authorities,' where they awaited a 'favourable occasion' to be carried on board a ship bound to France. The report stated clearly that the point was to 'foil the surveillance of the Customs and to avoid being exposed to the application of the regulation prohibiting the export of antiquities from the Ottoman Empire.' The same Clermont-Ganneau who would address Osman Hamdi Bey as 'Monsieur le directeur et cher confrèreproposed that the shipment be made from a small port used for petroleum and coal, that it should be done gradually, starting with the smallest parcels, and that it be made in presence of a French warship, so as to discourage any inspection by customs officials. 2 Such examples could be multiplied: jewellery from Sardis, a wooden idol, and jar fragments sent by Gaudin of the Izmir-Kasaba railroad, 3 several Mycenaean vases and other objects sent by Arapidès from Rhodes, 4 a Nabatacan inscription discovered in the Hauran, which the Père Lagrange, Director of the Biblical School in Jerusalem, managed to have sent under cover of the diplomatic bag of the consul general in Palestine, 5 an ancient torso discovered in Beirut and presented by Joseph Durighello ... 6 There was little Osman Hamdi Bey could do against such flagrant violations of the existing regulations. The museum was clearly understaffed and could not ensure the monitoring of every archaeological site. Moreover, foreigners, especially when they were aided by their consular and diplomatic officers, enjoyed a great degree of freedom which Osman Hamdi Bey and his staff were unlikely to be able to oppose as efficiently as they may have 1

Charles Clermont-Ganneau to Osman Hamdi Bey, 27 February, 1897 (Metzger 1990; 64-65). AMAE, ADP, Turquie, 47-B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 1877-1896, Report by Charles Clermont-Ganneau on two stelae deposited at the French consulate general in Beirut, 21 June, 1895. 3 AMAE, CP, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903, Ministry of Public Instruction to Delcassé, 25 April, 1903; Minister of Public Instruction Leygues to Delcassé, 2 May, 1902. 4 AMAE, CP, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903, Director of Fine Arts to Delcassé, 5 August, 1902; Minister of Commerce, Industry, Post and Telegraph to Delcassé, 25 April, 1903; Ministry of Public Instruction to Delcassé, 11 May, 1903. 5 AMAE, CP, Turquie, 394, Fouilles archéologiques, 1904-1908, Consul general in Palestine to Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Rouvier, 27 November, 1905, and 29 January, 1906. 6 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, 47-B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 1877-1896, Director of Fine Arts to Minister of Foreign Affairs Hanotaux, 15 June, 1896. 2

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wanted. Moreover, the provinces were full of rather dubious characters — including state officials and semi-officials — who specialized in this lively trade in antiquities. In short, in the archeologically rich Ottoman provinces, science was generally overshadowed by the constant tension of international rivalry, venality, corruption, smuggling, and political pressure. A case in point was the series of events that took place in Lebanon at the turn of the century. In April 1900, Edmond Durighello, a 'freelance' archaeologist, having discovered a number of Phoenician inscriptions near Sidon, had advised the French government to lease a plot of land where, according to him, lay the ruins of a temple. 1 Despite their strong distrust of the man, 2 the French government decided to follow his plan and approached the landowner, who happened to be Nassib Djumblatt, one of the prominent leaders of the Druze community in Lebanon. However, news of the discovery had spread, and Djumblatt had been courted by Russian, German, and American archaeologists for the same purpose. Fearing an Ottoman reaction — likely to be provoked by his local rival Emir Mustafa Arslan — he had shied away from the project and filled up the trench on his property. 3 The situation was stalled for more than a year, until Durighello, frustrated at not receiving an answer to his offer of two inscriptions to France, turned against the French and informed the Imperial Museum of his discovery. In May, 1901, Makridy Bey, one of the commissaries of the museum, was dispatched to Sidon by Osman Hamdi Bey, accompanied by a German archaeologist from the Baalbek mission. The French had kept a low profile, in the hope that Makridy Bey, obviously lacking the means of conducting an excavation, would abandon the site. However, to their disappointment, Makridy Bey returned in July, and, with the help of the German consul general in Beirut, Schroeder, finally unearthed the temple of Eshmoun. 4 Nevertheless, the French were able, two years later, to purchase enough antiquities,

1 A M A E , CP, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903, Consul general comte de Sercey to Delcassé, 22 April, 1900; 21 May, 1900. 2 According to the French consul in Beirut, ' M r Durighello has, in all the échelles, the worst reputation' (AMAE, CP, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903, de Sercey to Delcassé, 22 April, 1900). 3 AMAE, CP, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903, de Sercey to ambassador Constans, 6 July, 1900; Constans to Delcassé, 24 July, 1900; de Sercey to Delcassé, 3 September, 1900. 4 AMAE, CP, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903, de Sercey to Delcassé, 15 May, 1901, and 8 July, 1901.

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including three inscriptions from the temple itself, to fill six crates and ship them to France. 1 Reports sent by Makridy Bey to the Imperial Museum prove that this charade was still going on in Sidon in 1904. This time, it was Ali Pasha Djumblatt, a distant cousin of Nassib, who had taken up the role of purveyor of antiquities to western archaeologists and museums. 2 The case of the temple of Eshmoun illustrates perfectly the modus vivendi that seemed to characterise the management of antiquities in the Ottoman Empire. Osman Hamdi Bey's efforts had been able to curb, within the limits of the means at his disposal, the systematic plundering of major sites by intervening directly and by playing off western nations against each other; yet, much of the smuggling was still going on by virtue of collaboration between local actors and foreign archaeological and diplomatic circles. It would be wrong to consider Osman Hamdi Bey simply a victimised opponent of foreign depredations on Ottoman antiquities. Without any implication of dishonesty and corruption, one cannot overlook the fact that the Director of the Imperial Museum was sometimes willing to breach his own regulations, either because he found the matter useful enough from the perspective of his long-term policies, or because he could sometimes be coaxed or manipulated into such action. A rather interesting illustration of such hesitations is provided by a closer look at the negotiations carried out by the French government and French archaeologists with Osman Hamdi Bey in the late 1880s and early 1890s, mostly with respect of the finds from de Sarzec's excavations at Tello. As mentioned earlier, before the 1884 law, the Tello excavations had yielded a remarkable quantity of objects and monuments, which French archaeologists had had no difficulty shipping to France. However, Osman Hamdi's growing influence had put an end to the plunder, even interrupting the excavations until 1888, when de Sarzec agreed to the conditions imposed by the new regulation. From then on, the finds from the excavations had been redirected to the Imperial Museum. Yet, despite this radical change, some objects had been willingly donated by the Sultan to the Louvre, thus jeopardising Osman Hamdi's protectionist achievements. 1 AMAE, CP, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903, de Sercey to Delcassé, 23 April, 1903. 2 Makridy Bey to Halil Edhem Bey, 25 August, 1904. Makridy Bey — Théodore Macridy — was one of the principal collaborators of Osman Hamdi Bey and served the museum both as an archaeologist and as a commissary at the excavation sites. Halil Edhem Bey was Osman Hamdi Bey's brother and his deputy at the museum. Upon Osman Hamdi Bey's death, Halil Edhem Bey became Director of the Imperial Museum. The correspondence between Makridy Bey and Halil Edhem Bey is part of a collection of Halil Edhem Bey's papers, which were kindly passed on to me by Ms Aylin Tekta§.

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However, if one is to look a little closer at the French documentation on the period, it appears that Osman Hamdi Bey's attitude was perhaps slightly more collaborative than might have been expected. Already in August 1887, following a meeting with Osman Hamdi Bey in Damascus, Ernest de Sarzec had been able to observe a change in his attitude towards him, which he attributed to the influence of the comte de Montebello, the French ambassador, and to his growing animosity against the exceptional excavation permits granted to German archaeologists. As a result, de Sarzec had been able to come to a verbal agreement with Osman Hamdi Bey for an 'unexpected' extension of his permit to work in Zerghoul and Tello. 1 These were still modest, but promising, developments. Interestingly, the year 1887 was when Osman Hamdi Bey had really started to draw some attention as a potential target of French demands for collaboration. The accidental discovery, in March, 1887, of the Sidon sarcophagi by Beshara Deb, engineer of the vilayet, had triggered much emotion among the archaeological community. The French consul general in Beirut immediately notified his ministry of the event, reporting that Deb had requested French aid, as he was 'conscious of the insufficiency of the Turks in archaeological matters.' 2 Yet, as is well known, Osman Hamdi Bey had immediately intervened, and extracted the sarcophagi that would eventually bring fame to the Imperial Museum. 3 Despite their disappointment, the French had been rewarded by Osman Hamdi Bey with photographs of the sarcophagi and squeezes of the inscriptions. 4 Following the advice of Durighello — of all people — the French government had decided to express their official appreciation of, and gratitude to the Director of the Imperial Museum. 5 The French Ambassador in Constantinople, Montebello, insisted on presenting himself the minister's letter to Osman Hamdi Bey, and reported back on the pleasure with which the latter had received the news. 6

1 AMAE, A D P , Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles arche'ologiques, 1884-1896, Minister of Public Instruction Spuller to Minister of Foreign Affairs Flourens, 5 August, 1887. 2 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 1880-1895, Consul general vicomte de Petiteville to Minister of Foreign Affairs Flourens, 24 March, 1887. With respect to Beshara Deb, Petiteville also added that 'if he were pushed a bit, one would find in him the expression of regrets at the site of treasures of ancient art falling into infidel hands' (Petiteville's emphasis). 3 Osman Hamdi Bey published his findings with Théodore Reinach in their famous Une nécropole royale à Sidon. 4 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 1880-1895, de Petiteville to Flourens, 9 June, 1887. 5 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 1880-1895, Spuller to Flourens, 25 July, 1887; Flourens to Spuller, 1 August, 1887. 6 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 1880-1895, Flourens to Spuller, 3 September, 1887.

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What follows rather clearly that the combination of their desire to revive the Tello mission and the impact of the discovery of the Sidon sarcophagi had suddenly propelled Osman Hamdi Bey to the forefront of French archaeological concerns. Ambassador Montebello had played a central role in this rapprochement with Osman Hamdi Bey; he would continue in this direction, gradually laying siege to this crucial actor in the Levant archaeological game. By March 1890, Montebello had succeeded to the point of boasting that he was practically sure to obtain the concession to France of the principal finds of the Tello mission, which had been promised to him by 'representatives of the Ottoman Porte.' 1 Less than two months later, it had become clear that Montebello had obtained from the Sultan the transfer of the major finds of the 1888 campaign. However, the government also wanted the finds from the following campaign, which were 'secretly kept thanks to the kindness of the director of the museum;' it was therefore indispensable for the ambassador to intervene in order to secure the transfer. 2 By 1891, Montebello was still negotiating with Osman Hamdi Bey. 3 Even after his return to France, he continued to pressure Osman Hamdi Bey, suggesting that eventual 'concessions' to the Louvre would certainly be rewarded: I think that you can count on the kindness of our scientific world, and, as soon as your work on your precious discoveries [the Sidon sarcophagi] shall be published, you will most certainly see proofs of it. What I am telling you emerges from a conversation I had with M. Heuzey and M. Perrot, both of whom have the most affectionate interest in you. A small and gracious concession on the last fragments of de Sarzec would crown your work, and although I regret my no longer being alongside you, rest assured that my actions will not fail and that my greatest desire is to give you proof of this. 4

Montebello's long-term strategy was even more ambitious and Machiavellian. According to him, the best way to secure Osman Hamdi Bey's support was to cajole him and to exploit what seemed to be his weakest point: his craving for a formal recognition of his value, both as an archaeologist and as a painter. Leon Bourgeois, then Minister of Public Instruction, had perfectly understood Montebello's plans:

1 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles archéologiques, 1884-1896, Ministry of Public Instruction to Ministry of Foreign Affaires, 28 March, 1890. 2

AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles archéologiques, 1884-1896, Minister of Public Instruction Bourgeois to Minister of Foreign Affairs Ribot, 28 March, 1890, 23 July, 1890. 3 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles archéologiques, 1884-1896, Minister of Public Instruction Bourgeois to Minister of Foreign Affairs Develle, 31 May, 1891, 4 August, 1891. 4 Montebello to Osman Hamdi Bey, 22 September, 1891. Metzger (1990; 80) has chosen not to transcribe the sentence starting with 'A small concession...'

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It appears f r o m M. M o n t e b e l l o ' s [the French ambassador] report that the success of the said negotiations depends on Hamdi B e y ' s good will alone, and that this gentleman, vexed by the attitude of some of our scientists and artists, in great contrast to the compliments he received especially f r o m the G e r m a n s and the Americans, presently harbours rather negative feelings against us. Nevertheless, our ambassador does not feel the game is lost, but he thinks that he will not succeed in obtaining the transfer w e desire so much without a great effort of persuasion. H e also gives us useful hints on the m e a n s he considers to be most efficient in regaining the sympathy of the Director of the Imperial Museum of Stamboul. I am in full agreement with the C o m t e de Montebello on the necessity of preparing the ground for the steps that our embassy in Turkey may want to take in the future, by trying to m a k e concessions and f a v o u r s that might flatter Hamdi B e y ' s self esteem and m a k e him forget the events that might h a v e hurt his feelings. I am therefore ready and willing to examine the measures that m i g h t enable us to recapture his previous kindness to us. However, I d o not think it wise to precipitate the use of the m e a n s I may h a v e at my disposal, such as sending publications to the Director of the M u s e u m , or to purchase paintings of the artist. This would be, I think, a little too blunt, f o r any exaggerated sign of appreciation m a y reveal our intention, and work against the expected results. A s to the dream Hamdi Bey entertains of a nomination to the m u c h envied title of corresponding member of the Institut [de France], its realisation is not within my power. It would be necessary for a vacancy to occur, and even then, I would be able to intervene only in a totally unofficial w a y . 1

Montebello's strategy was not immediately put into action. Nevertheless, in July, 1892, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jules Develle, could boast to his colleague of Public Instruction that Paul Cambon, Montebello's successor, had finally been able to obtain from the Sultan the five fragments coveted by the Louvre, i.e. the stela of the Vultures. 2 Had the French finally been able to coax Osman Hamdi Bey into abandoning the finds of 1889? The minister's letter mentioned only the Sultan's authorisation, seeming to imply that the negotiations had been carried out at a higher level, perhaps over Osman Hamdi Bey's head and against his will ... Yet, a letter from the Director of the French National Museums, written some six months after the event, referred explicitly to Osman Hamdi Bey, praising him for the generosity with which he had surrendered the finds from Tello to the Louvre. According to the document, it was now time to fulfil Montebello's promises:

1 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles archéologiques, 1884-1896, Minister of Public Instruction Bourgeois to Minister of Foreign Affairs Develle, 4 August, 1891. 2 AMAE, ADP, Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles archéologiques, 1884-1896, Minister of Foreign Affairs Develle to Minister of Public Instruction Bourgeois, 27 July, 1892. On the stela of the Vultures, or of Eannatum (ca. 2450 B.C.), see Amiet (1980; 96-97, 371, fig. 328-330); Nissen (1988; 155-157).

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Under these conditions, and in accordance with the specific indications given to me by M. Heuzey, curator of the Oriental Antiquities, the moment should be right to grant Hamdi Bey a token of our gratitude that might flatter his feelings as an artist. Indeed, he is a painter, a former student of our School of Fine Arts, and one can argue that he was the first to have, not without some distinction, spread to the Orient the influence of French painting.'

Two of the artist's paintings were proposed, both of which had been exhibited in Paris, at the Palais de l'Industrie, the preceding year: his 'Entry of a mosque with Turkish women walking by,' estimated at seven thousand francs, and his 'Turkish ladies in a funerary chapel or turbeh,' estimated at four to five thousand francs. The second work was considered to be 'interesting because of the accessories and its exact observation of Ottoman life.' 2 A few days later, Ambassador Cambon personally congratulated Léon Heuzey on his decision to reserve a painting that was bound for the Chicago Exhibition, adding that 'nothing could be more pleasing to an artist who can render us many services, and whom it is important to satisfy.' 3 Heuzey felt very confident about his move. He had been encouraged by the latest reports on the Tello excavations, which stated that Osman Hamdi Bey had 'confidentially' declared that he hoped he would again obtain from his government a share of the new finds for the Louvre. Heuzey was more than optimistic: 'This explicit and spontaneous promise shows well to what extent we are on the right path with him.' He therefore requested that the Director of Fine Arts write a personal letter to Osman Hamdi Bey, announcing their decision to purchase one of his paintings. With remarkable cynicism, he added: 'Of course, any allusion to objects ceded and to services rendered should be avoided, and be replaced by purely artistic motivations, such as, for example, the distinction with which he represents our school of painting abroad.' 4 The plan was almost immediately carried out. In May, 1893, Cambon notified Osman Hamdi Bey of their desire to purchase the 'tiirbe' painting for 4,000 francs. Upon his acceptance, they sent him an official confirmation:

1 Archives Nationales (AN), Instruction Publique, Beaux-Arts, F 2 ' 2136, Hamdy-Bey, Director of National Museums Kaempfer to Minister of Public Instruction Dupuy, 10 February, 1893. 2 Note attached to Kaempfer's letter. ^ AN, Instruction Publique, Beaux-Arts, Y71 2136, Hamdy-Bey, Cambon to Heuzey, 23 February, 1893. A ?I ^ AN, Instruction Publique, Beaux-Arts, F Z J 2136, Hamdy-Bey, Heuzey to director of Fine Arts Roujon, 6 March, 1893.

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It is a great pleasure for us to retain in France a work which shows us with what distinction and talent the tradition of our school of painting is represented in Constantinople, and used to depict, together with the customs of Muslim life, one of the most charming monuments of Oriental art. 1 Osman Hamdi Bey immediately replied: I do not know how to thank you for so many considerate and flattering words you have been kind enough to convey to me on this occasion. I was deeply touched, and I am doubly happy to find myself in a personal relation with you that allows me to express my most sincere gratitude. 2 Clearly, he was thrilled, and understandably so, when one r e m e m b e r s that some twenty-five years earlier, he had tried to convince his father that he could m a k e a living out of his painting. 3 W h a t he did not know, however, was that his painting would end up, rather ironically, at the Colonial M u s e u m ( M u s é e des Colonies),

where it was not even exhibited. 4

T h e last step in Montebello's plan of three years earlier was carried out at the end of the year. T o w a r d s the end of D e c e m b e r 1893, Léon H e u z e y announced to O s m a n H a m d i Bey that he stood a very high chance of being elected to the much coveted position of foreign corresponding m e m b e r of the Institut de France: I think you will be pleased to be informed of interesting developments here with regard to you. Following the presentation of your latest shipment, the Academy found itself in the most favourable disposition, and I have been appointed member of the committee in charge of forming the list of foreign corresponding members. This choice strongly comforts our hopes, since everyone knows that you are my candidate. Indeed, during the committee's meeting held yesterday, I submitted your titles and secured your place at the top of one of the three lists, which is an almost certain guarantee of success. Next Friday the matter will be discussed before the entire Academy; I will illustrate again and more completely all that you have done for our studies, our excavations, our museums, and the election will follow. According to all the promises I have obtained in advance from my friends and, I have to say, according to the general dispositions, I think that we can nourish the best hopes. Obviously, there is never any certainty before

1 AN, Instruction Publique, Beaux-Arts, I• ~ ' 2136, Hamdy-Bey, Roujon to Osman Hamdi Bey, 28 June, 1893. 2 AN, Instruction Publique, Beaux-Arts, F 2 1 2136, Hamdy-Bey, Osman Hamdi Bey to Roujon, 5 July, 1893. 3 'At last! The day has come when I will have to resort to painting. I salute it!' (Osman Hamdi Bey to Edhem Pasha, Paris, 22 May, 1868. 4 AN, Instruction Publique, Beaux-Arts, F 2 1 2136, Hamdy-Bey, decree signed by Poincaré, 16 July, 1895.

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the event itself; however, if we succeed, as I very much hope, I will immediately send you a telegram worded as follows: 'Congratulations on result obtained.' ... The ambassador is also supporting our efforts. As you can see, the circumstances are particularly favourable.

About a month later, Osman Hamdi Bey received Heuzey's confirmation of his election, preceded, of course, by the promised telegram. The election had been a great success, with only a few votes cast for the other candidates. For the Academy was infinitely sensitive to everything you arc doing in the interest of our works; to which one should add the beautiful shipments which periodically remind us of you, and your presence this summer and your few words which have ravished all hearts! I only had to remind all of this in a couple of words during the presentation of your titles and the battle was already won! 2

Not surprisingly, Heuzey's letter to Osman Hamdi Bey continued with a gentle reminder of his 'duties' towards France: It would also be very useful to find in the old crates of Tello the small missing shard from the stela of the Vultures, of which I gave you a partial cast. I told Joubin about this, asking him to remind ycu eventually of this small but very interesting search- As to the silver vase, this matter, my dear friend, is entirely in your hands. Do not forbid us from expressing to you our desires, or, if you wish, our dreams. Even if they are only illusions, they encourage me and keep me busy at my work, which is not particularly easy during these short and dark winter days. 3

Was the last remark a reference to the request that the famous vase of Entemena be ceded to the Louvre, which had been coveting it for several years? 4 Is one to understand that Heuzey expected from Osman Hamdi Bey to arrange for the transfer that would eventually take place in February 1896? 5 Not necessarily, for at the time of Heuzey's letter, the vase was being cleaned in France by Heuzey himself; subsequent letters from Heuzey requested from Osman Hamdi an extension of the deadline for its return to the Imperial Museum. 6 In effect, the vase was eventually returned to the museum, only to be shipped back after the decision taken by Sultan Abdulhamid II to present it 1

Heuzey to Osman Hamdi Bey, 23 December, 1893 (Metzger 1990; 93). Heuzey to Osman Hamdi Bey, 25 January, 1894 (Metzger 1990; 94). 3 Heuzey to Osman Hamdi Bey, 25 January, 1894 (Metzger 1990; 94). 4 For a photograph of the silver vase of Entemena (ca. 2450-2400 B.C.), see Amiet (1980- 372 fig. 335). 5 A letter from the First Secretary of the Sultan, Tahsin Pasha, dated 14 February, 1896, announced that 'the silver vase discovered on the site of Tello ... is presented, in order to be deposited in the Museum of France [the Louvre] as a memory of my August Master' (Tahsin Pasha to ambassador Cambon, 14 February, 1896, quoted in Metzger, op. cit., p. 32, n. 14). 6 Heuzey to Osman Hamdi Bey, 20 March, 1894, and 14 April, 1894 (Metzger 1990; 94). 2

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to the Louvre. What was 'entirely in Osman Hamdi Bey's hands' might well have been the extension of Heuzey's authorisation to clean the vase, and not the transfer of the vase itself, even though the reference to 'forbidden dreams' does suggest that Heuzey was really pushing Osman Hamdi Bey to accept the transfer. 1 At any rate, the overall impression is that, Osman Hamdi Bey's attitude toward French claims over objects had been, from the end of the 1880s on, rather collaborative, a far cry from the threats of suicide with which he was supposed to have saved a sarcophagus from the claws of Kaiser Wilhelm II. 2 Was then the 'national hero' in fact a traitor? Certainly not, and had this been the issue, there is no doubt that the life and work of Osman Hamdi Bey, his achievements both as a scientist and as a museum manager, would have easily outweighed the choices he may have made over some objects under his custody — including the stela of the Vultures and, eventually, the vase of Entemena. However, our concern lies at a totally different level. The whole point of this rather long and convoluted exercise was to show, as much as documents permitted, the complexity of the issues at hand, and especially that of the actions and reactions of an individual whose capacities were often put to test under the pressure of conflicting ambitions, responsibilities, beliefs, and allegiances. In the absence of any explicit statement by Osman Hamdi Bey himself on his actions, one can only surmise and speculate on what his profound intentions and real motivations may have been. Yet, it is our impression that his earlier correspondence depicting his experience in Paris and in Baghdad sheds a new light on his achievements as an archaeologist. In his mind and heart, a strong — indeed, profound — attachment to western civilisation co-existed with a rather typical form of Ottoman(ist) patriotism. In certain cases, this dualism could, obviously, create a conflictual situation with one of the two allegiances prevailing over the other. Yet, apart from the fact that the two were generally quite compatible, Osman Hamdi Bey seems to have shown a remarkable capacity for finding pragmatic solutions to any misgivings he may have felt when faced with conflicting choices.

1 In transcribing the letter, H. Metzger has made an error, reading 'Ne vous défendez pas de vous exprimer nos désirs ...' — which does not make sense — instead of 'Ne nous défendez pas de vous exprimer nos désirs ...' which appears on the original document. 2 See his obituary inNevsâl-i Osmânî mentioned above.

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In the case of the evident tension between his protectionist aims and the constant requests of European archaeologists for objects, his policy seems to have been to try, as much as possible, to apply the restrictive provisions of his law, but to give occasional satisfaction to European demands in order to maintain a manageable degree of normalcy in his relations with western scientists and institutions. It is more than likely that these occasional infringements on his own regulations were pre-emptive moves designed to avoid possibly worse consequences. He knew well that the political and diplomatic influence of the Great Powers was sufficient to wrest away the same objects — or more — from the Ottoman lands by other means, either by bypassing the Imperial Museum, or by resorting to outright smuggling. The flexibility he occasionally showed was thus a way of guaranteeing the survival of his institution and of his own position, thus allowing him to contain, for lack of being able to eradicate, the outflow of antiquities from the Ottoman lands. Did he fall for the flattery and cajoling he was subjected to by western — especially French — bureaucrats and archaeologists? There is no doubt that his desire to be accepted and recognised as a peer by the intellectual and artistic community of the West played an important role in his life and actions. It could even be claimed that, when it came to basic allegiances, Osman Hamdi Bey's heart might have stood much more to the West than most of his contemporaries. The Imperial Museum, as we have suggested earlier, was most probably a haven to him, a microcosmic recreation of the West, where he could retreat and protect himself from what he openly called the 'turquitudes' (a pun on turpitudesof the world that surrounded him. Ostracised in two rather marginal domains of the social, cultural, and intellectual life of the Empire, a link to the West was essential to his intellectual survival and to his self-esteem. Being a little too eager to please his western correspondents must have played some part in the way he managed his relations and made some of his choices, but almost never at the expense of his master plan of putting his museum — if not the Empire — on equal footing with its western counterparts. Salomon Reinach had called him a hyphen (trait d'union) between two worlds; 2 the truth is that he was also caught between these two worlds, but that he managed to turn this captivity into a remarkably productive, effective, and, from his own perspective, gratifying endeavour.

1 2

Reinach (1882; 411). Reinach (1882; 407).

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REFERENCES Archives Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères,

Paris

Affaires diverses politiques, Turquie, 47-B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 18771896. A f f a i r e s diverses politiques, Turquie, B 47/10, Fouilles archéologiques,

1884-

1896. Affaires diverses politiques, Turquie, B 58/2, Fouilles archéologiques, 1880-1895. Correspondance politique, Turquie, 392, Fouilles archéologiques, 1897-1899. Correspondance politique, Turquie, 393, Fouilles archéologiques, 1900-1903. Correspondance politique, Turquie, 394, Fouilles archéologiques, 1904-1908. Archives

Nationales,

Paris

Instruction Publique, Beaux-Arts, F ^ l 2136, Hamdy-Bey. Author's

collection

Osman Hamdi Bey, Correspondence and documents from Paris, 1860-1869. Osman Hamdi Bey, Correspondence from Baghdad, 1869-1871. Osman Hamdi Bey and Oskan Efendi, Diary of a Journey to Nemrud Dagi, 1882. Osman Hamdi Bey, Letters received, 1865-1904. Théodore Macridy, Correspondence with Halil Edhem Bey, 1902-1906. Published Amiet, P. 1980 Art of the Ancient

Near East,

translated by John Shepley and

Claude Choquet), New York; Abrams. Cezar, M. 1971 Sanatta

Batiya

Açili£

ve Osman

Hamdi,

Istanbul; Turkiye

Bankasi. de Launay, M., Montani Effendi, Chachian, B., and Maillard, 1873 ottomane.

L'architecture

Ouvrage autorisé par iradé imperial et publié sous le patronage

Son Excellence

Edhem Pacha,

de

Constantinople.

Dttstûr Zeyli, v. IV, [Istanbul, 1301/1885], DUstûr, v. III, [Istanbul, 1293/1877], Eldem, E. 1991 'Quelques lettres d'Osman Hamdi Bey à son père lors de son séjour en Irak (1869-1870)', Anatolia

Moderna

— Yeni Anadolu,

1/1, 115-136.

Ersoy, A. 2003 'A Sartorial Tribute to Tanzimat Ottomanism: the Osmani'ye

Album,' Muqarnas,

Elbise-i

20; 187-207.

'Hamdi Bey,' in E. Regad and O. Ferid (eds.), Musavver

Nevsal-i

Osmant,

Istanbul,

1326, 209-214. Metzger, H. 1990 La correspondance de France.

passive

d'Osman

Hamdi

Bey, Paris; Institut

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Nissen, H. 1988 The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B.C., translated by E. Lutzeier and K. Northcotl, Chicago and London; Chicago University Press. Osman Hamdi and de Launay, M. 1873 Les costumes populaires de la Turquie en impériale 1.873. Ouvrage publié sous le patronage de la commission ottomane pour l'Exposition Universelle de Vienne, Constantinople. Osman Hamdy Bey and Osgan Effendi 1883 Le tumulus de Nemroud-Dagh. Voyage, description, inscriptions avec plans et photographies, Constantinople; Péra, F. Loeffler. Osman Hamdy Bey and Reinach, T. 1892 Une nécropole royale à Sidon. Fouilles de Hamdy Bey, Paris; Leroux. Puchstein, O. 1883 'Bericht über eine Reise in Kurdistan', Sitzungsberichte der königlich preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1, Berlin; Königlich Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Rassam, H. 1897 Asshur and the Land of Nimrud. Being an Account of the Discoveries Made in the Ancient Ruins of Niniveh, Asshur, Sippar Nairn, Calah, Babylon, Borsippa, Cutha and Van, New York; Eaton & Mains. Reinach, S. 1910 'Hamdi Bey', Revue archéologique, quatrième série, t. XV (janvier-juin), 407-413. Reinach, S. 1882 Catalogue du Musée impérial d'antiquités, par S. Reinach, Constantinople. Shaw, W. 1999 'The Paintings of Osman Hamdi and the Subversion of Orientalist Vision,' in Ç. Kafescioglu and L. Thys-§enocak (eds.) Aptullah Kuran için Yazilar. Essays in Honour of Aptullah Kuran, Istanbul, 423-434. Young, G. 1905 Corps de droit ottoman, Vol. II, Oxford; Clarendon Press.

5. MARGARET HASLUCK AND THE SPECIAL OPERATIONS EXECUTIVE (SOE), 1942-44 Roderick BAILEY

Margaret Hasluck is best known as an ethnographer. Her Unwritten Law in Albania, published posthumously by Cambridge University Press in 1954, is still the authoritative tract on the phenomenon of the Albanian blood feud in the first half of the twentieth century.1 But memoirs and histories of the Special Operations Executive (SOE), Churchill's secret sabotage organisation created during the Second World War to 'set Europe ablaze', tell of her service in a different field: her two years' work for SOE's Albanian Section. Indeed, for over a year she was the only person in SOE focused full-time on the country. Sent to Istanbul 'under an assumed name with disguised appearance and dyed hair', she liaised with Albanian exiles and émigrés, collected intelligence and recruited Albanians for SOE employment against Axis forces in occupied Albania.2 At SOE Headquarters in Cairo, as the Section grew in size and importance, she continued to gather intelligence and briefed British officers before they left to assist the Albanian resistance. In 1944 she received an MBE for her efforts. Drawing on the recently released files of SOE and on the memories of some of its officers, this chapter presents the first detailed account of this brief but eventful period of Margaret Hasluck's life. Officers whom she taught have written since, and fondly, of a strong-willed woman who applied herself to the tasks at hand with great industry and devotion. David Smiley, second-incommand of the first SOE mission into Albania, recalled that this 'elderly lady ... with greying hair swept back into a bun and a pink complexion with bright blue eyes' reminded him 'of an old-fashioned English nanny. Full of energy and enthusiasm, she was totally dedicated to her beloved Albania'. 3 Yet officers with whom she worked at SOE headquarters found such total dedication difficult to deal with; Jon Naar, the Albanian Section's Military Intelligence Officer, compared her more to characters played by 'the film 1

M. Hasluck (1954). Quote from a document in Hasluck's SOE Personal File, still classified at the time of writing and made available by the SOE Adviser to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office. 3 Smiley (1984; 8-9). 2

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actress Margaret Rutherford ... that kind of school mistress type, both physically and mentally'. 1 SOE's papers now confirm that Hasluck was so vocal in her prediction that support for Albania's Partisan movement spelt doom for the country's future, that SOE staff officers, less concerned by the Partisan threat, feared her emotional and forthright views were more of a hindrance to their work than a help. Her career with SOE and battles with its staff illuminate the factors at work on British wartime policy towards Albania, and the intensity of feeling and disagreement, especially over whether communist guerillas deserved support, that that policy could induce. They also illustrate the kinds of problem encountered when secret organisations find themselves stumbling through new and confusing worlds, then discover the experts selected to guide them have limits — and minds — of their own. By February 1944, when Hasluck resigned from SOE, its staff officers knew well that she opposed any policy that favoured Albania's Partisans over anti-communist groups. That opposition may have been less evident had Hasluck not, when replaced as Head of the Albanian Section in the spring of 1943 by Major Philip Leake, retained responsibility for sifting and summarising intelligence for SOE's main headquarters in London and other decision-makers. This offered her an important platform on which to put over her own views. As shall be seen, she used it freely to express her conviction that, on political grounds, the Allies should be less eager to support those fighting the Germans and more sympathetic towards those refusing to do so. 'You will know already that I have little sympathy with the [Partisan movement]', she informed London on 1 January 1944, 'because it lets itself be led by the nose by the Communist section'. 2 In February 1942, when Captain John Bennett of its Yugoslav Section in Cairo brought her into the organisation, SOE knew little enough of Albania and would have been hard-pressed to predict the conflict of interests that emerged nearly two years later. 3 By 1942, SOE had identified from the pattern of Axis influence and expansion a number of countries potentially suited to its unique brand of underground warfare. It had also identified a need within SOE for expert advice, such as that which Bennett expected from Hasluck, on many of those countries. She had then been living in Cairo for nearly a year, having fled Athens ahead of G e r m a n y ' s triumphant sweep through the Balkans in the spring of 1941. Cairo was also from whence 1

Interview, J. Naar to author, 12 December 2000. 'Albanian Guerillas', memorandum from M. Hasluck to Major E. Boxshall, 1 January 1944, PRO HS 5/68. 3 Information made available by the SOE Adviser. 2

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SOE's Balkan operations were then launched and directed, but these were still early days: that same German sweep had carried away all of SOE's earlier Balkan plans and severed most of its contacts. Yet reports of resistance in the region were beginning to grow and with them SOE's interest in its potential and strategic value. In late January 1942, SOE London asked SOE Cairo to verify 'a long story or unrest and rising in Albania' obtained from the Allied Press correspondent in Jerusalem. Italian troops had occupied Albania for the past three years, but SOE had no specialist Albanian Section and Bennett's approach to Hasluck came a few days later. 1 In early March, London cabled Cairo again, this time about the possibility of encouraging that unrest. On 25 March, Hasluck left for Istanbul to open up lines into Albania and find volunteers from Turkey's Albanian community to be specially trained, with a view to SOE returning them one day to their homeland. 2 The credentials of this accomplished and studious woman, who had spent nearly two decades in Albania between the wars, may well have appeared strong to Bennett and SOE Cairo. Born Margaret Masson Hardie on 18 June 1885, she was a farmer's daughter from Drumblade, in Moray, Scotland. Educated at Elgin Academy, she then took first class degrees in classics from Aberdeen University and Newnham College, Cambridge. As Shankland outlines in his introduction to this volume, in 1911 she arrived in Anatolia as the first woman to be nominated for a studentship at the British School at Athens (BSA). She joined her first dig under Aberdeen's eminent archaeologist and classical scholar, Sir William Ramsay. In Athens she met Frederick William Hasluck, Fellow of K i n g ' s College, Cambridge, and leading light at the BSA; they married from her home in Scotland in 1912. During the First World War, alongside her husband and other members of the BSA, she worked in Athens for British Intelligence (albeit in a minor role, although Compton Mackenzie would write of her working along similar lines in London in the autumn of 1915 and she herself would later boast, as she had a tendency to do, of having smuggled messages between Athens and London in her garters). 3 Tragedy followed: in 1916 Frederick's ailing health took the couple to Switzerland, where they lived in a

1

SOE War Diary, PRO HS 7/227. SOE War Diary, PRO HS 7/229. 3 Mackenzie (1931; J 98), Clark (2000; 128). I am grateful to Marc Clark for his additional help and advice in the preparation of this paper. 2

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series of sanitoria until he died in 1920 at the age of forty-two. 1 Returning to Britain, she devoted herself to assembling and editing his notes for posthumous publication, most notably those that became Athos and its Monasteries and the acclaimed Christianity and Islam under the Sultans.2 Only when most of that work was done did Hasluck return to her own career and interests and develop the specialised knowledge for which SOE recruited her. In 1921, with a travelling fellowship from Aberdeen University and the 'zeal for folklore studies' that R.M. Dawkins, writing her obituary, would attribute to her collaboration with Frederick, 3 she threw herself into fieldwork in Macedonia and Albania where her husband had studied the Bektashis, as outlined by Melikoff in this volume. In the opinion of Marc Clark, she became 'the first west European scholar, female or male, to do systematic, sustained, ethnographic work' in large parts of the region. 4 Clark's short essay, a recent contribution to a collection on women scholars and travellers in the Balkans, is the only published biography of Hasluck available of any kind, other than Dawkins's obituary, and is penetrating about her personality and pre-war life and work. From 1923 she lived in Albania and it is clear from Clark's research that she journeyed all over the country, alone, in all weathers and by all modes of transport, spending whole seasons in the mountains. Collecting folktales and songs was a constant passion but her extensive notes and data covered a wide variety of topics: from local dialects, coinage and customs, to witches, blood feuds and botany. She sent dozens of artefacts to Aberdeen's Marischal Museum. Had she only published more and for a wider audience it is possible that she would have become as well known as her contemporary, Edith Durham, Edwardian author of High Albania and The Burden of the Balkans.5 Indeed in methodology and commitment she far surpassed Durham, who never learnt the language and spent just a fraction of Hasluck's sixteen years in Albania. If Hasluck's academic background and her years in Albania were clear in 1942 to SOE Cairo, less so might have been the strength and intimacy of her bond to Albania and to its people and of her personal interest in their fate at the hands of the warring powers. By the time of Italy's invasion of April 1 Convinced that the tuberculosis that slowly killed him had been contracted on a trip to Konia in 1913, she would apparently blame herself for his early death. The trip had been his wedding present to her; the destination had been her choice. Clark (2000; 130). 2 Hasluck (1924) and (1929). 3 Dawkins (1949; 291). 4 Clark (2000; 128). 5 Durham (1909) and (1906).

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1939, Albania was effectively Hasluck's adopted home. For nearly twenty years she had watched it become a place of relative peace, monarchy and established order, and, though she did not think that order perfect and had no special affection for King Zog I, Albania's self-crowned monarch, counted close friends among the establishment. The closest was Lef Nosi, a distinguished Albanian patriot and one-time minister in Albania's first government. He shared her interests in antiquity and folklore and lived in the town of Elbasan, where Hasluck settled in 1935 and built a house the following year. 1 Whether Hasluck was Nosi's 'mistress', as insinuated by Albanian communist writers after the war, is impossible to say. 2 What is certain is that the couple's pre-war relationship remained significant for Hasluck throughout her time with SOE. In August 1942, news — 'sad news for me personally' — would reach her that Nosi, now aged over seventy, had been interned by the Italians in Italy. ' [S]uspect to them first as a patriot and again as belonging to the Orthodox faith' he had apparently first been imprisoned when the Italians attacked Greece in October 1940, spending 'six weeks in a common jail in Elbasan' and then 'several more' in Scutari [today's Shkoder]. 3 Worse was to follow. In October 1943 Nosi became a member of the so-called Council of Regents, the puppet Albanian rulers set up by the Germans; Hasluck's efforts to protect the Regents from calls to condemn them as collaborators proved fruitless and only worried SOE about where her loyalties lay. In 1946, Albania's new communist rulers tried Nosi as a traitor and shot him. Hasluck's relationship with Nosi might help explain why she was expelled from Albania in April 1939: an incident that also reveals something of the difficult personality SOE would later encounter. According to Hasluck, the Italians, on the eve of their invasion and suspecting her of being a spy, had demanded that Zog expel her. 4 Albanian communist historiography is more certain on the matter. Enver Hoxha, the country's post-war communist dictator, would accuse both Hasluck — 'this long-term British agent' — and Nosi — '[who] must have been an agent of the Intelligence Service, because The 12-room house still stands, though more recent building has encroached on the extensive rose and fruit gardens Hasluck had carefully laid out. Under communism the house became a maternity home; after 1991 it was run as an orphanage by a British couple. During the troubles of 1997 it featured briefly in the British press when the orphans were airlifted to safety by an SAS troop. 2

See, for example, Hoxha (1982; 72). M. Hasluck to N. Davis, 7 August 1942, PRO HS 5/86. 4 Clark (2000; 137). In September 2000, as the author and Dr T. Winnifrith stood outside Hasluck's former home in Elbasan, a 90 year-old neighbour confided that the 'tall Englishwoman with the fruit garden' had been 'some sort of spy' until forced to flee the country when King Zog ordered her death. 3

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he lived and collaborated with an Englishwoman' — of having spied for Britain. 1 Typically, neither Hoxha nor any other communist writer provided any evidence to support the charge. For their part, SOE's papers only confirm that in April she left for Athens. 2 But, as Clark writes, she was probably not a spy in any official sense. Hasluck would not have helped her case by claiming, as she often did, to have high level contacts and influence, or by telling people of her earlier work with British Intelligence. Given her travels, she was indeed well positioned to spy. There is, however, no evidence that the Foreign Office formally employed her as such. There was probably no need. She liked to gossip, and she had an obvious interest in staying on good terms with British officials. During their occasional meetings she probably told them everything she knew.

Moreover, if the Italians wanted her to leave; Zog may have been happy to oblige. Lef Nosi was not in his favour, as evidenced by restrictions on Nosi's travel, and Hasluck was quite capable of making her own enemies. Barely a year before her expulsion she had described Zog as "an enigmatic personality given ... to politely deluding his visitors".

Clark's study of Hasluck's two years in Athens, from 1939 until 1941, reveals more of this brisk, abrasive persona. The BSA, to which she returned, provided Clark later with 'a mine of anecdotes; everyone with the school has a Hasluck s t o r y ' . 4 But he found the most vivid, if unflattering, picture of Hasluck in Olivia Manning's novel Friends and Heroes, the third and final volume of Manning's Balkan Trilogy, set in Athens in 1940-41. 5 Clark reveals that Hasluck, who crossed paths briefly with Manning whilst in Athens during the war, was the inspiration for Manning's character of Mrs Brett, who 'bustles through the book organising social events, talking loudly and rudely, gossiping and expounding, denouncing her enemies and celebrating her friends ... Brett's courage and vitality, her taste for adventure, her eagerness to tell the tale, her fascination with 'wild' people, her vanity and flirtatiousness, her aggressive curiosity and determination to probe others' lives — these qualities are routinely attributed to Hasluck by family and colleagues'. 6 1 2 3 4 5 6

Hoxha (1982; 71-72). Information made available by the SOE Adviser. Clark (2000; 137, 137n). Clark (2000; 137). Waterhouse (1986; 142-3). Manning (1965). Clark (2000; 138-9).

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Grounds now exist on which to challenge the claim, found in Julian Amery's account of his own wartime activities with SOE, that Hasluck had played a notable role in Athens in 1940-41 for SOE and one of its predecessors, Section D, during an earlier period of planning on Albania. In Sons of the Eagle, Amery states that Section D ' s Athens office recruited her in the spring of 1940 to be an 'adviser' on the country. 1 In S O E ' s files, however, a memorandum of Hasluck's from 1943 suggests she 'briefed' Albanians in Athens as early as August 1939. 2 And in a post-war letter to the archaeologist and historian Sir John Myres, Hasluck even claimed she began that work almost immediately after arriving in Athens in the spring of 1939: a year before Section D hatched its plans for encouraging resistance in Albania. 3 Perhaps though her activities in Athens were and have been exaggerated, for nothing in SOE's extensive Albanian files suggests she ever worked for Section D, nor, before Bennett approached her in 1942, for SOE, which absorbed Section D and inherited its Albanian schemes in July 1940. Even the confidential Personal File kept on her by SOE gives no indication of any earlier Section D or SOE role, confining itself to stating that she was employed in the British Legation's Press Office for the duration of her Athens stay. 4 There is another possibility. Hasluck may well have worked in Athens (and perhaps earlier, despite Clark's scepticism) in some shape or form for Britain's Secret Intelligence Service (SIS, known more familiarly as MI6). SOE's files reveal that, in Athens in May 1940, SIS's 'principal contact for Albania' was 'a lady' whom Section D ' s London headquarters felt its Athens office might approach through SIS for 'expert advice' on the country. Unfortunately the censor has carefully blacked out the woman's name and it will remain hidden until the day the wartime records of SIS are released. 5 Further evidence to support the SIS theory may be the indication that SIS later warned SOE in London against Hasluck's recruitment. 6 Quite how SIS knew of Hasluck or their grounds for caution are not stated, but it was not long before SOE officers expressed regret at having brought her on board. Neither the concern of those officers, nor much in fact 1

Amery (1948; 27). 'SOE in Albania', memorandum from M. Hasluck to Lord Glenconner (Head of SOE Cairo), 17 May 1943, PRO HS 5/87. 3 Clark (2000; 138). 4 Information made available by the SOE Adviser. 5 G. Taylor to Sinclair, 25 May 1940, quoted in 'Ian Pirie on Greece 1940-42', PRO HS 7/150. 6 'Albania', memorandum from Major P. Boughey to Lt Col J. Pearson, 24 .Tune 1942, PRO HS 5/102. 2

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of Hasluck's first year's work for SOE, has been evident before now, although Julian A m e r y ' s brief assessment, that she 'worked tirelessly to glean information' from Albanians in Istanbul and despatched to Cairo 'a continuous series of reports, memoranda, and telegrams', is certainly correct. 1 That correspondence now lies open for public inspection in SOE's files at the Public Records Office, details all aspects of her work in 1942-43, and confirms that she threw herself into the task with spirit. These papers shed further light on her abilities; they also reveal that her efforts met only with mixed success and soon drew criticism from her superiors in London. By the end of May 1942, Hasluck had found four young Albanians willing to be put through training at the British parachute and sabotage school in Palestine. Two more were brought on board by the time the party left for the training school in July. Yet two other volunteers had backed out at the first mention of parachuting, whilst even those who wanted to go were under pressure to stay behind from elders among the exile community less keen to work with the British. Trustworthy couriers willing to carry messages to and from Albania were as hard to obtain. The first Hasluck despatched was 'an old man of Dibra, one-way only', at the end of April. 2 A handful more couriers followed, some to contact guerilla leaders believed active, among them Muharrem Bajraktar, a northern Albanian chieftain reputed to be in occasional touch with General Draca Mihailovic, the Chetnik leader in southern Serbia; six hundred gold sovereigns were also sent. It was a slow, dangerous business: by November, only two couriers had succeeded in making the return journey; at least one other had been caught and imprisoned. 3 It was also largely reliant on the good will and patronage of prominent exiled and émigré Albanians: only in February 1943, and from Cairo, would Hasluck at last send out an Albanian courier prepared to do only SOE's work. 4 SOE officers in London held Hasluck at least partly responsible for this apparent lack of progress. Letters and notes circulated inside SOE London reveal that, by June 1942, Major Peter Boughey, of SOE's Balkan and Middle East desk and a chief recipient of Hasluck's correspondence until late in 1943, already feared she was 'not the right person for contacting agents and recruiting men to return to Albania' and, in fact, 'incapable of the job'. He had not been

1 2 3 4

Araeiy (1948; 48-9). 'Albanian Situation', memorandum by SOE Cairo, 20 June 1942, PRO, HS 5/86. SOE Albanian Section 'Fortnightly Appreciation', 29 November 1942, PRO HS 5/96. 'Albania', memorandum from N. Davis to Lord Glenconner, 28 April 1943, PRO HS 5/87.

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pleased to hear from SIS that the Italians were aware of SOE's work with Albanians in Istanbul (Mussolini's son-in-law, Count Ciano, would even refer to it in his diaries). 1 Nor was Boughey much impressed by the sound of the two Istanbul moneychangers to whom Hasluck had paid a substantial commission (a third of the first consignment of sovereigns had gone straight into the moneychangers' pockets) to help send her couriers and the rest of SOE's money to Albania, or by the methods by which she professed to have won over her Albanian volunteers for specialist training in Palestine. 'According to her own correspondence', he wrote on 24 June to Lt Col James Pearson, Head of the Balkan and Middle East desk; these recruits were in an almost starving condition, with a large number of debts. She approached them with a gift of money, new clothes and promised that their debts would be paid and that they should go and have a happy time in Palestine. It would appear almost unreasonable for these people to refuse such a glowing vista in front of them, even though in the end it would lead them to the mountainous hills of Albania! This form of recruiting does not enhance my confidence, either in the recruiting officer or in the recruits themselves.

Boughey was especially concerned that news of poor security and the use of money 'in a way not calculated to obtain respect' might jeopardise SOE's hopes of a Treasury grant to fund future work in Albania. 2 Not all of Boughey's criticisms are fair, as Hasluck's contact and intelligence work was hampered by several factors out of her control. For one thing, she could do little about the poor availability of accurate, up-to-date information, and observed as early as April 1942 that Istanbul was unlikely to provide the torrent of useful intelligence that SOE had hoped it would: The sources are scanty and not always reliable. Trade between Albania and Turkey has completely ceased so that Albanian merchants no longer come through, bringing solid news. A few sick people come with their attendant relatives, who bring scraps of information, but these make erratic couriers. "Tomori", the Fascist paper published at Tirana, half in Albanian and half in Italian, has not arrived lately and is unlikely to arrive any more. Letters come through fairly quickly ...

1 'Albania', memorandum from Major P. Boughey to Lt Col J. Pearson, 24 June 1942, PRO HS 5/102; Ciano (1947; 500). 2 'Albania', memorandum from Major P. Boughey to Lt Col J. Pearson, 24 June 1942, PRO HS 5/102.

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She added that most news stories necessarily came from 'the Balkan Press Translation Bureau, AP, United Press and Reuters'. 1 Not until after the first British officers sent into Albania in 1943 began transmitting and carrying documents out of the country direct was SOE to see a significant improvement in the quality of intelligence available. Her contacts in Istanbul were of similar poor quality. As Hasluck explained to Cairo, three types of Albanian lived in the city: those that had emigrated for good and become Turkish subjects, those that were living as members of the Albanian colony, and those that had fled Albania as refugees at the time of the Italian invasion or since. Even those that were now Turkish subjects were impeded in their ability to visit Albania by Italy's controlling hand over the issue of visas, while the 'poverty and humble position' of those that made up the colony ruled them out of any useful employment by SOE. Among the refugees were a good number of army officers and men of political standing, but even when dealing with them Hasluck was hindered by the fact that, since their arrival in Istanbul, 'the exiles have all lost their tempers and quarrelled among themselves. They have separated into little groups, the members of one group not being on speaking terms with any other'. 2 Most Albanians she approached refused or proved too busy squabbling to help, or tried to make their assistance conditional on British compliance with their own demands. Others informed the Italians of Hasluck's activities. Her efforts were also handicapped by having little to offer, other than money, to prospective informers, intermediaries or recruits. In March 1942, on leaving for Istanbul, Hasluck had been 'instructed (by SOE1 that she must not give any political undertaking and ... must aim at getting in touch with people who in the interests of Albania's future would work against the Axis f o r c e s ' . 3 But finding Albanians prepared to fight blindly for the Allies, without any assurance as to what the Allies might have in store for Albania's future should they win the war, was easier said than done: something that SOE officers later in Albania would also discover. More anxious to allay the concerns of Greece and Yugoslavia, both of which laid claim to swathes of Albanian territory, the Foreign Office heard SOE's appeals for some form of guarantee of Albania's post-war independence and/or frontiers effectively with deaf ears, rewarding them at best with statements worded so carefully that SOE's work scarcely benefited and left Britain prey to frustrated Albanians 1

M. Hasluck to SOE Cairo, 11 April 1942, PRO HS 5/86. 'The Albanians in Istanbul', memorandum from M. Hasluck to SOE Cairo, 14 April 1942, PRO HS 5/107. 3 SOE War Diary, PRO HS 7/229.

2

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willing to play it off against others. 1 This may well explain stories of Hasluck's alleged 'ruthlessness' when dealing with Albanians, as told to Dale McAdoo of the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS) — broadly speaking the American equivalent of SOE — in the autumn of 1943. McAdoo, who was in Cairo at the time busily setting up an Albanian desk for OSS, had contacted several of the Albanians with whom Hasluck had been in touch. As he wrote to his superior in October 1943: She has apparently approached every important Albanian in the Middle East with various half-baked schemes ... [Many| claim to despise her. [Qemal] Butka, who seems to have been her chief victim, claims that she is crazy and [that she] takes a truly sadistic pleasure in pointing out that Albania is finished, that the Greeks are going to be given new territory because they are more adroit at dealing with the all-powerful British, and that the will of Great Britain is not to be questioned by mere Albanians. 2

Hasluck was not the most tactful or patient of people, while it is quite probable that she resorted to warning Albanians in the strongest terms of the repercussions for their country should they refuse to help the Allies win the war. Indeed, SOE officers later in Albania would adopt that very approach to exert leverage. Butka, meanwhile, was an awkward customer, an 'ex-Mayor of Tirana, politician and intellectual' living in Palestine and described by SOE as 'very loth to accept money, and ... continually agitating to be allowed to go his own way and follow his profession of architect in Turkey or Egypt'. 3 Hasluck herself wrote of her dealings with him: 'after an eight hours' day I just have not got the physical strength to see somebody who is so touchy that you have to watch, not merely every word you say, but even every breath you draw, in case he takes offence'. 4 SOE had once toyed with, but ultimately been unable to support, an idea of Butka's for a recognised Albanian committee-in-exile. The stories told to McAdoo may say more about Butka, his friends, and their grudges against and lack of faith in the British, than they do about Hasluck. McAdoo himself would later regret having spent so long 'courting the Nostalgic Exile Faction in a sterile campaign for recruits'. 5

1

See, for example, Hibbert (1991; 29-41, 136). 'Proposals of Qemal Butka and others for an Albanian Committee', memorandum from D. McAdoo to E. Brennan and P. Adams, 13 October 1943, NARA RG 226 Entry 190 Box 178 Folio 1383. For more on OSS and Albania, see Bailey (2000; 20-35). 3 'Albanian Situation', memorandum by SOE Cairo, 20 June 1942, PRO HS 5/86. 4 'Stavro Skendi', memorandum from M. Hasluck to N. Davis, 22 July 1943, PRO HS 5/65. 5 Tank (D. McAdoo) to Gates (H. Fultz), 28 February 1944, NARA RG 226 Entry 190 Box 567 Folio 306. 2

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Indeed, the style and content of her reporting, which was discursive, often opinionated and heavy with conjecture and anecdote, appears to have been enough to cause SOE officers in London to lose patience with Hasluck and confidence in her abilities. It ccrtainly may explain some of the looser criticisms made of her by an increasingly irritated Peter Boughey. One early report from Istanbul merely told 'a queer story' of an Albanian who had recently arrived in Vienna from Turkey to be confronted by the Viennese authorities with the fragments of a confidential letter he thought he had torn up on the train. 'At first sight this seems a traveller's tale', Hasluck warned. 'On reflection one notes that any one who wished to destroy a compromising letter in a train would go to the lavatory to do so unseen and would most probably drop the pieces down the pan. It may be, then, that ... the Germans have arrangements slung under the lavatory pans for catching incriminating papers'. 1 Hasluck was not a trained intelligence officer. Whilst working for SOE she undoubtedly displayed a loss of objectivity through intense and intimate immersion in her chosen subject. Some of her techniques in the selection, analysis and presentation of data were better suited, perhaps, to ethnographical research. Her audience expected fact that was hard, fast and to the point, with an indication that her work on establishing lines into Albania was secure, making progress and professionally done. Mildly diverting travellers' tales and lists of the difficulties she faced were not so welcome. Nor, for that matter, was Hasluck's unsettling response in June 1942 to news that the Turkish authorities knew of SOE's recruitment of 'Albanians to be parachuted back into Albania'. When informing London, Hasluck evidently hit the wrong note by making light of the leak and arguing that the Turks had no right to complain as such recruitment had precedents. 'Childish', scribbled Boughey next to one passage of Hasluck's letter that struck him as particularly flippant. ('Besides', she had written, 'who spoke of parachuting? There is no documentary evidence of it. Several of us have started making fun of the idea, saying that the Palestine party [i.e. the Albanians earmarked for training in Palestine] were [sic] only asked about it to test their courage'.) 'I give up' noted Pearson at the top of the page. 2 Eighteen months later, reactions inside SOE London to Hasluck's incoming correspondence remained much the same.

1

'On the Austro-Hungarian Frontier', memorandum from M. Hasluck to SOE Cairo, 4 April 1942, PRO HS 5/86. 'Leakages', memorandum from M. Hasluck to SOE Cairo, 27 June 1942, PRO HS 5/107.

2

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'The usual w a f f l e ' , wrote Boughey across a letter of Hasluck's of late November 1943. 1 Despite Boughcy's belief that 'anyone with a rudimentary knowledge of the Balkans, and of our work, could undertake the preliminary stages of our work back into Albania far better', Hasluck was not replaced. 2 He had identified something of her erratic, irregular and emotional nature, but underestimated the value perceived by SOE Cairo of having recourse to firsthand knowledge and experience of Albania. Indeed, her retention may serve as a measure of the paucity of experts on Albania that SOE Cairo had to hand. When laying its earlier plans in 1940-41, SOE had relied heavily on the advice of Lt Col W.F. Stirling, a former adviser to Zog, and Major Dayrell OakleyHill, a former inspector of Zog's gendarmerie. By 1942, however, Stirling was in Syria with a British military mission, Oakley-Hill in Germany in a prisoner-of-war camp and there was no one else available, other than Hasluck, whom SOE Cairo felt had the right qualities and was in the right place at the right time. As Cairo wrote in her defence in April 1943: 'She is the only person in the Middle East with a knowledge of the Albanian language, Albania and Albanians'. Without that 'intimate knowledge ... it is quite impossible for us to obtain either the information necessary to plan operations or to be able to direct the operations of parties inside the country'. 3 That month SOE Cairo despatched its first mission to Albania, Hasluck having contributed much to its preparation, if little to the decision to send it. After returning, via Palestine, to Cairo the previous summer, she had continued to collect and collate intelligence and draw attention to Albania by passing reports to SOE London of growing resistance to the Italians, together with suggestions that the Allies somehow send the resistors help. But the decision to aid and encourage that resistance owed most to the general move in Allied strategy towards providing greater assistance to guerillas throughout the Balkans. As the Chiefs of Staff instructed SOE in March 1943: An intensified campaign of sabotage and guerrilla [sic] activities in the Balkans during the spring and summer is of the first strategic importance in 1 M. Hasluck to Major E. Boxshall, 21 November 1943, PRO HS 5/26. Such remarks echo those of Helen Waterhouse, who knew Hasluck from Athens days and considered her 'indeed very learned but I always felt not intelligent [sic] in the sense that the real point of an argument often eluded her, and her triumphs in these were often entirely off the point!' H. Waterhouse to A. Bryer, 21 August 1986. I am grateful to Professor Bryer for bringing this letter to my attention and for granting me permission to quote from it. 2 'Albania', memorandum from Major P. Boughey to Lt Col J. Pearson, 24 June 1942, PRO HS 5/102. J

Information made available by the SOE Adviser.

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order to impede the concentration and consolidation of German forces on the Eastern Front. Apart from direct assistance to Russia in this way, SOE operations must also be directed towards interrupting the despatch of oil, chrome and copper to Germany. At a later stage, they must also be coordinated with Allied plans. After the elimination of Italy, we must be ready to develop the maximum pressure on G e r m a n y ' s vital interests in the Balkans.1

The mission's departure also owed a little to the enthusiasm of its twenty-four year old commander, Major Billy McLean, for exploring a country that SOE still considered, more or less, unknown territory. But Hasluck did play a significant role in briefing McLean about what SOE knew, which admittedly was not a lot, of which Albanians might be contacted and trusted and where in Albania they might be found. 2 She also identified what targets, such as chrome mines, there were to attack. And she persuaded McLean not to parachute into western Macedonia and head west to contact Muharrem Bajraktar, as he had initially proposed, but instead drop to northern Greece and lead his mission into southern Albania where he might find other guerilla bands. Though little was known of them, these bands seemed to occupy a less dangerous and more accessible region. McLean duly dropped into Greece, crossed into southern Albania and, in May 1943, found a Partisan army in the making. But if the switch led, unintentionally, to SOE's first contact with Albanian resistors being made with communist-led guerillas, it may have saved the lives of McLean and his team. Days before McLean left North Africa to parachute into Greece, another SOE mission, under Major Cliff Morgan, dropped to the spot McLean had first proposed. Morgan and his w/t (wireless telegraphy) operator, hoping to contact Mihailovic's Chetniks, disappeared on arrival. 3 Shortly after McLean's mission went in, SOE Cairo began to address a few of the limitations of its one-woman Albanian Section by appointing trained staff officers to appropriate posts in planning and organisation and by replacing Hasluck, in May 1943, with Philip Leake as Section Head. Though Cairo would come to share some of Peter Boughey's concerns, at this stage these changes merely reflected the growing demand for more action in the Balkans and, with more missions in the pipeline, the corresponding need for a larger Section run on more regular operational lines. Leake, for his part, was thirty-seven years old, Oxford-educated and a former schoolmaster, and knew 1 'Special Operations Executive Directive for 1943', Chiefs of Staff Memorandum CC)S(43)142(0), 20 March 1943, CAB 80/68, reproduced in Stafford (1983: 252). 2 Smiley (1984; 8). 3 'Macedonia', memorandum from M. Hasluck to Lt Col G. Tamplin, 25 May 1943, PRO HS 5/66.

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little of Albania. But he was descended from the intrepid Lieutenant Colonel William Martin Leake, who travelled widely and wrote much about the region in the early nineteenth century, and had several years' experience of SOE staff work and a fine reputation as an intelligent and likeable man of balanced and careful judgement. He assumed overall responsibility for the day-to-day functioning of the Section and for ensuring its operations reflected Allied policy and plans, as communicated to SOE by bodies like GHQ Middle East, the Foreign Office and the Chiefs of Staff. From May 1943 until she left the Section, Hasluck remained in Cairo working as Leake's assistant in a variety of roles. One of these was to brief and teach the rudiments of the Albanian language to young SOE officers destined to be sent into the country. Those officers, few of them then even half her age, would recall Hasluck with fondness, albeit mixed with a certain benevolent amusement. In Cairo they came to know her affectionately as 'Fanny', a reference to the many younger women known by the initials of the First Aid Nursing Yeomanry (FANY) who worked for SOE in a variety of coding, mapping and other administrative jobs. 1 Some of the FANYs themselves found Hasluck intimidating. 2 Even Hugh Munro, a Gordon Highlander and fellow Scot, who 'got on famously with her' before leaving for Albania in 1944, 'got one hell of a bollocking off her once for barging into her room without knocking'. 3 But if she could lack a certain warmth, the fuss and motherly interest she tried to take on her officers is clear. Peter Kemp, who spent over six months in Albania with SOE, remembered 'a grey, birdlike woman in middle age whose frail appearance concealed extraordinary energy and determination ... Her love for Albania gave her a special affection for us ... we were "her boys" and in the field we would sometimes receive signals from her, giving us the map co-ordinates of some beauty spot nearby, where we could enjoy a picnic'. 4 Marcus Lyon, who spent nearly two years in Albania with SOE and the later Allied Military Mission, even recalls Hasluck sending him and the rest of his mission out of their language lesson and into another room 'while she talked to [the mission's medical officer, Captain]

In 1943, David Smiley bought a riding mule in Albania and christened it 'Fanny', after Hasluck. He recalled its fate: 'Fanny had a very sweet nature and I became devoted to her; she carried me everywhere for the next six months of my stay in Albania. On leaving the country I handed her over to [Captain] Alan Hare of the Life Guards. While on leave in England I sent a signal asking news of Fanny. It was a very severe winter, and our mission at the time was not only on the run from the Germans, but was very short of food. Even so, Hare could not have been a true cavalryman, as his reply was short and to the point: 'Have eaten Fanny' Smiley (1948; 42). 2 3 4

Conversation, Mrs P. Kraay to author, 14 June 2001. Interview, H. Munro to author, November 1999. Kemp (1990; 178-9).

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Jack Dumoulin. When we came out she ... was saying [to him] earnestly: "Now you must keep them away from the women. Syphilis you know". 1 Despite Hasluck's efforts, it still seems most officers felt much as Peter Kemp has written: 'that it was into an utterly unknown country that we were about to launch ourselves'. 2 Though missions were often assembled and sent off with such haste that there was simply not enough time to give anything more than the briefest of briefings, Hasluck did not always conceive of the exigencies of guerilla warfare. This is especially evident from her attempts to teach officers the language. 'An enchanting old lady', wrote the actor Anthony Quayle, who spent the first three-and-a-half months of 1944 in Albania with SOE, and 'a great authority on the ancient laws and language of the Albanians ... but gave us little instruction in the kinds of questions we were most likely to need — questions such as: How deep is the river? Can the mules get across? Where are the enemy? How many of them are there?' 3 Instead, her choice of phrases, topics and teaching methods was rather eccentric. Sitting before her in Cairo, in the hour-long language lessons they just had time to attend, her bemused pupils found themselves translating texts from a small Albanian-English Reader she had had published in 1932. The texts consisted entirely of nursery rhymes and folktales Hasluck had herself collected from adults and children in Elbasan. As she argued in the Reader, folktales justified their selection as texts 'because Albanian literature is still very scanty and folk-tales are accepted as one of the best mediums for learning to speak a language with a scanty literature'. 4 For Reginald Hibbert, who dropped into Albania in December 1943, 'it was a bit like having Enid Blyton in charge'. 5 One particular tale, entitled 'Kocamici' (pronounced 'Kotsa-mitsi') and authored by Lef Nosi, she apparently had officers learn by heart. It told of an elderly, childless couple who adopted a mouse as their son, called him Kocamici, and then one day were distraught to discover he had fallen into a cooking pot boiling on the stove and had died. Several lines of the story are then repeated: Kocamici ra ne vorbet, Plaka shkuli floket, Plaku shkuli mjrekren * M. Lyon, unpublished memoir. I am grateful to him for his permission to quote from this document. 2 Kemp (1952; 89). 3 Quayle (1990; 260). 4 Hasluck (1932; p.xi). 5 Conversation, Sir Reginald Hibbert to author, 4 February 1998.

M. HASLUCK AND THE SPECIAL OPERATIONS EXECUTIVE 167 Which mean: Kocamici fell in the pot, The old woman tore out her hair, The old man tore out his beard. 1

The exercise had bizarre consequences for more than one British officer whose memory, at a later moment of crisis, seized on what little of Hasluck's Albanian had managed to sink in. Marcus Lyon, who parachuted into the country in December 1943, recounts of his arrival: Albania was approaching fast and ... I came down with a crash into a high bush ... [then] heard ... a man running towards me in the snow. A bearded character covered with bandoliers and wearing a goatskin coat came towards me ... I tried to remember some Albanian but the only thing I could think of was "Kocamici ra ne vorbet" — the nursery rhyme Fanny Hasluck had taught us in our one Albanian lesson. 2

Anthony Quayle defused a heated council of war between rival guerilla leaders, at the moment one of them began to loosen his revolver in its holster, by breaking in suddenly to recite the same line. 3 Despite Peter Boughey's belief that anything Hasluck had to say was fairly useless or irrelevant, Reginald Hibbert has suggested that she could have answered 'any number of questions' on Albania had SOE officers at her feet only known the right questions to ask. 4 And it is now clear that Leake and his staff did find her a mine of useful information when she was handled the right way and pressed on the right topic. Jon Naar, the Albanian Section's Military Intelligence officer, worked closely with Hasluck in the winter of 1943-44 and 'spent long hours going over maps and other documents in her flat'. 5 He recalls that she proved 'enormously helpful' in his allotted task of planning and plotting SOE operations in Albania. 6 'Leake and others said get all you can because she is one of our few resources ... But she was generous with her information, and I got in some really specific discussions about terrain because we were looking for the kind of roads where ambushes might be carried o u t . . . She'd ramble on saying "Oh yes, we had a marvellous picnic

1

3 4 5 6

M. Hasluck (1932; 46-7). M. Lyon, unpublished memoir. Quayle (1990; 288). Clark (2000; 139). Correspondence, J. Naar to author, 5 September 2000. Interview, J. Naar to author, 8 December 2000.

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around that area", but I could get fairly specific information about not only the terrain but [also] what kind of people might be living [there]'. 1 Naar adds, however, that Leake 'did kind of warn me that, number one, she was a bit eccentric and, number two, her bias was certainly very heavily right-wing'. It was to be that 'right-wing bias', reflected in her stance on which Albanians the Allies should support and which should be condemned as collaborators, that SOE came to deem an intolerable threat to its ability to execute Allied plans. This was a matter that appeared to Allied observers and policy-makers to be coming to a head by the end of 1943. Until then, British policy towards Albania had been largely non-committal. In line with a 1942 agreement over global spheres of influence, Britain had primacy over the Americans when it came to Balkan strategy and, accordingly, took the lead in developing Allied operations in Albania and the policy that guided them. (No such agreement existed with the Soviet Union, though in any ease the first Soviet mission to Albania only arrived in the summer of 1944.) But since Britain refused to recognise any exiled Albanian monarch, government or committee on the grounds that none were respected or united enough, the first SOE mission sent to Albania was able to pledge support to any Albanian willing to fight the common enemy. Indeed, little was known about Albanian guerillas or what divisions might exist between them until that mission stumbled upon the Albanian Movement of National Liberation (the Levicija National Clirimtare or LNC: the so-called 'Partisans'). This was the movement to which Hasluck, by the end of 1943, had become unashamedly hostile. Set up largely on the initiative of Enver Hoxha's new Communist Party of Albania in September 1942, the Movement of National Liberation had proclaimed itself open to all Albanians, regardless of religion, ethnicity or politics, who wished to fight all Fascist invaders and traitors and set up a free, democratic and independent Albania. To begin with, combined resistance had grown. SOE officers reported to their Cairo headquarters that, although unease and occasional clashes were evident between certain sections, the cohesion of the Partisans seemed fairly strong. Intelligence summaries compiled in Cairo by Hasluck expressed surprise at 'the pro-Russian sympathies' of some of the Partisans but demonstrated little concern. 2 'Communism of an apparently innocuous kind has recently made headway but it has not disturbed the unity of the guerilla elements' read an 1 Interview, J. Naar to author, 12 December 2000. 9 'Albania', memorandum passed under letter from Lt Col J. Pearson of SOE London to Mr P. Dixon of the Foreign Office, 16 July 1943, PRO HS 5/10.

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SOE 'Appreciation' on Albania, drawn up very probably by Hasluck, of June 1943. 'As a concession to the Communists all guerillas give the clenched fist salute, and in return the Communists wear the eagle of Albania in addition to the red star. The Communists represent only about 20% of the Movement of National Liberation, but make up for their lack of numbers by their activity'. 1 Yet the collapse of the Italians in September 1943, followed by the immediate German occupation of Albania and the failure to materialise of an Allied invasion, saw this coalition fall apart and civil war break out. Sensing that their immediate fate might lie now in their own hands, Albanians across the country turned their attention to seizing or securing post-occupation power. With the influence of communists among the Partisan leadership growing steadily, supporters of the exiled King Zog (Zogists) stopped fighting and split from the movement. Soon they opened talks with the anti-Zogist but fiercely anti-communist Balli Kombetar (BK). Set up in November 1942 as a direct response to the rise of the Movement of National Liberation, broadly speaking the BK was a moderate, liberal party that sought to safeguard what it saw as Albania's true borders and pre-war social, economic and political structure (except for King Zog). Though the BK had taken part in some early attacks on the Italians it had stopped fighting too, anxious to conserve its strength for the coming struggle against those it felt posed the greatest threat: the Partisans. At the end of October 1943, the BK's central council reached an accommodation with the Germans; by December, much of the movement had slipped into open collaboration and joint German-BK bands were in action against the Partisans. Keen to fan the flames of civil war and so minimise resistance, the Germans also set up a puppet government, united against communism, under a collection of respected elder statesmen known as the Council of Regents. Other 'Nationalists' (to use SOE's collective term for most Albanians unsympathetic to communism), including the Zogists, preferred to remain aloof: maintaining contact with Germans, outright collaborators and SOE officers, but staying neutral until concrete grounds convinced them of the best way to jump. With personnel now attached to guerilla bands the length of the country — by mid-September 1943 there were eight British officers and fifteen NCOs in various missions around Albania — SOE was faced with the problem of how to respond. In October, SOE infiltrated Brigadier E.F. 'Trotsky' Davies to command those missions and clarify this confusing 1 'Albania: Appreciation', memorandum passed under letter from Lt Col B. Sweet-Escott to Major-General C. Gubbins, 30 June 1943, PRO HS 5/82.

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picture for the benefit of Allied policy-makers. His nickname notwithstanding, Davies was a regular, military-minded and mostly conventional officer of the Royal Ulster Rifles who had joined SOE in August. 1 Initially earmarked for Yugoslavia but switched to Albania, he parachuted into the country on 12 October. By mid-December, he had met leaders from all three principal groups — the Partisans, BK and Zogists — and had reached a decision on which Albanians to support, based on a realistic assessment of the short-term military gain to be had from giving help to those that deserved it. On 17 December 1943, in a message transmitted to SOE Cairo, Davies urged the Allies to condemn the BK and Zogists as well as the Regents as collaborators and give all-out support to the Partisans, the only Albanians still fighting the Germans. Both the BK and Zogists, Davies stressed, had failed to fight the Germans despite repeated promises and opportunities to do so and were employing Britain's failure to denounce even the Regency government as evidence of Allied sympathy, while mixed German and BK forces were now attacking the Partisans. On hearing in Cairo of Davies' proposals, however, Hasluck took against them at once. As she wrote to SOE in London in early February 1944: O n 17.12.43 Trotsky signalled that w e must denounce certain Albanians by name. On receipt of this signal M a j o r Leake paid m e one of his rare visits and said that it only remained f o r us to obey Trotsky loyally. I replied that I was a civilian and owed my loyalty to c o m m o n sense; that Trotsky had not been long enough in the country to j u d g e fairly, and that I should fight his signal [of 17 December] until more support came in for his v i e w . 2

This reaction was in keeping with the vigorous defence she had mounted of the Regency government since October. Both Hasluck's views on the issue and her ability to voice them can be illustrated by her Fortnightly Intelligence Summary of 15 December 1943, circulated as far as the Foreign Office in London and described by Reginald Hibbert as an 'eloquent apologia for the Regency government'. 3 Writing two days before Davies advised all-out support for the Partisans, Hasluck argued 1 Edmund Frank Davies gained his nickname whilst a cadet at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst. As one Sandhurst instructor, an officer of Davies' regiment, recalled: 'He displayed even then the characteristics which we in the Regiment came to know so well: independence, intolerance, robustness, a keen sense of humour and a kind of disciplined bolshevism which earned him the nickname of Trotsky' (Quis Separabit, (regimental journal of the Royal Ulster Rifles), 1952, p. 64). Few, even of his closest friends, would ever learn his Christian names. 2 M. Hasluck to Brig. W. Stawell, 8 February 1944, PRO HS 5/67. 3 Hibbert (1991; 64).

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that the government's decision to work with the Germans deserved to be seen not as reflecting any political or ideological alignment with the German cause, but as a patriotic attempt to ensure the protection of order and stability in Albania. She concluded: The lines of the government's policy would meet with our warm approval if we were not at war with the country whose armed forces now occupy Albania ... They have further appealed to the youthful to avoid civil war and to preserve intact the Albania with which they, the elderly m e n in the government, have done but which they, the young, are to inherit tomorrow. Indeed, these elderly men must be greatly pained as they watch the chaos into which the guerilla movement has plunged the country ... They grew up to struggle for independence, many ... by guerilla war ... a few like Lef Nosi ... by years of imprisonment, internment and exile. Independence achieved, they set their faces, Moslems as much as Christians, towards the West and they won for themselves and helped the younger generation to win a certain degree of western civilisation ... Now they see the clock put back to 1920 or earlier, arms again in every m a n ' s hand, human life counted as naught, and anarchy rampant. They would be less than human if they did not ask if the benefit to the Allied war effort which accrues from the run-away tactics of the guerillas is worth the political and economic damage to the country which they cause.'

In other of her correspondence and to SOE staff officers with whom she worked, Hasluck was less implicit in acknowledging the stated desire of the Regents to defend Albania from communism. To SOE London she warned openly that the Partisans were not to be trusted as they clearly had more on their minds than a patriotic desire to simply rid the country of Germans. As evidence, she pointed to recent Partisan propaganda directed against the Regents that contained, as she wrote in January 1944, unfounded 'personal abuse of the character and patriotism of men who have been known to me for 20 years ... It is now plain as a pikestaff to me that we can never satisfy the LNC ... Personally speaking, I can never believe another word they say'. 2 She also drew attention to a secret Partisan circular, brought out of Albania at the end of November 1943, that indicated the Partisan leadership had instructed its units to 'eliminate' the BK and impress on the people that the BK had compelled the Partisans to take that step. She wrote on 6 December: 'I maintain that, if we align ourselves with the men who produced this LNC

1 SOE Albanian Section 'Fortnightly Intelligence Summary', 15 December 1943, PRO WO 204/9527. o ^ 'LNC and BBC', memorandum from M. Hasluck to Major E. Boxshall, 15 January 1944 PRO HS 5/68.

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circular, we shall do grievous mischief to our own war effort. The only policy for us is quiescence'. 1 However much Hasluck tried to vouch for the Regents and excuse their behaviour, all this was irrelevant for SOE. As Philip Leake's answers to an internal questionnaire, circulated amongst the Cairo Country Sections by their new commander in December, make clear, SOE's job was to support any Albanians committed to fighting the Germans and not to worry about anything else: Q . l . What is your military object? Answer. The military object of [the] Allied Military Mission, Albania, as defined by [the Commander-in-Chief, G H Q Middle East], is to kill Germans. Q.2. What political assumptions are you at present working on? Answer. That HMG is not interested in Albanian internal politics and that the Mission is free to afford assistance to whatever elements it considers are resisting or are likely to resist the Germans irrespective of their politics. Q.3. What political and military questions do you require a firm directive on in order to function without continual reference to higher authority? Answer. None. The present position is that the Head of the Mission [i.e. Davies]' political views have been accepted by the Foreign Office who do not propose to change their policy unless he should so recommend. 2

Transmitted three days later, Davies' proposals to break with the BK and Zogists, condemn the Regents and only support the Partisans were wholly in line with this brief. That the Partisans, as Davies himself suspected, may have deliberately precipitated the outbreak of civil war did not matter. No one but the Partisans were fighting the Germans; the Germans were being aided by BK and government forces: those were the facts on which policy dictated he should act. Hibbert writes that Hasluck's 15 December summary 'puts the anti-LNC [i.e. anti-Partisan] case admirably, better and more convincingly than we usually heard it put in Albania. But of course it was the Germans who had put the process of political and economic damage in train, not the guerillas and Partisans, and the only purpose in sending British officers to Albania was to step up the fight against Germany'. 3

1 'PWE Fortnightly Intelligence Summary', memorandum from M. Hasluck to Major E. Boxshall, 6 December 1943, PRO HS 5/26. 2 Major P. Leake to Brig. K. Barker-Benfield, 14 December 1943, PRO HS 5/66. 3 Hibbert (1991; 64-5).

M. HASLUCK AND THE SPECIAL OPERATIONS EXECUTIVE 173 On receipt of Davies' recommended policy, Hasluck's defence became desperate. On 19 December 1943 she wrote to London disagreeing 'profoundly' with the proposal to censure the Regents, 'not because two of them [Lef Nosi and Mehdi Frasheri] have been for so long my friends, but because I think it would be the highest unwisdom to take such a step'. Again she portrayed those two as patriots and men of honour, but this time added she was certain they must have been 'threatened with a German concentration camp' to have agreed to sit on the Council. No evidence existed then (or exists now) to suggest that they had ever been threatened in this way; indeed, no rumours of any sort of coercion appear to have reached Cairo. (Bernd Fischer's recent work on captured German documents does suggest that the Regents were threatened with a full military occupation of the country if they proved obstructive or reluctant to help, although the extent to which this explains the Regents' willingness to collaborate is unclear.) 1 Hasluck, however, was adamant: 'The Germans are simply fiends incarnate. They have taken the best men in the country and forced them into the last possible position they would have chosen exccpt under some dire compulsion'. She concluded: 'Germans or no Germans, I am sticking by my friends in their hour of trial'. On receiving Hasluck's letter, Major Eddie Boxshall, of SOE London's Balkan desk, highlighted that sentence and, summing up the essence of SOE's position, commented against it in pencil: 'But does this really help our war effort!?' Passing the letter to his superior Lt Col David Talbot-Rice, Boxshall added in a short covering note: 'I am afraid that Mrs Hasluck's many years of residence in Albania render her unable to take a dispassionate and detached view of the problems arising out of the present position Albania finds herself in'. TalbotRice agreed: 'I think we must abide by Brig. Davies' ideas rather than these'. 2 In a final attempt to shore up her case, Hasluck contrived to argue that, since the Partisan resistance seemed all but finished owing to recent and successful German drives, the Allies should stop encouraging it and thereby keep the Nationalists on-side. She first tried this tack in late November 1943, when, making rather selective use of genuine reports of heavy Partisan losses, she wrote to Boxshall: 'So here go the partisans of Peza, Berat, Valona and Kicevo. It does not look good, does it? I feel more strongly than ever, and hope you will agree, that non-intervention on our part is the only card to play now. Otherwise we get the Balkom [i.e. BK] and all the frightened people in

1

Fischer (1999; 169). 'Council of Regents', memorandum from M. Hasluck to Major E. Boxshall, 19 December 1943, and undated covering note, Major E. Boxshall to Lt Col D. Talbot-Rice, PRO HS 5/26.

2

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the country against us'. 1 The Partisans were certainly hard-pressed, but by January 1944 Hasluck had taken to massaging the intelligence picture to drive her point home. After exaggerating the plight of the Partisans to suggest they were truly doomed, her Fortnightly Intelligence Summary of 9 January concluded: 'The Albanian Civil War is ending, healing from within. Its disappearance leaves the Albanians free to think once more of the invader. Soon most of the country will go Balkom ... We must, consequently, reckon with the Balkom for our war e f f o r t . . . we need not fear this issue'. 2 The chief of the overseas Albanian Section of OSS, Harry T. Fultz, a civilian who had spent many years managing the American Technical School in Tirana before the war, read his copy of Hasluck's summary with amazement and alarm. On 18 January, to the overseas commander of OSS's Balkan sections, Major Robert Koch, Fultz carefully pointed out how the summary was 'directly at variance with reports' sent out of Albania recently by SOE officers and warned: Whoever wrote the summary seems to have overlooked facts and come out strongly for Zogists and Balkom. Some of the alleged facts are based, it would seem, definitely on propaganda leaflets rather than on sober unbiased reporting of bits of evidence as it is collected ... Almost the entire presentation seems to have been distorted in an attempt to make out a case for individuals and factions who do not have a very good case to date.

The next day Koch raised the matter with Lt Col Bill Harcourt of SOE's Balkan Section staff. Harcourt 'agreed with Mr Fultz'. 3 In fact, moves were already underway to limit Hasluck's influence and intelligence duties inside SOE, where it is apparent that she and Philip Leake did not see eye-to-eye. As Jon Naar recalls, 'she was very emotional and ... hostile to anyone such as Leake who would even consider working with "those people" — i.e. the Partisans'. 4 On 18 January 1944, Leake wrote to the commander of SOE's Balkan Sections in Cairo: 'The present situation is that Mrs Hasluck functions independently of the Section Head and is responsible without reference to him for compiling the fortnightly Appreciation and handling all matters concerned with propaganda, a state of affairs which is obviously absurd'. He recommended that he (Leake) take over

1

M. Hasluck to Major E. Boxshall, 21 November 1943, PRO HS 5/26. SOE Albanian Section 'Fortnightly Intelligence Summary', 9 January 1944, PRO HS 5/67. 'Policies and Recommendations Relative to Albania', memorandum from H. Fultz to Major Koch, 18 January 1944, NARA RG 226 Entry 154, Box 14, Folio 181. 4 Correspondence, J. Naar to author, 21 September 1999. 2

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control of propaganda and compilation of the Appreciations, leaving Hasluck as 'general advisor on Albanian affairs'. 1 Hasluck put up a brief resistance, complaining to Eddie Boxshall on 9 February that she was not prepared to give 'unthinking or "shut-eye" loyalty such as subordination to [Major Leake] would require. He does not suffer correction easily, and I think he needs a little. I am afraid I think stubbornly that, if there is to be one voice in [SOE's Albanian Section], it had better be mine'. 2 But the outlook was bleak. Naar recalls of her despair — and wry humour — when he visited Hasluck's home: She had a most incredible apartment: wonderful Victorian decor, full of brica-brac, I remember; wonderful art deco lamps; a real mishmash of stuff. She also had a parrot, which was very articulate, called Winston [and) always kind of butting-in ... I asked "Why did you call him Winston?" and she replied "It's the only time I ever get any kind of feedback from the Prime Minister".-'

By mid-February she had decided to resign. In a final note to Boxshall, she wrote: 'our association has ended ... I could not reconcile my conscience to doing what was asked of me, so there was nothing to be done except to go'. 4 Although Hasluck failed to save the Regency government from being condemned, SOE and the Foreign Office in London decided in January 1944 not to follow Davies' advice and denounce other Nationalists. The decision owed less to any sympathy for the Nationalists' stance than to a belief that the political and resistance picture was simply too confused to justify all-out support for the Partisans. It also owed something to a hope that the Nationalists would somehow see the error of their ways and fight the Germans. That hope proved vain. Throughout 1944 the Zogists remained on the fence and the Regents, BK and other Nationalists continued to collaborate, while the misjudged policy of prolonging the presence of SOE missions with Nationalist groups heightened the innate distrust in Partisan minds of Allied motives. In November, when the Germans finally left Albania, the PartisanNationalist civil war was coming to a close and a communist regime seized power. In spite of the help the Partisans had received from SOE, anti-British fears were embedded in the communists' outlook. Hostile to the west, the regime then ruled Albania with a terrible hand for over forty years.

1 'Status of Mrs Hasluck', memorandum from Major P. Leake to Brig K Barker-Benfield 18 January 1944, PRO, HS 5/66. 2 'The Crisis', memorandum from M. Hasluck to Major E. Boxshall, 9 February 1944, PRO HS 5/68. ' J Interview, J. Naar to author, 12 December 2000. 4 M. Hasluck to Major K Boxshall, February 1944, PRO HS 5/68.

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Given the nature of that regime, with hindsight it is tempting to see Hasluck's warnings during the winter of 1943-44 as justified. It was clear then that the Partisans hoped to create a new order and overthrow the old and they did, to quote Hibbert, 'employ a selective terror designed to divide the ordinary villagers from those of their local leaders who could be classified as Ballist, nationalist or simply "reactionary"'. 1 Indeed, secret Partisan circulars, like the one Hasluck latched onto in December 1943, which suggested the communist leadership was heightening the stakes deliberately by launching an offensive against the BK, were genuine. And though Allied arms continued to go to Albanian Partisan units throughout the spring, summer and autumn of 1944, on the solid grounds that the Partisans were inflicting substantial damage on the Germans, it is true some of those arms were used against the communists' internal political enemies. Also, as is now generally accepted, once the Partisans had survived the winter, the astonishing recovery they underwent in the spring of 1944 made their sweep to power all but inevitable. 2 The landing of a large Allied force of occupation might have made a difference, but in 1944 the Allies neither had the resources to do so nor the inclination, focused as they were on short-term strategic gain against the Germans. Should Allied policy-makers have heeded Hasluck's advice, ceased supplying the Partisans the previous winter and stood aloof on the grounds that sending in Allied arms to Albania heightened civil war? The question is hypothetical: by concentrating on the war against Germany rather than on any future conflict with communism, by promising help to those fighting the Germans and by committing SOE missions to Albania, British policy towards the Balkans had largely precluded Hasluck's plea for non-intervention. At Tehran in December 1943, the three Great Powers had agreed that Tito's Yugoslav Partisans should be supported to the greatest possible extent; Albania was not mentioned, but the agreement reflected Britain's professed policy of helping any Balkan guerilla, regardless of his politics, to kill Germans. Indeed, care must be taken to avoid seeing Hasluck as somehow aware of what a successful Partisan movement had in store for Albania. During the winter of 1943-44 it was far from clear even to British officers in Albania that the Partisans were set on establishing such a hideous regime as the one that eventually took power. Well into 1944, as Reginald Hibbert remembers, few SOE officers there considered communism in Albania 'to be very serious': 1 2

Hibbert (1991; 115). Hibbert (1991; 120-1,238-9); Fischer (1999; 205-6, 265-7).

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The Partisans wore the red star and spouted communist slogans, but it was rare to encounter even a senior Partisan who could talk intelligently about communism or any other political theory. Until the spring of 1944 it was impossible to believe that the Partisans could win control of the country or that, if they did, the country would f i n d itself under a c o m m u n i s t dictatorship. The Albanian Communist Party was clandestine and very small. What we found ourselves dealing with was the National Movement of Liberation ... We could see that the top-most positions tended to be held by professed c o m m u n i s t s ; but quite a f e w of these were unconvincing communists, and they were well diluted in the hierarchy by men whose communist loyalty was paper-thin, or non-existent. And the young men and w o m e n w h o provided the bulk of the [rank-and-file] were simple peasants or townees who saw themselves as patriots, working for the overthrow of a bad old order and the introduction of a new progressive regime. 1

Although it is unlikely Hasluck was ignorant of the meaning and implications of communism, it is debatable whether her appreciation of its influence on the Albanian Partisans was particularly well thought out. When drawing up 'a few last notes' in early February 1944, for example, she confessed to having 'long been puzzled' by 'how communism could secure a hold on so predominantly Mohammedan a country. One need only think of the paucity of communists in Mohammedan Turkey or Egypt'. Now her puzzle had been 'solved' by an Albanian newspaper she had been sent from Istanbul that contained an account of a concentration camp near Durazzo (Durres) where a Yugoslav communist was 'propagating his doctrines'. Here, she wrote, was her answer. 'The Albanian internees were in mental distress for their own, their country's and their family's sake. They therefore fell an unnaturally easy prey to plausible theories'. 2 Hasluck's intense and stated opposition to the Partisans on the grounds that they were communists seems more instinctive than considered, a symptom more than a cause, perhaps, of her desire to invoke sympathy for her friends and the pre-war Albania she cherished. As Jon Naar recalls, 'she did know a lot of Albanians ... all what she called "the right people" and they were indeed rightwing. She was obsessive in her anti-communism and warned vehemently against our having anything to do with the [Partisans], all of whom, she said, were agents of Moscow'. 3 Hasluck's 'plague on both houses' scenario suggests that, on political grounds, the Partisans should have received no more than the same Allied treatment that winter as that accorded to the Regents, BK and other ' Correspondence, R. Hibbert to author, 21 September 1999. 'Conditions in Albania', memorandum from M. Hasluck to C. Steel, 8 February 1944, PRO HS 5/68. Correspondence, J. Naar to author, 5 September 2000. 2

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Nationalists. For most Allied observers, however, the question to ask was: on what grounds were the BK and other Nationalists entitled to the same Allied treatment as the Partisans? Despite strong rumours that suggested Partisans everywhere had been ordered by their leaders to turn on the BK, it was clear that the BK and other Nationalists responded readily and worked willingly with the Germans to remove the Partisan threat during the winter of 1943-44. Indeed, Nationalist resistance was virtually at an end long before the BK's central council issued orders to its own members on 7 October 1943 to cease hostilities against the Germans. 1 It was true that many Nationalists had once fought Axis troops, and might have done so again had their leaders not removed them from the battle to rcfocus against the Partisans. But it was also true that, though the Nationalists knew the Allies' proclaimed war aims, virtually none protested publicly against the Germans or even the puppet government. 2 Instead they sought German help to safeguard the old order, as anxious as the Partisans to be in a position of dominance after the war, yet knowingly putting their own interests before those of the Allies. An anonymous observer in SOE London wrote in early 1944 of BK forces collaborating with the Germans: 'They are thus declaring themselves openly anti-ally and must be considered as quislings. It would seem to be time that we disillusioned the gentlemen who direct Balkom [i.e. BK| of the idea that they can sow quislingism today and reap bouquets from the Allies tomorrow when the Germans withdraw'. 3 The Partisans, by contrast, were openly anti-German and there was no doubt that the Germans were as hostile towards them as they were towards the Allied powers. As Harry Fultz of OSS wrote in February 1944 of the idea of withholding arms from the Partisans, at least until their leaders agreed not to fight the BK: Were the policy placed into effect ... it would result in the LNC Partisans being denied arms and ammunition by the Allies while the Ballists [i.e. BK] would be operating under no such handicap. The Balkom [i.e. BK] receive

1

Fischer (1999; 191). Hibbert (1991; 64). A notable exception was Skender M u j o , a dynamic and pro-Allied young lawyer and leading BK representative from Valona (today's Vlore) whom Bernd Fischer identifies as the probable author of a BK pamphlet, dated 21 November 1943, that roundly condemned the Germans and all collaborators (Fischer 1999; 191). SOE officers in touch with M u j o in the spring of 1944 were much impressed by him, his realism and genuine willingness to fight the Germans under direct British orders if only Britain would control the Partisans. But British policy, which pledged support only to those Albanians prepared to fight unconditionally, precluded any such deal. An example of some of the individuals making up the BK who were united by anti-communism but uncomfortable with the B K ' s policy of collaboration, Mu?o was murdered by the Germans in the autumn of 1944. 2

3

'Appreciation of [M. Hasluck's letter] of January 17th [1944]', PRO HS 5/68.

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arms and ammunition from the Germans. They would continue to receive arms and ammunition as well as technical assistance and training. If hardpressed, undoubtedly they would receive the support of German troops. The Partisans on the other hand could expect to operate with steadily diminishing supplies of ammunition and of other essentials. In certain specific instances and areas there have been occasions when well-armed and well-supplied Ballists aided by German troops have swept over hungry, ragged Partisans reduced to their last few rounds of ammunition.

Fultz added that, were the BK, Zogists and other Nationalists resisting the Germans instead of helping them or staying neutral, more German troops would have to garrison the country to keep order. Instead, 'perhaps [the German troops] who are not in Albania are today over at the Anzio Bridgehead killing Americans and British while we try to figure out ways to teach recalcitrant Partisans "a sharp lesson'". 1 These sentiments reflected the views of many SOE officers attached to Partisan units in the field. The feelings of Brian Ensor, on the failure in early 1944 to condemn collaborators, can suffice as a typical example: 'When, during the dark days of last winter, the enemy was most active [and] conditions at their worst ... the fact that it was Albanians who, by their knowledge of the country and their help as soldiers, made the job of the Germans fighting us so much easier was difficult to [accept] ... The fact that these Albanians belonged to the Balli Kombetar party, who were being treated as harmless naughty boys by the British, made us ashamed'. 2 Margaret Hasluck never applauded the Nationalists' policy of collaboration. But when 'Trotsky' Davies pressed British policy-makers to denounce all collaborators and aid only the Partisans, she sympathised instinctively with the Nationalists' plight, proving unable to maintain the detachment desired of her by SOE. As a confidential note found in her Personal File reads, 'her very intimate acquaintance with Albania led her to follow, perhaps somewhat too closely, her own ideas when they did not happen to coincide with HMG's policy'. Another note in the File records her recommendation for an MBE and concludes of her two years' work for SOE: 'Throughout, Mrs Hasluck has shown the most remarkable energy for her years and has devoted her gifts in intellect and knowledge unsparingly without regard to hours of work'. That assessment seems accurate also. Indeed, when she resigned, already seriously ill with advanced leukaemia, SOE considered

1 2

H. Fultz to P. Adams, 24 February 1944, NARA RG 226 Entry 154, Box 14, Folio 181. Report by Captain B. Ensor, 1944, PRO HS 5/136.

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privately that o v e r w o r k m i g h t have exacerbated the condition. 1 A f t e r spells on health g r o u n d s in S w i t z e r l a n d , C y p r u s , L o n d o n and S c o t l a n d she f i n a l l y m o v e d to D u b l i n , w h e r e s h e d i e d on 18 O c t o b e r 1948, m a i n t a i n i n g h e r s y m p a t h y f o r A l b a n i a ' s Nationalists at the h a n d s of B r i t a i n ' s w a r t i m e policy until the e n d . 2 B u t it is hard to avoid c o n c l u d i n g that that s y m p a t h y s t e m m e d m o r e f r o m an emotional attachment to the A l b a n i a she had k n o w n before the war, than f r o m a balanced appreciation of Allied war aims and the A l b a n i a of 1943-44.

REFERENCES Archival Public Records Office (PRO) in Kew, London, in particular the records of the War Office (class mark WO) and Special Operations Executive (class mark HS). United States National Archives and Record Administration (NARA) at College Park, Maryland, in particular the records of the Office of Strategic Services. Imperial War Museum, Department of Documents, papers of Lieutenant Colonel N.L.D. McLean. Information for this article was also provided by the SOE Adviser to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office. Published Amery, J. 1948 Sons of the Eagle, London; Macmillan. Bailey, R. 2000 'OSS SOE relations, Albania 1943-44' in Intelligence National

and

Security, Vol. 15, No. 2, Summer; 20-35.

Ciano, G. 1947 Ciano's Diary, 1939-43, ed. M. Muggeridge, London; Heinemann. Clark, M. 2000 'Margaret Masson Hasluck' in J. Allcock and A. Young (eds) Black Lambs

and Grey Falcons:

Women

Travellers

in the Balkans

Bradford;

Berghahn Books. Dawkins, R. 1949 'Margaret Masson Hasluck', Folklore

Vol 60: 2, p.291.

Durham, E. 1906 The Burden of the Balkans, London; Thomas Nelson & Sons. Durham, E. 1909 High Albania, London; E. Arnold.

' Information made available by the SOE Adviser. She also remained in touch with officers she had known during the war. They, in turn, maintained their affection for her. In 1948 several paid money anonymously into her bank account when they discovered she was in financial difficulties. Letters, 28 January and 11 February 1948, C. Brocklehurst to N. McLean, the papers of Lt Col N.L.D. McLean, Department of Documents, Imperial War Museum. 2

M. HASLUCK AND THE S P E C I A L OPERATIONS EXECUTIVE Fischer, B. 1999 Albania

at War 1939-1945,

181

West Lafayette, Indiana; Purdue

University Press. Hasluck, F. 1924 Athos and its Monasteries, Hasluck F. 1929 Christianity

London; Kegan Paul.

and Islam under the Sultans, edited by M. Hasluck,

two volumes, Oxford; Oxford University Press. Hasluck, M. 1932 Kendime Albanian Folk-Stories Vocabularies,

Englisht-Shqip

or Albanian-English

Collected and Translated,

Reader:

Sixteen

with Two Grammars

and

Cambridge; Cambridge University Press.

Hasluck, M. 1954 The Unwritten

Law

in Albania,

Cambridge;

Cambridge

University Press. Hibbert, R. 1991 Albania's London; Pinter.

National

Hoxha, E. 1982 The Anglo-American

Liberation

Struggle:

The Bitter

Victory,

Threat to Albania, Tirana; 8 Nentori.

Kemp, P. 1952 No Colours or Crest, London; Cassell Kemp, P. 1990 The Thorns of Memory,

London; Sinclair-Stevenson.

Mackenzie, C. 1931 First Athenian Memories,

London; Cassell.

Manning, O. 1965 Friends and Heroes, London; Heinemann. Quayle, A. 1990 A Time to Speak, London; Barrie and Jenkins. Smiley, D. 1984 Albanian

Assignment,

Stafford, D. 1983 Britain and European

London; Chatto & Windus. Resistance

1940-1945,

Toronto; Toronto

University Press. Waterhouse, H. 1986 The British School at Athens: London; British School at Athens.

The First Hundred

Years,

6. A MURDER CASE IN 1944 Margaret HASLUCK Introductory note by Roderick Bailey

Margaret Hasluck's article 'A Murder Case in 1944' examines the response of a nationalist community in German-occupied Albania to the murder of a member of a nearby Allied mission during the Second World War. She had learnt of the incident in 1945 on the publication of Anthony Quayle's novel Eight Hours from, England: a thinly disguised account of his wartime activities in southern Albania as an officer of Britain's Special Operations Executive (SOE). 1 Better known for his distinguished stage and screen career, in January 1944 (then Major) Anthony Quayle commanded an SOE mission hidden in a cave on the Adriatic coast a few miles west of the village of Dukati. Alongside Quayle's was a mission of the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS). The murder victim was an Albanian member of the OSS mission and his probable killer a youth from Dukati. In Eight Hours from England Quayle describes the incident and the frustration of the missions when the village elders, who knew of the Allied soldiers in their territory, refused to see the murderer punished. In 'A Murder Case in 1944', Hasluck seeks to correct Quayle's explanation for Dukati's actions. Traditional laws, she says, dictated that the village had to act in that way and the true course of events surrounding the murder was just too alien for him to have understood during his brief stay in the country. Quayle places Dukati's behaviour against the backdrop of violence and upheaval then sweeping Albania and the acute sense of vulnerability felt by the village. When the family of the boy whom Dukati had arrested for the murder came forward to announce that, if he was not released, it would inform the Germans of the missions' whereabouts and the village's complicity in their presence, the elders, crippled by fear, responded out of self-interest. To Quayle their motive was simple: to save the village from ruinous German reprisals. Hasluck accepts that the village acted out of fear of rousing the 1

Quayle (1945).

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wrath of the murderer's family but instead explains the elders' actions in equally simple terms of timeless loyalty to old mountain laws that tied them to the protection of guests. When the family threatened to go to the Germans, 'the framework of the old laws' compelled the elders to protect 'the guests of the village' (the two missions) by letting the wretched youth go. Hasluck's article is more than a case study of the blood feud phenomenon, however. Redolent of the lonely campaign she had waged in the winter of 1943-44 to win Allied sympathy for Albania's 'Nationalists', it is also a passionate attempt to defend the elders and other 'Nationalists' from charges of being 'anti-Allied'. 'A Murder Case in 1944' came to light recently among the personal papers of the late Sir Anthony Quayle. With the papers was a letter from February 1947 in which Hasluck expressed to Quayle her hope of including the article in her forthcoming book on the Albanian blood feud. That book became The Unwritten Law in Albania. When Hasluck died in October 1948, however, its preparation was far from complete. Others took on the tasks of assembling notes and editing her manuscript and seeing it through to publication. It seems 'A Murder Case in 1944' was struck out by the editor's pen, for The Unwritten Law in Albania in its final form devotes barely a sentence to the incident the article describes. 1 The original article is published here for the first time and with the permission of Sir Anthony Quayle's family. 2

REFERENCES Hasluck, M. 1954 The Unwritten Law in Albania, Cambridge; Cambridge University Press. Quayle, A. 1945 Eight Hours from England, London; Heinemann.

1

Hasluck (1954; 44). So few of her letters and notes appear to have survived that it is unlikely, though not impossible, that any similarly unpublished articles of Margaret Hasluck's will ever come to light. When leaving Albania in April 1939 she was forced to leave behind most of her possessions, including her library, although her photographs were brought out and later passed, by J.E. Alderson, who prepared much of the Unwritten Law for publication, to the Royal Geographical Society. A tiny collection of papers can also be found in the Hasluck Collection at the Taylor Institution of Modern Languages in Oxford: Hasluck's will had left £500 to the Taylorian to set up a fund, under the name of Lef Nosi, for the purchase of books on Albania. It may be assumed that her library in Elbasan, and possibly all her field notes and early drafts of the Unwritten Law, were either destroyed or taken to Tirana by the communists. 2

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A MURDER CASEIN 1944, BY MARGARET HASLUCK In the autumn of 1943, despite the German occupation of Albania, the AngloAmericans daringly opened a supply base on the coast of South-West Albania in territory belonging to the Nationalist village of Dukat. A few months later, one of their Albanian employees, a native of the neighbouring town of Valona named Karapici (in Italian Carapizzi), was murdered by his guide, a youth of Dukat, and his body stripped and left exposed on the mountain. As four and a half years of Italian occupation and the subsequent German invasion had rendered the Albanian government powerless in the provinces, Dukat was left to handle the case itself. And so the Allied officers were privileged during their ephemeral mission to see the old murder laws of the mountains at work, a privilege denied to their compatriots who had spent the settled years between the wars in Albania. The story of the murder is told in Anthony Quayle's novel Eight Hours from. England.1 Several passages which record the reactions of the AngloAmericans have the special interest of revealing how far apart the Albanian is from the Anglo-Saxon world. The officers, newcomers to the country, were naturally unversed in the niceties of the Unwritten Law of the Albanian mountains. Karapici had been carrying thirty gold sovereigns. 'That is why he is now dead', said Hodo Meta, a notable of Dukat. His American bearer was incredulous. 'Would Misli have killed him for a few pieces of gold?' he asked. 'For thirty pieces of gold', replied Hodo, 'a poor man like Misli would murder his own grandmother'. 2 Hodo said no more than the truth. To a poor Albanian thirty gold sovereigns are a fortune; a bride dowered with £500 is a great catch; a man with an income of £100 a year can 'live like a lord', and one possessing £1000 is a rich capitalist. But neither the British nor the American officer could appreciate this — their own values were too different. The glib talk of Albanian communists, who still styled themselves Partisans, had also tricked a number of British officers in Albania into believing that they alone were patriots and that their Nationalist opponents in Dukat and elsewhere were Fascists, anti-Ally, and collaborating with the Germans. The officers at Dukat ^ A n t h o n y Quayle, Eight Hours from England (London: William Heinemann Ltd 1945) pp.732

ibid p.73.

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were unusually free from these foolish ideas, but even in their minds a little suspicion of the Nationalists lurked. Both set down Misli's sordid crime as an 'act against the Allies'. 1 For good Albanian reasons antedating the war of 1939-45 by many centuries Dukat was very anxious to punish the murderer. To begin with, the Unwritten Law of the mountains says that 'the guard of a man who is attacked must die with the man he is guarding. If he survives and the other is killed, then he has lost his honour'. 2 His village must then kill him. Not to avenge the dead man — that is his family's business — but to keep its own honour clean. If it does not kill him, it seems to condone his crime and so dishonours itself. Very properly Dukat arrested Misli at once. Two hundred assembled, tried him, and sentenced him to be executed at dawn by the village guard, a corporate punishment for his crime against society. But... In the middle of the night the guard-commander had been woken up by a deputation of the male members of Misli's family; there were some thirty all told ... They had come quickly to the point. If one hair of their darling's head was touched, they declared, they would go straight off and reveal to the Germans in Valona the full story of Dukat's complicity with the Allied Mission . Nor was there the slightest doubt, apparently, that the family would have failed to put their threat into execution ... In order to execute Misli with impunity Dukat would have to put to death every male member of his family — and even if this operation were successful, there would be nothing to stop a revengeful female from telling the whole story to the Germans.''

This impaled the community on the horns of a dilemma. Its grievance against Misli was that he had stained the honour of the whole village by murdering the man he had been detailed to guard. Then, as they were strangers, the Anglo-Americans, though paying their way lavishly, were by Albanian rules the guests of the village and as such had to be protected by it and, if wronged, avenged. Moreover, an Albanian servant — or employee — enjoys the same right to the community's protection or vengeance as his master does. And in his own right Karapici, as a 'foreigner' from Valona, was a guest of Dukat. Misli had therefore murdered a man who was at once the guest of his village and the servant of guests of his village. Almost more than any other crime, 1 2

3

ibid p.75. ibid p.73. Hasluck's italics. ibid p.74.

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the murder of a guest cries out to Albanians for vengeance. But if Dukat, to cleanse its honour, executed Misli in defiance of his family's threat, it would only sully its honour afresh, this time by its own hands. The execution would provoke the family into betraying the Allied guests of the village. And who should then redeem its honour? Much against its will, it set Misli free. In short, Albanian codes of conduct make it certain that Dukat was not unwilling to punish the murderer as the Anglo-Americans half thought. Nor is there any evidence that it released Misli for fear of German reprisals for harbouring the Allies; dodging these had so far been well within its capacity as is clear from other passages in Major Quayle's book. The trouble was only the question of 'Cleanse our honour this way, stain it that way'. Cela, another notable of Dukat who discussed the situation with the English officer, said, 'It is my duty to kill Mysli. Here you are in my territory. I am responsible for you, and Carapizzi was your man. If I do not kill Mysli, I am dishonoured'. 1 Here Cela, speaking of the village lands as 'my' territory and of 'my' responsibility for the safety of the Englishman and his employee, took for granted, as any one of his race would, the merging of an Albanian individual in his community, whereby every right and every duty of the community belong also to each of its individual members. Misli, himself, as a member of the community in which he had been born, shared its rights and duties. Consequently, he was a thrice-dyed murderer, having killed a man who had been entrusted to him and was the guest of his village and, by corollary, his own. 'But 1 cannot kill Misli', Cela continued. Of course, he could not. His was a small household and no match for the thirty guns in Misli's. Said Hodo Meta, 'The only way for Misli to be executed, without his family going to the Germans, is for the family to execute him themselves'. Indeed, if the family had been honourable, it would have immediately executed him, without waiting for the community to try him. In normal circumstances if it had let him be tried and then had resisted the sentence as it had now done, the community would have banded together and, secure in its superiority of numbers, descended on the family and compelled its head to shoot Misli with his own hand. If he had refused, it would have expelled the whole family from Dukat forever. But with the safety of its Anglo-American guests at stake, the community's hands were tied. 1

ibid pp.74-5.

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Since the family was careless of honour and the community powerless, Hodo said that Skender Mu?o, a local notable who was incidentally one of the best leaders of the Nationalist party, 'must persuade the family that they should shoot him'. It struck the Englishman that 'this would take persuasiveness of a quite unusual order, but since anything seemed possible in this peculiar country', he did not demur. 1 To Hodo there was nothing unusual in the suggestion; in his eyes Mugo was a man whose virtue and wisdom had made him an Elder of the people like Lek Dukagjini of old, learned in the mountain law, backed by tradition and a score of remembered precedents, competent to deliver judgement in the knottiest cases and to counsel wrong-doers into better ways. When Mu§o arrived at the Allied base, the Englishman asked him for three proofs that the Nationalists were well disposed to the Allies. The first was to 'see that justice is done on Mysli'. 2 Very gravely Mugo, ignoring the political point as the misunderstanding it was, assured him that he would try. There can be no doubt that he kept his word, but, we remember, Albanian ciders were weak where the League of Nations was weak; they could deliver judgement but had no material power with which to enforce it. Misli was not shot by his family. A fortnight afterwards the Dukat truck was ambushed by Partisans when on its way to Valona. Some of its passengers were killed and others, including Mysli, taken prisoner. 'Now the Partisans will shoot Misli (as a Nationalist), Carapizzi will be avenged, and we shall be saved the trouble. Oh! That is very good', Cela exclaimed with delight. 3 But he reckoned without his host. The Partisans freed Misli on the score that 'Carapizzi was a renegade communist and deserved to be killed and therefore Misli had done a very good deed for which he should be rewarded'. 4

1

ibid p.75. ibid p. 114. 3 ibid p. 156. 4 ibidp.l68. 2

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Karapici had been a communist for thirty years, living mainly in Italy as communists found scant encouragement at that time in Albania. Implicated in a plot to kill Mussolini, he had spent the last five years before the war of 1939-45 in an Italian prison. 1 Such proof of his being anti-Fascist should have commended him to the Albanian Partisans, if there had been a grain of truth in their patriotic pretensions, but despising them as vulgar terrorists who knew nothing about communism, he had kept them at arms' length. 2 They knew enough, however, to rejoice like good communists that a man of independent mind had been liquidated. In their mushroom allegiance to the new doctrines which had just come to them from the East, they had thrown overboard the old laws and conventions that had held Albanian society together for centuries. Throughout Misli's case the Nationalists acted strictly within the framework of the old laws — and, it must be said, quite without the political motives which the Anglo-Americans half suspected. The PartisanCommunists, on the other hand, were really accepting a new conception of 'crime' and 'punishment', according to which a man is to be condemned or rewarded for his beliefs and ideologies rather than his acts and motives.

1 2

ibid p.60. ibid p.64.

7. S.S. CLARKE IN ALBANIA Tom WINNIFRITH

The British School at Athens has in its archives the diaries of Stewart Stoudert Clarke. Clarke, as the Balliol College Register informs us, was born on January 11 1897, the third son of Richard J. Clarke of Coole Glebe, Cammoney, Belfast. He was educated at Campbell College, Belfast, and served on the Western front as a second lieutenant. A photograph in the British School shows him in military uniform. Returning to Oxford he obtained first classes in Mods and Greats and was awarded a Craven fellowship. In 1923 he was made a Research Fellow of Exeter, but tragically, after surviving the First World War, he was drowned in the Aegean near Salamis on May 2 1924. A Travelling Scholarship shared between Balliol and Exeter was founded in his memory. Waterhouse's History of the British School of Athens does not mention Clarke, but he seems to have been one of the most admirable and interesting people ever to have belonged to the School. Further information about Clarke can be found in the Public Record Office and the archives of Balliol and Exeter. His father was a clergyman in the Church of Ireland; one of his brothers was an army chaplain, another a doctor who won the Military Cross. A sister Maude was a distinguished historian, becoming Vice-Principal of Somerville College. She was with him in Southern Albania and Greece during the spring of 1924, unfortunately breaking her leg in a niule accident at Delphi in April. She founded a travelling bursary in his honour, held by both Colin Hardie and Austin Farrer. Clarke left Campbell College in December 1914, having obtained an exhibition to Balliol, but life in Ulster — like life in Albania — cannot have been easy in the War. He attended Queen's University, Belfast from January to May 1915 and went to the army in Dublin in January 1916. Leaving Dublin in the year of the Easter Rebellion he entered Woolwich in June 1916 and obtained a regular commission in June 1917. This commission was in the Royal Artillery. Clarke's experience in judging distances was useful in Albania. His regiment went out to France. 206 Siege Battery, in whose ranks Clarke was in 1919, fought a difficult campaign advancing from Arras to

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Cambrai. In December 1918 they moved to Belgium and by April 1919 were in Germany, from which Clarke wrote a dignified letter, asking to be released from his commission in order that he could take up his place at Oxford as he wished to enter the Indian Civil Service. Clarke was released, entered Balliol in May 1919, and less than a year later obtained a first class in Honour Moderations, no mean feat for a student who had not been at school for six years and had been at war for three. After his death Exeter received tributes to his gallantry in battle, and he cannot have spent all his time studying Achilles in the trenches. Clearly he was an immense success at Oxford. The Exeter papers contain many tributes to his courage and his charm, both much needed in Albania. There are intensely moving letters from his family, stoically brave in their bereavement. Amazingly it emerges from rather shamefaced accounts by the British School at Athens that Clarke who had survived the trenches and forded Albanian rivers drowned because he could not swim. It is only right that Clarke's contribution to Albanian scholarship should be acknowledged. Clarke's notebooks mostly written in pencil are difficult to read, but are well worth reading. They have been used with handsome acknowledgements by Hammond, though his is a book which is really only concerned with the ancient world. 1 Clarke gives in addition invaluable information about Byzantine churches and the state of Southern Albania just after the First World War. Though not written for publication the contents of the notebooks clearly deserve to be known, and this preliminary summary is intended as a source of information for what scholars could learn from Clarke. There are eight packets of Clarke material in the British School, but the last four contain only bibliographical notes, scholarly but out of date, on Epirus and Macedonia. The fourth packet is a quaint period piece, Longfellow's poem on Skanderbeg, translated into Albanian by Fan Noli. We are really only concerned with the first three notebooks and particularly with the third which describes an extended visit to the territory in Albania which lies in between the Vjoses and Drinos rivers. This visit took place in January, 1924, and Clarke had more leisure in the winter evenings than in his summer visits of 1923 to write about the villages he was visiting,. The district is an interesting one. Between the two rivers there is a high mountain range rising at points to well over two thousand feet. It is known as Mount Nemercke and 1

Hammond (1967).

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looks rather like a sleeping woman lying on her side. It is divided by a tributary of the Drinos, the Suhes, flowing mainly from east to west, and a tributary of the Vjoses, the Zagorise, flowing mainly from south to north. South of the Suhes the land is known as Pogoni, west of the Zagorise as Lunxheri and east as Zagorise. From the valley of the Drinos the mountains look formidable, but villages are found along the course of the two subsidiary rivers. In 1996 I visited Albanian Pogoni in pouring rain during April, travelling by hired jeep on a non-existent road that crossed the Suhes river almost as many times as the river crossed it. Hammond assumes that Pogoni, where Greek is still spoken today, had always been Greek speaking and that the Greek speakers were the original inhabitants of the land, remaining in Pogoni as a kind of refuge while waves of Albanians swept down the river valleys. Books written by members of the Northern Epirote community like that by Zotas and Giannaros make the same assumption. Some Greek speakers in Albania appear to be fairly recent arrivals, being introduced to the land by Ali Pasha at the beginning of the nineteenth century, but in the case of Pogoni Clarke's notebooks provide some evidence for continuity. Clarke's third notebook begins disconcertingly with twenty two pages of Albanian vocabulary and grammar. There is then an account of crossing the Katara Pass on New Year's Day 1924 by foot in six feet of snow. Clarke was extremely strong. He also had to be extremely brave, as the next page talks of kidnappings and murders in Epirus. He then proceeded to Ioannina to wait for a car to Del vino, whiling away the time with notes on recent Albanian elections, the possible redrawing of the Greek-Albanian frontier, the recent murder of the Italian delegate Tellini, more Albanian grammar, notes on Muslim sects, and preliminary remarks on places which he thought might be of interest. He mentions a German member of the boundary commission buying an icon for £65 in 1914. The breadth of Clarke's interests and the way in which he made use of delays are equally commendable. Clarke's journey to Poli§an, the chief village of Pogoni, started at 7.30 a.m. on 12 January from Gjirokaster. He reached his destination at 3.40 p.m. after passing through Suhe, an Albanian Orthodox village, which now houses some Vlachs. A journey today by jeep would take about half the time, and a traveller on foot in winter would feel both tired and cold, but Clarke got down to business briskly, reporting that the women of the village spoke only Greek, while the men were bilingual. He was offered a coin of Marcus

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Aurelius and one of the Epirote confederacy. He was told that the old name for Poligan was Palaeopolis and that it used to have ten thousand inhabitants and twenty churches. From this archaeology we pass rather oddly to an account of a card game (ace =as, king = regas) and notes on the fauna, flora and cooking of the district. Then it is back to history with an inscription written in Greek, but with an impressive Epirote /Ulyrian name, Pragissos. This inscription had been found at Leshnje further north. Poli§an was said to have been burnt by Kurt Pasha in the eighteenth century, but then Ali Pasha protected it from the Turks. The land had until recently been owned by a Turkish aga in Libohovo, but he had been bought out by a gift from America, and the land had been handed over to the villagers who already owned the houses and property. Emigration to America was widespread owing to poor economic circumstances. Clarke drew a plan of the church of Saint Athanasius and then explored the site of the Paliokastro twenty five minutes down the Suhes valley. This was in a poor state of preservation, but fragments of coarse red pottery could be seen. The village had once been more scattered, but people had drawn together out of fear. Wolves howled at sunset, and there were stories of their ferocity. There were still thirteen churches and Clarke names them. Only three remain today, impressive but in a poor state of repair. Clarke was shown a Greek inscription at the church of St Nicholas, and more late Roman coins, but he then talks of Vlachs, brigandage, marriage outside the village and fish. On the whole the inhabitants of Poli(.an preferred to marry those who lived in Poli^an or other Pogoni villages, although they would tolerate an Albanian Christian bride. They would not tolerate a Vlach, and did not allow Vlachs to pasture near their village, as they were said to be very dirty, and, it is said, Vlachs only marry other Vlachs, always on August 15 th . Vlachs did usually come via Migidia or Kefalovriso on the Greek side of the border and settled for the summer near other Pogoni villages, after wintering in the coastal plains. Many Vlachs are now in fixed homes between the rivers Drinos and Vjoses, having been placed there by the Hoxha regime. They too talk of Migidia as their ancestral home, and old Vlach songs frequently mention the name. Clearly Vlachs had been making the journey for a very long time. The erection of frontiers had caused some difficulty, and in Clarke's time some still crossed the frontier illegally.

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On 14 January, Clarke walked to Skore. He was shown the house of Ali Pasha who is said to have lived here and in Polifan. In Pogoni he seems to have been a public benefactor, and to have built a lake above Skore. The little girls had gold coins on their foreheads, but the village was poor. Clarke copied songs and prose messages written in illegible and illiterate Greek. There is also a drawing of a strange pair of figures with an incomprehensible inscription beneath them. On the way out of the village Clarke noted a small site, again named Paliokastro. The three other Pogoni villages in Albania are Sopik, Hlome and Catiste. Drimades, the last Greek village, is an hour and a half walk from Sopik. One can walk the long way from Sopik to (,'atiste in two and a half hours. More directly Sopik is only 35 minutes away from Hlome which is only 35 minutes from £atiste and 40 minutes from Skore. Or so Clarke says, but he probably set a brisker pace than most walkers, batiste had 125 houses, Sopik 270, Hlome 135. Clarke does not say much about Sopik in spite of its size. The women wore white head-dresses tied under their chin as opposed to the loose black scarves worn by the women of Hlome and Skore. The village had three churches, but there were nine in the area and the monastery of the Metamorphosis at batiste of which Clarke gives a plan. At (,'atistc some of the land was still owned by a landlord living in Tepelene, but Greeks living in Constantinople had bought some for the village. Clarke acquired more coins and songs, then tells a rather pointless story and donnish joke about a bear. In the Exeter papers there is a letter from an inhabitant of (,'atistc expressing astonishment at Clarke's visit. Hlome was a little more interesting, A large church had been built in 1857. The village's wedding customs, dances and strange superstitions are described. Clarke would appear to have attended a dance, as he comments on the sobriety of the dancers. They told him some tall stories. A married woman is not allowed to go to bed unless told to do so by her husband. A woman cheated in love can cause impotence in a man by twiddling little bits of string. There is a story about the Turks trying to build a mosque in the village. They were told that, if a bottle thrown over a ravine of 200 feet was not broken, the mosque should not be built. It was thrown and not broken, the mosque was not built, and a picture of the event, complete with Turk, bottle and ravine was made in the church. Clarke draws it for us. Also in Hlome he copied out a letter in Greek from Ali Pasha, recorded a coin of Domitian and recounted superstitions about Neraides, ghostly female apparitions. Not bad for a short stay in January.

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On 24 January Clarke left for Labove. He noted that then as now he was crossing a linguistic border from an area where Greek is spoken to one where it was merely understood. But he also said that there was little difference between the architecture of Labove and the villages he had previously visited, and that both in Labove and further north at Saraganishte there was a certain amount of pro-Greek feeling. There were actually near Poli£an two Laboves, upper and lower, and a third one further north, home of the great Balkan merchant, Zappas, to which people had moved from the original Laboves. These had had once eighteen churches and ten thousand inhabitants, but were by Clarke's time reduced to one hundred and fifty houses. Clarke made detailed plans of the famous church at Upper Labove. The date on it of 1774 was noted, as was the earlier alleged date of foundation, 554. Clarke tells the legend of a wooden cross, given to a General Constantine by Justinian, still in the possession of the church and rented out to other churches at huge profit. Constantine had been according to legend offered vast areas of land, but saying truthfully if anachronistically that such land would be taken by people like the Turks had opted for the cross. The church as it stands cannot be earlier than the tenth century, but they still today talk of Justinian in Labove. Clarke complained for once of the cold (-10° C), and said he would have to return in May with a camera. He also noted an ancient fortress above Upper Labove. From Labove Clarke passed into Lunxheri, visiting Stegopull with its seven ruined and six extant churches and Saraganishte with its nine churches, some of them very ancient. He made careful notes on the site of Jerma, now identified as Antigoneia, but he must have been getting very tired and cold. Returning home to Sarande he noted that two men had died of cold, one of them in a car. His car driver had a Serb passport, spoke Albanian, but had a house in Fiorina, Greece. In Sarande he commented laconically that the hotel was clean, but his slumbers had been disturbed by rats. On his return journey by boat to Athens as well as conscientiously jotting down the places he passed he mentioned low morale, a bad ship and bad weather. He did, however, return to Albania in the spring: we know this from a letter to the Rector of Exeter. This time he was accompanied by his sister, but unfortunately there are no diaries for this trip. It would be worth pursuing Miss Clarke who unfortunately died in 1931, but Somerville has no record of her exploits in Albania.

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The first two notebooks are just as interesting, although Clarke's journeys in the summer months of 1923 gave him less time for reflection, and there is more about Greece and less about Albania. Clarke even conscientiously recounted details of his train journey back to Belfast. Always punctilious on matters of expenditure he noted that one cigarette cost one hundred thousand marks in inflation-struck Germany. He made expeditions to Epirus in May, July and August 1923. The May journey took him to the country east of Butrint which he visited, starting at Konispol via Aetos, Murzi, Xarre and then on to Finiq, Delvino, Gjirokaster and Kakavia. He noted Vlachs in the coastal plains and told a story about statues being found near Xarre looted by a red lord. There was a Byzantine fort at Vrino and a Latin inscription at Murzi. In the third journey he covered much the same ground, adding Vagalat where he found extensive Greek and Roman remains, Karroq and Markat. Hammond travelled over this area which is now being explored by the Butrint foundation with Lord Rothschild and Lord Sainsbury trying to make up for the exploits of their mysterious red predecessor. Clarke's second journey took him to the land west of the Drinos. Hammond has also reported on this area. Clarke went from Sotire on the Albanian side of the border, a small Greek speaking village, via Llovine, Selo and Pepel to Dhrovjan where there were said to be Greek schools before the fall of Constantinople. From Dhrovjan he passed to Navarife where he found a wealth of inscriptions, Mesopotam, Delvino, Kardhikaq and Muzine where he had his first beer. He needed it in view of the rigours of the next four days. On 9 July he left Gjirokaster by car for Vlore, taking six hours. A modern traveller would probably take longer. Clarke found the journey rather dull. On 10 July he travelled by horse and cart from Vlore, leaving at 9.20am and arriving in Berat at 8.55pm. The next day he got up early to explore the town and at 9.15 left on horseback for Klisura. The saddle fell off, and Clarke fell off, but twelve hours later Clarke had reached his goal. A lesser man would have had a good rest, but Clarke got up at 4.30 to negotiate for a car to take him to the Greek border. His negotiations were fruitless and at 9.20 he left on foot, reaching Permet at 12.43. The heat was almost unbearable, but at 1.50 he left still on foot, arriving at the frontier at 10.30pm. In 199 BC King Philip V of Macedon made a similar journey, and Clarke was making an important point in showing that Philip contrary to the doubts of some scholars could have made such a journey. Philip had no frontier formalities to face, but Clarke had, and unfortunately he did not have the right papers. Wearily he had to trudge back to Leskovik which he reached at 4am on the 13 th , twenty three and a half hours after he woke.

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In spite of the rigours of this journey Clarke still had time to make observations on buffaloes, an earthquake at Tepelene, and the fact that Albanian was the language spoken in the Vjoses valley. One of the charms of his narrative is that as in a good novel one never knows what is going to come next. There is an important off the cuff statement that the future King Zog was quite well though of, and a rather less important remark that Venizilos was known as Yelakas because of his glasses. Clarke interrupts his careful notes on the site of Jerma to give us an anecdote about a mad Englishman based on Sarande roaming the hills of Albania clad in nothing but a blanket. Some of his contemporaries must have thought Clarke mad for doing his research in such difficult and dangerous areas rather than in the comfort of the Bodleian library, but most people must feel admiration for such endeavours, and regret that he never returned to complete his investigations. It is possible that in spite of the Albanian word lists Clarke found himself handicapped in places like Saraganishte where Greek was not spoken, but one feels that he would have overcome this obstacle and explored further north. Hammond reports no ancient remains in the Zagorie, but there are some interesting churches near Permet. Clarke talks of exploring the Kurvelesh, Ali Pasha's country, north of Tepelene. Admiration for Clarke is of course tinged with envy. He travelled round Albania in circumstances of considerable danger and difficulty, but the modern traveller has much less to see. Since 1940 Pogoni has endured much hardship and many changes. It was liberated by the Greeks in November 1940, but with the Italians based at Tepelene Pogoni remained in the front line. The Germans invaded in 1941 and burnt much of Pol ¡can in 1944. Resisting the Germans but also fighting each other were the Communist partisans in Albania, the Communist E A M in Greece, the strongly Albanian Nationalist Balle Kombetar, and the EDES movement led by Zervas, very strong in Greek Epirus. A British mission was stationed in Poligan. The amount of resistance to and collaboration with the Germans by each party is still a matter of debate. Also active, but mainly in the North, was a party friendly to King Zog, and more importantly a pro-Greek northern Epirote resistance movement which fared ill against more powerful opponents. In Albania Hoxha's partisans prevailed. They allowed Greek speakers some limited rights, but cut them off f r o m communications across the border. Wandering Vlachs and Tsams, Muslim Albanians expelled by the Greeks, were given new homes, thus diluting the Greek element. Then with the collapse of Communism villages in the south, and especially Greek speaking villages, saw an exodus of the able-bodied population in search of employment.

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Of course, such disasters and changes of population had been experienced before. Clarke reports that in Hlome Albanian irregulars had terrorized the village in 1912, that in 1910 schoolchildren had been held to ransom in the church, and that in 1917 some Serbian refugees had landed up in Hlome. Even today when churches have been destroyed owing to Hoxha/s endorsement of atheism as well as the fortunes of war, and when coins and inscriptions and artefacts have vanished for ever there is still much to see in Pogoni. Nor are the inhabitants who remain, though for fifty years trained to distrust foreigners and enquiries about the past, at all unfriendly to the visitor. A new Clarke could do worse than explore Pogoni again. Clarke travelled without a guidebook. He had the Austrian military map, and frequently complains about and corrects its inaccuracies. The modern traveller is not much better served. In Greece spanking new tarmaced roads are being built all the time with the aid of the European Union, and these are often not marked on the map. Clarke normally travelled alone. Perhaps solitary travel was wise in spite of the danger involved. Even the most devoted travelling companion would have found it hard to remain devoted on the walk from Klisura to Leskovik. Yet Clarke does not seem to have been a solitary person. He clearly got on with the people he met in the villages of Epirus. His sister reports his care for her after her accident. It was brave and kind of him to take her. Only once at Qflik near Butrint does he report an unpleasant atmosphere. There are a number of friendly references to people in the British School, usually referred to by initials. The formidable Mrs Hasluck is twice mentioned. The notebooks are peppered with names and addresses of Albanians living in Athens or America, even an Albanian Balliol man. Another Balliol man, Matthew Arnold, interested in another scholar gypsy, was at times guilty of the two great faults of academic life, self-pity and self-advertisement. Clarke is totally free from all these faults and it is this fact above all others which has inspired this tribute to him. Clarke saw that there was more of archaeological and cultural interest in Northern Epirus than in Southern Epirus. The Butrint Foundation recognizes this and is doing a good deal for the extreme south west of Albania. The villages near Gjirokaster, once a show piece of Albanian tourism, are in contrast neglected. The same is true of places like Poligan which Clarke shows to be of such interest. Further north along the Grammos mountains which Clarke did not visit there is nothing much until we come to the plain of Korge where again there are churches, ancient monuments and the great Vlach or Greek or Albanian town of Voskopoje. Important Classical sites such as Pelium and Diabolis have yet to be identified, but should be sought.

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Although Clarke's notebooks are in Henry James's terms 'loose baggy monsters' there is running through them like the pattern in a carpet an important thcmatic thread, and that is the continuity of Hellenism. Greek scholars, followed by Hammond, are very keen to prove that Greek speakers have been in continuous occupation of Epirus since the time of the Trojan war. There are some early difficulties with this theory, like Thucydides calling the Epirotes barbarians, the ethnic cleansing of the Epirotes by the Romans in 168BC, and the occupation by the Goths of Epirus at the end of the fourth century. But there is no reason to disbelieve Justinian's historian Procopius when he says that in the sixth century Epirus as far as Dyrrachium was Greek. Then came the Slavonic invasions. Here archaeology, literary evidence and the evidence of place names suggest a massive break in continuity. Civilization at Butrint seems to have collapsed, historians talk of the whole of Greece being slavicised, and Labove, the place of Justinian's church, is a Slav name. And yet, as exponents of the theory of Greek continuity point out, the Greek language survived. It may have survived in places like Pogoni. Along the coast there is evidence of the Greek speaking population seeking refuge in islands like Corcyra and even Sicily. But the land between the Drinos and the Vjoses was too far from the sea, and may itself have been a refuge for Greek and Latin speakers, the ancestors of the modern Vlachs, while the Slavs poured along the river valleys. With dim memories of Justinian these may have held on in their mountain fastnesses perhaps kept going by occasional recoveries until the great Byzantine revival of the ninth century. Pogoni is supposed to derive its name from the emperor Constantine Pogonatus who reigned in the seventh century. We find Clarke asking plaintively where is the monastery he is supposed to have founded, and this can easily be located across the Greek border, at Molyvdoskepastos, although once again there is no evidence of anything earlier than the twelfth century. It would, of course, need a massive archaeological investigation to find out what happened in Pogoni. At the very least some foundation ought to send some new Clarke to retrace his footsteps before it is too late. Much has vanished and more will soon vanish. Possibly in the West we have lost for ever the spirit of adventure which carried Clarke through the heat of summer at Permet and the freezing cold at Labove. Possibly the inhabitants of Albania after forty years of Enver Hoxha have lost interest in the past and are no longer able to supply as they supplied Clarke snippets of information, coins, songs and probably inaccurate reminiscences about antiquity. Possibly most of the churches mentioned by Clarke have been destroyed or have fallen into disrepair or have been brutally restored. But a new Clarke is still needed for our new age.

S.S.

CLARKE

IN

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ALBANIA

REFERENCES Archives Clarke, S. Diaries,

eight manuscript diaries held at the British School at Athens

library, Athens. Published Hammond, N. 1967 Epirus: the geography, the topography

the ancient remains, the history,

of Epirus and adjacent

and

areas, Oxford; Oxford University

Press. Waterhouse, H. 1984 History of the British School at Athens, School at Athens.

London; British

8. FREDERICK HASLUCK AND THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS BEFORE WORLD WAR ONE Amalia KAKISSIS

The British School at Athens was founded by a small group of learned men who saw the value of establishing a base in Greece for travelling scholars from Britain. George A. Macmillian and Professor (later Sir) Richard C. Jebb were two of the pioneers in this endeavour. George Macmillian, a scholar of classics when he first visited Greece in the spring of 1877, was destined to work in the family publishing business (Macmillan & Co. Ltd). As an alternative to academia, he channelled his enthusiasm for classics into forming a group known as 'The Society of the Promotion of Hellenic Studies' (SPHS) in 1879. 1 Jebb of Glasgow University, a distinguished scholar of classical languages and literature, was a supporter of various institutions and societies promoting classics, which included the Society of the Promotion of Hellenic Studies and the British Museum. He was also one of the founding fifty members of the British Academy. 2 Jebb's appeal for a British Institute in Greece appeared in an article written for the Fortnightly Review in May 1883 that voiced the thoughts of many classical scholars of the time. 3 His appeal caught the attention of the Prince of Wales, who presented the case for the BSA a month later in a meeting at Marlborough House in the presence of such distinguished men as Mr. Gladstone, then Prime Minister, Lord Salisbury of the Conservative Party, and Lord Rosebery of the Liberal Party. The result of this meeting was the formation of a committee to carry out the

1 Macmillan (1929; i-ii). The Hellenic Society, as it is also known, was not only one of the strongest supporters in the founding of the BSA but also gave continuous support to its mission, a support that continues today. Members of the SPHS were also founding members of the BSA, helping to create a strong bond between the two. Macmillan, for instance, later served many years on the BSA Managing Committee as Honorary Secretary. 2 Encyclopedia Britannica. 11th ed. vol. XV (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 191011), p. 299. British School at Athens. Archives. BSA Corporate Records: London: 1882-1959Correspondence: Jebb, R. (1882-86)

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plans for a British School at Athens. The Prince continued his association when, as King, he accepted the position of Patron of the School. 1 In the following year, land was given by the Greek state from the property of the Petraki Monastery (Moni Petraki), from part of their fields and olive groves at the foot of Mount Lycabettus. 2 This area today, now in the heart of Athens, was at the time considered too far outside the city: it was over a mile from the Acropolis and a half hour's walk to the shops. The earliest building of the BSA was constructed in 1886 to the design of its first Director Francis C. Penrose, an architect who came to Athens in 1845 to make a study of classical Athenian architecture. 3 He designed a neo-classical building sited with a view to the Acropolis and the sea beyond. Below this structure remained a large field that would later be the site of the School's Hostel and Library. The adjoining land to the east was also left empty and was later given to the American School of Classical Studies at Athens which constructed its first building in 1887. 4 Named 'Upper House' and currently the residence of the BSA Director, Penrose's building had seven bedrooms, a dining room, a drawing room, and a library. Light came from oil lamps and heat from coal fires. Electricity came in 1916, after a shortage of coal during World War I. 5 Within eight years of its foundation, the School added to this a hostel for the students since living accommodation could only be found in the centre of the city, a half-hour's walk away. Cecil Hartcourt Smith, the Director of the School, raised the funds for this new hostel. The building was designed by Charles Clark an Architectural Student at the BSA in 1895. 6 The new hostel was named the Macmillan Hostel, in honour of George A. Macmillan after his retirement as BSA Honorary Secretary. It had accommodation for nine students, common rooms, and quarters for staff. As a new student, Frederick Hasluck lived in the Hostel where a new terrace had just been added that looked out towards Mount Hymmetus. Women were not allowed to reside there until after the First World War.

1

Macmillan (1911; 1). British School at Athens. Archives. BSA Corporate Records: London: 1882-1959: Title Deeds: Translation from the Official Gazette of June 3, 1884. Royal Decree of Moni Petraki Land to BSA. 3 British School at Athens. Archives. BSA Corporate Records: London: 1882-1959: Plans of the Upper House, 1896. 4 Lord (1947; 28-29). ^ BSA XVI (1916-17; 219). 6 Macmillan (1911; 5-6). 2

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After its founding in 1886, the BSA survived somewhat precariously on annual subscriptions and private donations. A good measure of relief for the BSA's financial problems came in 1895 when Sir Edwin Egerton, British Minister at Athens and a supporter of the School, drew up a memorandum showing the low revenues of the BSA compared to the French, German and American Schools. With his support, the BSA Committee made an appeal for government funds from the Treasury. This appeal was supported by many private and public bodies. In particular distinguished societies such as the British Museum, the Royal Institute of British Architects and the Hellenic Society as well as several universities and colleges (Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, Glasgow and University College London) indicated their support and the Treasury granted the BSA £500 a year. Additionally, Sir Egerton used his influential connections, namely with the Prince of Wales, to call a meeting at St James' Palace which yielded many new annual subscriptions and donations. 1 With a more comfortable budget, the School was finally able to start its own publication, the Annual, the following year. In 1899, the School lobbied the estate of the Scottish Philhellene George Finlay for his library collection. The School was successful here too, and finally received the collection, which included books, pamphlets, maps, his personal papers and even his original bookcases in 1901. These were set up in the Common Room of the Hostel, which was then renamed the Finlay Room, and remains intact today. 2 With the acquisition of the Finlay collection and given that the Upper House library was running out of space, it was proposed in 1902 that a new library be created. Charles Heaton Comyn, a student from the Royal Institute of British Architects, was admitted to the BSA on an Architectural Scholarship in the 1901-2 academic year. He was asked to draw up the plans for the new building, 3 and an Athenian builder began work in the 1903-04 acadcmic year. When finished, the building was christened the Penrose Library in honour of Francis Penrose, the BSA's first director, who had died during the planning of the new library. The Penrose Memorial Library was formally opened in the 1904-5 session and is still used today as the main reading room of the BSA Library as well as for meetings and lectures. 4 1

Macmillan (1911; 4-5). Macmillan (1911; 8). 3 British School at Athens. Archives. Charles Heaton Comyn; Architects Report: The Penrose Memorial Library Athens, 1904 (copy). 4 BSA Corporate Records: BSA Premises: Hostel and Library, 1902-4. Macmillan, (1911- 102

11).

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The School's Work In these early years (1877-1899) the School's projets included excavations and surveys in Cyprus, Megalopolis, Aegosthena, and Kynosarges and Phylakopi on Melos. In 1900, after securing land for the excavations of Knossos, Sir Arthur Evans and David Hogarth (Director of the School 1897-1900) created the Cretan Exploration Fund. At the time, the School believed that the Knossos endeavour was too large a financial burden for them to take on themselves so Evans, in addition to directing excavations, funded the work with his own resources, therefore running the project under his own auspices. While Evans was busy unearthing the Minoan palace, Hogarth travelled around Crete, excavating the Psychro Cave, also known as the Cave of Dictaean Zeus and the Minoan palace at Kato Zakro. 1 Hogarth wanted to invest more time in his explorations in Crete and Cyprus and resigned as BSA Director in 1900 leaving Robert Carr Bosanquet, at the time Assistant Director, to succeed him. 2 Robert Carr Bosanquet, a scholar from Trinity College, Cambridge, had arrived at the British School at Athens as a student from 1892-1900. During his student years he took part in several of the BSA's early excavations including Aegosthena in Boeotia, Kynosarges gymnasium in Athens and Phylakopi on Melos, and worked too on material in the museum in Athens. He had not only a love for Greece and an enthusiasm for travelling but also recognized the opportunity that he had been offered by the BSA. He wrote to his father in 1899: I cannot feel too thankful for having been led to work which has fitted me to add to knowledge and do useful work without incessant book-work. If I had adhered to the narrow path of traditional Cambridge scholarship, I should now be tied to a print-&-pen-&-ink profession. But excavation and exploration have given me the power of seeing more than many men with twice my physical eyesight. 3

As Director, Bosanquet took loving care of the community and grounds, in particular the garden. He also continued to explore other areas, including East Crete where he found tombs from the geometric period up to the fourth century BC at the site of Praesos. In Asia Minor, he introduced Hasluck to Cyzicus in the north-western part of the country in the winter of 1901. 1

Macmillan (1911; 6-7). BSA VII (1900-01;169,172). The Assistant Director position during the 1899-1900 session was a trial run. The following year the BSA committee formally recognized the position because of its help in relieving the Director of some administrative duties, including managing the library. 3 Bosanquet (1938; 69). 2

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Although Bosanquet and Hasluck spent some time there evaluating the area for a future excavation, a firman (a Turkish permit) was not ultimately granted by the Turkish government. Bosanquet left Cyzicus to Hasluck and returned to explorations in East Crete, in the area of Palaikastro where he eventually undertook excavations from 1902-1906. There, he found a Minoan settlement and a Temple to Dictoean Zeus. He later started the excavations at Sparta in Laconia in 1906 but accepted a professorship at the University of Liverpool that same year and turned over the direction of the excavations to Richard M. Dawkins. Bosanquet also made two very important administrative changes, both of which benefited the students. One was the lengthening of the studentships to at least two years. That way, students could acquire a good foundation, and then use that foundation to scrutinize a specific topic. The other was a structured two-year study program. In the first year, students were required to undertake general studies, and in the second year they were required to specialize in a specific subject. 1 Their research program, roughly outlined, was as follows. For the first year in August and September they were to first go to Germany to become familiar with spoken German and so that they could follow lectures given by the German and Austrian Institutes. In October they arrived in Greece to study Greek and to start their travels around the country. The students largely remained in Athens for the winter months working in the library, visiting museums and attending lectures. By the spring, students started travelling again to ancient sites and joined one of the island cruises hosted by Prof. Ernst Gardner, former BSA Director and now Yates Professor of Classical Archaeology at University College London, or Prof. Wilhelm Dorpfeld of the German Institute. 2 The stops during these trips around Greece included visits to some of the most important sites known at the time, places such as Olympia, Delphi, Mycenae, Epidaurus and the Argive Heraeum as well as the Monasteries of the Meteora in Thessaly, Phylakopi on the island of Melos, and Mytilene on the island of Lesbos. As outlined by David Gill in his contribution to this volume, the students' journeys did not stop at the borders of Greece. They moved onwards to Asia Minor (modern day Turkey) visiting Smyrna (present 1 2

BSA VII (1900-01; 164). BSA VII (1900-01; 164).

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day Izmir), Priene, Ephesus, Mysia and Heinrich Schliemann's excavations at Hissarlik (Ancient Troy) in the Troad. Later in the spring and summer period, students were advised to concentrate on individual projects, assist in excavations, explore a given district in Greece, Asia Minor or the islands, or visit museums in Italy, Austria, and Germany on the way home. Students who remained for the second year of study were expected to concentrate on a specific topic. 1 The Early Scholars The BSA community was intellectually extremely stimulating. Students of various fields exchanged ideas not only on field trips but also in informal social gatherings such as at tea in the Finlay Common Room. Numerous students who passed through the school were influenced by Hasluck, and he by them. Many of these students later became renowned in the field of archaeology. Two students in particular, Richard M. Dawkins, excavator at Palaikastro in Crete and Sparta, and Alan J. B. Wace, excavator at Sparta and Mycenae — who were admitted as students at about the same time as Hasluck — also shared his interest in folklore studies.

Richard

Dawkins

Dawkins, a student from Emmanuel College, Cambridge came to the BSA in 1902. Although a philologist, he had a talent for excavation leading him unexpectedly to branch out into archaeology. He drew finds for Hogarth at the excavations at Zakro and Bosanquet in Palaikastro and later moved on to excavations in Sparta where he published the finds from the excavations of the Sanctuary of the Artemis Orthia. 2 Even though Dawkins had turned to archaeology, he did not give up his love of languages. Throughout his years at the BSA he continued research into dialects of Asia Minor, specifically in Cappadocia, Smyrna, the Pontus, Trebizond and Thrace. He did the same in areas of Greece, in particular cast Crete and northern Greece. Some of these studies led to the publication in the Annual of a study on Modern Greek dialects in Asia Minor in 1913. 3 Like Hasluck, he was also interested in the traditional life and customs of Greece and Asia Minor. This led also to other interesting publications on the Monks of Mount Athos and the celebratory customs of the people in Viza, Thrace. 1 2 3

BSA VII (1900-01; 164). Waterhouse (1986; 19-20). BSA XX (1913-14; 134).

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This mutual interest in folklore between Dawkins and Hasluck was only one of the things that rooted this close friendship between the two. They travelled extensively together and worked together when Dawkins was Director from 1906-1914. Both quiet scholars with an eagerness for learning, they greatly enjoyed interacting with each other on any sort of discourse.1

Alan Wace Another fellow student interested in folklore was Alan J.B. Wace who came to the BSA in 1902. A student from Pembroke College, Cambridge, Wace's first area of interest was Hellenistic art which he had spent some time studying in Italy. When the School began its work in Sparta in 1903 he was set to work on a catalogue of the Sparta Museum with Marcus Tod, then Assistant Director of the BSA. It was also at this time that he excavated for the first time at the site of Geraki in Laconia with Hasluck. 2 As with Hasluck, Dawkins was also a companion to Wace. He taught Wace archaeological techniques and travelled with him to inaccessible places, such as the southern Sporades, where they both became absorbed in the craft of traditional embroidery of the area.3 In archaeology he found his niche in prehistory, exploring Thessaly with Maurice Thompson, another BSA student. Their studies on Neolithic settlements in Thessaly eventually were published in the book, Prehistoric Thessaly (1914). It was also during this time that Wace and Thompson also became immersed in the modern day Vlachs which resulted in the book on the history and customs of the Vlachs entitled Nomads of the Balkans (1914). 4 Other important students at the School during Hasluck's time included Marcus N. Tod, an epigrapher who studied in Palaikastro and Sparta; Guy Dickins who was in charge of the excavations at the Sanctuary of Athena Chalkioikos in Sparta and worked on the Acropolis museum catalogue; Gisela Richter, who studied Attic vases and later became Curator of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City; H.J.W. Tillyard, who studied epigraphy — specifically inscriptions relating to boundaries — and Byzantine music; 1 This close friendship is easily seen in the letters Hasluck wrote to Dawkins which Hasluck's wife Margaret later edited (Hasluck 1926). 2 BSA VIII (1902-03; 392). Stubbings (1958; 266). Wace had already made a catalogue of Greek embroideries in the Fitzwilliam Museum in 1905. 4 Stubbings (1958).

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Maurice Thompson who took part in numerous excavation of the School, including the prehistoric sites of Thessaly with Alan Wace; and Arnold Toynbee who studied historical geography and had an unbeatable reputation for arduous travels. Other academic institutions that formed part of this community included Athens Archaeological Society (1834), Athens University (1834), the French School (1846), the German Institute (1874), Austrian School (1898) and of course the neighbouring American School (1882) with which the BSA developed a special relationship due to its proximity. By Hasluck's time the students of both institutions were attending and giving lectures at each other's institutions, even organizing meetings amongst themselves in a group named 'Verein', 1 to read papers and foster scholarly discussions. Hasluck himself was president of this group in 1905-6. All the foreign schools also made efforts to interact socially through organized weekly social gatherings switching from one school to another so the students could get to know each other. 2

Hasluck's

Work

Hasluck began intense research into Cyzicus, a site in Turkey, in his first year as Student of the BSA, going on a journey to Asia Minor with Director Bosanquet in December of 1901 to assess the area for excavation in the spring. In the end, due to difficulties in negotiations with the Turkish authorities, a firman (a Turkish permit) was not given for excavation of the site but Bosanquet and Hasluck were able to gather enough information through a survey of the site to begin their research, and even took impressions of an inscribed slab. 3 Hasluck decided to keep a foot in Asia Minor. With a grant of £90 from Cambridge, he returned in the spring of 1902 with A.E. Henderson, a fellow School student, and a guide, Ali Ibrahim, to survey the area of Cyzicus in anticipation of future excavations. During this survey Hasluck collected American School of Classical Studies. Archives. Administrative Records: Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Managing Committee of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 19067, p.15-16. A student club formed between the ASCSA and BSA in 1904 for the discussion of classical topics. They met alternately in the Common Room of the BSA and the Library of the ASCSA. Ibid. Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Managing Committee of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 1905-6, p. 16. 3 Bosanquet (1938; 99).

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thirty-five unpublished inscriptions and two pieces of archaic sculpture, all of which he deposited in the Imperial Museum at Constantinople. 1 He returned to Turkey the following year and continued his researches elsewhere in northwestern Turkey, making four journeys to the area of Mysia (a district south of Cyzicus), again accompanied by Henderson who drew the architectural plans of the site. 2 In 1904, Hasluck was elected a Fellow of Kings College for his dissertation dealing with the history and topography of Cyzicus. 3 In 1903, the Ephor-General of Antiquities offered the School the opportunity to explore the sites of Laconia. They eagerly accepted, and embarked the following year with a surface survey in the Laconia area under the direction of Marcus N. Tod and E.S. Forster. This survey included explorations at Sparta, Thalamai, Geronathae (modern Geraki), and Angelona and yielded numerous remains of ancient sites. The most profitable of these endeavours was the excavations at Sparta (1906-10). In only four seasons the team uncovered the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, a Roman theatre, the Sanctuary of Athena Chalkioikos and the Menelaion, a shrine to Menelaus. The survey also yielded numerous inscriptions and other antiquities, which were outlined in a descriptive catalogue of antiquities in the Sparta Museum. 4 Wace and Hasluck revisited the Laconia area in 1904 for preliminary investigations on the acropolis of Geronthrae (modern Geraki). Hasluck also surveyed the area of Angelona near Monemvassia where he found the remains of a heroon. 5 In addition to these projects, Hasluck supervised the School surveyor, Mr. Sejk 6 in making topographical plans of the fortresses at Zarax and Epidauros Limera on the south-west coast of Laconia. 7 Hasluck was to return to Asia Minor later that year, and indeed in following years, for his research on Cyzicus and the surrounding area. He focused his attention in this area in order to collect information to publish his dissertation as a book, which he did in 1910 entitled Cyzicus. During these research trips he made surveys in Broussa, the Mysian Lakes in north western Turkey, the islands of Marmara (Proconnesus), Pashaliman (Haloni) and Kalolimno (Besbicus), and a site in ancient Bithynia to document remains. 8 He also started researching 1 2 3 4 5

BSA BSA BSA BSA

VIII (1902-3; 318). IX (1902-3; 393). X (1903-4; 244). X (1903-04; 247-8).

BSA X (1903-04; 312); British School at Athens. Archives. BSA Excavation Records: Geraki 1 (Angelona). ® Unfortunately there is no mention of Mr. Sejk's first name in the records. 7 BSA XI (1904-05; 314). 8 BSA XIII (1906-07; 448).

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Byzantine and Frankish remains in Chios, Paros, Mt. Athos, and Smyrna, in addition to collecting information about history, religion and traditions of these areas. In the midst of this scholarly research, Hasluck was appointed Librarian and Assistant Director of the BSA. He had accepted the position of Librarian on condition that he could take two months of the eight month academic session off for travel and research leaving him approximately six months each year for his own projects. 1 In 1909-10 he took a year's leave of absence from the School to make a tour of India, as well as return trips to Asia Minor, Cyprus, Chios, Smyrna, Paros and Constantinople. During this trip he took photographs which would be deposited in the photograph collection of the Hellenic Society, a practice that he often pursued. 2 After this sabbatical, Hasluck settled in the library in Athens to focus on formulating his ideas on paper but he still managed to make various trips to the Troad, Thrace, the monasteries at the Meteora and Mount Athos, where he made drawings and architectural studies. 3 These research trips resulted in numerous publications, including some articles on ancient and modern Smyrna as well as a publication on the architecture and history of Mount Athos published posthumously in 1924. During the next academic session, 1911-12, Dawkins took a sabbatical in the United Kingdom, though he travelled to Turkey in an attempt to obtain an excavation permit to dig at Datcha, an endeavour that was ultimately fruitless owing to the uneasy military situation. Hasluck took his place as Acting Director at the school. That 1911 season too saw the arrival of Margaret Masson Hardie, a graduate of Aberdeen University and Newnham College, Cambridge who was admitted to the BSA as School Student. She spent the first part of her year studying material from the excavation of William Ramsay whose excavation in Pisidian Antioch in Anatolia she had worked on during the previous summer. The second half of the year she spent studying the topography and inscriptions of Smyrna with intentions to carry out research there but her plans were thwarted by the war. 4 1 2 3 4

BSA BSA BSA BSA

XII (1905-06; 482). XVI (1909-1910; 294). XVII (1910-11; 286). XVIII (1911-12; 316).

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Margaret and Frederick married in 1912 at her home in Scotland. They returned to live in Athens, and she worked closely with Hasluck. 1 After his death in 1920, she published many of his unfinished works, including the compilation Christianity and Islam under the Sultans (1929), in addition to the Athas and its Monasteries (1924), Letters on Religion and Folklore (1926), and various articles. Also in 1912, Hasluck agreed to collaborate on a project with H.H. Jewell, an architect on assignment by the Byzantine Research and Publication Fund, on the publication of the Church of Our Lady of the Hundred Gates in Paros. Such documentation of Byzantine and Frankish architecture originated in the early years of the BSA, when Sidney Barnsley and Robert Weir Schultz recorded several structures between 1887-1891, some of which today no longer exist. Barnsely and Schlutz published but a small portion of their drawings in a monograph on St Luke's Monastery at Stiris in Phocis in 1901.2 Due to financial reasons, the publication of most of the material coming out of this project was long neglected. The Byzantine Research and Publication Fund was established in 1907 to rectify this situation as well as to encourage more young scholars of Byzantine architecture including W. Harvey, W. S. George; R. Traquair, and A.H.S. Megaw to join the ranks. 3 With the contribution of many throughout the years, the collection today holds nearly 1,500 architectural drawings and hundreds of photographs. Hasluck himself donated numerous photographs from his travels in Greece and Asia Minor. The Byzantine Research Fund (BRF), as the collection is nowknown is held at the BSA Athens Archive.

Hasluck's Later Years In his later years at the BSA, Hasluck focused more on history and folklore. He conducted intense studies on the Genoese presence in Chios and investigated Turkish folklore and religions. For the latter, he journeyed extensively in Thessaly, Macedonia, Serbia, Epirus and Crete, tracking these religious movements, in particular the Bektashis, a Turkish religious sect. Many of these religious studies feature in the two volume Christianity and Islam under the Sultans (1929). 1 2 3

Allcock. and Young (2000: 130). Macmillan (1911; 2). Macmillan (1911; 16-17).

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As a result of security problems in the face of the First World War, the BSA was closed to researchers in 1915, and Hasluck's position as Assistant Director and Librarian at the School ceased in June of that year. 1 Like many other scholars in Greece during the onset of the war, Hasluck and his wife turned to help the people around them by devoting themselves to the Legations in Athens. The premises of the BSA were at this time used for one of the offices of the Legation as well as housing for some of its officials. The Legation wisely tapped into the great knowledge the members of the BSA had of the language, topography and customs of the country. 2 The Haslucks worked with the Intelligence Office of the British Legation, in particular the Passport Control Office headed by Compton Mackenzie, a British official housed at the Hostel who reports that Hasluck assisted him in compiling the counter-espionage catalogue of suspect persons which, by the end of 1916, when Hasluck left the operation, numbered over 1 2 , 0 0 0 . 3 Mackenzie also reports that Margaret was working in the headquarters in Whitehall Court London in the autumn of 1915 and later joined them in Bureau's office in Athens. 4 Other British School students working for the war effort at this time included Alan Wace, then Director of the BSA who helped Compton Mackenzie launch the passport bureau in Athens, 5 and David Hogarth, former BSA Director who became the Director of the Arab Bureau in Cairo. Richard Dawkins, commissioned as a lieutenant in the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve (RNVR), was working in intelligence in East Crete along with J.C. Lawson, a former student. 6 Guy Dickins, former Assistant Director, and William Loring, School Secretary, had already died serving in the war. 7 Hasluck carried out his assignment of compiling the counter espionage card catalogue as meticulously and patiently as he did his job as Librarian, something he did not completely give up, working on the rearrangement and cataloguing of the printed books in the Finlay Library, 8 as well as encoding

1

Hasluck (1926; 11, note 2 by M. Hasluck). BSA XXI (1914-15; 186). Hasluck (1929; v); Allcock and Young (2000; 130). 3 Mackenzie (1939;197-199). 4 Mackenzie does not go into detail of what Margaret Hasluck did at the either Bureau in London or Athens. 5 Mackenzie (1939;194). 6 Clogg (1993; 104). BSA XXIII (1918-19; viii-xvi). 7 BSA XXI (1914-15; 185). 8 BSA XXI (1914-15; 189). 2

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messages. 1 Their operation was housed in the cellar of one of the Bureau offices since the British School at Athens premises were deemed unsafe. 2 An unknown illness, which had long sapped Hasluck's energy, was finally diagnosed in November of 1916 as tuberculosis. His doctors sent him to Switzerland, since it seemed to be a more fitting climate to ease his condition. He and Margaret left Athens bound for Switzerland but were advised to go first to France because of threats of a German invasion. 3 They finally settled in a sanatorium in Leysin, Switzerland in 1918 where Frederick died on Feb. 22 1920. 4

The Papers Since Hasluck was forced to leave Greece during the war, his research papers remained in Greece for safekeeping until his wife returned to Athens after the war. 5 The present whereabouts of Hasluck's papers are unknown although it is probable that Margaret took the bulk of them to Albania to edit, where they were probably destroyed when her house in Elbasan was occupied in 1939.6 What little remains, especially of his personal correspondence, is saved in the letters he sent Richard Dawkins who later gave his papers to the Oxford University. The British School at Athens Archive unfortunately holds only a few of the manuscripts and notebooks pertaining to his scholarly work. These include a notebook that he kept with Alan Wacc on the excavations of Geraki/Angelona (BSA Excavation Records: Geraki (Angelona); a handwritten topographic index for areas in Asia Minor and the Greek Islands listing relevant authors under place names (BSA Excavation Records: Asia Minor; various photographs of fortresses, castles and churches in Turkey, Greece and the Greek islands in the BRF collection; and various notebooks on the history and remains of Smyrna (BSA Excavation Records: Smyrna 1-17), the most that survives of any one of his projects. The numerous photographs he took during his many travels and for his studies were also deposited by him and his wife in the photograph collection of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic 1 2 3 4 5 6

Mackenzie (1931; 316-19, 328). Mackenzie (1931; 341-342). BSA XXIII (1916-17) Hasluck (1926; p. 18, footnote one). Hasluck (1926; 164, 232). Hasluck (1929; vi). Allcock and Young (2000; 137).

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Studies. 1 On account of Hasluck's position in the administration of the BSA some of Hasluck's correspondence can also be found in the letters to the School Secretary, John Penoyre, within the BSA Corporate Records.

The Library As a Librarian he has left his presence at the BSA not only in the thousands of handwritten entries he made in the library logbooks still in use today but in the rearrangement, cataloguing and the acquisition of books. In his first year as librarian he undertook the laborious task of arranging the book collection in the new Penrose library, which entailed renumbering both the books and their corresponding catalogue cards. He took the opportunity to re-arrange the large number of topographical books by locality. His classification/shelving system is still in use today and there are now two rooms housing the topographical collection. In subsequent years he introduced a number of other bibliographic tools that are still in use today: a shelf catalogue that is used as an aid for classification and as an inventory for annual shelf checks for missing volumes and a topographia index, in the form of a card catalogue, of books and articles on topography and local history, arranged alphabetically by site. He had hoped to add concise itineraries to the books describing travels over large areas, but this was never completed, nor did the index cover publications in other School libraries. This intended project, originally instigated in 1903, for combining catalogues of closely related libraries such as those of the American, German and French Schools in Athens is something that has only recently developed into the ARGOS project (a computerized union catalogue of fourteen post graduate research libraries based in Athens). Hasluck also had deep knowledge of the George Finlay collection, having worked on rearranging and cataloguing the printed books, while Wace did the papers and manuscripts, during their stay at the BSA in World War I. His travel books, itineraries and personal papers helped Hasluck to make his own reference guides, as mentioned above, such as a hand-written topographic index for areas in Asia Minor and the Greek Islands that lists relevant authors under place name (Asia Minor 3).

1 Hasluck (1924; viii). BSA XVI (1909-10; 294). This collection was generously donated to the Archive of the British School at Athens by the Society of the Promotion of Hellenic Studies in June 2002.

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The book acquisitions that he made for the library during his tenure were of lasting importance to later scholars of Byzantine, Frankish, Ethnographic and Asia Minor Studies. One such was a series of original sketches and drawings by J.R Stuart for his publication, Monuments of Lydia and Phrygia, now in the BSA rare book collection, donated through the BSA London office. Hasluck also added a number of important Greek titles to the periodical list such as: Aaoypacpia (Laographia), the folklore review; B v C c l v t L s (Byzantis) from the Byzantine Society; EEVO4>ÁVR)S (Xenophanis) of the Asia Minor Association; Xicacá Xpovixa (Chios Annals). The School continues this emphasis through the addition of new titles to the collection of local Greek periodical publications. Hasluck also enriched the non-book resources of the library by acquiring important maps such as the large scale Austrian Staff map of European Turkey; added significantly to the photograph collections, the most important being the Arndt-Amlung-Bruckmann series of sculpture photographs; and developed the large lantern slide collection used in Open meetings and by the BSA directors for reports to the Managing Committee on work of the School. The Library of the British School at Athens benefited immensely from Hasluck's wide variety of interests as well as his long tenure. His devotion showed not only in the numerous books he himself donated to the library but also in the accurate and thoughtful arrangement of the collection. Books for Hasluck were the catalyst for many of his interests, breadth of knowledge and subsequent explorations. At the British School at Athens, he created a collection which offers the same opportunity to acquire knowledge to future scholars. 'We never spoke of this wasted end of a life' 1 commented Compton Mackenzie in his book, First Athenian Memories, sadly recollecting the image of Frederick Hasluck silently and meticulously working on the Legation's card catalogue. That Frederick's life ended so quickly is lamentable, but his accomplishments in that short life are truly admirable. With eagerness for knowledge through books and exploration he became an eminent scholar in, '...an unexplored field which he has made peculiarly his own', as Mr. John Penoyre, Secretary of the School, remarked upon reporting Hasluck's departure in 1915.2 His work in Asia Minor is invaluable, for he collected information 1 2

Mackenzie (1931; 198). BSA XXI 1914-15; 186.

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on archaeology, history, religion and traditional life before the area changed forever in the wake of war, political overthrows, and the exchange of populations between the Greeks and Turks in the mid-1920s. Along with his colleagues at the BSA, Hasluck contributed to a wide range of scholarship and his interest in modern history indeed places him in part of what Richard Clogg describes as 'The Golden Age' of the BSA when scholars were focusing on the study of recent history and modern language and society. 1 But Hasluck's realm of influence on others at the BSA did not end there for his enthusiasm for travelling gave him a reputation for endurance and adventure which later students, like Arnold Toynbee, admired and were challenged to emulate. 2

REFERENCES Archives

British School at Athens. Archives. BSA Corporate Records: London: 1882-1959: Correspondence: Jebb, R. (1882-86). London: 1882-1959: Title Deeds: Translation from the Official Gazette of June 3, 1884. Royal Decree: Moni Petraki Land to BSA. London: 1882-1959: Plans of the Upper House, 1896. BSA Premises: Hostel and Library, 1902-4. G. Charles Heaton Comyn: Architects Report: The Penrose Memorial Library Athens, 1904 (copy) BSA Excavation Records: Geraki 1 (Angelona) American School of Classical Studies. Archives. Administrative Records: Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Managing Committee of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 1905-6. Administrative Records: Twenty-sixth Annual Report of the Managing Committee of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 1906-7.

1 2

Clogg (1993; 93). Toynbee (1969; 103).

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Published Allcock, J. and Young A. (eds) 2000 Black

Lambs and Grey Falcons:

Women

Travellers in the Balkans, second ed. Oxford; Berghahn Books. Annuals of the British School at Athens,

1905-1920 London; BSA.

Bosanquet E. (ed.), 1938 Robert Carr Bosanquet: Letters and Light Verse, Gloucester; John Bellows Ltd. Clogg, R. 1993 'The British School at Athens and the Modern History of Greece', Journal of Modern Hellenism,

No. 10, 91-109.

Hasluck, F. 1924 Athos and its Monasteries,

London; Kegan Paul.

Hasluck, F. 1926 Letters on Folklore, edited by Hasluck, M. London; Luzacs. Hasluck, F. 1929 Christianity

and Islam under the Sultans, 2 vols, edited by M

Hasluck, Oxford; Clarendon. Lord, L. 1947 A History of the American An intercollegiate

School of Classical Studies

1882-1942:

project, Harvard; Harvard University Press.

Mackenzie, C. 1939 First Athenian Memories, Macmillan, G. 1911 A Short History

London; Cassell and Company Ltd.

of the British School at Athens,

London;

Macmillian & Co. Macmillan, G. 1929 An Outline of the History of the Hellenic

Society,

London;

Macmillan & Co. Stubbings F. 1958 'Alan John Bayard Wace, 1879-1957', Proceedings British Academy

of the

vol. XL1V, London; British Academy.

Toynbee, A. 1969 Experiences,

London; OUP.

Waterhouse, H. 1986 The History of the British School at Athens, London; BSA.

9. THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS AND ARCHAEOLOG] OTTOMAN EMP David W.J. GILL

British archaeological activity in western Anatolia was initially based on an interest in Hellenic culture. The admission of the first students to the British School at Athens in 1886 coincided with the epigraphic surveys of Sir William Ramsay and William R. Paton. Paton's archaeological work in Karia introduced John L. Myres to fieldwork in Anatolia. The British School's search for a suitable site for excavation included consideration of Cyzicus, Xanthos and Datcha; the first was the subject of a detailed study by F.W. Hasluck. Hasluck introduced Richard M. Dawkins to travels in the interior of Anatolia and the study of Greek dialects in the region. David Hogarth, who had travelled through Anatolia with Ramsay, returned to Ionia to excavate on the site of the Artemision at Ephesos on behalf of the British Museum. Members of the British School at Athens, including Alan Wace, took part in the Byzantine Research Fund project in Constantinople. Women students of the British School, notably Margaret Hardie and Dorothy Lamb, also travelled in Anatolia to make a study of the Roman and Islamic monuments. In 1903, Alan J.B. Wace observed in a report on 'Recent excavations in Asia Minor', 'I should like in particular to direct the attention of English archaeologists to Western Asia Minor as a field of research that is practically untouched, especially as regards the remains of the Hellenistic period'. 1 Wace was observing the large-scale excavations by the German and Austrian Schools of Archaeology at major classical sites like Miletus, Didyma, Ephesus, and Pergamum. In contrast the excavations of the British School at Athens were on less spectacular sites, with the exception of Knossos. Wace, who had a major interest in Hellenistic sculpture, no doubt had in mind large-scale excavations on prestige sites. Alexander Stuart Murray, Keeper of the department of Greek and Roman antiquities at the British 1

Wace (1903; 335).

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Museum, had been keen to re-open the Museum's excavations at Ephesus, work that went ahead under the direction of David G. Hogarth a year after Murray's premature death in 1904. 1 Yet this lack of organized British excavations disguises the regular expeditions by British archaeologists to different parts of Anatolia. Students of the British School at Athens had joined parties reaching deep inland from the very first session (1886/7), often using Smyrna as the starting-point. In some ways these expeditions are paralleled by the tours of the Austrians Otto Benndorf and Count Carl Lanckoronsky (188192). 2 Members of the British School had also been active in other parts of the Ottoman Empire, such as Macedonia (which was incorporated as part of Greece in 1913), and the eastern Aegean islands (some of which were incorporated by the Italians in 1913). British archaeologists were also active on Cyprus which had been under British administration from 1878. The interest in Anatolia is also reflected by the preparation of the Murray Handbook, with contributions by D.G. Hogarth and W.M. Ramsay. 3 Yet such work has often been overlooked in the official 'histories' of the School. 4

Early Exploration in the Islands British archaeologists had long been active on Greek sites lying within the jurisdiction of the Ottoman Empire. Auguste Salzmann and Alfred Biliotti conducted relatively scientific excavations in the cemeteries of Kameiros on Rhodes; the finds from the 1864 were despatched to the British Museum, though there has never been a systematic publication of the grave-groups. John Ruskin also explored the site of Ialysos on Rhodes in 1870. With the opening of the British School at Athens in 1886, the Aegean islands were on a regular itinerary with students observing antiquities. Interest developed with the opening of major excavations at Phylakopi on Melos. R.M. Dawkins and A.J.B. Wace were frequent visitors to the islands, and F.W. Hasluck was working on the island of Chios in 1910 while it was still part of the Ottoman Empire; it was incorporated into Greece in 1912.

1 2 3 4

Thompson (1903/4). Wiplinger and Wlach (1996; 2). Wilson (1895). Macmillan (1910/11); Waterhouse (1986).

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Anatolia

Travellers to Anatolia since the Renaissance had noted the remains and collected the antiquities which they encountered. Fragments of the altar of Zeus at Pergamon formed part of the 'Arundel marbles' which are now, in part, displayed in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. 1 During the nineteenth century there was a renewed interest in Anatolia by British scholars. Charles Fellows travelled widely through Asia Minor in 1838, and his tour led directly to the acquisition of sculptures for the British Museum from the site of Xanthos in Lycia. 2 Charles Newton, an employee of the British Museum, worked at Bodrum from where in 1856 he was able to extract sculptural reliefs and free-standing sculpture from the great Mausoleum of Halikarnassos. Newton also visited other important sites in the region including Didyma and Knidos. Edward Falkener first conducted research at Ephesus in 1845, to be followed in 1863 by J.T. Wood. 3 Wood's work, which led to the identification of the Artemision, continued until 1874. R.P. Pullan, supported by the Society of Dilettanti, worked at Priene in the same period (1868-69), and fragments of the temple of Athena Polias were subsequently presented to the British Museum. 4 In June 1868 George Dennis, best known for his surveys of Etruria, settled in Smyrna where he resided until 1870. He explored several sites in the hinterland, including excavating at Sardis. 5 In this same period, Frank Calvert was working alongside Heinrich Schliemann at Troy in a major series of excavations (1871, 1878, 1890). 6 David G. Hogarth, a future Director of the British School at Athens, was to observe: 'for the Ottoman Empire has been shut against the West so long and so closely that in many parts he [sc. 'The Scholar'! will find himself a pioneer breaking new ground for every science'. 7 The early British travellers were certainly penetrating what was still a little-known country.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Vickers (1985). Jenkins (1992; 140-45). Falkener (1862); Wood (1877). Jenkins (1992; 212). Rhodes (1973; 100-9). Allen (1999). Hogarth (1925; 4).

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Other archaeological work in the Ottoman Empire British exploration of sites in Anatolia needs to be seen against the work of other foreign archaeological schools. In the wake of Schliemann's excavations at Troy, new antiquities laws had been passed by the Ottoman government in February 1884, as described by Eldem in this volume. In October 1886 the Revd Joseph Hirst of Smyrna commented in a letter read to the Royal Archaeological Institute in London that the Ottoman government had 'withdrawn all permission given to Englishmen and other foreigners to excavate ancient sites within the Sultan's dominions, and also that large quantities of finely sculpted pillars, walls, and stones are being sold and utilized for modern building purposes'. 1 Such pillaging was observed by W.R. Paton at Iasos, and linked to Ottoman construction works in Constantinople. 2 The growing interest in archaeology is reflected by the opening of the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul in 1891.3 The Germans had excavated at Pergamon from 1878 to 1886, then from 1900 to 1908. Interest in the region was developed by the formation of the Comité behufs Erforschung der Triimmerstatten des Alten Orients ('OrientComité') in 1887.4 This was followed by work at Magnesia on the Maeander (1890, 1891-93), 5 and then Miletus (1899-1907). Miletus was chosen 'because here is perhaps the last point where sizeable art treasures in the area in question [Greek settlements on the Turkish coast] are to be found'. 6 German relations with the Ottoman authorities were not always good and a crisis in 1905 led to the suspension of some archaeological activity. 7 The French excavated at Myrina where notably they found a large number of fine terracotta figures which became highly prized (1880-82). The Austrians were equally active, exploring Lycia (1881-82) and working at sites previously explored by the British, notably Priene (1895-99) and Ephesus (1896-1907). 8

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Quoted from 'Archaeological News', A M 2 (1886) 477, in Allen (1999; 215). Paton (1887d); see also Hicks (1887). Gates (1996) and Eldem in this volume. Marchand (1996; 193). Marchand (1996; 193). letter of 17 July 1894; Marchand (1996; 194). Marchand (1996; 212). Wiplinger and Wlach (1996; 8-9): Marchand (1996; 193).

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The Archaeological Institute of America had been founded in 1879 and the first organised American excavation in Turkey was conducted at Assos (1881-83). 1 Joseph T. Clarke and Francis H. Bacon were joined by Frank Calvert, who had been associated with the excavations at Hisarlik. 2 The Americans under Howard Crosby Butler (1872-1922) of Princeton excavated the temple of Artemis at Sardis (1910-14), but the work was interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War. 3 Charles Eliot Norton had also hoped to excavate there. 4 The delicacy of archaeological excavation and survey in Anatolia in this period before the First World War is drawn out by the following tribute to Butler: It was the sterling integrity, as well as the consummate skill of Butler's work there which led to the highest distinction ever offered to an American and Christian explorer by a M o h a m m e d a n g o v e r n m e n t , n a m e l y , the unsolicited invitation to enter and take command of the excavation of Sardis. The Turks knew they could trust Butler; they knew he was absolutely honorable.5

Epigraphic surveys in Anatolia: the Asia Minor Exploration Fund The search for new classical texts was one of the driving forces for archaeological surveys in the Ottoman Empire. A.H. Sayce had resigned his fellowship at Oxford in 1879 to allow him to travel in the countries bordering the eastern Mediterranean. He was able to visit the Troad, where he was shown round the excavations of Hisarlik by Frank Calvert, 6 and then travelled to Smyrna, meeting up with George Dennis. 7 Sayce then travelled through Lydia observing Hittite monuments. 8 A.H. Sayce had been instrumental in appointing William Mitchell Ramsay to an Oxford studentship which would allow him to conduct this archaeological work: 'I already saw in him [sc. RamsayJ a possible recruit for a scheme of exploration in Asia Minor which was already beginning to take shape in my own mind'. 9 This exploration was to be an extension of the work 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Gates (1996). Allen (1999; 214-15). King (1983; 146). Dyson (1998; 166). Dictionary of American Biography. Sayce (1880): Sayce (1923; 161). Sayce (1923; 167). Sayce (1880). Sayce (1923; 158).

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of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies which had been newly formed; Sayce even had a vision for a British archaeological School in Smyrna, a plan thwarted by the establishment of the British School at Athens in 1886.1 Ramsay's first trip to Anatolia was in May 1880, 2 and he reported on sites near Smyrna in the first volume of the Journal of Hellenic Studies? Another British archaeological enterprise was the early systematic survey of eastern Cilicia by J. Theodore Bent, one of the pioneers of Aegean archaeology. 4 The inscriptions he noted were published by Hicks. 5 Archaeological activity in Anatolia increased, and supported by the Asia Minor Exploration Fund founded in 1883. 6 Ramsay was joined by the Munich-educated J.R Sitlington Sterrett, secretary of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens (1883-84). 7 Sterrett made two important journeys noting new inscriptions in 1884 and 1885, and in later life he recognised the importance of Anatolia as a source for new epigraphic material. 8 Ramsay was joined by Arthur Hamilton Smith (the future Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities at the British Museum) in the summer of 1884. The Asia Minor Exploration Fund also enabled students from the British School at Athens to operate in Anatolia. One of the first students at the British School at Athens was D.G. Hogarth. In mid-May 1887, after working on Greek inscriptions at Salonica, he joined Ramsay and H.A. Brown ('an adventurous fellow who had spent part of his youth in Albania and Montenegro') for a journey across Anatolia. 10 Hogarth admitted: 'Our main purpose was to find inscriptions, and I was taught by precept and example how a villager may be induced to guide an inquisitive giaur into the recesses of his haremlik, or grub up the headstone of his forefather, or even saw away the floor of his mosque'. 1 1 The party equipped themselves with 'a single tent and a few pots and pans, but no canned stores; and two simple villagers were hired to serve us'. 1 2 1

Sayce (1923; 173). Rhodes (1973; 138): see also Sayce (1923; 173). 3 Ramsay (1880). 4 Bent (1890). 5 Hicks (1890b). 6 see also Sayce (1923; 173). 7 Dyson (1998; 66-67): Lord (1947; 17, 358, 392). 8 Sterrett (1888a, 1888b, 1911). 9 Smith (1887). 10 Hogarth (1910; 5): see also Hogarth (1888). 11 Hogarth (1910; 8). 12 Hogarth (1910; 5-6). 2

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The party took the train to Seraikeuy (Saraykoy), exploring the site of ancient Mastaura near Nazli for an inscription, and then had ridden up the Lycus valley to Hierapolis. The party then travelled up the Maeander valley: 'The land flowed with milk and honey if not much else, and I learned the grave courtesy of the Anatolian peasant'. 1 By mid-June they arrived as Afium Kara Hissar (Afyon Karahisar), 2 from where they were able to explore Phrygia. Hogarth described their work at Metropolis (Ayazini) and Kiimbet (Meros): The haunted valley of Ayazin, where we grubbed mole-like under the face of a fallen tomb, and, prone in the shallow pit we had made, sketched the most curious of Phrygian reliefs: the sheer acropolis of Kumbet, where we planned a mysterious rock-house which may be of any antiquity; the gorges of Bakshish and Yapuldak, whose sculptured tombs, fashioned like houses of the living, are seen suddenly through the pines: that stupendous curtain of carved and written stone hung before the gate of death by which Midas the King passed to the Great Mother; all his desolate, impregnable city above it, with inscribed altars and rock-reliefs.-'

At the beginning of July Hogarth and Brown decided to travel to Cilicia while Ramsay returned home. 4 Their 'object was to reach Cilicia Tracheia by way of Phrygia Paroreus, and the Melas valley, pursuing in the former district a new route and especially selecting the unmapped and undescribed hill-path from Ilghin to Konia'. 5 They travelled over the Taurus in a wagon and left by sea from the port of Akliman for Smyrna, via Castellorizo. 6

Hogarth's second trip: 1890 Hogarth did not return for Anatolia for three years, though he was working on Cyprus as a member of the Cyprus Exploration Fund. In 1890 he formed a group with Ramsay and the newly-ordained Arthur C. Headlam (1862-1947), the future Bishop of Gloucester. 7 They took advantage of the extended Aydm railway line and travelled to Dineir (Dinar). 8 Their travels lasted for three months.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Hogarth Hogarth Hogarth Hogarth Hogarth Hogarth Hogarth Hogarth

(1910; (1910; (1910; (1910; (1890; (1890; (1910; (1910;

7). 9). 9-10): see also Ramsay (1888; 1889). 11). 151). 157): see Hogarth (1910; 44). Preface, for the mention of Headlam); see also Headlam (1892). 12).

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They travelled through Pisidia, revisiting sites familiar to Ramsay, and passed by the lake of Egerdir (Egirdir Golu). 1 They then headed southwards arriving at the ancient site of Adada. 2 In spite of Hogarth's illness, they pressed on, crossing the Eurymcdon, 3 and after making for Anamas Dagh and Bey§ehir Golii, 4 they arrived at Konya. The party headed southwards into Cilicia, travelling down the Calycadnus valley, 5 visiting the Corycian cave. While Headlam stayed at Talas with American missionaries to recover from illness, Hogarth and Ramsay continued over the anti-Taurus to Gurun where they were to study the Hittite material and 'discovered the Hittite relief of F r a k t i n ' . 6 Ramsay returned westwards with the wagon containing the antiquities that they had acquired on their travels, while Hogarth and Headlam pressed on, studying the Hittite inscriptions of Bulgar Maden, before returning to Dineir.

Hogarth's third trip: 1891 Hogarth arrived at Mersina in June 1891 hoping to make a third trip with Ramsay. 7 Ramsay had already departed, but Hogarth and J.A.R. Munro, along with Gregorios Antoniou, headed across the Aleian plain for the Taurus. 8 All three had worked on the excavations of the Cyprus Exploration Fund. They passed through Hajin, and then headed to the region of Comana to make a study of the Roman road (and its milestones) that ran eastward to Melitene from Caesarea Mazaca. 9 The Roman work completed (at Arabissos), they were able to concentrate on Hittite remains. They then visited Elbistan, then southward through the Taurus via Zeitun to Mara§ in Commagene. Unfortunately the Hittite remains that they had hoped to see had been 'spirited away' to North America. 1 0 In spite of an injury sustained from falling from a horse, Hogarth and the rest of the party headed across the Taurus through the Pyramus gorge. 11 They were detained for a while at Derende due to a cordon to prevent

1

Hogarth (1910; 13). Hogarth (1910; 13-14). 3 Hogarth (1910; 14). 4 Hogarth (1910; 15). 5 Hogarth (1910; 15). 6 Hogarth (1910; 15-16). 7 Hogarth (1910; 16). 8 See also Yorke (1898). 9 Hogarth (1910; 16-17); Munro and Hogarth (1893). 10 Hogarth (1910; 17). 11 Hogarth (1910; 17). 2

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the spread of cholera. The party then travelled to Sivas, and followed the Halys (Ye§ilirmak) valley to Zara, and then north-eastwards to Nicopolis. 1 They then headed along the Lycus valley reaching Neocaesareia, south-westwards to Comana Pontica, following the Iris valley to Amasya. 2 They then followed the Roman road north-westwards passing the baths of Phazemon and thence to the Black Sea. This visit through Pontus inspired Munro to return to make a study of the road system. 3

Hogarth on the upper

Euphrates

After excavating in Egypt, as well as a survey on the possibility of work in Alexandria, Hogarth left for eastern Turkey in the spring of 1894. He was returning to England for his marriage in November. The journey was described in the chapter, 'The great river Euphrates', in The Wandering Scholar first published in 1896. 4 The party, consisting of Hogarth, V.W. Yorke (in his second year at the British School), Vicount Encombe and Lt F.W. Green, arrived by sea at Mersin and travelled by the newly constructed railway line to Adana. 5 They headed eastwards first Aintab (Gaziantep), 6 reaching the river Euphrates, then in spate over the melt of the winter snows, near the town of Khalfat 'an hour' downstream from Rumkale. 7 This part of the journey had already been documented by the Germans Carl Humann, Otto Puchstein and Felix von Luschan in their 1883 expedition to Nemrud Dagh. 8 They recrossed the river at Samsat, noting the start of the great route to India. 9 Hogarth noted remains of the ancient Samosata: 'Hardly a hundred huts huddle in one corner of the old site, marked now by the line of the Roman fosse, by a ruined wall and by gaunt fragments of rubble. A black stone with Hittite inscription, defaced even more hopelessly than other monuments of its class, lies face downwards where the flocks are milked; two tiles of the 'Steadfast Flavian Legion XVI' and a soldier's dedicatory altar were disinterred

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Hogarth (1910; 18). Hogarth (1910; 18). Munro (1900, 1901a); see also Anderson (1900); Cumont and Anderson (1912). Hogarth (1925; 66-96); see also Yorke (1896, 1898). Yorke (1896; 318). Yorke (1896; 320). Hogarth (1925; 69); Yorke (1896; 321). See also Marchand (1996; 92-94). Hogarth (1925; 71).

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for us from heaps of kitchen refuse; there are some trivial Greek inscriptions in mud-walls and in the castle-ruins'. 1 At this point the party split in two. Beyond Samsat Hogarth noted remains of an aqueduct crossing the tributaries of the Euphrates. 2 They were prevented from following the course of the river as the road had been eroded away, and so decided to head north. 3 Near Nemrud Dagh, they came across a Roman bridge at Kiakhta (now the Cendere Koprtisii over the Cendere Cay), 4 'with hardly a stone displaced. The single arch spans one hundred and twelve feet, and the keystone is fifty-six feet above mean water-level. Three columns are erect at the ends of the balustrade, graven by the four cities of Commagene with dedications to the Emperor Septimius Severus, his wife, and his son Caracalla: the fourth column, which bore Geta's name, was removed after his murder'. 5 Hogarth then took a difficult path through the Taurus mountains rather than taking the advice of his Cilician muleteers who preferred the road along the river. 6 The party arrived at Malatya, quarantined because of a cholera outbreak just to the north. 7 The Arapkir (Arabkir) road was to the north was still open, and so they pressed on, rejoining the Euphrates near the fords of the Kurugay. 8 Hogarth then caught site of the Dersim massif, where only a year before a Turkish army unit from Erzincan had been annihilated by the local people. 9 They then followed the northern stream of the Euphrates, known as the Murad, above the Keban Maden. 10 They thus made their way to Erzincan, observing the occasional piece of Roman paved road and two bridges. 11 The party arrived at the military base of Erzincan 12 and then headed through the pass of Sipikor, recalling 'a little of the sense of escape which made Xenophon's weary Greek raise their shout from a point a little further

1

Hogarth (1925; 72); see Yorke (1896; 322; 1898; nos. 14-18). Hogarth (1925; 72-73). 3 Hogarth (1925; 73). 4 See also Sandars and Gill (in press). 5 Hogarth (1925; 75); Yorke (1896; 322-23). 6 See also Yorke (1896; 324). 7 Hogarth (1925; 79-80). 8 Hogarth (1925; 82). 9 Hogarth (1925; 82-83). 10 Hogarth (1925; 85); now under the Keban Dam. 11 Hogarth (1925; 87-88). 12 Hogarth (1925; 94). 2

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north on this same road'. 1 They then passed through Sadagh (Satala) where the inscriptions identified the fortress of the XV Legion Apollinaris: 2 'the groundplan of the wall with its square towers remains on the north and the east, and in the modern hamlet of Sadagh were preserved half a dozen tiles of LEGIO XV A P O L L I N A R I S ' . 3 The trip ended in mid-June at Trebizond (Trabzon) 4 where the party then boarded a ship that took them to Constantinople. 5

Survey and

travels

Following the journeys of Hogarth and Munro, there seems to have been a concerted effort to make studies of specific areas of Anatolia. Pairs of travellers, often students at the British School at Athens, would make sweeps though the countryside, making special note of inscriptions. The routes across Asia Minor were plotted, effectively as an extension of topographical studies, stimulated by historical accounts. 6 The knowledge gained from such travels was brought together in J.G.C. Anderson's Map of Asia MinorP

Phrygia Phrygia had been one of the areas explored by Ramsay. 8 J.G.C. Anderson initiated a study in 1897 during his first year as a student of the British School. 9 Among the sites he visited was Altintas on the road to Kiitahya. In 1898 Anderson and Crowfoot revisited the area to make a study of two inscriptions located on the north side of Mount Dindymos (Murad Dagi). 1 0 On their way to Galatia they stopped at Boyuk Tchobanlar (^obanlar) on the north side of the Akkar Tchai (Kaystros). 1 1 By the river they discovered an inscription of Marcus Aurelius erected by the demos of Eulandra, thus fixing the location of the city known from a fifth century A D bishopric. 12 1

Hogarth (1925; 95); see also Yorke (1896; 459). Yorke (1896; 460; 1898; no. 36). 3 Hogarth (1925; 88). 4 Hogarth (1925; 88); sec also Yorke (18%; 318). 5 Yorke (1896; 462). 6 e.g. Anderson (1897a). 7 see Calder and Bean (1958). 8 e.g. Ramsay (1888; 1889); Hogarth (1890). 9 Anderson (1897b; 1898a, b). 10 Anderson (1898b; 1897/8; 49-50). 11 Anderson (1897/8; 50). 12 Anderson (1897/8; 50-51). 2

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After passing through Afyon Karahisar, Anderson and Crowfoot visited Ai-ktiruk, just to then north-west of Altinta§, where new discoveries had been reported. They discovered that an ancient cemetery had been uncovered and stones were being removed for the construction of a mosque. 1 They then explored the region around to the south of the ancient Aezani and the slopes of Murad Dagi. At Oren they found some late antique remains including inscriptions.2 At Aezani they noted architectural remains, and made a study of the Steunos cave, sacred to Cybele. 3 They travelled to Kiitahya, noting previously identified inscriptions.4

Galatia After the exploration of Phrygia in 1897, Anderson and Crowfoot set off for Galatia in 1898 as part of the project supported by the Asia Minor Exploration Fund. 5 Crowfoot had been admitted for a second year at the British School, and had spent part of his time excavating on the British Museum's excavation near Larnaka. Together they set out from Smyrna in mid-May from Smyrna, taking the railway to Diner (presumably Dinar), the site of ancient Apameia. 6 After a detour to Phrygia, the pair set out south-eastwards from Afyon Karahisar towards Ak§ehir. Anderson noted: 'This district is practically a complete blank in the maps and many parts of it have never been trodden by any traveller, so that we take the chance of describing our routes here in detail'. 7 They skirted the 'Salt Desert', and noted a third century AD dedication to Men at Selmea. They then headed for Angora (Ankara) in order to meet H.S. Shipley, the British Consul who was leaving, so that they could obtain the necessary permits. From Ankara they headed westwards towards Juliopolis to locate towns along its way, 8 then headed to the south in the region of Mihalicik. Anderson and Crowfoot then separated in order to cover more ground. On returning to Angora they headed for Pessinus. Afterwards they headed south-eastwards to Late Tatta, previously visited by W.F. Ainsworth 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Anderson (1897/8; 51-52). Anderson (1897/8; 54). Paus. 8.4.3 and 10.32.3; Anderson (1897/8; 55). Anderson (1897/8; 57). Anderson (1899); Crowfoot (1899). Anderson (1897/8). Anderson (1897/8; 58-59). see Crowfoot (1897/8).

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(1839) and F. Sarre (1895). Anderson later made a study of cult in the Roman province of Galatia.1

Karia Through an inheritance, William Roger Paton (1857-1921), was able to travel to the Mediterranean in 1880 after reading classics at Magdalen College, Oxford. 2 Part of the reason for his travels was the search for new inscriptions. His most substantial epigraphic study was that of material from the island of Kos, co-written by Edward Lee Hicks, which appeared as Inscriptions of Cos (1891). 3 During a stay on the island of Kalymnos, then part of the Ottoman Empire, he had fallen in love with Irène, the daughter of Emanuel Olympitis, mayor of the island. They married, and one of their married homes was at Gumiisluk on the Bodrum peninsula and near the site of ancient Myndus. Iasos was one of the sites which interested Paton, and some of the epigraphic material was studied by E.L. Hicks. 4 However the site was being looted, and Paton concentrated on Asarlik, presenting some of the finds to the British Museum. Paton then turned his attention to the site of Ceramus on the north coast of the Gulf of Kos. 5 He was able to make copies of a number of inscriptions, which were published by E.L. Hicks. 6 Although Paton was never an official student of the British School at Athens, he is listed as a subscriber. In 1893 Ernest Gardner, Director of the British School at Athens, arranged for John L. Myres to work with Paton on a survey of the Bodrum peninsula. 7 Paton continued his surveys and visited Grion and Latmos in September and October 1893, the Latomos range in the summer of 1896, and later eastern Karia and southern Lydia. 8

1

n 3 4 5 6 7 8

Anderson (1910). Gill (in press a). see also (Hicks 1888). Paton (1887; 1889a); Hicks (1887). Paton (1888). Hicks (1890). Paton and Myres (1896; 1897; 1898). Paton and Myres (1897; 53); Paton (1900).

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Mysia Munro turned his attention away from eastern Anatolia to Mysia. His first trip was made in the autumn of 1894, 1 accompanied by Professor W.C.F. Anderson of Firth College, Sheffield, and H.M. Anthony of Lincoln College, Oxford. The party headed westwards from Brusa (Bursa) to the city of Apollonia (by Ulubat Golii) where a number of inscriptions were observed. 2 Munro observed: 'Apollonia is full of relics of antiquity. Every second house has its "ancient stone," either built into the wall or put to same base purpose, and numerous coins and gems are offered for sale'. 3 The party noted boundary stones Qioroi) near the lake, 4 and where the road crossed the river Rhyndacus they observed the old bridge. 5 At Omar Keui they observed a Roman milestone marked VIII, presumably the distance from Cyzicus. 6 They reached Pandemia (Panormus) 7 and visited the site of Cyzicus (discussed below). The party then headed southwards round the lake of Manias (Ku§ Golii). In the midst of a Byzantine fortress, they noted an honorific inscription probably dating from 42 BC. 8 As there was no obvious local source for the inscriptions, they speculated that the inscriptions may have been brought from Cyzicus, and that for fortress was that of Lentiana. 9 The party then followed the Macestus valley southwards towards Balukiser (Bahkesir), noting a series of milestones on the road from Miletopolis to Balikesir. 10 Munro commented that the natural route formed by the valley: 'It is even proposed to extend the Soma branch of the Smyrna and Kassaba railway by this route to the north coast'. 1 1 A ten- or twelve-arched Roman bridge between Susurlu (Susurluk) and Sultan Chair (Sullangayiri) seemed to them to indicate a branch of the road, guarded by a Byzantine fort. In the region of Balikesir they searched for traces of the settlement of Hadrianutherae known from the Peutinger Table. The third part of their journey explored 'The Hill Country between the Rhyndacus and the Macestus', reaching as far as Tavshanli (Tavsanh) just to

1

Munro and Anthony (1897a, b); Munro (1897). Munro and Anthony (1897a; 152). 3 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 154). 4 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 154). 5 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 156). 6 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 158). 7 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 158). 8 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 160). 9 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 160-61). 10 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 163). 11 Munro and Anthony (1897a; 163). 2

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the west of Ktitahya. Munro and W.C.F. Anderson made a further trip to Mysia in September 1896. 1

Robert Carr Bosanquet and the search for Kyzikos In 1900 the excavating strategy of the British School at Athens changed. David Hogarth resigned as Director of the British School at Athens, and joined the Cretan Exploration Fund as one of the Directors. Crete, now protected by international forces, was open for excavations, though, for the British, this meant under the patronage of Arthur Evans. The main British excavations at Phylakopi on the island of Melos had been concluded, and so Anatolia was considered as a possible area. Munro's expedition to Mysia in 1894 had observed Cyzicus: The site of Cyzicus ... has been for so many centuries a quarry for buildingstone that little is now standing above ground. The level ground is one big garden of vines and fruit-trees —olives, walnuts, peaches, and cherries. The bay tree grows wild in such profusion that the air is scented with its perfume. Inscribed or carved stones, plundered from the site, are to be found in most of the neighbouring villages. At Edinjik especially there are many inscriptions, and the wooden columns which support the upper chambers over the public 'exchange' rest upon inverted capitals. 2

In early December 1901 a small party from the British School set sail on the S.S. Electra as part of an expedition to explore Cyzicus. Robert Carr Bosanquet, the Director, observed 'swarms of interesting deck passengers, Albanians and Bosniaks, mainly Moslem lads going to work at Constantinople'. 3 The party formed at the Pera Palace hotel in Constantinople consisting of Robert Carr Bosanquet (the Director of the British School at Athens), R. De Rustafjael, F.W. Hasluck, Amadura ('a clean English-bred Italian'), and Thompson ('speaks Turkish fluently and knows all the ropes and remains pleasantly British in spite of it'). Bosanquet described Hasluck as 'splendid and sticks to his business in spite of all temptations to consort with other nations — Italian concessionaires with diamond studs and 'that lot'. 4 The party boarded the S.S. Volga, a 'steamer even smaller and more squalid than the Greek coasters; like them, Clyde-built'. Bosanquet and Hasluck

1 2 3 4

Munro (1897). Munro and Anthony (1897a; 158). Bosanquet (1938; 92). Bosanquet (1938; 94), 4 December 1901.

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travelled light, 'in the hardy Athenian plan ... a kitbag and holdall apiece'. 1 They travelled via Bandirma, where Bosanquet was identified as a spy, and on by sailing caique. 2 Bosanquet made the observation: 'The peninsula is a big hilly region, looking much bigger than it did on the map ...'. The expedition set up base in the village of Yenikeni, in 'a trim clean timber-house, with glass sash windows and spotless lilac cotton curtains, chairs and floor rugs and divans and all manner'. 3 The stores were 'Armier and Navier even than the stock we took to Praesos' (Bosanquet's excavation in eastern Crete), and Bosanquet bewailed the fact that the marmalade 'isn't a patch on our own British School Home-made'. 4 The team was assisted by a Kurd, Ali, 'a handsome honest active man, in the richly embroidered khaki livery these Constantinople servants delight to wear—lots of black braid, relieved with touches of gold'. Hasluck and Bosanquet made an initial survey of the site: '[we] walked over part of the site before luncheon and we have all spent a long afternoon there'. 5 One of the first monuments to be studied was the theatre. Bosanquet observed, 'Its outline is clear, but like all the other heaps of ruins it is a mass of undergrowth, chiefly bay-trees'. 6 Elsewhere on the site, 'Marble everywhere, mutilated fragments of architecture and sculpture in the walls, strewn about the fields, even embedded in the roads'. The following day they looked 'at the great sarcophagus', and then rode to the ancient Artake (modern Erdek), to the west, to observe ancient marble quarries. 7 On the Saturday Bosanquet and Hasluck studied 'the Poseidon monument, a pedestal or altar with tridents and fish and galleys thereon'. Hasluck and Bosanquet took the village watchman, a Tcherkess from the Caucasus, who patrols the fields armed with an old musket, and went to the amphitheatre, a most beautiful spot outside the walls. A stream has burst through the mighty fence and careers through the arena; a great part of the walls has fallen; but great piles of masonry still tower to heaven, and the hillsides are full of overgrown vaults; the whole hollow is a mass of luxuriant thickets, bay, arbutus, ivy and honeysuckle; sprays of unripe blackberries hang over the Q water. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Bosanquet (1938; 94), 4 December 1901. Bosanquet (1938; 95), 5 December 1901. Bosanquet (1938; 95). Bosanquet (1938; 98). Bosanquet (1938; 96). Bosanquet (1938; 96), 5 December 1901. see Munro and Anthony (1897a; 158). Bosanquet (1938; 98), 7 December 1901.

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A full excavation never took place, but Hasluck and other members of the expedition made a systematic study of the city. 1 Bosanquet decided to conduct his own excavations on Crete and the proposal for official School excavations at Cyzicus abandoned. Hasluck continued to visit Mysia after the Cyzicus expedition. He travelled through the area with Dawkins in the summer of 1906, 2 noting a bridge on the Aesepus, 3 and in 1907 Hasluck visited the Marmara islands. 4 This research came to fruition in a monograph on the city of Cyzicus by Hasluck, as described by Salmani in this volume. 5 The area was also visited by E.L. Hicks in April 1907 as part of a party from the 'Argonaut' (with F.G. Harman and J. Alison Glover). 6 The party started at Troy and then moved to Bursa.

Lycia British interest in Lycia can be traced back to the travels of (Sir) Charles Fellows (1799-1860) who first arrived in Smyrna in 1838. 7 After raising funds from the British Government, Fellows and George Scharf returned to Lycia in 1839. A major expedition, including British sailors then travelled to the site of Xanthos in the spring of 1842. A fourth visit to Xanthos took place in late 1843. The sculptures were arranged in a 'Lycian Gallery' at the British Museum which opened to the public in December 1847. 8 Lycia was considered as a possible location for an excavation by the British School at Athens. Hogarth was requested to make a survey of possible sites, which could then lead to the formation of an excavation fund. 9 He formed a party including the Oxford-educated J.G.C. Anderson, then Craven Fellow at the British School. 1 0 This expedition took place in the late spring of 1897, coinciding with the thirty day war between Greece and Turkey following uprisings on Crete.

1 Hasluck (1901/2; 1902; 1903; 1904; 1904/5); Hasluck and Henderson (1904); de Rustafjaell (1902); Harcourt-Smith and de Rustafjaell (1902). 2 Dawkins and Hasluck (1905/6); Hasluck (1906a, b; 1907). 3 Hasluck (1905/6). 4 Hasluck (1909). 5 Hasluck (1910). 6 Hicks (1907). 7 Jenkins (1992; 140-53). 8 Jenkins (1992; 152). 9 Hogarth (1910; 43). 10 Hogarth (1910; preface).

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The party set out from Smyrna, and sailed to the island of Castellorizo to the east of Rhodes, and just off the coast of Lycia. They then hired a fishing-boat to take them across the mainland, landing near the Lycian cemetery of Aperlae. 1 On visiting Myra, Hogarth observed, 'we roamed about the vaults and horseshoe of the great Theatre, and climbed unwatched the rockcut stairway which leads to the great carved cliff of tombs'. 2 The party hired horses and were able to visit Patara and Xanthus. 3 At the latter Hogarth was able to observe the stakes that Fellows had used on the Harpy tomb after removing the frieze. 4 Xanthus was ear-marked for future excavation: 'Some day a digger will get a rich booty at Xanthus'. 5 There was a proposal to excavate at Xanthos or another site in Lycia in 1901, a time that coincided with the other British exploration at Cyzicus, but the planned excavations never came to fruition also due to the newly-provided access to sites on Crete following the occupation by the international powers. Hogarth's party concluded their expedition to Lycia by returning to Rhodes.

The cruise of the 'Utowana' Hogarth returned to Lycia in the spring of 1904 aboard the yacht 'Utowana', owned by Mr Alison V. Armour. 6 Other members of the party included Richard Norton (a former student at the American School), A.W. van Buren and C.D. Curtis. The party started on the west coast of Anatolia, visiting Didyma, Iasus, Bargylia, Bodrum, Knidos, Loryma and then Rhodes. 7 They then travelled along the coast of Lycia visiting some of the major cities, before passing cape Chelidonia into the Satalian Gulf. The party landed at Deliklitash, not from Chimaera. 8 They then sailed northwards to Phaselis, 9 and after observing the remains of the city they sailed north-eastwards, making land in Pamphylia. 1 0 At the Eurymedon they landed to see the ruins of Aspendos where Hogarth observed the theatre had 'the grandeur of scale which excites fancy, and that perfection in survival which, lulling the sense of

1

Hogarth (1910; 47-48). Hogarth (1910; 49). 3 Hogarth (1910; 53). 4 Hogarth (1910; 62, and pi.). 5 Hogarth (1910; 63). 6 Hogarth (1910; preface, 108). 7 Hogarth (1910; 108). 8 Hogarth (1910; 109; see Akurgal (1978; 265). 9 Hogarth (1910; 113). 10 Hogarth (1910; 115). 2

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strangeness, allows fancy to leap unastonished across the centuries'. 1 They then sailed eastwards to Old Adalia, finding Cretan refugees camped out among the ruins of Side. 2 After sailing on to Cilicia and then Cyprus, the party headed for Cyrenaica. 3

The search for prehistoric

sites

British interest in Lycia was renewed with a visit by A.M. Woodward in 1909 in a search for new inscriptions. In May 1910 A.M. Woodward, now the Assistant Director of the British School, and H. Ormerod set out for Lycia via Smyrna and Adalia. 4 One of the main aims of the expedition was to look for prehistoric sites, and Ormerod had gained experience working with Wace and Thompson in northern Greece. While at Antalya they identified an inscription recording the capture of Antalya in 1361. 5 The party headed westwards for Termessos, though they made no detailed study as they felt that it was in easy reach of Antalya for others to do the work. They followed the road westwards to Isinda, and then struck southwestwards to Rimali, north past Lake Karalitis, and north-westwards to Denizli. After visiting Hierapolis, they took the train to Smyrna. They were able to identify some twenty prehistoric mounds, plus a number of historic sites. 6 Ormerod continued to take an interest in Lycia, especially as his research into pirates developed. 7

Pisidia Expeditions to Pisidia and Pamphylia were mounted by Austrians in 1884 and 1885. 8 A party led by Ramsay and including H.S. Cronin and G.A. Wathen travelled through Pisidia, Lycaonia and Pamphylia in the summer of 1901. 9

1

Hogarth (1910; 118-19). Hogarth (1910; 121). 3 Hogarth (1910; 122). 4 Woodward and Ormerod (1909/10). 5 Hasluck (1909/10). 6 BSA Annual Report (1909/10; 295). 7 Ormerod (1911/12); Ormerod and Robinson (1914); see also Robinson (1914); Ormerod (1922; 1924). ° Wiplinger and Wlach (1996; 10). 9 Cronin (1902); Ramsay (1902/3). 2

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Woodward noted a number of inscriptions in the summer of 1911. 1 In the summer of 1911 Ramsay made a study of the Roman colony of Pisidian Antioch and the extra-mural sanctuary of Men Askaenos. 2 Anderson made a special study of the agonistic festival attached to the sanctuary, 3 though he probably dated the festival later than was necessary. The survey noted a large number of inscriptions from the colony which provided rich material for further epigraphic work, some of which has continued since the Second World War. 4

Pamphylia Ramsay had travelled to Pamphylia in 1880. 5 Subsequently there were two Austrian expeditions to Pamphylia, made via Antalya, in 1884 and 1885. 6 Ramsay revisited the area in the summer of 1901, 7 and Hogarth landed there during the cruise of the 'Utowana'. 8 Minor work was conducted as an adjunct to the more detailed work of Lycia. 9

David G. Hogarth and the excavation

ofEphesos

British excavations at Ephesus had been suspended in 1874, but A. S. Murray, the Keeper of Greek and Roman antiquities at the British Museum, had hopes of resuming the work. 10 In spite of Murray's untimely death in March 1904, Hogarth resumed the excavation of Ephesus in the September of that year. 11 The problem of working on the flooded excavations brought its own problems, and Hogarth looked enviously at the concession made to the Austrian archaeological mission. 12 At the end of the year Hogarth dug through the structure known as the 'Great Altar', discovering some gold offerings and

1

Woodward (1910/11). Hardie (1912). 3 Anderson (1913). 4 e.g. Cheesman (1913); Ramsay (1916); see also Cumont and Anderson (1912). For later work; e.g. Levick (1958). 5 Ramsay (1880). 6 Wiplinger and Wlach (1996; 10). 7 Cronin (1902). 8 Hogarth (1910; 115). 9 Ormerod and Robinson (1910/11); Ormerod (1912); Robinson (1914). 10 Thompson (1903/4). 11 Hogarth (1925; 232). 12 Hogarth (1925; 236). 2

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even electrum coins. 1 Hogarth reckoned that he transferred 'more than half a thousand j e w e l s ' to the museum in Constantinople by the middle of December. 2 Hogarth returned to excavate in the spring of 1905. Among his team was A.E. Henderson 3 who had worked with Hasluck at Cyzicus in 1904, and before that at Carchemish from 1878 to 1881. 4 Finding the site flooded, Hogarth borrowed a steam engine and pump from the Ottoman Railway C o m p a n y . 5 In spite of illness, Hogarth pressed on with the excavations finding a series of archaic objects in the lower levels, notably a pot containing nineteen electrum coins. 6 The finds were removed to London for a year for study purposes, and then were returned to Constantinople. 7 Publication of the excavation followed soon after, 8 and Hogarth's interest in the Greeks in western Anatolia was presented in a series of lectures to the University of London and appeared as Ionia and the East? Further work in Ionia was clearly envisaged by the British School. A firman to excavate at Colophon was obtained. 1 0 The Americans too considered Colophon a suitable site to excavate though the work did not start until after the First World War and quickly came to a halt due to events in Anatolia. 11

Richard M. Dawkins and Greek

dialects

The study of modern Greek dialects was one of the interests of members of the British School at Athens. In 1896/7, W.W. Reid, a graduate of Aberdeen and Edinburgh, was admitted as a student of the School and 'worked at Modern Greek, and proceeded to Asia Minor and Cyprus'. 1 2 One of the most important students of Greek dialects was Richard M. Dawkins, a Cambridge graduate, who was admitted to the School in 1902-3, and returned for several years 1

Hogarth (1925; 237-38). Hogarth (1925; 240). 3 Hogarth (1910; preface). 4 Winstone (1990; 26-27). 5 Hogarth (1925; 240-41). 6 Hogarth (1925; 243). 7 Hogarth (1925; 244). 8 Hogarth (1908). 9 Hogarth (1909). 10 Waterhouse (1986; 22). 11 Dyson (1998; 82, 92-93). 12 BSA Annual Report (1897/8; 121). 2

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before being appointed Director as successor to Robert Carr Bosanquet in 1906. Although Dawkins took part in School excavations, notably at Palaikastro in eastern Crete, he devoted himself to language, as described by Olsen in this volume, travelling widely in the islands and Anatolia. 1 One of his companions was his Cambridge contemporary A.J.B. Wace, and together they made a collection of textiles from the Greek islands, some of which were displayed in an exhibition at the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. 2 Dawkins and Hasluck travelled together through the islands and into Anatolia. One of the key trips was in the May and June of 1906 just before Dawkins took up office as Director of the British School. 3 They started at Izmir using the railway as a way of visiting a number of sites as far as Soma. They then travelled by road to Balikesir, Bursa and Nicaea (Iznik).4 After his appointment as Director of the British School at Athens, Dawkins made three main journeys through Cappadocia in 1909, 1910 and 1911 which provided him with the research material for his main study of Greek dialects. 5 In the last of these journeys he was accompanied by the Oxford-educated W.R. Halliday, Craven Fellow at the British School, and later professor of Ancient History at Liverpool. Dawkins travelled in the Pontus in 1914 but the outbreak of war and subsequent events meant that his study of the dialect of the region never came to fruition. 6 Dawkins had also made plans to excavate at Datga (Knidos) in 1910, but the outbreak of the First Balkan War meant that his plans had to be curtailed. 7

Constantinople Members of the British School at Athens were also involved with the documenting of Constantinople. A.E. Henderson, the Owen Jones student of the Royal Institute of British Architects at the School for 1897/8, was 'wholly occupied in drawing and painting details of Byzantine buildings in Constantinople'. 8 Continuing interest in this area of work brought a public 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

e.g. Dawkins (1902/3; 1904/5). Dawkins and Wace (1905/06); Wace and Dawkins (1914); see also Gill (in press b). Dawkins and Hasluck (1905/6). See BSA Annual Report (1905/6; 483). Dawkins (1908/09; 1910a; 1910b; 1916); see also Mackridge (1990; 203-4). Mackridge (1990; 206). See also Hasluck (1911/12). BSA Annual Report (1897/8; 102).

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appeal to establish the Byzantine Research and Publications Fund (1907). 1 Work in Constantinople continued under Walter S. George, which brought about a major study of the church of Saint Eirene. 2 Other members of the School, notably A.J.B. Wace, Ramsay Traquair and F.W. Hasluck, were involved in recording other Late Antique and Islamic remains in the city. 3 This British interest in Islamic architecture is reflected in Dorothy Lamb's study of the Seljuk buildings in Konya immediately prior to the First World War. 4

Conclusion By the outbreak of the First World War, members of the British School at Athens had made tours of most corners of Anatolia. Part of the driving force behind such work was the desire to discover new inscriptions and possible sites to excavate, though some members of the School were also interested in the Greek dialects and folklore to be found in Anatolia. There is no indication that members of the British School were deliberately gathering intelligence, especially in the tense years before the outbreak of World War One, though this is a possibility. 5 Members of the British School were not the only travellers in the region; Captain W.H. Shakespear drove along the Black Sea coast in 1907 during his epic drive from the Persian Gulf to England. 6 The work of the British School at Athens in Anatolia did not get off to an auspicious start after the First World War. J.B. Hutton, lecturer in Greek history and archaeology at the University of Glasgow, set off for a tour of Asia Minor in the summer of 1920, but died in Turkey of enteric fever that September. 7 The political situation in Anatolia brought American work at Colophon (1921-22) to premature close, 8 and it was not practical to pursue projects in Turkey. During the 1930s Winifred Lamb excavated at Kusura in western Anatolia, 9 and Wace assisted with Blegen's excavations at Troy. After the Second World War the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Waterhouse (1986; 56, 129). George (1913). Wace and Traquair (1909); Hasluck (1916/17, 1917/18). Lamb (1914/16). See Winstone (1982). Winstone (1976; 47-48). BSA Annual Report (1919-20; 214). Lord (1947; 142-43); Dyson (1998; 92-93). Gill (2000).

246

DAVID

W.J.

GILL

(described in t h e v o l u m e by D a v i d B a r c h a r d ) , w a s established a n d this b e c a m e t h e s p o n s o r i n g b o d y f o r t h e m a j o r i t y of s u b s e q u e n t e x c a v a t i o n s in T u r k e y . A n o t a b l e e x c e p t i o n w a s t h e e x c a v a t i o n of O l d S m y r n a ( B a y r a k h ) b y t h e B r i t i s h S c h o o l at A t h e n s ( 1 9 4 8 - 5 1 ) , c o - d i r e c t e d b y E k r e m A k u r g a l , d u e t o t h e political situation in G r e e c e w h i c h restricted a r c h a e o l o g i c a l activity. 1 Table 1. Key dates f r o m the founding of the British School at Athens until the outbreak of the First World War. Year 1885

Individuals W.R. Paton marries and acquires farm at Myndus Foundation of the British School at Athens W.M. Ramsay, Phrygia D.G.Hogarth and H.A. Brown D.G. Hogarth and Cilicia H.A. Brown W.M. Ramsay, Eastern Asia Minor, including D.G. Hogarth, Pisidia and Cilicia A.C. Headlam, J.A.R. Munro Publication of Ramsay's Historical Geography of Asia Minor. Eastern Asia D.G. Hogarth, Minor, including J.A.R. Munro Commagene and studying Roman Pontus roads and Hittite remains Archaeological Museum in Constantinople opens W.R. Paton and Caria: Myndos J.L. Myres peninsula W.R. Paton Grion and Latmos D.G. Hogarth and Eastern Asia Minor V.W. Yorke and Upper Euphrates Mysia J.A.R. Munro, H.M. Anthony and W.C.F. Anderson Area Caria: Myndus

Season

1886 1887

Mid-May-June

1887

July

1890

Summer

1890 1891

Summer

1891 1893

Summer

1893 1894

Autumn Spring and Summer (April-June)

1894

Autumn

1895

1

Publication of Sir Charles Wilson's Handbook for Travellers in Asia Minor ...

Cook (1958/9); Waterhouse (1986; 114-16).

A R C H A E O L O G I C A L R E S E A R C H IN T H E O T T O M A N E M P I R E Year 1896 1896

Season Summer September

1896/7 1897 1897

Late Spring

1897 1897/8 1898

Summer

1901

Summer

1901

December

Summer

1901

1901 1903 1904

1904 1904

September-December

1905

Spring

1906

May-June

1907 1907

April

1907 1907-8

Area Latmos range Mysia

247

Individuals W.R. Paton J.A.R. Munro and W.C.F. Anderson Asia Minor W.W. Reid studying dialects Thirty-day Greek-Turkish War following Cretan revolt Lycia D.G. Hogarth and J.G.C. Anderson Phrygia J.G.C. Anderson Constantinople A.E. Henderson Phrygia and Galatia J.G.C. Anderson and J.W. Crowfoot Pisidia, Lycaonia, Professor and Mrs Pamphylia Ramsay, H.S. Cronin, G.A. Wathen Cyzicus R.C. Bosanquet, exploration F.W. Hasluck, R. De Rustafjael Proposal to excavate at Xanthos or another site in Lycia Publication of J.G.C. Anderson's Map of Asia Minor A.J.B. Wace publishes report on 'Recent excavations in Asia Minor' Cruise of the 'Utowana' including D.G. Hogarth Cyzicus F.W. Hasluck and A.E. Henderson Ephesus D.G. Hogarth's excavations Ephesus D.G. Hogarth's excavations Mysia R.M. Dawkins and F.W. Hasluck Marmara islands F.W. Hasluck Troy and Mysia E.L. Hicks and party from the 'Argonaut' Captain W.H. Shakespear drives along the Black Sea coast Young Turk Revolution

248

DAVID

W.J.

GILL

Year 1909 1909 1910 1910

Season

1910

June-July

Area Cappadocia Lycia Cappadocia Plans to excavate at Datcha (Knidos) Lycia

1911

March

Pamphylia Cappadocia

1911

1911 1911 1911

Summer Summer

1912

October

1912

November

1913

June/July

Lycia Pisidia Pi si di an Antioch

Individuals R.M. Dawkins A.M. Woodward R.M. Dawkins R.M. Dawkins A.M. Woodward and H.A. Ormerod H.A. Ormerod and E.S.G. Robinson R.M. Dawkins and W.R. Halliday H.A. Ormerod A.M. Woodward W.M. Ramsay and team including M.M. Hardie

First Balkan War starts Greek capture of Chios Second Balkan War Dodecanese seized by the Italians

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Studies

10. MODERNITY, MUSLIMS, AND BRITISH ARCHAEOLOGISTS: Michael Gough and His Nineteenth Century Predecessors David BARCHARD

The Origins of British Archaeology in Turkey This paper examines contrasting attitudes among British archaeologists toward the cultural, political, and religious divisions of the Near East at two points in time approximately half a century apart: the late nineteenth century and the 1950s and 1960s. A particular focus is the life and work of Michael Gough, Director of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara between 1961 and 1968 which, despite Gough's strongly Christian and classical background, contrasted strikingly with those of many other classical archaeologists working in the region before and since. British archaeology in Turkey has a long history and one which is closely linked to the process of political and economic interaction between Turkey and the West. Its earliest beginnings perhaps can be traced to the interest taken in the classical monuments of Anatolia by the merchants of England and other north European countries between their arrival as permanent traders in Anatolia in the sixteenth century and their departure around the time of the French Revolution. 1 By the time Michael Gough arrived in Turkey for the first time in 1949, soon after the establishment of the istitute at Ankara, British scholars had been working formally in Anatolia for more than a century. Modern archaeology did not begin as a disinterested intellectual exercise but sprang from the desire of educated western Europeans in the second half of the eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries to encounter the classical past not just in books but in the precise localities where it had happened — and to uncover new examples of its art and artefacts. 'Every spot, especially in Greece,' wrote Francis Arundell in 1834 'is so exuberant in antiquities, that

1

Eyice (1970; 73-79). See also the chapter by Gill in this volume.

258

D A V I D

B A R C H A R D

with no better implement than a knife, you may dig up bags full of medals, and vases, wherever you please.' 1 Arundell went on to quote a contemporary newspaper 'Anatolia, covered as it is, we might say having its soil impregnated with the precious remains of antiquity, cannot be traversed in any direction and described by even the most casual observer, without furnishing much to attract the regards of the rest of the world.' 2 As someone who had travelled on the ground in Anatolia, Arundell knew that any recapturing of the classical past would pose an enormous challenge, or rather an agenda of challenges which continues to be valid even after nearly two centuries. 'That every province in Asia Minor did anciently contain numerous cities is beyond dispute; but it is not always so easy to discover their exact position, nor even, when important ruins are found, to decide with certainty upon their ancient name.' 3

Archaeological

views of the present

Like those who came after him, Arundell came into contact with the modern population of Anatolia in the course of his work and could not help but also be interested in the living people in the landscapes of the dead classical world. The Anatolian landscape was inhabited by several distinct cultures or races, but of these only one, the modern Greeks, could claim to be heirs to the classical past, Anatolia itself was predominantly, non-classical, non-Christian, and Turkish. However it was also, even in the first half of the nineteenth century, a place where travellers were starting to detect accelerating economic and social change. 'Civilization is progressing even on the plains of Sardis.' Arundell noted. 4 Arundell personally rather liked the Turks and thought much of the criticism of them unfair 5 but he represents something of an exception, a scholar whose attitudes were not determined by the combination of Hellenism and the Greek war of Independence. An even more imposing and pro-Turkish figure was the diplomat, traveller, and archaeologist Sir Henry Layard who in 1845 began the famous excavations at Nineveh. Layard was attracted by what he saw as the growing 1

Arundell (1834: preface). Arundell (1834, vii). The quotation is from the Literary Gazette of March 15, 1828. 3 Arundell, (1834; vii-viii). Biblical names such as Ninevah and Assyria were more familiar than classical ones, as Layard pointed out. Levine (1986; 97). 4 Arundell (1834;.27). 5 Arundel, (1834; 73, 113-4). 2

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Europeanisation of the Turks. 1 In the winter of 1845-6, on secret instructions from Sir Stratford Canning, the British ambassador in Istanbul, Layard began his excavations at Nineveh, in what was then the Ottoman province of Mosul. 2 Layard's researches had been partly stimulated by the temporary refusal of the Ottoman authorities early in 1845 to allow Sir Stratford Canning to export to Britain 42 sculptures in Bodrum Castle from the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus. 3 The success of his work at Nineveh, the first major British archaeological excavation on Ottoman territory, created a new trade in 'Assyrian' antiquities. Layard's excavation was suspended by the Crimean War but by 1855 the British Museum was reporting that it no longer had sufficient room to exhibit all the finds and an 'Assyrian Room' had been opened in the exhibition at the Crystal Palace. Illegal digging and the export of antiquities continued by the local people at the site long after Layard's departure. In the absence of a significant body of living Assyrians with aspirations for national recognition and self-determination, western perceptions of ancient Iraqi cultures were not coloured by political connotations. GrecoRoman archaeology however was closely linked to living issues and the aspirations of the Christian population of the western portions of the Ottoman Empire. Robert Pashley, a Cambridge lawyer with a strong interest in the Classics, who was travelling in Crete at almost the same time that Arundell had been in Anatolia and about a decade before Layard's work at Nineveh, was a far more representative figure than either Arundell or Layard. The sombre aftermath of the (for Crete) abortive conflict of the Greek War of Independence dominates Pashley's perspective in that island. A political commitment to Greek nationalism flows more or less automatically out of his love for the interlinked worlds of the classical past, Orthodox Christianity, and Modern Greek; even if the rigours of fasting during the Orthodox Lent occasionally made him welcome Muslim hospitality with relief. 4 The fact that so much of the archaeological heritage of the classical world was in Turkish and Muslim hands inevitably appeared deeply anomalous to those brought up in the Classics. Indeed the need to liberate not just the Greek Christian inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire but also its archaeological possessions became in some minds one of the reasons for advocating the 1 2 3 4

Waterfield, (1961; 109). Waterfield, (1961; 113-155), Lloyd (1955; 108-158). Waterfield (1961; 115). Pashley (1837).

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dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire by its Christian population. Noel Buxton, the liberal author and politician, writing in 1906, said openly what many others probably continued to think for many decades afterwards: What waste of wealth and loss of historic treasure remains in Turkey to redeem ... Again, what the archaeologists may gain when order arrives in Turkey Dr Evans has shown by the wealth of his discoveries in Crete. Turkey is filled with neglected stores of similar riches, and history must remain in needless darkness while the gloom of the Sultan's palace is allowed to conceal the famous library of the Byzantine Emperors. 1

Local Christians and many western scholars regarded the material survivals of the classical past as evidence of both the cultural superiority of the Greeks and also their implicit ownership rights to the lands in which the monuments were located. 2 They also feared that the Turks might destroy or remove ancient monuments, which were sometimes covered over before insurrections. In earlier decades, while most ordinary Muslims regarded all manifestations of pre-Islamic culture simply as productions of the 'jahlliya' — the epoch of darkness and ignorance before the revelations of the Prophet — fears were limited to possible acts of vandalism. (These anxieties were not always illfounded, as the sadly scratched out eyes and faces of frescoes in the medieval rock churches of Cappadocia, damage which mostly happened in the middle of the twentieth ccntury, attest.) In subsequent decades, the sources of these anxieties began to change. The process of westernisation in the Ottoman State in the nineteenth century meant that a new generation of Turkish Ottoman intellectuals and officials grew up for whom classical remains were not alien and uninteresting gavur igi (the works of infidels) but objects of intrinsic value. By the mid 1860s, at least some Ottoman officials were actively interested in archaeological remains, and for nationalist reasons. Ismail Kemal Bey records that during his time at Janina, he identified the site of the Oracle of Dodona and helped encourage excavations there. Part of his interest was explicitly nationalistic: Ismail Kemal understood the Greco-Roman past well and hoped to show that Dodona was a Palasgian, ie, pre-Hellenic and thus conceivably, an Albanian site. 3 His friend Constantine Carapanos, who carried out the dig, nevertheless wrote up Dodona as purely Hellenic and omits all reference to Ismail Kemal 1

Buxton (1907; 122-123). For example it seems to have been fairly common for Istanbul Greeks even in the 1950s and 1960s to remind their Turkish friends that they were the heirs of the builders of the city's fifth century Theodosian walls. Such claims perhaps lie behind demands by Islamist politicians in the 1990s to demolish the walls and use the rubble to make low cost housing for the poor. 3 Vlora (1920; 24-25).

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and the Ottoman authorities. 1 The growing Ottoman interest in antiquities thus made competition for their ownership more intense. The rise of the Ottoman Imperial Museum in Istanbul, described by so well by Ethem in this volume, alarmed the nationalist intellectuals of the Syllogos or Hellenic Cultural Association, set up in Crete in 1879, the ancestor of the present-day Herakleon Museum. Fearful that monuments might be removed to Istanbul, the Cretan Syllogos advocated a policy of reburying them in the ground until Turkish rule had ended. 2

Archaeologists,

Hellenism, and Islam

In such circumstances attitudes of western scholars were inevitably polarised, almost always inclined towards solidarity with Christians and Hellenes. There was an underlying reason which contributed to this partisanship and reinforced the prejudices of a British or French classical education. The Muslim Turks were not just wrongful landlords of the heritage of the classical world. They were also in the nineteenth and early twentieth century people whom visiting western scholars found it difficult to get to know socially. Layard in the 1830s and 1840s had been on easy and close social terms with all levels of Turkish society, perhaps because of a fluent command of Turkish and Farsi acquired in early adulthood. But he remained an exception. Ten years before Buxton made his comments, Sir William Ramsay had described the precarious situation of the foreign archaeologist vis-à-vis the Muslim ruling classes of late Ottoman Turkey in terms which were still by no means wholly outdated in the 1960s 3 . Of the City Turks, I have hardly any knowledge, but that fact in itself tells a tale. In the cities, the archaeologist hardly ever comes into any relations with the Mohammedans. The gulf that divides Moslems and Christians is in them difficult to bridge over; and a casual visitor, coming for a day has rarely the opportunity of crossing it. There is much more opportunity of getting into relations with the Mohammedans if the archaeologist's wife accompanies him, f o r that is a proof of rank and standing and respectability, and, moreover, the rare event of a European lady's advent rouses intense curiosity among the Turkish ladies and invitations come. 4

1 2 3 4

Carapanos (1878). MacGillivray (2000; 89); FO 195/1890 Biliotti to Constantinople 5 April 1895. Dr David Winfield (personal communication). Ramsay (1897; 14).

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Eleven years later, the Young Turk revolution of 1908 in Istanbul made him, and indeed other critics of the Turks like Noel Buxton, at least temporarily more sympathetic to the Turks and the possibility of the emergence of a modern nationalism in their country. 1 There were scholars who had other and friendlier attitudes towards the Muslims of the countries they worked in, but their opinions are much less commonly encountered. Ramsay himself contrasted his own attitudes with those of another late Victorian scholar, David Hogarth who was less fond of the rural population but more respectful of Ottoman officialdom. Indeed Ramsay's Impressions of Turkey was written in a spirit of dialogue with Hogarth. He [David Hogarth] has less love for the Turkish peasants than I have and none of my belief in their capacity for development, while he admires the Turkish officials much more than I do .... His book, | T h e Wandering Scholar in the Levant] with its admiration for the activity and resolution of Turkish officials, may serve as a corrective to my contempt f o r their sluggishness and weakness. His view remains a marvel to me. 2

The exchange of views between Ramsey and Hogarth was genuinely friendly, but the divisions between the two men had a lot to do with the different views they took of the ethnic and political disputes of the Near East. Ramsay was not simply interested in attacking Hogarth's defence of Muslims. He also, for example, wanted to defend the Ottoman Armenians against Hogarth's criticisms of them. 3 Hogarth became Director of the British School of Archaeology at Athens in 1897, close to the date of F.W. Hasluck's arrival there from King's. He had begun his career as an Oxford Classicist and had received, he later noted, no formal archaeological training. Joining the British School at Athens in 1887, he had travelled as a sort of apprentice with Ramsay through western Anatolia. Both Hogarth and Ramsay saw themselves as practitioners of a methodologically rigorous form of archaeological investigation which drew on the ideas of inductive analysis expounded by W. F. Petrie. 4 When it came to the Muslim inhabitants of the eastern Mediterranean lands, Hogarth's position is better described as one of qualified compassion rather than outright sympathy. 5 For a start, though we know that Hogarth was 1 2 3 4 5

Ramsay (1908). Ramsay (1897; ix). See the unsigned review of Impressions of Turkey in The Times, Thursday 10 June 1897. Levine (1986; 89). See for example Burnaby's On Horseback Through Asia Minor (1877).

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on friendly terms with one or two senior Ottoman officials, notably Hamdi Bey 1 of the Istanbul Archaeological Museum, most of the Muslims he reports encountering are essentially anonymous figures. Yet it is to Hogarth that we owe the few surviving photographs of blackened olive stumps in ravaged fields and the shattered ruins of a nameless Muslim village on Crete and he was one of the few voices in the late 1890s who seems to have regarded as unjust the expulsion of Muslims from territories newly lost to the Ottoman Empire. 2 However Hogarth did not allow his comments to go beyond a certain point. This was perhaps out of deference to the Philhellene scholarly milieu in which he operated. Displays of sympathy for suffering Ottomans and Muslims seem to have been less frequent among scholars than they were, at least semiprivately, among late Victorian soldiers and administrators such as RearAdmiral Sir Robert Harris and General Sir Herbert Chermside both of whom played leading roles in the international occupation of Crete between 1897 and 1899 and made clear their unease about the dispossession of the indigenous Muslim population. 3 This sometimes led to collisions between scholars and soldiers, the most notorious of which was the row between Arthur Evans and Sir Herbert Chermside when Evan's Greek muleteer, whom he called Heracles, was arrested in Candia in April 1898 for having entered the town without permission. 4 Some might think the episode a storm in a teacup but Evans was able to get it raised in a parliamentary question in the House of Commons and also in the British press and it creeps into every biography of him, with Chermside (one of the cleverest and fairest of Victorian army officers) being portrayed as a pro-Ottoman blimp. What goes unmentioned is that Evans was keeping doubtful company. His muleteer was an ardent Greek nationalist who was recognized and accused by survivors in Candia (then a city of refugees which had been under virtual siege by insurgents for fourteen months) of being a leading figure in the massacre of 850 Muslim Cretans in Lassithi Province early in February 1897. 1

Pears (1917; 177). Hogarth (1917; 25, 67), Hogarth (1925; 209). 3 Harris (1913; 207-271). For Chermside's largely unsuccessful attempts displaced Cretan Muslims were enabled to return to their homes, see H M S O 9233: Turkey No 1 (1899) Further Correspondence Respecting the Affairs Command No 9422: Turkey No 2 (1899) Report by Her Majesty's Commissioner Provisional British Administration of the Province of Candia. 2

to ensure that Command No of Crete and in Crete on the

Brown (1993; 79). This account claims that the muleteer had saved a large number of Muslim lives, a claim which the survivors themselves strongly disputed; Horowitz (1981; 94)MacGillivray (2000; 158-60). It derives from Evan's own reports to the Manchester Guardian (Evans 1898).

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Evans's attempts to insinuate him behind the Ottoman lines without a permit look under these circumstances distinctly questionable and his suggestion that he had been told by Colonel Chermside to sneak Herakles into the town without a permit stretches credibility. 1 In fairness to Evans, who was the son in law of one of the most outspoken Turkophobic writers of Victorian England, the historian E.A. Freeman, 2 it must be recorded that in 1898 he was one of the few foreign observers to record in any detail the large scale massacres of Muslims by Christians in Lassithi Province in eastern Crete and his account of discovering the remains of murdered Muslims at Etia makes harrowing reading even today. 3 Perhaps in reaction to this, when excavations started at Knossos in 1900, Evans took care to include Cretan Muslims among his workmen and to ensure that there were no antagonisms between them. 4 Hogarth, who had to operate in the Athens School, had probably had less freedom than Harris or Chermside to speak his mind on what would have been regarded there as controversial and unpopular matters. But the pressures even on government officials were substantial. Apart from entanglements with archaeologists and the press, British public opinion was a real force and it was strongly pro-Christian and anti-Muslim. Admiral Sir Robert Harris was not a controversial figure, but he nevertheless reports receiving his share of 'hate mail'. 5 Chermside also came under fire on other matters and had to make a public defence of his conduct against accusations of partiality. Greek historians have even gone so far as to suggest that Chermside, who was in fact a British serving officer in Anatolia first as a military consul and later as Military Attaché in Istanbul, was 'in the Turkish service.' 6 He is remembered today only for trying to remain impartial in handling collisions between Muslims and Christian insurgents and thus being branded 'pro-Muslim.'

1

1 hope to discuss this further in a forthcoming publication. See, for example, Freeman (1877). 3 Evans (1898; 18), cited in MacGillivray (2000). 4 MacGillivray, (2000; 174 and 177) 5 Harris (1913; 235-237). Harris, whose own Christian sentiments were appalled by what he regarded as cruelty and injustice towards the Muslims of Crete, comments. 'I publish them [hate letters from British Christians] merely as samples, as well as to show how some good Christians are ready to kill someone else for the love of God.' Chermside's response to his critics in the UK can be found in HMSO Command No 9052: Turkey No 4 (1898), Correspondence Respecting Relief Work in Crete. 6 Tatsios (1984; 91). 2

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But in any case, though Hogarth regarded the treatment of the Muslims as unjust, he seems to have accepted that their destiny was to be marginalised in communities such as Side or the coastal settlements. As Ramsay had pointed out, he lacked confidence in the potential of the Turkish villager for development. Where a rural Muslim shows an affinity for classical antiquities, for Hogarth it is often a sign that he is of Greek descent, 1 interest in ancient fragments 'betraying a Greek's brain below his turban.' A similar line of thought is responsible perhaps for the tendency of other writers when they emphasize that Hamdi Bey, the Director who established the Ottoman Imperial Archaeological Museum in Istanbul, was the grandson of a Greek child rescued in 1821 from the massacres on Chios by a Turkish pasha. 2 Behind this lay a widespread tendency in Late Victorian Britain to assume that the Muslim populations of the Balkans and Anatolia were in irretrievable decline arising from their inability to reform themselves and form effective modern governmental systems and that any talent was merely a tell-tale indication of recent Christian blood in the family. Hamdi Bey was sometimes singled out for personal attack by western archaeologists and Seton Lloyd observes that this 'gives one an impression of how very few Englishmen at that time were capable of sensibility or discrimination in dealing with Eastern people.' 3 Though this belief in the incorrigible incapacity and decadence of the Turks and their state was by no means shared by some of local British residents of the Ottoman Empire or indeed some diplomats, 4 it would continue to determine British public attitudes towards Turkey until reversed by Turkish defeats of British forces in World War One at Kut and Gallipoli and ultimately by the outcome of the Turkish War of Independence between 1919 and 1923 which showed that Turkey's destiny was not partition. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the first fourteen years of the twentieth century, the classicists by no means had it all their own way when working in Turkey. Interest in Biblical sites led to a rediscovery of the pre-Classic civilisations of the ancient Near East, some of them previously more or less unknown. Indeed the excavations begun in 1910 by David Hogarth at the Late Hittite city of Carchemish on what is now the Turkish-Syrian frontier can be seen as a magnificent climax to British archaeological work in Ottoman Turkey. Sir Leonard Woolley and T.E. Lawrence carried on work at Carchemish until the outbreak of war in 1914 brought it to an end. The site is today an army border camp. 1

Hogarth (1925; 217). For example Pears (1917; 79) writes in his Abdul Hamid that Hamdi Bey's father Edhem had 'been taken to a harem' at the age of three or four, but risen to become Grand Vezir. 3 Lloyd (1955; 207-8). 4 For example, Herbert (1924). 2

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In Turkey itself, the discovery of these and other pre-classical Anatolian civilisations was to prove a powerful stimulus in the definition of national identity after 1923. Every Turkish school child for decades has memorized the names of Hittite Emperors such as Suppiluliumas, Mursilis, and Tudhaliya, which were totally unknown for three thousand years before the archaeologists went to work at Bogazkôy. For the educated public opinion of western European and North America, however, these discoveries lacked the humanism of the Greeks and Romans and had only a limited imaginative appeal. 'I do not much care for Hittites,' remarks the narrator in Rose Macaulay's novel The Towers of Trebizond. During the end of the First World War and the International occupation of Istanbul, it seemed for a while as if the wildest hopes of radical Philhellenes in this direction were about to be realised. The British School at Athens, which (like its French archaeological counterpart) from the days of Hogarth and Hasluck always regarded Istanbul and Anatolia as falling within its diocese, was to be compromised by these connections for many years in the eyes of the new Republican government. Despite occasional such exceptions as the work of David Talbot Rice on the mosaics of the Constantinian Great Palace in Istanbul from 1927 to 1932, the early decades of the Turkish Republic were ones of meagre achievement for British archaeologists in Turkey. Though the early Republican governments were, like the leaders of most new nations, enthusiastic supporters of archaeological investigations such as those at Bogazkôy and Troy, they looked towards Germany and Austria rather than to Britain. Turkish archaeologists were trained in Berlin rather than London. There is thus a gap between British archaeological work in Turkey during the late Ottoman period and the post-World War II programme of projects carried out under the auspices of the Ankara Institute. The figure who bridges this gap was John Garstang, the founding father and first director of the British Institute at Ankara. Garstang, significantly, was a Hittitologist. As such his historical interests coincided neatly with those of the political establishment of the early Turkish Republic. However after his initial field work in Turkey well before World War One there was a lacuna of nearly thirty years in his work in Turkey. He was Director of the British School in Jerusalem for the main part of his career. His work in Turkey resumed only in 1937, towards the end of his professional life, when he began a decade of excavations at Yumuktepe in the Demirta§ district of Mersin. The project to establish a permanent base for British archaeologists in Turkey grew from the connections formed in the course of this work.

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Again the larger international context must be born in mind. The creation of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara in 1948 was part of a formal agreement between Britain and Turkey and reflected their new geopolitical partnership at the beginning of the Cold War. Garstang, by then 71 years old, was too old to take more than a presidential role in London and his excavations at Mersin ended within a year of the establishment of the Institute, though it was he and his wife who welcomed the Goughs to Ankara for a four-day stay on their first visit. But for many years afterwards the Institute would be dominated by a line of distinguished prehistorians and 'the Garstang tradition' would be venerated in the Ankara Institute for decades after Garstang's death in 1956.

Michael and Mary Gough in Anatolia It was into this setting that Michael and Mary Gough arrived in 1949. From then on until his death from cardio-vascular complications arising from high blood pressure in 1973 at the age of 57 while Professor of Christian Archaeology at the Pontifical Institute for Medieval Studies in Toronto, work on sites in Anatolia would be Michael Gough's life's task, and it would be carried on to some extent by Mary Gough, who like Margaret Hasluck, completed and published her husband's work posthumously. From 1961 to 1968, Gough was Director of the British Institute. Gough had been born in 1916 towards the very end of Hasluck's life but if Hasluck had lived until the 1960s (i.e. into his nineties, as he easily might have done) although he would probably have found modern Turkey and Britain very unexpected, he would not have found the archaeological institutional life very different. Most of the foreign institutes which existed in his day were still around — with the exception of the Russian Institute — and new ones, such as the British and later the American institutes were being formed. Archaeologists do not work alone. As with the scholars of the preWorld War One Athens School, the Goughs have to be seen in the context of a larger group of institutional colleagues, friends, and rivals. These can be divided into pre-historians and Classicists. They included figures like Oliver Gurney, a Hittitologist, Seton Lloyd, a pre-historian of wide interests who had made his name in Iraq, and Sir William Calder, another Classicist, and younger figures, such as James Mellaart, Michael Ballance, Alan Hall,

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Charles Burney, David Winfield, and David French. These figures from the late 1940s and early 1950s burst on the Anatolian scene, exploring it with a thoroughness which had not been possible since before the beginning of World War One. It was an exciting period, one of many remarkable discoveries. For much of the early Republic it had been difficult to travel inside Turkey, both because permission had often been required especially during World War Two when the country was under martial law, while the modern road system had not yet been constructed. Sir Stephen Runciman, travelling from Ankara in World War II, recalled afterwards that when going to Konya he had followed the Roman road system wherever possible.1 As a result British travellers in the early 1950s were seeing with new eyes monuments and sites which nineteenth century scholars, from Layard to Ramsay, had visited. The Goughs and their contemporaries perhaps slightly underestimated the degree to which the earlier generations had done a thorough job and were sometimes more optimistic about their chances of finding new first magnitude sites than proved to be the case. Nonetheless some remarkable discoveries were made in the 1950s and 1960s, for example the Neolithic fatal Htiyiik, and there were also important rediscoveries, of which Eski Giimti§, was one. Hasluck would have found the academic and social attitudes of the Institute relatively similar to those of his own day, and he would also have recognized a certain overlap of names and faces from his own times. For the period before World War I was still in living memory and even in rural Turkey, the Goughs were able to meet individual Anatolians who remembered Sir William Ramsay and had worked with him. 2 For example, Dr Lisa French, a distinguished scholar in her own right who was at that time married to Dr David French, Michael Gough's one-time deputy, was the daughter of Professor Alan Wace, Hasluck's colleague, rival, and later boss, in the preWorld War One British School in Athens. It is also, I believe, the case that in the fifties and early sixties Hasluck would have found the culture and mores of the Ankara Institute much closer to those of the Edwardian world than he would have done a decade later in the 1970s. If not the archaeological, the political and cultural landscape in which Michael and Mary Gough worked was of course totally dissimilar from the late Ottoman world of Buxton, Hogarth, and Ramsay. The bitter conflicts of nineteenth and early twentieth century irredentism had receded more than three decades into the past. Turkey had become a republic, oriented towards economic and social development. 1 2

Personal communication from Sir Stephen Runciman. Mary Gough. (1954; 18).

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Religious and cultural antagonisms did not loom large on the Goughs' view of Turkey. As already indicated, the Islamic traditions of the Turkish population of Anatolia were no problem for him. Michael Gough was a Roman Catholic of a kind inclined to respect other faiths and without a tendency to Islamophobia. 1 His Catholicism dated back to a conversion at the age of eleven while Gough was still at the Dragon School in Oxford. A Jesuit education at Stonyhurst in the 1930s followed in which virtuosity in the Classics was naturally combined with a universalistic Roman Catholic intellectual humanism which contained a streak of scepticism. The Goughs were also free of the assumption that Turks and Greeks must be antagonists. When they arrived in Anatolia, the Greek invasion of Turkey lay three decades in the past and the 1930 Friendship Pact signed by Atattirk and Venizelos was the main plank in the foreign policy of both countries. Michael Gough seems to have seen no intrinsic conflict in his fondness for the rural people of both Crete and of Anatolia 2 even though one was Greek Orthodox and the other Muslim. He was apparently less sympathetically received in Greece than in Turkey though he seems to have been unaware of this himself. 'Gough, a Byzantinist, was Director of the British Institute at Ankara and is best known for his work on early churches in Cilicia; at Knossos he made himself unpopular by shouting orders in Turkish at Cretan workmen, and is not remembered with affection,' writes Sara Paton, his successor at the Villa Dionysius. 3 This report may be a misapprehension: Gough at the time confessed to muddling the pronunciation of classical and Modern Greek, especially when he was unwell, and those who were with him in Crete suspect that the story has grown from some such incident. To understand the Goughs' perspective upon Turkey, it is necessary to look at the places at which they worked. These were widely scattered and varied, though all related to the Roman and Byzantine periods. The Goughs worked first at Anavarza, an important Roman city in Cukurova. However Gough's subsequent interests were in late Roman or Byzantine sights which the nineteenth century Classicists such as Ramsay generally disdained, turning to Eski Giimiiij, a mid-Byzantine courtyard monastery, ten miles north of Nigde, and finally Alahan, a late Roman ecclesiastical site on a hillside north of Mut, begun in the second half of the fifth century. He had earlier worked at the Villa Dionysius, a Roman house near Knossos in Crete where he excavated the western and southern sides of the courtyard. 1 Leo Gough (personal communication). Leo Gough (personal communication). 3 Paton (2000; 177). 2

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During his years in Turkey he also made a number of smaller discoveries of which perhaps the most notable was the iconoclastic rock chapel at A1 Oda. This chapel possessed a pebble mosaic floor, unique among rock churches. However it came to light only after a cigarette, casually dropped by one of the investigators, had set fire to the layer of goats dung on the ground. Characteristically the Goughs took responsibility for this, even though the late Martin Harrison — then a junior member of the team but subsequently Professor of Roman Archaeology at Oxford— would afterwards happily admit to having been the culprit. Neither Eski Giimiis nor Alahan is particularly famous in the age of Turkish mass tourism, perhaps because of their distance from the major resorts. They are only visited by discerning minority among tourists and travellers. Yet both can claim to be major sites. Eski Giimu§, the only surviving fully intact example of a Cappadocian courtyard monastery 1 is in many ways the most remarkable mid-Byzantine site in the region. The Goughs themselves regarded it as artistically and architecturally superior to the more frequently visited rock valleys of Goreme, dismissed in conversation by Mary Gough in the 1980s as 'an ecclesiastical Disneyland.' Alahan is usually assumed to have begun its life as a cult centre or hermitage and blossomed into its present form, of two magnificent churches, terraces, a baptistery and tombs, in the third quarter of the fifth century as a result of an association with the Isaurian Emperor Zeno (AD 474 - 491). 2 The sophistication and exuberance of the sculpture and architecture at Alahan is breathtakingly magnificent. Gough and subsequent visitors until recently have usually assumed that they are the result of Imperial patronage. In a country full of archaeological wonders, Alahan is outstanding. Other late Roman Christian sites in Anatolia seem mundane by comparison. Gough was also interested in Alahan because of the possible light the east church might cast on a key transition in architectural technology, the ability to build a dome on a square support, a discovery which dates to this period. In this respect however the evidence on Alahan was to prove unhelpful and disappointing.

1 2

Rodley (1985). On Alahan see, Mary Gough (1985), and more recently Hill (1996).

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At both sites Gough's work has been refined or at some points superseded by later researchers, and indeed his discussion of the problem of whether or not there was a dome on the tower of the Eastern Church at Alahan was to some extent pre-empted by an article by an American scholar, George Forsyth, in the Dunbarton Oaks Papers. 1 But the survival of both Alahan and Eski Giimiis in well preserved condition is undoubtedly to a large degree his achievement, while his books and academic articles are written with a humane stylishness and good humour which have had regrettably few counterparts elsewhere in Anatolian studies of any period. In any case, with Seton Lloyd and Oliver Gurney, he stands among the select group of senior figures in the British schools in the Eastern Mediterranean who could write books which could reach wide audiences and remain in print for many years.

Contemporary

issues

In a number of respects, Michael Gough was a striking contrast with his two predecessors as Director at the Ankara Institute, both of whom worked on preclassical Anatolian cultures. Neither Garstang nor Seton Lloyd was a product of the elitist classical and philhellene tradition. In a number of ways they were distinct from the classical archaeologists of the Athens School. For a start, they had much stronger roots outside Oxford and Cambridge and in traditions other than the Classics. Garstang had a background in mathematics at Oxford and began as an Egyptologist with Flinders Petrie. Seton Lloyd did not go to university but trained as an architect. In the course of his long career, Garstang worked on Romano-British sites as well as ones in the Arab Middle East where a substantial slice of his career was spent. By comparison Michael Gough must have appeared as a throwback to more familiar metropolitan classical academic traditions. Gough had read Classics at Cambridge and his earliest fieldwork had been in Crete. But he was not a political philhellene. He looked benignly upon both Greeks and Turks. For him the individual villagers whom he met were human beings in their own right, with individual personalities and aspirations arising out of their specific personal circumstances. They were of course poorer in material terms than western Europeans and this gave them certain rights and priorities. Unusually for a classical archaeologist, he was prepared in private to defend the idea that local people were entitled to use stones and artefacts from ancient structures for their own homes and other needs. Within less than a decade of 1

Forsyth (1957; 223-236).

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working in Turkey, the Goughs did not simply feel friendly sentiments towards Turks and especially towards Turkish villagers and local officials: they felt a desire to communicate their perceptions of them to the rest of the world. Mary Gough's The Plain and the Rough Places was written with this in mind. Turkish villagers and officials are also appear as part of the dramatis personae. Archaeologists have usually taken an interest in the people they met along the way. However in Gough's work there is a palpable desire to share scholarly credit with them where due. There is a deliberate emphasis in his reports on the role played by friendly schoolmasters in alerting him to new sites and other information. 1 In doing this, Gough and his wife Mary were making a break with the sort of attitudes and ideas outlined in the first section of this paper. It was in many respects a self-conscious break and derived at least in part from a syncretistic and tolerant attitude to religion. Though Gough was a practicing Catholic Christian throughout his adult life, on one of his earliest visits to Turkey he and his wife attended a shadowy religious ceremony, most probably a Bektashi meeting, and throughout their career in Turkey, they believed, possibly on very slender evidence, that the brotherhood remained in benign but silent contact with them. 2 Such an experience might have befallen some of the nineteenth century travellers in the Middle East, but it is hard to imagine that many earlier archaeological scholars would have had much taste for such an experience. The Goughs however remained quietly interested in Bektashiism for many years afterwards. This alteration in attitudes reflected the fact that the cultural setting in which they found themselves in was itself changing and growing closer to the western world as it advanced socially and economically. The chasm which seemed to divide Europeans and Muslims in Turkey in the nineteenth century had largely disappeared as a result of the secularising reforms of Kemal Atatiirk. Travellers since the time of Layard in the 1840s had been mixing on terms of friendship with the local people of Anatolia, but Mary Gough's account suggests a very distinct advance in intimacy on anything known in the previous century. 'Turkey is the country of hospitality,' she wrote in the introduction to The Plain and the Rough Places in 1954. 'It is no exaggeration ^The Nigde schoolmaster, Arif Tiitenk, who drew Gough's attention to the church at Eski Giimiif could be compared to much earlier figures in the history of archaeology in Greece and Crete, such as — for example — Minos Calocherino who introduced Evans and Hogarth to Knossos. In 1896 Evans encountered a Muslim schoolmaster in Crete interested in archaeology, at Ligortino on the southern coast but seems to have regarded him as a trafficker in antiquities. Brown (1993; 70-71). 2 Leo Gough (personal communication).

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to say that the traveller is never a stranger; he is a guest ... If, as frequently happens, [an ordinary Turk] invites you to his home, he will say 'My house is yours and mean it." The section concludes with thanks to 'all our other Turkish friends.' 1 For the Goughs, the framework of the Turkish Republic and its determination to modernize was taken for granted. The main challenge for Turkey, as the Goughs saw it, is economic development and, like George Bean, they seem to have had the sense that they were witnessing the return of material prosperity not seen since the collapse of the late Roman world in the seventh century. Mary Gough wrote; Turkish engineers ... fare] rebuilding the road from Mersin to Silifke. The building of roads is one of the principal enterprises of Turkey today. Whenever the question of the future of the country and her self-exploitation crops up in conversation, no matter whether one may be talking to a villager or an official, schoolmaster or schoolboy, he is almost certain, sooner or later, to say 'We must build roads first of all.' That is perfectly true and already a vast programme of road building has been undertaken We have been very fortunate that our experience of Turkey has coincided with the tremendous forward march of the post-War period. It is interesting to watch — interesting and exhilarating. 2

At some points the Goughs' enthusiasm for Turkey is almost preachy. It implicitly takes into account philhellene Victorian criticisms of Turkey as part of an 'unchanging orient' and which were still prevalent among the British reading public. It is certainly intended to forestall misapprehensions but it is, as all who knew the Goughs personally will testify, unquestionably sincere in its intentions. The Plain and the Rough Places concludes with remarks which nineteenth century archaeological travellers — and perhaps parts of the British media in the early twenty first century — would have found incomprehensible. However flagrant may have been the misrule of the governors of Cilicia in the early centuries of Ottoman rule, ample amends have since been made and under the Republic the two vilayets of Seyhan and Iccl are among the most prosperous in Turkey. Modernisation of agriculture and industry goes ahead so fast that every year brings some new achievement. Malaria, once the scourge of Cilicia, has been almost completely eliminated ... To the archaeologist, concerned primarily with the material cultures of the past, no more stimulating background to his work could be desired than daily contact with a people so confident of themselves, their country, and their future. ^

1 2 3

Mary Gough (1954; 4-5). Mary Gough (1954; 181). 'Michael Gough', 'Historical Appendix' in Mary Gough (1954; 233).

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This perspective is course the product of particular times. It is a view of Turkey during the first half of the Cold War period, when the country had become a valued ally of the West and its soldiers had recently fought with notable distinction in the Korean War. The experiences of the Atatiirk years were not much more than a decade in the past and the sense of confidence and impetus of the early Republic was still strong. On the other hand, provincial Turkish towns and villagers were still very poor and the impact of modernity was limited. The growth of a new urban middle class was only beginning. It was easy to foresee at least some of these changes. What Mary Gough evidently did not expect was the recrudescence of nationalist tensions in the eastern Mediterranean world which was the eventual outcome of the dispute between Turkey and Greece in Cyprus and the partial revival of the western attitudes and mindset of the nineteenth century Eastern Question where the Turks were concerned. The Goughs' enthusiasm for Turkey was however tempered by prudence. There is no mention of parliamentary democracy, political parties, or even of Kemal Atatiirk in the Plain and the Rough Places. These topics must have arisen in the course of their conversations with villagers and local officials. The Goughs were also aware that foreigners needed to follow a strategy if they were to fit successfully into Turkish society. The most important of these — stressed in letters to casual visitors to the British Institute— was to learn at least a little Turkish. These gestures might seem to be contrived or perhaps even somewhat cosmetic, designed to please Turkish hosts. But it might be fairer to see them as somewhat quixotic. Gough was not a calculating man and he followed his beliefs through with a consistency which he had perhaps acquired from his Jesuit schoolmasters. Western archaeologists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were often also engaged in the collection of secret information on contemporary strategic positions: any suggestion to Gough that he engage in such activities would have been indignantly rejected. He would have regarded it as a breach of good faith with his Turkish hosts. It perhaps indicates the limitations of his insight into their assumptions and expectations that he seems not to have realised that they probably took him to be a spy anyway.

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Institute

The position of a foreign archaeologist in Turkey was lonely and exposed and in many ways it was also frustrating. The Director, in particular, was caught between two mutually uncomprehending cultures. The first was that of the learned but distant council in London to which he reported in writing every Friday and the while the second was that of the emerging Near -Eastern modern metropolis in which he was based. The Goughs felt very strongly that one of the main problems of the Institute was that the people in London did not understand enough about Turkey or its people. In this situation, the Institute building itself became something of a peculiarity, belonging neither to its parent society nor to its location. Two British journalists who travelled to Ankara in the early 1960s found 'a villa whose equivalent might as easily be found in Nice or Torquay. Shuttered against the dry heat, its rooms and offices were occupied by archaeologists fretting with impatience for government permission to embark on their ' d i g s ' . ' 1 As for the Goughs, 'Their hospitality was impressive.' They were able to offer otherwise unavailable luxuries such as gin and tonic, the journalists gratefully noted. Among British archaeology students, the Goughs were not regarded as particularly sociable, at least when compared to their predecessors, the Lloyds when the warmth and generosity of Heidi Lloyd, offset the aloofness of her husband, Seton. The tone of the Institute in its early decades was still essentially patrician and elitist, rather as the Athens School had been in Hasluck's day. Commensality prevailed and there were communal meals. At lunch and dinner, white-jacketed servants were summoned by a hand bell. They had sometimes to be taught not to walk backwards when they left the room. However members of the Institute talked to them quite informally, allowing jokes about themselves to be made to their faces — something which must have caused surprise to people who were the products of a patriarchal society with a rigid sense of hierarchy. These were the mores of the British Empire. But by 1961, the disbandment of the Empire was on the way to completion. In Britain attitudes to authority and tradition were changing rapidly while in archaeology itself, science and technology were supplanting the classical educational tradition. The visiting British researchers to whom the white-coated house staff gave 1

Pearson and Connor (1967).

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lunch were no longer used to having servants and many of them were distinctly non-patrician in the way they dressed and spoke, and not always over polite to locals. Gough seems to have found the intrigue and tensions of the high politics of the Institute disagreeable, not to mention the interminable rounds of letter writing and other chores. On one view the tensions of the Institute may even have hastened his way to an early grave. But at the day to day level of Institute life, he was a tolerant and humane administrator who — like many others in Britain at the same time — self-consciously relaxed traditional rules and prohibitions, moving with the times to incorporate newcomers, thus perhaps unconsciously dismantling a wider cultural legacy inherited from Victorian times. At the same time, he worked continually in conversation with visitors to the country to ensure that Turkish rights and sensitivities were respected. It was ironic therefore that the years of his directorate in Ankara saw relations between the British Institute of Archaeology and the Turkish authorities and public reach their lowest ever point. 1

The Dorak

Affair

From the second half of the nineteenth century, one of the constant concerns of archaeologists working in Greece and Turkey has been the need to comply with regulations which prevent the stealing or smuggling of antiquities. Hogarth speaks of the 'lust of looting' in describing an expedition organised by the scholars of the British School at Athens in 1904 to remove antiquities from the Pamphylian coastal town of Side. 2 Controls over antiquities grew very much fiercer under the Republic, and for many scholars — who would never themselves remove an antiquity illegally, still less try to put one up for sale — there remained the constant fear that they would be wrongly suspected of having done so, not least since ordinary Anatolians have from the ninteenth century to the present day had few inhibitions about showing finds to visiting foreigners. The climate of public opinion Turkey was still strongly nationalist in the old-fashioned sense in the early 1960s and archaeologists sometimes came not far behind spies and Christian missionaries as objects of suspicion.

1 2

The account here draws on facts and quotations in Pearson and Connor (1967). Hogarth (1925; 209).

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Just how strong these resentments could be, and how hard it was to dispel them, was to be shown graphically by the so-called Dorak Affair. To this day the story of the Dorak Affair remains puzzling and indeed unresolved. The basic facts seem to be as follows: on 29 May 1962, in Gough's first year as Ankara director, the daily newspaper Milliyet published an article attacking James Mellaart, one of the leading pre-historians working out of the Ankara Institute and the first director of the Neolithic settlement at Catal Hiiyiik. by name. The story was a response to an article which had appeared two and a half years previously in the Illustrated London News. Milliyet, the newspaper which led the campaign, was the voice of an emerging modern urban Turkish middle class with a mildly left of centre nationalism. The newspaper ran the story under the headline An Historic Royal Treasure worth TL One Billion Smuggled out of Turkey} The argument surrounded the fate of artefacts, afterwards generally called the Dorak Treasure because of their reported place of origin, which were the productions of an otherwise unknown culture. Mellaart had been shown these objects by a highly cultivated Izmir Greek woman during a train journey. They had apparently been in private keeping since they were taken out of the ground during an excavation in the early 1920s when they had been dug up by Greek archaeologists working with the invading armies of Greece. Unfortunately for Mellaart, this key figure in the story could not subsequently be traced. He had nonetheless published his drawings of what he had been shown by her in the Illustrated London News in November 1959. So far as is known, the objects have never been seen again, either inside Turkey or abroad. Turkish public opinion assumed that they must have been illegally smuggled out of the country and sold and there was a tendency to assume that all British archaeologists in Turkey must take their share of the blame. A vehement but inconclusive controversy followed lasting more than a decade. The Institute had to contend with a hostile public and a very unfriendly bureaucracy. David Winfield, then Director of the restoration work at Ayasofya in Trabzon, recalls paying a courtesy call on the then Director of the Istanbul Archaeological Museum on his way home to England. He had not heard of the Dorak Treasure or seen the Illustrated London News and was thus taken aback when a copy of the magazine with the offending article was thrust towards him with the question 'What I want to know is where is this?' 'We were all tarred with the same brush,' he recalls. 2

1 2

Pearson and Connor (1967; 37). Conversation with Dr Winfield, 2002.

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As a result an almost siege-like atmosphere prevailed in Tahran Caddesi, the street in which the Institute is located. The routine work of the Institute became extremely difficult thus inhibiting the flow of routine popular archaeological news about discoveries out of the Institute and Turkey, a loss for both sides. In a sense, Turkish nationalists were echoing Buxton's view that Turkey's archaeological heritage was a valuable treasure and that Turks and the West were in dispute over it. The hostilities which the episode unleashed explicitly questioned whether foreign archaeologists had any rightful place in Turkey or were robbing it of its inheritance. Furthermore the dispute was exacerbated because it ran over many different and cross-cutting fault lines, one of them being the permanent cultural split within the Institute between pre-historians and classical archaeologists. In some ways this was a more complex and bitter division than the Turkish/non-Turkish split, since in the Turkish academic world, Mellaart had his own allies and friends. Gough's decision to move on from the Ankara Institute to North America at the end of the sixties is perhaps partly to be understood in terms of the tensions which the Dorak episode produced. But it would also seem that as a classicist and art historian, he had perhaps always felt himself slightly out of place in an Institute dominated by other periods and interests. A further factor no doubt was the relatively modest salary paid to the Ankara Institute's Director, generous in allowances but short on cash, which meant that it was not until he joined the Institute of Advanced Studies at Princeton that the Goughs could finally afford a family life which was not hand to mouth. It is tempting to think that British archaeology in Turkey might have developed differently and perhaps achieved more, if Michael Gough's direct personal influence had persisted in Ankara or on the Council in London. Since his time the linkages between British and Turkish archaeologists have broadened and deepened, though the siege mentality has sometimes revived. Certain archaeologists, notably Dr. David Shankland, Acting Director from 1993-95 and Dr Christopher Lightfoot, Deputy Director in the late 1980s and now Curator of Roman Art in the Metropolitan Museum New York, worked closely with their Turkish colleagues in the Directorate-General of Monuments and Museums, carrying on the traditions begun by Gough and his contemporaries. H o w e v e r it is impossible not to have some sense of missed opportunities arising ultimately from residual cultural tensions. In addition to the difficulties created by the Dorak crisis, the revival of widespread anti-

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Turkish sentiment in British and European media and public opinion since the 1974 Cyprus Crisis has also played its part. Even at the request of the Turkish authorities, the British Institute passed over several opportunities in the 1980s and early 1990s to save the now world-famous Roman mosaics of Zeugma before they disappeared under the Euphrates. It might well not have done so had Gough's imprint upon its traditions been stronger, and had a better tradition of collaboration with Turkish archaeologists existed. Gough himself, not realising that his career would be so short, was in any case looking confidently forward to further discoveries in his last years and it is not improbable that they would have been made. 1 As it was, he and Mary Gough left little or no legacy in Ankara beyond fond memories, though anyone who stands on the terrace at Alahan and looks across the Taurus Mountains will have an enduring sense of their presence. The surviving works of both of them show what can be achieved by archaeologists who love the land and people with whom they work.

REFERENCES Arundell, F. 1834 Discoveries in Asia Minor, 2 volumes, London; Richard Bcntley. Brown, A. 1993 Before Knossos, Arthur Evans' Travels in the Balkans and Crete, Oxford; Ashmolean Museum. Burnaby, F. 1877 On Horseback Through Asia Minor, 2 vols, London; Sampson etc. Buxton, N. 1907 Europe and the Turks, London; John Murray. Carapanos, C. 1878 Dodone et ses ruines, 2 Vols, Paris; Hachette. Evans, E. 1898 Letters from Crete, Oxford; printed by Horace Hart. Eyice, S. 1970 'Ankara'nm eski bir resmi' in Atatürk Konferanslari, Volume IV, Ankara; Türk Tarih Kurumu, 73-79. Fortsyth, G. 1957 Architectural Notes on a Journey through Cilicia, in Dunbarton Oaks Papers 11, 223-236. Freeman, E. 1877 The Ottoman Power in Europe, London; Macmillan. Gough, M. 1954 The Plain and Rough Places, London; Chatto and Windus. Gough, M. (ed.) 1985 Alahan — An Early Christian Monastery in Southern Turkey, Toronto; Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, No. 73. Harris, Sir R. 1913 From Naval Cadet to Admiral, London; Cassell. Herbert, A. 1924 Ben Kendim, London; Hutchinson. 1

Conversation with Michael Gough in July 1967.

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Hill, S. 1996 The Early Byzantine

BARCHARD

Basilicas

of Cilicio and Isauria,

Aldershot;

Varorium. Hogarth, D. 1910 Accidents of An Antiquary's

Life, London; Macmillan.

Hogarth, D. 1925 The Wandering Scholar, Oxford; Oxford University Press. Horowitz, S. 1981 The Find of a Lifetime, Sir Arthur Evans and Knossos,

London;

Weidenfeld and Nicholson. Levine, P. 1986 The Amateur and the Professional: Archaeologists

in Victorian

England

Antiquarians,

1838-1886,

Historians,

and

Cambridge; Cambridge

University Press. Lloyd, S. 1955 Foundations

in the Dust, London; Oxford University Press.

MacGillivray, J. 2000 Minotaur:

Sir Arthur Evans and the Archaeology

of the

Minoan Myth, New York; Hill and Wang. Pashley, R. 1837 Travels in Crete, 2 volumes, London; John Murray. Paton, S. 2000 'Hellenistic and Roman Crete' in Cretan Quests: British Excavators,

and Historians,

Explorers,

ed. D. Huxley, London; British School at

Athens; 174-181. Pears, Sir E. 1916 Forty Years in Constantinople,

London; Herbert Jenkins.

Pears, Sir E. 1917 Abdul Hamid, London; Constable. Pearson, K. and Connor, P. 1967 The Dorak Affair, London; Michael Joseph. Ramsay, W. 1897 Impressions

of Turkey, London; Hodder & Stoughton.

Ramsay, W. 1908 The Revolution Rodley, L. 1985 Cave

in Turkey, London; Hodder & Stoughton.

Monasteries

of Byzantine

Cappadocia,

Cambridge;

Cambridge University Press. Tatsios, T 1984 The Megali Idea and the Greek-Turkish

War of 1897, New York;

Boulder. Vlora, I. (Ismail Kemal Bey) 1920 The Memoirs

of Ismail Kemal Bey, London;

Constable. Waterfield, G. 1961 Layard of Nineveh, London; John Murray.

11. EUROPEAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL INSTITUTES IN TURKEY: AN ITALIAN AMBASSADOR'S VIEW IN 1925 Matthew ELLIOT

Introduction In May 1925 the Italian Ambassador at Istanbul, Giulio Cesare Montagna, submitted a memorandum to Rome proposing the foundation of an Italian research institute in Turkey. 1 The proposal reviewed recent foreign archaeological and historical activity in Anatolia and outlined Montagna's scheme for coordinating the efforts of Italy's domestic scholars, Turkey-based teachers, and religious orders with a new institute intended to compete with the cultural influence of other European powers. Although the memorandum appears cultured and well-informed, it presents a grossly political view of the role of foreign institutes and combines expressions of rivalry towards the other European powers with an antagonism towards the independent Turkish Republic. Such sentiments reflect national aspirations for territory and influence in the Eastern Mediterranean that antedated the First World War and received strong support from the relevant academic circles, notably the heads of Italian archaeological missions Federico Halbherr and Roberto Paribeni. 2 However, given what we know about the working conditions of Italian diplomats under Benito Mussolini, who held the portfolio of Foreign Secretary as well as those of Prime Minister and Interior, it seems likely that not only these views but the scheme itself were submitted

Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri [ASMAE i]. Contains a one-page covering letter and nine pages of memorandum. The archive of the British School of Athens includes a request f r o m the Italian government, dated 1914, for information about the organisation, funding and activities of the British School [BSA i, iij. Given that an Italian archaeological institute already existed in Athens since 1909, the correspondence suggests that the Italian government was considering the establishment of an additional institute in the region. The author would like to thank Dr David Shankland for referring him to the archive of the British School of Athens. Petricioli (1999), La Rosa (1986). Italy had developed a particular interest in Turkey which increased as a result of the assignment of south and south-west Anatolian territories to her control during the post-war allied occupation, see Segn; (1988), Saiu (1999- 74-80)Pietromarchi (1965; 107-110), Rainero (1979), Levi (1979).

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by Montagna with the aim of catching Mussolini's eye and thus furthering Montagna's own personal career. 1 The very first sentence of Montagna's dispatch opens on a note of inter-European rivalry, referring as it does to the resumption of French efforts to found their own research institute in Turkey. By implication the potential French institute would constitute a cultural threat to Italy's position and his own proposal represents a response to it. Montagna goes on to complain in the memorandum, however, that European states had already used their predominant influence in medieval and Byzantine studies to belittle Italy's historic role and thus 'to favour in an illegitimate manner political interests contrary to ours'. Many such studies could and should 'very well have been done by us'. On these grounds, therefore, he advocated 'the foundation of an organisation of high Italian culture to reaffirm our interests and favour the development of our influence in the Levant.' The Turkish Republican authorities, however, had their own ideas about which archaeological and historical studies they wanted the foreign institutes to foster. They were understandably suspicious of the use of classical and Byzantine scholarship to lay territorial and other claims upon Anatolia. 2 According to Montagna, the French scheme for founding an Institute of Byzantine Studies which emerged during the First World War and seemed increasingly likely to reach fruition after the armistice was metamorphising since the Greek defeat and under Turkish pressure into a Franco-Turkish Institute. 3 The Italian Ambassador further reports the Turkish Minister of Education Hamdullah Subhi as saying that 'he would be happy to assist in the creation in Turkey of an Institute of Turco-Italian studies' on similar lines. Montagna, however, had no desire to see Italian research diverted from its older and deeper Anatolian presence. His memorandum therefore advocates the compromise of an institute hosting three different experts on the Greco-Roman, Byzantine or Medieval Latin, and Turkish periods. Montagna's dispatch is also highly critical of Turkey. He himself had recently had to intervene in several cases arising from discriminatory new laws affecting the Italian community in Turkey. Montagna attributed these antide Felice (1974; 323-533). For the British Embassy's assessment of Montagna and these conditions, see PRO [i-iv]. The particular attention devoted by Mussolini to dispatches from Turkey is clearly indicated, for example, by his annotation 'interessante' on ASMAE [ii], 2 Abadie-Reynal (1997; 174). http://www.multimania.com/ifea/. 3 This Franco-Turkish struggle over the institute's name and remit is partly confirmed by British diplomatic reports, PRO [v, vi].

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foreign actions, whose existence receives confirmation in British diplomatic dispatches, to long-standing, deeply-rooted anti-European prejudices. More of it, no doubt, could be attributed to the more recent traumas of the First World War, European occupation, civil war, and Greek invasion. But it could also be claimed that there was a deliberate quality to the anti-foreign and anti-minority policies of the Turkish Republic at that time. 1

The Memorandum Montagna's memorandum consists of three parts: first, 'the motives of political and moral character which counsel a greater cultural activity in the Orient'; secondly, a review of the activities which other nations, 'for identical and analogous motives, do not fail to carry out in this sphere'; and lastly his reflections upon the nature, operation and costs of the proposed Italian establishment. The first part, which Montagna sets out with considerable style and panache, is worth quoting in full: It is known that, due to the nationalist infatuation consequent upon the Turkish victory over Greece, every foreign element and interest (Italian included) is now threatened and has to struggle daily not to affirm and develop itself but simply to survive. It is true that, overcoming difficulties of every variety, our flag has succeeded in reaching first place in the foreign trade, albeit modest, of Turkey and that our shipping companies have striven brilliantly to maintain their predominance. But at the cost of how many pains and how many compromises we have reached these results! We have witnessed, moreover, the painful struggles of our overseas communities and the weakening and disappearance of many little demographic and economic ties which once linked these regions to our home country. At present Turkey is profoundly hostile towards the foreigner for reasons, even if unconscious, of race and religion, in addition to politics. It tends in practice to destroy every element with a European and Christian origin and in its blind pride combined with suspicion and powerlessness prefers to surround itself with a desert rather than accept the predominance of our civilisation.

PRO [vii-x]; also numerous files in the category F 0 3 7 1 , 10865 & F 0 3 7 1 , 10866; Petricioli (1999; 232-233). On the later measures specifically mentioned, see for example from 1934 PRO [xi]. Also situation in Mersin Consular District PRO [xii]. Anti-foreign feeling in Mersin; PRO [xiiij. Reservation to Turkish nationals of certain professions and occupations in Turkey; PRO [xiv]. Expulsion of Jews from Thrace; PRO [xv-xviii]. Incidents connected with campaign to enforce the speaking of Turkish in Turkey; PRO [xix]. Ill-treatment of British subjects in connexion with "Speak Turkish" campaign; PRO [xx]. Regional Distribution of Turkish population; PRO [xxi]. Turkish law regarding distribution and settlement of population; PRO [xxii]. Position of Foreigners in Turkey; PRO [xxiii]. Annual Report for 1934, paragraphs 171-

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We must react against this current of destruction: and indeed all our compatriots here do so with admirable patience and flexibility, both as individuals and with the support of our royal government and its representatives here in Turkey. But it seems to me desirable that such a reaction should also take place in the cultural, and particularly historical sphere, to affirm in such a fashion our determination to be here and to collaborate at any cost in the life of these regions, as ineluctable historic, demographic, economic and even moral necessities dictate. In the face of the Turkish aversion for Europe's history in the Orient, of its mistrustful resistance to our civilisation, and of the desolation in which it continues to maintain these vast regions, it seems opportune to me that we recall for our part the facts and the motives of our flourishing past expansion in the Orient, seeking out and presenting its records, and that we should reaffirm the brilliance of past glorious civilisations in which Italy has so often taken a part, often a preponderant part, with the cohorts of its troops and the crowds of its merchants and navigators. Such research and a wide illustration of the historic relations between these lands and our country ought to have the objectives of (1) affirming before the Turks and foreigners our ineluctable presence in the Orient, together with the proof of our continuing interests and culture; (2) spiritual encouragement, which is of no less importance, to our co-nationals here; (3) and the valuable propagation in Italy itself of the often little-known memories and records of our people.

In reviewing the archaeological and historical activities of other Western states in Turkey Montagna reserved particular admiration for the performance of France which, 'not content with the intellectual and morale prestige which comes to from her numerous schools and the current predominance of her language, has conducted since the armistice a flexible and many-sided operation which constitutes a real example [of how to operate]'. Their archaeologists had moved into Constantinople and conducted excavations at Sarayburnu close to the French military encampment. During the same period the Byzantinist Ebersolt as well as the experts Charles Diehl and Pernot had come to Istanbul with the objective of founding an Institute of Byzantine Studies while the priest Guillaume de Jerphanion conducted research on Byzantine cave churches in Cappadocia. Montagna described this as the 'Byzantine period, as it were, of French cultural activity after the armistice.' But 'in the face of Turkish hostility towards everything concerning research and study which recalls the charm of Byzantium, the French government had to change tack'. 1924 therefore witnessed visits to Turkey by the Islamic architecture expert Albert Gabriel, the orientalist Louis Massignon, Denis and Bouglé, and 'finally the original project of a Byzantine institute was converted into that of a Turkish oriental institute.' The Italian Ambassador regarded this as 'the most important attempt at French cultural assertion in Turkey in recent years and, as has happened with the French institutes in Egypt, must give good results if, as seems to be the case, France intends to devote much energy

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and money to it.' Lastly, he pointed approvingly to the French practice of posting young researchers from the French archaeological school in Athens as 'intellectual attaches' at their Turkish Embassy. Moving on to Germany, Montagna described the wartime excavations by Theodor Wiegand near the Hippodrome as well as more recent work (1924) at Troy and Miletus. The German Embassy retained a young archaeologist (Martin Schede) on a permanent basis and German Byzantinists (Regling and Mordtmann) had continued to receive an enthusiastic welcome from Turkish institutions. Eckhard Unger was currently founding a museum of primitive asiatic antiquities while the 'Teutonia' society had reopened and held conferences 'of an archaeological character with the help of local or passing German scholars'. A German orientalist, Mordtmann (brother of the above), had recently been nominated member of the Turkish Historical Institute. Montagna mentioned the armistice period visit of the Austrian Byzantinist Stigowsky mainly in order to draw the conclusion that Austria still retained an interest in Ephesus. Italy had agitated during the armistice to have Ephesus reassigned from Austria to themselves but had met only with a Turkish rebuffal. Their case was not helped by a long-running row with the Turkish authorities over antiquities held by the Italian Consulate in Antalya. 1 As for Hungary, it had its own archaeological institute in Istanbul which closed during the Great War but both Turks and Hungarians were said to want a resumption of cultural relations and the Hungarian Turkologist Hunos had visited Istanbul since the armistice. The once flourishing Greek cultural association in Istanbul, Sillogos, was still being kept closed — apparently by the Turks. Montagna nevertheless felt that 'bearing in mind Greece's flexibility and tenacity one should not be surprised if, despite all these difficulties, their scholars now carrying on work in silence raise their heads again and continue the programme of exploiting — whether more or less legitimately — history for their own political ends.' The British had had no specialist academics in the field since the deceased Byzantinists Alexander van Millingen and Edwin Pears but did possess numerous home-based scholars of Asia Minor covering the Classical,

Petricioli (1999; 233-246); La Rosa (1986; 23-24). Austria resumed excavations at Ephesus in 1926. For a summary of German and Austrian archaeological activity in Turkey in the years up until 1930, see Gerhardt Rodenwalt (1930; 46-77), and specifically on Austrian work at Ephesus, Wiplinger and Wlach (1995).

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Byzantine and Turkish periods. 1 The Americans, however, had an archaeological mission currently active in Anatolia. 2 Last in a list whose order evidently reflected their ranking as competitors of Italy came Soviet Russia, which Montagna thought was 'toying with' the idea of reconstituting the formerly very successful Russian Archaeological Institute: discussions were then under way between the Soviet and Turkish authorities for the return of its library (confiscated during the Great War). 'It is known that in Moscow studies of the Orient, particularly of its economics and politics, have for some time experienced a lively revival — as another weapon serving the renewed and transformed but still present Russian activity in these regions.' 3 As for Italy's own activities, 4 Montagna cites the visits of Biagio Pace, Ugo Monneret de Villard and Giulio Giglioli between 1919 and 1920. The Italian Archaeological School at Athens had submitted an application for permission to excavate in 1924, recently renewed, and Amadeo Maiuri at the Italian mission in Rhodes was working on illustrations of Bodrum Castle. The orientalist and Latinist Professor Ettore Rossi had made official visits to Turkey in 1924 and 1925 and various former or current students of the Italian Archaeological School at Athens had made unofficial forays. In short, Italy seemed to possess sufficient human resources for the project that Montagna had in mind. He considered it desirable that 'our activities be greatly increased and thoroughly coordinated according to carefully chosen and determined limits, so that no energy is wasted in unconcerted efforts...'. Much of this work could indeed be conducted in Italy using Genoa and Venice's libraries and massive archives. Montagna suggested a special history, seriously written, which would inform the cultivated public about relations between Italy and the Orient in the Roman, Byzantine and Turkish periods. Another promising project suitable for public consumption would examine money minted in the Orient during the centuries of Roman occupation, 'a modest but profoundly suggestive record of our history in the Levant that still remerges in abundance from that soil'. 'in 1926 the British Academy applied through Lindsay, and very quickly received permission, to excavate the Hippodrome: PRO [xxiv-xxvi], 2 The American Society for Archaeological Research in Asia Minor supported the dispatch of a British expedition to eastern Phrygia in the spring of 1925 and an Austrian expedition to Cilicia in the autumn of the same year. WM Calder, RK Law and PL McDougall led the British expedition while the Austrian team included Josef Keil, Adolf Wilhelm, Franz Miltner and Josef Storozynski. The American Society for Archaeological Research in Asia Minor also published Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua (appearing from 1928 onwards) through the Manchester University Press. See also Gill in this volume. 3 See Raskolnikoff (1975). ^Petricioli (1999; 206-248); La Rosa (1986; 93-106).

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Montagna believed that such work should be undertaken directly in the Orient, 'to carry through there valuable studies particularly of a topographic or archaeological character, to familiarise our experts with these regions, and because it is useful for us too to be seen and heard there.' He did not propose a duplicate of the French institute because it would be expensive and liable to restrictions on the areas of research. Instead, Montagna advocated: (1) Using first of all the best elements of our schools in the Levant, particularly the professors of history and philology already based in Istanbul and Salónica. 1 The General Management of Italian Schools Abroad should have the responsibility for choosing individuals suitable to play such an additional role. 2 Wherever possible those who could be useful 'should take the opportunity to make a contribution, however modest, to the monument of Italianità in the Orient.' (2) Using the Catholic orders closest to Italy with a presence in Anatolia. These included the Dominicans, Franciscans, Minor Conventuals, and Salesians. According to Montagna the Assumptionists of Kadikoy, 3 through their regular publication 'Echos d'Orient', had already for some years being making a contribution to the record of Italy's heritage in the Levant. He believed that the orders could be persuaded to send more priests who had the capacity and inclination for academic research. 4 (3) Setting up a 'house' in Istanbul for three Italian scholars on fellowships of at least a year — one specialising in the Greco-Roman period, another in the Byzantine and Latin Orient, and the third in the Turks. Montagna suggested projects under each heading, adding that he would 'energetically insist' on an excavation permit. These ideas included a guide to the antique and medieval monuments of Ankara, Turkey's new capital city (an idea subsequently executed in French, however, by Ernest Mamboury) 5 as well as work on Venetian and Genoan quarters at Galata and elsewhere in Turkey. In Montagna's opinion the house need not be an official school and hierarchy but could be directed loosely from Italy by someone such as the head of Italian scientific institutions in the Levant and superintended by the Minister. Its ^The British, with Millingen employed at Robert College, and the Austrians, with Dethier having originally having headed the local Austrian schools, had shown the way in this area. ^Montagna pointed to the middle school history teacher Professor Marcucci as one wellqualified example. 'Assumptionists (Augustinians of the Assumption)' in Livingstone (1997; 118). ^Montagna cited the example of 'tra i Domenicani di S. Retro un giovane promettente, il Padre Pera'. 5 Mamboury (1934).

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work would be coordinated with the Italian schools and religious orders and students would be encouraged to come and visit from the Italian archaeological school in Athens. 1 The site of the house was to be in the former Italian Embassy in the 'Palazzo dei Campetti' and a modest sum dedicated to building up a library in the same building. 'Together with the archaeological mission to Rhodes and the school at Athens, it would form the third base of an important Italian cultural activity in the Near East' and the Black Sea region. 2 Finally, Montagna proposed the eventual attachment to this institution of work relating to the flora, fauna and geology of Turkey. 3

Accounting for Failure: Montagna's British

Colleague

The Italian research 'house' was never constituted. Although American, British and Austrian archaeological missions received permits and began excavation work within months of Montagna's dispatch, the new French institute did not open until 1930-1931 (as the French Institute of Anatolian Studies in Istanbul) and Italian excavations were blocked by the Turkish authorities until 1930. 4 By that time most of the Italian-language schools in Turkey, one of the key academic bases for the project, had closed. 5 The Italians had not helped their own case for a new permit by foot-dragging in the row over Antalyan antiquities and it seems unlikely that the mentality displayed by Montagna in his memorandum facilitated dealings with the Turks. The British Ambassador, Sir Ronald Linsay, noted of Montagna in his report on the heads of diplomatic missions in Turkey: 6 Signor Montagna arrived in March [1924] ... from Athens, and has served also in Washington and in Sweden and Tehran as Minister. He now has the personal rank of Ambassador in the Italian service. He is a highly-strung, energetic and ambitious man, interested in little outside his official work, poring over his dossiers all day long. His staff are kept perpetually in the ^http://www.scuoladiatene.it/ ^Montagna suggested that the academics be paid 50 lire a day, which may be compared to the daily mazzetta of 10 lire paid to political prisoners and 4 lire to common criminals in Italy Gramsci Lettere dal Carcere (1967) to Tatjana, 19 December 1926. ^Giving as an example the studies conducted by Professor Campbell in 1924 on diseases of olive trees in Bursa province. ^Petricioli (1999; 232-248, 339-340). In addition to the expeditions sponsored by the American Society for Archaeological Research in Asia Minor (including the Austrian expedition which resumed excavations at Ephesus in 1926), the British received permission to excavate in the Hippodrome in 1926: PRO [xxvii-xxx]. 5 Sezer (1999; 96-101). Not all the schools closed: Polacco (483^191). 6 PRO [xxxi].

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chancery, but he does everything himself, and when last summer his counsellor rebelled against this ploughing of the sand, he was sent back to Rome at once. His position is a difficult one, as the Italian colony is numerous, emotional, and adapts itself with difficulty to the new conditions brought about by the abrogation of the Capitulations. Signor Montagna is therefore involved in multifarious petty controversies with the Turkish authorities, which he conducts personally and with acrimony, to the detriment both of his temper and of his personal prestige with the Turks. He came to Constantinople full of enthusiasm, and confident that he would achieve great successes. Disillusionment began with his visit to Angora in April last and has proceeded apace. He now realises that there are no laurels to be gathered in this barren soil, and he would be glad of a transfer elsewhere. I shall be sorry if he gets it, as he is a good colleague to me. His instructions are to work with this mission, and, so far as I know, neither he nor his Government have during the past year attempted to cross the policy of His Majesty's Government. We exchange notes frequently, and I do not think he has more reticences towards me than I have towards him. Lindsay included m o r e d a m n i n g observations in a subsequent letter (of M a r c h 1925): 1 I have never seen Montagna at work on Turks and it was rather a surprise to me. He is extraordinarily tactless and makes the mistake, fatal with Orientals, of being sarcastic. It made me quite uncomfortable at a dinner to hear him gibing at Tewfik Rushdi, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. From Angora he telegraphed en clair to his wife 'Angora horrible comme toujours,' and all Constantinople is ringing with it. Result is that he is making a bad impression up there. He is a nervous fellow, straining for results, with an eye always on the effect he is producing on Mussolini at Rome. His staff take their cue from him and make it worse. Mussolini has a fatal influence on his diplomats abroad. They are all expecting the sack at any moment, and they cannot be natural. T h e A m b a s s a d o r ' s final c o m m e n t on M o n t a g n a , in his annual report f o r 1925, i m p l i e d that Turco-Italian relations had actually i m p r o v e d as a result of his d e p a r t u r e : 2 ' R e l a t i o n s with Italy r e m a i n e d on a r e a s o n a b l y g o o d f o o t i n g t h r o u g h o u t 1925, and w e r e p e r h a p s i m p r o v e d by t h e t r a n s f e r of S i g n o r M o n t a g n a to a post w h e r e high strung n e r v o u s n e s s is less detrimental to public affairs.'

1

PRO [xxxiij. PRO [xxxiii]. Such hard assessments of Italian ambassadors were not exceptional at this time: Fritz Grobba, the German Minister in Kabul, after making a series of devastating comments on the capacity of his Italian colleague Toni (AA i) concluded: 'die italienische Regierung...den hiesigen exponierten und schwierigen Posten mit einen ganz unreif und unfähigen Vertreter besetzt hat.' 2

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In addition to the personality traits so cruelly laid bare in the correspondence of his British colleague, Montagna was handicapped by Turkish suspicions of the restless Italian desire for territorial acquisition in the eastern Mediterranean. This ambition, which can be perceived beneath the surface of Montagna's text, was all too frequently flaunted during the 1920s and 1930s by the Italian government. It had a predictably counterproductive effect on the Turks, whose feelings Lindsay summarised as follows: 1 The Turkish attitude towards Italy is compounded of a mixture of distrust, fear and scorn. Turks have never forgotten the Italian coup against Tripoli in 1911 and the similar coup at Corfu by Signor Mussolini's Government, his continued retention of office, and his dramatic personality have kept ever present in their minds that a similar coup might be attempted again against themselves. At the same time, they heartily despise Italy, so that while they would unwillingly face a conflict, they cannot be said to dread its result if it should be forced on them. Italian policy towards Turkey has been one of pure opportunism, governed by the leading idea of being closely associated in any action taken with some other Power, preferably Great Britain.

There were indeed a number of Italian invasion scares in Turkey during the inter-war years and Mussolini's speeches did nothing to allay Turkish distrust. 2 Under such political circumstances, the Turkish authorities had little incentive to cooperate with Italian requests for permission to conduct academic research and an Italian cultural institution, even had it been founded, could probably have contributed little to Italian influence.

1

PRO [xxxiv]. See for example files f r o m 1925-1926 and 1934: PRO [xxxiv]; PRO [ix]. In PRO [xxxv] 'Tour by Leeper to Mersina, Smyrna and Rhodes' Hoare writes 'the conclusion which may be reached is that, were it not for the deliberate manner in which the Turks had chosen to apply to themselves some of Signor Mussolini's more flamboyant utterances, there is no basis whatsoever for Turkish suspicions. The Italians are doing nothing, whether in Cilicia cr Rhodes, which goes beyond a legitimate effort to develop their economic interests. It may be said that this report strengthens my conviction that the intense suspicion of the foreigner, and especially of the Italian, is due to a sense of inferiority and to an uneasy realisation of the vastness of the empty spaces in Anatolia; On Turco-Italian relations, see also PRO [xxxvi-xxxii, xxxiv). On anti-Italian articles in Smyrna press, see PRO Lxxxiii], and on Turkish fears of Italy, PRO [xxxv]. 'Turco-Italian relations deteriorated still further during 1934. Signor Mussolini dropped a bombshell in the Turkish camp when he made a speech in March alluding to future Italian expansion in Africa and Asia'. 2

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REFERENCES Archives [AA] German Foreign Ministry Records i)

Auswärtiges Amt Politisches Archiv, R77914 Afghanistan, Abteilung III. Akten betreffend: Politische Beziehungen zwischen Afghanistan und Italien von Januar 1922-23 November 1933. Grobba, Kabul, den 2. August 1924.

[ASMAE] Foreign Ministry Archives, Italy i)

Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Affari Politici, Pacco 1710, Montagna, Costantinopoli, 4 Maggio 1925, al Regio Ministero degli Affari Esteri (Direzione Generale Europa e Levante Ufficio V) e per conoscenza alla Direzione Generale delle Scuole Italiane all'Estero.

ii)

Affari Politici, Pacco 1710, Taliani (Chargé d'Affaires), Costantinopoli, 12 settembre 1925.

[BSA] British School at Athens i)

BSA: Minutes Volume 8, pp 16-17.

ii)

BSA: Correspondence Volume 1914-1915, Heath, Treasury Chambers, 6 November & 8 December 1914.

[PRO] Public Record Office, UK. i) F0371, 10866, E915 Ronald Charles Lindsay, Constantinople, 6 February 1925 ii)

F0371, 10870, E3338 Lindsay, Constantinople, 1 June 1925

iii)

F0371, 10870, E4806 Reginald Hervey Hoare, Constantinople, 13 August

iv)

F0371, 11556, E4798 Hoare, Constantinople, 11 August 1926.

v)

F0371, 10865, E313 Lindsay, Constantinople, 14 January 1925.

vi)

F0371, 10865, E2492 Lindsay, Constantinople, 21 April 1925.

vii)

F0371, 10870, E3338 Lindsay, Constantinople, 1 June 1925

1925

viii)

F0371, 10870, E4706 Hoare, Constantinople, 3 August 1925

ix)

F0371, 11528, E2472 Lindsay, Constantinople, 14 April 1926

x)

F0371, 11540, E1072 Lindsay, Constantinople, 8 February 1926

xi)

F0371, 17958, E4912 Sir Percy Loraine, Constantinople, 21 July 1934

xii)

F0371, 17958, E6178 James Morgan, Constantinople, 4 October 1934

xiii)

F0371, 17966, E3605 Morgan, Ankara, to Sir John Simon, 26 May 1934

xiv)

F0371, 17969, E4633 Loraine, Constantinople, to Simon, 7th July 1934

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F0371, 17969, E4905 Loraine, Constantinople, to Rendel, 22 July 1934

xvi)

F0371, 17969, E4916 Loraine, Constantinople, to Simon, 22 July 1934.

xvii)

F0371, 17969, E5406 Loraine, Constantinople, to Simon, 9 August 1934.

xviii)

F0371, 17969, E4844 Consul General Greig, Smyrna, to Loraine, 19 July

xix)

F0371, 17969, E5028 Greig, Smyrna, to Loraine, 25 July 1934.

xx)

F0371, 17970, E5161 Loraine, Constantinople, to Simon, fourth August

xxi)

F 0 3 7 1 , 17970, E6434 Morgan, Constantinople, to Simon, 13 October

1934.

1934. 1934. xxii)

F0371,

17970,

E5650

Monsieur

Cambon,

French

Embassy

(conversation), 6th September 1934. xxiii) xxiv)

F0371, 19037, E854 Loraine, Angora, 31st January 1935 F0371, 11556, E4486 Philip Sassoon to William Tyrell, 17 June 1926 and Lancelot Oliphant, FO, to Lindsay, 19 June 1926.

xxv)

F0371,

11556, E4487 Lindsay, Constantinople,

19 July

1926 and

Lindsay's note to Tewfik Rushdi Bey of 17 July 1926. xxvi)

F0371, 11556, E6868 George Russell Clerk, Constantinople, to Oliphant, 7 December 1926 and Hoare, Constantinople, to Stanley Casson, Oxford, 27 November 1926.

xxvii) F0371, 11556, E4486 Sir Philip Sassoon to Sir William Tyrell, 17 June 1926 and Oliphant, FO, to Lindsay, 19 June 1926. xxviii) F0371, 11556, E4487 Lindsay, Constantinople, 19 July 1926 xxix)

F0371, 11556, E4568 Sassoon, Air Ministry, to Oliphant, 30 July 1926

xxx)

F0371,

11556, E6868 Sir G Clerk, Constantinople, to Oliphant, 7

December 1926 xxxi)

F 0 3 7 1 , 10866, E915 Lindsay, Constantinople, 6 February 1925. Annual report on heads of Missions in Turkey.

xxxii) F 0 3 7 1 , 10870, E4806 Hoare, Constantinople, 13 August 1925, enclosure from Lindsay to Oliphant, Constantinople dated 25 March 1925. xxxiii) F 0 3 7 1 , 11556, E4798 Hoare, Constantinople, 11 August 1926. Annual Report on Turkey for 1925. xxxiv) F 0 3 7 1 , 10870, E3338 Lindsay, Constantinople, 1 June 1925. Annual Report on Turkey for 1924. xxxv) F0371, 11528, E6437 Hoare, Constantinople, 14 November 1926. xxxvi) F0371, 17958, E4912 Loraine, Constantinople, 21 July 1934. xxxvii) F0371, 17964, E2260 Loraine, Angora, 4 April 1934. xxxviii) F0371, 17964, E2302 Loraine, Angora, 6 April 1934. xxix)

F0371, 17964, E2473 Loraine, Angora, 14 April 1934, to Simon.

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xxx)

F0371, 17964, E2629 Loraine, Angora, 20 April 1934.

xxxi)

F 0 3 7 1 , 17964, E3073 Loraine, Constantinople, 10 May 1934.

xxxii) F0371, 17964, E3268 Loraine, Angora, 9 May 1934. xxxiii) F0371, 17964, E4070 Drummond, Rome, 15 June 1934. xxxiv) F0371, 17964, E4780 Foreign Office Minute, Sargent, 18 July 1934. xxxv) F0371, 19037, E854 Loraine, Angora, 31 January 1935. Published de Felice, R. 1974 Mussolini

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Einaudi. Gramsci, A. 1967 Lettere dal Carcere Turin; Einaudi. La Rosa, V. (ed.) 1986 L'archeologia

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second French Edition, Polacco, L. 'La presenza della cultura italiana nella Turchia di oggi', Il

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Rivista della Civiltà Italiana: Le Relazioni tra l'Italia et la Turchi. Petricioli, M. 1999 Archeologia politica mediterranea

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Roma; Levi.

Pietromarchi, L. 1965 Turchia Vecchia e Nuova, Milan; Bompiano. Rainero, R. 1979 'I rapporti italo-turchi nel periodo fascista' in II Veltro, della Civiltà Italiana:

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Veltro, pp 391-396. Raskolnikoff, M. 1975 La Recherche sociale du monde hellénistique

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Se/er A. 1999 Atatürk Döneminde

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Ankara; TTKB. österreichische

12. HASLUCK'S STUDY OF THE BEKTASHIS AND ITS CONTEMPORARY SIGNIFICANCE Irène MELIKOFF

We are gathered here to honour the memory of a scholar who may be considered as one of the first sociologists of modern Turkey. In his field he is simply a pioneer. His master work Christianity and Islam under the Sultans was published after his death, in 1926, by his wife Margaret M. Hasluck. Hasluck died of tuberculosis, in Switzerland, on 2 February 1920, a few days after his forty-second birthday. The main course of his life is well known, we shall only remind ourselves here some of the most important facts of his career. Fellow of King's College in Cambridge, Hasluck spent many years in the Near East, especially in Greece where he became Assistant and Acting Director of the British School of Athens. He stayed there from 1899 to 1916. He first worked as an archaeologist of ancient Greece, then he became interested in many other subjects such as medieval history of Izmir, the foundation of the Orthodox monasteries in Mount Athos, and Genoese and Venetian numismatics. In the spring of 1913, he visited Konya with his young wife to whom he offered that trip as a wedding present. By her own account, his interest in Christian and Moslem syncretism in the Ottoman Empire became then the main subject of his research work. Certainly, he went on working in that field until the beginning of the First World War. His precarious health made him unable to pursue military activity, but his thorough knowledge of the Near East made him fit for the intelligence service. In such a capacity he stayed in Athens, and stayed there till the end of 1916. The aggravation of his lung disease required hospitalisation in Switzerland. Because of the danger of travelling during the war, he had to leave the greatest part of his manuscripts and note-books in Athens, though he went on reading and writing until his death. At that point, his widow informs us that he had been preparing two books: 'Transference from Christianity to Islam and vice-versa', and 'Studies in Turkish Popular History and Religion'. It is the notes and articles for these that his wife collected together, revised and had published as Christianity and Islam under the Sultans. She notes that this arduous task took her three years.

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This book, which made her husband's fame, clearly owes its appearance to her, though she preferred to remain in his shadow. In honouring the memory of F.W. Hasluck, we must also join that of his devoted wife Margaret M. Hasluck thanks to whose intensive work and self-sacrifice that precious book has come to us.

The worth of Hasluck's work Through his archaeological culture, his good knowledge of the Near East, his insight and perspicacity, Hasluck accomplished during his short lifetime a most remarkable work. From the outset, he refused to accept the stereotyped picture of an Ottoman Empire ruled by religious oppression and through his minute researches sketched out a much more lively depiction of a great country in which religion often appears to be a syncretism between more than one tradition. He was perhaps the first to assert so clearly that there was a difference between the religious and cultural life of the broad mass of the people, and that of a state religion, found in the towns, that comprised Sunni orthodox Islam. In studying this religious syncretism in the Ottoman Empire, Hasluck discovered a great number of different beliefs and traditions. He managed to do so by examining sanctuaries devoted to popular saints. In many cases he was able to note in turn the acculturation of sanctuaries of different ages and cultures. This provided him with a further way in, in that the occupation of a country by a foreign invader docs not necessarily erase the sacred character of a place, and he became fascinated by these instances. For example, the region of Ephesus has always been considered as sacred and the site was devoted to feminine divinities belonging to different religions and cultures from the ancient Cybele, Diana of Ephesus, to the Virgin Mary today. In Anatolia and Rumelia many holy sites that had once been Christian sanctuaries continued to be visited by Muslims. Sometimes too tombs of Muslim saints are visited by Christians. For instance, the church of St Naum, near Okhrid contains a tomb attributed to San Saltuk. This tomb, one of the numerous ones attributed to that saint, is honoured by both Moslems and Christians. It was shown to me by a Bektashi Baba, Kazim Dede Baba who was some twenty years ago the head of the Bektashi Tekke of Diakovica. At the same period, I remember visiting the Armenian church of

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Saint Thadeus near Hoy in Iran, near the Turkish border. The Saint was said to be worshipped by Armenian Christians and Ahli-Hakk Kurds. Among the Moslem popular saints of Anatolia and Rumelia, we can often find previous Christian saints, such as St George, St Demetrios, St Charalambos who have received a Moslem identity. They are generally revered under the name of Hizir. From this investigation, Hasluck extended his research work to the natural environment, searching for mountains, stones, rocks, trees to which popular legends or tradition may be attached, particularly in those areas where different civilisations may be likely to have succeeded one another. This work collectively resulted in many papers, and the major survey that appears in the first volume of Christianity and Islam.

The Dervish Orders As well as this concentration on sacred sites, whether natural or architectural, Hasluck also undertook the sustained study a particular group, the dervish orders or brotherhoods, and in particular the Bektashis. There is not the slightest doubt that he was one of the first western scholars to understand the importance of that order, and it was a study that was particularly congenial to him. Bektashism in the Balkans appeared to him as a religious syncretism in which Islam and Christianity had mingled and assimilated themselves to one another. Many Bektashi saints had taken the place of former Christian saints and sometimes even of more ancient cults and traditions. His eventual contribution to Bektashi studies is varied. However, he was the first to understand the importance of Hurufism in the development of Bektashism. He was also the first to find out that the success of the Bektashis was due to their connection with the Janissaries. This important finding, however, did lead him to commit certain errors, especially in attempting to date the life of Hadji Bektash. He tried to do so by referring to the creation of the Janissary Corps, and therefore set his life in the fourteenth century. Indeed, he could not have known then that Hadji Bektash had a discernable historical identity, that he had lived in the thirteenth century and that the Janissaries had been attached to Bektashism only after his death, a death which, at least according to tradition, took place in 1271.1 He also could hardly have anticipated the later findings of Ómer Lutfi Barkan written in 1

Melikoff (1992; 115-125).

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1942, on the colonising dervishes and the part they played during the period of the conquest and expansion of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. In effect, this illustrates and explains that the Bektashis were connected to the Janissaries because they were an order of colonising dervishes. 1 Nevertheless, Hasluck's discoveries influenced the research work of many scholars, the first of them being J.K. Birge, whose seminal volume on the Bektashis remains a fine source of material today, though it was published already more than sixty years ago.2 Whilst Hasluck's Greek was superb, the source of some of Hasluck's errors lies in the fact that he did not really know the Turkish language well enough to read Ottoman sources. Though his wife defends his knowledge of Turkish, saying that he spoke it well, I believe that he must have needed an interpreter and also did not have a sufficient direct contact with the Turkish people. Thus, when we examine his very rich bibliography, we find out that he made use of books written in European languages: English, French, German, Italian and also Greek. He very seldom refers to books in Turkish, they were only known to him in translation. His knowledge of Ottoman history comes from books written in European languages and mostly from the monumental work of Joseph von Hammer.

The Bektashis Turning now to the origins of the Bektashis. The Bektashis are similar in their roots to the first Ottomans: in both cases they came from the Turkmen tribes who invaded Anatolia during the twelfth to the thirteenth centuries. 3 During the fourteenth century the Bektashis may have been hardly distinguishable from other heterodox groups of wandering dervishes such as the Torlak, the Haydari and other offspring of the Kalenderi kind. Some of the Bektashis joined the Ottomans and took part in the conquest of Thrace and the Balkans during the fourteenth century. These gazi-dervishes were awarded lands in the conquered countries. They settled down and became colonising dervishes. For this reason, the Sultans tolerated and even protected them. By favouring them, the Sultans hoped to control the different anarchic groups of wandering dervishes by uniting them into a single group. As colonising dervishes, the Bektashis were connected to the Janissary Corps. 1 2 3

See Barkan (1942). Birge (1937). For more detail on this point, see Melikoff (1992).

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However this mutually satisfactory situation did not outlive the wars between the Ottomans and the Safavids which began towards the end of the fifteenth century, grew violent in the beginning of the sixteenth and ended with the Battle of Calchrari in 1514. At that time, the Kizilbash who had sprung from the heterodox popular groups and were closcly connected to the Bektashis, made those dissident groups more difficult to handle, especially because of the increase of Shi'i influence as well as Hurufi ideas. From this background, we may see how they came to be a threat, and not just a support to the expanding Empire.

The Alevis Thanks to scholars such as J.K. Birge, Bektashism is now well-known in Western countries. But the Alevi problem has been underestimated for a long time. The importance of the Bektashis was due to their extending to the European provinces of Turkey. The Alevis, however, were based in Anatolia, where they were a semi-nomadic rural society. When the Ottoman Empire came to lose its Balkan provinces, the Alevis overcame the Bektashis in terms of their importance because they now formed the most significant heterodox group within the boundaries of the modern nation state. They are still considered as non-conformists and trouble-makers. Even today, they are attacked because of their dislike of official Sunnism, and suspected of holding meetings of orgiastic character. A few decade ago, the Alevis were believed to be 'communists', today one hears ' A l e v i ' used pejoratively to imply ' troubl esome Kurd'. The word 'Alevi' hardly appears in Hasluck's work. 1 It could not have been otherwise as the name 'Alevi' took the place of 'Kizilbash' in a relatively recent period. 2 Also, Hasluck could not have foreseen the importance that the Alevi problem would take, in that its recent emergence is linked to the foundation of the modern Republic. Nevertheless, whilst Hasluck was aware of the connection between Bektashis and Kizilbash, he did not see until right toward the end of his research career how close they were to one another sociologically. He did not see that the Bektashis and those who are nowadays called Alevis, were of the same origin, indeed Fuat Kopriilii used to call the Alevis 'country Bektashis'. 1 The word Alevi is only used three times in his Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, see pages 140, 142, 158. It is said to be an inoffensive term used in the place of Kizilba$ which has a contemptuous meaning and refers to all the adherents of the Shia religion, including the Yezidi and Nusairi. 2 See Melikoff (1975).

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In Europe, the Alevi problem has long been considered a minor one. However during the last years the situation has somewhat changed. This is due to the increasing number of Alevi workers and emigrants who now live in Europe, and try to have their identity and rights recognised by the European Parliament. European scholars have therefore began to show some interest in them and many students have chosen the Alevi problem for their research work. They are however mainly interested in the political aspect of the question and the social claims of the Alevis. They have illustrated a tendency to disregard the past history of the Kizilbash/Alevi as well as their religious and social complexities. This is certainly a mistake that Hasluck himself would not make.

Syncretism One of the aspects of Alevi/Bektashi thought that attracted Hasluck was most forcefully was its syncretism. He saw in Bektashism a mixture of Islam and Christianity. This was certainly the case in regions where Christianity and Islam were both present and blended together after the Turkish conquest. Fuat Kopriilii has rendered the subject still more complex by adding to Bektashism elements of Central Asian Shamanism. 1 Other scholars have discovered remains of ancient creeds previous to the Byzantine period. Perhaps this is not too surprising. Anatolia has always been a region where different beliefs and cultures have blended together into religious and cultural symbiosis. In comparing the beliefs of the Alevis with those of people who have been neighbours for many centuries, such as the Ahli Hakk or Yezidi Kurds, one can find traces of Gnostic and even dualist creeds which are probably of Manichaean origin. Indeed, if we look at this last point more specifically, we may identify at least three items in the Bektashi/Alevi creed that seem to have come from Manichaeism. 1)

1 2

The three conditions of Bektashism: that is, to be master of the tongue, the hand and the loins. These same conditions existed among the Manichaeans and have been described by St Augustin in his 'De moribus Manichaeorum' 2

Kopriilii (1926, 1929. and 1935). Migne (1961; col. 1309-1384, ch.XI-XVIII).

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2)

A myth of creation which is common to the Alevis, the Ahli Hakk and the Yezidis and similar the Manichaean myth of creation. After creating Adam, the Primordial Man, God asks him 'Who are you? Who am I?' Unaware of his divine nature, Primordial Man answers 'I am myself and you are you!' The question is repeated three times. At last, obeying a secret revelation, the Primordial Man answers 'You are the creator, I am the creature!' and the Gates of Heaven open before him. 1 In this way, Man understood his divine origin and awoke from the sleep of unconsciousness. The sixteenth century Kizilbash poet Pir Sultan Abdal has immortalised this in his well-known poem JJyur idik uyardilar (We were asleep, we have been wakened).

3)

A third example wherein the Alevi-Bektashi creed reminds us of Manichaeism is that the Bektashis recognise the category of the Elected (Erenler) as opposed to common mortals. The Elected only have the right to attend and participate in the religious ceremonies. No one is admitted to their meetings if he has not been through the ordeal of initiation by which he becomes an Elected. This principle is found also amongst the Alevis, though in their system, one only may become an Elected by birth: conversion is not accepted.

Before going further into the question of Alevi-Bektashi syncretism, it might be useful to have a glance at others of their beliefs. The Alevi-Bektashis do not have a notion of Hell, nor do they believe in Satan as an evil spirit. They may believe in reincarnation and some Alevi groups believe in metempsychosis. This means that evil will be punished by an equally unfortunate reincarnation, though conversely the repentant may be favoured. Their understanding of Satan reflects this idea, in that they hold that he disobeyed God's commandment to worship Adam. In his ignorance, he did not understand the divine nature of Adam. But he repented and according to tradition, he was reincarnated into Gabriel, the closest friend of God. Amongst the Alevis, Gabriel is often represented under the form of a cock, so is Malek Ta'us, the peacock God of the Yezidis. For that reason, the Yezidis are often improperly called 'worshippers of Satan'. This image of reincarnation and the cockerel is one common point between the Yezidis and the Alevi-Bektashis. 1 In studying Alevi beliefs and traditions, my main sources of information are the Alevi nefes (psalms). The myth of creation is found in a nefes attributed to an a§ik called Velioglu. It is sung and also danced during the Alevi ceremonies. I have reproduced the text of that nefes and tried to explain it in a recent article (Melikoff 2001).

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That it is held that Adam is of divine essence is crucial. He is God himself. The final aim of the Alevi-Bektashis is to understand the divine origin of man, and to integrate the Divinity to which he belongs. This belief is common to the Hurufis and may have come to the Bektashis through the teachings of Fazlullah of Astarabad. It helps too, to form a connection between the Alevis and Ali. The name of God is written on every human being's face, but the name one can read on man's face is that of Ali, who is the representation of God in human form. The arch of the brow represents the letter ayn, the line of the nose the lam and the curve of the moustache is the ya. We must now mention the third element of the divine Trinity: that of Muhammed. For the Alevi-Bektashis, Allah-Muhammed-Ali forms an inseparable Trinity. Its importance among the Kizilbash is perhaps in part due to the influence of Shi'ism, and to the institution of Shi'ism as the state religion by Shah Isma'il. Such propaganda started towards the end of the fifteenth century in the time of Sheykh Haydar, and reached its peak during the reign of his son Shah Isma'il. In that Kizilbash tradition, Muhammed is believed to have proclaimed his identity with Ali by stating: 'Ali is me and I am Ali. We are one single flesh'. From that moment, Muhammed becomes associated to God and to Ali, he becomes the third element of their Trinity. He is the missing link between God and man-god. Structurally speaking, he plays the part of the Holy Ghost within the Christian faith. This is confirmed by some essential traditions, such as that of Muhammed attending the Banquet of the Forty during the night of his Miradj. The Alevi ceremony of Ayn-i Cent is the repetition on earth of the Banquet that took place in the Other World, beyond place and time. Muhammed is received to that Banquet by Ali whom he does not recognise because it is the divine Ali. The Prophet drinks of the juice of the grapes brought by Selman-i Farsi. Inebriated by that divine drink, he joins the sacred dance of the community. Of course, through the presence of Muhammed at that ceremony, Bektashism maintains a connection with part of the Islamic world, even though it does seem somewhat heterodox.

Gnosticism

and dualism

In the melting pot of Anatolian beliefs and cultures, gnosticism as well as dualism, existed before the coming of the Turks, namely among the Paulicians who were called Manichaeans by the Byzantines. Forms of Paulicianism may be traced down to the beginning of the nineteenth century,

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among the Thondrakites who lived in the district of the lake of Van. 1 A century earlier, Lady Montagu mentions in a letter written on 1 April 1717 in Adrianopolis (Edirne) that she met in Philippopolis (Plovdiv) a Christian sect that call themselves Paulinians (Paulicians). 2 In the twelth ccntury Anna Comnena mentions Philippopolis as being mainly inhabited by Paulicians (though she used the Byzantine term Manichaeans). 3 Seven hundred years later, the descendants of that community still lived in Philippopolis. The Ottoman Empire seems to have preserved aspects of this Byzantine world that the Western Christian countries had tried so hard to eradicate. In the Balkans, the Bogomils who might have sprung from the Paulicians, were also called Manichaeans. So were the Cathars in Western Europe. All these heresies have common points and developed in the same geographical area. In Anatolia the triangle formed by Divrigi (ancient Tephrike)-Sivas-Erzincan, was the centre of Paulicianism under the Byzantines. Later on it became the epicentre of Kizilbashism. Bogomilism was implanted in Thrace in the tenth century. Later on, Thrace became an important centre of Bektashism. Many of the greatest Bektashi tekke, such as that of Kizil Deli and others were in Thracc. In the late Byzantine period, the Bogomils were also to be found in the Aegean region, especially in Philadelphia (Ala§ehir) and also in Ephesus where there was one of the first Christian churches, that of Saint John. The Bogomils spread all along the coast, down to the Gulf of Antalya where was established in the fourteenth century the sanctuary of Abdal Musa, which became one of the most important Bektashi centres of Anatolia. During the fourteenth century, the Aegean coast was troubled by Christian heresies. In 1346, Pope Clement VI attacked the Archbishop of Seleucia for having written in Armenian a commentary of St John extolling poverty. A few years later, in 1375, the heretical missionaries Fraticelli, who were considered Cathars, were preaching the same ideal among the people of Crimea as well as in Asia Minor. In the Aegean district, around Ephesus, the uprising of Borkliice Mustafa, who extolled poverty, collectivism and supra-confessionalism, took place in 1416. According to the Greek historian Doukas, he was in contact with heretical monks and the same Fraticellis. He met a cruel death, crucified in Ephesus. 4

1 2 3 4

On the Thondrakites see Melikoff (1988; 163-165). Montagu (1971; 114). Dawes (1928; 385-386, 412, 418). Zhukov (1991). See also Balivet (1995).

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Conclusion In conclusion, we may note that Hasluck did not live to see the end of the Ottoman Empire, nor indeed the proclamation of the Republic of Turkey. His book came out posthumously, after the cataclysm of the First World War, and into a period where nationalism had replaced Empire in the region. After the Second World War the methods of work changed: instead of relying on manuscripts and texts, scholars explored archive documents, often more difficult to decipher than chronicles. Historians such as Omer Lutfi Barkan have built their research work on this archival study. Other scholars such as Fuat Kopriilii or Abdulbaki Golpinarh developed a new approach in studying history of religions. Historians have shown interest in Pre-Ottoman Turkey. Ahmet Yasar Ocak has thoroughly studied the Baba'i revolt, its consequences on the fall of the Seldjuk dynasty and the part it played in the evolution of popular Islam and the development of heterodox dervish orders. 1 Nowadays in turn, the importance of sociology is increasing. Historians give the preference to social material rather than to the enumeration of historical events. In matter of history of religion, the importance of syncretism is recognised as well as the entanglement of religions and social facts. As Hasluck's works deal with the sociology of religion, they remain still of great interest and even gain in relevance to the modern reader, even if they sometimes appear to be somewhat out of date. In taking as an example the pioneer work done by Hasluck who was the first to venture to mention Islam-Christian syncretism, we must now continue our research work and try to go further, so as to discover beyond what has already been found. Would it be possible to find a link between the Christian heretic groups of the Middle Ages and the heterodox dervishes of Anatolia and Rumelia ? Might it be possible to trace such a link through Gnostic texts? The Islam-Christian links in the Ottoman Empire after all seemed improbable before Hasluck ventured to study the popular religion in Turkey. Many new elements will still be discovered through thorough research work. Such endeavour demands, however, the collaboration of scholars from different fields who must be ready to co-operate in order to discover new perspectives. Our work together in this volume is just such an initiative, and I wish it all good fortune and success.

1

Ocak (1989, 1996).

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REFERENCES Balivet, M. 1995 Islam mystique et révolution Vie de Cheikh

Bedreddin,

armée dans les Balkans

le « Halladj

des Turcs»

ottomans.

(1358/59-1416),

Istanbul; Isis. Barkan, Ô. 1942 'Les fondations pieuses comme méthode de peuplement et de civilisation: les derviches colonisateurs de l'époque des invasions et les couvents (zaviye)', Vakiflar Dergisi Vol. II; 59-65. Birge, J. 1937 The Bektashi Order of Dervishes, London; Luzac. Dawes, E. (Trans.) 1928 The Alexiad Alexius I., Emperor

... Being the history

of the Romans,

of the reign of ...

1081-1118 A.D [byj Anne

Comnena,

Daughter of Alexius I, London; Kegan Paul & Co. Kôpriïlii, F. 1926 Les origines historique

du Bektachisme.

de l'hétérodoxie

musulmane

Essai

sur le

développement

en Asie, Paris; Actes du Congrès

International d'Histoire des religions. Kôpriilii, F. 1929 Influence

du chamanisme

sur les ordres mystiques

musulmans,

Mémoires de l'Institut de turcologie de l'Université de Stamboul; Nouv. sér., 1, Istanbul; Imp. Zellitch frères. Kôpriilti, F. 1935 Les origines de l'Empire

ottoman, Paris; E. de Boccard. (Second

ed. 1978 Philadelphie; Porcupine Press). Mélikoff, I. 1975 'Le problème Kizilbas' in Turcica Vol. VI; 49-67. Mélikoff, I. 1992 Sur les traces du soufisme turc, Istanbul; Isis. Mélikoff, I. 1998 Hadji Bektach: un mythe et ses avatars: genèse et évolution

du

soufisme populaire en Turquie, Leiden; Brill. Mélikoff, I 2001 'Universalisme et gnosticisme dans les hétérodoxies du Proche et du Moyen Orient' in Au Banquet des Quarante, Istanbul; Isis; 135-154. Migne, J. 1961 Patrologiae

Latinae, Vol. XXXII.

Montagu, M. 1971 [1838] Letters Constantinople,

from

the Levant

during

the Embassy

to

1716-18 (Reprint of the 1838 ed.) New York ; Arno Press.

Ocak, A. 1989 La révolte

de Baba

Resul

ou la formation

de

l'hétérodoxie

musulmane en Anatolie au XlIIè siècle, Ankara; T.T.K. Ocak, A. 1996 Babaî1er Isyani, seconded. Istanbul; Dergah Yaymlari. Z h u k o v , Z. 1991 The Cathars, Berkludje

Mustafa's

Fraticelli

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in Anatolia

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XVIIIth International Congress of Byzantine Studies.

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Moscow; Acts of the

13. BEKTASHI LIFE ON THE BORDER BETWEEN ALBANIA AND GREECE Harry NORRIS

Hasluck published his most important research papers into the distribution of the Bektashis in the Balkans, and their tekkes, in the years between 1900 and 1915. One might single out two of his studies, in particular: 'Ambiguous Sanctuaries and Bektashi Propaganda' published in the British School at Athens Annual between 1913 and 1914 and 'Geographical Distribution of the Bektashis' between 1914 and 1916 in the same series. Much had changed in the Balkan map during this period and the Bektashis had suffered grevious loss. In Volume Two of Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, writing about the situation as it then was before the Great War, he describes the tpki? s of 'Argyrokastro', in some detail. 1 He makes a special comment on ce, particularly in the region of Epirus, adjacent to the border with nia. On page 536, he writes: In this region Bektashism seems to have taken no permanent root south of latitude 40°. In spite of Ali Pasha's patronage, the Bektashis admit that they have never possessed a tekke al Yannina (Ioannina), his capital, where the only trace of them is the tomb of Hasan Sheref Baba, a saint of Ali's time, and that of Ali himself, the headstone of which was formerly distinguished by the regulation Bektashi taj. On the road between Yannina and Metzovo a tekke which formerly existed is now deserted: we may probably regard it as one of Ali' s strategic' foundations devised to control the important pass into Thessaly. At Konitza exists what is said to be a very old tekke.

What follows may assist in filling some gaps which exist in Hasluck's accounts, not only in the distribution of tekkes, but also in relation to the vicissitudes of the Bektashi community of this particular region near to the border. My account consists of translations of a vivid series of letters written at the turn of the century by the Bektashis themselves, appealing for help during their difficulties to the British officials, de Vallon and then Graves, in

1 Hasluck (1929; II, 541-542). On the distribution of tekkes see Clayer (1990). F. W. Hasluck (see page 3) and J. K. Birge are extensively quoted in her work.

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Salonica. All the letters, which are translated here from the original French, are housed in the Public Records Office Library.1

Bektashi nationalists regions

in early twentieth century Epirus and

Gjirokaster

Letter One A letter to Consul General, Monsieur H. C. de J Du Vallon (Gerant, ie Consulat General d'Angleterre, in Salonica), loannina (Janine, Epirus), 19 December 1904. I believe it to be my duty to submit a fact of potential importance to you. However, before I do this, allow me to supply you with a certain piece of information which is closely linked to that fact of which I shall be speaking, later. This is necessary in order to understand its scope, its range and its potential. It is a certain fact that, in this Vilayet [province], the Albanian population is predominantly Muslim in faith. It is said that among its 550,000 inhabitants, at least 300,000 are Muslims. Now, you should be aware that of these 300,000 Muslims, at least 250,000 are Bektashis. The Bektashis, though they are Muslims, do not follow the rules of the Prophet Muhammad, but that of his son in law, Ali. Their religious practises differ enormously from those of Orthodox Muslims. They are allowed to take alcoholic and fermented beverages. They do not observe Ramadan and they only observe a fast of two weeks during the summer. 2 They cannot eat the flesh of the hare and they perform their prayers in a manner which is different from that of other Muslims. From Delvino 3 to the limits of Scutari (Shkoder), and to Monastir (Bitolj), most of the entire length of the land is inhabited by the Bektashis. 1 Documents FO/294/32. I am grateful to Mr. Bejtullah Destani for supplying me with photocopied examples (occasionally unclear and indistinct where there is a handwritten original) and also to the Public Record Office, for permitting the copies to be made. 2 This probably refers to the ten or twelve day fast to celebrate the martyrdom of Husain at Karbala; the ma 'tam. 3 Delvino (Ffonike). situated to the North-East of Sarande. in the southernmost region of Albania.

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Since the age of the conquest, the Bektashis, in their provinces, have built numerous 'monasteries' (retreats or hospices), which are called tekkes. They are ruled by a monk who is called a Baba1 and who has taken vows of chastity. 2 These tekkes enjoy the benefits of immense properties which have been given to them, either through a will or by a donation, by the Albanian Beys who are members of this rite. The tekkes and their Babas are the object of great veneration on the part of the Bektashis. Above all, the Babas have an extraordinary influence over their co-religionists. In general, the Bektashis are brave men. In no way are they fanatical in matters of religion. They do not abhor the society of Christians. They are very intelligent and are humanitarians. On account of that, the Albanian national ideal has been able to trace its path far more easily amongst the Albanian Bektashis. The tekkes are 'seed beds' for the growth of Albanian thought and of patriotic sentiment. This state of affairs in no wise pleases our Governor General who has conceived a plan to close all the tekkes and to extirpate the Bektashi schism without paying heed to the fact that this affair is extremely offensive and may have far reaching consequences about which he has no notion. Osman Pasha, in his time, had sought to suppress the secular privileges, sanctioned by successive firmans. They are still enjoyed by the seven villages of Kimara, 3 up to the present day. But, events having taken a turn for the worse, it meant that he had to backtrack. Now, in order to redress matters, he leaves the Bektashis to their own devices. Some five or six months ago, having learnt that at three hours distance from Metsovo, 4 close to Dervenichta, 5 there was situated a tekke which was far away from the centre of the Bektashi populations, he

' Baba. In this instance, the director of a certain Sufi order who is responsible for dervishes,

either muhib or ashik (a§ik) in his tekke. 2

Myxheret. There are two categories of Bektashi dervishes, the £clebi branch where celibacy is prohibited, and the Mucerrid branch where vows of celibacy are taken. The introduction of this rule into the order is attributed to Balim Sultan (d.925/15 19). 3 Kimara, Camerije, Konispoli in north-western Epirus, now in Greece. 4 Metsovo, is almost certainly Metsovon, now in Greece, to the east of Ioannina on the road to Meteora. Dervenichta is difficult to locate. It may refer to Dhelvinakion which is situated to the north of Ioannina, close to the border between Albania and Greece.

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resolved to suppress it. Under some pretext or other, he compelled the Baba to come to Ioannina. He closed the tekke and he kept the Baba several months here, after which he sent him to Berat, his home country, guarded by a strong escort. This tekke is now closed and its properties have been abandoned. This act produced a sad response amongst the Bektashis, but, as the Babas harboured a hope that one could put their matters to right in Constantinople and allow justice to take its course, they have been able to bide their time, and above all, moderate the ardour of their adepts. Encouraged by this modest success, the Governor General had his appetite whetted for a further and mightier blow against Bektashism. In the province of Gyrokaster there are many rich tekkes, with Babas who exercise an enormous influence amongst these populations. One of these, in the very same town, is the tekke of Baba Ali. 1 The Baba, who is called Ali, is the recognised chief of all the Bektashi Babas of the Vilayat. The Vali conceived the idea of 'seizing the beast by the horns', through seeking to close this last tekke. He secretly sent a telegraph to the Mutasarrif of Gyrokaster, telling him to make Baba Ali come, under some pretext, to the palace, in order to lay hands on him and to escort him to Ioannina, while the tekke was to be closed. The deal proved to be abortive, since the Mutasarrif of Gyrokaster immediately responded to the Governor, saying, that, in order to carry out his orders, he would need to have at least six battalions of troops to keep the Bektashis in check, since the latter would undoubtedly seize weapons and would set themselves loose in the palace with intent to free their chief. They would have put the country to the torch since almost all of the employees, the policemen and the population were Bektashis. In any event, the Mutasarrif declined to accept all responsibility whatsoever.

1 The tekke of Baba Ali, in this context, is the tekke of Asim Baba, in Gyrokaster, see Clayer (1990; 280-290). On page 287, she points out that Baba Ali, one of its major Shaykhs, 'was arrested and imprisoned in Ioannina with two other Babas from Gjirokaster'.

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The Vali did not dare to brave such an outburst from the Bektashis. His blow having failed, he decided to wait for a better opportunity and it was not long before this offered itself. A fortnight later, in a tekke near to the town of Gyrokaster, Baba Haidar, 1 who was the superior there, died suddenly, and the Vali, having been notified of it, immediately gave orders to lock up the tekke. He made it known to the chief of the Babas that his nomination of a successor to the deceased should not take place until there was a new order. The locks were put in position and the order not to nominate the successor to Baba Haidar was notified to Baba Ali. These facts have stirred up enormous discontentment amongst the Bektashis. Misfortunes would have occurred had not the Bektashi Babas, who, however determined they are, are very wise, used their influence to calm down their co-religionists. The Bektashis have resolved to pursue every legal path which is available and to take the case to Constantinople in order to obtain justice. In a situation to the contrary, they will, one is told, adopt extreme measures. In the state which the Ottoman Empire finds itself to be, it would appear useless to wish to create new problems, and above all religious questions and dilemmas which excite a sentiment of very grave danger amongst the populace. In such questions, if broached, one does not always know what the outcome may be. The idea of Osman Pasha to close the tekkes and to suppress Bektashism, if it is real, is senseless and is politically dangerous. It is impossible to accomplish. It would require the depopulation of the entire region, which is inhabited by the Bektashis, and it would plunge it, in its entirety, into misery. It is politically dangerous, since, in seeking to suppress an element which numbers up to 200,000 Muslim people, though Bektashis, one would open the way to Hellenization which beats furiously upon the southern door and, naturally, is not to the advantage of the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, it could bring about terrible civil war which could plunge the country into a most stubborn conflict and set it ablaze. On the Tekke Hajderije, in Gjirokaster, see Clayer (1990; 291-294). Baba Hajdar was an active participant in the Bektashi led movement for national liberation and he was interned in Ioannina for several years. The tekke in Gjrokaster was a storehouse for Albanian books and was raided and closed (page 293).

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Dear Sir, Director, accept the assurance of my most eminent consideration.

Letter Two Ioannina, 25 January, 1905 To the English Consul General in Salonica, Sir R. W. Graves. The ferment amongst the Muslim population of Gyrokaster over the question of the Bektashis still remains, since our Vali, by an act of unqualified injustice and of ferocious and impudent authoritarianism, has again sought to throw fuel on the burning fire. Two months ago, Mufid Bey, the son of the late Naky Pasha of Libohovo, grandson of the celebrated Ali Pasha of Tepelen arrived in our town. Mufid Bey is aged between twenty-eight and thirty years. He has studied in Constantinople and in Europe. His father, who belonged to the richest and noblest of Albanian families, left to his sons a fortune which amounted to ninety thousand Turkish pounds, around two million francs. Mufid Bey entered a diplomatic career. He was secretary of the Ottoman Legation in Brussels and at present he is credited as being the First Secretary of the Turkish Legation in Berne. He is a very well informed young man with very distinguished manners. Mufid Bey had come to Ioannina in order to visit his properties, so long abandoned, and then to return to his post in Heme. After a few days stay, he left our town in order to go to Gyrokaster to come to an agreement with his uncle, Riza Bey, for his landed properties which he has in this province and in Thessaly, and, above all, to define the limits of a property situated in the environs of Gyrokaster. In order to fix a term to this dispute, he addressed the Administrative Council of Gyrokaster and after having presented his titles, the Council decided to send a sub-lieutenant accompanied by ten gendarmes to the localities in order to carry out the delimitation and to chase the illegal possessor away from part of the disputed terrain, approximately extending between fifty and three hundred meters. The holder, in order to establish his rights in an ostensible manner, had a straw hut erected there and he planted some vines.

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Mufid Bey went in person to these places in the company of the sublieutenant and the gendarmes in order to take possession of the territory adjudged to be his by the Majlis Idara [Administrative Counsel]. The men of the usurper were chased away by the gendarmes without offering any resistance, and Mufid Bey, with the aim in view of eliminating, for ever, the apple of dissension between him and his neighbour, had the hut demolished and the vines uprooted, maintaining that all of that belonged to him from the moment when the authorities attributed the ownership of the land to him, giving him possession through the secular arm of authority. The usurper, through the intervention of Mustafa Efendi, the Sanitary Inspector of this province, and intermediary of the Vali for local and venal affairs, addressed a petition to the Governor General. In it, he exposed his complaints against Mufid Bey. The Vali, who did not know how to vent his spleen against the Bektashis and knowing that Mufid Bey belonged to the same sect, wished to take advantage from this occasion in order to catch him out. He transmitted the petition in question to the Penal Tribunal in order that he could proceed along a criminal path against the Bey for the abuse of power and to issue an order for his arrest. The instructing judge, a timid individual who dared not oppose his will to that of the Vali, issued an order, characterising Mufid Bey's action as criminal. He ordered his arrest. However, in order to attribute this capacity, and to formulate the order, Ottoman law requires the agreement of the President of the Tribunal and as the latter appeared to be more independent, after having thoroughly examined the matter, it would seem that, by virtue of the decision of the Administrative Council and with the secular arm, Mufid Bey had acted correctly. The President did not admit the criminality of the act, he denied the execution of the seizure and, for this motive, the issue of the mandate for the arrest did not take place. The Vali, becoming aware of this fact, and being unable to master his hatred, immediately convened the Administrative Council of our town and he obtained a decision (karar/qarar) to arrest Mufid Bey. Osman Pasha, armed with this document, null and illegal in itself, gave an immediate formal order to the Mutasarrif of Gyrokaster to arrest and imprison Mufid Bey.

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The decision of the Administrative Council, which the Vali had made in order to cover his arbitrary act, is clearly null and void, since the Council has no right to deal with penal cases. For this motive, the Tribunal went to excess within its sphere of competence and this order was brought forth under pressure from the Vali, through sheer servility, in order to cover, with a mantle of legality, a monstrous injustice. This fact has naturally made a lively impression amongst these Muslim populations, since the vexations and the arbitrary actions of our Vali have overstepped the limits completely. However, in the present circumstances, matters turned out differently and neither injustice nor the annoyances were in any way favourable for His Excellency, our Vali. Here is the period which elapsed in regard to the matter of Mufid Bey. During the time of the matters of which 1 have just spoken to you about, Mufid Bey, ignoring the plot, had left for Delvino in order to sail for Santi Quaranta, 1 with intent to go to Vallona and Berat 2 in order to visit his other properties. Before leaving Delvino, the order for his arrest had reached the Kaymakam 3 of this town. The latter had him arrested and sent him at once to Gyrokaster accompanied by five gendarmes on horseback. He arrived towards the eventide. He was led to the palace and consigned to the Major of the gendarmerie, Zia Bey, in order to imprison him. Hardly had the news of the arrest of Mufid Bey been spread abroad in the town than a lively agitation began to manifest itself amongst the Bektashi population, and, as if by magic, a crowd of Albanians gathered in front of the gate of the konak,4 displaying far from reassuring intentions. This crowd grew in number as it went to the palace and to the adjacent streets of the palace which became packed with men so that all circulation was nearly impossible. However, a commission of ten persons, presided over by a certain Ulema Nazif Cascia, ex-Qadi of Gyrokaster, was named by the Bektashis. This commission went to the palace in order to see the

1 Santi Quaranta. This possibly refers to the 'Monastery of Forty Martyrs', the ancient agglomeration which later became the town and port of Sarande. 2 Berat. A major Albanian town to the east of Fier which once had a Bektashi centre; likewiseVilabisht in the same region. 3 Kaymakam. The Albanian, Kajmakam is derived from Q a ' i m maqam (Arabic) through Ottoman Turkish. The head of an administrative district. 4 Konak (plural, konque), in Albanian means a 'large house'.

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Mutasarrif. It gave him notice that it did not consider forsaking the konak before having known the cause of the arrest of Mufid Bey and before having obtained his immediate release. The Mutasarrif, perceiving the insistency of the submission and the far from reassuring attitude of the crowd which stood without, judged it fit to consent to this demand. He showed the despatch of the Vali, conceived in these terms, 'Have Mufid Bey arrested, consign him to Major Zia Bey so that he can keep him in detention pending the disposal of the penal tribunal'. The commission of the Bektashis had barely noticed that the order was to hold Mufid Bey at the disposal of the Judiciary, but it insisted that the members of the tribunal should be summoned together, immediately. The Mustasarrif objected that the hour was late and that members could not come, but the commission held firm and the Inspector of Justice, Zouhdy Bey, who happened to be in Gyrokaster, being acquainted with the matter, and having prevented the imprisonment of Murfid Bey, the Mutasarrif, in order to prevent some angry incident, had to concede. The Council Chamber was convoked at six o'clock in the evening, Turkish time, that is to say, an hour before midnight. The Council of the Judiciary, in the presence of the Inspector of Justice, the Procurator and the Instructing Judge, decided, unanimously, that the action of Mufid Bey, in conformity with the law, could not invoke his arrest nor prevent him from continuing his journey. Upon this, Mufid Bey was at once granted his freedom. That same night, he left for the nearby town of Libohovo and went to the home of his uncle, Riza Bey. The next day, he addressed a dispatch to the Vali in which he told him that he had been arrested, unlawfully, and that he had decided to demand justice in Constantinople. At the moment, Mufid Bey is living in Gyrokaster and it is said that he will leave soon to go and visit his other properties in Thessaly and that he will then proceed to Constantinople. Here, then, is a stupid and arbitrary act of our Governor General. That serious troubles did not break out in Gyrokaster, and if deplorable incidents were only just avoided, all of that is due to the moderation and the wisdom of the Mustasarrif, as well as, to the impartial and decisive action of the Inspector of Justice, Zhoudy Bey.

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My dear Consul General, accept the assurance of my most eminent consideration. Letter

Three

To Sir R. W. Graves, Britain Consul General Salonica Ioannina, 16 March 1905 In my report of the 18th (19th?) December, last, No 34,1 did not fail to make it clear to you the intention which our Vali has to exacerbate the question of the Bektashis. As I said in my report, the Vali has ordered the closure of the tekke of Baba Haidar. The inhabitants of Gyrokaster had sent a commission to the Mutasarrif which asked for a reason for this order. The commission called for the reopening of the tekke for religious practice. The Mutasarrif replied, a la Turque, that is, with smooth words, without satisfying the desires of the commission. Weary of the Mutasarrifs promises, the Bektashis, in secret, named, in place of the late Baba, a provisional dervish and they recommenced religious functions in their 'monastery'. Following remonstrances made by the Mutasarrif, they replied that they had obeyed his orders and that they had not nominated a Baba, but a substitute dervish, in order to avoid interrupting their functions. This was the more so, so as the substitute was the natural heir to the possessions of the late Baba Haidar. For some months, affairs continued in this wise. Then, unexpectedly, on the eight of the month, a company of Anatolian soldiers under the command of a captain arrived in Gyrokaster. The arrival of the military led to the belief that they were bent upon the punishment, and a recall to discipline of the rebel gendarmes in Gyrokaster, who, from time to time, had revolted over the non-payment of their arrears. But the following day, at ten o'clock in the morning, the company, without a previous warning, went outside the town in order to seal the tekke of Baba Haidar and they waited there for the arrival of the Mutasarrif, accompanied by the judicial authorities. Finally, a very minute search was carried out. This lasted several hours, on account of the drawing up of an inventory of all the objects of the tekke. After this, the locks were placed in position there. They were laced upon all the doors. The dervish was ordered to leave the neighbourhood with no hope of his return, under pain of his arrest.

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This new attempt left an immense impression on the Bektashis and Muslims, since all of them deeply deplored the arbitrary actions of Vali, to which he had surrendered, especially to the prejudice of Islamic populace who are the object of his persecution and who certain that he is in the pay of Greece.

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the our the are

An underhand ferment prevails amongst the Bektashis. They have joined together, in secret. All this makes one believe that they desire to take their revenge. Let us hope that more moderate opinions will prevail. But it seems to me that the signs are not propitious, precisely so at the present time, with the arrival of Spring, always an ominous season, exciting the religious passions of the Muslims to act with some aim in view. As I have said, it does not confirm with the law nor is practical to execute. Dear Sir, Consul General, accept the assurance of my most eminent consideration. Signed P.S. This very moment, I learn that a raid has occurred, in Gyrokaster, upon the tekke of Baba Ali, the most venerated and the chief of all the Babas of the province. This has had negative repercussions. In the tekke of Baba Haidar, the authorities have seized several books in the Albanian language which the deceased Baba left there. The aim of the authorities was to seize, likewise, the sum of two thousand five hundred Turkish pounds left by the deceased Baba, though, for a long while, this sum seems to have been placed by the Bektashis in safe hands.

Letter Four Salonica 11 th May 1905 Discontentment amongst the Bektashis of Gyrokaster is still on the increase. As the Vali, with his false policy, has thrown back upon the Mustasarrif all the displeasure which the Bektashi had suffered, while the Mutasarrif himself was only a tool, the Bektashis, a month ago, asked the Vali to replace the Mutasarrif. The Vali, at first, spoke well

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and pleasantly, but he took no action whatsoever. Finally, the Bektashis sent a despatch to the Vali and another to Constantinople, they openly announced that if none would treat them justly, they would act like the Ghegs, 1 namely that they would rise up in revolt. To show their ill humour, during the last festivities of the Orthodox Easter, during the night, they fired a fusillade at the house of the Christian assistant (Moavin/ mu' awin) who is the adjoint to the Mutasarrif of Gyrokaster. A bullet grazed the ear of the mother-in-law of the Moavin. The latter is in a hustle and bustle and he persistently asks to be transferred elsewhere. The Vali has been impressed by the despatch of the Bektashis. He sent a telegraph asking the Mutasarrif for the names of the signatories. The Mutasarrif replied that they numbered more than two hundred. Were the Vali to have taken habitual measures of brutal suppression, there would undoubtedly have been a risk of an explosion amongst the Bektashi populations. All the more so, today, because we have no regular troops and the country lies entirely betwixt the Ottoman reservists of the province. They are Albanian, to a man. To judge by the unheard of acts which our Vali has just committed in recent days one might say that our Governor has simply been a victim of an attack of madness. The Christian mistress, a Greek subject, whom the Vali supported a short while before and who must have been sent to Corfu, because of the arrival of the Vali's son who had no wish to see her. Now that the Vali's son departed, with no desire to return to the Vali's home in Ioannina, the latter set about finding another mistress amongst his Orthodox subjects. However, none wished to co-habit with him on account of his brutal character. He therefore thought of using force. Having seen, on several occasions, a young Christian girl, aged twenty-five, named Eftalia Crahti, who was living with a Turkish employee, a certain Fuad Efendi, he had her invited to become his mistress. She refused, saying that she was not a prostitute since she lived with Fuad Efendi. This was because the latter had promised to marry her. The Vali then took means to have her forcibly abducted. The young girl, having scented danger, saved herself through the * Gheg, a speaker of gegerisht, the northern dialect of Albania.

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Orthodox Metropolitan. The Vali did not abandon the pursuit. He sent members of the police force to the Bishop's house, saying that the girl was a prostitute and that she had been infected with syphilis and that it was needful for her to be admitted to hospital for reasons of public health. The Bishop had to deposit her, she was shut up in the hospital and she was faced with a dilemma, either to give into the designs of the Vali, or else to remain forever in the hospital for treatment and possibly exiled. The young girl, who was not at all sick, resisted the sexual advances of the Vali. At the moment, as 1 am writing, she is still held by force in the Ottoman Health Centre. Any remark for this action is superfluous. This morning, the two Vlach examiners, Tacit and Balamaci, exiled by the Vali to Monastir, are on their way, this very hour, to Monastir, escorted by mounted police (suvaris). The teacher of the Romanian school, Gogo, and the Vlach photographer, Munakis, likewise, today, have been made to leave for Prevesa. One is unaware of the purpose. The Romanian consul has still not received from his government an order to leave the country. Consul General, please accept the assurance of my most eminent consideration.

Signed

Letter

Five

Janina 1 February, Ghev A. Stranieri, No. 4, Bektachi Conference at Tepelene, reports with observation, Reed 2second, Acknd 2second. To Embassy same date in E24, To Mr Milazzo for perusal, V. C. 49. Vice Consulate of Her Britannic Majesty in Ioannina, 14 February , 1909, No.4.

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Monsieur The Consul General; I have just been informed that on the fifth, sixth and seventh of the current month, several notable Albanians sent from diverse townships of our province held reuinions in the tekke of Baba Ahmad, located near to Tepelene. 1 The aim of these re-unions which took place upon the initiative of the Albanian Bektashi party, 2 is not known for sure, since the local authorities, as it is easy to imagine, are silent on this subject. From persons, who claim to be well informed, I have been able to learn that during these reunions it could have been decided to present a demand to the government in Constantinople, with a view to obtaining the autonomy of the Albanian provinces. This piece of information should be taken into consideration, in part, with those others which I have received directly from Gyrokaster. I say, in part, since, following these latest pieces of information, the proposition of Albanian autonomy made by the Bektashi party would not in any way evoke a response among the Geg Albanians of Luchnia, 3 Berat and Elbasan. In contrast, they would have unanimously approved of another proposition, namely, the formation of bands of Albanian Muslims destined to combat the Greek bands which would be ready to organize themselves with a political goal, for next Spring, in order to prevent the population of the Orthodox villages from lending their support. With this purpose, I believe that it is opportune to make you aware that, here, everyone, I know not whether rightly or wrongly, foresees grave happenings, after a very brief delay. The Christian element affirms that, on account of Albanian velleity, one should fear serious disorders. The Muslim element, which is almost entirely of Albanian origin, insists, from its side, that it should

1 The Baba Ahmad tekke, near Tepelene, almost certainly indicates the Turan tekke, the seat of Baba Ahmad Turani, see Clayer (1990; 415-418). The tekke was burnt by the Greeks in 1914. 2 The Albanian Bektashi party may refer to the Patriotic Club of Tepclen in which Baba Ahmad played a major role from 1909. 3 Luchnia (Lushnje) situated on the road which links Fier and Durres. It is due east of the Giri 1 Karavastase along the central coastline Albania.

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respond, seeing the secret ambitions of the Greeks and for this last reason to be watchful of the Orthodox population of the province. 1 The frame of mind could explain the concurrence of the reunions at Tepelene and, the preventative measures which could have been decided there by the Albanians against all danger of insurrection on the part of the Greeks. Consul General, Sir, accept the assurances of my most eminent consideration.

Signed

Discussion The administrative chaos which marked this phase in the Ottoman rule in southern Albania was the direct cause of the disaster which was soon to uproot or Hellenise its Albanian inhabitants, including the Bektashis between 1913 and 1915. These years transformed the entire character of northern Epirus and its impact may be observed in a number of Hasluck's remarks in his reports, diaries and articles. His record of destroyed tekkes in this region may be read in several pages of his Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, specially those which mapped and recorded the distribution of tekkes in the Balkan peninsula. A map, entitled, 'Albania and it unredeemed territories', which was published in 'Albania, The master key to the Near East', by Christo Dako, in 1919, shows the Albanian territories which were ceded by the Congress of Berlin, 1878 and the London Conference of 1912/13. The map, in question, 2 shows an entire swathe of territory awarded to Greece by the London Conference. It stretches from the region of the lakes in southern Macedonia, south-westwards to include Konitza. Konispoli and loannina as far as the Gulf of Arta on the coastline of the Ionian Sea. The map as drawn of course contains no information as to the ethnic change which had taken place in the

That Bektashi fears were, in many ways, justified is confirmed by a report from Ionnina by F. W. Hasluck, dated 1915 (Hasluck 1926; 4). He remarks: '(Christian irregulars), Yannina, 8th March 1915. Things Bektashi are very flat here. They say that when the Greeks got in, the andarts ran amuck & biffed the tombs, etc. Also elsewhere in this district tekkes have been burned and the sect is lying low.' 2 Durham (2001; 1).

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early years of the century. Apart from Hasluck's reports, the most graphic descriptions were penned by Edith Durham, in correspondence sent from Valona, on 3 September 1913 and on later occasions. 1 Describing the International Commission's task in deciding the line of the southern boundary she listed those localities, the fate of which had been left in suspense by the treaty of London. They included Del vino, Premeti, Liskovok, Kolonia, Rogou and Konitza (Koritza). In regard to the latter, Edith Durham alleged that Certain journals have announced that the Hellenes of Koritza would oppose by force their separation from Greece. There is not, however, a single Greek at Koritza. T h e ' G r e e k s ' referred to can therefore only be Christian Albanians, and amongst them the national feeling is strongly developed, f o r the Christians have always been f e r v e n t nationalists, with their schools, their Albanian papers and a society 'The Orthodox League', which had for its object the emancipation of Orthodox Albanians f r o m the Hellenising influence of the Greek clergy, under whom Turkey kept them. And what has taken place at Koritza has taken place also at Premeti, Laiskovic and Argyrocastro. Nor should it be forgotten that beyond Cape Stylos there are over 100,000 Albanians (to be precise 130,000), who have been torn from their motherland without reckoning those handed over to Servia - over a million. 2

The tragedy which was predicted by Edith Durham, by E. Hasluck and by the Vice Consulate in Ioannina, took place in a manner which graphically recalls the recent events in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia which have been shown to the world in the media. At that time, the 'ethnic cleansing' took place with few to report it in detail. Writing in The Manchester Guardian, on 14 November 1940, Edith Durham was frank in what she said about the 'tragedy of Koritza' and about those whom she held responsible for its taking placc. 3 At the beginning of the present century Koritza was the home of Albanian nationalism in the south as was Scutari in the north. Albania was then part of the Turkish Empire, and the Turks, by forbidding the printing or teaching of the Albanian language under heavy penalties, were striving to check the rising national spirit.

Edith Durham then commented upon the remarkable success of the British and Foreign Bible Society in furthering the cause of the Albanian language, then she turned to the fate of Koritza itself. 'Koritza when I first visited it in 1904 was a clean, stone- built little town with considerable trade. The school was well equipped and attended both by Moslem and Christian girls'. The Turks 1 2 3

Durham (2001; 33 to 34). Durham (2001; 34). Durham (2001; 188-189).

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did all they could to suppress the Albanian language. In the intervening years Koritza had been 'ethnically cleansed' by the Greeks. The Albanian speaking Christians had suffered, but so too had the Bektashis, as Hasluck had made clear in his report of the destruction and the defacing of Bektashi cultural monuments. 1 Undoubtedly the destruction of the Bektashi tekkes in the border regions, and even in Gyrokaster, by the Greeks, left a profound impact on the Bektashi movement. The sorrow which was felt finds a mention in the impressive book, and his literary legacy, by the late, and highly respected, Baba Rexhebi, head of the Albanian Bektashi tekke in Detroit. 2 In the final chapter of that work, 'Dy Fale te Fundit' (page 384) he makes a passing reference to the sad loss to Albanian culture and literature and to the Bektashi movement especially. He does so within the context of the help which he had received from the many Babas whom he had known during his long lifetime. He mentions, by name, Kasem Baba of Kosturit tekke, and famous Babas such as Turabi Baba and Baba Hajdar associated with the tekke in Konitza. He felt that his lack of poetic examples ( n e f e s ) meant that he could not do justice to their poetic and spiritual genius. As for Hafiz Baba, of Kucit tekke in Devoll, Baba Rexhebi described him as a 'martyr' of the Greek aggression of 1914 (deshmor, viktime e agresionit grek, ne vitim 1914). The commencement of this paper, wherein I quoted the opinions on the Bektashis and their faith written to the Consul General Du Vallon is very typical of the opinions expressed about this Sufi brotherhood by others who wrote at the end of the nineteenth century and at the commencement of the twentieth. The writings of Hasluck take an important share of credit in shaping the current opinion at that time, as does the work of Margaret Hasluck on bringing them to public attention. 3 Nowadays, Sufism is regarded as the opposite pole to militant fundamentalism and the world of al-Qai'da, Taliban, Palestinian suicide bombers and anti-Christian, anti-Jewish and anti-Western sentiment. Only recently we have witnessed dances of extasy performed by Afghan Naqshabandis, or other Sufis, who have been allowed, once again, to openly celebrate their dhikrs and hadras. At the end of the nineteenth century, Sufism, or rather, the Sufi brotherhoods, were viewed as the most active cells 1 2 3

See note above. Baba Rexhebi (1970). See Margaret Hasluck (1925).

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for the resistance to Western influences. They were feared and mistrusted and their frequent excesses, their self mutilations, their use of narcotics and their fanaticism made them a prime target for agents, 'a la Greenmantle' and military intelligence. The memory of the mad Mullah and the Mahdi (Sufi and Mahdist were viewed as one and the same) and, in Russia, the militant resistance of Shamil and his murids and other fighters from amongst the Daghestanis and the Chechens, furnished an image of Sufism which is far removed from the monism of Ibn al-'Arabi or the poetic spirituality of the Masnavi of al-Rumi. A typical example of western thinking in diplomatic circles is to be found in the 'Reports by Her Majesty's Diplomatic and Consular Agents in Turkey respecting the condition of the Christian Subjects of the Porte, 186875'. 1 Two of the letters are written by British consular officials in Tunisia and Candia, in Crete, and are addressed to the Foreign Office. Few of the brotherhoods escaped the charge. There is, however, one striking exception, the Bektashiyya brotherhood, which was universally considered to be tolerant of the West, friendly to Christians and to Christianity, devoted to philanthropic activities and Western thought, pacific, in the manner of the Quakers, and open to dialogue. The Bektashis had a reputation for affability. The report of the Vice Consul conveyed some less than the bare essentials that distinguished them from their fellow Muslims who were Sunnis, like themselves, although devoid of so much of the Shi'ite borrowings which Bektashism had acquired over the centuries. The Bektashis were not only devotees of 'Ali, but, in Albania, they had absorbed countless customs and taboos from their Illyrian and Christian past, such as abstention from the flesh of the hare, a 'Trinity' of the divine manifested in Muhammad-'Ali, an indifference to statutory prayers and fasting during the month of Ramadan. The heart of Albanian Bektashism was not centred in the person of 'Ali, but rather in the ideal of his martyred sons, the heroes of the battle of Karbala. It was with them that the Bektashis had a deep sympathy and whom they mourned during the Lenten matem in the summer months. The greatest Albanian Bektashi poets, poets such as Dalip and Shahin and Nairn Frasheri expressed in epic verse the longing and fervour of their fellow believers.

1

No 17.B. Public Record Office -Turkey, No 16 (1877), pages 110-111.

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In his rccent book, Ger Duijzings introduced this as a central theme of his study. He wrote: The prominent role of the Albanian Bektashis in the national movement led to an explosive growth of the order, though for historical reasons it never succeeded in extending its influence into the north. However, in the south of Albania the number of lodges more than doubled (from twenty to fifty) between 1878 and 1912. This remarkable growth in strength and popularity enhanced the self-consciousness of the order, which increasingly started to mark itself from the Turkish Bektashis and Sunni Albanians, both of whom opposed Albanian independence and the growing independence of the Albanian Bektashis and their support for national goals expressed for instance in the composition of patriotic poems written in the traditional genre of Bektashi nefes (hymns), and in the cultivation of the Kerbela theme. In particular, the Kerbela epics written by members of the Frasheri family _ Hadikaja by Dalip Frasheri (1842) and the Myhtamameja ('Tale of Myhtar') by Dalip's brother, Shahin Bey Frasheri (1868) had a lasting influence. Both works describe the events during the battle at Kerbela and their aftermath, and were recited during the matem ceremonies (the memorial services in honour of Husayn during the Kerbela battle). Instead of stressing Muslim unity throughout the Ottoman Empire, greater importance was attached to good relations with other (Christian) Albanians. 1

With this background one is in a better position to weigh the value of the information in the letters offered above from Yannina.

REFERENCES Archival Public Record Office — No 17B. Turkey, No 16 (1877), 'Reports by Her Diplomatic

and Consular Agents in Turkey respecting

Majesty's

the condition of the

Christian Subjects of the Porte, 1868-75', London, March 5. Public Record Office, letters Documents FO/294/32, Viz: To Consul General, Monsieur H. C. de J Du Vallon, 19 December, 1904. To the English Consul General in Salonica, Sir R. W. Graves, 25 January, 1905. To Sir R. W. Graves, Britain Consul General, 16 March 1905 (and following). Bektachi Conference at Tepelene, 14 February.

1

Duijings (2000; 170-171).

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Published Baba Rexhebi 1970 Misticizma Islame dhe Bektashizma, Clayer, N. 1990 L'Albanie

pays

des derviches,

New York; Waldon Press.

Berlin; Osteuropa-Institut der

Freien Universität Berlin. Duijings, G. 2000 Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo, London; Hurst. Durham, E. 2001 Albania and the Albanians,

Selected articles and letters,

1903-

1944, edited by Bejtullah Destani, London; Centre for Albanian studies. Hasluck, F. 1913/14 'Ambiguous sanctuaries and Bektashi propaganda', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 20, 94-122. Hasluck, F. 1914/15/16 'Geographical distribution of the Bektashi', Annual of the British School at Athens, Vol. 21, 84-124. Hasluck, F. 1926 Letters on Religion and Folklore, London; Luzac & Co. Hasluck, F. 1929 Christianity

and Islam under the Sultans, two vols, edited by

Margaret Hasluck, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Hasluck, M. 1925 'The Non-Conformist Moslems of Albania', first published in The Contemporary

Review (CXXV11, May, 1925, 599-606). Reprinted in

The Moslem World, 1925, Vol. 15, 388-398.

14. THE EMERGENCE OF THE KIZILBA§ IN WESTERN THOUGHT: MISSIONARY ACCOUNTS AND THEIR AFTERMATH Ayfer KARAKAYA-STUMP 1

In his posthumously published article 'Heterodox Tribes of Asia Minor,' 2 Hasluck set out to show the dubiousness of suggestions by some Western authors that the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor were crypto-Christians. An important part of his discussion was devoted to the Kizilba§, with a separate section on their religion, 3 where he brought together relevant data from the existing Western sources. The data Hasluck was assessing, as well as the theory he was questioning, came mainly from and early twentieth century travel literature. This is not surprising considering that travellers' accounts were virtually the only sources available at the time that included any information on the contemporary Ki/ilbas communities. In the relevant Orientalist works, by contrast, the Kizilba§ appeared almost solely as actors of some past history, and very little was known about the specifics of their belief system. It was, moreover, authors from the travel-writing genre who first raised questions about the origins of the Kizilbag religion, and consequently searched for their roots in pre-Islamic times. Hasluck's critical engagement with travel literature drew on his authority as an historian, attributing their fundamental misconceptions about the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor to a lack of familiarity with Islamic history. This unfamiliarity resulted in a tendency to view any divergence from orthodox Islam as a vestige from pre-Islamic religions, in particular

1 The bulk of this article, which includes a discussion of the missionary accounts on the Kizilba§, also has appeared in Turkish, albeit in a different version (Karakaya-Stump 2002). Hasluck (1921), reprinted in Christianity and Islam, under the Sultans (Hasluck 1929). As noted in that article's footnotes, Hasluck left it in unfinished condition and his wife edited and rearranged it before publication. It is likely that if Hasluck had the chance to complete it, the analyses in the article would have been developed further. 3 Starting on page 32, Hasluck organized the available data on Kizilbag religion under the following subheadings: Theology, Mythology, Hierarchy, Fasts and Feasts and Public Worship, Private Prayer, Sacred Books, Pilgrimage, Marriage. 2

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Christianity. 1 Western travellers' ignorance of Islamic history is indeed made amply clear by their puzzling over the meaning and origins of the name Kizilbas. So much so that, as late as 1912, the famous Orientalist von Le Coq started his article 'Kyzylbasch und Yeschilbasch' by expressing his surprise about the prevailing confusion regarding the name Kizilba§, despite the existence, he noted, of large amounts of relevant data in earlier works. 2 Hasluck's 'Heterodox Tribes' was significant for being the first serious attempt to assess critically the available data on the subject from the perspective of an historian. Valuable as his observations were, however, they did not indicate the basic limitations and bias that went into the making of the Western travellers' accounts. To start with, one has to note the meagerness and the unsystematic nature of the data upon which the Western travellers were basing their at times quite ambitious conclusions. Judging from my own reading of the relevant literature, Western travellers did not always have the linguistic competence necessary to communicate with local people. Regarding groups such as the Kizilba§, there was also the added difficulty arising from the latter's famous reticence about their beliefs and rituals. Overall, a significant portion of the information found in the accounts of the Western travellers was probably not based on direct interaction or observation, but rather gleaned from whatever was passed onto them by their local guides. 3 Moreover, depending on the routes they followed, or in the case of the missionaries, the places they were stationed, the vision of each individual traveller was naturally confined to a particular area, hence the question of whether the data provided by them could be taken to have general validity.

Missionaries

and the 'Missionary

Herald'

Even more importantly, I believe that speculations regarding the Christian origins of the 'heterodox tribes' of Asia Minor in the nineteenth century travel literature cannot be reduced simply to a consequence of their writers' ignorance, but should be evaluated with reference to the particular milieu

1 Hasluck (1929; 310-311). Hasluck observed that 'many, if not most, of the unorthodox practices obtaining amongst tribes supposed to have been originally Christian, are in fact to be referred either (1) to the primitive stratum of religion, which survives in superstitious practices among Christians no less than Mahommedans, or (2) to the Shia branch of the Mahommedan faith.' 2 Le Coq (1912), also translated into Turkish by Huri Tu§ik Ozturk (1996). 3 For an insightful discussion of the difficulties faced by the Western travellers in acquiring reliable information about the 'heterodox' groups in Asia Minor due to the reticence of their members and the linguistic incompetence of the travellers, see Ramsay (1976, esp. 375-377).

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within which they were first developed. Focusing specifically on the Kizilba§, such an attempt would lead us to the reports of American missionaries, which were published in the journal Missionary Herald (hereafter MH) in the second half of the nineteenth century. 1 So far as I have been able to ascertain, it is in these reports that we find the earliest formulation of theories about a pre-Islamic origin for the Kixilbas religion, as well as the first depictions of the Kizilbas system as a syncretism. These same themes would later be picked up by other Western authors, some of whom probably owed their initial awareness of, and interest in, the Ki/ilbas to the missionaries. 2 With the Austrian anthropologist Felix von Luschan, who viewed Asia Minor's 'heterodox tribes' as the descendants of the ancient peoples of the region, the question of religious origins came to be conflated with the question of racial origins. In the early twentieth century, a number of Turkish intellectuals would react to such proposals by Western authors, and try to counter them by establishing a direct connection between Kizilba§ Alevism and pre-Islamic Turkish religions, and by claiming a purely Turkish racial origin for its adherents. The biggest challenge to the Turkish nationalist line came following the so-called Alevi revival of the early 1990s from Kurdish nationalist circles who in turn proposed an unbroken continuum between ancient Kurdish/Iranian religions and Kizilba§ Alevism. What is most interesting for the purposes of this study is that, despite their obviously contrasting conclusions, all these later approaches to Alevism held in common with the missionary writings, first, the same preoccupation with the question of origins, secondly, the conceptualization of Alevism as a syncretism. We cannot assume either this question or this conceptualization as ' The relevant accounts appeared over a period of less than 50 years, between 1855-1892. The first researcher who attracted our attention to these accounts following the so-called Alevi revival in the late 1980s and early 1990s was Mehmet Bayrak, who published some excerpts from them (1997). 'y It is probably no coincidence that chronologically it is only following the relevant accounts by the American missionaries that an interest in these communities by other Western travellers is observed in the literature in any significant way. Although citing one's sources was not a rule closely followed within the genre of travel literature, there is evidence that suggests a close association especially between the American missionaries and the British travellers, a large portion of whom ended up in Anatolia in some official capacity and as representatives of European governments. As we will discuss in more detail in the main text, J.G. Taylor, who was a British consul in Anatolia, tells us of his close association with Mr Dunmore, the first missionary to mention the Kizilbag as such, as well as citing one of Mr Dunmore's accounts, revealing to us that exposure to missionaries' views could take place both through reading their accounts and via contacts in person, Taylor (1868: 319n). We also have examples which indicate to us that missionary stations served as natural stops in unfamiliar territories for many Western travellers, e.g. Chater (1928).

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simply 'natural', but have to evaluate its initial appearance, as well as its mostly unrcflective adoption by different groups, with an eye on the politics surrounding the issue of Kizilba§ Alevism. In the rest of this essay, therefore, I will try to provide a critical assessment of how the missionaries' ideas about the origins and nature of the Kizilba§ religion came into being and evolved over time. I will argue that the particular ways in which the Protestant missionaries construed the Kizilbas religion helped justify their missionary efforts among the Kizilba§ both legally and morally, as well as sustaining prospects for a possible conversion. The paper will conclude with a few remarks on how the ways in which the American missionaries viewed Kizilba§ Alevism eventually shaped the treatment of the subject by later authors.

'Mr Dunmore ' Although Hasluck did not mention them explicitly as a sub-category among the travellers, 1 of the ten sources that he used in his discussion of Kizilba§ theology, three belonged to American missionaries who actively proselytized in Eastern Anatolia, particularly in and around Harput. 2 Of these three, the account of a missionary named Mr Dunmore was in fact the earliest of all the sources that Hasluck cited. This was no coincidence, for Mr Dunmore was probably not only the first American missionary, but also the first Westerner to 'discover' the Kizilbas in modern times, and write about them as such. 3 He was a Protestant missionary associated with the American Board of Hasluck describes the European travellers in Asia Minor as being mainly classical archaeologists and infrequently also orientalists. Our research, on the other hand, indicates that a significant portion of the Western travellers ended up in Anatolia in some official capacity or as missionaries, or were individuals trained and interested in geography. 2 The following are the sources cited by Hasluck in his discussion of Kizilba§ religion, ordered roughly chronologically: Dunmore (1857a), Taylor (1868), Peterson and von Luschan (1889), Oberhummer and Zimmerer (1889), Huntington (1902), Sykes (1904), Grenard (1904), White (1908), Grothe (1912), and Molyneux-Seel, L. (1914). For a detailed account in English of von Luschan's theory on the 'heterodox' tribes of Asia Minor, also cited by Hasluck, see v. Luschan (1911). Of these authors, Dunmore, White and Huntington worked as part of the Protestant missionary establishment in Eastern Anatolia. White was the Dean of the Antolian College in Harput, and Huntington, who was a geographer by profession, taught at the same college. Taylor, Molyneux-Seel and Sykes ended up in Anatolia as officials of the British government. Grothe and Oberhummer were German geographers and Orientalists, while von Luschan was an Austarian physical anthropologist, also trained in medicine. No information about the professional background of M.F. Grenard could be found. 3 This is not to say that there was no other Western traveller before Mr Dunmore who came in contact with the Kizilba§, but that those few who did so were not aware of the distinct religious identity of these people. For instance, James Brant (1836) who journeyed in Anatolia in 1835 as the British consul at Erzurum, and who was probably the first Westerner to visit Dersim, encountered during his travels a number of Kurdish and Turcoman tribes, some of whom, such as the Balabanli of Dersim, were undoubtedly Kizilba§, but Brant never mentions the word Kizilbag in his account.

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Commissioners for Foreign Missions headquartered in Boston. 1 His accounts of the Kizilba§ appeared in the MH, a periodical which published letters sent to the centre by missionaries from all around the world. Mr Dunmore apparently had made a name for himself on account of his work among the Kizilba§, who lived in remote places many outsiders feared to step foot in. Mr Taylor, for instance, who traveled in Anatolia as the British consul to Diyarbakir and Kurdistan, knew Mr Dunmore personally and was aware of his efforts to proselytize amongst the Kizilba§. In his account, which was similarly used by Hasluck as a source on Kizilbag theology and which was only second to that of Mr Dunmore's in being the earliest, he referred to Mr Dunmore as 'the worthy and talented gentleman' who 'lived and traveled a great deal among the Kizzilbash, by whom he was much beloved'. 2 During his travels, Mr Taylor noticeably took the trouble to visit a remote village in £emi§gezek to meet Ali Gako, the chief of a small Ki/.ilbas tribe made famous through Mr Dunmore's reports for his alleged conversion to Christianity. 3 Most of Mr Dunmore's speculations about Kizilba§ religion were inspired by his contacts with this chief and his tribe. Mr Dunmore's first letter on the Kizilba§ appeared in February 1855, where he introduced the Ki/.ilbas under the subtitle 'Nominal Moslems' as follows: There is a sect of nominal Moslems scattered through this region, of whom I think you have not heard. They bear the name Kuzulbash, which means, literally, 'red head.' But why this name has been given to them, I am not able as yet to determine ... Though they are claimed by the Moslems, they are no followers of Mohammed. They believe in Christ, the Son of God, so far as they have a knowledge of him ... They never, or almost never, go through the Moslem forms of prayer; nor do they keep their fast. They are a people by themselves, a peculiar people, and open to the gospel. Indeed they are very anxious to get it, and some have it already. They have some absurd notions and idolatrous practices. For instance, when they find a piece of black wood, they begin to worship it ... The Turks seem to regard them very much as they do the Koords, as worthless heretics, and not worth caring for; and I think that no very serious trouble would come to them from that quarter, if they were all to embrace the truth openly. 4

The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) started its missionary activities within the Ottoman Empire as early as in 1820, but their presence in these early stages was limited to Palestine and it environs. The beginning of their activities in Anatolia goes back to the early 1830s, following the establishment of diplomatic relations with the US. For a detailed discussion on this, see Kocabagoglu (1989). One also finds much useful information in the following general report by ABCFM: Condensed Sketch... (1910). 2 Taylor (1868; 319n). 3 Taylor (1868; 317-318). 4 Dunmore (1855; 55-56).

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With this report, Mr Dunmore laid the foundations of the hopeful vision regarding the Kizilba§, a vision that some Protestant missionaries would hold onto for about a decade. The Kizilba§ were a group with no sense of loyalty to the Muslim majority. Despite some of their odd practices, they believed in Jesus and were open to the Gospel. And most importantly, the Muslims wouldn't care if they all decided to convert. One can hardly imagine a better piece of information for a committed missionary in Anatolia at this time, for the Kizilba§ could constitute a completely new and wide field for their proselytizing efforts, which were up until then limited almost exclusively to the Armenians. That is because, despite the relative expansion of religious freedoms by the Islahat Fermani promulgated in 1856, proselytizing Muslims, at least openly, was still something the missionaries shunned for fear of retribution by the Muslim majority and the Ottoman state. 1 Hence the significance of Mr Dunmore's prediction of indifference on the part of 'the Turks' regarding a possible conversion of the Kizilba§. Discoveries of new Kizilba§ communities by Mr Dunmore and his colleagues soon followed suit. After a short period of confusion and exchange about the racial/linguistic origins of the Kizilbaf — for among those 'discovered' there were both Kurdish and Turkish speaking groups — Ali Gako and his tribe would come to be identified more often than not as Kizilba§ Kurd(s), rather than simply as Kurd(s). 2 Overall, though, the question of the racial/linguistic origins would prove to be less interesting for the American missionaries than the question of religious origins.

1 Writing from Arapkir about a group of Kizilba§ willing to convert in the same year when the Islahat Fermani was promulgated, Mr Richardson noted: 'Their becoming members of the political community styled Protestant, would throw the door wide open for evangelical effort among them; and this movement they have a right to make, in accordance with the guarantees of the recent Imperial Firman. Yet as missionaries mainly concerned for the spiritual welfare of men, we do not deem it wise to encourage such a change, testing as it would the sincerity of the government on the subject of universal toleration, and arousing, without doubt, an outbreak of Moslem bigotry.' Richardson (1856; 296). 24 years later, the same concerns were still evident, as we see in a general report on the 'Central Turkey' mission from 1880: 'The attitude of the government towards Christianity still represses all spirit of inquiry on the part of the Moslems. It cares but little how much the despised Christians change about from one creed to another, but though the death penalty for a Moslem conversion has, under the pressure of foreign influence, been abolished, there is yet practically no religious liberty for the Moslems. The only two Moslem converts in Central Turkey have been now four years in exile solely for their Christian faith, and no efforts of Christian consuls have availed to secure their liberty.' Marden (1880; 49). According to Selim Deringil (1998; 115-116) the Ottoman government interpreted the Islahat Fermani in such a way as to prevent its use for encouraging Muslims to change religion, and tried to convince the European diplomats of a similar interpretation. 2

For differing opinions on the racial/linguistic origins of the Kxzilba§, for example see Richardson (1856; 298), and Dunmore (1857a; 220).

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In less than two years, in another one of his reports, Mr Dunmore would sharpen his theory regarding the Christian origins of the Kizilba§. Under the subtitle 'Facts respecting the Koords,' Mr Dunmore wrote, 'I am satisfied ... that they are descendants from a Christian stock, made nominal Moslems by the sword.' 1 He had established that the Kizilbas received Christ, and not Mohammed, as their prophet, albeit under the name of Ali. According to Mr Dunmore, the Kizilbas had confirmed that they used this other name for Christ simply 'to delude the Turks.' 2 Another missionary, Mr Nutting, would later confirm and complement this finding of Mr Dunmore, saying that, among the Kizilbag Kurds in Adiyaman, he heard hymns where Christ was referred to as 'the Lion of God.' 3 Not all the missionaries were necessarily as keen as Mr Dunmore to establish distinctly Christian roots for the Kizilba§. A certain Mr Ball, for instance, rather emphasized the eclectic nature of Kizilba§-ism. Accounting for their 'absurd notions and idolatrous practices' under the catch-all term 'heathenism', he wrote, 'the Kuzzel-bashes cannot properly be considered Moslems. Their religion seems rather a mixture of Christianity, Moslemism and heathenism.' 4 Some missionaries would go even further and specifically foreground heathenism at the expense of Christianity in their depiction of the Kizilbas religion. In a general assessment of the Western Turkey mission, for instance, Mr Herrick would write, 'Some things are now clear. These people li.e. the Kizilba§J were formerly, though nominally Mohammedans, really h e a t h e n s . ' 5 Notwithstanding the fact that the Ki/ilbas apparently paid 'a respect amounting to worship to their chief Sheiks,' according to Mr Herrick, 'their religious faith and customs had too little of substance and body to hold them firmly.' 6 What brought these different depictions of Kizilba§ Alevism together, despite some obvious nuances, was their overall conclusion about the preIslamic roots of the Kizilba§ religion, hence the status of its followers as pseudo-Muslims. It was the conceptualization of Kizilba§-ism as a 'mixture' 1

Dunmore (1857a; 220). Dunmore (1857a; 220n). J Nutting (1860; 345). 'The Lion of God,' or Allah'in Arslam in Turkish, is one of the names Ali is known by among the Alevis. 2

4

Ball (1857; 395). Herrick (1866: 68). 6 Herrick (1866; 69). It is worth noting that one of his colleagues made observations contrasting that of Mr Herrick's on this issue: 'They [the Kizilba§J present a wide contrast to other sects in this country, from the fact that all are thoroughly indoctrinated in the belief, rites and ceremonies of their religion.' (Ball 1857; 395). 5

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of disparate elements which allowed the juxtapositioning of these different constructs, a conceptualization which likewise helped relegate the Islamic elements in it to a status of one among many. The depiction of Kizilba§-ism as a 'mixture', ironically, also served to push it out of the league of religions which had 'substance and body', in which category the Protestant missionaries implicitly included orthodox Islam. Similarities between the treatment by the missionaries of the Eastern Christians', especially Armenians', religion and that of the Kizilba§ would provide further insights as to how this notion operated within the missionary discourse. From the perspective of Protestant missionaries, the Eastern Christians were only nominally Christian, and consequently legitimate targets of proselytizing efforts, on account of the superstitious beliefs and practices which contaminated their otherwise true religion. 1 In both cases, the missionary discourse was based on an imagined contrast between 'pure' and 'substantial' religions, and their 'mixed', hence 'incoherent' counterparts. One of the common techniques implemented to highlight this contrast involved situating 'the Book' (which the Eastern Christians had but didn't understand, 2 and the Kizilba§ probably lacked altogether) at the centre of the missionary discourse, a technique most clearly exemplified in their conversion stories to which we will now turn.

The Kizilba§

perspective

What sustained the missionaries' interest in the Kizilba§ was more than some convenient interpretation of the latter's religion. They were apparently reciprocated in their attraction to the Kizilba§. This revealed itself in their

1 For a detailed exposition by a missionary of the idea that Christianity in Asia Minor has been contaminated with many superstitions connected to ancient paganism, also shared by other creeds in the region, see White (1907). Addressing the issue of the high honour ascribed to Virgin Mary, he writes on page 151: 'Why, at first we expect that the new and true Gospel will wholly supersede the old Paganism, but, when we think of what poor human nature really is, we are not so much surprised to be told that men soon began to mix the old with the new, that Mary was given the first place, while Christ her son was a subordinate associate.' 2 The main issue of criticism in this regard involved the practice of reciting the Bible in ancient languages that nobody understood anymore, such as in ancient Armenian by the Armenians and Syriac by the Jacobites. Here is, for instance, how Rev. Henry Marden (1880; 47) described services in Armenian churches: 'The priest stands before the altar and reads the service from a prayer-book in the ancient Armenian language, which is probably understood by no one in the audience, and possibly he himself merely repeats what he has memorized from some other priest.' Lack of a book that was accessible to everybody also facilitated deception and manipulation, an accusation that the missionaries commonly used against their Oriental counterparts: 'The people demanded that the Bible in Turkish or Arabic should be read in the church, instead of the ancient Syriac, which is to most of the people a dead language; and the Bishop was forced to yield to the request. But finding at length that this was rapidly undermining his influence and that of the priests, they secretly removed the Scriptures from the church.'

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friendly reception by the Kizilba§,' some of whom went so far as to admit openly their dissatisfaction with their own religion, and their readiness to embrace Christianity. Writing from Urfa, Mr Nutting described this amenable mood among the Kizilba§ as follows: 'I have been aware that there were Kuzzelbash in this vicinity dissatisfied with their own religion and feeling after the Gospel. Now I feel justified in reporting what I believe to be the truth, that this feeling of dissatisfaction with their present rites, and longing for the real truth of God, is very wide-spread in the villages of this district.' 2 One group of Kiztlba§ in particular, upon hearing of his arrival in Adiyaman, had sent word to him requesting a visit to their village. The chief of the tribe, 'Ali Molah', 3 in whose tent Mr Nutting stayed as a guest, told him how he, along with a couple hundred others, had recently demanded their religious teachers 'to bring forth their book, from which they professed to teach'. When the latter refused to do so, the chief of the tribe and those with him had publicly renounced their religious teachers, and 'bound themselves to each other by a solemn promise, not to drink any intoxicating drinks ... to practice their public worship openly instead of secretly as before ... and not to rob or murder.' 4 We learn from the missionary letters that members of Kizilba§ communities also paid visits to the missionary stations in towns. Some attended Sabbath services, and requested teachers to preach them the Gospel. Some even openly professed Protestantism. In a letter dated January 1857, a missionary named Mr Parsons told the story of such a group of Kizilba§, who persisted in their Protestantism despite all the oppression they faced: 'In September last, five of this people attended our worship on the Sabbath and the next day called upon me. They declared themselves Protestants; said that on account of their giving up their idolatrous customs and adopting a new religion, they were then suffering persecution; that they had been imprisoned by the governor of their village ...' Of this group, the experience of one young man, who took a copy of the New Testament in Turkish to his native

Although the encounters with the Kizilba§ as reported by the missionaries were often of friendly nature, this attitude was certainly not universal among the Kizilbag. An individual, likely a Kizilbag dede, became upset when offered a copy of the Gospel by the missionaries, threatened to beat them and said: 'Do you not know that every nation has its own worship? Go and preach to your own nation and do not trouble us.' Richardson (1856; 297). 2

Nutting (1860; 345). 'Molah' might be the same as 'Molla' in Turkish. However, because in other places in the MH, the word 'Molla' has been transcribed as 'Mollah,' i.e. with two T s , I chose to distinguish between the two words by retaining the original spelling. 4 It is difficult to judge the level of accuracy of Mr Nutting's story; the fact that following this conversation, Mr Nutting attended a cem ritual in his host's tent, indicates to us that the latter's disagreement with his dede(s) was not serious enough to prevent such a religious meeting. 3

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village, was particularly dramatic. The Testament taken from him, he was first put in prison, and then enrolled among the soldiery to fight against the rebellious Kurds in the mountains. 'But,' Mr Parsons noted, 'all this he endured without once yielding up, or refusing to avow his faith in the gospel!' As sad as these stories were, even more painful for Mr Parsons was the American missionaries' inability to find further co-workers willing to work with them. 'The harvest truly is plenteous, but the laborers are few,' wrote Mr Parsons, pleading for more American missionaries to come to the region.' The goal of this paper is not to assess the accuracy of these and several other conversion stories found in the MH. It would, however, be in order to identify some common patterns and narrative techniques found in all of them. The first thing one notes in this regard is the centrality of 'the Book', i.e. the Bible, in affecting peoples' conversions, a theme which served the function of substantiating, on the one hand, the purity and authenticity of the Protestant message, and on the other, the sincerity of the converts. What added to the sense of miraclc brought about by the Gospel was the simultaneous decision on the part of the converts to lead a moral life diverging sharply from their previously sinful lifestyles. In most of these conversion stories, moreover, following an account of the severe persecutions faced and endured by the small group of converts, the ending came with a plea of support from the readers in America, often in the form of more missionaries or money. 2 Considering that the main body of readership of the MH came, most probably, from among those Americans who financially supported missionary efforts overseas and who were potential candidates for active missionary positions, it would be wrong to treat the missionary letters as simply 'neutral' reports. They should rather be read as literary texts, put together in such a way as to sustain the reader's interest by telling exciting stories, which, with their ultimately optimistic prospects, aimed at convincing the reader to maintain his support to the missionary endeavor.

1

Parsons (1857: 144-145). For example, talking about the need to fund some young Kizilbag so that they could come and receive religious instructions in the city, a certain Mr Livingston appealed to the readers of the MH for financial support: 'Is there not some Christian in America who will give us the few dollars necessary for the expense of these men for a few months, while we endeavor to instruct them in that truth which they profess to be so anxious to learn.' Livingston (1865; 247). Sometimes the call for support would be more general in character: 'Let the friends of mission work in Turkey furnish the men and money, and be instant in prayer, and before long the strongest barriers will fall ... and the Turkish Empire, purified and evangelized, will take a place among the Christian nations of the earth.' Marden (1880; 50). 2

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The intended audience is also a factor that needs to be figured in while assessing the significance of repeated assertions, especially in some earlier accounts on the subject, that the Kizilba§ could not be properly considered as Muslims. It needs to be remembered at this point that Christian missionary activism in Anatolia was not an issue of purely religious dimensions, but involved politics at the international level. The American missionaries relied heavily on the support of the British diplomats throughout the entire nineteenth century both for protection of their proselytizing activities and for pressuring the Ottoman government to grant them certain privileges. The greatest success in this regard was the recognition of the Protestant community, primarily made up of Armenian converts, as an independent millet in 1850 thanks to the intervention of the British ambassador Sir Stratford Canning. 1 In light of such close association between the Protestant missionaries and the British diplomats, it appears quite likely that the latter, as well as officials of other states, also followed closely the reports published in the MH. We know at least that officials of the Ottoman state were keeping track of this periodical. 2 Going back then to the significance of the pseudoIslamic nature of the Kizilba§ religion, one of the potential effects of such assertions was to supply moral and religious, and legal justification to proselytise among the Kizilba§. More specifically, it is possible to read these as efforts by some missionaries, such as Mr Dunmore, who was the most enthusiastic proponent of Kizilba§ conversion, to convince their counterparts in the higher echelons of the missionary establishment and the diplomats to be bolder vis-à-vis the Ottoman state on the highly sensitive issue of expanding their domain of operation beyond the 'nominal' Christians to also includc the 'nominal' Muslims. Such a justification could have indeed become necessary because, for the groups the missionaries were in contact with, benefiting from the political protection and the privileges provided for the Protestant millet was of central importance, and it was at this point that the risks involved in proselytizing among the Kizilba§ became most tangible. A certain Dr. Jewett described in detail this quandary as experienced by the missionaries at the Sivas station. It Condensed. Sketch (1910; 19). Another example of the close association between the American missionaries and the British diplomats is found in a news item in the MH, according to which the safety of the missionaries was endangered as a result of a conflict between a Muslim and a Christian village in the Mara§ province. The missionaries were saved from falling victim 'to an exasperated m o b ' with the arrival of the English council from Aleppo with regular troops, 'The Missions-Items of Intelligence: Central Turkey.' MH (November 1862): 351. As a general reference on the Protestant missionary presence in the Empire, and its repercussions in the sphere of diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and the Western countries, also see Kocabagoglu (1989; esp. 20-23), and Ortaylj (1981). 2 Deringil (1998; 125).

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was triggered by a visit of a group of Kizilbaj from a nearby village, who declared themselves Protestants, and subsequently asked for religious instruction, as well as political protection against persecution: 'We could hardly believe their assertion — so strange and new was it, then, for one who had been known and always recognized as a Mussulman, to profess the Christian faith. We were much perplexed to know what advice to give to these 'new converts'. To endeavor to protect a converted Mussulman was, in this region, an untried experiment.' Afraid for their own safety, as well as concerned about endangering their work among Armenians, the missionaries were unable to grant the request for political protection by this group of 'new converts'. To avoid appearing indifferent, however, they paid a visit to the governor of the district to show him that 'the persecuted Koords', 'though few and ignorant, had intelligent and powerful friends.' 1 Overall, one senses a chronic tension in this regard on the part of the missionaries: on the one hand, some were explicitly advising caution about not taking any serious risks without establishing with certainty the genuineness of the interest shown by the Kizilba§, on the other there were those who were unhappy at failing to give the necessary support to potential converts, as revealed by occasional notes of disappointment and self-criticism, such as the following: 'Once bold, and desirous of being enlightened and reckoned as Protestant Christians, if they have become timid and discouraged, is not the fault largely our own?' 2

Ali Gako Turning to Mr Dunmore, the most enthusiastic proponent of Kizilba§ conversion, and the tribal chief Ali Gako, the most well known Kizilba§ to the readers of the MH, we will see now how the above-described dynamics played themselves out in their story. As they emerge from the pages of MH, Mr Dunmore was an ideal missionary, distinguished for his bravery and commitment to his mission, and Ali Gako was an ideal convert noted for his sincerity. According to Mr Dunmore, the conversion story of Ali Gako started with the latter putting his hands on a copy of the Gospel four or five years before his first contact with the former. 3 After reading it many times and being convinced of its truth, Ali Gako set out to teach the Gospel to his own 1 2 3

Jewett (1857; 109). Herrick (1866; 69). Dunmore (1854; 55).

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people. It is not clear how Mr Dunmore acquired this information, but what is interesting is the fact that in one of his later letters, Mr Dunmore describes Ali Gako as illiterate. 1 Unless there is some other explanation for it, one can rightly treat this discrepancy as an instance of the missionaries' use of some established clichcs in their conversion stories, apparently without always being very scrupulous about them. The idealization of Ali Gako as a convert is in fact evident in almost all the writings of Mr Dunmore. Here is how he described Ali Gako in writing of one their early encounters: Of course I had a great desire to see Ali Gako, the well-known Protestant Chief. He is a man of about forty years, tall and manly in his bearing, mild and meek, with no gorgeous display of dress like the other chiefs. There is nothing marked in his features, or in his personal appearance; still there is something noble and attractive in his manners, and he would be singled out from among his fellows as a man of mind and worth; and he is acknowledge fsicl to be such by them. He seems to be the only one among them, w h o cares enough about his soul's interests to examine the word of God, and seek for the right way. He is evidently an honest and earnest seeker after the truth and the way of God. 2

Mr Dunmore had no doubts about Ali Gako's sincerity, a sense of certainty which he also tried to relay to his readers. He frequently emphasized Ali Gako's desire to listen to the recitation of the Bible, and yet his simultaneous reluctance to accept anything without closely scrutinizing it first: 'I have been particularly interested in watching the operation of his clear and active mind, and in seeing with what care and exactness he examines every point, and every truth before he receives it. He is quick to perceive and appreciate a reason, but slow to receive anything without a good reason.' 3 At times, Mr Dunmore would transmit similar observations via a third person, a technique which helped him boost the authenticity of his own. Writing in the voice of his 'native helper' Nicogos, he described in detail a moving encounter between Nicogos and Ali Gako as follows: Nicogos says, " W h e n he called to see me, he sat down, and began to talk like a meek Christian. He interrogated m e respecting my faith and Christian experience; and he showed such familiarity with the doctrines and precepts of the gospel, and such a knowledge of the inner life, that I was amazed. I said within myself, " W h a t sort of person is this before m e ? Is he a missionary, examining m e f o r admission to the church?" After he had satisfied himself with making inquiries about the Protestant faith and practice, he said, "Now I will tell you what we believe and do. We believe

1 2 3

Dunmore (1855; 340). Dunmore (1855; 339). Dunmore (1855; 340).

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the gospel, and know no other book. We believe in Christ, the Son of God, our only Savior, and know nothing of Mohammed. He was a lying prophet. We are Protestants. We celebrate the Lord's Supper once in the year. W e did it before we found the gospel; but now we do it according to the gospel, as our Savior did. We have a church, with a committee to examine every one who wishes to enter it; and if he is not a good man we do not admit him. If two men have had a quarrel, or have been enemies, we have them reconciled before they come to the table of our Lord." ... Such is the statement of a truly wonderful man. 1

The part of this quotation written in the voice of the 'new convert' is particularly worthy of notice. A Ktzilba§, who supposedly converted and became Protestant, is describing a ceremony which clearly recalls the traditional Alevi ritual cem. On the other hand, there is the implication that he and his tribe had always been some sort of Christians, and that they had been observing the ritual of cem, which many missionaries, starting with Mr Dunmore, saw as a primitive version of the Lord's Supper, indeed as the Lord's Supper. As such, a vagueness emerges as to the meaning of the statement 'We are Protestants,' delivered directly from the mouth of Ali Gako. This vagueness, unless we are faced with a case of bad translation, can be read as an attempt to prove simultaneously Ali Gako's sincere and recent conversion into Protestantism, and the existence of an unbroken thread of Christianity within Kizilba§ Alevism since ancient times. Apparently Ali Gako also revealed the sincerity of his conversion through his actions. It is reported, for example, that since his conversion he had been making every effort to live in peace with the neighboring tribes, not retaliating even when attacked by others.2 He even took it upon himself to protect an Armenian convert, who returned from Izmir to his hometown £emi§gezek as a Protestant, and consequently attracted the animosity of his own people. 3 With his conversion, Ali Gako was, of course, exerting an impact on his fellow tribesmen as well. His servant Musto, for instance, who had been at the beginning very hostile towards the missionaries gradually came to appreciate them and their message. Mr Dunmore relayed this transformation to the readers of the MH in Musto's own words as follows: 'When Garabed first came preaching to us, I wanted to kill him; but now I want to hear him all the time, and know no other guide than the Bible.' 4

1 2 3 4

Dunmore (1854; 55). Barnum (1863; 117). Dunmore (1855; 339). Dunmore (1857b; 347).

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A§

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As far as we can gather from the letters in MH, Mr Dunmore visited Ali Gako's village three times, and once also paid a visit to Ali Gako's relative Yusuf Aga's village. In return, Ali Gako visited Mr Dunmore at the missionary station in Harput twice. In his second visit, Ali Gako, along with a group of his friends, stayed in Mr Dunmore's house for several days. It is in the letter giving an account of this second visit by Ali Gako that we hear for the first time about a discussion of the sensitive issue of political protection between Mr Dunmore and the famous tribal chief. We get a sense from the letter that this wasn't necessarily the first time this issue came up between the two: About a month since Ali Gako, the so called Protestant Koordish chief, spent several days at my house, with a number of his people. He appears to be the same mild man as when I first saw him; and he is still desirous of spiritual instruction. He is anxious to have a school established in his region; but he knows full well that without protection from the government such a thing is impossible. Indeed, to present this request, and consult me in regard to the future prospects for the protection of Protestants, was his main business here. Painful as it was, I could give him no encouragement; and was obliged again to send him away empty. 1

The letter makes it clear that the issue of political protection was a major source of disappointment for both sides. It also leads us to think that this issue was probably of central importance for Ali Gako and his tribe in their contacts with the Protestant missionaries. 2 Seen from this perspective, it does not appear coincidental that the first contacts between the Kizilba§ and the missionaries started around 1853, only three years after the recognition of the Protestants as an independent millet. This was also the period when the Ottoman government was trying to tighten its grip on the tribes in the region. 3 Hence, one of the driving forces beyond Ali Gako's efforts to maintain close contacts with the missionaries may have been a desire to

1

Dunmore (1857b; 346-347). This point was in fact acknowledged early on by another missionary, Mr Richardson (1856; 296). Talking of a group of Kizilba§ willing to convert, he wrote: 'To this step they are no doubt mainly actuated by a desire of securing protection from the severe exactions and oppressions of their rulers, the Turks.' •5 Talking specifically about femiggezek where Ali Gako lived, it is noted in a report dated 1862 that '[t]he whole region is in rebellion against the Government.' Barnum (1863; 117). Four years before this report and again referring to same region, Mr Dunmore noted that '[tjhe government has collected no taxes from these Koords since the opening of the late war with Russia, and hence an armed force is sent.' Dunmore (1858; 115). 2

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benefit from certain privileges granted to the Protestants, such as, for instance, exemption from military service. 1

After Mr Dunmore Despite all of Mr Dunmore's efforts and his optimistic expectations, Ali Gako would soon disappear from the pages of the MH. Compared to the couple of dozen letters which talked of Ali Gako and his tribe or other Kizilba§ communities between the years 1855 and 1861, the number of letters that dealt with the Kizilba§ comes down to about six between the years 18611880. After 1880, we see only three letters, the last one of them being from 1890. It is not too difficult to pinpoint the reason behind this sharp decline in the number of reports on the Kizilba§ from 1861 onwards, for it was in this same year that the elderly Mr Dunmore was appointed to a new position in Istanbul due to health concerns. Two years after that, we see an homage to him in the MH. However, we learn that he did not die of natural causes, but was shot to death by a Texan: 'His fearless journeys among the Koords, led us, often, to fear for his life; but we did not think that he would fall by the hands of worse than Koord assassins, in America.' 2 Despite a significant decrease in the number of relevant letters, and more frequent expressions of suspicion regarding the genuineness of the interest shown by the Kizilba§ in the message of the Gospel, 3 from Mr Dunmore's departure in 1861 until 1880, a general optimism regarding a possible Kizilba§ conversion was maintained. With a letter by a certain Mr Perry in 1880, however, we see for the first time a radical shift in the tone of the accounts about the Kizilba§. This shift was already made visible in Mr Perry's first letter on the subject by the way he depicted the Kizilba§ religion: 1 That is how their motivation for seeking political protection is explained by Mr Perry, the most skeptical missionary about the conversion of the Kizilba§: '[T]hey [the Kizilbaj] are looked upon by the Turks with suspicion, while they, in turn, regarding the Turks as oppressive rulers, are willing to do anything or be anything, if thereby they can avoid the hated necessity of having their sons drafted into the imperial armies.' (Perry 1880; 185). Notwithstanding certain exceptions, non-Muslim subjects of the Empire were not conscripted into active military duty until 1909, despite some efforts on the part of the Ottoman government to do so from 1835 onwards. For a detailed discussion on this issue, see Giilsoy (2000). 2 Taylor (1863). Mr Taylor (1868; 319n) gives further details about Mr Dunmore's death: 'Leaving his field to recruit a shattered constitution in America, his active spirit could not brook in activity; he therefore proffered himself as a military chaplain during the late rebellion, and was killed in battle...' 3 For example, a certain Mr Livingston (1865; 246) commented: 'Admit, even, that their [the Kizilbag Kurds] motives are the worst possible, yet who shall say that God may not bless his truth to their conversion, and make them, it may be, instruments in his hand for reaching the orthodox Mussulmans of this Empire.'

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345

Their religion is a relic of paganism molded by Mohammedan tradition and custom; but to m e the special interest about it arises f r o m what I consider to be a fact that, without knowing themselves the grounds on which they stand, they are a nation of pantheists. Their dishonesty, even in stating their belief, is pantheistic. For example, upon our arrival in their villages they throng about us, showing affection for our Bible, and listen to its teachings as long as we will preach to them; at the same time professing to accept the three sacred books (i.e. the Law, the Psalms, and the Gospels), and to reject the fourth or Koran; but it will often appear a day later that they not only accept the three books but one hundred and one more, which is equivalent to their accepting none at all. Assenting with us, also, to the doctrine of C h r i s t ' s divinity, it will soon appear that they give a like reverence to Alee and others, even to the extent of regarding their own Sheik as divine.^

The way Mr Perry depicted the Kizilba§ religion diverged in some significant points from similar attempts in the earlier issues of the MH. To start with, he did differentiate Ali from Jesus, and recognized the former's importance in the Ki/.iI has religion. Moreover, Mr Perry did not propose a connection between Kizilba§-ism and ancient Christianity. According to him, the fundamental characteristic of the Kizilba§ religion was its pantheism, a characteristic which relegated the belief of its adherents in the Gospel and Jesus, if not to a mere lip service, to a level of triviality. As such, Mr Perry was implicitlyquestioning earlier descriptions of Kiztlba§ism by his fellow missionaries, and in a way subverting the very basis of their hopeful vision regarding a possible conversion of the Kizilbas. The subversive tone of Mr Perry would become more pronounced in the subsequent lines of his letter when writing specifically about a group of Kizilba§ families who supposedly became Protestants: The Protestantism of the f i f t y f a m i l i e s mentioned pertains rather to themselves than to the doctrine of the Reformers. A new sect which appeared among themselves protested against the use of the Sacred Wood, a relic of paganism, which, when applied to a candidate for the office of sheik, is supposed to impart to him the requisite qualification for that officc ... These Protestants, by carrying on a warfare against this custom ... suffered much persecution, during which two of their leaders were banished for several m o n t h s . 2

There is a clear suggestion here that Mr Perry saw Mr Dunmore, as well as the other missionaries who were earlier involved with the Ktzilba§, to have completely misunderstood what Protestantism meant for the Kjzilba§, and that 1 2

Perry (1880; 185). Perry (1880; 185)

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their Protestantism had very little to do with Christianity. Three years later he would repeat this claim, albeit in a rather softened manner as follows: 'These Protestant Koords are not Protestants in our sense of the term. It is a Reformation by which they reject certain pagan rites connected with their Kuzzle-Bash religious system, but the 'reformed' families differ from the rest also in approaching nearer, and showing some desire to accept, the truths of Christianity.' 1 It is interesting that Mr Perry spoke of a reform movement among the Kizilba§ which he construed as an almost independent Kizilbas Protestantism. There was indeed in this period a differentiation emerging among the Kizilba§ between the so called tarikgis and pengecis, following the propaganda spread by the £elebi Bekta§is to ban the tank, a sacred stick made out of the wood of certain trees, from use in religious rituals. The Bekta§is looked down upon tank as a pagan relic, and were advising the Kizilba§ to use the hand, or penge, instead. As a result of these efforts by the (,'elcbi Bekta§is, significant numbers of Kizilba§, who were previously disciples of dede ocaks, abandoned the use of the tank and attached themselves to the Bektaji order. 2 However, we have no evidence which suggests that these pengeci Kizilba§ were referred to as Protestants. Could it be, then, that Mr Perry himself was confusing two unrelated phenomena? It is of course also possible that he may have preferred to explain what he saw as a grave mistake on behalf of his fellow missionaries as being caused by an unfortunate misunderstanding. In other words, he may have chosen such an explanation to minimize the effect of a possible disappointment arising from a lack of any concrete successes among the Kizilba§ after many years of optimistic predictions. Overall, then, we see a correlation between the revisionist ideas about the Kizilba§ and their religion, and the recognition that efforts among the Kizilba§ were bearing no fruits. After the two letters by Mr Perry, there appeared only one further piece of writing about the Kizilba§ in the MH. This one was not a letter from the field; it was rather in the format of an article introducing the Kizilba§ to the young readers of the periodical. In this last piece of writing on the Kizilba§, the author quite clearly transmitted the changed mood among the missionaries vis-a-vis the Kizilba§ by admitting the bleak prospects regarding their conversion: 'With a Christian civilization this people would become one of

1

Perry (1883; 221). There is still no serious study on this important subject, although stories about this conflict can at times still be heard from the elderly members of the Alevi community. Of the existing written sources which mention the issue are Dersimi (1992 [19521) and Yortikan (1928). 2

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KIZILBA§

347

the finest races of the empire, but at present they do not seem to be particularly open to religious and moral impressions.' 1 What happened to Ali Gako after Mr Dunmore's departure from the field? The last time Mr Dunmore had visited Ali Gako was in 1857. Between this visit and the year 1862, we hear of Ali Gako's name only in connection to two short news items in the MH. After this long break, between 1862 to 1863, another missionary Mr Barnum paid two visits to Ali Gako, and informed the readers of the MH that he still called himself Protestant, and that he tried to lead a peaceful life as ordered by the Gospel. However, because of his one-sided pacifism, he had put himself in a vulnerable position with respect to other tribes. Hence, he told Mr Barnum that, unless he could ensure government protection, he would have to resort to arms to protect his people. 2 This was the last piece of news the readers of the MH were to hear on Ali Gako. But although we do not see Ali Gako's name mentioned in the subsequent issues of the MH, a close reading of reports f r o m around Cx-mi sgezek indicates to us that interesting developments were taking place in the region. In a letter penned by a certain Mr Allen in 1873, we learn that 'Yuseph Agha,' chief of one of the tribes, was appointed as kaymakam, or head official, over seven other tribes in the region. 3 This was most probably the same Yusuf Aga who was presented as Ali Gako's relative, and who was visited by Mr Dunmore some years earlier. We encounter this same Yusuf Aga once again in the above-mentioned very last piece on the Kizilba§, which, interestingly, also includes a picture of him. In the article, this picture is explained as follows: A few weeks ago I had a call from four of the leading men of that district. They had come here by invitation of our governor-general. After they had made profession of allegiance to the government of the sultan, the pasha gave to each one of them a suit of clothes, besides making them other valuable presents. He also had their photographs taken, clad in their new garments, to send to the sultan. The picture on the opposite page is a copy from that photograph ... The old man to the right of him [Seyid Ibrahim] is Yusef Agha, one of the most influential chiefs of the mountains.4

1 2 3 4

Barnum (1890). Barnum (1863; 311). Allen (1873; 159-160). Barnum (1890; 344-345).

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348

When we connect all the dots together, we might be able to speculate on what happened to Ali Gako. Even though there is no sure way of gauging the genuineness of Ali Gako's conversion, one can conjecture that Ali Gako's losing touch with the missionaries had something to do, on the one hand, with his failure to obtain political protection under the umbrella of Protestantism, and on the other, with the fact that his tribe came to a mutual understanding and agreement with the government. For a fuller picture, it is clear that we would need more detailed information on the nature of relations among the tribes of the district, as well as about the changing Ottoman policy with regard to these tribes.

The wider influence of missionary

reports

The interest for us of the letters published in the MH is not limited to the engaging and little known story which they contain of the encounter between the Protestant missionaries and the Kizilba§. We deem them important because many of the questions and themes that we see in these missionary reports later found their way into the larger Western traveller's literature, and eventually into the relevant scholarly writings. This is not surprising considering that the early Western scholarship on the subject drew heavily on these travellers' accounts, as well as at times directly on the missionary reports, as a source of 'raw data'. Hasluck's 'Heterodox Tribes' is a good case in point, which allows us to see the kind of source base scholars had at their disposal in the early twentieth century. As we stated at the outset, of the ten sources that Hasluck cited on Kizilba§ theology, three belonged to American missionaries. Included among these was a letter by Mr Dunmore dated 1858, which was noted as the earliest of all the ten references found in Hasluck's discussion. Even the very question that Hasluck was treating in his article — namely whether or not the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor could be considered crypto-Christians — was a response to suggestions that first appeared in the American missionary accounts. As he himself acknowledged, Hasluck was not the first to question such suggestions. He cited the famous British orientalist and traveller Hermann Vambery as his predecessor in this regard, who argued that the Kizilba§ were mainly people of Turkish blood who had recently emigrated

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from Persia. 1 It was the Austrian anthropologist Felix von Luschan, best known for his studies on the Tahtacis, a subgroup of the Kizilba§ Alevis, who for the first time explicitly addressed the contrast between these two diverging views, as well as the first scholar who attempted to base speculations about the pre-Islamic origins of the Kizilbag on a scientific basis. Von Luschan included in his grand theory all the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor, arguing that these groups were the purest representatives of the oldest racial group in the region, the Hittites. 2 In formulating his theory, von Luschan treated the Kizilbas as a group independent from others, distinguishing them also from the Tahtaci Alevis. Luschan conducted fieldwork among the Tahtacis in the early 1880s under the auspices of the Österreichischen Gesellscaft f ü r Archaeologische Erforschung Kleinasiens, but there is no indication that he directly observed any other Alevi community in Anatolia. Although he doesn't provide a real source for his information on the Kizilba§, 3 the fact that he treated them as an independent category, referring to them as the 'Kizilba§ Kurds' living in upper Mesopotamia, the area where the American missionaries first came into contact with them, one cannot help but raise the possibility that the American missionary accounts also provided part of the data upon which von Luschan based his theory, and perhaps even inspired it at some level. With von Luschan, the question of the heterodox tribes of Asia Minor, hence the Alevi-Kizilbas, shifted from an issue of religious origins to one of racial origins. It is interesting that despite this significant nuance, Luschan's strictly race-based theory would have no trouble in fusing with the idea of Christian origins of the Kizilba§. Hence, the line of argument as articulated in the later literature revolved around the question of whether the origins of the Kizilba§ - both religiously and racially — went all the way to pre-Islamic times, or whether they could simply be viewed as Turks belonging to some branch of Shi'i Islam. 4

1

Vambery ( 1 9 7 0 [1885]; 607).

^ See footnote 10 above. 3

Peterson and v. Luschan ( 1 8 8 9 ; 2 0 2 n ) . T h e only reference Luschan g i v e s here on the 'kurdisch redenden Kysylbasch in W e s t Kurdistan,' as well as the Nusayris, the Yezidis and the Ali Hahis is Layard's ' N i n i v e h . ' I have c h e c k e d different editions of A u s t i n Henry L a y a i d ' s books on N i n e v e h both in English and in German, but no information about the Kizilbag could be located in them. 4

For e x a m p l e , s e e ' R e i s e in W e s t k l e i n a s i e n ( 1 8 9 7 ) v o n Prof. Dr. E u g e n Oberhummer, München', Oberhummer and Zimmerer ( 1 8 8 9 ; 397).

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It wasn't only Western writers who saw the essential question about the Kizilbas in these terms. In fact, we have evidence that the first Turkish writers on the subject, who seem to have been familiar at least with von Luschan's and the American missionaries' writings, 1 were also responding to the same debate. Yusuf Ziya Yoriikan, the author of many of the earliest articles on the Kizilba§, for instance, explicitly criticized the missionaries' views about these groups. In the introduction to his scries of articles on the Tahtacis, he wrote: 'And there was yet another concern of the Kizilba§, which offended them greatly. Those exploiting their poor state of affairs had reached unscientific conclusions about them. The missionaries, thinking that they were of ancient local peoples and converts from Christianity, tried to infiltrate t h e m ' . 2 Clearly, Yoriikan's motivation to write on the Tahtacis was, at least partially, to correct what he saw as the mistaken views about them suggested by some Westerners, in particular the missionaries. In other words, the views first expressed in the American missionary accounts also functioned as points of reference in reaction to which Turkish intellectuals in the early twentieth century formulated their own theories about the origins of the Kizilba§ and the Kizilba§ religion. As a final point, it should be noted that the Alevi revival of the late 1980s and early 1990s was at least partially a revival of these long forgotten nineteenth and early twentieth century texts, including the missionary accounts, but this time mainly by authors of Alevi background, and a subsequent development of new reactions for or against them.

REFERENCES Allen 1873 'Eastern Turkey Mission', Missionary Herald, May Issue; 159-162. Ball, 1857 'Letter from Mr Ball, August 8, 1857', Missionary Hera'd, December Issue; 393-393. Barnum, H. 1863 'Mission to Eastern Turkey: Kharpoot: Letter from Mr Barnum December 27, 1862.' Missionary Herald, April Issue; 117. Barnum, H. 1890 'For Young People: The Kuzzel-Bash Koords', Missionary Herald, August Issue; 345-346. Bayrak, M. 1997 Alevilik ve Kürtler: Inee lerne-Arastirma ve Beigeler, Wuppertal; Öz-ge.

1 Right around the time when some Ottoman intellectuals started showing a scholarly interest in the Alevis, one of the articles of von Luschan (1891) was translated into Turkish by Hamid Sadi (Selen) (1926). Yoriikan (1929; 64), translation mine.

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Brant, J. 1836 'Journey through a part of Armenia and Asia Minor, in the year 1835', The Journal

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Dunmore, G. 1857a 'Kharpoot: Letter f r o m Mr Dunmore, March 4, 1857', Herald, July Issue; 216-220.

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Dunmore, G. 1858 'Kharpoot: Letter from Mr Dunmore, December 2, 1857', Missionary

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Hasluck, F. 1929 Christianity and Islam under the Sultans, edited by M. Hasluck. 2 Vols, Oxford; OUP. Herrick, G. 1866 'Western Turkey Mission: Letter from Mr Herrick, November 16, 1865,' Missionary

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Herald, April Issue; 109-113. Karakaya-Stump, A. 2002 'Alevilik Hakkindaki 19. Yiizyil Misyoner Kayitlanna Elegtirel Bir Baki§ ve Ali Gako 'nun Oykiisii,' Folklof/Edsbiyat, Ozel Sayisi 1, 8, no. 29 (2002); 301-324.

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in seinen

ethnologischen

und

Osnabrück; Biblio Verlag.

[Walker A.J 1855 'Diarbekir: Station Report' Missionary

Herald, July Issue; 206.

[Walker, A.] 1863 'Miscellanies: Mr Dunmore as a Missionary',

Missionary

Herald, January Issue; 29. White, G. 1907 'Survivals of Primitive Religion Among the People of Asia Minor', Journal of the Transactions

of the Victoria Institute 39; 146-166.

White, G. 1908 'The Shia Turks.', Journal Institute

of the Transactions

of the

Yöriikan, Y. 1928 'Anadolu Alevileri ve Tahtacilar I', Darülfiinun ilahiyat Mecmuasi

Victoria

40; 225-239. Fakültesi

no. 8; 109-150.

Yöriikan, Y. 1929 'Tahtacilar', Darülfiinun ilahiyat Fakültesi Mecmuasi no. 12; 64.

15. ALEVILIK AS SONG AND DIALOGUE: THE VILLAGE SAGE MELÜLI BABA (1892-1989) Hans-Lukas KIESER

After the death of a beloved person the poet and village sage Hiiseyin Karaca gave himself the name Meluli, ie. 'sad'. It is by this name, often supplemented by the Bektashi title 'Baba' that he gained high esteem in the region of Marash and beyond. This paper hopes to shed light on this fascinating man, who throughout his life held himself at some distance from the traditional rural Alevi system and its hereditary sacred figures, the dedes. I like to regard Meluli Baba as an exponent of a little-known provincial 'Enlightenment' in the late Ottoman period, a movement that appears in turn linked to the introduction of Oriental Christian educational institutions which, because of the proximity of the Alevis to non-Muslim cultures, had a particular impact upon them. 1 Meluli's solid education and particular spiritual socialisation in the fragile 'Belle Epoque' before World War One made him particularly resistant to the appeals of the highly ideologized periods that followed. In his rich poetry (§iir) as in his 'graceful dialogue' (muhabbet), there is a complete absence of nationalist language, be it Turkish or Kurdish (he was an Alevi Kurd speaking kurmanci). He remained aloof from the traditional Alevi hierarchies, when asked pleading for an open, secular society . He articulated life, the events of the day, or his examination of the grandson's Marxist visions by using the rich symbolic heritage of the Alevi-Bektashi tradition. Thus we can and must see him as a significant Alevi representative of the twentieth century, one who succeeded in questioning religious rituals and social constraints without denying that what Alevis call the dz, the essence of faith. Here, I would like initially to offer a little insight into the world in which Hiiseyin Karaca grew up, then place his particular career in this context, and finally discuss his poetry and muhabbet. This is a first study, and in no 1 I would like to thank David Shankland for his helpful comments and assistance in polishing the final version of my text.

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ER

way exhaustive. It intends to draw attention to a remarkable person and indeed to the importance of conducting research into that what we may call 'Eastern (Anatolian) Alevism'. 1

Eastern Alevi life in late Ottoman times One may interpret the well-researched Alevi 'coming-out' during the 1990s — a religious re-articulation in a modern, socially dynamic, multicultural context — as the resumption of a process which the catastrophe of World War One had suppressed at its very commencement. 2 The world of the eastern Alevis, one based on subsistence farming and constituted upon dede lineages, only definitively began to break up in the 1960s. Whilst an immensely complicated phenomenon, this changc had to do certainly with new access in the east to public education, the introduction of the radio, and significant migration to the towns. In spite of this well-known social change in the modern era, my suggestion would be that the germ of the dissolution of the rural and tribal communities, and of the dede system, was already clearly present in the century before, that indeed when Hüseyin Karaca was born. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the strong educational renaissance of the Armenians and the presence of a growing educational and sanitary system built up by Occidental missionaries in provincial towns and in villages changed the whole region in a way that crossed any specific communitarian borders. Change came also through the Ottoman politics of centralisation, this however influenced mostly the administrative provincial centres where state schools and a few hospitals were founded. The new possibilities associated with these agencies of modernity resulted on the one hand in social and ethnic tensions and on the other in new perspectives for hitherto underprivileged groups, among them the Alevis. If under Sultan Abdulhamid II a strong censor and the presence of police informers hampered intellectual exchange even in smaller towns, the free movement of people, and the autonomous building up of schools in the Alevi villages during the years after 1908 opened the door for dynamic social and intellectual movements. Albeit perhaps at a low level in the social

1 See my 'Die Aleviten im Wandel der Neuzeit' in Tamcke (2003). For detailed insights into Kurdish Alevism as an important part of Eastern Alevism and its sources see Bayrak (1997) and Gezik (2000). 2 A good overview over the first years of the Alevi revival is provided by Vorhoff (1995).

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hierarchy, regional Alevis, particularly the masculine youth, were seized by these dynamics. 1 In the third quarter of the nineteenth century, in the period before Abdiilhamid II, Alevi villages and tribes had already tried to access modern education and protection via the American missionaries. 2 Under the influence of these missionaries' puritanism — a mixture of individual spirituality and Enlightenment ideals — tribal chiefs and others questioned the dede system and compelled a revision of religious practices. Some changes, aimed at eliminating 'superstitious traditions', as reported in missionary documents, seem indeed to have been initiated at that time. But the attempt to escape a world where they were tolerated perhaps, but certainly discriminated against economically, via outside help was considered by the authorities as a threat to the existing order and repressed accordingly. Nevertheless, the state itself was not in a position to respond to the Alevis' needs, even if Abdiilhamid took more seriously the 'Alevi question' than the Tanzimat reformers before him. Indeed, he did not win this community over for the state, as he surely would have liked, but in fact alienated it through a Sunnitising campaign, during the course of which he sent forth Hanefi preachers and teachers, built mosques in Alevi villages and had the inhabitants' religions life supervised. Hiiseyin Karaca's experiences as child shed light on this period. Throughout Abdulhamid's reign, some villagers, among them Meluli's parents, managed to migrate to places that gave hope for a better life. Overall though, any Alevi move to the towns was still very limited. A number of men went as seasonal workers to the urban centres and to the capital. If families settled down in an urban milieu, it was — so far as I know with regard to the situation in central and eastern Anatolia — in or in the neighbourhood of Christian districts. Further, as the nomadic tribes began to settle, whole new settlements were made in the proximity of Christian villages, as we can clearly see in the province of Erzincan. The history of that interior migration, of consecutive resettlements, and forms of cohabitation remains to be written. It could be based on local oral traditions, administrative sources and the rich memorial literature in Armenian. It seems that a peaceful cooperation combined with a division of labour had prevailed before 1914: the newcomers being herdsmen but with little knowledge of agriculture, construction and trade. With the help of Christians, not Sunnites, in the

' On the Alevis, the Western missionaries and the state in central and oriental Anatolia see Kieser (2001 and 2000; 69-81, 167-70, and 382-412). See Karakaya-Stump in this volume.

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towns, a few Alevi families gained access to the commercial and educational possibilities of urban life from which they had mostly been excluded since the sixteenth century. Htiseyin Karaca's father again is a good example of this. The almost complete destruction of the Christians in those regions caused therefore a deep rupture in the process of change that had begun in the mid-nineteenth century. Significantly, with a few exceptions, Eastern Alevis were not the agents and instruments of that destruction. In the period after World War One until the end of the Turkish Republican single party rule after World War Two, they remained much isolated, reliant upon their own means of subsistence, without most of the interactions and new possibilities they had won in the late Ottoman period. They welcomed nevertheless the abolition of the Caliphate (1924) and the promise of a secular state, i.e. the raising of the centuries-old Sunni pressure. This made many of them, as far as they were not engaged in Kurdish resistance, loyal voters for Mustafa Kemal's Republican Party, and some Alevi Kurdish figures moved into Republican urban society through embracing its tenets. The state however did not, positively or negatively, penetrate the Eastern Alevis' rural world before the end of the 1950s. The state only intervened if there was some political activity or religious life with a supraregional context, such as in the case of the tekk.es and brotherhoods. Certainly, before 1960, an average Alevi village had neither school, nor hospital, nor tribunal, even not gendarmes, if sufficiently distant from the Dersim (province of Tunceii).' As in deep Ottoman times the villages in those regions managed themselves their problems on the ground. They did this again on the base of the traditional system led by dedes. The isolation however was relative and provisional. The desire for a better life in an open, modern world was present, the previous interactions and the heritage of the short, fragile Belle Epoque before 1914 not forgotten. Rooted in that world, a man like Meluli could build up his social and spiritual life in a quite selfdetermined and productive way, even if the circumstances of these decades of 'setback' were economically and socially difficult.

The history of Dersim, where then most important concentration of Kurdish Alevis were found, is still under-researched. A good paper on the situation in the 1930s is Bruinessen (1994). See also Akgtil (1992). For more information on Alevi practices and early Kurdist tendencies in Dersim see Kieser (1993, 1994).

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Meluli 's path Hiiseyin Karaca (Erbil) 1 , later called Meluli, was born in 1892 and died in 1989. Besides gaining his life as a farmer and livestock dealer, he was an ozan, a poet and song-writer, and an a§ik, singer. He was of a kurmancispeaking Kurdish Alevi tribe, but not a dede family. Even if he was later often called baba erenler or ennis dede, a 'developed' or 'holy' person, this was due to his wisdom and righteousness, not his descent from a dede lineage (,soydan dede). His parents grew up in the village of Engizek (today's Agilba§i) in the sub-district (bucak) Kurgulu of the district of Hekimhan in the province of Malatya. For economic reasons, but also because their desire to marry had been disputed, they left their natal village and settled finally down in the village of Kotiire in the strongly Armenian district of Yarpuz (Afgin), in today's province of Kahramanmara§. Hiiseyin Karaca was born and spent most time of his life in Kotiire. Ra§o, Hiiseyin's father, was a descendant of the branch called §ii§tiiler of the kurmanci-speakmg tribe of Cawra§ (or £ogra§), a tribe seemingly nomadic until the nineteenth century , and whose different segments were then looking for regular settlements in the region between Arapkir, Malatya, Giiriin, and Elbistan. From what we know of Raso on the one hand, and missionary documents on the other, I have gained the impression that the religious organisation of those tribes, whose members settled down in groups or individually, was loose. For them and even more for migrants like Ra§o there seems already to have existed the possibility to choose the dede according to one's own preferences, or to remain more or less outside the dede system, as did Hiiseyin Karaca from his later youth. Ra§o became prosperous, and an agha (great man) of his village. He was able to send his son Hiiseyin in about 1904 to the college of Yarpuz, a modern college with partly Western style education, made up and supported by the Armenian community, who numbered one thousand in the town alone. 2 Hiiseyin, a twelve years old boy, was admitted in the house of Raso's Armenian friend Penes. Before going to college, Hiiseyin had attended the classes of the village teacher, who taught Arabic, and was very probably 1 Erbil is the name taken by Meluli baba in the 1930s after the introduction of the surname law by the Republican State. Unless particularly indicated, the information in this section is taken from Erbil and Ozpoiat (1994; 2-34), as well as from documents and records given me by the family. For the contextualization of the material I rely also on my unpublished oral history researches of the years 2000-2002 concerning Puliimur (a sub-province of Tunceli), Qaglayan (a sub-province of Erzincan), Elbistan, and Adiyaman. 2 Kevorkian and Paboudjian (1992; 318).

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appointed by the H a m i d i a n state. Shortly b e f o r e his death, Melüli wrote d o w n in Ottoman script his experiences as a s c h o o l b o y in Kotiire and Y a r p u z . For its important insights, it is worth citing the w h o l e passage: The teacher of Arabic in the village was a man with a broad education. We attended his classes sitting down on cushions brought from home. In those times, there was strong religious pressure from the Ottomans. At the beginning of Ramadan they sent an imam to each village and forced the whole population to fast. But the teacher of Arabic was a man who had grasped the senselessness of remaining uselessly hungry. For this reason he said that true fasting consisted in doing no evil to other people, and in not lying. During mealtimes he ate together with us, but put a watchman before the door to give a sign in case there came a stranger from outside. Some years later they moved the teacher of Arabic, and my father gave me into an Armenian family in Af§in where I attended classes in the Armenian school. My first spiritual nourishment [tasavvuf gidamiJ I took from this family. The woman of the house possessed real faith. Her husband Penes was a superstitious man and a church-goer. The woman only went because she felt obliged, but without believing in it. There was also a daughter, a little older than me; both called me 'my friend' [dostum]. Not even my own mother took such great pains for me as she did. His wife said to me: 'Friend, do not look at Penes and the people around him. These are looking for God in the hereafter and think that by going to church and by praying they have made worship, bringing them once a reward by God. Had they not this hope and the fear of hell, they would even not turn to see the face of God. True worship however consists in loving men, and God is in man's heart.' She dealt with me always as her own child. In the Armenian school I learnt Arabic and Armenian, mathematics and literature, and I had the opportunity to enquire after other religions; but it was this woman who taught me true faith and true thinking. Shortly before the massacre of the Armenians in 1915, they were forced to move from here. The woman wept a lot. I have never known where they have gone, or what has become of them. 1

T h i s r e c o l l e c t i o n by M e l ü l i g i v e s a vivid p i c t u r e of his early r e l i g i o u s e x p e r i e n c e and education in a mutli-cultural O t t o m a n setting, but t h e lack of relevant research m e a n s that it is not possible to say w h e t h e r his A r m e n i a n e d u c a t i o n , as son of a K u r d i s h Alevi a g h a , w a s exceptional. Melüli, at least, d o e s not p r e s e n t it in that f a s h i o n . T h e c l o s e ties b e t w e e n A r m e n i a n s and K u r d i s h a g h a s in t h i n g s c o n c e r n i n g trade, f i n a n c e s , c o r r e s p o n d a n c e , and construction are well k n o w n . T h e correlation b e w e e n A r m e n i a n poetry and the a§ik's or o z a n ' s lyrics t o o is said to be well established. 2 But the point here is not this, but H ü s e y i n K a r a c a ' s broad, multicultural education and upbringing,

1 A transliteration of this passage of the Ottoman manuscript is provided in Erbil and Ozpolat (1994; 7-8). The forced departure of Penes' family was probably part of the movements which affected the Armenian notables in Istanbul and most towns in Asia Minor at the end of April or in May 1915, several weeks before the general deportations. 2 Kreiser/Neumann (2003; 178).

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made possible in what I have called the belle epoque of those years. It will also be important to understand what this meant for his self-articulation as a 'modern Alevi' but one grown up in late Ottoman times. As his autobiographical text clearly indicates, the young Htiseyin had already internalized scepticism with regard to traditions, be they religious or not. When he married on the eve of World War One, he refused the traditional ceremonies and festivities, arguing interestingly that marriage for him was a holy institution. Against all established customs (with exceptions however amongst the Armenians) the young couple used to walk hand in hand through the village. Bagdat remained Meluli's only wife for his entire life. She died in 1986, three years before her husband's decease. Htiseyin Karaca did not feel comfortable in his father's house because he did not share his values. Ra§o lived in polygamy with three wives. When his son decided to leave home, he did so with the observation that his father's income derived partly from his trade in the loot of the bandits in the nearby mountains. Thus his father's bread was haram, unlawful. Htiseyin and Bagdat left Raso's house and made themselves a little place in a villager's stable, as was then usual for impoverished young couples. Thanks to his uncle Ali, Htiseyin could begin to gain his living through trading in livestock, leading flocks to Erzurum and Aleppo. That same Ali had become a member of the Bektashi order through the mediation of Cheikh Mamo, a Bektashi in the village of Mecitozii near Divrigi, who was reknowned for his sanctity (keramet). He had been initiated by virtue of a man with the astonishing name Rahim Pasha, reputed a true and good dede. This dede was from Erzurum, worked for a while in the region of Yarpuz, and moved later to Sivas. Ali brought his nephew into contact in turn with this order. Dedes had often been guests in the house of Ra§o agha, and the whole of Kotiire depended on them. Huseyin Karaca's contacts with dedes visiting the region now multiplied, and he entered in public discussions with them, among them Kose Ahmet, the son of an uncle of Rahim Pasha. Kose Ahmet was regarded as a savant. He had been educated at a medrese (theological school). Even if animated, the discussions in the village's grand-looking houses ( k o n a k s ) — also fit to organize cem ceremonies — seem always to have taken place in a polite and dignified atmosphere. Huseyin Karaca used arguments present since the second half of the nineteenth century but due particularly to the progressive spirit taught in

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the new Armenian and in the missionary schools. He reproached the dedes for providing themselves with authority by presenting themselves as descendants of the Prophet by means of forged documents. He accused them of receiving such documents from the Ottoman authorities by offering bribes, living at the expense of the people, exploiting their good intentions, and making them believe external rituals were the essence of religion. For this reason, he suggested, they were no different from hypocritical Sunnite hocas whom the Alevis despised. He went so far as to call them ignoramuses incapable of teaching people the truth of religion: love of humanity and of justice. It may be that this particularly critical stance had also to do with the fact that Cemaleddin (,'elebi Efendi, then the Bektashi head responsible for rural Alevis but unpopular in the Eastern provinces for his close collaboration with the Young Turks' dictatorial regime, had in 1909 obtained from Sultan Reshad a declaration that he was descended from Haci Bekta?. 1 It is interesting to note too that Bektashism was an attractive 'label' for the young man Hiiseyin Karaca to oppose himself to the dedes. To call himself a member of the Bektashi Tarikat which, in its urban setting, permitted those who were not entitled to do so by birth become babas by virtue of their training alone, was a way to distinguish himself from the traditional dedes: it was for him a sign of being 'progressive', not traditional, superstitious, or conniving with exploitation. When he was about twenty five years of age, in 1917, Hiiseyin Karaca entered formally into the Bektashi order. Normally he should have been by this time enroled in the army. But this does not seem to have been the case, indeed as it was not with most of the Kurdish Alevis, who opposed Cemaleddin (Jelebi's calls for Alevi participation in the army. 2 Where and when Huseyin's initiation as a Bektashi took place is not clear. He did not visit any tekke, and does not seem to have known any Bektashi master or pir. Though initiated, he seems subsequently to have adopted the label of a Bektashi for himself without being in any way organisationally tied to the order. He had, as he says, some contacts with Bektashi teachers (mur^id) in or passing through the province, and he fostered the relationship with a circle of good friends, among them Ali. The discoursive elaboration and emphasis in Meluli's poetry stands clearly in the poetic tradition of Bektashiism, albeit one that does not support the dede

1 2

Kü9ük (2002; 130). Kü?ük (2002; 131).

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system. Let us take a verse from one of Meluli's few 'early poems', one that strongly emphasizes this shared identity as being the correct path: 1 Hakka giden Hak yolunun Hak bizde biz Bilmeyenler

ruhamz kurbaniyiz burhaniyiz cuheladir

We are the spiritual ones marching to God We are the sacrificial on God's path God lives in us, we are his proof Those who do not know this are ignoramuses.

According to his nephew Hamdullah Erbil, Meluli understood himself as a Bektashi in the sense of the Bektashism before it was institutionalized corresponding to imperial Ottoman needs by Balim Sultan in the sixteenth c e n t u r y . 2 So far as I know he never made any visit during his life to Hacibekta§ near Kirsehir, where this centre is located.

Meluli, poetry and muhabbet From the 1920s on, Meluli's house in Kotiire became a sort of spiritual and cultural centre. Many people visited him, looking for counsel, consolation and companiable society. For them he recited his poems. This kind of communication was called sazh sozlii sohbef. 'conversation with words and saz (music)'. 3 Dedes and ozans propagated his poetry, some of which were also ultimately broadcast. One reason for the loss of his early poems is the fact that he gave the manuscripts away to visitors. An important person in this interwar period was a woman named Go§e whose father had been a disciple of the aforementioned Cheikh Mamo, as was the case for her husband's father. Her husband Kiyno worked together with Ali and Hiiseyin Karaca. She had heard of Karaca, met him and loved him deeply in a spiritual (ilahi) way. She and her husband decided to form a common household together with Karaca and Bagdat. Go§e was for twelve years, until 1 Erbil and Ozpolat (1994; 57). In Erbil and Ozpolat's chronology, this means before 1950. Most of Meluli baba's early poems have been lost. 2 Erbil and Ozpolat (1994; 306-7). 3 Erbil and Ozpolat (1994; 24). The saz is a mandolin-like string instrument used by most minstrels.

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her death, the cornerstone of this little community, a social and spiritual centre, open to many visitors from outside, but also important for the life of the village of Kotiire. When Go§e died, Hiiseyin Karaca gave himself the name of Melüli or 'sad'. There is no indication that the two couples had gone, during a cem ceremony, through a formal musahiblik, a religious partnership so central in the Alevi tradition. The common household came to an end with Gome's death, but from the outside remained more or less the same. Melüli's grandson Hamdullah Erbil called the house of his grandfather, where he himself grew up in the 1950s and 60s, 'a true centre of culture': 'There always came friends, one read books, discussed, played the saz, recited poems and fostered muhabbet.'1 What was important — and what ties up with the main function of the Alevi cem — is that the guest and participant of the muhabbet should be listened to, consolated, edified, and thus leave at the end with more peace in their heart. 2 Keramet in the specific sense of the miraclc worked by power of sanctity had no or little place in Melüli's universe. In his poetry Melüli repeats, condenses and interweaves references to his faith. He does this often in a dialogue with himself that is typical for this kind of a§ik literature. Simultaneously, his poems have a devotional element, and reflect certain standard elements within the Alevi heritage. In this way, they express the individual sense and interpretation of Alevi culture and the faith of a community — both more locally in the sense of the Kótüre circle and more widely in historical or spatial terms. Thus, though there is much of his individual experience, Melüli's rhymed poetry may be seen as the only thing in his life strictly dominated by formal criteria and traditional religious themes. Among these repeated religious elements are Ali; the perfect man (insan-i kámil); the worship of the perfect man (secde-i Ádem): the distinction between those who know the secde-i Ádem and those who do not; and men as a place wherein God dwells (beyt-i rahmari). In his poetry there is also a repetitive curse against Muaviye, Yezid and Mervan, seen as ruthless rulers of this world who bear the distinctive sign of those who are not aware of the secde-i Ádem. As a Bektashi Melüli is a 'free-thinker', but in the strict spiritual discipline of a man devoted to the secde-i Adem. In one early poem Melüli writes:

1

Erbil and Ozpolat (1994; 22). A few years ago I met in Borgenek near Adiyaman Dede Hayri D. who like Melflli keeps a daily open house, but exercises no traditional function as dede. Thus after his work in town and at the weekends he was a respected host and adviser in his village. 2

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Secde-i Adem'e boyun egmedi Lanetledi onu ulumuz bizim He has not bowed to the secde-i Adem Therefore our greatness has damned him.'

In a late poem of the 1980s we read: Meluliyim

kiblem

kamil

insandir

Kamil insan kalbi beyt-i

rahmandir

Secde etmeyenler

geytandir

Ona lanet eden

§eksiz

erenlerdeniz.

I am Meluli, my kible [where I turn to in worship] is the perfect man The heart of the perfect man is the house of God Those who do not bow before him are doubtless Satan We are the saints who damn him. 2

As I understand his biography, Meluli never attended a cem after his adolescence. But there is much worship in his poetry. He sings, for example, extracts from the sacrifical song sung by the a§ik in the cem as the sheep stands before the congregation in the meydan, the peace-making space that is central to the Alevi worship in the cem? For Meluli this space may be detached from the cem ritual, it is the space of muhabbet and the virtual community defined by the 'we' in his poems. Kanli kinli bu meydanda

bari§ir

Karde§ olur hep beraber

sevigir

The bloody and the vindictive become reconciled on this placc They become brothers, loving one another. 4

He is one of those a$iks who conserved in his songs the oz of Alevism — the peacemaking dialogue, the search for God in the man, the anti-orthodox piousness — throughout the twentieth century despite the dissolution of the rural world. In the same early poems we read:

1 2

4

Erbil and Ózpolat (1994; 65). Erbil and Ózpolat (1994; 174). For the 'sacrifice song' and the Erbil and Ózpolat (1994; 65).

[, see Shankland (2003; 94-132).

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Insaniz insana saygi bizdedir Muhabbet ehliyiz sevgi bizdedir Gergek vicdandaki duygu bizdedir Birakmaz insasi elimiz bizim We are humans, have respect We are muhabbet persons, have love We have the true sense of conscience Our hands do not neglcct justice.1 Meluli concentrates worship upon the insan-i kdmil. He leaves aside all religious rituals in favor of the word he communicates in his muhabbet or poems. This is the medium of his Alevi belief, and he goes so far as to say: 'We are not empty words but give tongue to the Koran' ( L a f degil dilli Kuramz)-2 In this belief — which opposes the dogma of the Kuran as the pre-existing word of God — the creative word, the perfect man, and God are closely linked. Ali, interpreted partly in clearly Christological terms, is the strongest symbol for this. It was 'the helper Ali' who inspired Muhammed to the Kuran? 'There is no God except Ali, who is king' {La ilahe ilia Ali olan §ah), Meluli wrote in his last poem in 1989. He also said that Ali existed from the beginning, before the creation of the world, and that, united to God, he then made the cosmos, the earth, and man. 4 This approach gives Ali pre-eminence over Muhammed, as is also the case in the tale of the kirklar meclisi (the council of the forty) or the ascension (mirag) of Muhammed. It is a central, omnipresent tale in the Alevi tradition. In Meluli's words it reads as follows: Melulim Muhammed miraca vardi izzetle hurmetle iperi girdi Kaldirdi perdeyi Aliyi gordti A§ikar oldu rahmanimiz bizim I am Meluli: Muhammed made the ascension He entered into heaven with dignity and respect He raised the curtain and saw Ali Thus our God was made manifest.5

1 2 3 4 5

Erbil and Özpolat (1994; 65). Erbil and Özpolat (1994; 57). indirdi kuram ol ayet ayet / Muhammed'de Erbil and Özpolat (1994; 385). Erbil and Özpolat (1994; 209).

olan nusret Ali (Erbil and Özpolat 1994; 194).

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Conclusion Let me make some concluding remarks by noting the close relationship between Meluli and his grandson Hamdullah Erbil (1952-1993). This relationship is probably the strongest illustration of Meluli's enlightened spirituality, its historical context and particular roots as outlined in this short paper. Meluli was never engaged ideologically, be it as Turkist, Kurdist or Kemalist. There was no picture of Atatiirk in his house, and no trace of him in his poems; nor was there any picture of Ali or Haci Bekta§, or any other idol. If after the 1960s Meluli clearly showed solidarity with the socialist opposition, to which Hamdullah adhered, and wrote in his last years poems against the military coup, 1 this again was not in the idiom of then predominant Marxist-Leninist ideology, but in his own terms. The persecution of the leftish youth he called a repeat of the era of Muaviye, Yezit and Kerbela. However he openly did not share many of this youth's presumptions. In a video recording for example we hear him ask rhetorically , how one wanted to be a revolutionary if he had not yet fully become a human being (a reference to kdmil insan). Meluli was opposed to the dialectical and biological materialism advocated by the 'revolutionaries' (devrimci). In a poem dedicated to them he ironically rejects their conviction that the mankind descended from monkeys.2 Meluli showed his solidarity with his grandson by always remaining in contact with him and by visiting him regularly in prison in the 1970s and 1980s, despite his great age. Hamdullah Erbil, a leftish militant, had early been fascinated by his grandfather's world of thinking and faith. In prison, and particularly after the death of Meluli in 1989, he rediscovered the rich Alevi heritage of his grandfather and tried to reconcile it with his own experiences. He did this in a very personal and sincere way. Grandfather and grandson shared a sense of distance from those who ruled over them, but whereas the militants attacked them frontally, their actions based on a revolutionary ideology, Meluli's priority was the achievement of the individuals' secde-i Adem or orientation to the 'perfect man'. He thus admonished his grandson and his friends to concentrate on this first, and to change politics and society slowly from below and from within. In a fight against his leukemia Hamdullah Erbil succeeded in preparing the edition of poems from which we took all examples given above. He however died in 1993 before it could go to press; his elder sister Latife Ozpolat finished the job.

1 2

Erbil and Ozpolat (1994; 176-79). Erbil and Ozpolat (1994; 126).

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KIESER

REFERENCES Akgül, S. 1992 Yakin

Tarihimizde

Dersim

¡syanlari

ve Gerçekler,

Istanbul;

Bogaziçi Yaymlari. Bayrak, M. (ed.) 1997 Alevilik

ve Kürtler

(Inceleme

— Araçtirma

—

Beigeler),

Wuppertal; Özge. Bruinessen, M. van, 1998 'Genocide in Kurdistan? The Suppression of the Dersim Rebellion in Turkey (1937-38) and the Chemical War against the Iraqi Kurds', in: Andreopoulos, G. Genocide Dimensions,

— Conceptual

and

Erbil, H., and üzpolat, L. nd (1994) Melûli Divam ve ve Aleviligin, Bektaçiligin

Historical

Philadelphia; University of Pennsylvania Press, 141-70. Tasavvufun,

Tarihçesi, Ankara; Ba§ak.

Gezik, E. 2000 Dinsel,

Etnik

ve Politik

Sorunlar

Baglaminda

Alevi

Kürtler,

Ankara; Kalan. Kévorkian, R., and Paboudjian, P. 1992 Les Arméniens dans l'Empire ottoman à la veille du génocide, Paris; ARHIS. Kieser, H. 1993 'Les Kurdes alévis face au nationalisme turc. L'alévité du Dersim et son rôle dans le premier soulèvement kurde contre Mustafa Kemal (Koçkiri 1919-1921)', Amsterdam; MERA Occasional Paper 18. Kieser, H. 1994 'L'Alévisme kurde', Peuples Méditerranéens Kieser, H. 2000 Der Ostprovinzen

verpasste

Friede.

Mission,

Ethnie

Vols. 68-69; 57-76. und

Staat

in

den

der Türkei, Zürich; Chronos.

Kieser, H. 2001 'Muslim Heterodoxy and Protestant Utopia. The Interactions between Alevis and Missionaries in Ottoman Anatolia', in Die Welt des Islams,

Vol. 41; 1, 89-111.

Kieser, H. 2003 'Die Aleviten im Wandel der Neuzeit. Eine sozial geschichtliche Skizze im Zeichen der longue durée', in Tamcke, M. (ed.) Orient Scheideweg,

am

Hamburg: Verlag Dr. Kovac; 35-61.

Kreiser, K. and Neumann, C. 2003 Kleine Geschichte der Türkei, Stuttgart; Reclam. Ktiçtik, H. 2002 The Role of the Bektashis

in Turkey's

National Struggle,

Leiden;

Brill. Shankland, D. 2003 The Alevis in Turkey. The emergence

of a secular

Islamic

tradition, London; Routledge Curzon. Vorhoff, K. 1995 Zwischen

Glaube, Nation und neuer Gemeinschaft:

Identität in der Türkei der Gegenwart, Berlin; Klaus Schwarz.

Alevitische

16. URBANIZATION AND THE ALEVI RELIGIOUS REVIVAL IN THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY George ELLINGTON

In Turkey, as elsewhere around the globe, the process of urbanization has been rapid. In 1935, only 10.8 per cent of Turkey's population lived in urban centres. By 1965, this figure had risen to 34.4 per cent. In 1927, only two cities had more than 100,000 residents, and there were only 66 cities overall. By 1965, there were 14 large urban centres and 177 citics. 1 Between 1935 and 1980, the population of Ankara grew from 123,000 to 2,500,000, an increase of nearly 2,000 per cent. During the same period, the total population of Turkey increased from around 16,200,000 to 45,000,000, a much smaller increase of 277 per cent. 2 Clearly, the growth of Ankara during this period was not consistent with the national growth rate, and can only be accounted for by the vast numbers of rural migrants moving into the capital. In addition, as of 1980, an incredible 66 per cent of these 2,500,000 residents were living in gecekondus or 'shanties,' sometimes quite literally erected overnight (as the name suggests), although usually strengthened into clay-brick houses over time. A similar picture emerges when we look at Turkey's other major cities, such as Izmir, Antalya, Adana, and Istanbul. How this process of migration, and its resultant demands on identity formation among migrants, plays itself out in Turkey becomes especially intriguing in light of the competing theories western thinkers have developed conccrning the relationship between religion, state, and society. Although models of the secular and the religious society might superficially seem to contradict one another, they are in fact founded on the same fallacy: that secularism and public religion are incompatible. On the contrary, I suggest that the rediscovery of religion can, in fact, occur hand-in-hand with modernity and secularism. Evidence for this point may be found among a religious minority population in the Republic of Turkey — the Alevis. In the second half of the twentieth century Alevis have come face-to-face with modernization and what it means to pick up one's roots and try to reestablish one's livelihood — and one's identity — in the modern urban environment. 1

Giirer (1971; 1).

2

Eke (1982; 26).

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In this essay, I shall be examining these issues through exploring a sequence that I believe that Alevilik ('Aleviness') in the new urban setting 1 has experienced in terms of its orientation toward traditional rural roots, a sequence that I suggest appears to fall into three stages: 1) 2)

3)

an initial tendency for many Alevis to reject their religious identity in favour of a more reformist or leftist political identity; a subsequent preference of large numbers of Alevis, in the face of confusion and hostility in their new urban setting, to conceal their Alevi identity or even convert to the majority Sunni Muslim faith; dissatisfied with the results of their earlier leftist political activism and their subsequent attempts to conceal their religious identities, many Alevis in the cities have now begun to make extraordinary efforts to rediscover their Alevi culture and identity, reinterpreting Alevilik as a universalist ideology compatible with a democratic, secular state.

My main assertion is that migration to the urban setting does not make adaptation to secular, modern, urban culture a foregone conclusion. Nor is, crucially, a return to an increasingly conservative traditional religious culture the only viable option to secularism. There are a number of factors which have encouraged both the retention and rejection of traditional religious culture among rural-to-urban migrants. The revival of Alevilik in modern, urban Turkey represents the evolution of Alevi religious culture along lines distinct f r o m its traditional rural origins, yet quite compatible with a modern, moderate secular environment.

Traditional guidance in the cities The continuation of traditional Alevi beliefs and practices among Alevi migrant communities may be shaped by a number of factors. For example, the issue of whether the state is an authority which can dictate the behaviour of the people and make legal rulings concerning disputes among them directly challenges the traditional place of the dedes, whose authority is based on belief in their descent from the Prophet through one of the Twelve Imams, or f r o m dervishes who attended the Haci Bekta§ tekke or 'dervish lodge' in Hacibekta§. As one of the keys to Alevi society, 'they are at once its focus, 1

For a contrasting study of change among the rural Alevis, see Shankland (1993).

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its teachers, temporal judges and links to their religious heritage'. The dedes are recognized by many in the community as rehbers or 'guides' who define their duty as being 'the way, the light, the inspiration of the community.' 1 Yet, the respect shown to the dedes has steadily declined in the urban setting, where the attention of young Alevis has been attracted to predominantly urban forms of media, such as the preponderance of TV and radio stations and daily newspapers that offer Alevis a different view of the world than that to which they were accustomed in the villages. 2 In fact, it may be argued that communal leadership in the urban setting relies to a great extent on the ability of political figures to exploit the media that forward their ideas on to the people. Unused to this form of mass expression and quite frankly suspicious of it, many dedes have failed on the whole to learn how to make use of urban mass media. As Bozkurt has observed, 'So far, the dedes have not succeeded in adapting themselves to urban life, nor has the community become truly urbanised. After a quarter of a century they still have one foot in the village'. Consequently, urbanised youth have been turning away from oral religious traditions towards left-wing and intellectual publications and propaganda. 'The old tales and legends hold no interest for modern Alevi youth, who regard them as mere superstitious fabrications.' 3 Younger generation Alevi leftists and intellectuals have not only refused to attend Alevi cem ceremonies, but have even gone so far in some cases as to drive the visiting dedes from their neighbourhoods by refusing to pay them. The challenges facing the traditional dedes have stemmed not only from political leftists, Alevi intellectuals, and the media, but also from the effects of urban migration itself, which left fewer and fewer young Alevis available or willing to be trained as dedes. Youths being trained as dedes have discontinued their training, preferring instead to pursue better-paid occupations in the cities, thus leaving both rural and urban Alevis with a scarcity of religious leaders. Meanwhile, those who choose to remain behind and complete their training sometimes do so half-heartedly, or they practice their profession with less than adequate training, because of the lack of guidance from a qualified dede and the immediate need for leadership which this lack creates. Such ill-trained dedes end up relying on texts sitting open before them in order to conduct Alevi ceremonies properly, as they have not

1

Shankland (1998; 19). Yavuz (1999) has noted that Turkey has become the 'most media-saturated' Muslim country in the world. 3 Bozkurt (1998; 86, 87).

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yet learned them by heart. Bozkurt identifies this lack of trained personnel as the greatest stumbling block to traditional cultural development among urban Alevis today. 1 To rectify this situation, Alevis have opened courses in tekkes or 'lodges' for the training of new dedes, but in doing so they have encountered another potential dilemma. Needing new leaders, Alevis should welcome welltrained dedes graduated from training programs, but what should happen if one of these newly trained dedes does not come from an actual dcde lineage? Recall that traditionally only descendants of dede lineages have been recognized as religious leaders among Alevis, unlike the Bekta§is, who have accepted elected leaders. Would this new dede be any less respected? Would the people consider him to be less of a leader?

Alevi traditions in the urban setting Modern authority and secular law may also limit the practice of social traditions among migrant Alevis, particularly in relation to marriage, divorce, and funeral rites, which are generally quite distinct from representative urban practices. Marriage among the Alevis is considered a highly sacred bond which 'should persist under all circumstances'. 2 Other than in extremely exceptional cases, separation or divorce are simply not acceptable resolutions to marital problems. However, in Turkish law incompatibility is a ready cause for divorce. This depersonalization of marriage and divorce, more evident in the cities than in the villages, leaves the dedes with no choice in modern society but to accept a growing number of Alevi divorces and to try to counsel them against divorce rather than sanctioning them for it. Rural practices and traditional leadership have also come under attack from urban-educated Alevi intellectuals, who, invigorated by enlightenment principles, deplored traditional Alevi religion as an archaic form of belief that had been holding the Alevis back from their true development potential. Furthermore, while some did not reject their religious identity outright as many leftist Alevis did, they were unwilling to accept at face value many of the beliefs and rituals their parents expected them to follow. Other intellectual Alevis went even further by throwing down the gauntlet and openly challenging the authority of the dedes. Necat Birdogan, for example, outraged 1 2

Bozkurt (1988). Bozkurt (1998; 89).

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many traditionally-minded Alevis when he stated that, 'since Alevism is outside of Islam, dedes cannot be from Prophet Muhammad's lineage'. 1 Bozkurt notes too: The dede is confronted by a very critical audience composed of young people who have received a middle school or even a lycée education and are in no mood merely to accept everything on trust. They demand new thoughts and new ideas consonant with their knowledge and intellectual attainment. 2

As the authority of the dede s declined, and the traditional instruction in Alevi religious culture faded, Alevi children became more dependent on the education provided in urban schools. However, as they quickly learned, this education, far from being truly secular and unbiased towards religious cultures, was highly antagonistic to the survival of a distinct Alevi religious culture. In 1946 a number of factors, primarily disgruntlement with state restrictions placed on religious expression and fear of the growth of leftist tendencies in Turkish society, gave birth to a popular call for religious liberalization, an issue that gained growing importance in the following elections of the late 1940s and 1950s. With the coming of the Demokrat Parti into power in 1950, a transformation began in the Turkish administration which would lead eventually to far-reaching changes in the secularist nature of Turkish society, making peaceful coexistence between Alevis and Sunnis even more elusive, particularly in the urban setting. One area of social life where this is apparent is the question of places of religious worship. The central institution today where the teachings and guidance of the dede s are performed is the cemevi or 'house of gathering.' Yet, efforts by Alevis in urban settings to construct cemevis have been blocked by local Sunnis and by Sunni-dominated state organs, in particular, the Diyanet îçleri Bakanligi or 'Directorate of Religious Affairs.' The Directorate pays for mosque construction, imam training schools, and even the salaries of Turkish imams working overseas. However, they have refused to recognize Alevilik as a legitimate faith, and have thus managed to avoid helping Alevis. Amongst the grounds they here given are: 1) that Alevilik is a type of folk tradition or sub-culture which has no theological significance, 2) that Alevilik is not a true religion, but only a sect or an order, and 3) that there are good Alevis and bad Alevis, but that Alevilik as a whole is far too easily manipulated by atheists, materialists, Marxists, Christians, or Jews, 1 2

Quoted by Yavuz (1999; 187). Bozkurt (1998; 92).

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which makes it in economic terms a bad investment for Directorate funds. 1 This policy challenges the survival of Alevi traditional culture in the urban setting not only by propping up an expanding base for the promulgation of Sunni culture, but also by refusing to support equivalent efforts by Alevis to build their own places of worship or provide education for children in their own religious traditions. This challenge is particularly relevant, since most Alevi rituals have come to be associated with the cemevis. The cem ceremonies performed in these gatherings are necessary forms of community cohesion, binding each member of the group to one another and to the whole. T he cem toreni or 'cem ceremony,' which may only be attended by worshippers who are at peace with one another, is attended by men and women together, which is distinct from the separate worship of men and women in Sunni and Shi'i cultures. Alevis say that this necessity for peace among the community, as well as the injunction against strangers attending the ceremony, is one reason why they do not pray in a mosque, an informant saying to Shankland, for example, '(T)he greatest problem about praying in a mosque is that it is possible to be next to a murderer without realising it'. 2 The cemevi is also where the most significant ceremonies of conflict mediation occur, known as the gorgii cem ceremonies. The purpose of such ceremonies is to bring peace and cohesion back to the community, although serious violations may incur more serious penalties, from verbal abuse to the most extreme punishment — du§kunliik or 'excommunication,' which can be either temporary or permanent. For such an introverted, group-oriented community, permanent excommunication is tantamount to ostracism, and, not surprisingly, has been reported to have occurred rarely, if at all, in most traditional Alevi communities. In either form, however, excommunication in the urban setting can not have the same effect on the accused as it would in the rural setting. Nor can the dede or the gorgii committee wield the same judiciary authority in the cities that they did in the villages. If laws are to be promulgated or sanctions applied, it is the state which has the authority to do so, not the traditional Alevi leaders. 'Now that the villagers want to become urban, §ehirle$me, and develop, gelisme, the state, vastly more powerful than any means at the villagers' command for achieving this goal, is the sole acceptable authority.' 3 This is an authority which the dedes cannot deny, and

1

Bilici (1988; 60).

2

Shankland (1998; 20).

3

Shankland (1993; 59).

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an authority which urban Alevis must acknowledge, because 'the state is their only feasible temporal authority in an urban setting. Individuals may show respect to the dedes, but they need pay no heed to what they say'. 1

Clashes with the Sunni community Rather than being a temporary reorientation in Turkish politics, the pro-Sunni inclination of the DP was echoed and strengthened by later so-called secular parties, who were also eager to obtain the support of the majority Sunni electorate. In the 1980s, for example, in order to appease the religious right, under the guise of a modernization movement, the Ozal administration placed particular state functions into the hands of the ¡eriatgis or 'Shari'a supporters,' including the police and the Ministry of Education. One reason why ANAP (the late President Ozal's Party) courted the Sunni leadership was that, by strengthening the identification of the state with Sunni Islam, they hoped to construct 'a bridge between Turks and Kurds' in order to unify the nation and end, or at least weaken, Kurdish nationalist aspirations. 2 Such policies, served to further alienate the Alevis, strengthening their conviction that they could not achieve the equal rights they desired through cooperation with either the state or the Sunni population. The issue of education has proven particularly threatening to the children of Alevi migrants, whose attachment to their traditional culture is endangered by compulsory religious education, a misnomer in itself, since din dersleri or 'religion courses' in Turkey do not offer impartial analyses or instruction in the world's religions. On the contrary, these are courses in Sunni Islam which are taught by hocas or graduates of imam-hatip schools who have no loyalty to the principles of a secularist state and no sympathy for other forms of religious belief or worship. Instead, they tend to teach the perfection of Islam in contrast to the inferiority or even perversion of other faiths. Students are taught and expected to memorize passages from the Qur'an, whether or not they are Sunni Muslims. These are hardly the kinds of courses or instructors to demonstrate tolerance and understanding of divergent religious views such as Alevilik.

1 2

Shankland (1993; 62). Aringberg-Laanatza (1998; 159).

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In 1982 with the new constitution, these courses became mandator}-1 for all students in primary and middle school, with further instruction offered at the university level as well. No legal option is easily available for Alevi students to skip such classes, and even if there were, those students who refused to attend would most likely be further stigmatized as outsiders. Nor has an option been provided for Alevi students to attend courses in their own religious culture in place of the Sunni Islamic instruction. Consequently, the laws of the state as applied to the educational system, along with the psychological need generally felt by children to fit in, places a great deal of pressure on Alevi children to replace the religious traditions of their parents with the majority faith of Sunni Islam. In other words, the state-sponsored religious education serves to homogenize Turkey's otherwise heterogeneous religious populations. However, the external threat to traditional Alevi culture has not stemmed solely from state activities. The majority Sunni population of Turkey has played at least as significant a role in this process. The rapid increase in the construction of mosques and imam hatip schools may in part be explained by the concerns among the Sunni population to protect their own religious culture. The result of this combination of popular demand, aggressive Sunni leadership, and state support has been startling. In the 1980s, the number of Kuran kurslari or 'Qur'an courses,' which are financed by the Directorate of Religious Affairs, increased from 68,500 to over 155,000. In 1980, the Directorate employed 20 officials to perform religious (Sunni) functions abroad. By the end of the 1980s, this figure had grown to 628. During the same period, the Directorate helped facilitate the construction of some 1,500 new mosques each year. 1 Sunni discomfort at finding Alevis in their cities has led to what is surely the most tragic aspect concerning Alevi-Sunni relations — instances of physical violence, persecution, and massacre. From the 1960s and building to a crescendo in the late 1970s when the death-toll from urban clashes reached 20-30 per day, the far-right and the religious right for all practical purposes allied themselves against the political left and the religiously heterodox. To the antagonistic Sunni element, the Alevis were heretics; to the far-right element in Turkish society, the Alevis, with their political ties to the left, were easily branded and condemned as communists. 2 Major attacks subsequently took place against them in 1978 in Malatya, Sivas, and Bingol, 1 2

Aringberg-Laantaza (1998; 159). For a response to these allegations, see Erdogan (1951).

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and a massacre of Alevis occurred in Corum in July 1980. Later events include an infamous massacre of 37 people in Sivas through an arson and mob attack on the Madamak Hotel, where a conference was taking place, and two years later bloody riots in the Gaziosmanpa§a district of Istanbul. Acts of violence in the rural setting do not seem to have compelled Alevilik to evolve towards or away from their traditional culture, but instead to continue their practices as discreetly as possible or to relocate to more defensible locations. Violence in the urban setting, on the other hand, has forced urban Alevis to reconsider their identity, either in favour of greater assimilation and anonymity or towards more visible and aggressive public action. A last but equally relevant point concerns the struggle to provide for self and family in the urban setting and the challenge this poses to traditional religious practices. Although the construction boom and shortage of urban labour of the period 1974-78 proved beneficial to Alevi migrants, the subsequent economic crisis forced constraints on the labour market and left the Sunni majority of the cities spiteful over the presence of rural Alevis competing for their jobs. The Alevis, in the meantime, were forced to look ever harder for scarcer work. As migrants to the urban setting, as with any rural-to-urban migrants, they were by necessity preoccupied with the daily needs of making a living, finding work, finding shelter, establishing networks, and providing for their families, all of which took precedence over carrying on old, rural traditions of faith and culture. As members of a religious culture organized around principles of cooperation and unity, the Alevis found themselves adrift and confused in urban settings dominated by the individualistic, capitalistic search for wealth and self-aggrandizement. They quite simply did not have the cultural traditions and self-image necessary for a quick adjustment to urban life without sacrificing at least some aspects of their traditional identity. 1

The Politicization

of Urban Alevis

(1960s-1970s)

Political activism, although not exclusively an urban phenomenon, is intimately linked in Turkey with the urban experience. Karpat has argued that Turkey's migrant communities, living in shanty towns in and around the urban centres 'attach great importance to the political parties and the right to vote, not only as channels of communication and pressure on authorities but

1

Zelyut (1993).

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also as mechanisms for integration into the city'. 1 For rural-to-urban migrants, including the Alevis, political activism has been a means of redefining themselves in the urban context and of deriving security through cohesion and cooperation. Becoming politically active means becoming part of the system, and participating in that system ensures that migrants will be accepted even more quickly as full members of the system, rather than be neglected or dismissed as marginal populations. The ideological form this political activism took among Alevis in the 1960s and 1970s was often Marxist socialism. Although exact figures do not exist concerning what portion of the Alevi population becamc adherents of a socialist ideology, (Tamuroglu has suggested that during the 1970s 'the majority of its members turned to socialism, abandoning their formerly religiously defined identity.' 2 This may be somewhat of an exaggeration. However, socialism clearly did play a significant role in the political evolution of urban Alevis during this period, creating a link between a predominantly urban political movement and a historically oppressed rural people. §ener argues that, The relationships established in the 1960s between the leftist movements of the TiP (Workers Party of Turkey) and the Alevis continued into the 1970s. There was without a doubt an important share of popular support of Alevi society in the increasing degree of social movements of the left. The coming together of the left and the Alevis, who have for centuries come face-to-face with various forms of oppression and massacre in these lands, and who have shaped their efforts to protect their identity and to resist into a struggle and culture of freedom, is quite understandable. It could therefore be argued that among the Alevis, such a revolutionary ideology was well in keeping with their past, both as a heterodox religious community opposed to the Sunni Ottoman State, and as supporters of the revolutionary Kemalist struggle for independence. Bozkurt has characterized Alevilik, not in religious terms, but as a form of non-violent resistance, a bloodless revolution, as it were. 4 Bilici has remarked that the very processes of modernization, industrialization, and urbanization in Turkey provided the backdrop against which this revolutionary ideology among the Alevis coalesced into a recognizably 'materialist' branch, focused on the needs of the oppressed people and led by a sort of 'liberation theology' akin to that 1

Karpat (1976; 43). Camurloglu (1998; 79). ^ §ener in Cumhuriyet article 'Ulkemizin...' 23 July 1998. Online ed. 4 Bozkurt (1998). 2

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expressed in Latin America. Faced with what they perceived to be a class struggle, which became more blatant in the urban setting, these Alevis began to reinterpret Alevilik in Marxist terms, in terms of class wars and 'struggles between the oppressors and the oppressed'. The 'Programme' of the Kurdistan Alevi Union, in fact, stated that While Sunnism, the predominant Islamic right-wing interpretation and evolution, was preferred by the dominant feudal classes and states, Alevism was the religious belief held by the oppressed classes whose interests were totally opposed to those of the ruling classes and states against whom they conducted a perpetual struggle. 1

In the 1960s, as suggested by §ener, substantial numbers of Alevis and Kurds seem to have supported the socialist Turkiye Partisi or 'Workers Party of Turkey,' mainly because of land distribution issues and the Kurdish question. However, the general unpopularity of Marxist socialism among Turkey's voters left the TIP with no more than 3 per cent of the vote in the 1965 election, for a total of 14 seats, which dropped after the 1969 election to 2 seats. Meanwhile, other Alevis were motivated by their new urban setting to construct their own platform. Thus, on 17 October 1966 a group of Alevi politicians under the leadership of Hasan Tahsin Berkman founded an Alevi party known as the Birlik Partisi or 'Unity Party.' No efforts were made to conceal the religious identity of those involved. Even the emblem of the party trumpeted their affiliation — an image of Imam Ali surrounded by twelve stars, representing the Twelve imams. As for their platform, Birlik Partisi candidates for office in the upcoming 1969 elections defended freedom of religion, insisting that every citizen should possess the right to worship as they chose so long as their practices did not run counter to the law, public order, and general morality. In 1969, having won 2.8 per cent of the vote, eight BP candidates took their place in the Grand National Assembly. Shortly thereafter, their number rose to ten when two members defected to BP from the Millet Partisi. However, in the next national elections of 1973, their membership in the National Assembly dropped to one, and by 1977 the party was finally abandoned, having lost all its seats in the National Assembly. The majority of Alevis seemed intent on continuing their support for the traditional left-ofcentre party founded by their hero, Mustafa Kemal — the CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi or 'Republican People's Party'), which they perceived to be the champion of secularism and democracy. Traditional Kemalist principles appeared to be more important to the Alevis during this period than either a socialist party or an Alevi party. 1

Bilici (1988; 52).

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Their experience in the urban environment taught the Alevis how to take advantage of those very forms of urban expression which were proving to be a challenge to traditionally oral-based Alevilik — the mass media. It is certain that in this earlier period, particularly in the second half of the 1960s, some younger generation Alevis were already getting their feet wet in arenas of mass communication. It was during this time, for example, that three new urban-based Alevi publishing agencies appeared on the scene: Cem, under the direction of Abidin Ózgünay; Ehlibeyt, led by Dogan K1I15 §eyh Hasanli; and Gergekler, directed by Mehmet Yaman. 1 While all three organizations were forced to shut their doors early on due to economic difficulties, this preliminary experience would certainly pay off for the Alevis in the decades to come when they would find expression for their ideas through print, radio, television, and Internet.

Assimilating the Alevis

(1970s-1980s)

I wish now to examine how the overriding need to fit in and obtain a living in the urban setting, have provoked a second tendency among urban Alevis — one of concealment, compromise, and even conversion to the majority Sunni culture. This is a tendency that, on the surface, had given many the impression before the 1990s that the Alevi community was at risk of disappearing completely in Turkey. Zelyut notes that, 'As a result of government oppression, the Alevi have been abandoning their own ways and converting to Sunnism, and fas a consequence] their numbers have begun to decline with time'. 2 Although taqiyya (to dissemble in a time of need) is an old tradition among Muslims, Alevis had generally practice it in the rural regions in order to avoid abuse at the hands of the Sunni state and population. Once they had migrated into the urban centres, however, they discovered another reason to hide their true religious identity — easier access to those services more frequently encountered and needed in an urban setting. 'Alevis found that they still faced discrimination in employment and education, and again turned to taqiya for stigma management, adapting to Sunni ways in order to get a share of the scarce resources'. 3 In essence, by visiting mosques, fasting, and generally presenting themselves publicly as Sunni Muslims, the now urban Alevis hoped to acquire the benefits of urban living that the Sunnis already enjoyed. 1 2 3

§ahin in 'Türkiye'de...' Online text. Internet. 26 Sep. 2000. Zelyut (1993; 10). Zeidan 'The Alevi of Anatolia.' Dec. 1995. Online. Internet.

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This effort to hide one's Alevi identity and thereby reap the benefits of anonymity has extended as well to the more affluent of urban Alevis. The threat of repercussion may be most tangible among Alevis in the business sector, whose actions are more keenly scrutinized by Sunni administrators and bureaucrats. For instance, the mayor of Istanbul's Anakent municipality Nurettin Sozen apparently refused permission to Alevi businessman Mustafa Siizer to build a hotel in Taksim, despite the fact that Sozen's administration granted numerous permits for hotels to Sunni builders. 1 The need for Alevis with financial resources to disassociate themselves from their Alevi heritage may prove most damaging for the larger urban Alevi community, since wealthy Alevi businessmen are potentially significant supporters of Alevi cultural or political movements. So long as Alevis in business and industry remain under the scrutiny of the majority Sunni business and political community, and must remain circumspect in how they present themselves publicly, the Alevi community thus could lose an important source of funding. However, even as urban Alevis were attempting to conceal their religious culture and blend in, state and Sunni organizations were discovering reasons to promote a more sympathetic, albeit prejudiced, understanding of Alevis in order to achieve goals of their own. Consequently, in the 1980s and 1990s Alevis began to be addressed in a novel, more favourable way in the media. As a subject for discussion and exploration, whether in print or on the airwaves, Alevilik had become quite current and, one might even say, fashionable. As §ener has noted, by the 1990s 'there remained hardly any journals, newspapers, or TV channels that had not discussed the Alevis.' 2 From the more traditional accusations of irreligion, immorality, and heresy, Sunni Turks were beginning to refer to Alevis in terms that evoked images of Alevis as victims and fellow Muslims. The Alevis were not evil, just misguided and somewhat naive, but clearly not beyond salvation. They were 'humble Anatolian countrymen' who were somehow 'cut-off from Islamic civilization and learning'. 3 Bozkurt has referred to this transformation as an attempt at 'intellectual assimilation' whereby Sunni Turks strive to convince Alevis that they are in fact Sunnis — Sunnis who have lost their way through no fault of their own.

1 2 3

Zelyut 1993; 92. §ener in Cumhuriyet Vorhoff (1988).

article 'Ulkemizin. ' 23 July 1998. Online ed.

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As a result of mistaken policies, the Alevi have been alienated and filled with resentment. That is the reason for their having ceased to perform, and gradually having forgotten, some of the fundamental elements of the Muslim religion, such as ritual prayer, fasting and pilgrimage. Now this policy of exclusion will be abandoned and the Alevi welcomed back into the fold. 1

Numerous examples of this apparent transformation in Sunni attitudes may be cited. Some Sunni politicians have validated Alevilik, not as a separate religion, but as a form of Sunnism. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Sunni Islamist former Mayor of Istanbul and current Prime Minister, for example, commented that, 'If Alevism consists of a love of Ali then I, too, am an Alevi!'. 2 Similarly, Recai Kutan, head of the Sunni Islamist Fazilet Partisi, having enraged the Alevi community by describing Nusayri belief and practice as 'a kind of perverted Alevi understanding,' later defended himself, claiming, 'Ben herkesten daha fazla Aleviyim' ('I am more Alevi than everyone else.'). 3 Respected Sunni authors such as Ya§ar Nuri O/liirk, Ruhi Ftglali, Abdiilkadir Sezgin, and Mehmed Kirkmci offered their respective perspectives on Alevilik in print, where previously Sunni authors had condemned or ignored Alevis. A reporter for a Sunni Islamic magazine, izlenim, related his account of an Alevi ceremony, 'When I heard the Alevi dede ... saying to his flock 'do not come to the ritual ceremony (cemayini) without gusul [ritual ablution required after sexual relations],' my conviction that the Alevi do not take gusul was shattered'. 4 The perpetuation of antagonistic and false myths about Alevis was not only discouraged, but could even lose one his job. When Giiner Umit, a talk-show host on the Turkish television station interstar, expressed on air an among Sunni Turks commonly-held highly-derogatory stereotype, an Alevi protest quickly developed outside the station's studio, and limit was forced to resign. To some extent this new sympathy towards Alevis may be explained in terms of the desire of political parties to reach a wider array of voters. Traditional Alevi support for leftist and left-of-centre parties, in particular DSP, SHP, and CHP, had deprived Sunni, centrist, and conservative parties of large numbers of potential voters. For the DSP, SHP, and CHP in particular, Alevis could be seen as natural allies in the struggle to retain secularism in Turkey, especially in the face of the growing popularity of Sunni Islamist parties in the 1980s and 1990s, such as the Welfare Party and 1 2 3 4

Bozkurt (1998; 94). f a k i r (1998; 64). Tiifekimuroglu has noted, urban Alevis have begun to appeal to the non-Alevi communities around them for understanding, communication, and even conversion, which departs from the more traditional inward, protective, exclusive stance taken by traditional rural Alevis. Urban Alevis, she argues, have begun to 'address non-Alevis and intend to make Alevilik a centre of attraction for them'. 5 They not only accept converts to Alevilik, which would have been unheard of in the rural setting, where heredity was an essential key to Alevi identity, but even boast at times about them, about how Sunni Muslims or Christians are accepting the traditions of Alevilik.

1 2 3 4 5

Bozkurt (1998; 95). Zelyut (1993; 14). Bozkurt (1998; 95). Bozkurt (1998; 86). famuroglu (1997; 31).

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Conclusion Although it is difficult to identify exactly how conditions in the urban environment promote particular behaviours on the part of religious cultures who migrate to the cities, the fact that urbanization and modernization affect the expression and even the survival of such cultures is beyond doubt. For Turkey's sizable Alevi population, the conditions of urban living from the 1950s to the turn of the century initially challenged their traditional beliefs, but in the long run compelled them to reconsider their identity in religious terms. As Erder has argued, the experience of urban migration has brought the Alevis once more into direct contact with a history of oppression, and the result has been the need to reinvent themselves in the urban setting in opposition to this history. It is clear that adult Alevi, having once again come face-to-face with the ' 1200 year' problem which they had pushed into the background for a long period during the process of urban migration, and because they feel more alone now than they did before in their efforts to cope with this problem, have become exceedingly anxious.' This anxiety, far from persuading urban Alevis to completely abandon their religious traditions, has led to an evolution of Alevi thought and a cultural revival in favour of a religious identity which is more compelling and enduring than the political identity they had flirted with in the early years of the migration. As indicated by the contrasts between leftist political and religious revivalist Alevis, the divisions among the Alevi population have persisted to and beyond the end of the millennium. Continued efforts to organize and unite Turkey's diverse Alevi communities into a single, coherent whole have met with only limited success and have failed to overcome their rather divisive political tendencies. Even the more notable success stories reflect continued divisions among Turkey's diverse Alevi population. In the late 1990s, for instance, seven of the more prominent Alevi associations united under the umbrella of the Ust Birlik or 'Society for Higher Unity,' including some of the oldest and largest of these societies, the Haci Bektag and Pir Sultan Abdal Dernekleri with over 50 branches around the country and some 20,000 members. Altogether, the Ust Birlik, which seeks to federate all Alevi societies in Turkey, boasts over 300,000 members.

1

Erder (1997; 164).

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A second powerful influence among politically active Alevis is the CEM Vakfi, which was founded in 1995 by its current President Prof. Dr. Izzettin Dogan. Whereas both groups tend towards the left in their voting habits, driven primarily by the need to acquire safeguards for Alevi practices and the defence of secularism against the rising power of fundamentalist Islam, Dogan, as noted above, has not been averse to considering working with rightof-centre parties in order to diversify the power base of the Alevis. A third group also strives for unity among Alevis, although under a distinctly Islamist banner — the Ehl-i Beyt Vakfi chaired by Fermani Altun. The Ehl-i Beytgiler favour an interpretation of Alevilik that places emphasis on their Muslim identity, an identity they share with other Sunni and Shi'i Muslims. In contrast to the first group, the list Birlik, the political direction Altun has taken Alevis has been distinctly right-of-centre. Altun challenges the association of Alevilik with leftist politics. Avoiding too close of association with the previous groups and the associations they have formed, including CIJSIAD, the Ehl-i Beyt Vakfi has even founded a new association of businessmen and industrialists which they have labeled DEMStAD (Demokrat Sanayici ve isadamlan Dernegi). Taken together, these three groupings represent somewhat successful efforts at organizing disparate Alevis into more cohesive unions, while at the same time they symbolize the continued political and religious diversity among Alevis which keeps them apart. Therefore, even as such efforts at organization continue, it may be that these divisions will only serve to inhibit the social and political influence of Alevis, providing a further form of opposition to their struggle for equality, security, and secularism in modern Turkish society. Despite these sources of opposition, the Alevi revival movement offers an innate appeal to certain elements in Turkish as well as international society. This has much to do with the effort on the part of some revivalist leaders to characterize Alevilik in universal terms, most particularly by linking it to the Declaration of Human Rights. 'True Alevilik,' these figures argue, 'means nothing else but a democratic, progressive and secular system of thought,' which is essentially in line with the fundamental propositions of the Declaration. 1 This means that the international community should have no substantial objections or concerns in regards to a revival of Alevi religious culture. Unlike Islamist movements, Alevilik normally expresses no 1

Camuroglu (1997; 28).

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aspirations for political power as a dominating religious group or for the establishment of an Alevi religious state. As Alevilik is strongly inclined towards secularism, it places no demands on the state for any form of religious government at all. On the contrary, it has historically shown marked opposition to overtly religious governments, preferring a form of government which recognizes equal rights to all citizens regardless of their religious affiliation. This focus on secularism, equal rights, and democratic institutions has created an appeal on the part of Alevis that has not gone unnoticed by other groups espousing the same goals, including secularist, humanist Sunni Muslims. The Alevilik Bildirgesi was produced by a coalition of such Alevi, Sunni, and non-Muslim intellectuals, writers, artists, musicians, and politicians, including Ya§ar Kemal, Aziz Nesin, Ziilfii Livaneli, Riza Zelyut, Adnan Sozen, ilhami Soysal, Erdal Atabek, and ilhan Selguk. The wider the base of support the Alevi revival movement can establish, the better the chances that it will eventually achieve official recognition by the Turkish government, if not popular acceptance by the Turkish population, despite the continued efforts of right-wing and Islamist agents to prohibit this acceptance. As for the question of Alevi-Sunni relations outside of these intellectual circles, this too may prove a favourable dimension of Alevi growth. The intellectual coalition may have been just the first step. In recent years, Sunni leaders, as noted above, have been adopting a more conciliatory attitude towards Alevis, just as certain Alevis have attempted to focus on the commonalities between Alevis and Sunnis. While some Alevi intellectuals see in this process of reconciliation the possibility of an insidious coup, whereby Sunni leaders eventually overcome the Alevi community by coopting Alevilik from within through a collaborationist Alevi leadership, a firm and unified stance on the part of Alevis may prevent this from happening. So long as Alevis stand firm in their commitment to the principles elucidated above, particularly to the principles of secularism and democracy, their collabouration with Sunni leaders may prove beneficial to the nation as a whole by compelling Sunni Islamists to recognize the popular appeal of such principles above, principles which have greater national and international support than do certain Islamist goals, such as the re-establishment of a Sunni state or the application of the Shari'a.

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Although the nature of future Alevi-state and Alevi-Sunni relations remains clouded by doubt and uncertainty, one conclusion is nevertheless inevitable — the process of urbanization and modernization in Turkey, far from weakening the public expression of religion, has invited an ever more vigorous demand for the recognition of religious rights (as well as ethnic and linguistic rights) from Turkey's diverse populations. Religious culture not only survives in the modernized, urbanized, secularized Turkish Republic — it thrives. What is more, it does so largely because of the challenges created by urbanization, conditions that threaten the security, the well-being, the sense of self and comfort with one's identity which are essential for rural-to-urban migrants in order to adapt to modern urban life. Alevi migrants have settled into an environment which has proven to be insensitive or even hostile to the needs of minority groups, an environment in which they have been persecuted by the majority religious population, neglected by political representatives, marginalized by local authorities, shunned by neighbors, and ignored by the government. It is little wonder, therefore, that Turkey's Alevi population have begun to turn inward. For the solace and strength required to meet the challenges they now face as well as those to come, the Alevis of Turkey turn increasingly to a rediscovery of their own traditions, and they find their efforts supported by a community bound together by a common religious identity — Alevilik.

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