An Ismaili Heresiography: The "Bab Al-Shaytan" from Abu Tammam's Kitab Al-Shajara (Islamic History & Civilization, 23) (English, Arabic and Arabic Edition) [Bilingual ed.] 9004110720, 9789004110724

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AN ISMAIL! HERESIOGRAPHY

ISLAMIC HISTORY AND CIVILIZATION STUDIES AND TEXTS EDITED BY

ULRICH HAARMANN AND

WADAD KADI VOLUME 23

AN ISMAILI HERESIOGRAPHY The "Bab aI-shaytan " .from Abu Tammam's Kitab al-shajara BY

WILFERD MADELUNG AND

PAUL E. WALKER

BRILL LEIDEN . BOSTON· KOLN 1998

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Madelung, Wilferd. An Ismaili heresiography : the "Bab al-shaYlan" from Abii Tammam's Kitab al-shajara I by Wilferd Madelung and Paul E. Walker. p. cm. - (Islamic history and civilization. Studies and texts, ISSN 0929-2403 ; v. 23) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index. ISBN 9004110720 (cloth: alk. paper) I. Abii Tammam I:Jabib ibn Aws al-Tii'i, fl. 808-842. Kitiib al -shajara. 2. Ismailites-Doctrines-Early works to 1800. 3. Heresies, Islamic. I. Walker, Paul Ernest, 1941ll. Title. III. Series. BP195.I8M28 1998 297.2'0422-dc21 98-4196

CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahtne Madelung, Wilferd: An Ismaili heresiography : the "Biib al-shaYliin" from Abii Tammiim's Kitab al-shajara I by Wilferd Madelung and Paul E. Walker. - Leiden ; Boston ; Koln : Brill, 1998 (Islamic history and civilization ; Vol. 23) ISBN 90-04-11072-0

ISSN 0929-2403 ISBN 90 04 11072 0

© Copyright 1998 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part if this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval .rystem, or transmitted in aT!)! form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission .from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate foes are paid directlY to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers AM 01923, USA. Fees are suliject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

CONTENTS Preface .......................................................................................

VII

Acknowledgements............... ....................... ...............................

x

Introduction ................................................................................ Abu Tammam and His Kitab al-shajara .................................. The "Chapter on Satan" and Its Sources ............................ The Edition................. ............. ............ ............. ..................... The Translation .....................................................................

1 1 9 13 15

Translation of the "Chapter on Satan" .................................... The Author's Introduction .................................................... The Divisions and Sects: Those who maintain that the acts of obedience are a component of faith: ........................................................... Mu'tazila ........................................................................ Khawarij ........................................................................ I:Iadlthiyya ..................................................................... Those who maintain that the laws are not components of faith: ................................................................................... Qadariyya ................. ........... ....................... ............ ....... The Anthropomorphists ................................................ Murji'a ........................................................................... Those who maintain that the imam after the prophet was 'All b. Abl Talib: ............................................................... Zaydiyya ........................................................................ Kaysaniyya ..................................................................... 'Abbasiyya ...................................................................... Ghaliya........................................................................... Imamiyya .... ............. ....................... ............................... Concluding Statement of the Author ...................................

17 19

88 88 94 97 99 III liS

Bibliography ...............................................................................

125

English Index..............................................................................

129

Arabic Index ...............................................................................

, '1"V

Arabic Text of the Bab al-shay/an ............................................... ..

,

28 29 34 43 49 49 56 77

PREFACE The text we are publishing here for the first time is the heresiographicai "Chapter on Satan" from a fourth/tenth century Ismaili work called Kitiib al-shajara. Its author is known only by the kunya, Abu Tammaro, even in the tradition of the da'wa of his own or parallel Ismaili groups who preserve what is left of his book. Nevertheless, from internal evidence, it is clear that Abu Tammam either lived and wrote in Khurasan or came from there or both. He was also a disciple of the famous Khurasani dii'f and philosopher, Mu}:lammad al-Nasafi, who was executed by Samanid authorities in 332/943 and who is mentioned frequently with special reverence in various places in the Shajara. The work itself certainly had an obscure history both in Ismaili circles and outside. In modem scholarship it first appeared in a truncated version under the title Kitiib al-f¢ii~, attributed to a late Syrian Ismaili author, a certain Abu Firas al-Maynaqi. Later, virtually the same material was published a second time as the Kitiib shajarat alyaqfn, said to be the work of the third/ninth century Ismaili dii'f 'Abdan. Both of these are, in fact, versions of a later portion, or a second half, or possibly a "Part Two" of the Shajara. Whatever the reason behind either of these false attributions, the real author was Abu Tammam all along, as confirmed decisively by the discovery of "Part One" of the same work, although he remains himself, nonetheless, hardly better known for this, even among the later Tayyibi Ismailis, who certainly had some acquaintance with, as well as copies of, his Kitiib al-shajara, or summaries of it. One explanation for Abu Tammam's obscurity may be tied in with the fate of another of his works, a book or treatise called the Kitiib al-burhiin. It was examined personally and rejected by the Fatimid imam-caliph al-Mu'izz whose negative judgment against it was recorded by the well-known jurist-historian, QaQ.i al-Nu'man, in his Kitiib al-mqjiilis wa'l-musqyariit. Al-Mu'izz's condemnation was thus generally recognized in that one case and that fact would have been difficult to ignore by members of the da'wa either then or later. Even if the later da'wa continued to preserve Abu Tammam's other writings, this one book ceased to be copied by the Fatimid Ismailis and the personal reputation of the author of the Burhiin likely suffered

Vlll

PREFACE

seriously from this criticism of his work by the imam. Moreover, Abu Tammam's affiliation with the Khurasani school of al-Nasafi suggests that he was originally, and possibly remained, outside of the "orthodox" Fatimid da'wa, as did many of the early dti'fs in the eastern provinces whom we now broadly class among the Qarmatians. But, despite the possible heterodoxy of his position within Ismailism, there is nonetheless a clear Ismaili provenance for Abu Tammam's Kittib alshqjara. It is the newly revealed "Part One" that contains the "Chapter on Satan," the importance of which, however, ranges far beyond the Ismaili context from which it derives. While the work as a whole could, it is true, contribute significantly to our knowledge of early Ismaili thought and doctrines, this one portion of it contains by itself a relatively lengthy and complete heresiography of non-Ismaili Islamic sects and that has its own distinct value. Moreover, while the theme of Abu Tammam's "Chapter" is the satans-or more properly the potential satans-in Islam who are, for him, the founders and instigators of heretical sects, and is itself couched in quite polemical language, the heresiographical account recorded in this section for each of the individual sects is not necessarily overtly informed by the same hostility. Outside of the introductory and concluding material, the "Chapter on Satan" is simply not Ismaili, nor especially indicative of Ismaili attitudes. Rather, the textual presentation of the specific seventy-two damned or erring sects that were chosen for inclusion in this heresiography is noteworthy instead for its general Shi'i and MuCtazili point of view and is far less polemical on the whole than the author's introduction might suggest. Using an arrangement of the seventy-two sects grouped into three sets of twenty-four according to a broad doctrinal classification which is thus far unique in Islamic heresiographical writings, Abu Tammam provides us an early witness to a version of this genre which, while itself not isolated (and certainly not simply Ismaili), offers a wealtll of new information on many of the sects he covers. His system of classification is, therefore, of interest in and of itself but there is a great deal more in the details given for each sect. In several cases, moreover, his account stands alone at present because there exists currently no other information about the sect in question. Also we can see that the ultimate source of much of this new material was the Maqtiltit of the highly important and influential MuCtazilite author, Abu'l-Qasim alBalkhi (al-KaCbi), whose own heresiography is presently known only

PREFACE

IX

from one published section, that on the Mu'tazila. In the unfortunate absence of the rest of it, Abu Tammam's work assumes special importance since it provides what is likely a distillation of information from it, even though re-arranged here and given a pronouncedly Shi'i perspective which it cannot have had in its original form. Initially, my own personal interest in the Shajara was limited to the evidence in it of al-Nasafi's seminal Kitiib al-MaMill and other related philosophical texts from the early Ismaili da'wa. An investigation of that problem led, however, to uncovering the true identity of the author and his work. Results of that research first appeared in an article entitled "Abu Tammam and His Kitiib al-shajara: A New Ismaili Treatise from Tenth Century Khurasan" in the Journal if the American Oriental Sociery (114 [1994], pp. 343-352). Later I published an additional study on heresiographical material from the Shajara, this time specifically on the content of the "Chapter on Satan." That article, "An Isma'ili Version of the Heresiography of the Seventy-two Erring Sects" was published in Medieval Isma'ili History and Thought, edited by. F. Daftary (Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 161177). While the whole Arabic text of the Kitiib al-shajara probably ought to be edited and published, the "Chapter on Satan" possesses its own value separate and apart from the rest of the book. Moreover, although one manuscript of "Part One" of the Shajara exists and can be examined by scholars, we have no current knowledge of or access to the balance of the text other than in the problematic Kitiib al-frjii/:t and Kitiib shajara al-yaqfn, the manuscript sources for either of which are not clear and seem not to be available. Therefore, given the special importance of the heresiographical material contained in the "Chapter on Satan," we have produced a critical edition of the Arabic text of that section alone. The translation that accompanies it here likewise reflects and is based solely on that portion of the Shajara.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS As the very existence of Abu Tammam's Kitiib al-shajara was not so long ago in doubt, we all owe an obvious debt of gratitude to Prof. Abbas Hamdani for rediscovering "Part One" of it and locating a manuscript copy among the holding of his family. His intimate knowledge of Ismaili texts proved invaluable in this, as in many

x

PREFACE

previous, cases. Moreover, his friendship, advice and counsel, especially in the early stages of this research, were particularly important. In addition to Prof. Hamdani, throughout my preliminary research into the possible identity of Abu Tammam and the value of his contributions, I was able to consult with Prof. Wilferd Madelung on a fairly constant basis. However, although certainly wishing from the beginning to draw attention to the new text's importance, it was not my original intention to edit and publish it. Not until my son Adam declared his willingness to learn to type Arabic for the explicit purpose of transcribing Abu Tammam's work did the possibility of the edition seem at all feasible. Even then what we produced was little more than a fairly accurate transcription of the one unique manuscript which, however, we knew to be both badly flawed and full of problems of various kinds. Nevertheless, I was fortunate to find a number of colleagues able to provide significance advice about the investigation of Islamic heresiography and help with portions of the Arabic text. These included Professors James Bellamy, Keith Lewinstein, Everett Rowson, William Tucker, and Josef Van Ess. My next goal was to locate parallel passages such as the material in the published section on the Mu'tazila from al-Balkhi's Maqiiliit, which matches that of Abu Tammam almost precisely, or other similar bits and pieces like those in al-Ash'art's Maqiiliit or Nashwan alJ:Iimyart's al-lfur al-efn, which likewise clearly depend on the same textual source as the one evidently used by Abu Tammam. However, despite some progress allowed by this kind of evidence, the text, though slightly improved for it, remained badly in need of further emendation and correction. Real hope of arriving at a properly edited version did not seem feasible until Prof. Madelung consented to apply his considerable skill and knowledge to this project and to accept joint responsibility for the final result. It should be noted that, although he is listed here only as co-editor of the Arabic text, he was actively involved in all phases of this effort as a whole almost from the beginning. He read, for example, a preliminary draft of the translation with great care and its present accuracy owes much to his invaluable advice and suggestions. At a fairly advanced stage, several persons read and commented on portions of the Arabic text, and among these we need thank Professors Farouk Mustafa and Peter Heath, as well as more especially Prof. Hossein Modarressi Tabataba'i, who provided us with a

PREFACE

Xl

number of particularly useful references and textual emendations, and Pro( Ridwan al-Sayyid, who read the whole of the text with knowledgeable thoroughness and likewise contributed a number of suggestions for emendations. Bruce Craig, Middle East Bibliographer at the University of Chicago library, not only reviewed the whole of the English translation, but he and his staff, notably Mark Stein, provided welcome support for the project, as did Jane Hansen and the Department of Near Eastern Studies at the University of Michigan. Dr. J. J. Witkam, Curator of Oriental Collections, Leiden University, kindly located and provided a photocopy of the passage from al-Jushami's Shar~ cuyfln al-masa'il relative to the ~abbaJ:!iyya. At the final level Steven Judd read the translation with special care and pointed out several corrections and other ways it might be improved. After submitting the manuscript to E. J. Brill, Prof. Wadad Kadi, one of the editors of the series in which it appears, kindly examined the text yet again with unusual thoroughness and offered numerous comments, suggestions, possible emendations and alternate readings both for the Arabic and the translation. We would most certainly like therefore also to acknowledge her valuable assistance during the final stage of preparing this work. Paul E. Walker Chicago,IL

INTRODUCTION

ABU T AMMAM

AND

HIS KITAB

AL-SHA]ARA 1

The "Chapter on Satan" (Bab al-shaytan) presented here is one part of a fairly large work called the Kitab al-shajara. It is the composition of a fourth/tenth century Ismaili dacf known rather vaguely by his kunya Abu Tammam. As it exists now, the Shajara is available in two distinct yet overlapping portions one of which derives from the second half of the original text and which appeared initially in modem times as the work of a tenth/ sixteenth century Syrian Ismaili author by the name of Abu Firas Shihab aI-Din al-Maynaqi, under the title Kitab alfr!a~, as edited and published by ArefTamer. According to the editor, it came to him from a Syrian Ismaili source. Later, another version of the same material was published as the Shajarat al-yaqfn, again by Tamer and again from a Syrian source, only tlus time it was said to be by the famous third/ninth century Ismaili dacf cAbdan. 2 More recently, however, a manuscript of "Part One" of the same original work was located by Prof. Abbas Hamdani in the holdings of his family. In contrast to the two Syrian versions, tlus portion comes from the modem Tayyibi Ismaili community of India and Yemen. Significantly, according to the manuscript's title-page and to the copyist's concluding note, this manuscript bears the title Part One (aljuz' al-awwal) if the Kitab al-shajara. The two portions are not, however, entirely separate since they overlap for a number of pages. The material published by Tamer, therefore, is not exactly a "Part Two" in relation to the Hamdani manuscript of "Part One." Nevertheless, evidently there once existed a copy of the Shajara in two parts, the second volume of which went its own way, quite possibly lacking the name of its author, to survive in the Syrian Ismaili community. Meanwhile, the first portion continued to be preserved as a separate I The comments offer here by way of introduction to the present edition and translation summarize my article entitled "Abu Tammam and His Kitab al-shajara: A New Ismaili Treatise from Tenth-century Khurasan" which appeared in the Journal qf the American Oriental Sociery (114 [1994]: 343-352. For the complete details, citations and background for the problem of locating the author's works and his identity, see that study. 2 Kitiib al-ujiiJ; (Beirut, 1965) and Shajarat al-yaqfn (Beirut, 1982).

2

INTRODUCTION

work among the Tayyibis of Yemen and India who, however, do not seem to know of or possess any longer a "Part Two."3 Nevertheless, with the recovery of "Part One," the general structure of the whole treatise and how its parts fit together becomes relatively clear. At the outset, Abu Tammam expresses his intention to explain in this work the following classes of beings: angels (almalii'ika), jinn, satans (al-shayii!fn), devils (al-abiilisa), and humans (alins), as they exist both in potentia (bi-l-quwa) and in actuality (bi-l-fi c0. He says that he will do so in response to a request from a colleague who has become perplexed on this issue from reading a work called Kitiib al-rii/:ta, about which we have no other information. "Part One" (= the Hamdani manuscript) contains the chapters on the angels (f. 3b to 9a), on the jinn (f. 9a to l2b), on the satans (£ 12b to I 83b), 4 on the devils (f. 183b to 208b), and the beginning of the section on humans (£ 208b to 236). The text represented by the two Syrian works commences roughly in the middle of the section on devils but then, of course, continues well beyond the limit of the Hamdani manuscript which ends itself with f. 236. The overlapping pages, however, prove decisively that the text was originally the same for both. Moreover, quotations from the Shajara of Abu Tammam, found in a 6th/12th century Tayyibi work by 'Ali b. al-Walid called the l)iyii' al-albiib, match passages in the later portions of the Syrian text and thus confirm its true identity. 5 Although there exists little information about Abu Tammam elsewhere and his position and identity were previously in doubt, recovery of this one book and understanding how its various parts fit together, along with the identification of its author, now provides us with a context for his thought and writing. It allows us to locate him on the basis of his own words as represented in this one text by bringing 3 For additional details of the exact relationship of the two "Parts", as they now exist in these versions of the text, see my comments and notes in the article "Abu Tammam and his Kitiib al-Shajara," 348-49. 4 This long section itself includes two appendices that run from f. 159b to 171 b and from f. 171 b to 183b respectively. The second of the two has the tide "Bab ta'wil al-dln" and thus might constitute a separate chapter. Both, however, have some relationship to the subject of heresiography which precedes them immediately although neither contributes measurably to the heresiography itself. In general they appear to be simply extra material gathered from another source and inserted by Abu Tammam at this point. As our purpose here is to present the heresiography and not the rest of the Shajara, we have left them out of our edition (and also the translation of it). 5 For detailed citations, see my article cited above p. 346 and note #26.

INTRODUCTION

3

together the material from it, either in the two versions of its latter half-the Kitab al-frjii~ and the Shajarat al-yaqfn-or in its first portion available finally in this manuscript from the Hamdani family collection. From this new information, we surmise that Abu Tammam was active from the beginning of the fourth/tenth century until about the middle of it. He wrote, we now know also, at least two major treatises: the Shajara and another called the Kitab al-burhan. The former (or at least portions of it) was preserved, excerpted, summarized (both in prose and poetry) by the post-Fatimid Tayyibi dacwa in the Yemen and later in India. 6 It was known in the Yemen as well by an important Sunni critic of the Ismailis, a certain Abu Mul:lammad. 7 The second work of Abu Tammam, however, seems to have been abandoned once criticized by the imam al-Mu'izz and now to be irretrievably lost. It did not apparently ever reach the Yemen, for example, even among the Tayyibis. Nevertheless, despite having this new source of information, the author of the Shajara continues to be generally obscure within the history of the Ismaili da'wa and in the literature ofIslamic thought. On the other hand, one major fact about him contributed by the Shajara is its evidence for his obvious loyalty and affiliation with the teachings of the famous Khurasani Ismaili thinker, Mu}:lammad alNasafi. The Ismailis of Khurasan enjoyed an unusual era of success in the earlier decades of the fourth/tenth century. The da'wa there attracted a remarkably gifted group of thinkers and writers, led by alNasafi and supported and protected by the Amir J:Iusayn alMarwazi, who was himself both a powerful figure in the Samanid elite and an active participant in the Ismaili movement. He could and did provide intellectual and financial encouragement as well as a sense of security against the hostility of Sunni and other detractors. Al-Nasafi was not the first head of the local da'wa; Stem, in an important study of the Ismailis of the region, extracted from the limited sources a list of names of his predecessors. s Nevertheless, al6 It was quoted a number of times, for example, by the 6th/12th century writer 'Ali b. Mul}ammad al-Wali:d in his J)iyii' al-albiib, a fact duly noted byal-Majdu' as well (see his Fihrist al-kutub wa'l-rasii'il, ed. Munzavi, Tehran, 1966, pp. 229-37.) It was summarized also by an unknown Tayyibi author or authors in both prose and in poetry; copies of both exist in the manuscript collection of the Institute of Ismaili Studies, London. 7 On whom see below. 8 "The Early Isma'tli Missionaries in North-West Persia and in Khurasan and Transoxania" in BSOAS 23 (1960): 56-90; reprinted in Studies in Earf:y Ismii'flism (Jerusalem, 1983), pp. 189-233.

4

INTRODUCTION

Nasafi was surely the most widely recognized exponent of Ismaili thought in his time, most particularly in Khurasan. This judgment likely indicates as much the critical acclaim of his writings, especially his widely cited Kltiih al-MalNul, as it does any superiority he held in the larger world of the Ismaili organization. In fact most evidence suggests that he never admitted to the leadership, let alone the imamate, of al-Mahdi, who had begun his reign far away in North Africa in his time. For all of al-Nasafi's prominence as head of the dacwa in Khurasan and his vital contributions to the creation of a philosophical Ismailism, he was and probably remained to his death a Qarmatian-that is, an Ismaili who refused to support the Fatimid imams as imams. An older Ismaili teaching held the imam of the time to be Mu}:lammad b. Ismacil, the grandson of Ja'far al-~adiq who was, accordingly, then in occultation. Al-Nasafi apparently continued to profess this form of Ismailism. This is also, therefore, likely true for his followers and most of the dii'fs in Khurasan, as in other eastern provinces. Presumably, this stricture included the Amir alMarwazi as well as Abu Tammam. Despite his "unorthodox" concept of the imamate, perhaps the major distinguishing trend in the work of al-Nasafi was his incorporation of Neoplatonic philosophy into the larger framework of Ismaili doctrine. His philosophical interests were undeniable and they appear to represent the earliest manifestation of this approach. His

MalNul, which received so much attention from later disciples and critics alike and which is mentioned more than any other Ismaili work of its kind by medieval writers, is, unfortunately, now lost. What we know of it derives from scattered quotations in later works, among them notably the Shajara in its later part. It would be hard not to recognize its seminal role. The unmistakable Neoplatonic content in subsequent Ismailism doctrine, particular as witnessed in the books and treatises of Abu YaCqub al-Sijistani, obviously had its earliest expression, if not its origin, in the MalNul and possibly in other works by al-Nasafi. Nevertheless, others most certainly participated with him in this flourishing during that period of relative safety and creativity. In fact there must have existed around al-Nasafi and alMarwazi an important circle of scholars and thinkers. One person who may well have belonged to it was al-Sijistani himself in the earliest part of his own career as a dacf. Certainly, when al-Nasafi's MafNill later came under attack by another Ismaili dacf, Abu I:Iatim al-Razi, al-Sijistani wrote a strong defense of al-Nasafi. Later Ismaili

INTRODUCTION

5

tradition always considered him to have been a student and disciple of the Khurasanian master. But, with recovery of the Shajara, yet another name-that of its author-can be added to the group around al-Nasafi with even more confidence than is the case for alSijistani. However, although now recognizable as the author of the Kitiib al-shqjara and an important disciple of al-Nasafi, Abu Tammam appears not to be mentioned at all in the main sources for the history of the da 'wa in Khurasan. It has been understood generally for sometime that al-Nasafi, despite his success as a writer and propagandist at the Samanid court, came to a violent end when a change of ruler in 332/943 left him without protection and exposed to his Sunni enemies. The Amir alMarwazI had died by then and al-Nasafi, now head of the local da'wa, although at first able to convert the older Samanid ruler to Ismailism, eventual lost everything in this major reversal of fortune. He and his Ismaili followers, according to the sources, were thereafter exterminated throughout Khurasan. A catastrophe so severe as to end the da'wa completely, however, cannot have happened despite these reports. Not only did al-SijistanI continue his mission, by then, however, in Sijistan, not Khurasan, but Abu Tammam surely also carried on the work of his master, possibly in Khurasan itsel£ Moreover, later Ismaili works such as those of Na~ir-i Khusraw, point back to, among others, the activities of two of al-Nasafi's sons both of whom followed in the footsteps of their father. There existed thus both before and after the martyrdom of al-Nasafi, a school that preserved and developed his legacy. The ZaydI writer al-Busti, who was remarkably well informed about these figures and their activities, confirms its survival, although he notes that in the subsequent period al-SijistanI had fallen out with the Khurasanls. Al-SijistanI did, in fact, eventually express his direct support for the Fatimids which the Khurasanls, like Abu Tammam, may not have done, but it is not over that issue that al-Bust! reports bitter disagreement. Instead it was, he says, a quarrel about methods for propagating and spreading doctrine. Still, it would be reasonable to conclude from our meager evidence that at least Abu Tammam, along with the sons of alNasafi, represented the continuation of the Khurasani school as it had been founded by al-Nasafi. That much seems clear from the slight bits of information in later Ismaili sources and from the Kitiib al-shajara, but it still does not tell us a great deal about Abu Tammam himself. It is strange that Ismaili

6

INTRODUCTION

tradition did not retain more detail about him, as, for example, additional elements of his name, or a firm date for his activities. All that it preserved apparently is the one book and that in two parts which may well have become disconnected long ago, leaving behind one portion (the second half) of unknown authorship. Except for a few comments about his Kitab al-burhiin, which, however, do help somewhat to establish a date for his writings since it was rejected by alMucizz and must therefore have existed already in his time, there is nothing else. One tantalizing possibility of an identification for Abu Tammam in non-Ismaili sources is the Abu Tammam al-NaysabuIi mentioned in the $iwan al-bikma complex as the author of a Risala fi'l-budiid. He was, we also know, often in trouble because of being Shiclte. That tlus Abu Tammam was active in the first half of the fourth/tenth century and was of Khurasani origin would fit well with the Ismaili Abu Tammam who wrote the Shajara. These facts, even so, alone, although suggestive, are not enough to establish a firm connection between the two. Another important issue in regard to Abu Tammam is the relationship between his Shajara and the Kitab al-burhiin, which he clearly also wrote and which he cites frequently in the Shajara. In my article announcing the identity and recovery of the Shajara, I raised this problem and noted there as well the condemnation of the Burhan by the imam-caliph al-Mucizz. This helps, of course, both to date Abu Tammam as well as to explain why he did not enjoy a better reputation in the later da cwa. Moreover, there is at present no reason to revise the conclusions argued there that the Burhan and the Shajara were two separate treatises and the fact of the adverse judgment by the imam against the one of Abu Tammam's works did not necessarily apply to the other, but it would be useful nevertheless to learn more about this problem and the subsequent fate of the Burhiin. In my initial paper on Abu Tammam, I mentioned an obscure Sunni heresiographer by the name of Abu Mu}:lammad whose Mukht{],far.fi caqa'id al-thalath wa al-sabcfn firqa is an important source of information about Ismaili works available in the Yemen in the middle of the sixth/twelfth century. He was, moreover, the sole nonIsmaili witness to Abu Tammam and his works. 9 Helmut Ritter first 9 At that point I referred to him via the information about his comments on Ismaili writings contained in Ismail Poonawala's Bwbibliography if Ismaili Literature. Subsequendy, acting on the advice of Prof. William Tucker, I located a film copy of

INTRODUCTION

7

made tIus text of Abu Mul).ammad known in his article "Philologika III: Muhammedanische Haresiographen" (Der Islam 18 [1929]: 3454, p. 47). The only manuscript is in Istanbul: 'Atif 1373. Ritter had noticed that the author gives a list of Abbasid caliphs that concludes with the name of al-Muqtafi and the indication that he rules "at this time, the year 504." Al-Muqtafi's reign actually ran from 530 to 555 and, therefore, Ritter suggested that the date 504 must be an error for 540. 10 If his surmise is correct, Abu Mul).ammad wrote this work in that year, which is 1145 or 1146 A.D. Ardently Sunni, at lea~t when he wrote this treatise, Abu Mul).ammad composed it as a conventional heresiography of the seventy-two damned sects of Islam and, as a heresiography by itself, it has little significance. However, near the conclusion of his account, after an entry on the Ismii'rliyya, the author disgresses at length about Ismaili symbols and peculiar terms and about their unconventional, and to him outrageous, latitude in the ta'wrl of various Quranic passages. Ultimately, his refutation of the Ismailis is thus unusually expansive and, in fact, despite his rampantly polemical attitude, it features more detail concerning Ismaili doctrines than the writings of almost any other anti-Ismaili critic from the medieval period. I I This one section commences, moreover, with a precise delineation of the Ismaili books and treatises with which Abu Mul).ammad was personally acquainted. A list of this kind is so rare that it assumes special importance accordingly. And, perhaps, it also indicates its time and place. Abu Mul).ammad appears, from a number of comments in his work, to be a Yemeni, or, at the least, to have written this book in the Yemen. If so, it comes from a period in Ismaili history near the beginning of the flourishing of the Tayyibi da'wa, soon after splitting with the Cairo caliphate and after the occultation Abu Mul:tammad's Mukhtf¥ar fi 'aqii'id al-thaliith wa'l-sab'fn firqa in the library of the University of Indiana. As this information is, in part, new it may be useful to add more detail here about what it reveals in regard to Abu Tammam and his works. 10 f. 36a. Abu Mul:tammad correcdy records the death of al-Muktafi as 295 and thereafter continues with al-Muqtadir, al-Mustanid, al-Mustarshid, al-Malik, and finally al-Muqtafi in 504. Instead of the twelve Abbasids who ruled between 295 and the advent of the second al-Muqtafi in 530, the text lists only four with no death dates as was the case for rulers prior to 295. Still, it is likely that Abu Mul:tammad and his source simply did not have better information and therefore put down only what they could recall on the spur of the moment. II The section in question covers folios 82b to 120a out of a total of 134 for the whole work. Thus almost a third of the treatise was devoted to the Ismailis alone and it is thus radically out of balance in terms of the author's attention to any other sect.

8

INTRODUCTION

of the imam, al-Tayyib, and his descendants. Tayyibi scholarship and writing commenced, at that point-i.e., the second quarter of the 6th/12th century-an active phase that saw, among other tendencies, an eclectic attempt to collect, copy, study and preserve earlier Ismaili works from all periods and from several disparate Ismaili movements such as the Qarmatians and the Ikhwan al-~aIa). Abu Mul)ammad's brief catalog of Ismaili books and treatises significantly includes the Rasii'il of the Ikhwan, the Ma~i11 of al-Nasafi (although his name is not there recorded), the hlii~ of Abu I:Iatim al-Razi, along with two works of Qa,c;li al-Nu'man, three short pamphlets by al-Kirmani, and three treatises by al-Sijistani (al-Maqiilfd, al-ijiikhiir, and al-Bishiira). There are a few others as well. Most importantly for the present purpose, the same list names the Kitiib shajarat al-dfn and separately the Kitiib al-burhiin. Between them on the list there are two unconnected titles (a Kitiib al-ladhdha and the M~~. 12 Not all of the works named assume explicit significance in the material that follows this list, but several are later quoted directly, some repeatedly. Of particular concern to Abu Mul)ammad apparently is the ijiikhiir of al-Sijistani and it is likely that al-Sijistani holds pride of place in his refutationY Nearly equal is Abu Tammam and his Shajara, which Abu Mul)ammad cites and from which he quotes at least three times. In the first case he begins by saying, "A shaykh of theirs called Abu Tammam [word(s) unclear] maintained in his book (or books)14 Shajarat al-dfn wa burhiin al-yaqfn,"15 following which there is quoted material. In the second, after presenting fairly extensive passages from the Shajara, he concludes, "This is the doctrine of Abu Tammam author of the Kitiib shajarat al-dfn."16 Finally, near the end of the whole section, referring to the subject ofIblis(es), he remarks, " ... a shaykh of theirs-that is, of the Ismailis-called Abu Tammam, one of their dii'fs, claims in a book which he titled Shajarat al-dfn wa burhiin al-yaqfn that .... "17 Whether these three citations cover a single work or 12 One more tide is also interesting. Abu Mul:J.ammad cites and quotes from a Kitiib al-mas'ala wa'l-ja:wab by Abu'I-I:Iusayn al-Nakhshabi (or in one place ibn alNakhshabi), £ 84b, 85a, 99b, and lOla. On £ lOla the author is called Abu'lI:Iusayn b. al-NakhshabL Most likely this is a son of the famous al-Nasafi (alNakhshabi). 13 Mentioned explicidy £ 83a, 84a, 85b, 108a, lO8b, lIla, and 113a. 14 The reading in this instance might be kitabay although the ms. is smudged and hardly clear. 15 f. 109a 16 £ 115a. 17 f. 120a

INTRODUCTION

9

two separate items is not certain from this information alone but the two titles were clearly mentioned separately in the earlier list. IS Beyond these direct references, there are several other cases where the Shajara enters Abu Mu}:lammad's account indirectly.19 All in all there can be no doubt that Abu Mu}:lammad had access to a copy of the Shajara and that it was a version of the same work we have now located. Curiously, also, he knew as little of the author as we, referring to him simply as Abu Tammam without either an ism or a nisba. On the question of how the Burhiin related to the Shajara, he provides mixed evidence-little enough in any case-that appears inconclusive. Significantly, in his own heresiography, Abu Mu}:lammad seems not to have used Abu Tammam's. His enumeration of the sects is, for example, not at all that of Abu Tammam. Nevertheless, the testimony of Abu Mu}:lammad readily confirms the importance of the Shajara among the Tayyibi Ismailis of the 6th/12th century and probably later.

THE "CHAPTER ON SATAN" AND ITS SOURCES

Although the "Chapter on Satan" begins and ends with passages in which the author discusses items of Ismaili doctrine, the intervening heresiographical material shows no sign-at least no overt characteristic-of Ismaili attitudes or sources. 20 Following his introduction of the theme of satans, Abu Tammam sets out, by his own admission, to describe sect by sect the seventy-two heretical movements that had appeared in Islam from the moment of the prophet's death until his own time. He chooses to class the seventy-two into three groups of 18 I suspect that, like the author of piya' al-albab, Abu Mu}:!ammad noticed the frequent references to the Burhan in the text of the Shajara and employed a single citation for both although, in fact, he had never seen the Burhiin in actuality. 19 Provisionally: f. 85a, concerning the seven stages of soul; f. 88b, about talking birds; f. 94a, a discussion of the Qishriyya. Most impressive is the diagranl given on folio ll5a, which is a version of the one Tamer recorded in the It/iii; (p. 153). A manuscript rendering of the same occurs on p. 159 of Tamer's Shajarat al-yaqm. To be sure Abu Mu}:!ammad included only a part of this diagram; his covers the heavens to the eighth sphere. 20 For example, the one earlier Ismaili work that contains a section on Islamic heresiography, a portion of Abu l:Iatim al-Razi's Kitab al-zfna, which likewise shows no sign of a specifically Ismaili point of view, is not its source either in whole or in part. That section of al-Razi's work was edited and published by 'A. S. al-Samarra'i in his Al-Ghuluww wa'l-firaq al-ghaliyafi'l-~atjara al-islamiyya (Baghdad, 1972), pp. 228312.

10

INTRODUCTION

twenty-four according to three broad doctrinal principles: I) those who maintain that the acts of obedience are a component of faith; 2) those who state that the laws are not components of faith; and 3) those who insist that the imam after the prophet was cAli b. Abi Talib. Such a division is unknown in the context of the famous declaration by the prophet concerning the seventy-two damned sects of Islamic heresiography. Such a neat scheme of three times twentyfour has, therefore, no parallel elsewhere. Within the general framework, however, Abu Tammam selected not only a specific list of seventy-two but also an intermediate classification of the whole lot into exactly eleven madhiihib: the MuCtazila, Khawarij, I:Iadithiyya, Qadariyya, Mushabbiha, Mmji'a, Zaydiyya, Kaysaniyya, cAbbasiyya, Ghaliyya, and Imamiyya. At the close of the chapter he will argue that, just as the seventy-two sects demand a seventy-third-the one according to the ~adfth that will enter paradise-so do the eleven require a twelfth to bring them back into natural harmony and reconcile the conflicts that originally caused these heresies to come into existence. Obviously, the seventy-third sect and the twelfth madhhab--the one that achieves truth and salvation-is the Ismaili da'wa to which the author of the book belongs. While Abu Tammam's arrangement of his sect list into three groups of twenty-four is otherwise unknown, there is a precedent both in much of his material on various of the sects and groups, individually and collectively, most particularly for the section on the MuCtazila, which follows almost word for word the appropriate portions of Abu'l-Qasim al-Balkhi's Maqiiliit,21 and in the list as a whole, which matches that given by al-Khwarazmi in his Mafiitf~ al-'ulum, a secretaries manual written at the Samanid court about 370. 22 There can be no doubt about al-Balkhi's role as the ultimate source for Abu Tammam. Where al-Balkhi's work had its greatest and most immediate influence such as in the heresiographies of al-Ash Cart 23 and Nashwan al-I:Iimyart,24 both of whom explicitly admit this affiliation, 21 Based on the text located and published by Fuad Sayyid as "Dhikr almu'tazila" in Fatji al-i'tiz;al wa'l-fabaqiit al-mu'ta;:ila (Tunis, 1974), pp. 61-119. On Abu'I-Qasim al-BalkhI, see the entry by J. Van Ess in the Encyclopaedia Iranica. 22 Pp. 18-22 of the Cairo printing (1923). On this section of the Mafanl} see also C. E. Bosworth, "Al-tIwarazml on Theology and Sects, the Chapter on Kaliim in the MafatfiJ al-'ulilm" in Hommage Henri Laoust, Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales 29 (1977): 88-91. 23 Abu'I-I:Iasan al-Ash'an, Kitab maqalat al-isliimiyyfn, ed. H. Ritter (Wiesbaden, 1963). 24 al-Ifilr al- 'rn, ed. K. Mu~tala (Beirut, 1985).

INTRODUCTION

11

there are numerous passages that correspond with Abu Tammam. The one earlier writer for whom there might have been a separate connection, the Mu'tazilite Zurqan, also mention by both al-Ash'art and al-J:Iimyart, and from whom material in Abu Tammam must certainly come, may have entered also into the sources of al-BalkhL Indeed it would have been strange if it were not the case since both were Mu'tazilite. One clear sign, however, of al-Balkhi's overriding role is that, in Abu Tammam's account of the doctrines of al-Jal:ti~, he reports without discussion that al:Jal:ti~ agreed with Thumama on an item in question. But there is no entry on Thumama in Abu Tammam's work. Such a comment, therefore, has no antecedent in the "Chapter on Satan" and is thus out of place there. There is, however, ample reason for it in al-Balkhi's work because the entry on al:Jal:ti~ follows immediately after that for Thumama. 25 This is evidence both of the close affinity and yet also the difference separating Abu Tammam and al-BalkhL Much of the material in Abu Tammam's heresiography is derived from the latter but not its sect list; al-Balkhi simply discussed many more figures and groups than appear anywhe:ce in Abu Tammam. 26 If, then, the sect list-leaving aside the question of the broader division into twenty-fours-matches that of al-Khwarazmt2 7 but not that used by al-Balkhi, this fact may point to an intervening source, or possibly to the agency of Abu Tammam himself. However, there are a number of problems in attributing the sect list shared by both al-Khwarazmi and Abu Tammam to the latter. A minor but significant difference occurs in al-Khwarazmi's inclusion of the Isma'iliyya 25 From a different angle, additional evidence of al-Balkhj's role exists in the case of the entry on the fairly obscure sect called the ~abbal}iyya. Van Ess (see his Theologie, V, 226-27) had found an important passage about their doctrines in alI:Iakim al:Jushaml's Shar~ 'uyiln al-masii'il (ms. Leiden Or 2584a, f. 47a-b) but he did not note that the information given there was, in fact, taken from Qa ~.l!J !(."JJI ~J" o

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