And Gently He Shall Lead Them: Robert Parris Moses and Civil Rights in Mississippi 9780814739235

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And Gentl y H e Shall Lead Them

AND GENTL Y H E SHALL LEA D THEM ROBERT PARRI S MOSE S AN D CIVIL RIGHT S I N MISSISSIPP I ERIC BURNE R

New York University Press NEW YOR K AN D LONDO N

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRES S New York and London © 199 4 by New York University All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Dat a Burner, Eric. And gently he shall lead them : Robert Parris Moses and civil rights in Mississippi / Eric Burner, p. cm . Includes bibliographical reference s and index. ISBN 0-8147-1209- 6 1. Moses , Robert Parris . 2 . Civi l rights workers—Mississippi— Biography. 3 . Afro-Americans—Mississippi—Biography . 4 . Afro Americans—Civil rights—Mississippi . 5 . Civi l rights movements— Mississippi—History—20th century . 6 . Mississippi—Rac e relations. I . Title . E185.97.M89B87 199 4 976.2'00496073'0092—dc20 94-543 6 [B] CI P New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Manufactured i n the United States of America 10

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To the men and women with the courage to do what was right.

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations i x Acknowledgments x i Introduction 1 1. " A Lot of Leaders" 9 2. "T o 'Uncover Wha t I s Covered' " 2 0 3. "Thi s Is Mississippi, the Middle of the Iceberg" 3 2 4. "Foo d fo r Those Who Want t o Be Free" 7 1 5. "On e Man—One Vote " 8 9 6. Youn g American Revolutionarie s 10 4 7. Freedo m Summe r 13 3 8. "T o Bring Morality int o Our Politics" 16 9 9. Disillusio n an d Renewa l 20 0 Notes 22 5 Index 28 5

ILLUSTRATIONS

All illustrations appear as an insert following p. 114 Martha Prescod , Mike Miller, and Bob Moses The second perso n arreste d o n Freedom Da y Moses with Sa m Bloc k and Willi e Peacoc k Moses ponders th e direction o f the movemen t Frank Smith , Moses, and Willie Peacoc k Moses in conversation wit h Freedo m Summe r volunteer s Moses orienting Freedo m Summe r volunteer s Moses explains a point t o a student voluntee r Moses talks with a registered vote r Moses talks with a reporte r Robert Mose s in 199 3 Robert Parri s Mose s

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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any peopl e hav e give n m e encouragemen t an d support, but I want especiall y t o thank Professo r Thomas R . Wes t o f Catholi c University , wh o manage d to teac h m e b y exampl e somethin g o f th e difficultie s and reward s o f prose writing . Professor Hug h Hawkin s of Amhers t College , wher e thi s boo k originate d a s a senior honor s essay , taugh t a n excellen t clas s o n th e 1960s and late r extended war m encouragement . Profes sor Irwi n Unge r o f Ne w Yor k Universit y rea d a n earl y draft o f th e boo k an d steere d m e towar d rethinkin g my thesis . I n addition , Professo r Dou g McAda m o f th e University of Arizona generously sen t a letter of inquir y on m y behal f t o dozen s o f forme r SNC C workers , en abling m e t o expan d m y understandin g o f Freedo m Summer. Professo r Anthon y Rizzut o o f SUN Y Ston y Brook helpe d m e clarif y m y thinkin g abou t th e influ ence of Camus on Moses. A number o f people involve d i n civil rights i n Missis XI

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sippi rea d draft s o f th e manuscrip t an d gav e m e valu able insights , correction , o r inspiration . The y includ e especially Sall y Belfrage , Howar d Zinn , Miria m Cohe n Glickman, Joh n W . Blyth , Gordo n Henderson , Ro y Ginsberg, Robbi e Ossman , Ga r Alperovitz , Harris Wof ford, Jan e Adams , Ka y Mischener , Richar d W . Swan son, an d Margri t Garner . I a m als o gratefu l t o man y archivists and librarian s who freely gav e me their time . Moses' classmate s a t Hamilto n Colleg e wer e mos t generous i n thei r willingnes s t o respon d t o m y inquir ies, and I want t o than k i n particula r Emerso n Brown , Jr., Richard P . Canuteson, Benjamin C . Carroll, W. Robert Connor , Presto n Dawes , Pete r Eckel , Thomas A . Fagan, Richar d T . Field, Willia m F . Fivaz, Fran k J . Giru zzi, Jonatha n G . Greenwald , Ear l Herbert , Wayn e Mahood, Harr y Presberg , Davi d Rothstein , Jame s E . Schade, an d Michae l G . Sundell . Severa l other s sen t letters expressing interes t an d kin d encouragement . Three peopl e offere d a grea t dea l o f information an d insight int o Rober t Moses ' early year s an d late r activi ties. I a m especiall y indebte d t o hi s brother , Gregor y Moses o f Detroit , Michigan , fo r informatio n abou t th e family an d earl y influence s o n th e brothers . Moses' uncle, th e lat e Willia m Henr y Moses , Jr. , allowe d a re corded transcrip t wit h hi m an d hi s wif e a t thei r hom e in Newport News , Virginia. Edwin Kin g no t onl y generousl y allowe d m e t o pe ruse hi s unpublishe d memoirs , bu t als o too k th e tim e to driv e m e t o th e Mississipp i Delt a an d bu y m e a catfish dinner . For both m y genuine thanks . And finally, I would lik e to thank m y parents, Sandr a and David , fo r thei r year s o f support , encouragement , and help .

And Gentl y H e Shall Lead Them

INTRODUCTION

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ate at night o n August 17 , 1962 , Robert Parri s Mose s 4 returned t o a deserted Studen t Nonviolen t Coordi nating Committe e (SNCC ) offic e i n Greenwood , Missis sippi, tha t ha d jus t bee n ransacke d b y a whit e mob . Hours earlie r thre e SNC C worker s ha d jus t barel y es caped th e sam e mo b b y climbin g t o th e nex t buildin g over th e roo f an d shimmyin g dow n a T V antenna . Mo ses stifle d a yawn , mad e u p a be d i n th e corne r o f th e room, an d wen t t o sleep . Th e youn g blac k Ne w Yorke r had a jo b t o do : g o t o Mississippi , registe r voters , an d stay alive . An d h e wa s doin g it . Th e offhandednes s o f that night' s lodgin g wa s typica l o f him . " I jus t didn' t understand wha t kin d o f gu y thi s Bo b Mose s is , tha t could wal k int o a place wher e a lynch mo b ha d just lef t and mak e u p a be d an d prepar e t o g o t o sleep , a s i f th e situation wa s normal, " observes Willi e Peacock , a blac k Mississippian fro m th e Delt a wh o ha d mad e th e one 1

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INTRODUCTION

hour tri p t o th e scen e wit h Mose s fro m Cleveland . "S o I guess I wa s learning." 1 Th e stor y adde d t o th e mythi c quality tha t Moses—th e private , introspectiv e leade r who doggedl y shunne d leadership—ha d alread y ac quired amon g th e blac k Mississippian s an d civi l right s workers livin g throug h thes e dangerou s times . Pensiveness, econom y o f speech , an d action—rathe r than th e aggressiv e master y o f peopl e an d surround ings—defined Mose s a s a leader . H e embodie d idea s and these , no t leadershi p i n itself , wer e hi s passion . A s Mary Kin g remembers : In th e sam e wa y tha t on e listen s mor e attentivel y t o a whisper, peopl e wer e draw n t o Bob—h e wa s s o unob trusive tha t i n his quiet self-possesse d stillness , he fixed additional attentio n o n himself . H e seeme d entirel y nourished fro m within . I f Bo b walke d int o a roo m o r joined a grou p tha t I wa s in , I fel t m y ches t muscle s quicken an d a sudde n rus h o f exhilaration. H e inspire d me an d touche d me . I truste d Bo b implicitl y an d fel t deep affection fo r him. 2 Cleveland Sellers , wh o woul d follo w Stokel y Carmi chael a s leade r o f SNC C i n late r years , ha s writte n o f Moses: "Ther e wa s somethin g abou t him , th e manne r in whic h h e carrie d himself , tha t seeme d t o dra w al l o f us t o him. H e ha d bee n wher e w e wer e going . And mor e important, h e ha d emerge d a s th e kin d o f perso n w e wanted t o b e / ' 3 A Mississipp i blac k famil y ha d a pic ture o f Mose s cu t ou t fro m th e Saturday Evening Post hung nex t t o a pictur e o f Jesus. According t o the mothe r in th e family , "Whe n h e first cam e her e I' d cry fo r him . I though t sur e they' d kil l him . He' d jus ' stan d ther e an d

INTRODUCTION

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talk t o them. . . . Then the y sho t a t hi m on e day. I neve r thought they' d le t him leav e alive." 4 Amzie Moore , a loca l Nationa l Associatio n fo r th e Advancement o f Colore d Peopl e (NAACP ) leade r i n Cleveland who m Mose s called "m y fathe r i n th e move ment/' 5 give s a matter-of-fac t description : "Well , I don't kno w whethe r I ca n explai n Bo b Moses , t o b e honest wit h you . Quiet , unassuming , a dee p thinker , ordinary—you know , whe n I say 'ordinary, ' jus t lik e a common sho e . . . and ver y seldo m expresse d himsel f unless asked." 6 Robert Mose s i s one o f th e mos t importan t ye t mos t elusive figures o f th e early perio d o f the Secon d Recon struction. Durin g thes e critica l year s o f th e civi l right s movement h e was indispensable i n Mississippi, its mos t dangerous ground . But like many other activists, he ha s had littl e of the national recognition accorded to Martin Luther King , Jr. , Malcol m X , o r Stokel y Carmichael . Moses, perhaps mor e than anyone , shifted th e emphasi s of th e movemen t fro m sit-ins , freedom rides , and othe r forms o f direc t actio n t o vote r registration . H e orches trated Freedo m Summer , th e ambitiou s an d darin g ac tion tha t brough t som e 1,00 0 volunteers , mos t o f the m white colleg e students , t o th e stat e i n 196 4 t o registe r voters, teac h blac k children , an d provid e foo d fo r im poverished Mississippians . An d h e le d th e Mississipp i Freedom Democrati c part y (MFDP ) challeng e t o th e state's regular Democrat s a t tha t year' s national Demo cratic part y conventio n i n Atlanti c City . Thi s wa s a pivotal event for Moses and for other participants, turn ing them awa y fro m workin g with libera l Democrat s t o a radicalism distrustfu l o f all accommodation . Moses was an early practitioner of what th e New Lef t

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INTRODUCTION

would com e t o cal l participator y democracy , wherei n active participation i s as much end as means. Participatory democracy flourished i n the later 1960 s amidst th e campus antiwar committees and th e communes—mor e publicly an d dramaticall y tha n a t an y tim e sinc e th e labor struggle s o f the depressio n era . In it s more delib erate expressions, it was as sophisticated a s philosophical anarchism, as primitive as the migrant camps imagined i n The Grapes of Wrath. A t it s best , participator y democracy wa s simply prima l democracy , th e full real ization o f th e citize n a s individua l an d a s a n equa l member o f a communit y o f individuals . I t i s onl y th e customary moder n reductio n o f th e concep t o f democ racy t o the formal ac t o f voting tha t require s th e essen tially redundan t adjectiv e "participatory " i n referenc e to somethin g larger . Th e blac k insurgent s wh o walke d and carpoole d thei r wa y t o justice i n Montgomery , sa t in at Woolworth' s i n Greensboro , or steppe d throug h a hostile crowd t o a Mississipp i votin g registrar wer e no t using th e ter m participatory democracy. Bu t the y mad e democracy happen ; the y enacte d it . Participator y de mocracy i n Mississipp i foun d a n instrumen t i n Moses , a leader who encouraged bu t di d not command . The relation s betwee n Mose s an d th e liberalis m o f the Democrat s i n th e 1960 s ar e als o a stud y i n th e encounter betwee n a deman d fo r uncompromisin g pu rity and th e political mentalit y tha t i s prepared t o coexist wit h evi l fo r th e sak e of achieving partia l good . It i s an irresolvabl e encounter ; neithe r Mose s no r conven tional liberalis m coul d com e t o term s i n th e tangl e o f morality and practicality . Moses, in an effort t o achieve the goal of civil rights fo r blacks , at time s tried t o forc e the han d o f th e federa l governmen t b y usin g th e tech -

INTRODUCTION

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niques o f politics . Th e Democrati c administratio n an d party—the embodimen t o f th e liberalis m o f th e 1960s—in tur n rationalize d tha t thei r practicalit y achieved som e partia l mora l good . Togethe r wit h th e development o f participator y democracy , tha t clas h o f moralities make s th e votin g registratio n campaig n i n Mississippi a microcos m o f muc h tha t wa s t o happen i n the sixties . Moses i s know n t o hav e bee n a clos e reade r o f Alber t Camus, an d th e analogie s betwee n th e though t o f th e French write r an d th e exampl e o f Mose s ar e shar p an d pressing. H e affirme d th e relevanc e o f Camus' s writin g to th e situatio n i n Mississipp i i n a February 196 4 inter view wit h Rober t Pen n Warren . Mose s remarke d tha t it wa s difficul t t o overcom e th e everpresen t fea r tha t surrounded hi m an d thos e wit h who m h e worked : When I wa s i n jai l thi s las t tim e I rea d throug h The Rebel and The Plague again. Th e mai n essenc e o f wha t he [Camus ] say s i s wha t I feel . . . closes t to . It's no t a question tha t yo u just subjugat e yoursel f t o th e condi tions tha t ar e an d don' t tr y t o chang e them . The problem is to go on from there, into something that is active, and ye t th e dichotom y i s whethe r yo u ca n ceas e t o b e a victi m an y mor e an d als o no t b e wha t h e call s a n executioner. Th e idea l lie s betwee n thes e tw o ex tremes—victim an d executioner. 7 The explanation describe s no t th e origins of Moses' conduct i n Mississippi bu t what h e represented ther e i n th e way o f a moralit y beyon d libera l accommodation , an d a democrac y beyon d forma l institutions . During th e 1950 s th e work o f Albert Camus was enor mously popula r amon g U.S . intellectuals . I n additio n

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INTRODUCTION

to th e absurdit y an d darknes s tha t surroun d h u m a n life, Camu s expresse d th e strengt h o f lif e t o assert itself . It wa s "lif e withou t illusions/ ' t o us e a phras e com monly associate d wit h Presiden t Kennedy . Camu s re jected revolutio n a s a mora l action , seein g i t a s a sur render o f conscienc e an d judgmen t t o th e pretende d forces o f history . H e electe d instea d fo r wha t i n The Rebel (1951 ) h e calle d rebellion , a continuin g persona l assertion o f conscienc e an d freedo m i n th e fac e o f what ever, withi n th e rebe l o r without , threaten s freedo m and life . Nonviolence , a s practice d b y th e Montgomery , Alabama, bu s desegregatio n demonstrator s unde r King's leadership , ha d perfec t resonance s wit h th e ethos o f Camus . Nonviolenc e amounte d t o a defianc e o f authority an d custo m an d a t th e sam e tim e a refusa l t o strike bac k agains t attack , whethe r b y th e polic e o r b y a whit e mob . Thi s tacti c exactl y suite d th e decisio n commended b y Camu s t o b e neithe r victi m no r execu tioner; ye t Camu s distinguishe s betwee n premeditate d violence an d capricious , spontaneou s violence . Fo r Mo ses, educatio n an d knowledg e woul d allo w th e individ ual t o decide , thu s avoidin g eithe r pole . And a commit ment t o nonviolenc e i n th e presenc e o f violenc e required precisel y th e self-knowledg e an d composur e affirmed b y The Rebel. Camus addresse d evi l embodie d i n th e wors t experi ences o f th e twentiet h century : wa r an d genocide . Ger maine Bre e call s tha t evi l a forc e tha t envelop s an d surpasses th e evi l o f specific me n an d women. 8 Segrega tion i n Mississipp i ha d somethin g o f tha t pervasiv e in sidiousness. A purpos e o f Moses ' civi l right s wor k i n Mississippi wa s aki n t o th e purpos e o f Camus' s outsid ers: t o heighte n consciousness . Onl y b y doin g s o coul d

INTRODUCTION

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individuals decid e fo r themselve s wha t choice s t o make. This was necessary fo r participatory democracy . Camus, thoug h settin g hi s rebe l t o resistin g oppres sion, knew tha t violenc e i n goo d cause s ha s withi n i t a capacity fo r oppression . H e se t fo r al l us e o f powe r a test o f scrupulosit y tha t eve n th e Frenc h resistanc e could no t conceivabl y hav e passed . H e recognized , more quickly than man y on the left, that ther e was littl e difference betwee n Hitle r an d Stalin . Moses ' intens e suspicion o f all leadership , includin g hi s own , suggest s Camus's insigh t tha t withi n th e rebe l ther e lurk s th e oppressor: tha t ther e i s laten t withi n lif e a powe r hun ger tha t ma y wa r agains t beneficen t instinct s o f good ness and purity . Moses, who i n Mississipp i consistentl y sought t o appl y th e etho s o f Camu s t o hi s ow n lif e and experience, would no t attemp t t o change others; he would simpl y convinc e by his example . The etho s o f Camus , then , closel y accorde d wit h th e conduct o f Mose s an d th e characte r o f th e vote r regis tration campaign . Camus, who had pu t th e responsibil ity fo r freedo m squarel y withi n th e brain s an d con science o f th e huma n being , captivate d a youn g intellectual wh o wanted freedo m fo r blac k Southerner s and kne w tha t i t wa s alread y withi n them . An d i t i s appropriate t o wha t happene d i n Mississipp i tha t Ca mus ha d urge d a politic s o f smal l communities , wher e free individual s coul d discove r thei r ful l selve s and on e another. H e woul d hav e understoo d participator y de mocracy. A book abou t a figure wh o spok e b y silenc e an d le d by seemin g onl y t o respon d canno t presen t itsel f a s a biography i n th e ful l sense . Such i s not m y intention : I have n o reaso n t o invad e th e privat e Bo b Moses . H e

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was so naturally self-effacing , s o consumed b y his work, so determined t o eliminate from i t his own persona tha t his i s essentiall y a publi c life . Ther e ar e n o persona l reminiscences, jus t hi s movin g word s spoke n a t th e time o f hi s wor k i n Mississippi . Eve n th e delineation s of Moses by coworkers i n oral histories and books , or i n personal interview s wit h them , ar e curiousl y unreveal ing. Sometime s i t i s as thoug h thos e wh o worke d wit h him closel y see m scarcel y t o hav e know n hi m a t all , and even the most painstaking searchin g has uncovere d no detailed archival evidence. Various intellectual spec ulations, a s wel l a s a generou s amoun t o f hi s ow n words, com e closes t t o gettin g a t Moses ' convolute d core. Moses' most importan t achievemen t cam e i n remot e parts o f Mississipp i i n th e two - o r three-yea r perio d when wit h th e hel p o f a handfu l o f volunteers , mos t o f them black , h e wa s tryin g t o awake n blac k Mississip pians t o thei r mora l an d lega l rights . H e di d no t the n enjoy th e protective encouragemen t an d flattering pub licity that nationa l civi l rights leaders were getting. His most importan t publi c moment wa s his role at th e 196 4 Democratic Nationa l Conventio n a t Atlanti c City , a turning point i n the history of American liberalis m tha t is extensivel y detaile d here . M y chie f interest , though , is in the ways his presence an d leadershi p styl e offer a n entrance int o th e Mississipp i registratio n projec t an d into a decad e tha t se t radical s t o pursuin g purit y an d to practicing, at times , a democracy of incessant action .

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obert Parri s Mose s wa s bor n o n Januar y 23 , 1935, and raise d i n Harlem, Ne w Yor k City. His grand father, William Henry Moses, was a charismatic Baptis t preacher wh o travele d throughou t th e Sout h raisin g funds fo r th e National Baptist Convention. William Moses wa s educate d a t Virgini a Seminar y i n Lynchburg , where h e me t an d marrie d Juli a Trent . He held pastor ates i n Knoxville , Tennessee ; Newberry , Sout h Caro lina; Staunton , Virginia ; Washington , D.C. ; an d Phila delphia. 1 H e wa s als o th e autho r o f severa l homileti c reviews fo r minister s an d serve d a ter m a s president o f a four-yea r schoo l t o trai n blac k Baptis t minister s i n Guadalupe, Texas. 2 Robert's father, Gregory , frustrated b y the struggle t o survive durin g th e depression , inculcate d i n th e youn g 9

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Moses and hi s tw o brothers , Roger and Gregory , a driv e to succee d wher e h e ha d failed . The y live d i n th e four story Harle m Rive r Projects , a small , containe d com plex wit h writte n exam s t o ge t i n an d a lon g waitin g list. 3 Moses ' father—unlik e hi s brother , a colleg e pro fessor—was a janito r a t th e 369t h armor y i n Harlem , an occupation Bo b Mose s ha s described a s "a good job" (for th e Depression ) tha t "didn' t go anywhere. . . . That ate awa y a t him, an d I think h e himself neve r expresse d that i n term s o f frustration a t societ y a s a whole. I t wa s frustration tha t le d t o drinkin g tha t le d t o difficul t times i n th e family. Ther e wa s a lot o f tha t middle-clas s frustration—a whol e generatio n o f peopl e wh o wer e intelligent, roote d i n family , an d industrious , fo r who m there wa s jus t n o opportunity . You' d alway s hear , 'It' s gonna b e differen t whe n you gro w up. ' S o yo u ha d a slow buildu p o f frustration." 4 But perhap s bot h hi s father' s an d hi s ow n frustratio n impelled Mose s t o appl y himsel f mor e rigorousl y t o make thing s differen t whe n h e gre w up . Moses entere d Stuyvesant Hig h School , a schoo l fo r gifte d Ne w Yor k City student s wh o wer e admitte d o n th e basi s o f com petitive cit y wide examinations . Stuyvesan t wa s libera l in politics an d culture . Mose s frequentl y attende d hoot enannies, folk-singers ' performance s o f a bohemia n cast, mil d precursor s o f th e experimental an d insurgen t music o f th e 1960s . These , h e ha s said , "helpe d orien t me." 5 I n hi s senio r yea r a t hig h schoo l h e wa s electe d class president ; h e wa s als o captai n o f th e schoo l base ball team . Mose s graduate d fro m Stuyvesan t i n Jun e 1952, i n th e middl e o f his clas s academically. 6 His parent s pushe d hi m i n th e directio n o f th e goo d small libera l art s college s an d awa y fro m th e tradi -

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tional blac k schools , whic h the y believe d to o "social." 7 His fathe r i n particula r though t tha t h e woul d ge t a better educatio n an d b e force d t o prov e hi s mettl e a t a white college. 8 Bot h parent s wer e delighte d whe n h e won a scholarshi p t o Hamilto n Colleg e i n upstat e Ne w York i n th e fal l o f 1952. 9 At Hamilton , Mose s wa s on e o f a fe w blac k student s among upper-middle-clas s whites . I t wa s no t atypica l for his classmate s t o respond tha t h e wa s th e first blac k person the y ha d eve r me t whe n aske d abou t Moses . On e classmate speak s o f th e substantia l differenc e betwee n Moses an d hi s peer s "becaus e s o man y o f u s ha d neve r really relate d t o black s i n an y significan t wa y before . He live d . . . i n som e isolation. . . . Ye t h e wa s deeply , widely . . . universall y respected/' 1 0 A membe r o f th e honor court , co-captai n o f th e basketbal l tea m wher e he exhibite d "coo l composure, " th e electe d vic e presi dent o f hi s senio r class , an d a Rhode s Scholarshi p can didate, he gaine d a reputation fo r being quie t an d unaf fected. A s par t o f hi s scholarshi p arrangement , h e worked a s a waite r i n th e nonfraternit y dinin g hall. 11 Moses als o serve d fo r tw o year s a s hea d o f th e studen t advisors t o freshmen . Perhap s th e mos t influentia l stu dent grou p t o whic h Mose s belonge d wa s th e Emerso n Literary Societ y (ELS) , a residential socia l organizatio n that exhibite d a n uncommo n socia l consciousness . A s one classmat e remarked , "B y today' s standard s w e were a largel y racist , sexist , anti-semiti c collectio n o f white males . Fraternities completel y dominate d ou r social lif e an d th e Greek s didn' t offe r membershi p t o mi nority o r Jewis h students . I t wa s Korea , Eisenhower , and 2 5 cent s a bottl e Utic a Clu b beer." 12 EL S wa s no t the usual campu s fraterna l group : its members' averag e

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grade, fo r example , exceede d tha t o f an y o f th e Hamil ton Gree k organizations . Accordin g t o anothe r EL S member, Mose s "wa s ver y hesitan t t o joi n ELS , an d i t took considerabl e persuasio n ove r tw o year s befor e h e agreed." 13 On e Gree k fraternit y di d tr y t o pledg e Mo ses, Tau Kapp a Epsilon , but h e declined , no t wishin g t o be a toke n Negr o i n a Gree k lette r fraternity. 14 Fo r a time Mose s serve d a s th e EL S rus h chairman . While onl y a n occasiona l churchgoe r durin g hi s youth, a t St . Mark' s Churc h a t 138t h Stree t an d St . Nicholas Avenu e i n Ne w Yor k City , a t Hamilto n Mose s attended fo r a tim e a Christia n stud y group , man y o f whose member s wer e fundamentalists . H e debate d with hi s tw o freshme n Jewis h roommates , fello w stu dents fro m Stuyvesan t High , abou t God' s existence , fairness, an d justice , pittin g Christia n fundamentalis m against thei r ver y differen t religiou s backgrounds. 15 Moses considere d enterin g th e ministr y and , a s par t o f the college stud y group , even trie d his hand a t evangeli cal preachin g o n th e street s o f Ne w York. 16 H e wrot e to hi s fathe r abou t enterin g th e ministry ; hi s fathe r responded tha t th e ministr y wa s " a calling , no t jus t a n occupation." 17 Hi s demeanor , a s reserve d a s th e Rever end Marti n Luthe r King , Jr.' s wa s ardent , di d no t sui t the task . Ye t i t wa s late r t o b e extraordinaril y effectiv e for th e wor k o f civi l right s organizing , i n whic h impas sioned orator y usuall y dominated . An d doubtles s Mo ses' experienc e a s a novic e preache r enable d hi m t o respond t o th e religio n o f Mississippi's rura l black s an d to tha t o f man y o f hi s peer s i n th e earl y day s o f th e movement. A fellow choi r membe r a t Hamilto n staye d with Moses ' fathe r whe n th e grou p gav e concert s i n New Yor k durin g hi s freshma n year : "Hi s fathe r rea d

" A LO T O F L E A D E R S "

13

the Bibl e durin g th e evening , an d I believe Rober t wa s also very pious." 18 Hamilton wa s politicall y conservative . A poll i n th e mid-1950s foun d Presiden t Eisenhowe r favore d b y stu dents ove r th e Democrati c spokesma n Adla i Stevenso n by a margi n o f thre e t o one . An d forty-fiv e percen t o f the facult y a t thi s northeaster n libera l art s campu s shared tha t preference, 19 agai n reflectin g th e school' s relative conservatism . On e studen t recalls , "M y cam paigning fo r Stevenso n wa s generall y take n a s odd." 20 Clarence Nixon , briefl y hea d o f th e school' s politica l science department , ha d bee n a distinguishe d membe r of the circle known a s the Souther n Agrarians , champi ons o f th e traditiona l lande d cultur e o f th e South . Named "Southerne r o f th e Year " b y th e Mississipp i Council for Christian Actio n while Moses was at Hamil ton, Nixo n ha d pleade d fo r Norther n understandin g o f Southern problem s as well as a change in race relation s in the South. 21 The college was not th e traditional plac e t o achieve a black identity : "Hamilton' s attitud e wa s . . . i t woul d admit blac k student s wh o coul d handl e th e wor k aca demically, bu t tha t th e college' s busines s wa s libera l arts educatio n (a s Hamilto n understoo d it ) an d stu dents wh o didn' t wan t wha t Hamilto n ha d t o offe r should b e elsewhere." 22 Electe d t o th e sophomor e honor society , Mose s too k n o par t i n th e mino r hazin g activities of the group toward freshmen—placing a new or recentl y painte d toile t sea t ove r th e hea d o f a trans gressing freshman, fo r example—and "i n his quiet styl e . . . tried no t onl y t o dissuade bu t t o educate th e res t of us," a classmat e recalls . "H e wa s simpl y practicin g civil right s lon g befor e th e res t o f u s cam e o f age." 23

14

"A LO T O F L E A D E R S "

Yet th e students ' focu s an d activitie s perhap s gav e Mo ses som e insigh t int o wha t colleg e student s migh t b e capable o f doin g whe n h e woul d enlis t thei r hel p som e years late r i n Mississippi . The atmospher e o f th e intellectuall y rigorou s schoo l can b e describe d a s genteel : "Th e ton e wa s se t b y th e boys fro m smal l town s an d cities fro m upstate , man y o f them son s o f teachers , ministers , an d smal l business men." 2 4 I n Moses ' tim e Hamilto n admitte d abou t 17 5 students eac h yea r fro m a n applican t poo l o f almos t 1,000. I n thos e day s clas s attendanc e wa s mandatory , including Saturday s fro m 8:0 0 A. M t o noon ; skippin g more tha n fou r durin g a semeste r withou t a wholl y legitimate reaso n resulte d inexorabl y i n a n F . Mose s graduated wit h departmenta l honor s i n philosophy an d a middl e B average , whic h i n thos e day s place d hi m i n the upper quarte r of his class . Moses encountere d a t Hamilto n th e Quake r pacifis t beliefs tha t woul d illuminat e hi s futur e career . Becaus e he di d wel l academicall y an d showe d a n interes t i n things philosophical, hi s professors urge d him t o atten d Quaker summe r workshop s abroad . Afte r hi s junio r year, Mose s worke d i n Belgiu m wit h nin e othe r volun teers t o build a dormitory a t a summer cam p fo r underprivileged childre n i n a minin g district . I n France, tha t same summer , h e live d wit h pacifist s whos e commit ment ha d bee n teste d b y Nazism , a s racis m wa s t o tes t Moses. Ther e i n th e Mosell e regio n h e helpe d t o buil d houses fo r th e homeless—har d manua l labor , mixin g cement, an d pourin g foundations . H e me t volunteer s from Ceylon , Wes t Africa , Egypt , an d Jordan . H e the n traveled t o a wor k cam p nea r Bremen , Germany , oper ated b y th e America n Friends ' Servic e Committee , an d

''A LO T O F L E A D E R S "

15

harvested potatoe s fo r a missionar y hospital. 25 Th e fol lowing summe r h e wen t t o Japan , wher e h e worke d t o construct a stairwa y a t a hom e fo r mentall y disturbe d children an d investigate d Ze n Buddhism . Th e Ameri can Friends ' Servic e Committe e evaluate d Mose s a s a ''sociable, patient , an d conscientious' ' youn g ma n wh o displayed "natura l leadership." 26 Coupled wit h hi s concret e experience s wa s th e intel lectual tutelag e o f Franci s Tafoya , Marce l Moraud , an d Frank Hamlin of Hamilton's Frenc h Department . Unde r Tafoya, Mose s rea d Alber t Camu s i n wha t appear s t o have been a continuing pursui t o f a spiritual absolute . Whatever benefit s Mose s gaine d fro m Hamilton , h e was t o speak i n a 196 4 intervie w o f being "deepl y bitte r about som e o f th e realitie s o f th e campu s an d o f th e white attitude. " Dominate d b y whites , th e messag e o f higher educatio n i n th e 1950 s appeare d t o b e saying : "Well, w e hav e t o d o ou r part—th e societ y ha s th e overall problem , an d our part a s an educational institu tion i s t o tr y an d ope n a doo r fo r tw o o r thre e Negroes , and let' s se e wha t happens." 27 An d ye t Hamilto n wa s racially progressiv e fo r it s day . On e fraternit y durin g that tim e electe d t o pledge student s outside of the whit e Christian poo l an d wa s promptl y expelle d fro m th e na tional organization , it s charte r revoked. 28 Th e speake r at Moses ' commencemen t exercise s o n Jun e 3 , 1956 , was Chie f Justic e Ear l Warren , th e autho r o f th e land mark Brown v . Board of Education desegregatio n deci sion o f 1954 . Hamilto n als o eventuall y recognize d Mo ses' achievements. 29 After graduatio n fro m college , Mose s entere d Har vard's philosoph y doctora l progra m an d attende d Quaker meetin g i n Cambridge , wher e h e als o worke d

16

"A LO T O F L E A D E R S "

part-time fo r nearl y a yea r a s a janito r i n th e meetin g house. 30 A t Harvard , Moses ' focu s wa s o n analyti c phi losophy, whic h wa s well-suite d t o hi s penchan t fo r mathematics, an d h e wa s awarde d a Maste r o f Art s i n June 1957 . Hi s mother' s deat h fro m cance r a t forty three, i n Februar y 1958 , shortl y afte r he r first vacatio n with he r husband, 31 interrupte d Moses ' doctora l stud ies, an d h e withdre w fro m Harvar d th e followin g month. Thoug h th e childre n suspecte d he r condition , Louise Parri s Mose s ha d no t permitte d he r husban d t o tell the m abou t he r illness . A s he prepare d t o retur n t o Harvard, Mose s learne d tha t hi s father , whil e retracin g the step s h e ha d take n t o bur y hi s wife , ha d halluci nated an d bee n committe d t o Bellevue Hospita l psychi atric ward, the victim o f a breakdown brough t on by despair. 32 Moses di d no t retur n t o Cambridg e fo r tw o decades . He remaine d i n Ne w Yor k t o b e nea r hi s father , wh o eventually recovere d an d returne d t o work . T o pa y fo r living expenses , Mose s too k a jo b fro m 195 8 t o 196 1 teaching mathematic s a t Horac e Mann , a prestigiou s private hig h school . Durin g thi s perio d h e too k u p fol k dancing, an d h e travele d t o Main e t o atten d a fol k dance cam p i n th e sprin g o f I960. 33 Late r Mose s woul d include suc h activitie s i n group and staf f gatherings— a much-needed antidot e fo r th e constan t tensio n civi l rights worker s experienced . Hi s uncl e describe s hi m during thes e year s a s bein g a "kindhearted , good-spir ited" youn g ma n alway s "sympatheti c t o th e need s o f others." 34 To supplemen t hi s income , Mose s becam e a privat e tutor i n 195 8 t o a fourteen-year-ol d blac k singer , Frankie Lyman . Th e jo b require d trave l b y bu s t o th e

" A LO T O F L E A D E R S "

17

black communitie s o f variou s cities , an d Mose s soo n developed a sens e o f th e emergen t blac k ghetto s an d the penaltie s o f urban segregation. 35 Mississipp i i n th e late 1950 s an d earl y 1960s , and th e rura l Sout h gener ally, wa s rif e wit h rumor s o f th e delight s Chicag o o r New Yor k coul d offe r a n impoverishe d black . Racis t whites i n Mississipp i encourage d thes e rumor s an d would occasionally offer t o pay for the one-way bus far e of black s t o Chicago . Th e reality , Mose s soo n cam e t o see, was fa r grimmer . H e would com e t o believe tha t a solution t o racis m wa s th e enfranchisin g o f th e blac k voting population i n Mississippi . In 1960 , though , Mose s wa s jus t beginnin g t o se e a racial awakening . Watchin g o n televisio n an d readin g in th e newspaper s abou t th e event s unfoldin g i n Nort h Carolina, h e wa s impresse d b y th e determine d face s o f the young black students wh o sat i n at th e Woolworth' s lunch counter in Greensboro, demanding the y be served along with whites . He has recalled : Before, th e Negr o i n th e Sout h ha d alway s looke d o n the defensive, cringing . This time the y were taking th e initiative. They were kids my age, and I knew this had something t o d o with m y own life . It mad e m e realiz e that for a long time I had been troubled by the problem of being a Negro and at th e same time being an American. This was the answer. 36 Greensboro wa s a forwar d curren t i n wha t Mose s was t o term th e "ocean" of the civil rights movement. 37 At Greensbor o ther e wer e n o wave s o f medi a figures; the leader s wer e previousl y unknow n colleg e students . Awakened b y th e 195 5 Montgomer y bu s boycott , a s well as the activism tha t had stirred young black peopl e

18

"A LO T O F L E A D E R S "

here an d ther e i n th e Sout h sinc e th e 195 4 Brown deci sion, fou r student s a t th e loca l blac k school , Nort h Car olina Agricultura l an d Technica l College , defie d a Greensboro ordinanc e an d sa t i n a t a whit e sectio n o f Wool worth's lunc h area . In th e day s tha t followed , thei r numbers swelle d an d eve n included , i f briefly , fou r white student s fro m th e nearb y Nort h Carolin a Woman's College . Th e sit-in s wer e a n earl y enactmen t of what , i n mor e consciou s form , ha s com e t o b e calle d participatory democracy . A s yet the y wer e onl y sponta neous act s o f rebellion , lackin g th e theoretica l an d con ceptual powe r tha t Moses , th e discipl e o f Camus' s mo rality o f voluntar y autonomou s politica l action , woul d give them . A t thi s time , though , thei r styl e ma y hav e helped Mose s formulat e hi s view s o n leadership . A visi t t o hi s uncle , Willia m Henr y Moses , Jr. , wh o taught architectur e a t Hampto n Institut e (no w Hamp ton University ) i n Hampton , Virginia , wa s Moses ' firs t encounter wit h Dixie. 38 This trip , during hi s 196 0 sprin g break, wa s memorable . H e describe s hi s feeling s afte r participating i n a demonstratio n a t Newpor t News : I ha d a feelin g o f release . Fro m th e firs t tim e a Negr o gets involved i n white society, he goes through th e business of repressing , repressing , repressing . M y whole re action throug h lif e t o suc h humiliatio n wa s t o avoid it , keep i t down , hol d i t in , play i t cool . This i s the kin d of self-repression ever y Negr o build s int o himself . Bu t when yo u d o somethin g personall y t o fight prejudic e there is a feeling of great release. 39 While i n Newpor t News , Mose s hear d th e Reveren d Wyatt Te e Walke r delive r on e o f his sermon s i n suppor t of th e sit-in s organized b y th e Souther n Christia n Lead -

" A LO T O F L E A D E R S "

19

ership Conferenc e (SCLC ) heade d b y Marti n Luthe r King. Walker referre d t o an upcomin g rall y fo r Kin g a t Harlem's 369t h Divisio n Armory , wher e Moses ' fathe r worked. 40 Hi s eulog y o f Kin g provoke d Mose s t o as k Walker: "Wh y d o yo u kee p sayin g on e leader ? Don' t you thin k w e nee d a lo t o f leaders?" 41 Walker' s onl y response was a puzzled look . Moses was drawing on hi s own famil y experience . Durin g Worl d Wa r II , throug h the loca l Virgini a Peninsul a Teachers ' Union , his uncl e had initiate d a widel y circulate d petition , whic h wa s sent t o the presiden t an d th e secretarie s o f war an d th e navy an d urge d integratio n i n th e arme d force s an d recognition o f th e righ t o f black s t o becom e commis sioned officers. 42 Seizing o n a n opportunit y t o expres s wha t h e calle d "a continua l build-u p an d frustratio n . . . first that yo u had t o be treate d a s a Negr o and yo u couldn't reall y b e accepted a s a n individua l yet," 43 Mose s returned hom e to volunteer hi s spare tim e to work with Bayard Rusti n on a rall y planne d fo r Kin g i n Ne w Yor k City. 44 Mose s had sough t ou t Rusti n earlie r t o discus s conscientiou s objection t o th e militar y draft . A t the committee office , he requested tha t h e be allowed t o stuff envelopes . Recognizing Moses ' potential , Rusti n offere d a mor e chal lenging job. Moses refused th e leadershi p role , replyin g that h e woul d rathe r sta y wit h hi s envelopes. 45 Right s work i n Ne w Yor k wa s no t hi s calling . Upo n Rustin' s urging an d arme d wit h hi s letter of recommendation t o Ella Baker , Mose s heade d sout h i n Jun e 196 0 t o wor k for King' s Souther n Christia n Leadershi p Conferenc e on a vote r registratio n project . I t wa s th e beginnin g o f a five-year journe y tha t woul d exhaus t hi m an d revolu tionize his core beliefs .

TWO

"TO 'UNCOVE R WHAT I S COVERED'"

T

wenty-five year-ol d Rober t Mose s arrive d b y bu s in Georgia early in the summer of 196 0 to find only three full-tim e worker s i n th e Atlant a SCL C headquar ters. Th e offic e wa s i n transition , th e publicity-seekin g Wyatt Te e Walke r replacin g a s executiv e directo r o f SCLC th e olde r bu t mor e radica l Ell a Baker . Sh e ha d become a prim e forc e behin d th e recentl y forme d Stu dent Nonviolen t Coordinatin g Committe e (SNCC ) an d was a leadin g earl y figure i n th e effor t t o mak e th e lef t politics o f th e sixtie s radicall y democrati c no t onl y i n objectives bu t i n conduct . Only week s before , o n Easte r weekend , abou t thre e hundred Souther n student s joined b y another hundred , 20

"TO'UNCOVER WHAT IS COVERED'"

21

mostly whit e Norther n student s ha d convene d fo r th e Southwide Yout h Leadershi p Conferenc e a t Sha w Uni versity i n Raleigh , Nort h Carolina. 1 Brough t o n b y th e successes of the sit-ins and mor e tangibl y b y eight hun dred dollars from SCLC , the conference wa s the work of Ella Baker . Meetin g a t he r alm a mater , wher e sh e ha d been valedictorian, the conferees listene d to her encour age the m t o for m thei r ow n organizatio n an d t o wor k on broade r issues . Sh e ha s explaine d he r convictions , "If I had an y influence , i t lodge s i n th e directio n o f th e leadership concep t tha t I believ e i n . . . instead o f hav ing . . . a leader-centere d group , yo u hav e a group-cen tered leadership." 2 Eve n i n thi s birth o f what firs t wa s named th e "Temporar y Studen t Nonviolen t Coordinat ing Committee, " ther e wer e tw o studen t contingent s vying for leadership: one from Nashville , the other fro m Atlanta. As a compromise, Marion Barry , a young grad uate studen t studyin g chemistr y a t Fis k Universit y i n Nashville (an d futur e mayo r o f Washington , D.C. ) wa s selected a s chair, bu t th e new group's office wa s place d in Atlanta wit h SCLC. 3 From th e star t th e marriag e betwee n SNC C an d SCLC wa s a t bes t a n uneas y one . King' s biographer s debate whethe r h e envisione d SNC C as a yout h ar m o f the olde r organizatio n o r a s a n independen t entity . Ju lian Bond , on e o f th e student s fro m Morehous e Colleg e in Atlant a attendin g th e conference , recall s tha t repre sentatives fro m SCLC , the Congres s o f Racia l Equalit y (CORE), an d th e NAAC P "wante d us , th e students , t o become a par t o f the m . .. [as ] . . . youth chapters." 4 Ella Bake r ha s sai d o f SCLC' s intentions : "The y wer e interested i n havin g th e student s becom e a n ar m o f SCLC. The y wer e mos t confiden t tha t thi s woul d b e

22

" T O ' U N C O V E R WHA T I S C O V E R E D ' "

their baby , becaus e I wa s thei r functionar y an d I ha d called th e meeting." 5 Instea d sh e zealousl y guarde d SNCC's independence an d se t i t on it s leftward course . From th e beginning , SNC C was resistan t t o the lead ership o f Kin g an d SCLC , or mor e precisel y t o leader ship itself . In th e styl e tha t the y wer e soo n t o adopt o n a publi c scale , the youn g SNC C workers cam e t o diffe r from th e prominent, solemnly ministeria l spokesme n of the older organization. Moses himself, spare and under stated i n addres s an d ofte n cla d i n overall s wel l befor e proletarian clothin g becam e a fad, wa s a stark contras t to King, a natty dresse r with a magnetic public person a and enormous eloquence. The differences betwee n Kin g and Mose s cam e t o epitomiz e th e difference s i n styl e between th e two organizations. But SCL C an d SNC C ha d noticeabl e similaritie s a s well. SCLC' s disciplin e o f nonviolence , informe d b y a religious ethic , was directe d inward . It wa s aki n t o th e conscience tha t Mose s cultivate d i n hi s introspectiv e self. Eve n i n th e pre-SNC C civi l right s movement , th e act o f rebellio n wa s bot h a mean s t o freedo m an d a personal enactmen t o f freedo m b y eac h participant : leaders, footsor e blac k domestics , politel y defian t stu dents. And tha t empowermen t o f individuals wa s wha t Robert Mose s would com e t o envision fo r blac k Missis sippi. When Moses arrived tha t Jun e at th e tiny SCLC offic e King was away an d n o one knew quit e wha t t o do wit h the youn g Ne w Yorker . Mose s ha d expecte d t o find a room ful l o f people organizin g an d training , or a t leas t stuffing envelope s an d collatin g reports. 6 Instead , h e settled int o th e realit y o f a smal l Souther n organiza tion, understaffed an d underfunded. A t first, he was pu t

"TO'UNCOVER WHAT IS COVERED'"

23

to wor k preparin g fund-raisin g packet s fo r SCLC. 7 Bu t he soo n foun d th e newl y forme d Studen t Nonviolen t Coordinating Committe e t o b e mor e compatibl e wit h his maturing politica l philosophy . In additio n t o a secretar y wh o worke d solel y fo r King, th e staf f include d Jan e Stembridge , a whit e vol unteer fo r SNC C from Ne w York City's Union Theologi cal Seminary. She occupied a corner i n the SCLC office, from whic h sh e wa s soo n exile d t o eve n smalle r quar ters o n nearb y Aubur n Avenue . Her e an d i n th e bac k room o f B . B. Beamon's, a soul-foo d restauran t wher e SNCC ha d temporar y meetin g space , sh e an d Mose s talked philosophy : Camus , Kant , Buber , Gandhi , an d Tillich. Theorie s o f nonviolence , especiall y th e idea s of Camus an d Gandhi , voicin g th e idealisti c hope s o f th e movement i n thes e earl y day s before i t becam e disillu sioned an d discordant , wer e earnestl y debated . Conni e Curry, a youn g whit e Southerne r workin g fo r th e Na tional Studen t Associatio n (NSA ) i n Atlanta , ofte n joined i n th e discussion s an d remember s th e heate d debates ove r nonviolenc e a s a techniqu e o r a wa y o f life. In thos e firs t month s he r funding , a grant fro m th e Field Foundation , helpe d suppor t SNC C activitie s a s well.8 Moses ' wor k fo r SNC C an d SCL C wa s unpaid , though h e receive d fre e roo m an d board . Durin g July , Moses an d Jan e Stembridg e sen t ou t a mailin g adver tising a SNC C genera l conferenc e o n Octobe r 1 4 as a n opportunity fo r youn g student s aroun d th e Sout h t o discuss and pla n th e next phase of their heartening ne w revolution. A t th e time , however , SNC C remaine d a small an d a d ho c grou p tha t ha d enjoye d littl e succes s organizing th e movement . Meanwhile Mose s als o joined i n th e activitie s o f th e

24

" T O ' U N C O V E R WHA T I S C O V E R E D ' "

Atlanta students , whic h include d picketin g Atlant a su permarkets tha t refuse d t o emplo y blac k clerks . Moses took t o picketing , no t simpl y o n a one-hou r shif t lik e the othe r students , bu t ofte n al l da y an d sometime s alone. As he woul d d o fo r th e res t o f his tim e wit h th e movement, h e expresse d himsel f b y example . He stoo d out i n hi s reserve d manner , hi s intellectuality , an d hi s lack of interest i n the bickering, factional politic s of th e movement. Bu t wherea s thi s styl e woul d invok e aw e and respec t i n Mississippi , i t arouse d uneasines s an d some suspicio n amon g hi s Atlant a co-workers . Mose s was a n outside r i n externa l way s a s well . H e wa s a New Yorke r a fe w year s olde r tha n th e othe r studen t demonstrators; mos t o f th e SNC C activis t volunteer s were fro m Souther n segregate d colleges . Thes e differ ences sometime s le d t o suspicion . A student activis t i n Atlanta i s reported t o hav e tol d anyon e wh o woul d lis ten, "Bo b i s s o quie t an d intens e tha t h e mus t b e a Communist." 9 Julia n Bon d explains , "W e though t h e was a Communis t becaus e h e wa s fro m Ne w Yor k an d wore glasses and wa s smarter tha n w e were." 10 While picketin g a loca l A & P grocer y store , Mose s was arreste d wit h a grou p o f older radical s whos e pro test wa s sponsore d b y th e Souther n Conferenc e Educa tion Fun d (SCEF) , a grou p t o whic h Ell a Bake r be longed an d whic h th e Hous e Un-America n Activitie s Committee ha d investigate d i n 1954 . Moses' identifica tion wit h th e protes t i n th e Atlant a medi a create d somewhat o f a stir, for SCL C was still employing him. 11 Asked b y som e cautiou s student s ho w h e ha d hear d o f the picke t line , Moses responded tha t h e had picke d u p the informatio n whil e attendin g a mathematic s lectur e entitled "Ramification s o f Goedel's Theorem. " Non e of

"TO'UNCOVER WHAT IS COVERED'"

25

this di d anythin g t o reassur e th e anxiou s youn g blac k bourgeoisie. 12 Th e arres t wa s th e first i n a long serie s o f encounters wit h th e South' s whit e police . The SCE F cas e raise d a thorn y issue , redbaiting , which Mose s disdaine d a s a distraction . I n his opinion , expressed a few year s later , we can' t cal l u p peopl e i n th e field on e da y an d sa y now th e Communist issu e wil l b e imposed , an d call u p another da y an d sa y no w th e dress-up-and-clean-u p is sue will b e imposed, o r now th e white girl issu e will b e imposed. These people are risking their own lives. They have t o mak e thei r ow n decisions , an d the y ten d t o emphasize their involvement rather than disguise it. We really loo k upo n al l thes e things—th e politica l argu ments o f th e thirtie s an d forties, th e impression s o f the whites—as imposition s o f th e whites—a s imposition s from the outside. 13 But wit h th e col d wa r raging , middle-clas s Atlant a blacks stil l share d wit h mos t American s a n overridin g hostility t o communism. Earl y studen t leader s of sit-in s who becam e deepl y involve d i n SNCC , suc h a s Dian e Nash an d Charle s Jones , wer e committe d t o th e belie f that th e studen t movemen t wa s par t o f th e anticommu nist struggle. 14 The Atlant a student s illustrat e th e generationa l dis tance betwee n th e earl y an d th e lat e 1960s . The y wer e "good Americans" who di d not ye t questio n th e system ; perhaps th e head y optimis m inspire d b y recen t suc cesses i n Greensbor o an d elsewher e acros s th e Sout h kept the m fro m doin g so . Som e students , includin g on e of th e initia l fou r t o si t i n a t Greensboro , would , i n a few years , find themselve s o n th e battlefield s i n Viet -

26

" T O ' U N C O V E R WHA T I S C O V E R E D ' "

nam. 15 Blac k student s late r wer e t o questio n no t wh y they wer e bein g exclude d fro m America n societ y bu t whether the y wante d t o b e integrate d int o a "sick " society. The y cam e t o distrus t thei r religiou s an d con servative elder s i n th e movemen t fo r bein g willin g t o buy int o a syste m o f law s an d institution s the y per ceived t o b e corrup t b y thei r ver y nature . I n essence , they cam e t o distrus t liberalism , whic h promise d n o solution withi n th e system . Bu t i n 196 0 the movemen t fought t o gain acces s t o prevailing institution s an d no t to destro y o r t o withdra w fro m them . Tha t meant , among man y othe r things , shunnin g radicalis m a s in compatible wit h th e basi c redeemabl e America n insti tutions. And th e conservatis m extende d t o socia l insti tutions a s well . Despit e Bayar d Rus t in's statu s a s King's advisor, SNCC would withdraw th e leftist homo sexual Rustin' s invitatio n t o its upcoming Octobe r con ference afte r th e Packinghous e Workers ' Unio n threat ened t o withhol d fund s i f h e attended. 16 Thi s libera l micromanagement wen t unchallenge d b y th e cautiou s young SNC C members. Acting on thei r concerns , th e Atlant a student s calle d Moses i n fo r a n intervie w whic h prove d maddenin g when Mose s faile d t o shar e thei r worries . Sinc e Mose s was stil l technicall y a voluntee r fo r SCLC , his inquisi tors requeste d tha t Kin g investigat e an d h e agree d t o do so. This meeting i n King's study a t Ebeneze r Baptis t Church wa s no t confrontational . Moses , thoug h no t much younger , wa s to o respectfu l t o challeng e th e famed King , and Kin g was too uncomfortable wit h red baiting itsel f t o upbrai d him . "Som e peopl e thin k it' s Communist, and that' s what matters, " King told Mose s of the Southern Conferenc e Educatio n Fund , but h e di d

"TO'UNCOVER WHAT IS COVERED' "

27

not pres s th e issue. 17 In th e end, Moses had th e suppor t of Ell a Baker , wh o refuse d t o le t th e questio n o f leftis t association disqualif y him. 18 After thi s inauspiciou s introductio n t o th e Souther n civil right s movement , Mose s sough t a wa y ou t o f th e office i n Atlanta. When the opportunity aros e to become a field representativ e fo r SNC C an d t o experienc e th e countryside wher e Ji m Cro w reigne d unchallenged , h e quickly volunteered . Wit h partia l financial suppor t from SCLC , on August 1 3 Moses embarked o n a recruit ing driv e amon g th e underrepresente d state s o f th e deep South fo r th e upcoming SNC C October conferenc e in Atlanta . He ha d prepare d himsel f fo r th e Souther n bran d o f institutionalized whit e supremacy , bu t hi s backgroun d in Harle m an d othe r Norther n citie s coul d no t read y him fo r th e grinding, inescapabl e povert y o f the region . Class difference s hardene d th e racia l animosit y tha t they had , i n part , bred . White s sa w blac k Southerner s living listlessl y i n subhuma n conditions , an d too k thi s to b e thei r natura l state . Blacks , kep t i n ignorance , could no t imagin e a differen t wa y o f life. In "th e Delt a of the early 1960 s the white planter's word was still th e law... . Condition s an d situation s tha t seeme d mor e appropriate t o th e first hal f o f th e nineteent h century " characterized thi s are a o f Mississippi. 19 On e particula r episode tha t too k plac e i n th e Delt a regio n greatl y im pressed Moses : Just thi s afternoon, I had finished a bowl of stew when a silent han d reache d ove r from behin d m e and too k a discarded neckbon e fro m th e plat e unde r m y bowl . A voice mumble d som e word s o f apology . Fiv e second s

28 "TO'UNCOVE

R WHA T IS COVERED' "

later, the hand was back again, groping for the potatoes I had left i n my bowl. I never saw the face; I didn't look. It was a man's hand , dark , dr y an d wind-cracke d fro m picking and chopping cotton. Lafayette and I got up and walked out . Wha t ca n yo u d o whe n a ma n ha s t o pic k up left-over potato from a bowl of stew?20 At Ell a Baker' s suggestio n Mose s visite d Amzi e Moore, a grizzle d longtim e vetera n o f th e struggle . Sh e explained: " I ha d gon e dow n ther e an d staye d wit h them an d helpe d wit h meetings , s o I knew th e person . I knew h e kne w th e state , an d s o Bo b Mose s wa s abl e t o have a n entree . Her e wa s a ma n wh o ha d neve r bee n t o Mississippi, an d h e ha d somewher e t o sleep, t o eat, an d he ha d somebod y wh o coul d b e useful." 21 Moses' impression o f Moor e wa s o f a ma n wh o "live s like a bric k wal l i n a bric k house , du g int o thi s countr y like a tre e besid e th e water." 22 Moor e ha d worke d throughout th e 1950 s fo r vote r registratio n projects. 23 In additio n t o runnin g a ga s statio n an d workin g par t time a t th e loca l pos t office , Moor e wa s hea d o f th e local NAAC P chapter i n th e tow n o f Cleveland , bu t wa s evidently frustrate d wit h tha t organization' s ploddin g legalistic approach . Mose s remark s tha t Moor e wa s "the onl y perso n i n th e leadershi p o f th e NAAC P tha t I met a t tha t tim e tha t wa s willin g t o welcome SNCC." 24 Moore say s opaquel y o f Moses , "H e cam e dow n an d spent a w h i l e . . .. I don't know ye t wh y Bo b came t o me , but h e foun d m e an d spen t mos t o f th e tim e tha t sum mer a t m y house." 25 There wer e number s o f Amzi e Moore s i n th e South , some o f the m blac k loca l activists , a fe w other s repre sentatives o f a phenomeno n remarkabl e a t th e time , Southern whit e liberalism . Citizens ' Councils— a mor e

" T O ' U N C O V E R WHA T I S COVERED ' " 2

9

upscale an d gentee l version of the Kla n tha t forme d th e de fact o governmen t i n man y areas—effectivel y checked bot h thei r number s an d activities. 26 Anchore d to thei r independenc e lik e th e bric k wal l tha t i s Moses' metaphor fo r Moor e himself, these activists would hav e made th e idea l citizen s o f a democrac y o f unrestin g civic participation, bu t the y wer e to o old for th e 1960s . They were to o worn dow n b y life's oppressio n wit h fe w exceptions, lik e th e fieldhand-turned-activist Fanni e Lou Hamer. The young were the ones susceptible t o th e ideas and approac h o f SNCC. Moore influence d Mose s enormousl y an d i n a direc tion tha t nourishe d th e root s o f Freedo m Summer . H e talked wit h Mose s abou t vote r registratio n a s a mean s to "uncover wha t i s covered." 27 Throug h Mose s he wa s soon abl e t o shif t th e movemen t awa y fro m picketing , integrating publi c places, and othe r direc t actio n strat egies prevalen t i n othe r state s towar d a mor e focuse d attention t o cor e problem s o f Souther n blacks . These , he believed , coul d b e handle d onl y throug h th e ballo t box. Moore als o believed tha t direc t actio n wa s simpl y too dangerous i n th e dee p South , especiall y th e Missis sippi Delta . Moore' s ultimatel y mor e radica l approac h had th e contradictor y virtu e o f bein g fo r th e momen t safer, a t leas t i n th e Mississippi heartland . A later com ment b y Mose s o n direc t actio n explains , "Sur e w e could g o to the desegregate d restaurants . But coul d th e Jackson Negr o who migh t ge t fired fo r i t g o there? An d how abou t th e Negr o wh o make s fifteen dollar s a week?" 28 Moore's loca l contact s woul d late r prov e t o be indis pensable t o youn g SNC C workers . "W e me t a t hi s house, we stayed a t hi s house," a volunteer remembers .

30

" T O ' U N C O V E R WHA T I S C O V E R E D ' "

"He ha d a hel l o f a networ k o f individual s throughou t the state.. . . Whenever anyon e wa s threatened , Amzi e Moore wa s sor t o f a n individua l protectio n agency." 29 Moses was deepl y impresse d b y Moore . As he explaine d in a n enthusiastic lette r t o Jane Stembridg e i n Atlanta : Amzie i s th e bes t I'v e me t yet. . . . I woul d trus t hi m explicitly an d implicitly , an d contac t hi m frequently . Amzie thinks , an d I concur , th e adult s her e wil l bac k the young folks but will never initiate a program strong enough t o d o wha t need s t o b e done . Amzi e think s h e can lay his hands on a bus if we can gas it up. The idea is t o tackl e th e 2n d an d 3r d Congressiona l districts , about 2 5 counties i n all . . . . The main thrus t i s to take place nex t summer. . . . Nobody [is ] starr y eyed , thes e are nasty jobs but we're going to find some nasty people to do them, so put me down 'caus e I'm not only gettin g mean I'm getting downright nasty. 30 Moore, accordin g t o Moses , "wasn' t ver y intereste d i n the sit-in s an d integratio n o f lunc h counter s an d s o forth. S o w e mappe d ou t th e area s wher e a vote r regis tration driv e could tak e place an d an idea for a program which I sent bac k t o Atlanta." 31 Moses soo n formulate d a pla n fo r Mississipp i vote r registration an d returne d briefl y t o Atlant a wit h a lis t of local black s intereste d i n SNCC. He would late r insis t on th e nee d fo r indigenou s leadership , bu t a t th e tim e he me t Moor e h e believe d i t essentia l t o impor t SNC C workers int o Mississipp i t o registe r ne w blac k voters . People woul d hav e t o b e brough t i n a s a spark—t o educate—and the n th e fire woul d begin . Hi s ai m com pounded mean s an d objective: t o "awaken blac k peopl e to stan d up , respec t themselves , dignity." 32 Mose s tol d

"TO'UNCOVER WHAT IS COVERED' "

31

Jane Stembridge tha t tw o thousand copies of the state' s constitution woul d b e neede d t o prepare would-b e vot ers fo r rigorou s examinatio n b y count y registrars . Sh e could no t contai n he r enthusiasm : "Thi s VOTER REG ISTRATION projec t i s IT!" 33 Mose s wa s soo n t o lear n that "i n Mississipp i vote r registratio n wa s itsel f a n ac t of confrontation." 34 Moses' rendezvou s i n Mississipp i wa s a journey int o the hear t o f darkness , a racia l pas t stil l aliv e i n tha t land o f black sharecroppers an d white overlords. Later , some SNC C studen t member s wer e t o romanticiz e th e black population o f the deep Sout h fo r having a cultur e more authenti c tha n thei r own , an d t o seek , a s on e author ha s suggested , t o b e rebor n themselve s i n th e rebirth o f these people. 35 Bob Moses too could perceiv e a distinctiv e virtu e i n blac k Southerners . H e spok e o f "people wh o come off th e lan d . . . and simpl y voic e . . . the simpl e truth s yo u can' t ignor e becaus e the y spea k from thei r ow n lives. " Such wer e th e peopl e h e wishe d to awake n t o thei r collectiv e existenc e an d power . Moses wante d powe r fo r th e blac k communit y i n th e South, a n empowermen t the y woul d wi n i n th e actio n of willing it. But at leas t i n his Mississippi field work h e himself neve r displaye d a need t o search fo r a n authen tic black culture. Having his own palpable authenticity , he had n o reason t o take on another. Moses was seekin g not t o be reborn bu t simpl y t o do right .

THREE

"THIS I S MISSISSIPPI , THE MIDDL E O F THE ICEBERG "

A

fter Labo r Da y 196 0 Mose s returne d t o New Yor k , to hi s father' s apartmen t an d hi s teachin g con tract a t th e Horac e Man n Schoo l i n Riverdale . Lat e i n the sprin g o f 1961 , he lef t fo r th e South , honorin g a commitment t o work fo r SNC C in Mississippi "wit h n o timetable o r agend a othe r tha n th e radica l notio n tha t blacks i n th e stat e shoul d b e abl e t o vote/' 1 H e re mained ther e for almos t fou r years . That sprin g th e nationa l pres s bega n t o cove r th e Freedom Ride s organize d b y th e Congres s o f Racia l Equality (CORE) . The ide a o f testin g nationa l integra tion law s wa s no t new : lat e i n th e 1940 s COR E ha d taken a simila r actio n i n som e o f th e borde r state s t o 32

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3

test integratio n aboar d buse s i n interstat e travel . No w the plan wa s for integrate d group s to travel throughou t the South , includin g th e dee p South , testin g th e Su preme Cour t rulin g o f Decembe r 196 0 i n Boynton v . Virginia, whic h require d th e desegregatio n o f facilitie s used i n interstat e travel . The ac t wa s likel y t o provok e a viscera l respons e i n a regio n alread y edg y ove r th e sit-ins. The first freedo m riders , le d b y Jame s Farme r o f CORE, lef t th e nation' s capita l o n Ma y 4 . A s th e tw o buses, filled wit h COR E members , studen t sit-i n activ ists, an d reporters , move d farthe r south , th e rider s en countered increasin g violence , culminating i n th e well publicized burnin g o f a Greyhoun d bu s nea r Anniston , Alabama, on May 14 . The picture of the burning bu s hi t the fron t page s acros s th e world , embarrassin g Presi dent Kennedy , electrifyin g th e blac k community , an d shocking whit e America . Afte r Klansme n bea t COR E riders i n Birmingham , Attorne y Genera l Rober t Ken nedy urge d th e grou p t o hav e a coolin g of f period — affording th e administratio n a breathe r befor e SNC C and studen t activist s fro m COR E and SCL C announce d continuation o f the rides. This first round ended on May 23 in Jackson, Mississippi, with al l the students jailed. 2 The Freedom Ride s won SNC C national attentio n fo r the first tim e an d i n tur n th e project , initiate d b y CORE, attracte d student s t o SNCC . Th e resul t wa s a continuing strea m o f volunteers fo r th e Freedo m Ride s and a burgeonin g jai l populatio n i n Jackson . Bu t th e Freedom Ride s als o highlighted th e growin g conflic t i n SNCC between advocate s o f direc t actio n an d support ers o f vote r registratio n projects. 3 Factionalism , whic h tore apart SNC C in th e late r 1960s , had alread y begun .

34 ''THI

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The Kenned y administration , workin g har d bu t si lently to prevent th e kind of negative worldwide publicity that ha d resulte d fro m th e Freedom Rides , threw it s power behin d th e vote r registratio n project s i n whic h Moses believed. Timothy Jenkins , the National Studen t Association's vic e presiden t an d a n undergraduat e a t Howard University , describe s a fal l 196 1 meetin g wit h Assistant Attorne y Genera l Burk e Marshal l an d th e president's adviso r o n civi l rights , Harri s Wofford , i n which representative s fro m th e Taconi c an d othe r pri vate libera l foundation s promise d fund s t o civi l right s groups tha t woul d wor k o n vote r registration . Woffor d offered protectio n an d announce d tha t th e administra tion was committed t o protecting voters' rights—to th e extent o f filling ever y jai l i n th e Sout h wit h obstruc tors. 4 But , fo r th e moment , Washingto n wa s simpl y hoping t o divert th e energie s o f the right s worker s int o relatively safe political activity ; helping blacks to register to vote would be less dangerous to the more enthusi astic studen t right s worker s a s wel l a s t o th e govern ment's reputation . Tha t wis h accorde d wit h th e pragmatic characte r o f th e Kenned y presidency , th e inherent preference o n the part of government fo r social peace, and th e political realitie s of the times . John an d Rober t Kenned y wer e northeaster n Demo crats an d a t leas t ambivalentl y liberal . Liberalism , along wit h a n upper-clas s commitmen t t o sportsman ship and fai r play , predisposed the m towar d racia l justice. Bu t eac h ha d hi s ow n individua l priorities : Joh n was chiefl y intereste d i n foreig n policy : Rober t pre ferred t o chas e labo r racketeers . Both wer e politicians , inclined t o recogniz e tha t fo r th e momen t holdin g th e

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5

white Sout h an d whit e Norther n blue-colla r worker s was mor e promisin g t o Democrati c fortune s tha n an y potential modes t gain s i n blac k vote r registration . An d both wer e practica l i n th e wa y tha t impatientl y hard headed peopl e habitually ar e when the y take the imme diate visibl e contour s o f thei r worl d a s give n an d en during. The practica l eye , i n th e cas e o f Mississippi , sa w a landscape biracia l ye t white-supremacis t i n it s leadin g features, wit h n o visibl e trac e o f integratio n i n i t an d no toleranc e fo r rac e mixing . Betwee n 188 2 an d 196 2 the state had achieve d th e national recor d for lynching s of blacks, with approximatel y 538. 5 This history woul d move a pragmatis t t o choos e vote r registratio n ove r sit-ins an d civi l disobedience . Voter registratio n woul d have t o b e slo w an d plodding , whic h fo r th e momen t meant tha t i t migh t b e les s volatile tha n direc t integra tionist action—particularl y i n Mississippi , wher e onl y five percen t o f voting-ag e black s ha d bee n allowe d t o register. Ye t fo r th e lon g ru n i t promise d deepe r changes tha n racia l integratio n o f a handfu l o f sleep y early-morning customer s a t a roadsid e diner . Bu t th e same pragmatis t woul d shrin k bac k wheneve r register ing voters threatened t o become dangerous. Even at th e cost of injustice, th e most democratic governments see k to avoi d disorder . I t wa s therefor e natura l fo r th e Jus tice Departmen t t o favo r reinin g i n Mose s an d hi s SNCC co-workers, rathe r tha n protectin g the m a s the y marched int o white mob s sanctione d i f not encourage d by the Mississippi police . In th e 1980s , Mose s contraste d vote r registratio n work in the South wit h activit y i n the Northern cities :

36 "THI

S I S M I S S I S S I P P I , TH E MIDDL E O F TH E I C E B E R G "

The tool for organizing i n the Northern cities is political activity. Running peopl e fo r office . Bu t yo u couldn't ge t people [i n Mississippi ] t o think lik e that. It wa s hard t o get peopl e t o thin k abou t usin g th e electora l proces s a s an organizin g tool . You couldn' t expor t sit-in s o r vote r registration t o th e North . Communit y actio n [i n th e North] wa s a governmen t funde d program , whic h i s different fro m th e Mississipp i Freedo m Democrati c Party, whic h wa s a n independen t politica l effort . Th e traditional rout e i n th e citie s i s throug h politics . Tha t was not clearly articulate d durin g th e 1960s. 6 Many i n SNC C wer e war y o f voter registration , think ing tha t th e Kenned y administratio n wa s promotin g i t solely fo r th e benefi t o f votes fo r th e Democrati c part y ? As described b y SNC C field worke r Lonni e King , a boy cott o f AT& T i n Souther n state s b y black s wa s i n plac e to forc e th e hirin g an d integratio n o f black s i n th e company: We would . . . ask peopl e t o cu t of f thei r telephone s fo r thirty, sixt y days. . . . And wha t w e wer e gonn a d o wa s to negotiat e . . . until the y agreed. . . . And withi n a fe w months, we'r e al l summone d t o Washington. . . . Fro m their poin t o f vie w [th e Kennedys] , ou r movin g int o voting right s woul d b e mor e beneficia l fo r the m i n terms o f imag e tha n i t woul d b e t o u s . . .. I thought w e could d o both of them. 8 Meanwhile, i n Jul y 1961 , Mose s bega n t o initiat e plans mad e th e previou s summe r wit h Amzi e Moor e a t his hom e i n Cleveland , Mississippi . Moore , however , was alarme d an d distracte d b y th e Freedo m Rides , which h e believe d t o hav e worsene d rac e relations . A s the day s passe d i n inactivity , Mose s looke d fo r a wa y

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7

out of an increasingly tens e situation wit h a man who m he respecte d enormously. 9 I n a late r intervie w Mose s has sai d tha t i t wa s merel y a lac k o f equipmen t an d a meeting plac e tha t postpone d hi s work. 10 Fo r either, o r more likel y a combination , o f thes e reasons , h e ac cepted Moore' s suggestio n tha t h e respon d t o a reques t for hel p wit h vote r registratio n fro m th e hea d o f th e Pike County chapte r o f the NAACP . Moore suggested t o Moses tha t a tea m o f student s embar k o n th e project . McComb, Mississippi , a tow n o f twelv e thousan d peo ple, la y i n th e southwester n corne r o f th e state , abou t twenty mile s nort h o f th e Louisian a border . All of Pik e County boaste d a tota l o f two hundred registere d blac k voters; th e borderin g countie s o f Amit e an d Walthal l totaled one. 11 McComb had been the first sto p in Mississippi fo r freedo m rider s o n a Greyhoun d bu s comin g from Ne w Orleans . Claud e Sitton , a New York Times reporter fo r severa l Souther n states , was in McComb i n the caf e havin g a cu p o f coffe e wit h Time magazin e reporter Si m Fentres s whe n th e freedom rider s entere d and a rio t erupted. 12 Sitto n comment s tha t FB I agent s sat i n a ca r dow n th e stree t durin g th e mele e an d late r asked th e reporter s t o fill the m i n o n wha t ha d hap pened. Th e loca l newspape r mistoo k th e tw o reporter s for FB I agents. Moses wante d t o sta y ou t o f th e conflic t betwee n the SNC C advocate s o f direc t actio n an d th e member s urging vote r registratio n programs . A n articl e o n th e freedom movemen t writte n a fe w year s late r under scored th e propensit y o f Mose s t o avoi d suc h debates : "While th e others wer e talking , he was quietly workin g in Mississippi : contactin g people , finding place s fo r civil right s worker s t o live , lookin g fo r meetin g

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places/' 1 3 Mose s wa s no t a t th e SNC C meeting i n mid July whe n hi s reques t tha t SNC C conside r hi s vote r registration project , develope d wit h Amzi e Moore , wa s debated. Th e grou p als o discusse d "Mr . Bo b Mose s re quest fo r Officia l Status , Voluntar y Fiel d Sec'y. " Be cause he wa s stil l o n th e staf f o f SCLC, there wa s som e concern abou t th e relationship ; th e decisio n wa s t o form a committe e t o wor k wit h Wyat t Te e Walke r o f SCLC.14 Charle s McDew , electe d SNC C chairma n a t this meeting , hope d t o gai n statur e fo r th e vote r regis tration factio n simila r t o tha t achieve d b y Moses 1 courageous lon e travel s throug h th e dee p Sout h th e previ ous summer . SNCC pu t of f actin g o n Moses ' request , notin g h e was stil l technicall y associate d wit h SCLC ; th e large r contest wa s ove r wha t cours e th e youn g organizatio n should take . Charle s Sherrod , SNCC' s first field secre tary, ha d visite d Amzi e Moor e i n Clevelan d t o discus s voter registration; h e reporte d t o th e group tha t Moor e believed student s woul d b e bes t use d t o recrui t black s to attemp t vote r registratio n an d the y woul d b e mor e likely t o succeed a t it . At the sam e tim e anothe r repor t was give n regardin g a meetin g wit h th e prominen t black singe r Harr y Belafont e i n whic h i t wa s agree d "that vote r registration wa s th e most importan t issue. " Although th e Belafont e meetin g wa s basicall y a fund raising venture , i t wa s suggeste d eve n a t thi s earl y stage tha t th e studen t movemen t b e expande d t o in clude from on e hundred thousan d t o two hundred thou sand students. 15 By th e first wee k i n Augus t Mose s ha d cu t hi s SCL C affiliation an d volunteere d himsel f a s a field secretar y for SNC C i n Mississippi . H e wrot e Wyat t Te e Walker ,

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the executive directo r of SCLC in Atlanta, to assure hi m that SCL C woul d b e give n som e credi t an d publicit y for th e McCom b project. Mose s said tha t hencefort h h e would b e unabl e t o wor k fo r SCL C an d wa s devotin g his energies solely to SNCC. "The job needs to be done/ ' he noted , "s o I hav e mad e m y choice. " Moses ' choic e illustrates th e earl y determinatio n o f SNC C to be inde pendent o f SCLC, despite the wishes of King and others . It als o suggest s Ell a Baker' s influenc e o n th e youn g organization. Mose s di d as k Walke r whethe r SCL C could contribute mone y t o the McComb project, beyon d what i t had receive d fro m th e black community. 16 Charles McDe w gav e Mose s som e measur e o f protec tion b y handin g hi m th e privat e telephon e numbe r o f John Doa r o f th e Civi l Right s Divisio n o f th e Depart ment o f Justice. In a letter t o Doar, Moses described hi s upcoming plan s fo r vote r registratio n i n souther n Pik e County. In hi s July 17 , 1961, response, sent t o Moses i n care o f Amzi e Moore , Doa r directe d Mose s t o cal l hi m at hi s offic e i n Washingto n an d repor t "an y economi c or othe r reprisal s agains t citizen s o f Mississipp i wh o attempt t o registe r t o vote, " citin g th e penaltie s fo r interfering wit h th e righ t t o vot e i n a federa l election . Moses' problem , however , wa s simpl y gettin g peopl e registered s o tha t the y the n coul d vot e i n an y election . Doar misse d th e point : federa l la w appeare d t o protec t not registratio n t o vote , but onl y th e vot e itself . None theless, Doa r promise d h e woul d "vigorousl y investi gate al l allege d violations." 17 H e instructe d Mose s t o contact th e local FB I office . Instead o f attendin g th e SNC C meetin g schedule d for Augus t a t th e Highlande r Fol k Schoo l i n Tennesse e where th e grou p wa s t o determin e it s futur e direction ,

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Moses presente d himsel f t o C . C . Bryan t i n McCom b as th e vote r registratio n "team. " Bryan t represente d a small clas s o f black s relativel y fre e o f th e economi c pressures of whites. Numbers of black Protestant minis ters ha d gaine d tha t freedo m b y workin g directl y fo r the blac k communities . Othe r black s achieve d i t b y working fo r Norther n companies . Bryant dre w hi s pay check fro m a railroa d base d i n Chicago . A s th e presi dent o f the county NAAC P chapter an d a n official i n th e Freemasons, he wa s abl e t o secur e a roo m a t th e blac k Masonic Templ e fo r Mose s t o hol d hi s vote r registra tion school. 18 Voter educatio n school s prepare d thei r participant s for th e detail s o f th e registratio n proces s an d fo r th e test question s abou t th e la w o r othe r matter s tha t ap plicants neede d t o answe r i n orde r t o qualify . Blac k applicants coul d expec t question s designe d t o stum p them. A typical questio n woul d read , "Writ e an d cop y in th e space belo w Sectio n o f the Constitutio n of Mississippi. " Th e registra r designate d th e section — any on e o f 285 . Then th e applican t woul d b e aske d t o write a "reasonabl e interpretation " o f tha t particula r section.19 As Lawrence Guyot , a student a t Tougalo o i n Jackson, pu t it : Th e registratio n tes t "wa s clearl y de vised . . . t o mak e sur e illiterat e white s woul d b e regis tered bu t n o Negro , regardles s ho w literate , woul d b e registered." 20 I n addition, a poll tax had t o be paid tw o years i n successio n prio r t o voting ; sheriff s collecte d the pol l tax. 21 A s one colleg e voluntee r noted : " A pol l tax i s stil l require d fo r stat e an d loca l elections , an d there i s widesprea d ignoranc e o f th e fac t tha t i t i s no t required fo r nationa l elections , and th e $2.0 0 tax seem s like a considerabl e amoun t t o peopl e wh o ar e makin g

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$3.00 a da y fo r te n hour s o f choppin g cotton , i f the y are luck y enoug h t o hav e a jo b a t all." 22 Beyon d th e immediate practica l goal s o f th e schools , however, la y their large r contributio n t o th e empowermen t o f blac k Southerners. To hav e knowledg e abou t th e politica l syste m o r about anythin g else , t o see k tha t knowledg e withi n a state tha t di d not wish it s black population t o obtain it , to gathe r togethe r i n wha t wer e a t onc e learnin g an d strategy sessions—thes e action s inevitabl y instille d a sense o f awarenes s an d self-assertion . The y mean t a t the ver y leas t a rejectio n o f th e white-supremacis t definition o f blac k peopl e a s powerles s an d passive . They were , i n themselves , act s o f power . Th e notio n o f informal schoolin g fo r th e sak e o f empowermen t ha d been a concep t bot h practice d an d expounde d i n th e Highlander Fol k Schoo l i n Tennessee , a continuin g workshop fo r exchang e o f idea s amon g radical s an d poor people who wanted t o organize their communities . Highlander ha d opene d i n 193 2 as a trainin g schoo l fo r union organizer s i n th e Congres s o f Industria l Organi zations (CIO) . Originally locate d i n th e mountain s out side Chattanooga , i t ha d bee n on e o f th e fe w place s where integrate d meeting s could be held. 23 Highlander , the vote r registratio n schools , and th e freedo m school s anticipated th e movemen t fo r alternativ e educatio n among privilege d radica l whit e student s late r i n th e decade. Once he had a plac e t o train black s i n th e intricacie s of Souther n vote r registratio n requirements , Mose s somehow ha d t o convinc e the m tha t i t wa s wort h th e effort t o confron t th e hostilit y o f whites , realizin g tha t at bes t the y woul d b e denie d registratio n an d a t wors t

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they woul d fac e violenc e an d eve n death . Unde r th e influence o f Amzi e Moore , Mose s ha d familiarize d him self wit h th e strategie s o f th e loca l whites . Bu t i t wa s not merel y a matte r o f counterin g strategies . Fo r th e average Mississipp i black , appearin g befor e th e whit e county voting registrar was an excruciating an d humili ating experience . Beyon d th e man y obstacle s th e regis trar's offic e coul d se t u p la y th e psychologica l barrier s built u p b y Ji m Crow . Mississippi ha d conditione d gen erations o f black s t o defe r t o whites . Mos t black s wh o had eve n see n th e insid e o f th e count y courthous e ha d been ther e not t o register, but t o stand tria l a t th e whi m of wha t wa s calle d justice . SNC C worke r Lawrenc e Guyot talk s abou t gettin g peopl e t o register : "Wit h a program an d wit h a concentrate d effor t yo u ca n ge t people t o go t o a courthouse. I n '6 2 there wa s a hell o f a job t o eve n conside r votin g 'caus e tha t mean t goin g to th e courthouse , tha t mean t th e possibilit y o f bein g beaten—the probabilit y o f bein g beaten—th e proba bility o f not having a job an d of being cu t off of welfare . [The whit e authorities ] ha d . . . complet e rigi d con trol." 24 Moses considered i t a victory eve n to get a blac k to think o f entering th e registrar' s office : We went around house-to-house, door-to-door in the hot sun everyda y becaus e th e mos t importan t thin g t o d o was t o convinc e th e loca l townspeopl e tha t w e mean t business, that is, that we were serious, that we were not only young, but that we were people who were responsible. Wha t d o yo u tel l somebod y whe n yo u g o t o thei r door? Well, first you tell them who you are, what you're trying t o do, that you'r e workin g o n vote r registration . You hav e a for m tha t yo u tr y t o ge t the m t o fill out . Now th e techniqu e tha t w e foun d bes t usable , I think ,

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was t o presen t th e for m t o the m an d say , ''Hav e yo u ever trie d t o fill out this form ? Woul d yo u lik e t o si t down now and tr y to fill it out?" And then, psychologically they have to complete the gap and imagine themselves at the registrar's office. 25 According t o Travi s Britt , a freedo m ride r fro m Ne w York wh o ha d bee n jaile d i n Jackso n an d cam e t o joi n Moses, th e yout h o f McCom b wer e differen t fro m thei r parents: "The y ha d n o fea r whatsoever . Th e one s wh o did no t participat e wer e kept awa y b y their parents." 26 Two local high school students, Curtis Hayes and Holli s Watkins, volunteered t o help and soon were not conten t with canvassin g fo r possibl e registrants ; the y stage d a sit-in a t a Woolwort h stor e an d wer e charge d wit h breach o f th e peace. 27 Still , ther e wa s sometime s a n internal mechanis m tha t limite d eve n thei r horizons . As one youn g worke r woul d late r acknowledge : "Whil e I wa s canvassin g w e discusse d tha t th e problem s o f some o f th e Negr o rac e wh o ar e afraid , an d d o no t understand thei r right s a s bein g citizen s simpl y be cause al l thei r live s the y hav e bee n taugh t tha t th e Negro rac e isn' t a s goo d a s an y othe r rac e i n th e South." 28 Out-of-state right s worker s soo n becam e intereste d in Moses ' activities i n McComb ; he wa s joined b y Joh n Hardy o f th e Nashvill e movemen t an d Reggi e Rob inson, who ha d worke d i n Baltimore. And other forme r freedom rider s followed Brit t t o McComb. Funds for th e activities cam e fro m th e singe r Harr y Belafonte , wh o was instrumenta l i n raisin g mone y fo r SNC C project s and late r i n helping t o finance Freedo m Summer . The voter educatio n classe s produce d som e quic k re -

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suits. Afte r th e first meetin g o n Augus t 7 , 1961 , fou r blacks pronounce d themselve s ready . Mose s accompa nied the m t o th e registrar' s offic e a t th e count y sea t i n Magnolia. It mus t hav e seeme d a missio n behin d enem y lines. "Th e courthouse, " accordin g t o a right s worker , "represented th e whol e Mississipp i society/' 2 9 Ye t three wer e registered . After tw o day s wit h simila r success , loca l official s realized th e surg e o f black s registerin g wa s n o acciden t and bega n summaril y t o reject applicants . Soo n a n arti cle appeare d i n th e loca l Enterprise-Journal reportin g the sudde n interes t o f black s i n registration . Thi s served t o alert loca l tough s an d segregationists , an d th e undercurrent o f threatene d violenc e quickl y frightene d blacks i n th e nearb y rura l areas. 3 0 Nonetheless, a fe w o f them beseeche d Mose s t o begi n simila r project s i n th e surrounding countie s o f Amit e an d Walthall . Thes e counties wer e mor e typica l o f Mississippi, an d fa r mor e dangerous tha n McComb . Whil e som e 25 0 black s ha d already bee n registere d i n McCom b itself , no t a singl e black, i n loca l accounting , ha d vote d i n th e countrysid e since th e earl y day s o f Reconstruction . Mose s lacke d the peopl e t o expan d hi s recruitin g program . Ye t afte r discussions wit h Bryant , i t wa s decide d tha t th e onl y way t o wi n th e trus t o f loca l black s wa s t o fac e u p t o trouble spots : The position i s simply this : that farmer s cam e over an d were ver y anxiou s t o tr y an d registe r an d yo u couldn' t very wel l tur n the m down ; one , jus t fro m th e huma n point o f view, they ha d greate r need s tha n thos e peopl e in Pik e Count y wher e w e wer e workin g and , secondly , from th e psychologica l poin t o f vie w wher e th e whol e problem i n Mississippi i s pervaded wit h fear . The prob-

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lem i s tha t yo u can' t b e i n a positio n o f turnin g dow n the tough areas, because th e people then, I think, would simply lose confidence i n you; so, we accepted this. 31 On August 11 , Moses again wrote John Doa r detailin g the difficultie s hi s registratio n pupil s faced . Thi s tim e Doar's respons e wa s a bi t les s hopeful . "W e ar e not, " he wrote , "abl e t o provid e observer s a t an y particula r registration offic e a t an y particula r time . A s fo r th e specific question s whic h yo u ask , th e registra r mus t treat Negroe s a s he treat s whites . If he doe s not, and w e have specifi c fact s t o establis h tha t h e doe s not , w e will procee d promptl y t o cour t t o see k a n injunctio n prohibiting suc h practices." 32 Thi s lette r reflected , more accuratel y tha n Doar' s first, th e role of th e Justic e Department i n th e earl y civi l right s era . Doa r late r re marked o f Moses ' decision t o g o int o th e mos t resistan t areas: "H e ha s t o g o wher e it' s tough , t o prov e h e ha s J J courage."33 Moses se t u p a vote r registratio n schoo l o n a far m i n Amite County . After securin g a car and place s t o stay — no smal l tas k fo r a shy , introspectiv e Northerner—h e set ou t o n Augus t 1 5 t o registe r thre e volunteers . I n Liberty, th e count y sea t o f Amite , Mose s ha d hi s first real encounte r wit h Souther n harassment : We arrived at the courthouse abou t 1 0 o'clock. Th e registrar came out, I waited by the side for the man or one of the ladies to say something t o the registrar. He asked them wha t di d the y want , what wer e the y here for in a very rough tone of voice. They didn't say anything, they were literall y paralyze d wit h fear. . . . Then ou r peopl e started t o registe r on e a t a time . I n th e meantime , a procession o f peopl e bega n movin g i n an d ou t o f th e

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registration office . Th e sheriff, a couple o f his deputies , people fro m th e ta x office , peopl e wh o d o th e driver' s license, looking in, staring, moving back out, muttering. The first person who filled out the form took a long time. . . . We finally finished the whole process at about 4:30 , all of th e three people had a chance t o register, at leas t to fill out the form. This was a victory, because they had been down a few times before and had not had a chance to even fill out the forms. 34 Once th e white s ha d recovere d fro m th e shoc k o f this breach o f black deference , the y wer e determine d t o punish Mose s an d hi s students . Th e loca l policema n followed the m o n thei r wa y bac k t o McComb . Thoug h they trie d t o shake hi m i n every wa y possible , he finally succeeded i n pullin g thei r ca r over . Th e office r aske d Moses whethe r h e wa s th e "nigge r tha t cam e dow n from Ne w Yor k t o sti r u p a lo t o f trouble? " He replied , "I'm th e Negr o wh o cam e dow n fro m Ne w Yor k t o instruct peopl e i n vote r registration." 35 H e the n jotte d down th e officer's nam e an d was promptl y told , "Get i n the [police ] car, nigger!" 36 Moses, th e educate d Northerner , th e "outsid e agita tor," was th e onl y on e take n t o th e statio n i n McComb , where the prosecuting attorne y an d the arresting office r looked throug h th e la w book s fo r a charge. At first the y booked Mose s fo r interferin g wit h a n office r i n th e pro cess o f arresting someone ; the y soo n looke d fo r anothe r reason becaus e h e wa s th e onl y on e arrested . Befor e being trie d an d foun d guilt y o n vagu e charges , Mose s asked fo r hi s on e phon e call . H e diale d th e Justic e De partment collec t an d aske d t o spea k wit h Joh n Doar . Doar accepte d an d Mose s describe d t o hi m th e viola -

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tion o f th e Civi l Right s Act s of 195 7 and 196 0 and sug gested th e possibility o f a federal investigation. 37 And s o bega n a workin g relationshi p betwee n thes e two representative s o f differin g ethos : Moses , th e moral, philosophical activist ; Doar , the legalistic repre sentative o f tempere d liberalism . Doa r describe s th e Justice Department' s activitie s i n Greenwood : "W e brought suit s agains t th e count y official s an d th e stat e officials, an d the y were in court on these cases of [voter ] intimidation. A t th e sam e time , w e wer e tryin g t o ge t more registrar s t o open u p th e rolls . We were battling . We weren' t makin g an y significan t progress , bu t w e had a lo t o f presenc e i n Mississippi." 38 A t first, th e two shared th e hope tha t th e federal governmen t woul d have a n impac t o n Mississippi , bu t incompatibilit y i n method an d thinkin g betwee n SNC C an d th e Justic e Department woul d becom e increasingl y apparent . Facing enormou s politica l obstacles , the federal gov ernment—despite Doar' s protestation s t o th e con trary—maintained onl y a minima l presenc e i n Missis sippi, du e i n par t t o constitutiona l limitation s o n it s power. " I can' t kee p a crim e fro m bein g committed, " John Doa r explained . "W e tr y th e ver y bes t w e ca n t o eliminate th e lawlessnes s b y seekin g injunction s an d restraining variou s form s o f economi c retaliation . Bu t it i s very difficul t t o win. We have t o prepare an d chec k out thos e cases very carefully." 39 SNC C workers discov ered tha t th e promis e mad e b y Assistant Attorne y Gen eral Burk e Marshal l t o accept collec t call s was stoppe d when ke y congressme n objected : "Ca n yo u imagin e what tha t reall y is ? Here's a guy down here surrounde d with al l thes e cat s abou t t o ea t hi m u p wit h th e bill y

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