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America in the Gilded Age THIRD EDITIO N
ALSO B Y SEA N D E N N I S C A S H M A N A N D PUBLISHE D B Y N E W YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S
America, Roosevelt, and World War II African-Americans and the Quest for Civil Rights, 1900-1990 America in the Age of the Titans: The Progressive Era and World War I America in the Twenties and Thirties: The Olympian Age of Franklin Delano Roosevelt America Ascendant: From Theodore Roosevelt to FDR
SEAN DENNI S CASHMA N
America in the Gilded Age From the Death of Lincoln to the Rise of Theodore Roosevelt THIRD EDITIO N
n
N E W YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S
New York and London
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRES S
New Yor k an d Londo n
Copyright © 1984 , 1988 , 199 3 b y New Yor k Universit y All rights reserved Library of Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Cashman, Sean Dennis. America i n the gilded age : from th e death o f Lincol n t o the rise of Theodore Roosevel t / Sean Dennis Cashman.—3r d ed . p. cm . Includes bibliographical reference s an d index. ISBN 0-8147-1494-3—ISB N 0-8147-1495- 1 (pbk. ) 1. United States—History—1865-1898 . I . Title. E661.C38 199 4 973.8—dc2o 93-1299 9 CIP New Yor k University Pres s books are printed on acid-fre e paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength an d durability. Manufactured i n the United States of Americ a 10 9
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for Piers Mackesy
Contents
Illustrations i x Preface t o the New Editio n xii i Preface t o th e Firs t Edition xv i
PART ON E
The Sight and Sound of Industrial America i Industria l Sprin g i 2 Titan s a t War: Th e Industria l Legac y of Rockefeller , Carnegie, an d Morga n 3 6 3 Exodu s t o a Promised Lan d 7 3 4 Th e Sorrow s o f Labo r 10 0 5 No t sinc e Nineveh: Tal l Storie s and Tale s of Tw o Citie s 13 5 6 Midsumme r o f th e American Renaissanc e 16 8 vii
viii Contents PART T W O
Politics and Discontent 7 Reconstructio n an d th e New Sout h 20 3 8 Th e Las t Refug e o f a Scoundrel 24 4 9 Openin g th e West an d Closing the Frontie r 28 2 10 Gate s o f Silve r and Bar s of Gol d 31 3 11 Wa r an d Empir e 33 8 12 Th e Daw n o f a Progressive Ag e 35 4
Chronology 38
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Sources 38 7 Bibliography 39 1 Index 40 9
Illustrations
The Electri c Tower a t th e Pa n America n Exposition , Buffal o
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Mark Twai n Dinin g a t Demonico' s 2 Abraham Lincol n 7 The Corlis s Engin e a t th e Centennia l Exhibitio n 9 Thomas Alv a Ediso n an d Alexande r Graha m Bel l 1 6 & 1 7 The Las t Spik e of th e Firs t Transcontinental Railroa d 2 5 Waldorf Astori a Hote l 3 7 Titans o f Industry : Morgan , Rockefeller , an d Carnegi e 4 5 Arthur Curti s James House , Ne w Yor k 5 9 The Huddle d Masse s 7 5 Liberty Leading Immigrants b y Kenyo n Co x 7 9 Inauguration o f th e Statue o f Libert y 8 7 Hester Stree t 9 3 Eugene Deb s 10 1 ix
x Illustrations The Secondar y Railroa d Strik e of 189 4 I s Broke n 12 9 Randolph Street , Chicag o 13 7 Brooklyn Bridg e 14 1 Monadnock Block , Chicag o 14 5 Jacob Rii s 14 7 English Coa l Miner' s Home , Lowe r Eas t Side , New Yor k 15 3 Frances Benjami n Johnsto n 15
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Administration Building , World's Columbia n Exposition , Chicag o 16 5 Marsden J . Perr y House , Providence , Rhod e Islan d 16 9 John Singe r Sargen t 17 3 The William Kissa m Vanderbil t House , New Yor k 17 7 Dining Roo m i n the Anderson House , Washington, D.C . 18 1 The Prophets Elijah, Moses, Joshua b y John Singe r Sargent 18 7 Statue o f Minerv a i n th e Grea t Hal l o f th e Librar y o f Congres s 19 1 Robert Goul d Sha w Memoria l b y Augustus Saint-Gauden s 19 5 Augustus Saint-Gaudens b y Kenyo n Co x 19 7 Memorial t o th e Confederat e Dead , Vicksburg , Mississipp i 20 0 Cartoon o f Andre w Johnson a s Iago b y Thomas Nas t 20 7 Crowd Surgin g to th e Publi c Gallerie s o f th e Senat e 21 3 Thomas Nas t Cartoo n o f Confederat e Diehard s 21 7 Ulysses S . Grant 22 1 Horace Greele y 22 7 Lynching o f MacManu s 23 9 Booker T . Washington 24
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Cartoon o f Rosco e Conklin g an d Presidentia l Aspirant s 24 5
Illustrations x Carl Schur z 25 3 Cartoon o f Grove r Clevelan d 26 3 Cartoon o f Thoma s B . Reed 26 9 Cowboys Coming to Town for Christmas b y Frederi c Remingto n 28 3 Dakota Woo s Uncl e Sam 28 9 Sitting Bull 29 5 Buffalo Bil l 30 3 Annie Oakle y an d Calamit y Jane 30 9 A Kansas Farme r an d Hi s Famil y wit h Thei r Stea m Plo w 31 5 Granger Poste r 31 7 Mississippi Riverboa t 32 1 William Jennings Brya n an d Ignatiu s Donnell y 33 1 Cartoon o f Willia m McKinle y 33 9 Dewey Triumphal Arch , New Yor k 35 1 Cartoon o f Theodore Roosevel t 35 5 Jane Addam s 36 5 William McKinley' s Part y a t Hi s Second Inauguratio n 37 3 President's Da y a t the Pa n America n Exposition , Buffal o 37
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Preface to the New Edition
This volume, the third editio n o f America in the Gilded Age, a history o f the Unite d State s fro m th e assassinatio n o f Lincol n i n 186 5 t o t n e accession o f Theodor e Roosevel t t o th e presidenc y i n 1901 , ha s bee n planned i n conjunctio n wit h tw o projecte d sequels : America Ascendant, covering th e ris e o f th e Unite d State s t o worl d preeminenc e i n th e first half o f th e twentiet h century , an d a later volume , America in the Atomic Age, coverin g the years of th e Col d Wa r fro m 1945 . When th e first editio n o f America in the Gilded Age wa s publishe d i n 1984, ther e wa s littl e though t tha t i t woul d b e th e first o f a n occasiona l series. However , publicatio n o f fou r subsequen t histories , albei t fo r different readerships , an d th e respons e the y receive d provide d a n oppor tunity fo r Coli n Jones , directo r o f Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , edito r Niko Pfund , an d m e t o reflec t o n an d pla n ne w edition s i n a serie s wit h a standar d format—genera l historie s coverin g a specific perio d o f Amer ican histor y wit h chronologica l chapter s o n politic s an d separat e the matic chapters o n busines s an d industry , immigration , an d labor . We wer e helpe d b y professiona l historian s wh o kindl y too k th e tim e to respon d t o question s a t th e boo k fai r o f th e Ma y 199 1 meetin g o f th e Organization o f America n Historian s i n Louisville , Kentucky . The ques tions covere d suc h subject s a s th e natur e an d tim e frame s o f differen t xiii
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historical periods ; th e sort s o f subject s usefull y covere d i n integrate d chapters an d thos e usefull y covere d i n separat e themati c chapters ; th e optimum lengt h o f book s require d i n universit y courses ; an d th e differ ent use s o f bibliographies , primar y sources , an d illustrations . Ther e seemed t o b e a consensu s tha t th e perio d fro m th e en d o f th e Civi l Wa r to th e tur n o f th e centur y doe s constitut e a clearl y define d historica l period; an d ther e wa s a preferenc e fo r separat e treatmen t o f certai n thematic subject s i n th e Gilde d Age , fo r bibliographie s tha t provide d lists o f book s arrange d alphabeticall y b y topic , an d fo r judiciou s selec tion o f illustrations . Accordingly , th e thir d editio n o f America in the Gilded Age ha s a n extr a chapte r o n th e America n Renaissanc e an d extended chapter s o n immigration , labor , cities , and th e West . Colin Jones , Nik o Pfund , an d I reviewe d cop y o n th e America n Renaissance o f 1876-191 7 i n America in the Age of the Titans: the Progressive Era and World War I (1988) , an d decide d t o incorporat e i t in a fulle r an d mor e elaborat e treatmen t i n th e thir d editio n o f America in the Gilded Age. Amon g variou s guide s t o th e America n Renaissance , the mos t persuasiv e wer e th e planner s o f a n exhibition , The American Renaissance, i8y6-i^iy, see n i n Brooklyn, Washington , Sa n Francisco , and Denve r i n 197 9 an d 1980 . The y als o provide d a n attractiv e com mentary i n a n accompanyin g boo k o f th e sam e titl e (1979 ) b y Richar d Guy Wilson , Richar d N . Murray , an d Diann e H . Pilgrim , an d thi s meticulous accoun t ha s serve d a s stimulu s an d basi s fo r thi s chapter . I have adde d materia l abou t th e impac t tha t th e America n Renaissanc e had o n cit y desig n t o th e clos e o f th e precedin g chapte r o n America n cities. We als o rerea d th e longer , origina l manuscript s o f th e chapter s o n immigration an d labo r fo r th e first editio n o f America in the Gilded Age in thei r hithert o unpublishe d forms . The y include d som e discussio n o n women an d African-American s i n th e labo r movement . Give n th e an swers o f historian s a t th e Louisvill e meetin g an d th e preference s the y disclosed o n thes e subjects , th e editor s agree d t o incorporat e som e o f these origina l version s int o wha t ar e no w mor e substantiv e chapter s i n this thir d edition . Moreover , w e hav e place d thes e tw o chapter s wit h their relate d theme s o f worker s seekin g economi c opportunit y i n appo sition t o on e another . Th e chapte r o n th e Wes t take s not e o f revisionis t histories o f th e region . The groun d swel l o f cit y an d stat e progressivis m fro m 189 0 onward s
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is as centra l a par t o f America n histor y a t th e clos e of th e Gilde d Ag e a s are Populis m an d imperialism . Thu s i n th e secon d an d thir d edition s o f America in the Gilded Age, w e adde d a chapter o n progressivis m a s well as a revised chapte r o n th e robbe r barons . Iai n Halliday , formerl y o f th e Universities o f Manchester , England , an d Catania , Italy , undertoo k pre liminary scholarshi p int o the Progressive movement . Dr . J. A. Thompso n of Cambridg e an d Princeto n Universitie s rea d wha t I ha d writte n an d offered constructiv e criticism . Thi s las t chapte r no w include s informa tion o n th e campaig n fo r women' s suffrag e i n th e nineteent h century— a few paragraph s tha t hav e als o bee n borrowe d fro m America in the Age of the Titans. Thus two ne w and severa l revise d chapter s have been introduced sinc e America in the Gilded Age wa s first published . Sinc e th e first editio n o f 1984 term s fo r certai n subject s hav e change d i n standar d speec h an d i n writing. In the new edition w e have almost alway s used th e term African Americans, rathe r tha n blacks , an d th e ne w Englis h transliteratio n o f Chinese plac e name s but , dependin g o n context , hav e use d bot h Nativ e Americans an d Indian s t o describ e descendant s o f th e first peoples o f th e Western Hemisphere . We have revise d bot h th e general desig n an d th e collection o f illustra tions and , a s ha s bee n th e cas e wit h othe r book s i n thi s series , I than k staff member s o f th e Print s an d Photograph s Divisio n o f th e Librar y o f Congress—this tim e Ms . Mar y Ison , Ms . Maj a Keech , an d Ms . Ja n Grenci—for thei r hel p i n selection . Onc e again , I am gratefu l t o NYUP , in particula r Coli n Jones , Nik o Pfund , an d Managin g Edito r Despin a Papazoglou Gimbel , for th e care an d thoroughnes s wit h whic h the y hav e treated thi s book . I am especiall y indebte d t o Donald an d Bash a Baerman , whose friend ship sustained m e through wor k o n th e third edition .
Preface to the First Edition
This book , intende d a s a n introductio n t o th e Gilde d Ag e and Industria l America, offer s a genera l accoun t o f th e industria l an d economic , socia l and politica l histor y o f th e perio d fro m 186 5 t o 1901 . I t i s a wor k o f synthesis, draw n fro m recen t scholarshi p an d fro m som e primar y sources . It give s prid e o f plac e t o th e amazin g development s i n industry—fo r many peopl e the most origina l an d distinctiv e featur e o f th e period—an d then describe s th e complementar y socia l histor y o f immigration , urbani zation, an d labo r unions . Th e secon d hal f o f th e boo k concentrate s o n the politica l storie s o f Reconstructio n an d part y politic s an d th e ris e o f dissent culminatin g i n th e Populis t Revolt . I t concludes wit h account s o f imperialism an d progressivis m a t th e turn o f th e century . The book aim s at a clear , concis e presentatio n o f essentia l fact s bu t i t doe s no t attemp t to recor d th e histor y o f hig h societ y o r th e comple x an d divers e storie s of educatio n an d religion , art s an d letters . Westwar d expansio n i s con sidered onl y briefly . Th e boo k i s designe d bot h fo r thos e wh o wan t t o read abou t Reconstructio n an d th e year s t o 187 7 i n genera l an d thos e who, instead , prefe r t o begi n i n 187 6 o r 1877 . I t place s som e emphasi s on th e lif e storie s an d personalitie s o f th e principa l protagonist s an d includes illustrations . I bega n thi s boo k i n th e sprin g o f 198 1 a t th e suggestio n o f Coli n xvi
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Jones, an d I complete d i t i n th e fal l o f 198 2 durin g a study-leav e fro m my dutie s a s lecture r i n America n histor y a t Mancheste r Universit y i n England. I thank m y colleague s an d especiall y Professor s Pete r Marshal l and Denni s Wellan d fo r makin g thi s possible . Durin g fal l semeste r o f 1982 I was th e gues t o f th e America n Studie s Progra m a t Georg e Wash ington University , Washington , D.C . I than k th e director , Professo r Howard Gillette , fo r makin g arrangement s fo r m y visit , an d Professor s Bernard Merge n o f GW U an d Wilcom b Washbur n o f th e Smithsonia n Institution fo r invitin g m e t o teac h i n thei r classes . Professo r Davi d Reimers o f Ne w Yor k Universit y offere d constructiv e advic e o n th e structure an d conten t o f th e book , particularl y o n immigration . Ms . Mary Iso n o f th e Librar y o f Congres s wa s mos t helpfu l i n th e selectio n of illustrations . Mrs. Eileen Grime s typed th e manuscript .
The Electri c Tower dominate d th e Pa n America n Expositio n a t Buffal o i n 1901 , widely interprete d a s th e culminatio n o f America' s industria l an d imperia l prog ress i n th e Gilde d Age . Master y o f th e ne w technolog y o f electricit y mad e i t possible t o appl y limitles s energ y i n precis e quantities . Journalist Mar k Sulliva n commented ho w "electricit y wa s streakin g u p an d dow n th e country , literall y like lightning—wire s t o provid e i t wit h a pathwa y wer e everywher e bein g ex tended, lik e lon g nerve s o f a ne w growth , fro m centra l powe r houses , fro m th e city t o th e subur b . . . everywhere endin g i n th e tur n o f a switch , b y th e turnin g of whic h a ma n coul d ta p fo r himsel f a practically limitles s reservoi r o f physica l power." (Phot o b y C . D . Arnold , Librar y o f Congress. )
PART O N E
The Sight and Sound of Industrial America
CHAPTER 1
Industrial Spring
The assassi n wh o ende d th e lif e o f Abraha m Lincol n extinguishe d th e light o f th e Republic . O n Apri l 14 , 1865 , afte r th e presiden t argue d i n the cabine t fo r generou s treatmen t o f th e South , vanquishe d i n th e wa r between th e states , he wen t t o th e theater . I t was Goo d Frida y an d ther e was a conspirac y afoo t t o kil l him . Durin g th e thir d ac t o f th e pla y a t Ford's Theatr e i n Washington , acto r Joh n Wilke s Booth , a fanatica l partisan o f th e souther n cause , stol e int o hi s bo x an d sho t hi m i n th e head a t clos e range. Lincoln neve r regaine d consciousnes s an d die d earl y the nex t day . Unti l hi s deat h Lincol n ha d bee n a mos t controversia l president—yet hi s secretar y o f war , Edwi n Stanton , coul d justl y claim , "Now h e belong s t o th e ages. " Th e transfiguratio n o f th e murdere d president cas t a long shado w ove r America n histor y fro m 186 5 t o 1901 . In politica l terms , th e perio d tha t begin s wit h th e assassinatio n o f on e president end s wit h th e assassinatio n o f another , Willia m McKinley , i n 1901.
These wer e formativ e years . The Industria l Revolutio n an d th e devel opment o f commercia l monopolies , Reconstructio n an d th e Ne w South , the settlemen t o f th e Wes t an d closin g o f th e frontier—al l brough t t o the for e o f politic s a cas t o f character s tha t wa s ver y differen t fro m th e statesmen, soldiers , an d slave s o f th e Civi l War . Thi s wa s th e heyda y o f 1
Mark Twai n (cente r front ) dinin g wit h resplendentl y attire d friend s ami d th e opulenc e o f Delmonico's, Ne w York , o n hi s seventiet h birthday , Novembe r 30 , 1905 . Fro m 1863 , "Mark Twain, " a Mississipp i Rive r ter m fo r wate r barel y saf e fo r navigation , wa s adopte d as a pseudony m b y Samue l Langhorn e Clemen s (1835—1910)—variously , steamboa t pi lot, miner , journalist , raconteur , an d novelist . I t was h e wh o coine d "th e Gilde d Age " as title fo r a satir e o f politica l an d financia l corruptio n (1873) , gi y m g a nam e t o th e expan sionist period afte r th e Civil War. (Print s and Photographs Division , Librar y of Congress. )
the robbe r barons . Perhap s th e mos t damagin g accusatio n agains t Lin coln afte r hi s assassination wa s tha t t o win th e war h e had bee n read y t o sacrifice th e ideal s o f th e Republica n part y t o spoilsme n an d profiteers . Progressive journalis t Lincol n Steffen s observe d tha t i n Englan d politic s was a sport , i n German y i t wa s a profession , bu t i n th e Unite d State s i t was a business—an d a corrup t on e a t that. Yet , in the absenc e o f stron g executive leadershi p durin g a prolonged perio d o f social , industrial, an d economic growth , Lincoln' s reputatio n soare d eve r higher. A t the end of the centur y Ne w Englan d intellectual s criticize d th e cul t o f idolizin g Lincoln i n a n anecdot e abou t a n America n travele r t o Englan d wh o
Industrial Spring 3 visited Oxfor d University . Confuse d b y th e architectura l similarit y be tween tw o o f th e college s i n Tur l Street—Jesu s an d Lincoln—h e ex claimed, " I can' t tel l th e differenc e betwee n Lincol n an d Jesus! " A passing studen t remarke d tha t i t wa s th e sam e wit h al l Americans . Th e allusion an d th e confusio n wer e understandable . Lincol n had , afte r all , saved th e Unio n i n war , wherea s hi s successor s cam e clos e t o losin g th e peace. The Wes t wa s settle d a t a fata l cos t t o Nativ e Americans . Th e Sout h was tie d bac k t o th e Unio n a t a humiliatin g cos t t o African-Americans . There wer e tw o depressions , i n 187 3 an< ^ 1 %93-> e a c n wit h devastatin g effects o n th e economy . Th e amazin g industria l expansio n o f th e Unite d States wa s accomplishe d wit h considerabl e exploitatio n o f factor y arti sans. Th e splendor s o f th e ne w citie s ros e ami d th e squalo r o f industria l slums. Th e mos t damnin g indictmen t o f thi s postwa r America n societ y was attribute d t o th e futur e Frenc h prim e ministe r George s Clemenceau , who live d fo r a tim e i n Ne w Yor k an d Ne w England . Notin g it s un doubted problems , h e coul d clai m th e Unite d State s ha d gon e fro m a stage o f barbaris m t o on e o f decadenc e withou t achievin g an y civiliza tion betwee n th e two . Mark Twai n pai d a differen t bu t n o les s censoriou s tribut e t o th e aspirations, autocracy , an d affluenc e o f th e ne w America n plutocrac y o f industrialists, financiers, an d politician s i n his Utopian satire , The Gilded Age (1873) . Th e titl e take s it s cu e fro m Shakespeare . Kin g Joh n i s dissuaded fro m a second , superfluou s coronatio n wit h th e argument , ' T o gil d refine d gold , t o pain t th e lily, / . . . I s wastefu l an d ridiculou s excess." An d Lad y Macbet h implicate s Kin g Duncan' s sleepin g atten dants i n hi s murde r b y daubin g the m wit h bloo d fro m th e dagge r Mac beth ha s use d t o d o th e deed . "I'l l gil d th e face s o f th e groom s withal, " she says, "For i t must see m thei r guilt. " Mar k Twai n too k thi s grotesqu e pun o f gol d an d crim e a stag e further . Hi s titl e wa s t o becom e a tripl e pun. T o gil t an d guil t wer e adde d guild s i n th e sens e o f interes t groups , labor unions , an d monopolies . Twain' s epithet , approve d b y hi s collab orator, Charle s Dudle y Warner , ha s survive d a s the mos t ap t descriptio n of th e period . If th e Gilde d Ag e ha d a mott o i t migh t wel l hav e been , "Th e aye s have it, " no t onl y fo r th e celebrate d interes t i n votin g stock , bu t als o fo r the eye s tha t rejoice d i n th e glitte r o f gold , an d th e I' s tha t defin e man y of th e pervasiv e socia l themes . Societ y wa s obsesse d wit h invention ,
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industrialization, incorporation , immigration , and , later , imperialism . I t was indulgen t o f commercia l speculation , socia l ostentation , an d politi cal prevaricatio n bu t wa s indifferen t t o th e specia l need s o f immigrant s and Indian s an d intoleran t o f African-Americans , labo r unions , an d political dissidents . Whereas th e Gilde d Ag e had n o predecessors, we may discern i n thre e subsequent period s som e o f it s features—notwithstandin g th e consider able difference s betwee n them . Th e first i s th e 1920s ; th e second , th e period fro m 194 5 t o i960 ; th e third , th e 1970 s an d 1980s . These wer e periods o f predominantl y (bu t no t exclusively ) Republica n administra tions. Th e government , a s a whole , i n eac h perio d wa s conservative . Accusations o f nefariou s link s betwee n politician s an d businessme n an d of widesprea d corruptio n i n publi c lif e wer e rife . Th e presidenc y o f Ulysses S. Grant i n the 1870 s is usually represented a s a nadir o f politica l probity. Bu t th e excesse s o f so-calle d carpetbagger s a s wel l a s o f Con gress an d th e administratio n i n th e 1870 s pale i n compariso n wit h thos e of th e Watergat e burglar s an d Whit e Hous e staf f durin g th e presidenc y of Richar d M . Nixo n i n th e earl y 1970s . Ye t th e profligac y o f th e Ohi o gang i n th e 1920 s an d th e Republica n chan t o f K*C 2 (Korea , commu nism, and corruption ) agains t the Democrats i n 195 2 have also remaine d a notoriou s par t o f th e legen d o f th e periodic corruptio n o f publi c lif e i n America. Each perio d benefite d fro m a boo m i n transportation—afte r 1865 , the railroad ; i n th e 1920s , the mas s productio n o f th e automobile ; fro m the lat e 1940 s on , widesprea d commercia l us e o f th e airplane . Eac h enjoyed a revolutio n i n communications—i n th e Gilde d Age , telegrap h and telephone ; i n th e 1920s , motio n picture s an d radio ; i n th e 1950s , long-playing viny l phonograp h record s an d television ; i n th e 1980s , personal computer s an d compac t discs . Innovation s i n transportatio n and communication s togethe r worke d fo r a mor e homogeneou s cultur e and a mor e informe d citizenry , a s wel l a s havin g undispute d industria l and commercia l significanc e i n their ow n right . Each perio d followe d a wa r tha t lef t man y American s disillusioned , bitter, an d confused : th e Civi l War, Worl d Wa r I , World Wa r II , and th e war i n Vietnam. Their hostilit y t o changed circumstance s an d the residu e of hat e engendere d b y th e wa r bu t no t ye t expende d partl y accoun t fo r the foundin g o f th e racis t K u Klu x Kla n afte r th e Civi l Wa r an d fo r it s startling reviva l durin g th e 1920s . This hostilit y wa s als o vente d agains t
Industrial Spring 5 suspect ideologies . In th e 1870 s an d 1880 s labo r union s wer e tainte d b y presumed associatio n wit h anarchists , an d th e Haymarke t anarchist s o f 1886 wer e trie d withou t justice . Th e Grea t Re d Scar e o f 1917-192 1 against radical s expresse d genuin e i f exaggerated anxiet y abou t th e dan gers o f a communis t revolt , whic h wa s confirme d i n th e 1920 s b y th e prejudicial treatmen t o f th e anarchist s Sacc o an d Vanzetti . In 195 0 Senator Josep h McCarth y len t hi s nam e t o anothe r wav e o f anticom munist hysteri a tha t ha d bee n growin g wit h th e col d war . The unsuccessfu l Secon d Indochin a Wa r o f 1961-7 5 lef t bitte r scar s on America n society . In thei r anguishe d protest s agains t it s conduct , liberals an d radical s hurle d accusation s o f indifferenc e an d injustic e against th e politica l establishmen t concernin g it s attitud e towar d Afri can-Americans an d othe r ethni c minorities , a s wel l a s towar d wome n and th e poor . Th e 1970 s an d 1980 s als o reveale d society' s recurren t obsession wit h intoleranc e an d indulgence . I n th e 1970 s th e Republica n party wa s tarnishe d b y th e burglar y o f th e Democrati c headquarter s i n the Watergate comple x i n 197 2 an d th e stew of self-perpetuatin g politic s by a n oligarch y i n th e Nixo n Whit e House . Als o tainte d wer e suc h government agencie s a s the FB I an d th e CI A whe n congressiona l disclo sures mounted abou t thei r illega l harassment o f American citizen s whos e political view s di d no t accor d wit h thos e o f th e leadershi p o f th e tw o political parties . Al l thi s wa s mos t disturbin g t o a peopl e reare d i n th e belief tha t i t wa s onl y th e ruler s o f totalitaria n regime s wh o prevente d full freedo m o f expression . Moreover , allegation s abou t overgenerou s campaign contribution s b y bi g busines s t o Republica n coffers , some times laundere d throug h Mexica n banks , onc e agai n rouse d crie s o f anger abou t th e overl y clos e relationshi p betwee n governmen t an d busi ness. In 198 6 exposur e o f th e Iran-Contra affair , i n which th e United State s had supplie d Ira n wit h gun s an d munition s i n exchang e fo r th e releas e of America n hostage s a s wel l a s fo r fund s tha t wer e subsequentl y di verted t o counterrevolutionarie s i n Nicaragua agains t the wishes of Con gress—all arrange d b y Republica n politician s an d militar y personnel — once agai n suggeste d ho w insidiou s connection s coul d develo p betwee n government, business , and military . There wa s als o considerabl e publi c anxiet y expresse d b y revelation s about inside r tradin g o n Wal l Street , i n a n escapad e i n whic h Iva n Boesky becam e th e principa l culprit . A Wal l Stree t cras h i n 198 7 trig -
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gered a depressio n tha t ha d bee n incipien t fo r man y years , give n th e problems o f America n industr y an d manufacturin g an d th e increasin g debtor statu s o f th e Unite d States . The depressio n deepene d i n th e earl y 1990s. Presiden t Georg e Bush' s (1989-93 ) initia l statement s abou t th e depression amounte d t o a doctrin e o f nonrecognition , an d governmen t remedial policie s wer e nowher e i n sight . I t was lik e the restoratio n o f a n old-world pictur e o f th e Republican s a s describe d i n th e 1930 s b y Her bert Hoove r an d i n th e 1890 s b y th e nominall y Democrati c Grove r Cleveland. Th e depressio n o f th e 1990 s occurre d i n a perio d whe n th e problems o f acut e socia l dislocatio n fo r th e trul y disadvantage d i n th e inner citie s continue d t o upse t libera l confidenc e i n socia l progress . Meanwhile, th e religiou s right , includin g souther n ultraconservative s and fundamentalists , warne d Americ a abou t liberalis m i n religio n an d politics a s a subversive threa t t o th e very fabri c o f society . In short , som e politica l an d cultura l attitude s o f th e Gilde d Ag e lon g survived th e clos e o f th e nineteent h centur y whe n th e perio d itsel f ha d ended. Industrial PrQgress During th e Gilde d Ag e native s an d immigrant s alik e wer e mor e inter ested i n th e star s i n thei r eye s tha n th e stripe s o n thei r backs . Th e promise o f America n lif e la y i n it s industria l future . A s earl y a s 187 1 Congress resolve d tha t i n th e centennia l o f 187 6 American s shoul d appraise thei r achievements , "th e natura l resource s o f th e countr y an d their development , an d o f it s progres s i n thos e art s whic h benefi t man kind, i n compariso n wit h thos e o f olde r nations. " Th e commemorativ e Centennial Exhibition , whic h opene d o n th e bank s o f th e Schuylkil l River outsid e Philadelphi a fo r five month s beginnin g o n Ma y 10 , 1876 , The assassinatio n o f Abraha m Lincol n (1809—65) , th e presiden t wh o ha d save d th e Union , was a disaste r o f th e first magnitud e fo r th e Unite d State s a t th e clos e o f th e Civi l War . The dee d cas t it s dar k shado w ove r Reconstructio n an d histor y ha s agree d wit h Mar k Twain tha t wha t shoul d hav e bee n a n ag e golden wit h industria l opportunit y turne d out , instead, t o b e gilded , guilded , an d guilt-ridden . Whil e Alexande r Gardne r wa s takin g th e photograph o n Apri l 10 , 1865 , Lincol n move d hi s hands. I n keeping with a national nee d to transfor m mementoe s o f th e murdere d presiden t int o icons , th e finished imag e wa s altered, stillin g th e president' s hands , darkenin g hi s sui t an d th e background , whil e leav ing untouche d th e ravage s o f car e o n hi s face . Thi s i s th e starke r an d mor e poignan t original version . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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was conceive d i n a ver y differen t spiri t fro m th e celebration s fo r th e bicentennial i n 1976 . Instea d o f politica l achievement , i t emphasize d America's master y i n th e applicatio n o f science . A s such , i t constitute d an industria l revelatio n o f Americ a t o th e res t o f th e world . Memorial Hal l i n Philadelphi a wa s buil t i n moder n Renaissanc e styl e to exhibi t America n art s an d culture . Bu t nearb y wa s Machiner y Hall , a more auster e ye t mor e invitin g building . I t wa s guarde d b y a hug e breech-loading cannon , th e symbo l o f war , an d b y th e Corlis s stea m engine. Thi s enormou s 1,400-horsepowe r machine , designe d t o furnis h power t o al l th e exhibit s insid e Machiner y Hall , astonishe d th e 9,910,96 6 visitors tha t summer . I t weighe d nearl y 1. 7 millio n pound s an d ye t ra n without vibratio n o r noise . Her e wa s a ne w symbo l o f peac e an d prog ress. Inside the hall invention s i n the fields of agriculture , transportation , and machiner y wer e give n specia l prominence . B y it s displa y o f drills , mowers, an d reapers , o f lumbe r wagon s an d Pullma n sleepin g cars , o f sewing machine s an d typewriters , o f planes , lathes , an d looms , th e Unite d States demonstrate d it s preeminenc e i n mechanics . A s th e Times o f London reporte d o n Augus t 22 , 1878 , "th e America n mechanize s a s a n old Gree k sculpted , a s th e Venetia n painted. " Novelis t Willia m Dea n Howells gav e hi s verdict t o th e Atlantic Monthly o f July 1876 . I t was i n engineering, rathe r tha n i n art , tha t "th e nationa l geniu s mos t freel y speaks: b y an d b y th e inspired marbles , th e breathin g canvase s . . . [F]o r the presen t Americ a i s volubl e i n th e stron g metal s an d thei r infinit e uses." America's destin y la y i n industrial development . Between 186 5 an d 190 1 th e America n Industria l Revolutio n trans formed th e Unite d State s fro m a countr y o f smal l an d isolate d commu nities scattered acros s 3 million squar e mile s of continenta l territor y int o a compac t economi c an d industria l unit . Thus , th e rura l Republi c o f Lincoln an d Le e becam e th e industria l empir e o f Roosevel t an d Bryan . The Unite d State s alread y ha d th e prerequisite s fo r suc h a transforma tion. I t wa s fabulousl y ric h i n minerals , possessin g abou t two-third s o f the world' s coal ; immens e deposit s o f high-qualit y iro n ore ; grea t re sources of petroleum ; and , i n the West, a natural treasur y o f gold , silver , and copper . Although i n i86 0 th e Unite d State s wa s stil l a second-rat e industria l power, b y 189 0 i t le d Britain , France , an d Germany . Th e valu e o f it s manufactured good s almos t equale d th e tota l o f th e others . The accom panying table , adapte d fro m Historical Statistics of the United States
The gian t Corlis s engin e i n Machiner y Hal l wa s a sta r attractio n o f th e 187 6 Centennia l Exhibition outsid e Philadelphia , th e firs t o f th e grea t industria l exposition s i n America , and wa s take n a s a symbo l o f America n industria l progress . Afte r th e exhibitio n closed , the engin e wa s use d t o driv e machiner y i n th e Pullma n work s outsid e Chicago . Th e illus tration firs t appeare d i n Harper's Weekly o n Ma y 27 , 1876 . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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(1975), show s increase s i n th e productio n o f ra w material s betwee n i860 an d 1900 . I t wa s precisel y becaus e th e bas e o f industr y befor e th e Civil Wa r wa s s o narro w tha t it s advanc e seeme d s o spectacula r late r on. There wer e five key s t o America' s astonishin g industria l success : a superabundant suppl y o f lan d an d preciou s natura l resources ; excellen t natural an d manmad e system s o f transportation ; a growin g suppl y o f labor cause d b y natura l growt h o f populatio n an d massiv e immigration ; special facilit y i n inventio n an d technology ; an d super b industria l orga nization. Thu s wha t brough t th e America n Industria l Revolutio n t o fruition wa s huma n initiative , ingenuity , an d physica l energy . The Agricultura l Revolutio n hastene d th e Industria l Revolutio n i n various ways . A n increas e i n productio n pe r farme r allowe d a transfe r of labo r fro m agricultur e t o industr y withou t reducin g th e country' s food supply . Moreover , suc h expandin g agricultur e di d no t nee d th e transfer o f limite d capita l fro m industr y t o agriculture . Indeed , th e prof its derive d fro m agricultur e coul d b e use d fo r buyin g manufacture d goods, thereb y furthe r stimulatin g industr y an d manufacturing . Ther e were tw o manufacturin g belt s acros s th e nation. On e stretche d alon g th e Atlantic coas t fro m Main e i n th e Nort h t o Virgini a i n th e South . Th e other was west of th e Allegheny Mountain s an d nort h o f the Ohio River , extending fro m Pittsburg h an d Buffal o i n th e Eas t t o St . Loui s an d Milwaukee i n th e West . From th e middl e o f th e centur y t o th e 1890 s th e railroad s wer e th e basis o f th e ne w industria l economy . The y mad e possibl e th e develop ment o f ne w area s o f commerc e a s wel l a s tha t o f steel , iron , coal , an d other industries . Bu t i n th e 1890 s i t wa s th e complex , varie d urba n market wit h it s deman d fo r a wide r rang e o f refine d material s an d manufactured good s tha t replace d th e railroads a s the principal stimulu s of th e econom y a s a whole . In th e 1890 s America n citie s wer e modern ized, and stee l was the essential mediu m use d fo r buildin g bridges, piping water an d sewage , transmitting ga s and electricity , an d constructin g ever higher buildings . Iron replace d wood ; stee l replace d iron ; an d electricit y an d stea m replaced horsepower . In 187 0 agricultura l productio n surpasse d indus trial productio n b y abou t $50 0 million . Bot h wer e increasin g yea r b y year. But by 190 0 manufacturing ha d increase d b y more than fou r times . Thus, industria l productio n no w exceede d agricultura l productio n b y
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1
TABLE
Industrial Production, i860 and 1900 Commodity i860 Anthracite coal (shor t tons) 10. Bituminous coal (short tons) 9. Crude Petroleum (barrels ) . Pig iron (lon g tons) . Crude steel (short tons) .0 Wheat (bushels) i73Wheat exported (bushels ) 4. Corn (bushels) 838. Cotton (bales ) 3.
1900 (millions) (millions) 9 57. 0 212. 5 45. 8 13. 1 11. i 5990 102. 8 2,662. 8 10.
Increase (%) 3 52 3 2.535 8 9,16 7 i?7i 2 11,22 ° 33 0 2.^55 0 30 1 26
5 8 0 3 7 9 0 1 1
$13 billio n t o $4. 7 billion . I n ever y decad e th e level s o f productio n increased i n th e oi l refinerie s o f Ohi o an d Pennsylvania ; th e iro n an d steel mill s o f Michigan , Illinois , an d Pennsylvania ; th e meatpackin g plants o f Cincinnat i an d Chicago ; th e clothin g an d sho e factorie s o f New England ; an d th e brewerie s o f Chicago , St . Louis , and Milwaukee . The numbe r o f peopl e engage d i n manufacturin g wa s 2V 4 times a s grea t in 189 0 a s i n 1870 ; i n minin g 2V 2 times a s great ; i n transportatio n an d public utilitie s 2V 2 times; in construction 2 times. Industrial growt h an d westwar d expansio n wer e assure d b y th e revo lution i n transportatio n an d th e revolutio n i n communications . Ther e was a spectacula r growt h i n population , fro m 35,701,00 0 i n 186 5 t o 77,584,000 i n 1901 . Ye t thes e widel y disperse d peopl e fel t par t o f a unified whole . A transcontinenta l railroa d networ k brough t far m an d factory, countr y an d tow n close r together . Telegrap h an d telephone , electricity an d pres s increased publi c knowledge , busines s efficiency , an d political debate . By their aptitud e fo r inventio n an d thei r abilit y t o harnes s th e inven tions o f other s t o thei r ow n purposes , American s acquire d a facilit y fo r turning ra w material s int o finishe d industria l products . Betwee n i86 0 and 189 0 a s man y a s 440,00 0 patent s wer e issue d fo r ne w inventions . During th e Gilde d Ag e th e mos t significan t America n inventions , whethe r new o r improved , wer e thos e tha t coul d haste n an d secur e settlement: the stea m boiler s o f Babcoc k an d Wilcox ; th e electri c lam p o f Thoma s Alva Edison ; th e telephone o f Alexande r Graha m Bell ; th e telegraph
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stock ticke r o f E . A . Callahan ; /inoleum ; th e elevato r o f Elish a G . Otis ; machine tool s o f Prat t an d Whitney ; th e elixir s o f Joh n Wyeth ; th e newspaper linotyp e composito r o f Ottma r Mergenthaler ; an d th e typewriter o f Christophe r Sholes . Th e fundamenta l principle s behin d man y of thes e an d othe r invention s ha d lon g bee n understood . Bu t no t unti l technology coul d fashio n tool s o f grea t delicac y coul d the y b e pu t int o practice. Thus , th e invention s depende d o n improve d technolog y an d they i n tur n transforme d tha t technology , makin g possibl e eve r mor e inventions o f stil l greater refinement . One reaso n wh y America n technolog y i n general becam e s o advance d was th e relativel y hig h cos t o f labo r i n Americ a tha t encourage d indus trialists t o inves t i n mechanizing . Moreover , th e larg e domesti c marke t allowed fo r grea t economie s o f scale . I n addition , American s i n genera l were fa r les s boun d tha n European s b y traditio n an d thu s fa r mor e willing t o tr y ou t ne w methods . Contemporar y edito r Mar k Sulliva n traces this facility t o a natural ingenuit y an d determinatio n i n the people: "Intellectual freedo m an d curiosit y abou t th e new , th e instinc t o f th e American min d t o loo k into , examine , an d experiment—thi s le d to , among othe r things , a willingnes s t o 'scrap ' no t onl y ol d machiner y bu t old formulas , ol d ideas ; an d brough t about , amon g othe r results , th e condition expresse d i n th e sayin g tha t 'America n mechanica l progres s could b e measured b y the siz e of it s scrapheaps.' " Edison and Bell In th e field of scientifi c inventio n th e bes t prizes fal l t o thos e who se e the need an d find th e mean s t o mee t it . Th e America n inventor s Thoma s Alva Ediso n an d Alexande r Graha m Bel l sa w th e nee d t o transmi t ligh t and soun d an d foun d th e incandescen t ligh t bul b an d th e telephone , th e motion pictur e an d th e phonograph . The y were , perhaps , th e onl y au thentic heroe s o f th e age . The y transforme d th e societ y int o whic h the y were bor n b y a n astut e blen d o f inventiv e geniu s an d technologica l knowledge. Their fam e wa s sprea d b y the communication s the y devised . They seeme d lik e heroe s becaus e the y combine d technica l expertis e i n the ne w field o f communication s wit h th e sor t o f traditiona l pionee r spirit tha t ha d th e tenacit y t o se e a nove l ide a throug h fro m star t t o finish. Th e America n humorou s magazin e Puck o f Jul y 188 0 explaine d why suc h a ma n a s the boastfu l bu t enterprisin g Ediso n shoul d b e take n
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as a symbo l o f nationa l optimis m i n industria l progress : "Ediso n i s not a humbug . H e i s a typ e o f ma n commo n enoug h i n thi s country— a smart, persevering , sanguine , ignoran t show-of f American . H e can do a great dea l an d he thinks h e can do everything. " Edison an d Bell were stric t contemporaries—bot h wer e bor n i n 1847 —and thei r talent s wer e a s complementary a s melody an d harmony ar e in sound . However , bot h o f the m recognize d i n silenc e a golde n oppor tunity. Bell' s mothe r an d hi s wif e wer e bot h deaf , an d h e becam e a teacher o f deaf-mutes . Ediso n wen t deaf . H e an d Bel l acquire d specia l insight int o th e worl d o f communicatio n tha t the y wer e determine d t o expand. Thei r invention s wer e no t th e happ y resul t o f acciden t an d intuition bu t of back-breaking tria l an d error i n painstaking experiment s carried ou t nigh t afte r nigh t fo r months—an d sometime s fo r years . In fact, Edison' s mos t famou s remar k was , "Genius i s 1 percent inspiratio n and 9 9 percent perspiration. " The y regarde d science , not as an absolute , but a s an infinitely expandin g worl d i n which t o seek was to find. Thus , they wer e wel l equippe d fo r th e competitiv e world s o f busines s an d industry whe n busines s an d industry wer e puttin g a special premiu m o n increasing efficiency b y improving communications . Indeed , their career s were governed b y the priorities o f business . What industrialist s an d businessme n wante d wa s a bette r telegraph . The electri c telegraph , first mad e practica l b y th e Englis h inventor s Si r William Cook e an d Si r Charle s Wheatstone , ha d alread y bee n instru mental i n winnin g th e Civi l War . The state s o f th e Unio n wer e linke d together b y thousand s o f mile s o f overhea d wire . Bu t althoug h ther e were 37,00 0 mile s o f wir e i n 1865 , this wa s nothing compare d wit h th e 215,000 mile s i n existence b y 190 0 through whic h million s o f short and long pulse s o f electricit y flowed eac h day . A s wit h othe r invention s i n communication, telegraph y was , necessarily, a matter o f commerce. Durin g the 1870 s an d 1880 s variou s attempt s wer e mad e t o brin g i t unde r th e control o f th e federa l government . Bu t the backers ha d not the force o f the major company , Western Union , organized b y Hiram Sible y of Roch ester, Ne w York, an d Ezra Cornel l (founde r o f Cornel l University) , who were determine d t o consolidat e th e servic e a s a privat e monopoly . B y the en d o f th e centur y Wester n Unio n owne d abou t 9 0 percen t o f al l telegraph lines . However , wit h th e amazin g expansio n o f busines s an d industry th e telegraph wa s being require d t o delive r mor e tha n Wester n Union's system , the automatic, was capable o f doing. The automatic was
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economical fo r us e ove r shor t line s wit h heav y traffic . Bu t it s spee d decreased ove r greate r distances—transmittin g n o mor e tha n 8 0 o r 9 0 words pe r minute , fa r les s than th e 1,00 0 word s i t claimed. Edison , Bell , and othe r inventor s wer e i n feveris h competitio n wit h on e anothe r t o devise improve d mean s o f communicatio n b y telegraph o r som e alterna tive to it . Thomas Alv a Edison , bor n i n Milan, Ohio , was th e youngest o f seve n children o f a feckles s Canadia n immigran t an d a mothe r wh o mad e herself a marty r t o he r husband' s bizarr e life-styl e befor e sh e sli d int o madness an d a n earl y death . Ediso n wa s a sickl y chil d wh o suffere d from periodi c bronchia l infection s an d ha d littl e forma l schooling . A t sixteen h e becam e a telegrap h transmitte r an d receive r an d worke d i n various norther n an d souther n cities . Fo r severa l year s h e le d th e lif e o f a rollin g stone gathering neithe r mos s nor morse , but increasin g deafnes s of th e middl e ear , cause d b y scarlatina , wa s concentratin g hi s min d wonderfully. Whe n h e wa s twenty-on e h e bough t a cop y o f Michae l Faraday's Experimental Research in Electricity an d foun d th e Englis h scientist's account s o f hi s experiment s s o luci d an d compellin g tha t h e determined t o perfor m the m himself . Previously , hi s exploratio n o f chemistry an d electricit y ha d bee n haphazard . No w h e spent muc h o f hi s monthly salar y o f $12 0 o n books , chemicals , an d electrica l equipment . At a tim e whe n i t seeme d tha t ever y telegraphe r wa s tryin g t o mak e a duplex—an apparatu s t o sen d tw o messages , one i n eithe r direction , o n the sam e wir e simultaneously—h e claime d t o hav e invente d one . Afte r repairing th e telegraphi c gol d pric e indicato r a t th e gol d exchang e i n New Yor k i n 1869 , he acquired th e reputatio n o f bein g able to eliminat e bugs an d wa s mad e superviso r o f th e machine . H e wo n th e confidenc e of financiers , wh o commissione d hi m t o mak e a n improve d stoc k ticker , and i n Januar y 187 1 h e create d th e Ediso n Universa l Stoc k Printer , a n automatic machin e capabl e o f transmittin g betwee n 20 0 an d 30 0 word s a minut e an d fa r superio r t o an y i n us e before . With th e continuin g suppor t o f hi s investor s th e twenty-four-year-ol d inventor se t himsel f u p i n Newark , Ne w Jersey , a s a n independen t manufacturer o f stoc k ticker s wit h tw o othe r scientists , Englis h immi grant Charle s Batchelo r an d Swis s immigrant John Kruesi . They ha d th e scientific trainin g Ediso n lacked . H e woul d conceiv e a plan tha t Batche lor woul d tur n int o a n exac t drawin g an d fro m whic h Krues i woul d make th e model . I n 187 3 Ediso n devise d bot h th e diple x an d th e quad -
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ruplex telegraphs . The diplex coul d sen d two different message s togethe r on on e wir e i n th e sam e direction . Th e quadruple x coul d sen d tw o in both direction s a t once, so that onl y on e wire was now required instea d of four , a s previously. The quadruplex wa s sold to financier an d railroad entrepreneur Jay Gould . In 187 6 Edison establishe d th e world's first industria l researc h labo ratory a t Menl o Park , twelv e mile s sout h o f Newark , a prototyp e o f company laboratorie s o f th e future . Tha t summe r h e worke d o n th e electromotograph, acousti c telegraph , autographi c telegraph , speakin g telegraph, electri c pen, and mimeograph; and , in the fall, o n the electrical denta l dril l an d an electric sewing machine . Both Wester n Unio n an d it s rival , Atlanti c an d Pacific , fo r who m Edison worked , claime d right s t o the quadruplex. Thei r lega l battl e led to a sensationa l tria l i n th e sprin g o f 187 7 tha t mad e Edison' s nam e widely known . Th e Telegrapher o f Marc h 25 , 1876, had alread y calle d him "th e professo r o f duplicit y an d quadruplicity. " Bu t the riva l com panies settle d ou t of court an d agreed t o share th e income fro m th e new system. It was Edison's natura l serendipit y tha t le d him to invent th e phonograph i n 1877 . What h e was searching for was a way to record message s for commercia l purposes . Wha t h e found wa s a new world o f entertain ment. H e discovere d tha t h e coul d retai n soun d b y attachin g a stylu s from a n embossing telegrap h t o a telephone speake r an d shouting int o it while runnin g a ban d o f paraffine d pape r rapidl y underneat h th e speaker . The pape r coul d b e replaye d wit h th e stylus ; thu s th e sound , thoug h indistinct, coul d b e recorded. H e continued t o experiment wit h alternat e means of recording—cylinder, disk , and paper bands . He tested the new toy with cheek y rhymes , such as: Mary has a new sheath gown, It is too tight by half. Who cares a damn for Mary's lamb, When they can see her calf! Edison disclose d hi s new invention t o the National Academ y o f Science s in Washington o n April 18 , 1878, and the excitement wa s such tha t two women fainted . Presiden t Rutherfor d B . Hayes got his wife ou t of bed in the middl e o f th e night s o that the y coul d hea r i t at a midnight matine e at the White House .
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Thomas Alv a Ediso n (1847-1931) , th e mos t prolifi c invento r i n history , wit h on e o f hi s early phonograph s i n 1878 . Hi s invention s i n th e fiel d o f communication s provide d th e sinews fo r th e transformatio n o f Americ a fro m a n agraria n t o a comple x industria l an d urban society . (Librar y o f Congress. )
Having foun d a wa y t o recor d sound , Ediso n no w decide d t o fin d a way t o transmi t light . B y th e 1870 s variou s type s o f electri c ar c lamp s were available , bu t becaus e o f th e enormou s powe r the y supplie d an d the gase s the y gav e of f the y wer e suite d onl y t o larg e hall s o r ope n spaces. However , a consortiu m o f Ne w Yor k financiers, includin g banke r John Pierpon t Morgan , believe d tha t Ediso n coul d inven t a more practi cal electri c lam p and , i n Novembe r 1878 , subsidize d hi s newl y forme d Edison Electri c Ligh t Company . Th e crucial breakthrough s i n th e searc h for a practicabl e electri c lam p wer e th e inventio n o f a specia l generato r (the long-waiste d Mar y Ann ) an d th e carbon-filamen t lamp . Ediso n discovered tha t carbo n remaine d stabl e i n a nearl y perfec t vacuum . Bu t he wa s unabl e t o bak e carbo n wir e i n spira l form . I t was onl y whe n hi s associate, Charle s Batchelor , shape d th e wir e int o a horsesho e tha t th e first viabl e incandescen t lam p wa s realized . I t burne d fo r sixtee n hour s on Novembe r 17 , 1879 . Edison understoo d th e significanc e o f publicit y an d realize d tha t i t
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Alexander Graha m Bel l ( i 847-1922), th e invento r o f th e telephone , wit h hi s wif e Mabel , and daughter s Elsi e (left ) an d Maria n ("Daisy") , i n 1885 . Lik e hi s grea t riva l Edison , Bel l was on e o f th e fe w genuin e heroe s o f th e Gilde d Age . H e seeme d t o combin e stunnin g expertise i n th e rapidl y expandin g worl d o f communication s wit h th e traditiona l pionee r spirit. (Gilber t H . Grosveno r Collectio n o f Alexande r Graha m Bel l Photographs ; Librar y of Congress. )
was importan t t o hav e his system o f electri c lightin g accepte d i n Londo n and Pari s a s soon a s possible. He thu s mad e installatio n i n these capital s a priorit y i n th e summe r o f 188 1 befor e layin g th e main s fo r a centra l power statio n i n Ne w Yor k a t Pear l Stree t a t th e en d o f th e year . Supported b y Morgan , h e move d hi s Ediso n Illuminatin g Compan y t o New York ; an d there , o n Septembe r 4 , 1882 , h e switche d o n electri c lights i n th e "Hous e o f Morgan, " th e Ne w Yor k Stoc k Exchange , th e New York Times, th e New York Herald, an d othe r building s i n lowe r Manhattan. B y 188 3 Ediso n ha d 24 6 plant s makin g electricit y fo r 61,00 0 lamps. Artificia l ligh t coul d continu e da y an d night , thereb y increasin g the industria l potentia l o f factories , th e commercia l potentia l o f offices , and th e social lif e o f cit y an d home . Edison's plan t use d direc t current . Electricit y coul d b e transmitte d long distanc e onl y b y first increasin g an d the n lowerin g th e voltag e i n alternating current . Georg e Westinghous e o f Pittsburg h devise d a trans -
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former i n 188 6 tha t coul d transmi t high-voltag e alternatin g curren t ove r long distances . In 188 8 a Hungaria n immigran t an d engineer , Nikol a Tesla, invente d a n alternatin g curren t moto r tha t converte d electricit y into mechanica l power . Westinghous e an d Tesl a subsequentl y worke d together t o improv e thei r inventions . The y use d alternatin g curren t t o light th e Columbia n Expositio n i n Chicag o i n 1893 . The invention s o f Westinghouse an d Tesl a suggeste d th e future us e of hydroelectric power , and b y th e en d o f th e centur y Niagar a Fall s wa s harnesse d fo r electri c power. The us e o f electri c motor s i n manufacturin g mad e electricit y th e cleanest an d mos t convenien t for m o f industria l powe r ye t known. Elec tric power wa s bein g use d widel y i n transportatio n b y th e 1890s . Fran k J. Spragu e introduce d th e first electri c stree t railwa y i n Richmond , Vir ginia, in 1888 . His invention, affordin g cheap , rapid, an d clea n transpor tation, wa s soo n adopte d b y other cities anxious t o fre e themselve s fro m the pollution an d ris k o f fire from stea m trains . Edison, wh o alway s plowe d hi s mone y bac k int o ne w research , opene d a ne w laborator y o f gran d design , te n time s large r tha n Menl o Park , a t West Orange , Ne w Jersey , i n 1887 . H e no w employe d 12 0 researc h assistants, an d eventuall y th e laborator y wa s surrounde d b y a n indus trial estat e o f 5,00 0 people makin g good s fro m hi s inventions . The competitiv e claim s o f th e riva l systems , direc t an d alternatin g current, wer e hotl y conteste d b y Ediso n an d Westinghouse . Durin g th e 1890s an d i n th e 1900 s th e benefit s o f alternatin g curren t ove r direc t current becam e increasingl y evident , an d gradually , th e Unite d State s was converte d t o alternatin g current . On e importan t victor y fo r it s proponents wa s th e adoptio n o f alternatin g curren t b y th e hydroelectri cal powe r plan t a t Niagar a Fall s i n 1893 , where th e Internationa l Niag ara Commissio n transmitte d electricit y t o Buffalo , Ne w York , twenty two mile s away . By 189 8 th e use of alternatin g curren t ha d develope d t o the poin t tha t i t wa s carryin g 30,00 0 volt s alon g a three-phas e seventy five-mile line servic e betwee n Sant a An a an d Lo s Angeles, California . I n 1899 a seventy-mil e lin e fro m Colgat e Hydr o Statio n t o Sacramento , California, carrie d 40,00 0 volts . Th e patter n wa s se t fo r eve r longe r lines, carryin g eve r highe r voltages . I n 190 7 engineer s Edwar d Hewlet t and Harol d Buc k develope d suspensio n insulators . B y 192 0 som e line s were carryin g u p t o 132,00 0 volt s an d a few u p t o 150,00 0 volts . Electricity wa s a ne w for m o f physica l energy , greate r tha n th e su m
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of al l previous form s o f energy . Journalist Mar k Sulliva n describe d how , at th e tur n o f th e century , "electricit y wa s streakin g u p an d dow n th e country, literall y lik e lightning—wire s t o provid e i t wit h a pathwa y were everywher e bein g extended , lik e lon g nerve s o f ne w growth , fro m central powe r houses , fro m th e cit y t o th e suburb , longe r an d longe r capacity fo r transmissio n carryin g i t to distan t villages , from th e village s to th e farm—everywher e endin g i n a switch , b y th e turnin g o f whic h man coul d ta p fo r himsel f a practicall y limitles s reservoi r o f physica l power." I t was a case of man y light s mak e hand s work . In th e twentiet h centur y th e histor y o f electricit y an d Edison' s caree r diverged. Electricity , an d it s uses , were n o longe r th e property o f Ediso n alone. Becaus e o f a paralle l publi c deman d fo r eve r mor e electrica l power, engineer s devise d ne w propulsio n system s t o carr y it . Durin g th e 1890s the y use d steam-reciprocit y engine s t o driv e electrica l generator s but thes e prove d to o larg e an d heav y an d tende d t o pulsat e whil e rotat ing. I n 190 3 the y bega n usin g 5,00 0 kilowat t steam-turbine-drive n gen erators tha t allowe d fo r increase d output . Ye t they , too , ha d problems , primarily outpu t capacit y an d hig h consumptio n o f fuel . Despite th e fac t tha t man y o f hi s invention s wer e wort h million s o f dollars, Edison' s caree r wa s plague d b y financia l insecurity . H e ha d n o professional skill s as a businessman, turnin g ove r his affairs t o successiv e financiers i n exchang e fo r read y cash , an d subsequentl y quarrele d wit h them whe n h e thought h e had bee n badl y treated . A compulsive spende r on equipmen t an d research , h e coul d no t brin g himsel f t o balanc e in come an d expenses . H e mad e an d los t severa l fortunes . Hi s busines s dealings ha d taugh t hi m t o trus t nobod y an d t o expec t th e wors t fro m human nature . Bu t hi s newfoun d ruthlessnes s wa s s o il l conceale d tha t he alienate d hi s associate s an d damage d himsel f commercially . Thi s partly explain s ho w h e los t contro l o f hi s ow n company . I n Februar y 1892 th e Genera l Ediso n Electri c Compan y merge d wit h it s grea t rival , Thomson-Houston. Th e ne w corporation , capitalize d a t $5 0 million , was named , quit e simply , Genera l Electric . I t ha d a ne w president , Charles Coffin . Fo r Edison , th e unkindes t cu t wa s th e exclusio n o f hi s name fro m th e company' s title . Ediso n eventuall y sol d man y o f hi s shares. H e squandere d th e $ 4 millio n h e ha d gaine d fro m th e electri c lamp o n a foolhard y attemp t t o mine , or mill , iron or e magnetically . However, h e recovere d hi s personal fortun e i n the tw o revolution s h e started i n th e worl d o f entertainment . B y 189 9 th e sale s o f th e spring -
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motor phonograp h amounte d t o $500,000 , althoug h th e mas s produc tion o f record s a s disks did no t begi n unti l Februar y 1902 , after Eldridg e Johnson ha d organize d th e Victo r Talkin g Machin e Compan y i n 1901 . Edison als o introduce d a mutatio n o f th e phonograp h tha t completel y transformed entertainment . Fro m Eadwear d Muybridge , a n Englis h im migrant wh o produce d stil l photo s o f nude s fo r stereoscopi c projectio n that h e calle d "Anima l Locomotion, " Ediso n conceive d th e ide a o f moving, talkin g pictures . Eve r sinc e 1878 , when h e wo n a be t fo r Gov ernor Lelan d Stanfor d o f Californi a tha t a hors e i n ful l gallo p ha d al l four fee t of f th e ground , Muybridg e ha d bee n widel y recognize d a s a n expert i n sequentia l photography . Fou r year s earlie r h e ha d score d a succes de scandale b y killin g hi s wife' s love r an d persuadin g a jur y t o acquit hi m o f murder . Using celluloi d film produce d b y Georg e Eastma n o f Rochester , Ne w York, Ediso n devise d a kinetoscop e tha t cas t separat e stil l photo s o n a screen on e afte r th e othe r s o rapidl y tha t th e picture s seeme d t o b e moving. I t wa s th e first inventio n tha t Ediso n full y develope d befor e putting o n th e market. Th e first public showings wer e in New Yor k City , in Broadwa y kinetoscop e parlor s wit h slo t machine s tha t charge d te n cents fo r a progra m lastin g sixtee n seconds . Th e subject s wer e violen t and include d lynchings , scalpings, and beheadings . The transformatio n o f thes e hole-in-the-corne r affair s int o large-scree n exposures wa s th e work, no t o f Edison , bu t o f little-know n invento r an d realtor Thoma s Arma t o f Washington . Edison' s backer s kne w tha t th e new inventio n woul d hav e mor e appea l t o th e publi c i f i t carrie d Edi son's name . Accordingly , whe n th e Amazin g Vitascop e wa s show n t o the pres s o n Apri l 3 , 1896 , i t wa s describe d a s "Thoma s A . Edison' s latest marvel. " Arma t wa s initiall y quit e conten t t o forg o th e credi t an d take th e cash . A renegade Ediso n associate , William Dickson , develope d a camer a takin g picture s eigh t time s large r tha n Edison's . H e filmed th e Empire State Express, and , whe n hi s sho w opene d a t Hammerstein' s Theater o n Octobe r 12 , 1896 , the sigh t o f th e grea t trai n hurtlin g alon g was s o realistic that th e alarme d audienc e stampede d fo r th e exits . Whereas Ediso n becam e th e mos t prolifi c invento r i n th e histor y o f the world , holdin g patent s fo r ove r a thousan d inventions , hi s grea t rival, Bell, held patents fo r onl y eighteen . H e preferred t o concentrat e o n what h e regarde d a s hi s tru e profession , teachin g th e deaf . Alexande r ("Graham") Bel l wa s th e secon d o f thre e son s o f Alexande r Melvill e
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Bell, a note d professo r o f elocutio n i n Edinburg h an d Londo n wh o invented a universa l phoneti c alphabe t calle d visibl e speech . Th e thre e sons wer e t o continu e th e wor k o f th e father . Bu t afte r tw o die d o f tuberculosis, th e famil y emigrate d t o Canada , settlin g i n Brantford , On tario, i n 1870 . Alexande r Melvill e Bel l ha d goo d reaso n t o believ e tha t visible speec h woul d b e bette r receive d i n th e Ne w Worl d tha n i n th e Old, wher e phoneticians ha d resiste d hi s progressive ideas . Alexander Graha m Bel l began teachin g deaf-mute s i n Boston i n 1871, where h e me t Gardine r Green e Hubbard , a n affluen t businessma n an d philanthropist. On e o f Hubbard' s daughters , Mabel , had bee n dea f fro m scarlet feve r sinc e the ag e of five . Sh e became on e o f Bell' s pupils. He fel l in lov e wit h he r an d the y wer e married . Bel l wa s ver y sensitiv e t o th e psychological pligh t o f childre n imprisone d b y thei r physica l disability . He ha d a n extraordinar y capacit y fo r reclaimin g recalcitran t childre n and gaine d th e suppor t o f Sara h Fuller , a prominen t Bosto n teache r o f the deaf . H e becam e intereste d i n multipl e telegraph y a s a mean s o f communication an d trie d t o mak e a n instrumen t fo r transmittin g soun d vibrations. Hi s father , wh o ha d see n tw o son s fal l victi m t o overwor k and di e a s a resul t o f hi s ow n ambition s an d progressiv e methods , begged hi m t o giv e u p th e attempt . I n th e earl y day s h e regarde d Alec' s obsession wit h th e telephon e a s a needles s distractio n fro m teachin g that, fa r fro m makin g hi s fortune , would , instead , damag e hi s abilit y t o earn a living. Bell's considerabl e reputatio n a s a teacher le d Lewi s Monroe , dea n o f the Schoo l o f Orator y o f th e recentl y forme d Bosto n University , t o offe r him a chai r i n voca l physiolog y an d elocutio n i n 1873 . Thi s provide d him wit h a permanen t bas e fro m whic h h e coul d pursu e hi s research . Bell wa s th e firs t perso n t o realiz e tha t th e electrica l transmissio n o f th e human voic e wa s physicall y possibl e an d commerciall y practicable . H e conceived th e ide a o f th e telephon e i n July 1874 . The calle r woul d spea k into vibratin g plate s o r reeds , thu s inducin g a continuou s fluctuatin g current tha t woul d carr y th e exac t amplitud e an d frequenc y o f hi s voic e along a wire . A t th e receive r a n electromagne t woul d transfor m th e current int o pulse s o r undulation s o f magneti c forc e tha t woul d the n ac t on anothe r arra y o f tune d reed s to reproduc e th e origina l sound . Gardiner Hubbar d wa s greatl y excite d b y th e idea . H e wa s oppose d to Wester n Unio n becaus e i t wa s a monopol y an d favore d a Unite d States Posta l Telegrap h Company . O n Marc h 7 , 1876 , Bel l obtaine d
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patent numbe r 174,46 5 fo r th e telephon e despit e hi s competitors , wh o included Edison , Elish a Gray , an d Pau l L a Cou r o f Copenhagen . O n March 10 , 1876 , h e an d hi s assistant , Thoma s Watson , ha d thei r first intelligible conversatio n b y telephon e fro m adjacen t rooms . Th e ne w invention i n a n imperfec t stat e wa s demonstrate d t o a larg e audienc e a t the Massachusett s Institut e o f Technolog y o n Jun e 23 , and o n Jun e 25 , at the instigation o f Hubbard , t o three judges at the Philadelphia Centen nial Exhibition . Th e judge s pronounce d Bell' s telephon e "perhap s th e greatest marve l hithert o achieve d b y th e electri c telegraph. " Th e interes t of Empero r Pedr o I I o f Brazil , wh o attende d thes e demonstrations , wa s decisive. Hi s prestig e ensure d th e sor t o f ful l publicit y fo r th e ne w invention tha t th e press migh t no t otherwis e hav e conferred . Bell obtaine d a secon d patent , numbe r 186,787 , fo r a n improve d model o n Januar y 30 , 1877 . However , a hos t o f detractor s trie d t o transfer th e hono r fro m Bel l t o on e o f hi s rivals , suc h a s Gra y o r Phili p Reis. Wester n Union , threatene d i n it s monopol y o f communications , brought togethe r a motle y collectio n o f riva l claimant s t o disput e Bell' s authorship an d impug n hi s character . Hubbard organize d th e Bel l Telephon e Compan y an d secure d a s president th e outstandin g service s o f Theodor e N . Vail , wh o ha d i t incorporated i n July 1878 . Western Unio n establishe d a riva l i n Decem ber 1878 , th e America n Speakin g Telephon e Company , bu t no t befor e the Bel l Compan y ha d sue d fo r a n injunctio n i n Massachusett s agains t Western Union' s agent , Pete r Dowd , fo r rentin g ou t telephon e transmit ters illegally . Th e cas e wa s first hear d o n Januar y 25 , 1879 . Wester n Union claime d tha t Elish a Gra y ha d first invente d th e telephone an d tha t Amos Dolbea r ha d perfecte d it . Bel l produce d a lette r h e ha d receive d from Gra y date d Marc h 5 , 1877 , acknowledgin g Bell' s prio r claim , an d this crucia l piec e o f evidenc e wa s take n a s positiv e proo f tha t Bel l ha d conceived, mad e practical , an d patente d th e telephon e befor e anyon e else. Th e Dow d cas e wa s resolve d o n Novembe r 10 , 1879 , whe n West ern Unio n agree d t o forfei t it s telephon e busines s an d t o assig n al l it s telephone patent s t o th e Bel l Compan y i n retur n fo r 2 0 percen t o f telephone renta l receipt s fo r seventee n years . The first commercia l telephon e switchboar d wa s establishe d i n Ne w Haven, Connecticut , i n 1878 . By March 188 0 ther e were 13 8 exchange s and som e 30,00 0 subscribers . I n 188 7 ther e wer e 74 3 mai n an d 44 4 branch exchange s an d ove r 150,00 0 subscribers . In 188 0 th e variou s
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companies wer e reorganize d a s th e America n Bel l Telephone Company ; then, i n 1885 , a s th e America n Telephon e an d Telegrap h Company . In 1900 ther e wa s o n average , however , onl y 1 telephon e fo r ever y 66 people. Railroads The railroad , whic h ha d bee n i n existenc e fo r thre e decade s befor e th e Civil War, wa s transforme d ou t o f al l recognition i n the thirty year s tha t followed. Th e iron-and-stee l rai l networ k extende d som e 35,00 0 mile s in 1865 ; i n 187 0 i t wa s 53,00 0 miles ; i n 1880 , 93,00 0 miles ; i n 1890 , 164,000 miles ; i n 1900 , 193,00 0 miles . American rai l mileag e wa s greate r than tha t i n Europe , an d almos t th e whol e populatio n live d withi n th e sound, i f no t th e sight , o f a locomotive . Th e America n Industria l Revo lution depende d o n th e abilit y t o mov e ra w materials , agricultura l pro duce, an d manufacture d article s quickl y fro m sit e t o city . America n railroads carrie d 1 0 billio n ton s o f freigh t pe r mil e o f trac k i n 186 5 an d 79 billio n ton s pe r mil e i n 1890 . Moreover , th e rea l cos t o f shippin g freight fel l steadil y i n th e lat e nineteent h century , fro m a n averag e o f 2 cents a mile for ever y to n i n 186 5 t o abou t .7 5 cent s in 1900 . The stor y o f ho w th e grea t railroa d line s wer e buil t i s epic , encom passing suc h physica l qualitie s a s energy , enterprise , an d endurance , al l the virtue s fro m courag e t o conviction , an d al l th e vice s fro m avaric e t o anger. Thes e wer e head y day s o f achievemen t tha t seeme d romanti c t o the generatio n involved . Youn g ladie s wer e compare d t o locomotive s because the y als o dre w train s an d transporte d males . Congress gav e a s muc h attentio n t o th e railroad s a s t o an y economi c or socia l problems , recognizin g tha t th e railroad s wer e th e sinew s o f industrial development . Betwee n Septembe r 1850 , when Congres s mad e its first lan d grant s to the Illinois Central an d Mobil e an d Ohi o railroads , and Marc h 1871 , when i t mad e it s las t gran t t o th e Texa s an d Pacific , the federa l governmen t ha d mad e mor e tha n 17 0 millio n acre s availabl e to mor e tha n 8 0 differen t railroa d companies . Hal f o f the m neve r lai d the lines, and som e 3 5 million acre s were returned . Lan d grant s were th e basis o f eas y credi t i n th e initia l stage s o f construction . Som e road s sol d off thi s land . Th e Unio n Pacifi c dispose d o f extr a lan d i n Nebrask a t o farmers a t price s rangin g fro m $ 3 t o $ 5 a n acr e i n th e 1870s . They thu s advanced settlemen t an d ensure d business . In thes e differen t way s fed -
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eral lan d grant s define d th e sit e o f railway s an d mad e the m financiall y sound. It wa s th e railroad s tha t mad e possibl e bot h th e settlemen t an d th e development o f th e West . Th e openin g o f th e firs t transcontinenta l rail road i n 186 9 wa s a s significan t a n even t fo r American s a s wa s th e contemporary constructio n o f th e Sue z Cana l i n Egyp t fo r Europeans , and fa r mor e s o tha n th e landin g o f me n o n th e moo n a centur y later . The pionee r o f a transcontinenta l lin e wa s Theodor e Dehon e Juda h o f the Centra l Pacifi c wh o wa s no t conten t wit h dreamin g abou t a railroa d across th e Sierr a Nevad a bu t actuall y worke d ou t a possibl e rout e an d founded a company t o carr y i t out. H e manage d t o captur e th e imagina tion o f Lelan d Stanford , governo r o f California , wh o was able to provid e proper politica l suppor t fo r th e project . Whe n th e Centra l Pacifi c Rail road wa s organize d i n Jun e 1861 , it wa s a s a privat e enterprise . Bu t i t would hav e collapse d withou t publi c funds . Bot h Sacrament o an d Sa n Francisco becam e stockholders . I n 186 4 th e Californi a legislatur e dis played it s confidenc e i n Stanford , recentl y retire d a s governor , b y agree ing t o underwrit e th e interes t o n th e company' s bond s a t a rat e o f 7 percent. Judah , th e origina l founde r o f th e Centra l Pacific , als o entice d an unscrupulou s businessman , Colli s P . Huntington , t o ac t a s hi s agen t in th e East . I t wa s Huntington' s tas k t o procur e an d dispatc h necessar y supplies. Associated wit h the m wa s construction manage r Charle s Crocker . He ha d n o practical trainin g o r skill s bu t h e was a born leade r o f men . The Pacifi c Railroa d Act , signe d b y Lincol n o n Jul y 1 , 1862 , ha d authorized th e Centra l Pacifi c t o exten d eastwar d fro m Sacramento , California, an d th e Unio n Pacifi c t o exten d westwar d fro m th e Missour i River. Th e Unio n Pacifi c ha d bee n create d b y federa l charte r wit h a capitalization o f $10 0 million . Th e federa l governmen t wa s t o gran t i t ten (late r twenty) alternat e section s o f publi c lands fo r eac h mil e of trac k laid. S o eage r wa s th e federa l governmen t t o unit e th e countr y b y rai l that th e ac t o f 186 2 containe d essentia l an d generou s loa n provisions . Central Pacifi c an d Unio n Pacifi c wer e loane d $16,00 0 pe r mil e fo r construction cost s ove r th e easies t par t o f th e route ; $48,00 0 pe r mil e over th e mos t difficul t mountainou s section , th e Rockie s an d Sierras ; and $32,00 0 pe r mil e on othe r areas . Construction o f th e Centra l Pacifi c bega n i n Sacrament o i n Januar y 1863, bu t a t first progress wa s s o slow tha t onl y eightee n mile s were lai d in 186 3 an d onl y twelv e mile s in 1864 . Even afte r th e company bega n t o
The las t spike . Th e histori c photograp h o f emissarie s an d constructio n worker s a t Promontory Point , nea r Ogden , Utah , o n Ma y 10 , 1869 , celebratin g a momentou s occasio n when the first transcontinental railroa d across the Americas was completed b y the meetin g of th e Centra l Pacifi c (movin g fro m th e West ) an d Unio n Pacifi c (movin g fro m th e East). The las t spik e wa s ceremoniousl y drive n int o th e tracks . Whil e worker s i n th e rea r hol d a bottl e o f champagn e aloft , Centra l Pacifi c chie f enginee r Samue l S . Montagu e (cente r left) shake s hand s wit h Unio n Pacifi c chie f enginee r Grenvill e M . Dodg e (cente r right) . (Library o f Congress. )
employ conscientiou s Chines e immigrants , th e lin e move d a t a snail' s pace. Crocker' s enginee r di d no t dar e us e th e ne w stea m drill , an d hi s men nibble d a t rock s wit h pickaxe s an d du g tunnel s wit h thei r bar e hands. Wor k wa s sometime s interrupte d b y avalanche s an d blizzards . Consequently, th e laborer s spen t hal f o f thei r tim e clearin g th e com pleted line of boulder s and snow. The Unio n Pacific , movin g fro m th e East, faced differen t bu t equall y dramatic difficulties : attack s b y Nativ e Americans . Constructio n gang s lived i n squali d shantytown s tha t becam e ghos t town s afte r a section o f the lin e wa s completed . Whe n th e tw o line s me t a t Promontor y Point , near Ogden, Utah , o n Ma y 10 , 1869 , th e Centra l Pacifi c ha d complete d 689 mile s o f track ; th e Unio n Pacifi c ha d lai d 1,08 6 miles . A s th e telegraph tappe d th e new s acros s th e countr y celebration s bega n i n Chicago, Washington, New York , and San Francisco.
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Despite the fact tha t physically th e railroad wa s a daring achievement , in financial term s th e entrepreneur s an d thei r privat e promoter s ha d risked little . The federa l governmen t ha d len t it s prestige, authority , an d resources t o th e enterprise . Thu s privat e backers , inten t o n a fa t buc k i f not a fas t one , wer e assure d o f hig h returns . The y awarde d th e mos t profitable contract s t o thei r ow n constructio n companie s an d suppl y firms. I f the y coul d no t b e pai d i n cas h the y too k kind : railroa d bonds . Their profits , lik e thei r innermos t motives , remai n obscure . Th e grea t enterprise ha d it s shar e o f shad y episodes . Thoma s Durant , vic e presi dent o f th e Union Pacific , an d hi s friend s bough t u p a Pennsylvania firm, Credit Mobilier , tha t wa s license d fo r a whol e rang e o f fund-raisin g activities. Th e me n i n charg e o f Unio n Pacifi c vote d constructio n con tracts t o dumm y companie s tha t awarde d the m t o Credi t Mobilier . Thus, the y wer e abl e t o rais e unnecessaril y larg e fund s fo r buildin g th e road an d the n t o diver t thes e monie s int o thei r ow n pockets . I t was sai d that Credi t Mobilie r showe d profi t o f io o percen t o n th e original invest ment. Th e scanda l wa s expose d i n 187 2 an d 187 3 a n d n a d significan t political repercussions . The pani c o f 187 3 a n d t n e ensuin g depressio n delaye d bu t di d no t halt constructio n o f othe r transcontinenta l lines . Th e Norther n Pacifi c was complete d i n 1 8 8 3 , t n e Atchison , Topeka an d Sant a F e in 1883 , and the Grea t Norther n i n 1893 . Besides astonishin g growth , railroad s benefite d fro m a whole serie s of technological advance s tha t le d t o a mor e efficien t an d better-integrate d system acros s th e country . Th e mos t significan t wa s th e introductio n o f steel rails , mor e capabl e o f carryin g th e heavie r locomotive s an d longe r trains o f th e Gilde d Ag e tha n th e ol d prewa r iro n rails . I n 187 2 th e United State s manufacture d 809,00 0 ton s o f iro n rail s an d onl y 84,00 0 tons o f stee l rails . In 187 7 mor e stee l rail s were mad e tha n iro n rails . By 1895 i r o n r a ^ s wer e n o longe r bein g made , an d 8 8 percen t o f railroa d tracks were mad e o f steel . Because i n 186 5 ther e wa s n o unifor m gaug e acros s th e country , a t that tim e freigh t coul d mov e neithe r quickl y no r freely . Movemen t wa s impeded b y delay s cause d i n couplin g o r brakin g car s manually , differ ences i n tim e betwee n adjacen t areas , an d th e hazard s o f inadequat e train control . B y 188 0 olde r railroad s i n th e Eas t an d Midwes t adopte d a unifor m trac k gaug e o f 4 fee t 8V 2 inches. O n th e mistake n assumptio n that a differen t gaug e coul d dete r invasion , muc h o f th e Sout h wa s lai d
Industrial Spring 2
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with a wide r gaug e o f 5 feet . I n th e West , t o minimiz e th e danger s o f mountain traffic , man y road s lai d ver y narro w tracks . Bu t connectio n was th e essenc e o f commerc e an d communication . Whe n th e chang e t o a regula r standar d came , i t cam e quickly . Muc h o f th e Sout h accepte d the standar d gaug e o n Ma y 31 , 1886, an d b y 189 0 i t was unifor m i n al l regions. Another improvemen t wa s th e adoptio n o f standar d times . In the first years afte r th e Civi l Wa r train s di d no t alway s ru n o n time . They woul d stop a t a n isolate d hous e t o pic k u p onl y a fe w passenger s o r a packag e for a town . Th e Ol d Colon y Railroa d i n Massachusett s use d t o sto p a t Wheat Shea f Lan e ever y da y t o collec t egg s fro m a n ol d woman . Onc e she tol d th e enginee r ther e tha t sh e onl y ha d eleve n egg s an d persuade d him t o wai t unti l th e he n lai d th e extr a eg g t o mak e u p th e ful l dozen . Such practices di d no t increas e industria l efficienc y o r publi c esteem. Th e Delaware, Lackawann a an d Wester n Railroad , o r D , L & W , wa s know n as the Delay , Linger , an d Wait . Th e Newburgh , Dutches s an d Connecti cut, o r N , D & C , was th e Neve r Di d an d Couldn't . Railroads compounde d thei r problem s b y measurin g tim e accordin g to th e loca l tim e o f thei r majo r stations . The B & O use d Baltimor e tim e on it s easter n routes , Columbu s tim e fo r Ohio , an d Vincenne s tim e fo r the West. Thus , the station a t Buffal o ha d thre e clock s and th e station a t Pittsburgh ha d six , each showin g a different time . Once widely separate d communities wer e brough t int o th e sam e commercia l basi n suc h differ ences caused endles s confusion . Therefore , Willia m F . Allen, secretary o f the Genera l Tim e Convention , devise d a schem e o f fou r tim e zone s across th e country : Eastern , Central , Mountain , an d Pacific . Thei r time s were base d o n th e mea n su n tim e o n th e meridian s nea r Philadelphi a (75th), Memphis (90th) , Denver (105th) , and Fresn o (120th) . In Octobe r 1883 th e railroad s agree d t o accep t it , an d the y pu t th e pla n int o effec t at noo n o n Sunday , Novembe r 18 , 1883 . Th e impac t o f thi s decisio n was trul y revolutionary . A s th e Indianapolis Sentinel proclaime d i n a much quote d passage : People will hav e to marr y b y railroad time , and di e by railroad time . Ministers will be required to preach by railroad time, banks will open and close by railroad time; in fact the Railroad Convention ha s taken charge of the time business, and the peopl e ma y a s wel l se t abou t adjustin g thei r affair s i n accordanc e wit h it s decree.
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However, peopl e wer e a s muc h concerne d wit h th e danger s o f rai l travel a s wit h th e tim e i t took . Accidents , sometime s involvin g heav y loss o f life , wer e common . Th e mos t disastrou s wer e a t Revere , Massa chusetts, i n 187 1 whe n tw o train s collided ; a t Ashtabula , Ohio , i n 187 6 when a fir e brok e ou t afte r a trai n crashe d throug h a bridge ; an d a t Chatsworth, Illinois , in 188 7 whe n mor e tha n eight y peopl e were killed . The cause s wer e inep t management , inadequat e bridges , an d insufficien t fire precautions . American inventor s foun d th e mean s t o improv e safet y an d lesse n th e risk o f acciden t wit h ne w couplers , brakes , and signals . In 186 8 Confed erate vetera n El i H . Janne y devise d a couple r tha t worke d lik e th e hooked fingers o f tw o hands . I t wa s adopte d first b y th e Pennsylvani a Railroad, an d b y 188 7 it was being used throughout th e country. Georg e Westinghouse invente d th e ai r brak e i n 186 9 whe n h e was onl y twenty two. He got the idea of stoppin g train s with ai r afte r readin g how Frenc h engineers cu t tunnel s int o roc k wit h compresse d air . Th e railroa d com missioner fo r Iowa , Lorenz o S . Coffin , persuade d th e stat e assembl y t o pass laws requirin g trains in the state to use the new brakes an d couplers . Coffin an d othe r stat e railroa d commissioner s calle d fo r federa l legisla tion, an d eventuall y Congres s passe d a Railroa d Safet y Applianc e Ac t i n 1893. By 1900, 7$ percent o f locomotives had bee n fitted wit h ai r brake s and 9 6 percen t ha d automati c couplers . Safet y wa s als o improve d b y better signaling , suc h a s th e block-signa l contro l invente d b y enginee r Ashbel Welch , th e close d electri c trac k signa l circuit , an d th e electri c compressed ai r switch . Still no t satisfied , passenger s wante d comfor t a s wel l a s safety . I n 1867 Georg e Pullma n o f Chicag o founde d th e Pullma n Palac e Car Com pany an d introduce d th e hote l car , a combinatio n sleepin g an d dinin g car. I n th e nex t yea r th e delux e dinin g car , th e Delmonico , wen t int o service o n th e Chicag o an d Alto n Railroad . I t was a n immediat e success . This wa s th e turnin g poin t i n th e fortune s o f hi s company , whic h wa s commissioned t o tur n ou t sleeping , parlor , an d dinin g car s b y th e thou sands durin g th e followin g years . Man y wer e privat e car s fo r business men an d industrialist s wh o wante d t o outd o on e anothe r i n extrava gance an d luxury . I n th e 1880 s Georg e Pullman' s sleepin g an d dinin g cars becam e s o common tha t th e ter m "Pullman " wa s synonymous wit h first-class rai l service . However , ther e wa s n o pleasin g som e people . Comedian D e Wol f Hoppe r tol d a Ne w Yor k audienc e i n 190 0 tha t h e
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had returne d t o Broadwa y revu e t o escap e railwa y sleepin g cars . After a picturesque accoun t o f th e hazard s o f travelin g b y rai l h e concluded , "When I finally reache d Washingto n an d a stationar y bed , I had t o hir e two me n t o shak e the be d al l night an d pou r cinder s dow n m y neck. " Railroad developmen t provide d th e sinew s of th e American Industria l Revolution. It s expansio n an d contractio n wer e largel y responsibl e fo r the financia l healt h o f th e economy . Fo r example , th e roo t caus e o f th e depression o f 187 3 wa s railroa d collapse . An d th e railroad s collapse d because they were overextended. Railroa d constructio n ha d alread y dou bled fro m 35,00 0 t o 70,00 0 mile s since the Civi l War. Two-third s o f th e increase ha d bee n i n th e West , whic h wa s sparsel y populated . Thus , most railroad s ther e ha d littl e busines s an d wer e unprofitable . Fo r in stance, i n 187 2 n o mor e tha n a thir d o f th e 35 0 railroa d companie s could pa y thei r stockholder s an y dividends . The failur e o f a leadin g investmen t bank , Ja y Cook e an d Company , precipitated a genera l panic . Cook e wa s financin g th e Norther n Pacifi c Railroad, th e secon d transcontinenta l lin e acros s America . I n 187 3 Cook e was fundin g it s constructio n i n th e Northwes t an d underwritin g som e bonds a t a pric e t o guarante e dividend s o f 8. 5 percent . Bu t th e railroa d was alread y s o overextende d tha t i t coul d yiel d n o dividend s a t all . Cooke an d othe r banker s ha d alread y allowe d railroad s lik e th e North ern Pacifi c excessiv e credit . But when mone y becam e tight, they were no t able t o continu e th e proces s b y sellin g mor e bonds . Mone y deposite d i n Cooke's Ne w Yor k branc h wa s siphone d awa y t o th e Wes t t o pa y fo r seasonal cro p shipment s there . O n Septembe r 18 , 1873 , Cooke' s ban k failed, an d it s branche s i n New Yor k an d Philadelphi a wer e closed . Until the n n o on e ha d doubte d th e probit y o f Cook e an d Company . In Philadelphi a a newsbo y wh o shoute d th e stor y wa s arreste d fo r slander. Bu t i t wa s true . Peopl e panicked . The y wante d t o trad e i n thei r stocks an d share s fo r cash . I n th e headlon g rus h th e valu e o f stock s fel l dramatically. Th e Ne w Yor k Stoc k Exchang e close d fo r te n day s fro m September 20 . Railroad s wer e th e wors t hit . Eighty-nin e defaulte d o n their bonds . Constructio n ceased . B y 1874 , 500,00 0 me n wer e ou t o f work. Breadline s wer e becomin g a regula r featur e o f cit y life . Bu t tha t was onl y on e par t o f th e story . Suppl y industries—iron , steel , lumber , glass, upholstery—als o suffered . S o di d industrie s tha t relie d o n rail roads t o carr y thei r goods . B y th e en d o f 187 3 ther e wer e 5,00 0 com mercial failures . The tota l investmen t los t was $77 5 million .
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The hope s tha t die d wit h th e depressio n revive d a t th e en d o f th e decade. Ne w farmin g area s i n th e Wes t ha d com e int o productio n b y 1879, a n d agricultura l productio n wa s twic e a s hig h a s i t ha d bee n i n 1873. Th e resultin g increas e i n railroa d traffi c brough t renewe d interes t and investmen t i n railroad s unti l 1882 . Thus , i n thre e years—1880 , 1881, an d 1882—mor e tha n 28,00 0 mile s o f railroa d wer e laid , eac h creating ne w opportunitie s fo r agricultur e an d industry , especiall y i n th e West an d South . Robber Barons The wa y railroad s wer e establishe d an d fortune s mad e fro m thei r oper ation ha s colore d mos t interpretation s o f th e Gilde d Ag e accordin g t o which shar p practic e becam e standar d practic e in commerce an d politics . Whereas Englis h historia n Thoma s Carlyl e calle d th e entrepreneur s o f the Industrial Revolutio n "captain s o f industry, " the y were known mor e commonly i n America a s robber barons . The ter m wa s first conferre d b y disgruntled farmer s i n Kansa s specificall y o n railroa d magnate s i n 1880 . There wer e i n fac t tw o distinc t types , o r generations , o f robbe r bar ons. Strictl y speaking , th e first wer e no t industria l entrepreneur s a t al l but rogu e financiers. Man y ha d mad e fortune s i n th e wa r an d wer e stil l anxious t o mak e a killing , especiall y i n railroad s an d publi c utilities . I t did no t matte r t o the m tha t th e cos t migh t b e economi c o r politica l stability. T o thi s categor y w e ca n assig n th e unhol y tri o o f Ja y Gould , Jim Fisk , an d Danie l Drew . Thei r nefariou s activitie s sprea d throug h whatever aspect s o f publi c lif e the y coul d penetrat e an d defile . "Hi s touch i s death, " exclaime d Danie l Dre w o f Ja y Gould . Th e mos t noto rious ac t o f Goul d an d Fis k wa s no t i n railroad s bu t gold . O n Gould' s advice, Presiden t Ulysse s S . Grant appointe d on e Genera l Danie l Butter field a s hea d o f th e subtreasury . Wha t h e di d no t realiz e wa s tha t Butterfield wa s involve d wit h Fis k an d Goul d i n a schem e t o mak e a killing on th e Ne w Yor k gol d marke t b y hoarding gold . Becaus e of thei r gold corner , th e pric e o f gol d ros e fro m 13 2 t o a pea k o f 162 . B y September 24 , 1869 , "Black Friday, " score s of Wall Stree t banker s face d ruin. Th e corne r collapse d whe n Gran t an d Secretar y o f th e Treasur y George S . Boutwel l bega n t o sel l $ 4 millio n o f governmen t gol d t o depress the market. In the process they unintentionally harme d hundred s of businessmen , especiall y importers .
Industrial Spring 3
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The tri o becam e railwa y king s e n rout e t o untol d fortunes . Fo r ex ample, Ja y Goul d controlle d i n successio n th e Erie , th e Unio n Pacific , and th e Wabash. Eventuall y h e owned Wester n Union , an d th e Manhat tan Elevate d an d Texa s Pacifi c railroads . Hi s associate , Ji m Fisk , wa s soon know n a s th e Princ e o f Eri e fo r bein g "firs t i n th e pocket s o f hi s countrymen." The mos t commo n devic e fo r makin g mone y ou t o f corporations , whether railroa d o r industrial , wa s t o overcapitaliz e them—t o launc h stocks an d share s beyon d th e tru e valu e o f th e business . I t wa s sai d o f any compan y tha t wa s overcapitalize d tha t i t ha d "watere d stock. " Th e term originate d wit h Danie l Dre w i n hi s earl y day s a s a cattl e drover . His cattl e wer e kep t thirst y throughou t th e driv e fro m Putna m County , in upstate Ne w York , t o New Yor k City , fed wit h salt , and were allowe d water onl y immediatel y befor e the y arrive d a t the Third Avenu e drovers ' market wher e the y appeare d bloate d and , therefore , beef y enoug h t o buy. The late r generatio n o f robbe r baron s wa s n o les s ruthles s tha n Gould, Fisk , an d Drew . Bu t the y wer e providin g th e publi c wit h a service. The y aime d fo r monopol y contro l o f a produc t o r market , bu t not simpl y t o contro l prices . They determine d t o replac e fierce industria l competition wit h soun d commercia l order . Fro m 189 0 financier Joh n Pierpont Morgan , fo r example , strov e t o secur e profitabl e symmetr y i n the overextended railwa y system . Between thes e tw o generation s o f robbe r baron s wer e a fe w transi tional figures, rapaciou s me n capabl e o f crimina l act s fo r commercia l gain bu t wh o nevertheles s worke d withi n th e lette r (i f no t th e spirit ) o f the law . Suc h a pivotal ma n wa s Corneliu s Vanderbilt , th e founde r o f a railroad dynasty . Furthermore , i t was th e opulen t life-styl e o f hi s gregar ious an d extroverte d famil y tha t gav e th e Gilde d Ag e muc h o f it s well deserved reputatio n fo r displa y i n high society . Cornelius ("Commodore" ) Vanderbil t wa s born i n 179 4 a t Stapleton , Staten Island , th e fourt h o f nin e childre n o f a subservien t ferryma n an d his aggressive , acquisitiv e wife . A t seventee n h e coul d no t persuad e hi s father t o expan d th e famil y busines s o f ferryin g an d marke t gardenin g and cajole d hi s mothe r int o loanin g hi m th e mone y t o star t a riva l ferr y service. From thes e small beginnings , and takin g advantage o f suc h crise s as th e Wa r o f 1812 , th e gol d rus h o f 1849 , an d th e Civi l War , h e buil t up a profitable steamboa t operatio n wort h perhap s $1 1 million b y 1862 .
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During th e Civi l War , however , h e realize d tha t i t wa s o n lan d rathe r than se a tha t th e Unite d States ' destin y lay . Onl y th e railroa d coul d follow armie s in th e field and penetrat e th e empt y interio r o f th e West . Vanderbilt plowe d hi s wa r profit s int o th e grea t railroa d boom . H e determined t o acquir e contro l o f a crucia l rout e fo r passenger s an d freight alike , tha t fro m Ne w Yor k t o th e Grea t Lakes . I n 186 2 h e bega n investing i n tw o riva l railroads , the New Yor k an d Harle m an d th e Ne w York an d Hudson , an d i n 186 7 h e too k ove r a third , th e Ne w Yor k Central. H e an d hi s eldes t son , Willia m Henry , persuade d th e stat e assembly t o allo w the m t o combin e thes e propertie s int o th e Ne w Yor k Central an d Hudso n Rive r Railroad . H e ha d himsel f vote d a bonu s o f $20 millio n i n watere d stoc k an d a bonus o f $ 6 millio n i n cash . The mai n competito r o f th e Ne w Yor k Centra l wa s th e Erie , a rail road controlle d b y Danie l Drew , James Fisk , an d Jay Gould . Vanderbil t fought a rat e wa r agains t th e Erie . H e onc e cu t th e rat e fo r cattl e between Buffal o an d Ne w Yor k o n th e Ne w Yor k Centra l t o $ 1 a hea d as par t o f th e battle . However , hi s rival , Ji m Fisk , di d no t retaliat e i n kind. H e too k advantag e o f Vanderbilt' s chea p fare s b y buyin g bee f i n Buffalo tha t h e the n shippe d o n th e Ne w Yor k Central . H e thu s mad e a profit o n th e pric e o f bee f i n Ne w Yor k Cit y whil e a t th e sam e tim e weakening th e Vanderbil t system , whic h ha d t o accommodat e extr a freight belo w cost . Between 186 4 an d 187 2 Gould , indulgin g i n hi s usua l practic e o f watering th e stock , increase d th e nomina l valu e o f Eri e commo n stoc k from $2 4 millio n t o $7 8 million . Vanderbil t no w intende d t o bu y th e Erie an d en d th e competition . H e bega n acquirin g th e ne w stock . Bu t a s fast a s h e di d s o th e unhol y tri o issue d more , wit h th e blessin g o f th e state assembl y a t Albany . Eve n Vanderbilt' s grea t fortun e wa s insuffi cient t o bu y ou t hi s rivals . H e admitte d defea t gracelessly , complainin g that "i t neve r pay s t o kic k a skunk. " Th e reputatio n o f th e Eri e wa s ruined, however. T o investor s it was "th e scarle t woman o f Wall Street. " It paid no t a single dividend betwee n 187 3 a n d I 942~ Gould an d Dre w quarrele d an d Goul d ouste d Drew , wh o los t hi s fortune i n th e pani c o f 1873 . m 187 2 Goul d himsel f wa s force d t o resign. Fisk' s brillian t caree r cam e t o a n eve n mor e abrup t end . H e discovered tha t on e man' s foll y wa s anothe r man' s wife . H e wa s sho t and kille d b y one of th e other suitor s o f hi s mistress, Josie Mansfield . When Corneliu s Vanderbil t die d i n 187 7 a t th e ag e o f eighty-three ,
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he wa s th e riches t ma n i n America . Th e bul k o f hi s fortun e o f a t leas t $70 millio n wen t t o hi s eldes t son , Willia m Henry , who m h e considere d the on e competen t an d obedien t membe r o f hi s famil y wh o coul d kee p the empir e united . Willia m live d t o enjo y th e famil y fortun e fo r onl y another eigh t years . B y ruthles s manipulatio n o f capita l an d labo r alik e he increase d it , s o tha t whe n h e die d i n 188 5 h e wa s th e riches t ma n i n the world . Hi s bruta l handlin g o f strike s mad e hi m on e o f th e mos t unpopular me n i n America , an d t o hi m wa s attribute d th e notoriou s declaration, "Th e publi c b e damned! " I n fact , h e had pu t hi s trust i n th e financier John Pierpon t Morgan , wh o wa s abou t t o take the best railroa d prizes fo r himself . John Pierpon t Morga n wa s bor n i n Hartford , Connecticut , i n 1837 , the so n o f a small-tow n businessman , Juniu s Morgan . I n 185 4 Juniu s became a partne r o f a n America n financie r livin g i n London , Georg e Peabody. Joh n Pierpont , a robus t chil d struc k dow n b y rheumati c feve r that lef t hi m wit h on e le g shorter tha n th e other, wa s sent firs t t o a Swiss school o n Lak e Genev a an d late r t o th e Universit y o f Gottinge n t o complete hi s education . H e subsequentl y manage d hi s father' s affair s i n New York . Durin g th e Civi l Wa r hi s reputatio n wa s tarnishe d b y dam aging allegations abou t hi s part i n the Hall carbin e affair , whereb y fault y breechloaders wer e sol d bac k t o th e arm y fo r si x time s thei r origina l price. It di d no t hel p matter s tha t h e had th e firs t telegrap h wir e o n Wal l Street installe d s o that h e could receiv e news fro m th e battlefield s imme diately an d speculat e i n gold accordin g t o th e fortune s o f th e North . Morgan an d hi s partner s i n th e ne w fir m o f Drexel , Morga n an d Company, forme d i n 1871 , were determine d t o brin g orde r t o th e cha otic jumbl e o f competing , superfluous , an d inefficien t railways . I n 187 8 as a firs t ste p the y acquire d th e Lon g Islan d Railway . The y als o per suaded th e ne w Vanderbil t heir , Willia m Henry , t o sel l 250,00 0 share s of th e Ne w Yor k Centra l t o Englis h investor s an d t o combin e th e Central wit h th e Wabash . Morgan' s aim s wer e threefold : t o secur e rea l support fro m oversea s investors , usuall y financier s associate d wit h hi s father; t o eliminat e price-cuttin g an d alternativ e route s an d thu s rais e profits; an d t o assum e indirec t contro l throug h ownershi p rathe r tha n direct contro l b y administration . In th e Eas t competitio n wa s internecin e an d bega n t o involv e othe r industries whe n stee l magnat e Andre w Carnegi e supporte d th e Vander bilt line s agains t th e Pennsylvani a an d it s ally , Georg e Pullman , i n th e
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18 80s. Thi s intens e struggl e wa s resolve d onl y b y th e interventio n o f Morgan, who , afte r carefu l planning , invite d th e warrin g faction s t o a peace conferenc e aboar d hi s yacht , th e Corsair, i n Ne w Yor k Harbo r i n July 1885 . They pai d hi m a coo l millio n fo r actin g a s honest broke r an d abandoned additiona l competitiv e railroa d projects . The Hous e o f Morga n ha d a unifor m polic y t o al l th e insolven t companies i t penetrated. I t drie d ou t th e ol d stock , issue d ne w bond s a t a lowe r rat e o f interest , an d insiste d o n consolidatio n o r collusio n wit h rivals. Onc e i t ha d achieve d a maximu m o f votin g stock , i t persuade d shareholders t o surrende r thei r dutie s t o Morga n o r hi s nominees o n th e board. Thi s reputatio n fo r organizin g himsel f an d hi s staf f int o variou s interlocking directorate s le d t o Morga n an d hi s junio r executive s bein g called "Pierpontife x Maximu s an d hi s Apostles " an d *'Jupite r Morga n and hi s Ganymedes. " Th e title s wer e apposite . Morgan , wh o love d th e high lif e an d ha d pu t o n th e fles h o f success , wa s muc h see n i n th e company o f actresses . Twic e marrie d an d wit h thre e children , h e never theless like d t o gaz e a t a forme r Harvar d footbal l star , Rober t Bacon , whom h e ha d mad e hi s mos t truste d assistant . Th e wa y robbe r baron s like Morga n flaunted thei r wealth , winin g an d dinin g wit h actresses , gave ris e t o thi s anecdot e o f 190 0 tha t pay s tribut e t o Morgan' s florid countenance an d bulbou s nose : " I go t a pear l ou t o f a fres h oyste r a t Shankley's," remarke d on e choru s gir l t o another . "That' s nothing, " said he r friend , " I go t a whole diamon d necklac e ou t o f a n ol d lobster. " By th e clos e o f th e centur y Morga n wa s i n contro l o f th e Sout h Atlantic, th e Erie , th e Reading , an d th e Norther n Pacifi c railroads , an d exercised som e contro l o f th e Baltimor e an d Ohio , an d th e Atchison , Topeka an d Sant a Fe . However , on e magnat e alway s resiste d hi s exter nal magnificenc e an d challenge d th e myt h o f hi s necessity . Tha t wa s Edward H . Harriman . Harrima n predicte d tha t Morga n woul d fai l t o reform th e Eri e an d th e Unio n Pacific , worke d agains t hi m behin d th e scenes, an d wa s prove d right . Morga n an d hi s associate , Jame s Hill , decided t o bu y Harriman' s road , th e Chicago , Burlington , an d Quincy , and bega n t o acquir e share s i n secret . Whe n h e discovere d wha t wa s happening, Harrima n retaliate d b y buyin g himsel f int o a Morga n road , the Norther n Pacific . Thei r confrontatio n le d t o a pani c o n th e marke t on Ma y 9 , 1901—"Blu e Thursday. " Hil l devise d a face-savin g compro mise whereb y th e road s woul d b e linke d i n a holdin g company , th e
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Northern Securitie s Company , capitalize d a t $40 0 million , whic h wa s registered i n Ne w Jersey o n Novembe r 13 , 1901. The improvemen t o f th e telegrap h an d th e inventio n o f th e telephon e had rendere d tim e n o objec t t o industr y an d commerce . Th e expansio n of th e railroa d ha d reduce d th e significanc e o f distance . Morga n no w held th e key s t o tim e an d plac e an d woul d mak e ne w fortune s fro m them both . Tim e an d plac e wer e les s important tha n money . Having achieve d sufficien t line s wit h enoug h capacit y fo r curren t traffic i n th e perio d t o 1893 , railroa d constructio n decline d thereafter . Individual road s n o longe r neede d t o compet e wit h on e anothe r fo r business wit h th e ol d ferocity . Ther e wa s no t th e sam e urg e to expan d i n order t o anticipat e th e move s o f a rival. Further expansio n woul d simpl y cost mor e tha n an y resultan t saving s fro m a mor e comprehensiv e an d efficient network . However , th e railroad s ha d bee n th e first moder n companies t o find th e rout e t o effectiv e managemen t o f large-scal e industry. Wherea s earl y industrie s ha d bee n local , base d i n on e particu lar region , railroad s no w spanne d th e whol e country , employin g ten s o f thousands o f me n acros s thousand s o f mile s o f track . Th e onl y contem porary preceden t fo r enterpris e o n suc h a scal e wa s th e Unio n arm y during th e Civi l War—anothe r publi c bureaucrac y wit h a hierarchica l structure. Thu s i t wa s fro m th e arm y tha t th e railroad s too k thei r particular for m o f corporat e structure . Each gian t railroad , lik e an army , was compose d o f severa l division s le d b y a n are a manage r wh o wa s accountable t o a genera l staf f a t headquarters . Thes e loca l divisions , i n turn, wer e compose d o f a serie s o f lesse r unit s eac h assigne d specifi c tasks, suc h a s engineering , maintenance , o r administrativ e duties . Her e was a peacetim e arm y wit h it s regiments , battalions , companies , an d platoons. In the railroad companie s an d late r the industrial corporations , a chain o f comman d extende d fro m individua l sectio n leader s a t the bas e of a pyrami d t o th e compan y presiden t an d boar d o f director s a t th e apex. Moreover , ther e coul d onl y b e a prope r coordinatio n o f activitie s between th e widel y separate d componen t part s o f thes e corporation s i f the compan y adhere d t o som e sor t o f schedule , an d thi s coul d onl y b e defined an d maintaine d b y a standar d syste m o f timekeeping . I n short , the new for m o f enterpris e gre w ou t o f th e ne w technolog y i n industry .
CHAPTER 2
Titans at War: The Industrial Legacy of Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Morgan
The Christma s o f 190 0 wa s especiall y merr y fo r America' s industria l titans, notabl y thre e wis e me n wh o ha d alread y mad e thei r Ne w Year' s resolution fo r Januar y 1901 . It was, indeed , a festiv e occasio n tha t dre w together th e resource s o f stee l tycoo n Andre w Carnegie , oi l magnat e John D . Rockefeller , an d financial tycoo n Joh n Pierpon t Morgan . O n December 12 , tw o o f Carnegie' s friends , Edwar d Simmon s an d Charle s Stuart Smith , gav e a dinner, ostensibl y social , to which J. P . Morgan wa s invited. It s rea l purpos e wa s t o allo w on e o f Carnegie' s younge r execu tives, Charle s Schwab , t o entic e Morga n wit h th e ide a o f formin g a supercorporation base d o n Carnegie' s stee l empire . Th e merge r wa s conceived partl y t o ensur e th e greates t economie s i n iro n an d stee l production, and , hence , th e greates t profits . However , it s principa l ad vantage woul d b e tha t i t woul d en d divisiv e competitio n i n th e stee l industry, notabl y th e price wars instigate d b y Carnegie, and als o remov e Carnegie fro m th e very industr y wit h whic h hi s nam e wa s synonymous . Negotiations fo r th e dea l wer e complete d i n January 1901 . The pla n for organizin g th e Unite d State s Stee l Corporatio n wa s announce d o n 36
The Waldor f Astori a Hotel , a t Fift h Avenu e an d Thirty-fourt h Street , Ne w York , com pleted i n 1893 , and a memoria l o f sort s t o th e opulen t life-styl e o f caf e societ y a t th e tur n of th e century . I t survived unti l 192 9 whe n i t was demolishe d t o mak e way fo r th e Empir e State Building , jus t a s th e Wal l Stree t Cras h undercu t th e socia l fabri c th e hote l ha d com e to symbolize . (Phot o b y Byron , 1903 ; Librar y o f Congress. )
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March 3 , 1901 , through a n advertisemen t poste d b y Morgan. U.S . Steel, a holdin g company , wa s chartere d i n Ne w Jerse y o n Apri l 1 , 1901 . The organization o f U.S . Steel dre w togethe r th e fortune s o f Morgan , Rock efeller, an d Carnegie . Morgan raise d th e fund s an d supplie d th e financia l expertise, Carnegi e ha d th e majorit y o f th e origina l iro n an d stee l busi ness, an d Rockefeller , wh o ha d acquire d iro n deposit s i n th e Mesab i fields, brough t a crucia l suppl y o f or e t o U.S . Steel . Thu s th e Januar y gifts o f thes e thre e wis e me n complemente d thei r personalities—gold , steel, and iro n will . The dea l create d a sensatio n a t hom e an d abroad . Joh n Brisban e Walker, edito r o f Cosmopolitan Magazine, wrot e i n the Apri l 190 1 issu e how the world , o n th e 3r d da y o f March , 1901 , ceased t o b e ruled b y . . . so-called statesmen. True, there were marionette s stil l figuring in Congres s an d a s kings. But they were in place simply to carry out the orders of the world's real rulers— those wh o contro l th e concentrate d portio n o f th e mone y supply . Betwee n th e lines of this advertisement headed "Offic e o f J. P. Morgan 8 t Company" was to be rea d a proclamation thus : "Commercia l metropoli s o f th e world. " Th e ol d competitive system , wit h it s ruinou s methods , it s countles s duplications , it s wastefulness o f huma n effort , an d it s relentles s busines s warfare , i s hereb y abolished.
Industrial Consolidation and the Managerial Revolution The dea l marke d a n en d an d a beginning . I t was, apparently , th e culmi nation o f a quarter-centur y o f financial intrigu e an d politica l chicaner y by leadin g industrialists , th e so-calle d robbe r baron s o f th e Gilde d Age , to achiev e oligopoly , dominanc e b y plutocrat s o f a particula r industry . At th e sam e time , i t indicated th e wa y forwar d fo r othe r larg e industria l and manufacturin g enterprises—consolidatio n i n th e interest s o f th e most cost-effectiv e production , promotion , an d distributio n o f thei r products. Wherea s i n th e 1870 s a manufacturin g firm wa s simpl y a company tha t mad e goods , in th e 1900 s man y importan t industrie s wer e dominated b y a few larg e corporations tha t ofte n controlle d thei r sourc e of ra w materials , certainl y di d thei r ow n purchasing , thei r ow n produc tion, thei r ow n distribution , an d possibl y thei r ow n wholesaling . The essenc e o f corporatio n managemen t wa s th e exac t orderin g o f the thre e stage s involve d i n manufacturing : extractio n (o f materials) ,
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production, an d distribution . In certai n industrie s th e economi c advan tages o f large-scal e productio n wer e considerable . This was certainl y th e case i n th e manufactur e o f suc h machine s a s combin e harvester s an d other far m implements , sewin g machines , bicycles , and typewriters , an d in th e refinin g o f steel , sugar , an d oil . Thos e firm s tha t too k advantag e of improvement s i n technology expande d rapidl y a t the expense o f thos e that di d not . Som e advantage s o f siz e ha d nothin g t o d o wit h efficienc y but mor e wit h costs . A larg e compan y coul d mor e easil y obtai n credit , more readily ge t raw material s a t a cheaper rate , and deplo y its resource s on research . Moreover, wha t wa s accomplishe d wit h th e ris e o f th e corporatio n was a revolutio n i n busines s management . A new tie r o f executive s wa s put i n control , no t onl y o f individua l businesses , bu t als o o f th e market . As Alfre d Dupon t Chandler , Jr. , remark s i n hi s semina l work , The Visible Hand (1977) : the visibl e han d o f managemen t replace d wha t Ada m Smit h referre d t o a s th e invisible hand o f marke t forces . The market remaine d th e generator o f deman d for good s an d services , but moder n busines s enterpris e too k ove r th e function s of coordinatin g flows o f good s throug h existin g processe s o f productio n an d distribution, an d o f allocatin g fund s an d personne l fo r futur e productio n an d distribution. A s modern busines s enterpris e acquire d function s hithert o carrie d out b y th e market , i t becam e th e mos t powerfu l institutio n i n th e America n economy an d it s manager s th e mos t influentia l grou p o f economi c decisio n makers. The stor y o f industr y i n Americ a i n th e Gilde d Ag e i s not , however , one o f continuou s growth . Deman d fo r mos t product s wa s subjec t t o random change s i n boom s an d slumps . Fo r twenty-fiv e year s beginnin g in 187 3 exces s capacity wa s chronic in most industries , especially oi l an d steel. Industrialist s thu s di d no t see k combinatio n simpl y fo r th e sak e o f expansion. The y wante d t o protec t themselve s agains t oscillation s i n th e business cycle . A s economis t Joh n Tippl e explains , gian t corporation s had greate r contro l an d a large r shar e o f th e market . The y could , there fore, dictat e price s an d term s t o everyone . Vertica l integration , whic h reached u p o r dow n t o othe r stage s o f production , le d t o th e creatio n o f a firm tha t coul d compet e mor e effectivel y becaus e i t increased efficienc y by reducin g costs . Horizonta l integration—th e creatio n o f a firm wit h several plant s eac h a t exactl y th e sam e stag e o f th e industria l process — was les s likel y t o b e efficient . I t was , however , possibl e t o dictat e price s
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to plant s a t differen t stage s i f th e horizonta l contro l wa s a tru e monop oly. The firs t businessman' s remed y fo r commercia l problem s wa s th e pool, a gentlemen' s agreemen t betwee n rival s t o divid e trad e an d shar e profits. Mor e forma l associatio n wa s sough t throug h ring s i n th e 1870 s and the n throug h trust s i n th e 1880s . The prototyp e wa s th e oi l trus t o f Standard Oi l forme d i n 1882 . Trusts unde r othe r name s wer e forme d i n cottonseed oi l (1884) , linsee d oi l (1885) , lea d minin g an d refinin g (1887) , whiskey distillin g (1887) , suga r refinin g (1887) , an d cor d manufactur e (1887). The mos t successfu l wer e i n refinin g an d distilling . Such corporation s ha d considerabl e economi c consequences . The y divorced th e owners , wh o wer e th e stockholders , fro m th e chore s o f management. Stockholder s wer e rarel y intereste d i n runnin g th e busi ness. Al l the y care d abou t wer e thei r dividends . Indeed , on e reaso n fo r the formatio n o f trust s wa s t o inflat e th e valu e o f companie s s o tha t greater dividend s coul d b e claimed . Exaggerate d price s wer e pu t o n stocks an d share s whe n corporation s wer e capitalized , tha t is , when th e money wa s raise d t o launc h them . The interactio n o f various economi c force s an d th e prevalent religiou s faith i n progres s ha d produce d a ne w typ e o f entrepreneu r peculia r t o the United State s an d particularl y suite d t o developin g it s resources. Thi s entrepreneur wa s read y t o pu t hi s fait h i n th e collectiv e securit y o f a corporation. Thes e robbe r baron s wer e th e ne w rich , a n opulen t an d ostentatious plutocracy . In 189 2 tw o Ne w Yor k newspapers , th e World and th e Tribune, compete d wit h on e anothe r t o se e which coul d find th e most America n millionaires . Th e World discovere d 3,045 , bu t th e Tribune outdi d i t wit h 4,047 . John D . Rockefelle r i n oil , Andrew Carnegi e in steel , Gustavu s Swif t i n meat , Charle s Pillsbur y i n grain , Henr y Hav emeyer i n sugar , Frederic k Weyerhaeuse r i n lumber , an d Joh n Pierpon t Morgan i n railroad s an d finance wer e altogethe r mor e influentia l figures than th e principa l actor s o n th e politica l stage . Unlik e th e politician s who specialize d i n words withou t deeds , the robber baron s sai d littl e bu t did much . Th e secre t o f thei r succes s la y i n thei r acume n tha t amounte d to vision , thei r avaric e tha t wa s transforme d int o commercia l foresight , and thei r attac k tha t wa s equal t o militar y strategy . It i s a myt h tha t th e captain s o f industr y an d commerc e ros e fro m rags t o riches . In fact , mos t o f the m cam e fro m busines s an d industr y o r one of the professions. Indeed , 6 5 percent of those from th e upper classe s
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had bee n t o college . Yet—an d thi s partl y explain s th e suppose d ris e from obscurit y t o opulence—mos t o f the m worke d thei r wa y u p i n th e business i n whic h the y mad e thei r fortune . The y claime d the y wer e self taught. Perhaps , i n everythin g tha t reall y mattered , the y were . Man y came fro m Ne w Englan d o r th e Nort h Atlanti c states . Th e bul k wer e native-born, Protestant , an d Republican . Colli s Huntingto n an d Joh n Pierpont Morga n wer e bor n Connecticu t Yankees . Th e Jays Cook e an d Gould cam e fro m Connecticu t families . Andre w Carnegi e an d Jame s J . Hill wer e Scots . The publi c person a o f th e self-mad e ma n wa s base d o n a cul t o f outward modest y an d respectability . A s a rule , robbe r baron s wer e puritanical, parsimonious , an d pious . Onl y Ji m Fisk , th e so n o f a Ver mont ti n peddler , spen t hi s yout h sowin g hi s wil d oat s amon g th e fleshpots. Thus , th e majorit y wer e continuin g a n establishe d tradition . Historian Matthe w Josephso n emphasize s tha t th e origina l colonist s were Englis h Protestant s devote d t o busines s a s i f i t wer e a religion . Money wa s th e sol e mean s o f attainin g power . Benjami n Frankli n wa s held u p a s a paragon o f virtu e an d thrift . Afte r all , it was h e who coine d the succinc t aphorism , "Tim e i s money. " Whe n Rockefelle r claimed , "God gav e m e m y wealth, " h e wa s speakin g i n th e spiri t o f Cotto n Mather. Businessmen, however, usuall y preferred th e myth tha t the y had mad e their mone y b y th e swea t o f thei r brow . Railroa d baro n Corneliu s Vanderbilt eve n claime d tha t h e mad e a millio n dollar s ever y yea r o f hi s life bu t tha t i t wa s wort h "thre e time s tha t t o th e peopl e o f th e Unite d States." Stee l tycoo n Andre w Carnegi e agreed . I n The Empire of Business (1902 ) h e said , "Unde r ou r presen t condition s th e millionair e wh o toils o n i s the cheapes t articl e whic h th e communit y secure s a t th e pric e it pay s fo r him , namely , hi s shelter , clothing , an d food. " I t i s certainl y true that , consume d wit h ambition , man y worke d t o excess , damagin g their healt h i n th e process . Mos t suffere d fro m chroni c stomac h com plaints. Morgan' s fac e wa s ofte n a ras h o f spot s an d Rockefelle r wa s a victim o f prematur e hai r loss . Publi c opinio n preferre d t o believ e tha t special privileg e rathe r tha n persona l virtu e ha d enable d robbe r baron s to transfor m abundan t natura l resource s int o a profitabl e preserve . Be hind ever y grea t fortun e wa s a crime . John Reagan , congressma n fro m Texas, advise d hi s constituent s i n 1876 : "Ther e wer e n o beggar s til l Vanderbilts an d Stewart s an d Gould s an d Scott s an d Huntington s an d
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Fisks shape d th e actio n o f Congres s an d molde d th e purposes o f govern ment. The n th e fe w becam e fabulousl y rich , th e man y wretchedl y poo r . . . and th e poorer w e are the poorer the y would mak e us. " While it was true tha t individual s migh t ris e o r fal l b y specia l merit s o r particula r defects, i t was equall y tru e tha t whol e classe s could no t chang e places . However, a ne w philosophy , Socia l Darwinism , justifie d th e robbe r barons an d thei r methods . Th e leadin g proponen t o f Socia l Darwinis m was a n Englis h journalist , Herber t Spencer . A s early a s 1850 , nine year s before Charle s Darwi n publishe d hi s revolutionar y theor y o f evolution , Spencer's Social Statics propounde d a n extrem e for m o f laissez-fair e economics aki n t o monetarism . Th e appearanc e o f Darwin' s The Origin of Species i n 185 9 strengthene d Spencer' s case . I t wa s Spence r wh o i n two article s o f 185 2 first coine d th e phras e "surviva l o f th e fittest," which Darwi n late r use d t o describ e th e mechanis m tha t propelle d evo lution. Spencer' s Social Statics mixe d laissez-fair e economic s an d biol ogy. It s premis e wa s tha t th e pressur e o f subsistenc e o n th e huma n rac e had ha d a beneficen t effect . I t ha d le d t o socia l progres s b y puttin g a premium o n intelligence , self-control , an d skill . Spence r oppose d stat e aid t o th e poor , who m h e regarde d a s unfi t an d candidate s fo r elimina tion. B y th e sam e token , h e disapprove d o f tariff s t o ai d agricultur e o r industry, stat e banking , an d governmenta l posta l services . It is hardly surprisin g tha t th e robbe r baron s foun d Socia l Darwinis m congenial. The y wer e bein g tol d wha t the y wante d t o hear—ho w a political syste m tha t claime d al l me n wer e equa l coul d als o encompas s economic inequality. Moreover , th e ne w philosophy denie d an y nee d fo r social reform . Betwee n 1864 , whe n hi s Social Statics wa s publishe d i n New York , an d 1903 , 368,75 5 volume s o f Spencer' s work s wer e sol d i n the United States—probabl y a record fo r book s on sociolog y an d philos ophy. I t was ironi c tha t a hypochondriac lik e Spence r shoul d tel l societ y who wa s an d wh o wa s no t fit. Hi s lastin g succes s wa s proo f o f th e ol d adage tha t a puny , sickl y reputatio n wil l outliv e a healthie r one . I n th e fall o f 1882 , a t th e pea k o f hi s popularity , Spence r toure d th e Unite d States. Effusive tribute s pai d hi m a t banquet s everywher e suggeste d tha t the origin o f specie s had bee n turne d int o th e origin o f speeches . Spencer's mos t arden t supporte r wa s Willia m Graha m Sumner , wh o held th e chai r o f politica l an d socia l scienc e a t Yal e fo r ove r thirt y year s from 1872 . Sumner insiste d o n th e beneficenc e o f socia l struggle : "I f w e do no t lik e th e surviva l o f th e fittest w e hav e onl y on e possibl e alterna -
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tive, an d tha t i s th e surviva l o f th e unfittest . Th e forme r i s th e la w o f civilization, th e latte r i s th e la w o f anti-civilization. " Suc h idea s wer e supported a t a popula r leve l b y th e children' s book s o f Horati o Alger , Unitarian chaplai n t o th e Newsboys ' Lodgin g Hous e i n Manhattan . Alger extolled th e virtues o f self-improvemen t an d propounde d th e myt h of rag s t o riche s i n a variet y o f tale s suc h a s Ragged Dick (1867) , Luck and Pluck (1869) , an d Tattered Tom (1871) . Eac h wa s th e first i n a series that sol d ove r 2 0 millio n copies . Many firms tha t wer e first organize d shortl y afte r th e America n Civi l War, whethe r the y wer e industrial , manufacturing , o r commercial , ha d achieved nationwid e succes s b y th e tur n o f th e century . The y include d John D . Rockefeller' s Standar d Oi l Company , Jame s Buchana n Duke' s American Tobacc o Company , Andre w Carnegie' s stee l company , an d the Hous e o f Morgan . Other s remaine d desultor y enterprise s unti l th e very en d o f th e century . They include d Coca-Cola , Lev i Strauss, Kellogg , Eastman Kodak , Sear s Roebuck , an d R . J . Reynolds . Other s organize d in th e Gilde d Ag e expire d o r wer e absorbe d b y thei r mos t successfu l competitors, notabl y certai n oi l an d railroa d companies . As important i n th e ne w syste m a s the robbe r baron s themselve s wer e their salarie d managers . Whethe r th e robbe r baron s wer e exploitiv e o r not, thei r hierarch y o f manager s ha d ver y differen t goals . Thei r eco nomic surviva l depende d o n th e permanence , power , an d growt h o f th e hierarchy itself . Thus , fo r instance , the y preferre d policie s tha t woul d ensure th e continuin g stabilit y o f th e compan y rathe r tha n excessive , short-term profits . The y wer e selecte d an d the n the y prove d themselve s on th e basi s o f thei r training , experience , an d performanc e rathe r tha n on accoun t o f som e financial investmen t i n th e firm or , mor e crudely , nepotism. Thei r priorit y wa s th e surviva l o f th e institutio n whateve r th e fate o f individual s withi n it . In large-scal e enterprise s wit h a maximu m of technologica l innovation , suc h a s refinin g oi l o r manufacturin g steel , they appropriate d fro m th e natura l marke t contro l o f production , distri bution, an d sal e o f good s an d service s i n th e interest s o f thei r particula r class. Unti l recentl y thei r contributio n t o th e industria l revolutio n wa s undervalued. The y wen t unrecognize d year s late r jus t a s the y wer e un noticed, o r eve n invisible , in thei r ow n time . Monopoly capitalism , represente d b y bi g business , entaile d a grea t conglomeration o f wealt h an d power , a veritabl e plutocracy . B y 190 4 the to p 4 percent o f America n businesse s produce d 5 7 percent o f Amer -
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ica's tota l industria l production . Th e depressio n o f 1893-9 7 under mined man y firm s tha t wer e onl y marginall y competitive , pavin g th e way fo r severa l hundre d mergers . I n th e perio d 1898—190 2 ther e wer e 319 majo r consolidations . Betwee n 189 5 an d 190 4 a n averag e o f 30 0 firms disappeare d ever y year . A s a resul t o f thi s wav e o f merger s an d consolidations, a singl e firm cam e t o accoun t fo r 6 0 percen t o f produc tion i n 5 0 differen t industries . Thu s DuPon t an d Genera l Electri c cam e to contro l 8 5 percen t o f thei r respectiv e markets , chemical s an d electri c power. One o f th e mos t endurin g idea s o f America n an d Europea n cultur e was tha t individual s ha d contro l o f thei r destiny . I t wa s rudel y contra dicted b y th e growt h o f trust s i n whic h corporat e capita l counte d fo r everything an d individua l will fo r nothing . Th e conflic t betwee n th e traditional teachin g o f educatio n an d th e ne w experienc e o f industria l life wa s deepl y perplexin g t o peopl e whos e educatio n wit h it s outmode d assumptions ha d il l prepare d the m fo r moder n society . Thi s fac t partl y explains th e extraordinaril y dee p antagonis m peopl e fel t towar d th e trusts. Journalis t Mar k Sulliva n describe s monopol y a s a union , o r uni fication, o f th e seller s agains t th e buyer , whos e rea l motiv e wa s t o giv e the selle r th e whi p hand . Befor e th e adven t o f monopolies , buyer s coul d choose betwee n seller s an d reasonabl y expec t tha t the y coul d pla y on e seller of f agains t th e othe r an d ge t th e price lowered .
Rockefeller, Standard Oil, and the First Trust One industry , oil , illustrate s som e way s i n whic h monopol y wa s achieved . One man , Joh n Daviso n Rockefeller , watche d th e beginnin g o f th e in dustry, supervise d it s development , an d cam e t o dominat e i t throug h three generations . Britis h investigativ e journalis t Anthon y Sampso n de scribes hi m thu s i n The Seven Sisters (1975) : Already h e understoo d th e critica l fact s o f th e ne w industry , an d h e ha d th e capacity o f col d analysi s whic h wa s t o mar k al l th e grea t oi l tycoons . H e had small eyes, high cheeks, and a long mask-like face, which expressed his dread of emotionalism. Hi s parent s ha d forge d a n iro n discipline ; hi s mother, a Devout Baptist, woul d ti e hi m t o a post an d bea t hi m whe n h e was disobedient, whil e his father, a bogus doctor who sold patent medicines, would trad e with his boys to cheat them, to ''make 'em sharp."
John Pierpon t Morga n (1837-1913 ) (top) , th e omnipoten t financier wh o dre w togethe r the variou s thread s o f transportatio n an d communicatio n int o hi s ow n bankin g empir e and succeede d i n unravelin g th e knot s i n each . John D . Rockefelle r (1839-1937 ) (left ) achieve d a nationwid e monopol y i n oi l refinin g by rigi d economies , cutthroa t competition , an d manipulatio n o f transportatio n t o hi s ow n ends. H e unifie d hi s various companie s i n th e first trus t an d becam e th e mos t widel y hate d entrepreneur o f th e Gilde d Age . The rout e o f Andre w Carnegi e (1835-1919 ) (right ) t o monopol y i n stee l makin g wa s vertical integration , th e contro l o f al l processe s fro m extractio n o f or e t o th e manufactur e of finished products . Hi s publi c person a o f generou s benefacto r wa s sustaine d b y hi s numerous charitie s bu t di d no t concea l a ruthles s determinatio n t o thwar t hi s rival s b y means fai r o r foul . (Photos , Librar y o f Congress. )
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The earl y year s o f th e oi l industr y disclose d wha t wer e t o becom e it s chronic problems : alternatin g cycle s o f shortag e an d excess ; frenzie d oscillation o f prices from hig h to roc k bottom; conflict s betwee n produc ers an d distributors ; th e interdependenc e o f oi l an d transport . However , the mos t significan t question s wer e ho w an d wh o shoul d contro l it . Th e year afte r th e first strik e i n 1859 , oi l wa s $2 0 a barrel . Th e followin g year i t wa s onl y 1 0 cent s a barre l an d sometime s a barre l o f oi l actuall y cost les s tha n a barre l o f water . Thu s i t wa s i n th e oi l region s tha t th e expression "th e botto m fel l ou t o f th e market" wa s coined . Rockefeller first visite d th e Venang o Count y oi l fields i n i860 , actin g as business agen t fo r a group o f Clevelan d investors . He advise d the m t o stay clea r o f producin g and , instead , t o pu t thei r mone y i n refining , th e process h e considered th e essenc e of th e whole oi l production. Surveyin g the confusio n o f th e ne w industry , h e was appalle d b y it s instability an d the careles s an d whimsica l attitud e o f th e producers. Rockefeller' s rigor ous bookkeepin g trainin g wen t wel l wit h hi s pruden t temperamen t an d frugal habits , an d h e determined t o impos e orde r o n th e chaos . He coul d be bol d an d darin g whe n hi s plan s wer e thoroughl y prepared . H e ha d studied th e industr y carefully , estimate d tha t i t woul d hav e th e sam e universal scal e a s coppe r o r steel , an d determine d tha t h e woul d neve r be at th e merc y o f circumstances . H e sometime s recite d a doggere l vers e that som e interpret a s his ow n injunctio n fo r industria l management : A wise old owl sat on an oak; The more he saw the less he spoke; The less he spoke the more he heard; Why can't we be like that old bird? He soo n realize d tha t th e bes t way t o ge t control o f th e industry wa s no t by producin g oi l bu t b y refinin g an d distributin g it , an d als o b y under cutting hi s rival s throug h cost-cuttin g measure s suc h a s securin g chea p transport. In 186 9 an d 187 0 Rockefelle r an d hi s associates , wh o include d hi s brother, William , organize d five smal l refinerie s int o th e Standar d Oi l Company wit h Rockefelle r takin g two-thirds o f the outstanding stock . I t was capitalize d a t $ 1 million , divide d int o 10,00 0 share s a t $10 0 each . At tha t tim e Standar d Oi l wa s onl y on e o f thirt y oi l refinerie s i n Cleve land an d produce d abou t 60 0 barrel s a day , abou t 5 percen t o f th e national total .
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Rockefeller's subsequen t contro l o f th e oi l industr y wa s base d o n hi s command o f crucia l bottlenecks , firstly , o f finite resource s o f th e rail roads (i n term s o f track s an d equipment) , secondly , o f pipelines . I t wa s more cost-effectiv e fo r railroad s t o mov e freigh t fo r lon g distance s be cause a freigh t trai n i n motio n require d onl y a fe w me n t o ru n it . However, loadin g an d unloadin g train s a t station s an d servicin g the m required man y men . Moreover , thes e processe s wer e th e same , an d jus t as costly , whateve r th e lengt h o f th e intermediat e journey . Thu s a "lon g haul" journe y wa s mor e cost-effectiv e tha n a "shor t haul. " I n addition , railroads constructe d specia l line s t o certai n industries , especiall y coal , and ha d becom e somewha t relian t o n thei r bigge r client s fo r regula r custom. Accordingly , Rockefelle r prevaile d upo n railroad s i n th e 1870 s to offe r hi m rebates—lowe r fares—fo r oi l shippe d a t bul k ove r lon g distances. Whil e thi s wa s justifiabl e i n purel y economi c term s fo r Stan dard Oi l an d th e railroads , i t wa s unfai r t o smaller , independen t oi l producers wh o coul d no t offe r th e railroad s s o muc h busines s an d wer e thus pu t a t a disadvantag e i n havin g t o shoulde r highe r railroa d rate s within thei r overal l cos t o f production . To mak e matter s worse , Rockefeller' s leverag e wit h th e railroad s wa s so great tha t h e coul d insis t o n "drawbacks, " a syste m o f fines whereby , if railroad s move d oi l fo r othe r companie s the y charge d the m mor e an d paid a fractio n o f thi s amoun t t o Standar d Oil . Oi l rebate s wer e kep t secret, bu t no t becaus e the y wer e illegal . A t first, n o law s existe d o n th e subject. I t wa s simpl y t o avoi d recrimination s fro m unfavore d clients . Moreover, shipper s disadvantage d b y rebate s regarde d thi s shar p prac tice a s a n immutabl e par t o f th e system . Rockefelle r an d hi s carte l wer e neither bette r no r wors e tha n thei r competitors , bu t the y wer e muc h keener. A s J . M . Bonha m explaine d i n Railway Secrecy and Trusts (1890), "The y foun d a syste m o f secre t rebate s an d discrimination s i n flourishing existence . Shoul d the y becom e participant s . . . o r becom e the victims ? . . . The y naturall y chos e th e first alternative . The y em ployed th e ready-mad e syste m an d mad e thei r competitor s th e victims . It wa s becaus e the y adapte d themselve s skilfull y t o th e syste m tha t the y became masters. " Instead o f recurren t waste , alternatin g cycle s o f overproductio n an d underproduction, violen t fluctuation s i n price , an d bout s o f opulenc e and distres s within th e oil business, Rockefeller wante d a regular system . He abhorre d th e viciou s cycle , whereb y excessiv e productio n le d t o
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failure o f weake r businesses , followe d b y th e surviva l o f th e fittest wh o took advantag e o f th e opportunit y t o recou p b y chargin g customer s higher price s an d b y buyin g ou t thei r ruine d competitors . H e kne w th e wasteful cycl e of hig h profit s encouragin g ne w businesse s an d leadin g t o more overproduction , lowe r prices , an d bankruptcie s woul d commenc e all over again . His preferre d solutio n t o th e problem s o f th e oi l industr y wa s a monopoly controlle d b y him . Wha t Rockefelle r wante d t o d o wa s t o bring al l unit s withi n on e industr y int o a grou p unde r on e leader ; t o get rid o f les s economica l plants ; t o poo l resource s t o achiev e econom y an d improvement; t o limi t productio n an d kee p surplu s oi l of f th e marke t until deman d exceede d supply ; an d t o stabiliz e prices . Wha t h e sough t was vertical integratio n o f al l processes fro m star t to finish. What h e first achieved wa s horizonta l integration , dominanc e o f on e crucia l part , oi l refining. Thu s h e wanted t o substitut e hi s own, artificial , contro l fo r th e age-old workin g o f fre e competitio n an d th e fre e workin g o f suppl y an d demand. Hi s method s le d to a public outcry tha t consume d mor e tim e in courts an d legislature s ove r a perio d o f fifty year s tha n an y previou s o r subsequent controvers y i n American business . He was a s much hate d fo r his secrec y a s his ruthlessness. Thus whe n h e bought ou t hi s competitor s in Cleveland , h e kep t i t secret , s o tha t companie s associate d wit h hi s pretended t o b e separat e an d competing . A s Rockefelle r expande d hi s business, his rivals neve r kne w wher e the y woul d b e hit next . But Rockefeller' s ris e wa s no t simpl y du e t o th e overwhelmin g influ ence o f Standar d Oi l o r eve n t o shar p busines s practice . Man y o f hi s tactics were criminal. It was not a matter o f playing poker wit h th e card s in his own han d bu t o f first lookin g at, and the n stealing , his opponents' . His first attemp t a t absolut e monopol y i n oi l refinin g wa s th e Sout h Improvement Company , a ventur e o f 187 1 tha t faile d becaus e o f vocif erous an d effectiv e oppositio n fro m owner s o f independen t companies , notably thos e i n Oi l City , Pennsylvania, wh o resente d th e way Rockefel ler pu t pressur e o n th e railroad s t o charg e hi s competitor s exorbitan t rates fo r shippin g oi l whil e givin g Standar d Oi l concessionar y rates . Embarrassed, th e railroad s withdre w fro m a secre t contrac t o n Marc h 25, 1872 , an d o n Apri l 6 , 1872 , th e Pennsylvani a stat e legislatur e sum marily abrogate d th e Sout h Improvemen t Company' s charter . I t almos t looked a s i f th e independen t oi l producer s coul d stic k together . The y agreed t o sto p ne w drilling , t o sel l oi l a t a fixed price , an d t o com e t o
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terms wit h th e refiners . However , whe n th e glu t o f oi l continued , th e market soo n fel l apart . Rockefelle r reveale d hi s smu g satisfactio n i n a show o f alway s havin g acte d fo r th e goo d o f th e industr y a s a whole . "We proved, " h e opine d i n hi s memoir s o f 1909 , "tha t th e producer s and refiners ' association s wer e ropes o f sand. " In th e meantime , Rockefelle r ha d persuaded , cajoled , o r intimidate d twenty-one ou t o f th e twenty-si x independen t refinerie s i n Clevelan d t o sell out t o him. At this time the oi l industry wa s depresse d an d Rockefel ler paid hi s competitors les s than thei r investment an d earnings of severa l years wer e worth . H e trie d t o persuad e the m t o accep t paymen t i n Standard Oi l stock rathe r tha n cash , and subsequentl y claime d that thos e who took , an d hel d onto , Standar d Oi l stoc k eventuall y gaine d fa r mor e than the y woul d hav e don e b y retainin g thei r plants . Rockefeller's brother , Frank, wh o wa s o n ba d term s wit h him , tol d a congressional investigat ing committe e ho w Rockefelle r pu t pressur e o n th e independents . The y were tol d tha t i f the y di d no t sel l ou t t o Standar d Oi l thei r propert y "would b e valueless " becaus e "w e hav e go t advantage s wit h th e rail roads." Rockefeller' s ow n versio n wa s quit e different . I n late r reminis cences, he emphasized hi s special generosity . Whatever hi s justificatio n fo r hi s action s a whol e serie s o f pres s revelations abou t hi s affair s ruine d Rockefeller' s reputation . Especiall y damaging was the Scofield cas e of 1879 . During the court hearings , Mrs. Fred A . Backus , a wido w wit h thre e children , wh o ha d sol d he r famil y business t o Rockefeller , filed a n affidavi t fo r th e defense . Sh e claime d Rockefeller ha d swindle d her . H e had pai d $79,00 0 fo r a business wort h $200,000.
The contes t betwee n th e Sout h Improvemen t Compan y an d Standar d Oil was a miniature version o f epi c battles over contro l o f oi l that woul d take plac e ove r th e nex t century . Th e nex t suc h majo r contest , Con gress's attempt t o regain th e initiative in the 1890s , would pos e the exac t same question. Wh o shoul d contro l oil—th e oi l companies, the consum ers, or th e government ? By th e mid-i88o s Rockefeller' s advantage s wit h th e railroad s wer e far les s important wit h th e advent of pipelines for carryin g oil. He owne d a networ k o f pipelines , "iro n arteries, " pumpin g oi l acros s th e easter n seaboard. Pipeline s wer e first develope d a s par t o f thei r strateg y agains t monopoly b y lesse r producers , wh o no w discovere d the y ha d provide d Standard Oi l with it s most effectiv e instrument .
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Once Rockefelle r move d int o California , h e became locked i n the sor t of battl e wit h driller s an d pioneer s tha t h e had fough t earlie r i n Pennsyl vania. Onc e again , histor y repeate d itself . I n Californi a Rockefelle r playe d all hi s ol d tricks—pric e wars , playing competin g driller s of f agains t on e another, an d s o on—until th e discovery o f giant new oil fields under Lo s Angeles. This discovery le d to a predictable phas e o f overproductio n an d the expecte d collaps e i n prices , an d th e chao s wa s worsene d b y th e importing o f chea p oi l fro m Peru . Rockefelle r seize d th e initiativ e an d i n 1895 acquire d Demetriu s Schofield' s compan y fo r les s than $ 1 million . Yet th e Sout h Improvemen t Compan y wa s dea d an d Rockefelle r ha d to find anothe r rout e t o monopoly . H e immediatel y organize d "th e Alliance," th e Centra l Associatio n o f Refiners , an d installe d himsel f a s president; an d b y 187 5 t n e componen t refinerie s ha d cease d t o b e com petitors wit h on e another . B y the 1880 s Standar d Oi l controlle d ove r 9 0 percent o f oi l refinin g i n th e Unite d States . In 189 0 Standar d Oi l earne d $8 million ; i n 1904 , $5 7 million . The defender s o f Standar d Oi l claime d that it s creatio n o f a monopol y rescue d th e industr y fro m disaster . It s critics claime d tha t b y hi s secre t arrangement s wit h railroad s a s wel l a s sundry othe r devices , Rockefelle r introduce d a n artificia l elemen t int o free competitio n tha t prevente d i t fro m workin g ou t it s true destin y an d brought rui n t o thos e people no t associate d wit h Rockefeller . Rockefeller continuousl y sough t a for m t o confe r unit y o n hi s dispa rate empire , an d Standar d Oi l lawye r Samue l C . T . Dod d foun d fo r Rockefeller th e mechanism h e sought b y adapting a familiar lega l device , the trust . Thi s wa s th e mean s b y whic h court s elicite d a solem n obliga tion fro m th e custodian s o f propert y belongin g t o others . Thus a n estat e belonging t o children , wards , o r dependent s wa s hande d ove r t o a trustee, wh o wa s entruste d t o manag e i t fo r the m a s a lega l substitut e for a parent . Unde r Dodd' s guidance , th e stockholder s o f Standar d Oi l and th e othe r companie s turne d ove r thei r stoc k an d gav e permanen t and irrevocabl e powe r o f attorne y t o nin e trustees , includin g Joh n D . and Willia m Rockefeller . Th e nin e trustees ra n al l the various companie s like on e outsiz e compan y an d distribute d profit s amon g shareholders . This wa s th e origina l trus t tha t too k it s definitiv e for m o n Januar y 2 , 1882. Thereafter, beside s it s traditiona l meanings , suc h a s "confidence, " "belief," "truth, " "hope, " an d "expectation, " trus t mean t a "combina tion forme d fo r th e purpos e o f controllin g o r monopolizin g a trade ,
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industry o r busines s b y doin g act s i n restrain t o f trade. " B y 188 7 t n e word wa s bein g use d t o describ e al l kind s o f combinations . I n 188 8 a hearing int o Standar d Oi l affair s tha t wa s conducte d b y th e Ne w Yor k State Senat e hear d ho w thirty-nin e corporation s "ha d turne d ove r thei r affairs t o a n organizatio n havin g n o lega l existence , independen t o f al l authority, abl e t o d o anythin g i t wante d anywhere ; an d t o thi s poin t working i n absolut e darkness . Unde r thei r agreement , whic h wa s unrec ognized b y th e State , a fe w me n ha d unite d t o d o thing s whic h n o incorporated compan y coul d do . I t wa s a situatio n a s puzzling a s i t wa s new." From 188 4 th e centra l offic e o f Standar d Oi l wa s a t 2 6 Broadway , New Yor k Cit y . There Rockefelle r organize d th e trus t throug h a serie s of committees , an d th e executiv e committee , whic h h e chaire d himself , met ever y day . I t conferre d unit y o n a syste m alway s i n dange r o f dissolving int o it s componen t parts . Th e lesse r committee s deal t wit h specific area s suc h a s transportatio n an d export , manufacturin g an d lubricating, an d le d to a synthesis of divergen t an d sometime s conflictin g ideas. The individual companie s wer e ru n a s autonomous unit s except i n one crucia l particular . The y di d no t compet e i n selling . Withi n thre e years th e trustee s ha d reduce d th e Standard' s numbe r o f refinerie s fro m fifty-three t o twenty-two . The y proceede d t o consolidat e th e buyin g o f crude oil an d thereb y contro l th e domesti c market . Thus Standar d Oi l wa s impregnabl e agains t bot h stat e an d federa l governments whos e regulator y power s wer e minimal . B y bestowin g fa vors an d givin g bribes , i t create d friend s an d allie s i n ever y importan t legislature, including Congress , and i t employed th e most skillfu l lawyer s to defen d it s positions . It s incom e wa s greate r tha n tha t o f mos t state s and it s profit s wer e larg e enoug h t o finance furthe r expansion . Thus , a s the oi l industr y exceede d th e origina l oi l region s an d move d o n fro m Pennsylvania an d Ohi o t o Kansa s an d California , Rockefelle r acquire d oil fields a s h e ha d previousl y acquire d refineries , thereb y makin g Stan dard Oi l almos t self-sufficien t an d clos e t o trul y vertica l integration . I t began exportin g oi l t o Europe , th e Middl e East , an d th e Fa r East . According t o Anthon y Sampson , b y 188 5 abou t 7 0 percen t o f Standar d Oil's busines s wa s abroad , an d Rockefelle r fielded agent s acros s th e world t o repor t o n riva l initiatives . Trusts wer e created i n other distillin g or refinin g industries , beginnin g with whiskey . Eight y distillerie s wer e take n ove r an d onl y twelv e contin -
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ued i n business . On e distiller , C . C . Clarke , told th e Industria l Commis sion o n Ma y 13 , 1899 , "W e though t w e coul d mak e bette r profit s an d create a mor e stabl e busines s b y organizin g int o a trust . . . . A trus t agreement wa s draw n up , whic h wa s a cop y o f th e Standar d Oi l trus t agreement, bu t change d t o sui t ou r business. " Th e nex t manufacturin g industry t o follo w sui t wa s sugar . Th e Suga r Refinerie s Company , late r called th e America n Suga r Company , too k ove r eightee n refineries , close d eleven, and raise d th e difference i n price between crud e and refine d suga r from a competitiv e 0.78 7 cen t i n 188 7 t o a monopolisti c 1.25 8 cent s i n 1888. Rockefelle r coul d rightl y claim , ho w "thi s movement " t o creat e trusts was the origi n o f th e whole syste m o f moder n economi c administration . I t has revolutionized th e way o f doin g busines s al l over th e world. The time was ripe for it . It had t o come, although al l we saw at the moment was to save ourselves from wastefu l conditions . . . . The day of combination i s here to stay. Individualism has gone never to return. The pioneerin g trust s o f th e 1880 s wer e founde d t o concentrat e an d rationalize production . Th e numbe r o f consolidation s greatl y increase d in th e 1890 s bu t th e underlyin g motive s o f th e entrepreneur s changed . Originally, consolidation s wer e forme d a s a mean s o f maintainin g pric e and productio n schedules . Later , man y consolidation s wer e forme d t o centralize, coordinate , an d integrat e th e manufacturin g an d marketin g of thei r constituen t companies . One o f Rockefeller' s sidelin e (an d mos t unwelcome ) achievement s was t o fue l th e antitrus t movemen t and , indeed , a whol e apparatu s o f congressional investigatio n tha t dogge d th e succes s o f Standar d Oi l a t every step . Socia l criti c Henr y Demares t Lloy d first expose d Standar d practice i n "Th e Stor y o f a Grea t Monopoly " fo r Atlantic Monthly i n March 1881 . Lloyd's mos t damagin g indictmen t wa s tha t "th e Standar d has don e everythin g wit h th e Pennsylvani a legislatur e excep t refin e it. " Rockefeller ha d create d a whol e se t o f values . Lloy d recognize d hi s insidious an d pervasiv e influenc e i n th e genera l movemen t o f busines s and industr y towar d monopol y control . Bi g busines s brough t suprem e weight t o bea r dow n o n th e econom y an d invalidate d it s traditiona l tenets. Althoug h th e econom y supposedl y worke d i n suc h a wa y a s t o give freel y competin g individual s a n eve n chanc e o f success , i t wa s actually ru n fo r th e benefi t o f bi g business a t the expense o f small . When
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the Cullom committe e o f th e Senate reporte d o n th e oil trust a s a ruthles s monopoly i n 1886 , it did no t minc e it s words : It i s wel l understoo d i n commercia l circle s tha t th e Standar d Oi l Compan y brooks no competition; that it s settled policy and firm determination i s to crush out al l who ma y b e rash enoug h t o enter the field against it ; that i t hesitates a t nothing in the accomplishment of this purpose, in which i t has been remarkabl y successful, an d that it fitly represents the acme and perfection o f corporate greed in its fullest development . Although trust s regulate d busines s o n behal f o f the insiders , they wer e resented an d distruste d b y thos e firms the y exclude d an d b y th e publi c at large . Th e averag e America n though t o f himsel f a s a n individua l entitled t o traditiona l politica l an d economi c freedom . Consumers , smal l businessmen, an d worker s wer e ver y muc h concerne d abou t freedo m o f opportunity an d regarde d consolidate d busines s a s a n impediment . Th e bone o f contentio n wa s no t mas s production : i t wa s politica l an d socia l manipulation. I n particular , firm s wit h a monopol y coul d dictat e price s throughout a n entir e industry . Th e court s wer e besiege d wit h literall y hundreds o f suit s brough t b y smal l businessme n an d smal l corporation s against trust s o n th e ground s tha t the y ha d bee n cripple d o r drive n ou t of business . I n respons e t o publi c opinion , th e variou s state s conducte d investigations int o the trusts, notably Ne w Yor k (1883 , 1888 , and 1891 ) and Ohi o (1889) . Mor e significantl y th e states , beginnin g wit h Kansa s on Marc h 2 , 1889 , passe d law s agains t trusts . Withi n tw o year s fifteen others, le d b y Nort h Carolina , Tennessee , an d Michigan , ha d followe d suit. The tid e had turne d agains t Standar d Oil . In 188 9 Davi d K . Watson , attorne y genera l o f Ohi o runnin g fo r reelection, discovere d tha t Standar d Oi l ha d violate d th e stat e corpora tion laws , no t becaus e i t ha d forme d a trus t bu t rathe r becaus e i t ha d placed th e directio n o f th e company i n the hands o f nonresiden t trustees . In Ma y 189 0 h e advise d th e Suprem e Cour t o f Ohi o tha t th e compan y had acte d ultra vires an d shoul d b e dissolved . O n Marc h 2 , 1892 , th e Supreme Cour t o f Ohi o rule d tha t th e Standar d Oi l Compan y mus t withdraw fro m th e trust . Th e trus t requested , an d received , a perio d o f grace t o win d u p it s affairs . Standar d Oi l wa s a t th e heigh t o f it s capacity. I t rewarded it s stockholders wit h dividend s o f 1 2 percent u p t o 1894. I n 189 5 ^ pai d the m 1 7 percent . Thereafter , i t pai d betwee n 3 0 and 4 3 percen t fo r th e nex t te n years . Ye t it s actua l profit s wer e greate r
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still. The y amounte d t o betwee n 1 5 an d 2 0 percen t o n investmen t t o 1894. m t n e followin g te n year s the y wer e mor e tha n 5 0 percen t thrice , more tha n 60 percen t twice , and mor e tha n 8 0 percent twice . Henry Demares t Lloyd' s full-lengt h attack , Wealth Against Commonwealth, whic h wa s firs t publishe d i n 1894 , showe d it s author' s master y of facts , opinions , and rhetoric . Although Standar d an d Rockefelle r wer e not mentione d b y nam e bu t give n th e allusiv e title s "combination " an d "head o f th e combination, " fea r o f libe l deterre d fou r publisher s fro m producing th e boo k befor e Harpe r an d Brother s di d so . A seminal wor k with al l it s salient fact s carefull y documented , Wealth Against Commonwealth showe d tha t th e essenc e o f monopol y wa s contro l o f transporta tion. Lloyd' s selectiv e synopsi s o f Rockefeller' s caree r expose d chicaner y at every opportunit y an d wa s expresse d i n a plangent style . Lloyd distin guished a paradox . American s oppose d anarch y i n politic s ye t the y accepted i t in business. The book's impac t o n intellectual s was profound . Edward Everet t Hal e compare d i t t o Uncle Tom's Cabin. Novelis t Wil liam Dea n Howell s sai d th e "monstrou s iniquity " o f Standar d Oi l wa s "so astounding , s o infuriating tha t I have to stop from chapte r t o chapte r to tak e breath. " Socia l gospe l ministe r Washingto n Gladde n wa s onl y astonished "tha t i t does no t caus e a n insurrection. " The ne w attorne y genera l o f Ohio , Fran k Monnett , advise d th e stat e courts ther e i n Novembe r 189 7 tha t th e Standar d ha d no t obeye d th e ruling o n dissolutio n o f 1892 . Hearing s wer e hel d i n Octobe r 189 8 an d March 189 9 i n variou s place s a t whic h Monnet t intende d t o sho w tha t the trus t stil l existed . Bu t crucia l evidenc e wa s missing . Books , journals , and document s wer e al l burne d i n Novembe r 1898 . The Suprem e Cour t of Ohi o coul d no t decid e o n th e charg e o f contemp t an d i t was , there fore, abandoned . Th e antitrus t suit s agains t companie s i n Ohi o wer e eventually dismissed . Rockefeller an d hi s associate s ha d learne d thei r lesson , however . Th e trust woul d n o longe r do , s o the y foun d a n alternative . I n 188 9 Ne w Jersey ha d passe d a la w authorizin g holdin g companies . I n 189 6 i t wen t further i n a n amendmen t b y whic h "An y corporatio n ma y purchas e . . . the share s o r an y bond s . . . o f an y corporatio n o r corporation s o f thi s or an y othe r state. " Moreover , onl y on e membe r o f th e boar d o f direc tors ha d t o resid e in New Jersey. There was n o limi t on th e capital stock . Annual report s wer e no t required . Thi s la w le d t o th e establishmen t o f Standard Oi l of Ne w Jersey a s a holding corporation . Capitalizatio n wa s
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increased fro m $1 0 millio n t o $11 0 million . Trus t certificate s wer e exchanged fo r shares . "Wha t look s lik e a ston e wal l t o a layman, " observed humoris t Finle y Pete r Dunne' s fictiona l Irish-America n ba r owner, Mr . Dooley , "i s a triumphal arc h t o a corporation lawyer. " Rockefeller's caree r raise d question s tha t hav e bee n lon g debate d b y historians an d economists . Was i t his single-minded ruthlessnes s tha t le d inevitably t o monopoly i n oil? O r wa s it that oi l could neve r be governe d by norma l law s o f suppl y an d demand , coul d no t lon g surviv e a s a n industry ru n o n line s o f fre e enterprise , an d woul d inevitabl y b e con trolled, whethe r b y an individual o r a cartel? Rockefelle r lef t a n indelibl e mark o n th e oi l industr y no t onl y becaus e h e imposed orde r wher e ther e had bee n anarch y an d chaos , bu t als o becaus e h e expertl y separate d th e industry fro m th e rul e of government . Hi s most quoted remark , o f 1905 , that "th e America n Beaut y ros e ca n b e produce d i n al l it s splendor onl y by sacrificing th e early bud s tha t gro w u p aroun d it, " was turned agains t him b y hi s critic s a s clea r evidenc e o f hi s ruthlessnes s an d selfishnes s i n weeding out competition . Althoug h muc h o f th e odium heape d o n Rock efeller aros e becaus e o f hi s wanton ruthlessness , muc h o f i t cam e fro m a deep nee d t o find a scapegoa t t o blam e fo r th e ris e of industria l monop olies. Th e earl y contest s betwee n Rockefelle r an d hi s opponents , th e drillers, wer e retol d i n epi c terms . Th e opponent s wer e presente d a s staunch champion s o f fre e enterprise , o f th e right s o f th e individua l against impersona l organizations , and , hence , a s defendin g democrac y itself. Holding Companies Rockefeller wa s no t th e only robbe r baro n t o take advantag e o f th e Ne w Jersey law . Th e holdin g compan y wa s th e ne w devic e b y whic h combi nations sough t t o evad e antitrus t law s an d wa s i n vogu e fro m th e mid 18908 until th e earl y 1900 s a s the commo n mod e o f merger . Holding companie s too k tw o forms . In th e first, usuall y regarde d a s the safer , th e holding compan y bough t outrigh t al l the physical propert y of th e subordinat e corporation . Thi s wa s a consolidatio n o r merger . While this for m wa s reasonably secur e against prosecution, i t was expen sive and wa s no t alway s applicable . Unde r variou s ol d law s th e charter s of man y corporation s forbad e sal e o f thei r entir e property . Thu s mor e daring promoter s chos e a secon d form , buyin g a majorit y o f th e stock ,
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or enoug h t o contro l voting , i n tw o o r mor e corporations , an d the n elected commo n director s wh o ra n th e severa l corporation s a s on e busi ness. Thus a corporation wort h $ i millio n could be acquired fo r $500,001. By a syste m o f tiers , a proces s o f buildin g on e holdin g compan y ato p another i n a pyramid, suc h acquisition s becam e progressively les s expensive an d mor e profitable . Th e mos t significan t holdin g compan y move ment cam e i n the period 1898-1901 . Hans Thorelli , i n Antitrust Policy, lists 2 4 holdin g compan y consolidation s i n 189 8 an d 10 5 fo r 1899 . Thereafter, th e numbe r o f merger s declined : 3 4 i n 1900 ; 2 3 i n 1901 ; and 2 6 i n 1902 . Ther e wer e onl y 7 i n 1903 . Th e merge r movemen t had ru n it s course . The Boston Globe defined merger s satirically . Mergers are monsters of so frightful mien , That to be hated need but to be seen; But when they're seen, despairing of a cure, The public has to whistle—and t o endure. In Jun e 190 4 Punch wrot e i n simila r vein : " I se e i n th e pape r tha t a widower wit h nin e childre n ou t i n Nebrask a ha s marrie d a wido w wit h seven children. " ' T h a t wa s n o marriage . That wa s a merger. " The stat e o f Ne w Jerse y playe d a mos t conspicuou s rol e i n thi s development. Betwee n 189 8 an d 190 1 18 3 holdin g companie s wer e organized i n Ne w Jerse y a t a tota l capitalizatio n o f $ 4 billion , o r one twentieth o f th e tota l wealt h o f th e Unite d States , nearl y twic e th e amount o f mone y i n circulatio n i n th e country , an d ove r fou r time s th e capitalization o f al l combination s i n manufacturin g organize d betwee n i860 an d 1893 . Thus, betwee n them , Ne w Jerse y an d Delawar e incor porated 9 5 percen t o f trusts . Wes t Virgini a an d Main e als o acte d a s hosts and , indeed , offere d holdin g companie s fa r mor e generou s terms , but the y go t muc h les s o f th e charter-grantin g trad e becaus e the y wer e much farthe r fro m Wal l Stree t tha n Ne w Jersey. Rather tha n charg e a hig h franchis e fee , Ne w Jerse y followe d th e economic principl e o f mas s production—smal l profit s o n individua l items bu t larg e sale s overall . The Ne w Jersey fe e fo r charterin g corpora tions wa s onl y 2 0 cent s o n ever y $1,00 0 o f capitalization . Thi s was one fifth the cos t charge d i n Illinoi s an d one-sixt h th e cos t i n New Yor k an d Pennsylvania. Moreover , th e annua l franchis e ta x i n Ne w Jerse y wa s also low, compared wit h th e tax elsewhere . Various New Jersey corpora tions acte d a s hosts , providin g nomina l hea d office s o f outsid e compa -
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nies, notabl y th e Corporatio n Trus t Compan y o f Ne w Jersey , hom e t o over 70 0 corporation s wit h a tota l capita l o f ove r $ 1 billion , an d th e New Jerse y Corporatio n Guarante e an d Trus t Company , representin g 500 companies wit h a n aggregat e capita l o f ove r $50 0 million . Why di d Ne w Jerse y activel y encourag e th e charterin g o f trusts , knowing thi s polic y wa s anathem a t o mos t othe r states ? Progressiv e journalist Lincol n Steffen s believe d tha t th e explanatio n wa s clear . Ne w Jersey wa s th e terminu s fo r man y grea t railroa d system s an d responsiv e to corporatio n influence . Anothe r facto r wa s tha t man y professiona l citizens spen t thei r workin g day s i n Ne w Yor k an d ha d comparativel y little interes t i n th e stat e i n whic h the y slept . Thei r consequen t negligen t attitude t o civi c matter s mad e i t eas y fo r lawyer s an d politician s wit h financial interest s t o assum e contro l o f th e politica l machiner y o f th e state an d us e i t t o th e advantag e o f thos e interests . Furthermore , th e revenue accrue d b y th e stat e fro m outsid e corporation s lightene d th e burden o f taxe s i n Ne w Jersey. Whateve r th e reason , Woodro w Wilson , president o f Princeto n University , referre d t o Ne w Jerse y a s "mothe r o f trusts," a remar k tha t inspire d cartoonist s t o dra w trust s a s squali d children harme d elsewhere , callin g ou t "Help! " t o Ne w Jersey , repre sented a s a big-bosomed matro n replying , "Com e t o Mother. " Most trust s wer e forme d b y promoter s outsid e th e industry , who m Charles R . Flint , th e so-calle d "fathe r o f trusts, " calle d "disintereste d intermediaries." Thes e me n wer e no t captain s o f a n industr y the y ha d created, bu t rathe r financiers anxiou s t o mak e a financial killin g b y exploiting industria l ferment , bringin g disparat e companie s togethe r t o make a holdin g company , an d conductin g a stoc k marke t campaig n t o raise capital . Stee l tycoon Andre w Carnegie , who ha d n o time fo r pools , said tha t th e busines s o f som e promoter s wa s simpl y t o "thro w cat s an d dogs together an d cal l them elephants. " Yet the actual process of consol idation wa s profitabl e fo r al l involved . Th e financiers too k stoc k a s payment fo r makin g th e arrangement s fo r a merger , th e smal l business man go t ne w lamp s fo r old , an d th e holdin g compan y move d close r t o monopoly. The promoter s wer e a motle y crew . The y include d Charle s R . Flint , who wa s a banke r specializin g i n th e sal e o f warship s t o developin g countries an d i n organizin g th e consolidatio n i n wool an d rubber , chew ing gu m an d coal ; Willia m Nelso n Cromwell , a corporatio n an d inter national lawye r wh o acte d a s counse l fo r th e Frenc h owner s o f th e ol d
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Panama Canal , wor e hi s hai r an d mustach e lik e Buffal o Bill , an d ha d them tende d b y a barbe r i n th e Waldor f Astori a Hotel ; Joh n B . Dill , another lawyer , wh o tol d a Harvar d La w Schoo l audience , " I a m th e lawyer fo r a millio n dollar s o f investe d capital" ; Joh n W . ("Bet-cha-a million") Gate s wh o starte d hi s caree r sellin g wir e fencin g i n th e Wes t and the n bough t u p th e Louisvill e an d Nashvill e Railroa d i n th e ope n market an d mad e J . P . Morga n pa y hi m million s t o recove r it . A s w e shall see , J. P . Morgan wa s b y far th e mos t influentia l promoter . Carnegie and Morgan, Vulcan
and Midas
The year 190 1 was th e hig h tid e fo r holdin g companies . The bigges t wa s the United State s Steel Corporation, organize d b y J. P. Morgan i n Marc h 1901 b y outright acquisitio n o f th e stock s o f te n corporations , includin g Carnegie's stee l company . Man y o f thes e stee l companie s wer e alread y among th e larges t corporation s i n th e worl d an d U.S . Stee l wa s th e largest supercorporatio n o f all . At thi s tim e Carnegie' s nam e wa s synonymou s wit h stee l productio n in the Unite d States . Andrew Carnegi e wa s bor n t o bitterl y poo r parent s in Scotlan d i n 1835 . Hi s famil y emigrate d fro m Dunfermline , Fife , i n 1848 whe n hi s father , a maste r weaver , los t hi s job . H e ros e fro m telegraph operato r t o become , a t eighteen , persona l assistan t t o Thoma s A. Scott a t the time Scott was general superintenden t o f the Pennsylvani a Railroad (th e Pennsy) . H e too k ful l advantag e o f Scott' s advic e an d inside knowledg e whe n i t cam e t o investin g hi s money . In a lette r t o hi s cousin Georg e ("Dod" ) Laude r o f Jun e 21 , 1863 , h e expresse d hi s boundless ambitio n t o acquir e an d enjo y grea t wealt h i n th e styl e o f a British gentleman . A t tha t tim e hi s incom e wa s $49,300 , althoug h hi s actual salar y wa s onl y $2,400 . Eve n mino r railroa d official s coul d b e of considerable us e t o al l sort s o f companie s dealin g wit h railroads , whethe r they wer e supplyin g the m wit h engines , cars , o r othe r parts , o r usin g their service s an d solicitin g favorabl e freigh t rates . I f Carnegi e too k advantage o f hi s position, n o on e though t an y th e worse o f him . Amon g The grandios e interio r o f th e hom e o f Arthu r Curti s Jame s a t 3 9 Eas t Sixty-nint h Street , New York , wit h it s melang e o f medieva l an d pseudo-medieva l furnishings , illustrate s a n axiom o f Gilde d Ag e tast e i n interio r design—tha t Gothi c wa s th e appropriat e styl e fo r any receptio n are a o r librar y i n a hous e wher e th e heigh t o f th e room s matche d th e pretensions o f th e owners . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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his profitabl e investment s wer e a n eight h interes t i n th e productio n o f cars fo r nigh t traveling , subsequentl y acquire d b y the Pennsy. I n 186 4 a t the relativel y advance d ag e o f twenty-nine , Carnegi e becam e a stock holder i n th e Iro n Forg e Compan y an d the n it s owner . Thereafter , hi s career wa s indissolubl e fro m th e developmen t o f th e iro n an d stee l industry tha t ha d reache d a crucial stag e i n the United States . Carnegie wa s personall y fruga l bu t darin g whe n i t cam e t o busines s ventures. Onc e h e realize d th e Britis h preferenc e fo r stee l rail s produce d by th e Besseme r metho d ove r standar d iro n rails , Carnegi e bega n plow ing hi s mone y int o steel . Whereas Rockefelle r wa s th e leadin g exponen t of combination , Carnegi e wa s th e principa l exponen t o f ruthles s inter necine competition . Althoug h h e bough t plant s a t Homestea d an d Du quesne, h e rarel y trie d t o bu y ou t hi s competitors , preferrin g t o concen trate o n productio n o f goo d stee l a t a lowe r cos t tha n others , sellin g a t such price s a s woul d giv e hi m th e bes t advantages . Hi s rout e t o monop oly contro l wa s vertica l integration , contro l o f al l processe s i n produc tion fro m extractio n o f iro n or e t o th e makin g o f finished products . B y combining al l processe s withi n on e company , manufacturer s wit h verti cal consolidatio n sough t t o lowe r cost s generall y an d t o reduc e th e number o f separat e profits . Fritz Redlich describe s Carnegi e a s "the ne w type of entrepreneur , th e captain o f busines s i n contras t t o th e olde r captai n o f industry. " H e knew th e whole marke t past , present, an d future . H e was alway s aler t t o the possibilitie s o f change . Hi s lac k o f forma l schoolin g beyon d child hood spurre d hi m o n t o self-improvement . B y cultivatin g hi s artisti c taste h e sharpene d hi s wit s unti l h e coul d liv e b y them . I n 189 0 h e argued i n "Ho w t o Mak e a Fortune" that h e preferred th e "scientificall y educated youth " t o th e "traine d mechani c o f th e past " becaus e h e "ha s no prejudices , an d goe s i n fo r th e lates t inventio n o r newes t method , n o matter i f anothe r ha s discovere d it. " Carnegi e too k th e advic e o f thos e men whos e technica l expertis e wa s greate r tha n his , suc h a s Bil l Jone s and Henr y Cla y Frick , wh o helpe d hi m t o develo p th e variou s Carnegi e enterprises int o a tigh t vertica l integration . Unlik e othe r captain s o f industry, Carnegi e lef t th e mechanics of production an d routin e manage ment t o others . Hi s specia l geniu s wa s th e knac k o f decidin g whic h job s had priority , especiall y i n a crisis, and choosin g the right perso n t o carr y them out .
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The Carnegi e Compan y provide s a classi c exampl e o f th e ne w rule s of to p an d middl e managemen t i n moder n busines s enterprises . I t wa s the tas k o f middl e managemen t t o scrutiniz e th e performanc e o f th e various operatin g unit s an d t o coordinat e th e flo w o f materials ; th e tas k of to p managemen t wa s t o evaluat e an d coordinat e th e activitie s o f middle managemen t an d t o allocat e resources—materials , capital , man power—within th e entir e enterprise . Nothin g wa s harde r t o achiev e than th e correc t balanc e betwee n integrate d mas s productio n an d mas s distribution, bot h o f which wer e most comple x i n themselves. The exten t of Carnegie' s succes s i s suggeste d b y hi s profits . Carnegie' s stee l profit s soared fro m $ i millio n i n 188 3 t o $4 0 millio n i n 1900 , the year produc tion touche d 4 millio n tons , abou t hal f o f al l America n productio n an d a quarte r o f worl d production . Many peopl e adamantl y oppose d t o horizonta l monopolie s wer e read y to accep t vertica l trust s an d th e economi c thinkin g behin d them . Rocke feller's method s towar d hi s competitors were actually mor e humane tha n Carnegie's. H e bough t ou t hi s competitors—albeit a t knockdow n price s —whereas Carnegi e simply squeezed the m ou t b y cutthroat competition . Yet ironically , becaus e o f certai n adventitiou s bu t widel y publicize d incidents, i t wa s Rockefelle r wh o becam e th e symbo l o f inhumanit y i n business. At th e tur n o f th e centur y th e entir e America n iro n an d stee l busines s was concentrate d i n th e Carnegi e Stee l Compan y an d seve n othe r larg e but inefficien t companies , al l o f who m wer e continuousl y harrie d b y Carnegie's hard-drive n competition . Th e Carnegi e Compan y le d price s and continuousl y use d it s lea d t o reduc e the m an d embarras s it s rivals . Carnegie increase d hi s annua l productio n fro m 322,00 0 ton s i n 189 0 t o about 4 millio n ton s i n 1900 . During th e depressio n o f 189 3 t o I %97 n e expanded hi s production b y 7 5 percent . The stag e wa s se t fo r th e final consolidatio n o f th e stee l industr y brought abou t b y a wa r o f attritio n betwee n th e compan y o f Carnegi e and th e Hous e o f Morgan . Carnegie' s mai n competito r i n the 1890 s wa s the Illinoi s Stee l Company . I t owne d thousand s o f acre s o f coa l land s i n Pennsylvania an d Wes t Virginia , an d ha d forest s i n Michiga n an d iro n mines i n Wisconsi n beside s it s mai n plant s i n Chicago , Joliet, an d Mil waukee. It s genera l counse l wa s Elber t H . Gary , a Chicag o lawye r wh o cooperated wit h J . P . Morgan i n th e absorptio n o f Illinoi s Stee l int o th e
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new Federa l Stee l Company , organize d i n 189 8 a t a capitalizatio n o f $200 million . The physical reactio n wa s instantaneous. Federal Stee l wa s a gian t magne t t o othe r stee l firms . Carnegie wa s tire d afte r a professiona l lif e o f continuou s strain . Hi s dominance i n stee l ha d bee n th e priz e o f victor y i n successiv e battle s with hi s competitors , hi s workmen , an d eve n hi s close associates suc h a s Henry Cla y Frick . Uneas y lie s the hea d tha t wear s th e crow n i n continu ous crise s o f outsid e competitio n an d insid e intrigue . Carnegi e wa s physically exhauste d an d wante d t o devot e hi s remainin g year s exclu sively t o th e distributio n o f hi s wealth . Th e onl y possibl e purchase r wa s John Pierpon t Morgan , Mida s t o hi s Vulcan . The Creation of US. Steel While neithe r Morga n no r Carnegi e coul d comman d th e other , i t wa s Carnegie wh o mad e Morgan , th e greate r man , d o a s he wanted . Carnegie entice d Morga n b y takin g audaciou s advantag e o f hi s repu tation fo r aggressiveness . Hi s pres s agen t announce d tha t h e wa s abou t to construc t a ne w pipe-and-tub e manufacturin g plan t a t a cos t o f $1 2 million, th e mos t extensiv e o f it s kind. This disturbe d Morgan , wh o wa s concerned fo r th e futur e o f th e existin g Nationa l Tub e Work s i n whic h he had extensiv e investments . Carnegi e started rumor s tha t h e was abou t to buil d a new railroa d fo r hi s ow n product s an d fo r others ' i n competi tion wit h th e Pennsy , no w a Morga n road . Morga n wa s understandabl y proud o f th e stabilit y h e ha d accomplishe d i n railroad s afte r a decade o f strenuous effort , an d dismaye d b y the prospect o f th e sort o f competitiv e disruption Carnegi e coul d cause . A steel wa r wa s th e las t thin g Morga n wanted. Moreover , Carnegie' s variou s announcement s an d plan s unset tled th e worl d o f finance, upsettin g securit y value s an d th e wide Morga n interests. It took Carnegie' s ne w threat , lace d with hi s subtle, alluring salesman ship, t o ge t Morga n t o act . Carnegi e ha d hi s man , Charle s Schwab , supposedly gifte d wit h " a veritabl e tongu e o f gold, " accordin g t o U.S . Steel historia n Arunde l Cotter , persuad e Morga n a t a privat e dinne r on Decembe r 12 , 1900 , t o for m a ne w gian t stee l compan y tha t coul d provide th e Unite d State s wit h a pac e o f productio n tha t neithe r Britai n nor German y coul d maintain . Morga n quickl y agree d an d the y an nounced th e forthcomin g creatio n o f th e United State s Steel Corporatio n
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in Januar y 1901 . Morgan awarde d stoc k t o al l th e smalle r constituen t companies. However, t o the Carnegi e company h e gave bonds, the entir e bond issu e of U.S . Steel, namely $303.4 5 million , plu s $98.2 7 millio n i n preferred stock , plu s $90.2 7 millio n i n commo n stock . Th e total capital ization wa s $1. 4 billion , wherea s th e tru e physica l valu e o f th e plant s was estimate d a s $68 2 millio n i n a governmen t report . Carnegi e sai d later h e insiste d o n paymen t i n bond s becaus e h e regarde d th e stoc k no t merely a s wate r bu t rathe r a s air . Morga n sai d h e wante d Carnegi e completely ou t o f managemen t an d ou t o f th e stee l industry—com pletely ou t wit h n o possibilit y o f interferenc e o r leverag e i n th e future . Thus Carnegie , o n th e ev e o f hi s forcibl e retirement , ha d a persona l fortune o f $25 0 million . Morga n too k fo r himsel f an d hi s associate s shares o f preferre d an d commo n stoc k tha t woul d hav e bee n wort h $77.98 millio n i f the share s ha d bee n sold . In orde r t o mak e a market , Morga n use d marke t manipulato r Jame s R. Keene , who playe d o n th e favorabl e atmospher e o f th e time s to grea t effect. Becaus e th e Unite d State s ha d recentl y conclude d it s firs t victo rious oversea s war , bot h th e concep t o f empir e an d th e psycholog y tha t went wit h i t wer e muc h i n th e air . Morgan' s allie s manipulate d a whol e series o f so-calle d "wash " sale s o n th e Ne w Yor k Stoc k Exchang e i n order t o increas e publi c desir e an d expectation . Th e numbe r o f sale s reached unprecedente d total s o f ove r 3 million share s o n on e da y an d o f over 1 0 millio n share s i n on e week . Despit e th e legen d o f th e evil s o f monopolies, peopl e wer e s o dazzle d b y th e supercorporatio n tha t the y speculated eagerl y an d greedily . Alexande r Dan a Noye s recalle d ho w Men an d women an d eve n children al l over the country dran k i n thirstily every scrap o f new s tha t wa s printe d i n th e pres s abou t thes e so-calle d "captain s o f industry," thei r successfu l "deals, " th e off-han d wa y i n whic h the y converte d slips o f worthles s pape r int o guarantee s o f mor e tha n princel y wealth , an d al l the details concerning thei r dail y lives, their personal peculiarities , their virtues, and their vices. It seeme d al l stock s wer e goin g up . N o ti p coul d fail . A sloga n ra n across Ne w York : "Bu y A.O.T.—An y Ol d Thing. " I t was expecte d tha t U.S. Stee l woul d carr y dividend s o f 4 percen t o n commo n share s an d 7 percent o n preferre d shares . Sale s starte d a t 3 8 fo r commo n share s an d 823/4 fo r preferre d share s an d soo n advance d t o 5 5 an d 101% , respectively.
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Press commen t expresse d progressiv e disquie t a t th e transaction . Ra y Stannard Baker , i n a 190 1 McClure's article , "Wha t th e Unite d State s Steel Corporatio n Reall y I s and Ho w I t Works," gave his interpretation : "It receive s an d expend s mor e mone y ever y yea r tha n an y bu t th e ver y greatest o f th e world' s nationa l governments ; it s deb t i s larger tha n tha t of man y o f th e lesse r nation s o f Europe ; i t absolutel y control s th e destinies o f a populatio n nearl y a s larg e a s tha t o f Marylan d o r Ne braska, an d indirectl y influence s twic e tha t number. " The Commoner, owned an d edite d b y Democrati c leade r Willia m Jenning s Bryan , mad e an effectiv e poin t o f studie d facetiousness : " 'Americ a i s goo d enoug h for me, ' remarke d J . Pierpon t Morga n a fe w day s ago . Wheneve r h e doesn't lik e it, he can giv e it back t o us. " Some newspaper s discerne d th e wa y th e supercorporatio n woul d po larize opinio n betwee n capitalis m an d socialism . Th e Bosto n Herald found tha t "i f a limite d financia l grou p shal l com e t o represen t th e capitalistic en d o f industry , th e perils o f socialism , eve n i f brought abou t by a somewha t rude , becaus e forcible , takin g o f th e instrument s o f industry, ma y b e looke d upo n b y eve n intelligen t peopl e a s possibly th e lesser o f tw o evils. " Thu s Dr . Alber t Sha w i n th e Review of Reviews expressed a fatalism towar d th e expecte d adven t o f socialism : It is the belief amon g people—certainly o f those who entertain communisti c or socialistic ideals—tha t w e ar e movin g steadil y towar d th e poin t wher e th e economic an d industria l communit y mus t becom e merge d absolutel y i n th e political community . . . . Th e disappearanc e o f th e old-fashione d competitiv e system mus t result in something like a great co-operative organization o f work ers. Others wer e greatly alarme d an d turne d o n th e trusts fo r stirrin g clas s antagonism. Dr . Arthu r T . Hadley , presiden t o f Yale , tol d a churc h congregation i n Boston i n Marc h 1901 , Trusts have got to be regulated by public sentiment, and that public sentiment is not merel y th e opinio n o f an y particula r par t o f th e whol e people , bu t i s a readiness t o accept , in behal f o f th e community, restriction , independent o f th e question o f whethe r yo u o r I shall b e personall y harme d b y these restrictions . You say the community wil l not be governed b y this principle. We must expect that the community will, for the alternative is an emperor in Washington within twenty-five years. Apprehension sprea d t o th e Europea n press . Th e Kreuz-Zeitung o f Berlin surmise d tha t th e suprem e organize r o f th e ne w corporatio n
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would "Morganize " th e worl d an d consolidat e th e iro n an d stee l indus tries o f Europ e a s "th e las t humiliatio n o f Europ e b y th e youn g gian t o f the West. " Ye t th e mos t penetratin g commen t was , a s usual , provide d by Mr. Dooley : Pierpont Morga n call s in wan i v his office boys , th'prisidint i v a national bank , an' says he, "James/' he says, "take some change out iv th'damper an ' r-run ou t an' buy Europe fir me," he says. "I intind to re-organize it an' put it on a paying basis," h e says . "Cal l u p th e Cza r an ' th'Pop e an ' th'Sulta n an ' th'Impro r Willum, an ' tel l thi m w e won't nee d thei r sarvice s afthe r nex ' week, " h e says. "Give thim a year's salary in advance. An', James," he says, "Ye betther put that r-red heade d book-keepe r nea r th ' dur e i n charg e i v th'continent . H e doesn' t seem to be doin' much," he says. Integration and
Accumulation
Although holdin g companie s wer e legal , the y wer e ope n t o prosecution . Hence corporatio n lawyer s ofte n advise d thei r bosse s t o eliminat e con stituent companie s an d plac e al l thei r facilitie s i n a singl e operatin g company: a centralize d busines s coul d no t b e accuse d o f bein g a combi nation i n restrain t o f trade . Moreover , holdin g companie s prove d un stable i f th e rea l intentio n wa s simpl y t o merg e tw o o r mor e companies . (A merge r occurre d whe n on e compan y acquire d th e physica l asset s o f another.) I f a holdin g compan y hel d price s hig h enoug h t o maintai n it s profits, smalle r competitor s appeare d t o undercu t prices . Thi s explain s why severa l loosel y kni t holdin g companie s failed , includin g Nationa l Cordage, America n Biscuit , Unite d State s Leather , an d Nationa l Wal l Paper. Thes e failure s suggeste d tha t horizonta l combination s wer e to o costly an d holdin g companie s wer e no t th e mos t efficien t mean s o f maintaining them . Ther e wer e fe w merger s i n labor-intensiv e industries , such a s clothing , furniture , publishing , an d lumber . Moreover , whe n there were merger s i n these fields , the y were usuall y failures . Mergers wer e onl y successfu l afte r th e ne w compan y create d a n effec tive team o f salarie d manager s t o ru n thing s fro m th e top , consolidatin g production, centralizin g administration , an d establishin g goo d market ing an d purchasin g operations . Fo r example , whe n variou s companie s making cor n product s merge d i n 190 6 a s th e Cor n Product s Refinin g Company, afte r fou r previou s merger s o f th e sam e companie s ha d bee n disastrous, thei r president , E . T. Bedford , turne d th e ne w ventur e int o a
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commercial success . Bedford ha d spen t man y year s a s a senio r executiv e in Standar d Oil' s oversea s marketin g offic e a s wel l a s severa l year s a s chief executiv e o f th e Ne w Yor k Glucos e Company . H e no w dre w o n his considerabl e experience . H e buil t u p th e Cor n Product s Refinin g Company's purchasin g an d sale s organizations , move d decisivel y an d competitively int o oversea s markets , includin g th e Europea n market , and starte d ne w policies of packaging an d bran d names , advertising, an d buying i n bulk , alon g wit h variou s economie s o f scale . Onc e more , th e strategy o f vertica l integratio n ha d succeeded . The longest-lasting merger s were in those industries tha t ha d achieve d industrial o r manufacturin g integratio n i n th e 1880s . The y wer e i n industries whos e technolog y an d market s encourage d fas t productio n and distribution . Sha w Livermore's analysi s of 32 8 mergers in the perio d 1888-1906, i n hi s articl e "Th e Succes s o f Industria l Mergers " [Quarterly Journal of Economics, Novembe r 1935) , disclose s tha t 15 6 wer e large enoug h t o mak e a n impac t o n th e marke t structure s o f thei r industries. Al l bu t eigh t o f thes e wer e i n manufacturin g o r processing . Nevertheless, thos e consolidation s tha t wer e trul y integrate d showe d how cost-effectiv e merger s coul d be . Standar d Oil , Nationa l Lead , American Tobacco , Quake r Oats , Singe r Sewin g Machine , an d Oti s Elevator, amon g others , demonstrated th e clear advantag e o f consolidat ing in order t o centraliz e manufacturing . American Tobacco A classic example o f a successfu l merge r wa s America n Tobacco , whic h had precisel y th e specia l feature s o f effectiv e integratio n o f componen t parts i n tobacc o manufactur e an d a skille d manageria l team , capabl e o f coordinating an d plannin g th e activitie s o f numerou s separat e units . Then th e visibl e han d o f managemen t supersede d th e invisibl e han d o f market forces . Wit h th e benefi t o f hindsight , give n ou r knowledg e o f th e physical har m cigarett e smokin g wreaks o n huma n bodie s a s revealed b y much researc h int o lun g cancer , w e ma y b e tempte d t o deduc e tha t cigarette smokin g i s a n expensive , deadly , an d entirel y unnecessar y lei sure pursuit sustaine d i n the first instanc e b y original marketing . James Buchana n Duk e an d hi s brother , Benjamin , originall y o f Dur ham, Nort h Carolina , joine d thei r father' s cigarett e busines s whe n ciga -
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rettes wer e mad e an d handrolle d i n a she d o n th e famil y farm . I n 188 3 James ("Buck" ) Duk e introduce d th e mechanica l manufactur e o f ciga rettes, base d o n th e cigarett e machin e invente d b y Jame s Bonsac k i n 1880. Bonsack , a youn g Virginia n stil l i n hi s teens , achieve d a n almos t complete mechanizatio n i n manufacturin g tobacc o fo r smokin g i n ciga rettes. Thu s cigarette s were , i n effect , a ne w industria l product , an d on e considerable par t o f th e econom y o f th e "Ne w South. " I n th e Bonsac k machine a ra g o f finely shredde d an d sweetene d tobacc o wa s fe d ont o a continuous stri p o f paper . Th e cigarette s wer e the n automaticall y shaped , pasted, closed , an d finally cu t t o siz e by a rotary cuttin g knife . In 189 0 Duk e organize d th e America n Tobacc o Company , incorpo rating a number o f competitor s wh o exchange d thei r stoc k fo r America n Tobacco stock . B y expandin g th e scal e o f operations , h e reduce d th e per-unit cost s o f manufacturing , advertising , an d sales . Duk e wa s a n innovator i n bran d marketing , identifyin g a bran d nam e wit h a particu lar qualit y o r appeal , t o exploi t individua l consume r taste . Bran d mar keting becam e th e moder n techniqu e b y whic h roughl y simila r product s could b e sol d b y th e sam e compan y t o a larg e an d divers e consume r market. Duk e used th e so-called "fightin g brands, " Horseshoe an d Battl e Axe, t o gai n dominanc e i n th e chewing-tobacc o market . H e als o gav e away larg e amount s o f fre e samples , thereb y underminin g les s well endowed companie s an d forcin g the m ou t o f business , i n wha t wer e known a s "plu g wars. " Duke owe d muc h o f hi s subsequen t succes s t o hi s earl y realizatio n that th e Bonsac k machin e coul d produc e s o man y cigarette s tha t i t would requir e distributio n o n a global scale . Thus, even befor e h e signe d a contrac t wit h Jame s Bonsack , h e create d office s fo r distributio n an d selling acros s America . Eac h comprise d a salarie d manager , a cit y sales man, a travelin g salesman , an d sufficien t clerks . I n th e meantim e hi s associate, Richar d B . Wright , travele d oversea s fo r ninetee n month s i n order t o explor e foreig n market s an d mak e commercia l contacts . Duk e established a n extensiv e purchasin g networ k wit h it s ow n facilitie s fo r buying, curing , an d storin g tobacco . H e enlarge d hi s cigarett e factor y i n Durham, buil t a ne w larg e plant i n Ne w York , an d establishe d a centra l office there , first a t 4 5 Broadway , an d later , i n 1898 , a t i n Fift h Avenue. Becaus e cigarett e productio n wa s simple , thes e headquarter s remained small . Onc e th e erstwhil e competitor s ha d becom e par t o f
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American Tobacco , the y wer e merge d int o th e specia l structur e Duk e had created . Th e head s o f th e functiona l department s include d profes sional expert s John B . Cobb i n buying and William R . Harris in auditing . In th e 1890 s si x factorie s produce d almos t al l th e company' s ciga rettes, whic h touche d 3.7 8 billio n cigarette s i n 1898 . Tw o factories , i n Durham an d Rochester , concentrate d solel y on the 1.2 2 billio n cigarette s for foreig n consumption . Nevertheless , America n Tobacc o eithe r estab lished o r bough t u p foreig n factorie s i n Australi a (1894) , J a P a n ( I 899), Britain (1901) , an d German y (1901) . An essentia l facto r wa s tigh t coor dination o f th e curin g proces s t o ensur e tha t exactl y th e righ t amount s of tobacc o o f th e prope r qualit y arrive d fo r productio n int o variou s cigarettes a t th e righ t time . Thu s tobacc o fo r mor e expensiv e brand s required a longe r curin g tha n tha t o f cheape r cigarettes . I n th e earl y twentieth century , th e compan y owne d twelv e dryin g an d packagin g houses an d ninetee n larg e storag e warehouse s i n Virgini a an d Nort h Carolina. However, contro l o f th e flo w o f th e billion s o f cigarette s fro m fiel d t o factory t o jobbe r t o retaile r remaine d a t th e headquarter s i n Ne w York . Orders receive d b y a branc h offic e wer e telegraphe d t o Fift h Avenu e where manager s decide d whic h factor y woul d proces s th e order , usuall y the on e neares t th e consume r t o ensur e maximu m possibl e freshness . New Yor k receive d dail y report s fro m factorie s an d depot s i n orde r t o keep a chec k o n th e flo w o f ra w material s an d finishe d products . I t wa s the tas k o f th e auditin g departmen t t o contro l cost s an d i t calculate d al l materials, items, labor, an d product s t o fiv e decima l points . Duke considere d tha t th e mai n functio n o f to p management , whic h he kep t t o a handfu l o f men , wa s t o devis e a strateg y t o suppres s th e varied market s o f th e 1890 s fo r pip e tobacco, plug and chewin g tobacco , snuff, an d cigar s an d expan d th e marke t fo r cigarette s a t thei r expense . First, h e acquire d factorie s makin g th e othe r tobacc o products . The n h e reduced price s t o forc e hi s competitor s t o com e t o term s wit h hi m an d merge their firms wit h his . When h e realize d jus t ho w expensiv e wa s thi s strategy, h e mad e powerfu l allies o n th e stoc k marke t wh o wer e read y to bac k America n Tobacc o withou t interferin g i n it s management . Duke embarke d o n oversea s trad e an d bega n th e pric e wa r o n hi s leading Britis h competitor , W . D . 6 t H . O . Wills . H e als o acquire d a British company , Ogden' s Ltd. , fo r ove r $ 5 million , whil e Will s retal iated b y merging thirtee n Britis h tobacc o companie s t o form th e Imperia l
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Tobacco Company . The n Duk e sol d Ogden' s t o Imperia l an d th e tw o rivals forme d a n alliance , th e British-America n Tobacc o Company , i n which America n hel d two-third s an d Imperia l one-thir d o f th e ne w $5. 2 million wort h o f stock . Duk e becam e chairman . Moreover , America n received 1 4 percen t o f Imperial' s ordinar y share s fro m th e sal e o f Og den's. America n Tobacc o an d Imperia l Tobacc o gav e th e British-Ameri can Tobacco Compan y hegemon y o f th e world market . Duke ha d hi s failures . H e trie d t o penetrat e th e ciga r busines s bu t never achieve d mor e tha n 1 4 percent o f nationa l sales . This wa s becaus e American Tobacco' s existin g structur e wa s no t attune d t o ciga r produc tion, essentially differen t fro m cigarett e production. Wherea s plug, snuff , and smokin g tobacc o use d th e sam e tobacc o lea f fro m th e southeaster n states an d coul d al l us e th e sam e sor t o f continuou s processe s o f manu facturing, an d sel l t o muc h th e sam e consumers , cigar s wer e different . They neede d lea f fro m Cuba , Puert o Rico , an d th e northeaster n state s that wa s cure d differently , an d the y wer e mad e b y skille d worker s i n small batches . Thei r marke t wa s select . I n short , cigar s wer e no t a product suitabl e fo r mas s productio n o r sale . No t al l th e advertisin g i n the world coul d chang e thi s basi c state o f affairs . American Tobacc o reigne d all-powerfu l unti l i t wa s broke n u p b y a decision o f th e Suprem e Cour t i n 191 1 agains t it s holdin g company , Consolidated Tobacco . The n th e thre e ne w companies—Reynolds , Lig gett & Meyers , an d P . Lorillard—soo n create d thei r ow n purchasin g and marketin g organizations . Thu s th e fou r integrate d firms dominate d the cigarett e industry , makin g 91. 3 percen t o f America n cigarette s i n 1925. Reynolds' s Came l cigarette s offere d a supposedl y uniqu e tobacc o blend tha t mad e the m th e largest-sellin g cigarettes , unti l the y wer e sur passed b y Luck y Strik e (produce d b y American Tobacco ) i n 1926 . Thus America n Tobacc o illustrate s severa l aspect s o f th e rol e o f larg e enterprises. Alfre d DuPon t Chandle r concludes , "First , th e massiv e out put mad e possibl e b y applicatio n o f continuous-proces s machiner y t o manufacturing cause d an d indee d almos t force d th e creatio n o f a world wide integrated organization . The resultin g managerial hierarch y permit ted it s creato r t o dominat e first th e cigarett e an d the n th e res t o f th e tobacco industry , excep t fo r cigars. " The method s o f America n Tobacc o were repeate d b y othe r manufacturer s o f chea p package d product s i n the 1 8 80s, namel y matches , cereals , canne d soups , milk , an d othe r foods , soap, and photographi c film. I n the 1890 s Coca-Cola , Wrigley's chewin g
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gum, an d Fleischmann' s yeas t followe d a simila r patter n t o discourag e competition an d expan d productio n an d sales . However, onc e th e captain s o f industr y ha d finishe d a n integrate d international organization , th e opportunitie s fo r futur e empire-buildin g were limited unti l ther e were changes i n technology an d shift s i n market ing. Siz e an d concentratio n wer e no t accounte d fo r b y privilege d acces s to outsid e capital . Rather , the y followe d a greate r suppl y o f internall y generated capital . Thu s Rockefeller , Carnegie , an d Gustavu s Swif t (i n meat) achieve d industria l monopolie s becaus e improve d technolog y al lowed the m t o ear n mor e mone y mor e quickl y tha n wa s th e cas e i n labor-intensive industries . B y th e tur n o f th e centur y a grea t numbe r o f investment bank s i n Ne w Yor k wer e willin g t o accommodat e a wid e variety o f industrie s requirin g fund s t o financ e expansion .
The Gospel of Wealth Largely becaus e o f th e controversie s surroundin g Rockefeller , Carnegie , and Morgan , industria l entrepreneur s no t onl y los t an y forme r heroi c image bu t wer e als o muc h tarnishe d b y revelation s o f thei r cutthroa t strategies. The y were , i t seemed , trul y robbe r barons , jus t a s thei r earl y critics, th e Kansa s farmers , ha d sai d bac k i n th e 1880s . Ye t th e trut h was mor e complex . Th e greates t robbe r baron s wer e no t a s heartles s a s they seeme d t o thei r rivals , and th e cas e o f Andre w Carnegi e befor e an d after 190 1 illustrate s this . In a n articl e fo r th e North American Review o f Jun e 1889 , subse quently reprinte d i n th e Tall Mall Gazette unde r th e strikin g titl e "Th e Gospel o f Wealth " an d publishe d b y Carnegi e i n 190 0 alon g wit h othe r essays i n a boo k o f th e sam e title , Carnegie stipulate d ho w th e industria l entrepreneurs mus t first amas s wealt h fo r th e industria l enrichmen t o f society an d the n distribut e i t for th e greater socia l benefi t o f it s people. This, then, i s held t o be the dut y o f th e ma n o f wealth : "T o se t an exampl e of modest, unostentatiou s living , shunnin g displa y o r extravagance ; t o provid e moderately fo r th e legitimat e want s o f thos e dependen t upo n him ; an d afte r doing so, to consider all surplus revenues that come to him simply as trust funds , which he is called upon to administer . . . i n the manner which, in his judgment, is best calculated t o provide the most beneficial result s for th e community—th e man o f wealt h thu s becomin g th e mer e trustee an d agen t fo r hi s poorer breth ren."
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Carnegie prove d a s good a s his word . Carnegie bega n hi s philanthropi c caree r i n 188 1 whe n h e wa s forty five and onl y moderatel y wealthy . H e gav e a librar y t o Alleghen y City . Five year s late r h e gav e th e first o f man y gift s t o Pittsburg h tha t woul d eventually tota l $2 8 millio n fo r libraries , schools , museums , an d assem bly rooms, known collectivel y a s the Carnegi e Institute o f Pittsburgh an d including th e Carnegi e Institut e o f Technology . Followin g hi s earl y gift s to Alleghen y Cit y an d Pittsburgh , o n receip t o f th e $25 0 millio n i n securities provide d b y Morga n i n 1901 , he mad e a gif t o f $ 4 millio n t o the employee s o f th e forme r Carnegi e Stee l Company , an d provide d a sum o f $250,00 0 t o g o toward pension s fo r forme r employee s who wer e now indigent . He the n embarke d o n wha t wa s th e greates t caree r o f systemati c distribution t o tha t period . In time , th e tota l o f Joh n D . Rockefeller' s gifts amounte d t o mor e money , bu t Carnegi e gav e awa y mor e o f hi s fortune, di d s o earlier tha n Rockefeller , an d se t a precedent tha t encour aged othe r captain s o f industry . In a lette r o f 190 5 t o universitie s an d technical colleges , he announced th e establishment o f the Carnegie Foun dation fo r th e Advancemen t o f Teachin g wit h a n endowmen t o f $1 0 million, subsequentl y increase d t o $29.2 5 million . H e maintaine d ho w "the leas t rewarde d o f al l th e profession s i s tha t o f th e teache r i n ou r higher educationa l institutions . Th e consequence s ar e grievous . . . . Able men hesitat e t o adop t teachin g a s a career , an d man y ol d professor s whose place s shoul d b e occupie d b y younge r me n canno t b e retired. " Among the scholar s wh o benefite d fro m retirin g allowance s wer e Profes sors Willia m James , Palmer , Peabody , an d To y o f Harvard , an d Beers , Sumner, Ladd , an d Woolse y o f Yale . Other gift s wer e fo r th e buildin g of new hall s an d libraries , an d th e adoptio n o f ne w chairs , ofte n name d after ol d employee s o r me n who m h e admired . In return , h e wa s laude d with suc h honor s b y foreig n nation s a s th e Legio n o f Honor , variou s freedoms o f citie s (holdin g th e Britis h recor d wit h fifty-four freedoms) , and sundr y honorar y degrees . Practically al l hi s gift s reflecte d hi s egotis m bu t als o th e need s an d ambitions h e ha d fel t denie d hi m a s a child . Hi s famil y encourage d reading bu t wer e to o poo r t o bu y man y books . The y maintained , an d borrowed from , th e diminutiv e fre e librar y i n Dunfermline . Carnegi e could no t rea d freel y a s a child ; thus , other poo r childre n mus t hav e th e benefit o f publi c libraries . H e love d musi c an d thi s explain s hi s distribu -
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tion o f organs . Carnegi e wa s inundate d wit h request s fo r gift s fro m al l over th e world . H e ofte n grante d the m t o communitie s i n English speaking countries , supplying buildin g an d fixtures o n conditio n tha t th e community provide d th e sit e an d als o pai d runnin g costs . B y 192 6 h e had provide d fund s fo r 2,81 1 libraries , o f whic h 1,94 6 wer e i n th e United States , at a cost o f $3 8 million . Using $2 2 millio n i n bond s fro m U.S . Steel , Carnegi e founde d th e Carnegie Institutio n o f Washingto n o n Januar y 29 , 1902 . It s brie f wa s to undertak e researc h i n botany , evolution , geophysics , marin e biology , meridian astronomy , sola r observation , terrestria l magnetism , an d nutri tion. I t sen t th e Carnegie, a nonmagneti c yach t o f woo d an d bronze , across the sea s to correc t mistake s o f previous ocea n surveys . The larges t Carnegie agenc y wa s th e Carnegi e Corporatio n o f Ne w York , estab lished i n 191 1 wit h a n endowmen t o f $12 5 millio n t o maintai n a centra l fund an d distribut e monie s t o variou s institution s t o promot e scientifi c and othe r knowledge , accordin g t o th e idea s o f it s trustee s a s t o ho w best t o us e th e money . Thu s th e Carnegi e Corporatio n wa s intende d a s a permanen t reservoi r o f socia l energy . Eithe r b y gift s i n hi s lifetim e o r by bequest s i n hi s will , Carnegi e dispose d o f $35 0 million , leavin g hi s widow an d daughte r abou t $2 0 million . Some jeere d a t Carnegie' s generosity , criticizin g hi m fo r tryin g t o atone fo r pas t ruthlessnes s i n hi s professiona l caree r b y tryin g t o brib e God i n hi s retiremen t befor e havin g t o mee t hi m i n th e nex t life . More over, goo d work s o n a larg e scal e establishe d th e dono r a s a membe r o f a privilege d clas s and , therefore , a targe t fo r psychologica l demolition . Mark Sulliva n quote s Stuar t Sherman' s observatio n that , i f Carnegi e had no t give n $35 0 million , other s migh t hav e claime d th e credi t fo r founding libraries , buyin g pip e organs , pensionin g employees , an d en dowing universities . "True , w e migh t hav e contributed . W e migh t hav e taxed ourselve s a t tha t rate . We migh t hav e mad e simila r investment s i n human progress . Bu t w e kno w prett y wel l tha t w e wouldn' t hav e don e so." I t is impossible t o estimat e ho w fa r Carnegie' s million s o f dollar s t o science an d educatio n spurre d knowledg e furthe r forwar d an d acceler ated huma n progress . However , Carnegie' s gift s undoubtedl y helpe d democratize cultur e an d mad e i t possibl e fo r million s o f peopl e t o tak e their ow n step s fo r self-improvemen t an d enjo y intellectua l an d cultura l things that woul d otherwis e hav e bee n withheld .
CHAPTER 3
Exodus to a Promised hand
At th e tur n o f th e centur y th e mos t famou s magicia n i n th e worl d wa s Harry Houdini , a n America n immigran t wh o specialize d i n grea t es capes. H e coul d fre e himsel f fro m handcuffs , iro n collars , an d strait jackets. Wit h consummat e eas e h e emerge d fro m priso n cell s an d pad locked safes , fro m rive r bed s an d burie d coffins . H e captivated audience s who sa w i n hi s escape s a symboli c reenactmen t o f thei r ow n emancipa tion fro m th e Ol d Worl d an d thei r fligh t t o th e New . B y his art Houdin i could expres s thei r fantasies , needs , an d fears . Hi s ow n experience s o f displacement an d assimilatio n ha d equippe d hi m perfectly . Born Ehric h Weis s i n 1874 , Houdin i too k th e nam e o f another , th e French conjuro r Robert-Houdin . Hi s lif e story , persona l an d profes sional, wa s a serie s o f escapes . Hi s rabb i fathe r fle d Budapes t t o evad e arrest. Th e so n ra n awa y fro m hom e i n Appleton , Wisconsin , whe n h e was twelv e t o fre e himsel f fo r hi s chose n career . I n 189 4 n e elope d wit h a Catholi c girl , Beatric e Rahner , whos e widowe d mothe r woul d no t accept him ; neither , a t first , woul d th e worl d o f America n sho w busi ness. I t wa s onl y afte r h e hel d Londo n audience s spellboun d tha t h e could mak e th e bi g time i n th e Unite d States . When h e di d so , his stunt s and illusion s wer e take n a s a celebratio n o f immigration—physical , spiritual, and psychological . 73
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The par t playe d b y th e Unite d State s i n th e mas s migration s o f th e nineteenth an d twentiet h centurie s i s mos t distinctive—an d no t fo r quantity alone . American s looke d t o th e future , no t th e past . Wher e people ha d com e fro m wa s les s importan t tha n wher e the y wer e going . The ver y word "immigrant " wa s invente d b y Jedidiah Mors e i n 178 9 t o describe foreig n settler s i n Ne w York . B y callin g the m immigrants , rather tha n th e more traditiona l "emigrants, " Americans emphasized th e fact tha t newcomer s ha d entere d a new lan d rathe r tha n lef t a n ol d one . American immigratio n wa s continuou s throughou t th e nineteent h century. Nevertheless , ther e wer e thre e distinc t waves , each greate r tha n the on e before . Accordin g t o historia n Marcu s Le e Hanse n the y wer e dominated successivel y b y the Celts , Germans, Slavs, and Mediterranea n peoples. O f th e 5 million peopl e wh o crosse d th e Atlanti c betwee n 181 5 and i86 0 an d th e 1 0 millio n wh o di d s o betwee n i86 0 an d 189 0 th e majority cam e fro m Britai n an d Ireland , German y an d Scandinavia , Switzerland an d Holland . However , th e 1 5 millio n wh o compose d th e third wave , fro m 189 0 t o 1914 , came principally fro m Ital y an d Greece , Austria-Hungary an d Russia , Rumani a an d Turkey . The exten t o f th e chang e i s bes t illustrate d b y a compariso n o f immi gration figure s a t the crest of th e second an d thir d wave s in, respectively , 1882 an d 1907 . In 1882 , 788,99 2 immigrant s arrived— a recor d fo r th e nineteenth century . O f these , 250,63 0 wer e fro m German y (th e highes t number ever) , 179,42 3 fro m Britai n an d Ireland , an d 105,32 6 fro m Scandinavia. Onl y 32,15 9 wer e fro m Italy , 29,15 0 fro m th e Hapsbur g Empire, an d 16,91 8 fro m Russi a an d th e Baltic . Thus , 8 7 percen t wer e from norther n an d wester n Europ e an d onl y 1 3 percen t fro m souther n and easter n Europe . I n 1907 , however , whe n 1,285,34 9 immigrant s arrived, 19. 3 percen t wer e fro m norther n an d wester n Europe , an d 80. 7 percent fro m souther n an d easter n Europe . Th e "old " immigratio n wa s now muc h smalle r tha n th e "new. " It wa s political , economic , an d religiou s disconten t i n Europ e tha t stirred bot h ol d an d ne w immigrant s t o leave . Throughou t th e nine teenth centur y industria l an d agricultura l revolution s transforme d Euro pean society . Th e additiona l pressur e o f increasin g populatio n provide d the impetu s fo r emigration . Suc h change s bega n i n wester n Europe . A s the centur y progresse d the y sprea d t o th e east . Th e cause s an d source s of America n immigratio n move d wit h them . A whole serie s of factor s stimulate d th e exodu s fro m Germany . Mor e
The huddle d masse s arrive. This famous photograp h b y Levic k Edwi n of immigrants aboar d the Atlanti c liner S S Patricia abou t t o doc k i n Ne w Yor k Harbo r o n Decembe r 10 , 1906, suggests th e mi x of expectation and apprehensio n fel t b y throngs o f new immigrants fro m central, southern , an d easter n Europ e wh o constitute d th e greate r par t o f peopl e coming to th e Ne w World i n searc h o f politica l freedom an d economi c opportunity a t th e tur n of the century . (SS F Emigration an d Immigration ; Librar y of Congress.)
German immigrant s arrive d tha n an y othe r ethni c grou p i n al l but thre e years fro m 185 4 t o 1894 . Agricultural depressio n an d industria l reces sion stirre d Britons , Norwegians, and Swedes . In Irelan d th e roo t caus e of unemploymen t an d povert y wa s agricultura l mismanagemen t b y ab sentee landlords . Afte r 189 0 th e birthrat e bega n t o fal l i n northwester n Europe. Moreover , increase d industrializatio n afforde d ne w employ ment fo r thos e displace d fro m agriculture . Th e ol d immigratio n bega n to decline. Of al l factor s stimulatin g th e ne w immigratio n th e mos t obviou s was an increas e i n population. A t the clos e of the centur y th e annua l rate s of increase i n easter n Europ e wer e mor e tha n 1 0 in ever y previous 1,000 . Increased populatio n threatene d traditiona l standard s o f living . Ther e was no t enoug h foo d t o g o around . Development s i n th e thre e state s from whic h Slavi c an d Mediterranea n emigratio n flowed (Austria-Hun -
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gary, Russia , an d Italy ) illustrat e this . Italia n immigratio n t o Americ a rose fro m 12,00 0 i n 188 0 t o ove r 100,00 0 i n 1900 ; immigratio n fro m Austria-Hungary ros e fro m 17,00 0 i n 188 0 t o 114,00 0 i n 1900 . Th e catchment are a o f Slav s wa s especiall y wide . Th e ter m "Slav " cover s a western divisio n o f Poles , Bohemian s (Czechs) , an d Slovaks , an d a n eastern divisio n o f Russians , Ruthenians (Ukrainians) , Bulgarians, Serbs, Croatians, an d Slovenians . The impuls e fo r migratio n fro m Russi a wa s a s muc h politica l an d religious a s i t wa s economic . Th e greates t exodu s wa s o f Russia n Jews , fleeing ne w persecution . Th e assassinatio n o f Alexande r I I i n 188 1 se t off anti-Semiti c riot s i n th e sout h an d west . Hencefort h Jew s wer e con fined t o th e Pal e o f Settlement , Poland , an d th e wester n provinces . Outright persecutio n followed . Th e numbe r o f Russia n immigrant s t o America ros e fro m 5,00 0 i n 188 0 t o 90,00 0 i n 1900 . Eve n whe n Pole s made u p a quarte r o f th e Russia n exodus , an d Finns , Germans , an d Lithuanians accounte d fo r almos t anothe r quarter , Jew s constitute d th e largest singl e group , 43. 8 percen t o f th e whole . Les s tha n 5 percen t o f immigrants fro m Russi a wer e Russia n i n anythin g bu t birth . Musli m oppression o f Armenian s i n th e notoriou s massacre s o f 1894 , x 895, an d 1896 compelle d Armenian s t o emigrate . Not al l immigrants cam e acros s th e Atlantic . Between i86 0 an d 190 0 about 300,00 0 French-Canadian s lef t th e Provinc e o f Quebe c wher e neither agricultur e no r industr y coul d suppor t th e population . B y th e end o f th e nineteent h century , French-Canadian s constitute d on e o f th e major minorit y group s i n Ne w Englan d an d rathe r smalle r one s i n northern Ne w York , Michigan , Wisconsin , an d Illinois . Onl y whe n th e Canadian frontie r reache d th e prairie s a t th e tur n o f th e centur y di d immigration fro m Canad a begi n t o decline . A small numbe r o f Mexican s immigrated—according t o officia l statistic s les s tha n 10,00 0 befor e 1900 . Some historian s believ e tha t th e actua l number s wer e twic e tha t figure . Mexican immigrant s usuall y wen t firs t t o E l Paso , Texas , a cit y wit h three railroa d line s offerin g transpor t t o job s o n nearb y farms , mines , and smelters , and i n railwa y construction . A comparativel y smal l bu t significan t numbe r o f Asian s crosse d th e Pacific. Betwee n 1849 , whe n gol d wa s discovere d i n California , an d 1882, whe n th e Chines e Exclusio n Ac t wa s passed , 300,00 0 Chines e settled i n California . Lik e man y Europeans , thei r primar y motiv e wa s economic. Th e Taipin g Rebellio n tha t bega n i n 184 8 devastate d south -
Exodus to a Promised Land 7
7
east China . Th e lur e o f hig h wage s o n th e railroad s entice d me n fro m the province o f Guangdong . Chines e comprise d a n overwhelmin g major ity o f laborer s wh o lai d th e trac k o f th e Centra l Pacifi c throug h th e Sierra Nevad a i n th e 1860s . In 187 0 Chines e miner s accounte d fo r a fifth o f al l miner s i n Montana , a quarte r i n Californi a an d Washington , and mor e tha n hal f i n Orego n an d Idaho . In 188 6 nearl y 9 0 percen t o f all farm laborer s i n Californi a wer e Chinese . In 188 5 a Japanese exodu s bega n afte r th e empero r revoke d a ban o n emigration. Japan' s populatio n explosio n wa s greate r tha n tha t o f an y Western country . However , onl y fro m 189 1 onwar d di d mor e tha n 1,000 Japanes e com e i n an y on e year . I n th e 1880 s an d 1890 s mos t immigrants wen t t o Hawai i t o wor k o n America n suga r plantation s a s contract laborers . Afte r th e annexatio n o f Hawai i i n 189 8 the y coul d travel t o th e Unite d States . What prospectiv e immigrant s learne d abou t th e United State s was no t all hearsay . Ther e wer e man y travelers ' tales . Mor e important , ther e were advertisement s i n guidebooks , pamphlets , an d newspapers . Fo r example, th e guideboo k Where to Emigrate and Why wa s publishe d b y "Americus" i n 1869 . I t describe d journey s b y lan d an d sea , calculate d the cost , an d reporte d o n wage s i n th e Unite d States . I t wa s on e o f a series o f tract s describin g th e advantage s o f lif e i n America . Th e gospe l was no t onl y tha t o f wealt h an d economi c opportunit y bu t als o o f political equalit y an d religiou s tolerance . Prospective immigrant s wer e show n why , where , an d ho w t o go . Steamships ha d revolutionize d th e transatlanti c traffic . I n 1867 , 92.8 6 percent o f passenger s arrive d i n Ne w Yor k b y steamship . O f al l th e benefits th e mos t significan t wa s a shorte r journey . Th e ol d sailin g ship s took fro m on e t o thre e month s t o cros s th e Atlantic . Th e crossin g b y steam lasted , o n average , fourtee n day s i n 186 7 an d onl y five and a hal f days forty year s later. The journey wa s muc h safer , fo r ship s were gettin g bigger an d better . Th e introductio n o f stee l hulls , improve d boilers , an d the tripl e expansio n engin e mad e possibl e ship s o f 5,00 0 tons . Eac h could accommodat e abou t 30 0 passenger s first clas s an d mor e tha n 1,000 i n th e steerage . During th e Civi l War , Britis h an d Germa n steamshi p line s seize d th e bulk o f th e transatlanti c traffi c fro m America n companies . Line s suc h a s the Inma n an d Cunar d fro m Liverpool , th e Hamburg-Amerik a fro m Hamburg, an d th e North Germa n Lloy d fro m Breme n buil t ne w fleets of
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passenger ship s an d expande d thei r trade . The y wer e joine d b y ne w lines: b y 188 2 ther e wer e 4 8 steamshi p companie s competin g wit h on e another i n the Atlantic . Steamship companie s proudl y advertise d thei r facilities . I t was sai d i n 1890 tha t th e five larges t shippin g line s ha d 3,60 0 agent s i n th e Britis h Isles alone . Th e Frenc h line , Compagni e General e Transatlantique , em ployed 5 5 agents , eac h wit h 20 0 o r 30 0 subagent s workin g part-time . Moreover, ther e wer e als o agencie s throughou t th e Unite d State s wher e Americans coul d bu y ticket s fo r thei r relative s abroad . I n 189 0 nearl y a third o f immigrant s arrive d o n prepai d tickets ; i n 1900 , almos t two thirds. Specifi c fund s t o assis t immigrant s wer e als o provide d b y publi c organizations an d privat e individuals . Ove r th e year s th e sum s raise d and distribute d wer e considerable . Betwee n 184 7 an d 188 7 Iris h immi grants receive d £3 4 millio n i n advanc e t o pa y fo r thei r journey . Immi grants fro m Austria-Hungar y receive d $9 5 millio n betwee n 189 3 a n d 1903. During th e 1880 s th e immigratio n trad e becam e a matte r o f fierce competition amon g Britis h an d Germa n steamshi p companies . On e re sult o f thes e rat e war s wa s a temporary reductio n i n fare s fro m £ 3 o r £ 4 ($15 o r $20 ) t o £ 2 ($10) . Ye t steamshi p line s als o entere d "pools " i n much th e sam e wa y America n railroad s did . Thus , i n 188 6 Britis h line s agreed wit h Hamburg-Amerik a t o divid e th e traffi c an d retai n thei r profits. Britis h companie s woul d limi t thei r crossing s fro m Hamburg . I n return th e Germa n compan y woul d giv e up its service from Gothenburg . In fact , Germa n line s wer e bette r situate d t o serv e immigrant s fro m southern an d easter n Europ e tha n wer e th e British . Durin g a choler a epidemic i n 189 2 th e Germa n governmen t se t u p station s fo r medica l inspections alon g th e frontier s wit h Austri a an d Russia . Bu t the authori ties wen t further . The y encourage d th e Hamburg-Amerik a an d Nort h German Lloy d companie s t o scree n passenger s fo r commercia l reasons . Thus emigrant s wit h ticket s fo r Britis h ship s wer e delaye d unles s the y agreed t o trave l o n Germa n ship s instead . Britis h companie s retaliate d by finding alternativ e route s t o Liverpoo l fo r souther n an d easter n Eu ropeans whic h avoide d Germany . The y als o introduce d direc t route s t o the Unite d State s fro m Liba n (Lepaya ) i n th e Baltic , an d fro m Naples , Genoa, Palermo , an d Triest e i n th e Mediterranean . Thu s immigratio n was no w possibl e fro m th e whol e o f Europ e an d no t jus t th e northwest . At th e tur n o f th e centur y Britis h an d Germa n companie s agree d t o
In thi s gracefu l drawin g b y Kenyo n Co x (1856—1919) , Liberty , wit h rap t expression , wearing a laure l wreat h an d classica l clothe s bu t carryin g a camera , lead s eage r immi grants o f al l age s t o th e lan d o f freedom , i n a n idealize d scen e o f pastora l solicitud e tha t was a t odd s wit h man y immigrants ' firsthand experience s o f th e ra w disorde r o f cit y tenements o r th e lonelines s o f solitar y homesteads . (Librar y o f Congress. )
resolve thei r differences . The y forme d th e Nort h Atlantic , Continental , and Mediterranea n Steamshi p Conference s t o en d rat e war s an d reduc e competition. Whatever thei r origins , northwes t Europ e wa s stil l th e mai n poin t o f departure fo r immigrant s i n 1891 . Som e 110,00 0 lef t fro m Liverpool ; 82,000 fro m Hamburg ; 68,00 0 fro m Bremen ; 36,00 0 fro m Antwerp ; 25,000 eac h fro m Rotterda m an d L e Havre ; 23,00 0 fro m Glasgo w an d other smalle r port s i n norther n Europe . Onl y 50,00 0 lef t directl y fro m the Mediterranean. I n additio n t o Ne w York , ship s lef t Liverpoo l boun d for Boston , Ne w Orleans , Philadelphia, an d Quebec . Because th e ne w ship s wer e buil t especiall y fo r passengers , thei r ac commodation wa s superio r t o tha t o f sailin g ships . Yet fo r severa l year s the steerag e remaine d dark , dank , an d foul . I n 186 7 the New Yor k Stat e Commissioners o f Emigratio n reporte d th e scandalou s treatmen t o f 54 4 German passenger s o n th e Leibnitz. I t too k sevent y day s t o reac h Ne w York fro m Hamburg . On e hundre d an d twent y immigrant s wer e con fined t o th e steerag e beneat h a carg o o f woo l an d hides . The y ha d littl e light an d les s ventilation. Passenger s receive d onl y hal f a pint o f wate r a day wherea s the y wer e entitle d t o thre e quarts . Th e foo d wa s partl y rotted. Th e medicin e ches t wa s paltr y an d it s supplie s wer e exhauste d
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after tw o weeks . There was no doctor. There were only six water closets . People simpl y use d th e decks : urin e an d excremen t flowe d fro m th e upper t o th e lower . I n al l 10 8 die d o f malnutritio n o r asphyxiation . Their corpse s remaine d o n boar d fo r hours , covere d i n excremen t an d vermin. Frederic k Kassner , wh o inspecte d th e shi p in Ne w York , coul d not discove r a spo t o n ladder s o r rope s clea n enoug h t o pu t dow n hi s hands an d feet . This wa s a n extrem e case , yet passenger s stil l ra n a ris k o f epidemics . Cholera struc k dow n hundred s o f Germa n immigrant s travelin g o n thre e National Lin e ship s fro m Rotterda m i n 1866 . Two year s late r ther e wa s an outbreak o f smallpo x o n anothe r Nationa l shi p carrying Swedes fro m Liverpool. Anothe r choler a epidemic , thi s tim e amon g Russia n Jew s o n Hamburg-Amerika ship s i n 1892 , le d t o th e Unite d State s imposin g quarantine restriction s tha t brough t immigratio n t o a temporar y halt . During th e Gilde d Age , however , th e averag e numbe r o f death s a t se a was les s than on e percent . Improvements i n accommodation , maintenance , an d welfar e wer e largely th e resul t o f governmen t action . Accordin g t o th e America n Passenger Ac t o f 1855 , stil l i n operatio n afte r th e Civi l War , th e Unite d States declare d tha t eac h dec k ha d t o hav e a heigh t o f a t leas t si x feet . Each passenge r wa s t o hav e spac e o f sixtee n squar e fee t o n th e to p dec k and eightee n o n th e lowe r deck , an d a bert h si x fee t lon g b y tw o fee t wide. The la w insisted tha t ship s provided passenger s wit h cooke d rathe r than ra w food . Moreove r th e tota l numbe r o f passenger s carrie d coul d not b e mor e tha n hal f th e ship' s tonnage . However , i n th e firs t si x months o f 188 0 n o fewe r tha n thirty-fou r ship s arrive d i n Ne w Yor k carrying fa r mor e passenger s tha n th e la w allowed . I n 188 2 Congres s made more stringent provisions . It decided tha t adult s an d olde r childre n were eac h t o hav e spac e o f 10 0 cubi c feet , 12 0 i f o n th e lowes t deck . Passengers wer e t o b e serve d thre e meal s a day , a tota l o f 1V 2 Nav y rations. Th e captai n wa s require d t o se t standard s o f disciplin e an d hygiene. Th e compan y woul d incu r a fin e o f $1 0 fo r ever y deat h o n board. Mos t commentator s agree d th e la w coul d no t b e enforced . The mas s Iris h exodu s o f th e 1840 s prompte d th e Britis h governmen t to pas s it s ow n Passenge r Acts . They establishe d code s o f practic e i n th e matters o f provisions , capacity, hygiene , ventilation, an d medicine . The y also insiste d tha t passengers ' right s wer e full y advertised . An d the y appointed emigratio n officer s t o se e tha t th e la w wa s enforced . Emi -
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grants' right s wer e als o se t ou t b y German y i n 189 7 an d Ital y i n 188 8 and 1901 . The Italia n ac t o f 190 1 containe d on e radica l requirement , a ship's docto r responsibl e fo r passengers ' healt h an d welfar e alike . By th e 1890 s accommodatio n wa s bette r fo r some . Willia m Smith , a Yorkshire travele r t o Ne w Yor k i n 1891 , noted tha t steerag e passenger s on th e Majestic ha d a smokin g room , famil y cabins , baths , an d a n ope n deck. Thi s wa s th e beginnin g o f a genuin e thir d clas s o n Britis h liners . The ol d steerag e accommodatio n stil l serve d th e majorit y aboar d conti nental vessels . Some immigrant s wer e onl y intereste d i n temporar y employmen t a t high wages , whic h the y coul d obtai n i n America n mine s an d textil e factories. Th e steamship , capabl e o f regular , rapid , an d reliabl e cross ings, mad e i t possible fo r Britis h an d Germa n worker s t o mov e betwee n eastern an d wester n hemisphere s i n respons e t o seasona l demand . Thes e "swallows" travele d t o Americ a eac h sprin g an d returne d t o Europ e i n the fall . Thu s transatlanti c traffi c no w move d i n tw o directions . Ther e were time s followin g th e depressio n o f 187 3 whe n eastboun d exceede d westbound traffic . States an d railroad s wer e eve n mor e responsibl e tha n steamshi p com panies fo r stimulatin g immigration . Wel l befor e th e war , Michiga n an d Wisconsin ha d mad e concerte d effort s t o attrac t immigrants . After 186 5 almost al l th e northwester n state s an d territorie s forme d separat e agen cies. The y wante d t o dispos e o f unsol d lan d an d the y realize d tha t increased populatio n wa s essentia l fo r materia l growth . I n 187 0 mid western governor s hel d a national conventio n o n immigratio n i n Indian apolis. I t wa s attende d b y delegate s fro m twenty-tw o state s wh o peti tioned Congres s t o establis h a nationa l burea u o f immigratio n i n plac e of th e on e close d dow n i n 1868 . Th e depressio n o f 187 3 P u t t o r e s t many o f th e thirty-three stat e bureau s the n i n existence . State bureau s concentrate d thei r effort s o n Britain , Germany , an d Scandinavia. Thei r pamphlet s an d newspape r advertisement s empha sized futur e prospects . I n Minnesota, the Empire State of the NorthWest (1878) , Minnesot a claime d i t coul d suppor t fiv e millio n people . This wa s tw o year s befor e a censu s tha t recorde d fewe r tha n 800,000 . Before i t eve n becam e a stat e Colorad o ha d establishe d a boar d o f immigration tha t circulate d report s o n railroad s an d rea l estate . Accord ing t o Colorado, A Statement of Facts (1872) , "Th e poo r shoul d com e to Colorado , becaus e her e the y ca n b y industry an d frugalit y bette r thei r
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condition. Th e ric h shoul d com e her e becaus e the y ca n mor e advanta geously inves t thei r mean s tha n i n an y othe r region . Th e youn g shoul d come her e t o ge t a n earl y star t o n th e roa d t o wealth. " Th e state s wer e in competitio n wit h on e anothe r an d als o with th e territories. Both Iow a and Minnesot a trie d t o undermin e th e campaig n t o settl e Dakot a i n th e 18 60s. The y publishe d article s o n th e hazard s o f lif e there—droughts , blizzards, an d hostil e Indians . The Sout h als o trie d t o attrac t immigrants . I t wante d chea p labo r t o replace th e supposedl y laz y blacks . South Carolin a se t u p th e firs t immi gration agenc y i n an y souther n stat e i n 1866 . A mor e genera l agency , the Souther n Immigratio n Associatio n o f America , wa s organize d i n Louisville, Kentucky , i n 1883 . Bu t it s campaign s wer e ineffective . Th e South ha d almos t n o unsol d lan d t o dispos e of . Moreove r ther e wa s little large-scal e industry . Therefor e immigrant s wen t elsewhere , belate d proof tha t slaver y wa s no t th e reaso n wh y earlie r immigrant s ha d als o done so . Thu s th e Sout h ha d fewe r immigrant s tha n Manhatta n o r Brooklyn an d no t man y mor e tha n Chicago . Some historian s believ e tha t railroad s wer e th e mos t significan t pro motional agencie s a t the turn o f the century. They were especially impor tant i n dispersin g immigrants . They ha d vas t tracts o f lan d t o dispos e of , and the y coul d offe r transpor t t o reac h it . Th e Kansa s Pacific , Missour i Pacific, Sant a Fe , an d Wisconsi n Centra l al l distribute d booklets . Th e Santa F e eve n appointe d a Europea n agent , C . B . Schmidt . In 187 5 n e visited Russi a t o arrang e passages fo r Mennonite s wh o settle d in Kansas . In Californi a railroa d magnate s helpe d foun d th e Californi a Immigran t Union i n 1869 . Th e railroads ' lavis h inducement s t o immigrant s in cluded reduce d fare s b y se a an d land , loan s a t lo w rate s o f interest , classes in farming , an d th e buildin g o f churche s an d schools . Notwithstanding thei r self-interest , th e railroads ' policie s t o immi grants wer e fa r mor e benevolen t tha n thei r practice s t o thei r nativ e clientele. I t wa s railroa d polic y t o establis h homogeneou s communities . Thus th e railroad s helpe d determin e th e ethni c compositio n o f th e Wes t and Midwest . Mos t activ e wa s th e Burlington . T o sel l it s thre e millio n acres o f lan d i n Iow a an d Nebrask a i t publishe d a monthl y newspape r in 187 5 a n d 1876 . Annual edition s wer e translated int o German , Czech , Norwegian, an d Swedish . It s Londo n agent , Edwar d Edgington , wh o also worke d fo r th e Iow a Boar d o f Immigration , mounte d a massiv e publicity campaig n i n Britain betwee n 187 0 an d 1875 . Thus the Burling -
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ton installe d British , German , an d Scandinavia n settlement s i n Iow a an d Nebraska. The keynot e o f suc h campaign s wa s no t wealt h alone : i t wa s als o independence. A Norther n Pacifi c advertisemen t place d i n th e Sherborne, Dorchester and Taunton Journal ( a newspape r i n th e wes t o f England) o n Jun e 13 , 1872 , summe d u p th e railroads ' genera l appeal : "For th e amoun t o f a singl e year' s renta l i n Grea t Britain , a Britis h tenant-farmer ca n obtai n i n Minnesot a th e freehol d o f a larg e an d productive farm. " Thu s th e Norther n induce d British , German , an d Scandinavian immigrant s t o settl e i n Dakota, Minnesota , an d th e Pacifi c Northwest. I t was credited wit h doublin g thei r population betwee n 188 0 and 1900 . Railroa d agents , whos e jo b wa s t o sel l lan d t o Europeans , were als o abl e t o assur e prospectiv e settler s tha t the y coul d alway s fin d work whil e railroa d constructio n wa s i n progress . I n i86 # th e Centra l Pacific advertise d tha t i t woul d "emplo y al l th e labo r tha t ma y b e offered" i n construction wor k a t $3 0 a month plu s board. Betwee n 187 0 and 187 3 t n e Lak e Superio r an d Mississipp i Railroa d advertise d con struction wor k i n the Skandinavisk Post. By th e 1890 s ther e wa s littl e railroa d lan d availabl e a t price s immi grants coul d afford . Othe r lan d wa s i n area s unattractiv e t o them . Thu s by th e clos e o f th e centur y mos t railroad s ha d close d thei r Europea n agencies. The en d o f thei r recruitmen t campaign s coincide d wit h a natu ral decline i n immigratio n fro m Britain , Germany , an d Scandinavia . Integration The firs t stag e i n th e integratio n o f immigrant s int o America n societ y was thei r reception . I n 185 5 Ne w Yor k Stat e establishe d a receptio n center i n Manhatta n a t th e ol d for t dow n a t th e Battery , Castl e Garden . Immigrants arrivin g a t th e Por t o f Ne w Yor k firs t wen t throug h quaran tine a t State n Island , nex t throug h custom s a t a doc k o n th e Hudso n o r East River , an d finally t o Castl e Garden . I t wa s her e tha t the y wer e registered an d coul d mak e arrangement s fo r thei r ne w life . Castl e Gar den ha d it s own labo r bureau , separat e fro m th e receptio n center , wher e immigrants me t employers . However , fe w employer s wer e awar e o f it s existence, an d no t unti l 188 0 di d request s fo r skille d worker s excee d th e supply. British , German , an d Iris h immigrant s wer e give n th e pic k o f available jobs . Others wer e lef t t o fen d fo r themselves .
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In 189 2 th e federa l governmen t opene d a ne w immigratio n depot . Ellis Islan d ha d onc e bee n a picni c resor t an d wa s late r a n arsenal . No w ships docke d i n th e harbor , an d immigrant s wer e ferrie d t o th e islan d where al l stages—quarantine , customs , an d registration—wer e com pleted. Registratio n covered , i n turn , name , nationality , las t residence , destination, occupation , age , sex, marita l status , number i n family , liter acy, amoun t o f money , whethe r a forme r prisone r o r pauper , health , vessel, an d date . Th e clerks ' method s wer e rough-and-ready , thei r knowledge o f othe r language s rudimentary . I f immigratio n statistic s ar e misleading, it is largely du e to them. They were quite likely to call Czech s Germans, an d Serb s Hungarians . Th e Jewish Cooperstei n becam e Cooper , the Dutc h Ko k becam e Cook , an d th e Gree k Kiriacopouli s becam e Campbell. On e Germa n Jew wa s so confused b y the barrage o f question s that h e forgo t hi s ow n name . "Ic h vergesse, " h e admitte d whe n asked . The cler k accordingl y registere d hi m a s Ferguson . During th e Gilde d Ag e 8 0 percen t o f immigrant s settle d i n a north eastern quadrilatera l betwee n Canada , th e Atlantic , Washington , D.C. , and St . Louis , Missouri . Two-third s remaine d i n Ne w Englan d an d i n New York , Ne w Jersey , an d Pennsylvania . I n 189 0 ther e wer e 9 millio n first-generation immigrant s i n th e Unite d States . O f thes e 2.7 5 millio n were Germans . Hal f live d i n five states : Illinois , Michigan , Missouri , Iowa, an d Wisconsin . The y constitute d th e singl e larges t ethni c grou p i n twenty-seven states . Th e Iris h accounte d fo r 2 million , an d nearl y two thirds live d i n Ne w Englan d an d th e Middl e Atlanti c states . Almos t 1 million wer e Canadians . Those fro m th e French provinces settle d i n Ne w England; thos e fro m th e Britis h areas , i n th e state s borderin g th e Grea t Lakes. There wer e 1 million English , 250,00 0 Scots , and 100,00 0 Wels h —all widel y scattered . O f th e 900,00 0 Scandinavians , mos t live d wes t of th e Grea t Lakes . One-fift h live d i n Minnesot a (whic h acquire d ove r 400 Swedis h plac e names ) an d one-sevent h i n Illinois . Finn s als o settle d in Massachusett s an d Michigan . Th e remainin g first-generation immi grants include d 250,00 0 peopl e fro m othe r part s o f northwester n Eu rope, 750,00 0 fro m easter n an d centra l Europe , an d 100,00 0 Chinese . Immigrants fro m Austria-Hungar y an d Russi a settle d chiefl y i n Massa chusetts, Ne w York , Ne w Jersey , Pennsylvania , an d Illinois . Th e grea t majority o f Italian s move d t o Californi a an d Illinois . Th e Portugues e settled b y th e sea , i n Massachusett s an d Rhod e Islan d o n th e Atlanti c and i n Californi a o n th e Pacific .
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It wa s principall y th e Industria l Revolutio n wit h it s splendi d promis e of opportunit y tha t ha d attracte d immigrants , ol d an d new . Indeed , without massiv e immigration th e United State s could no t have develope d industrially a t anythin g lik e th e rat e i t did . I n 1890 , 5 6 percen t o f th e labor forc e i n manufacturin g an d mechanica l industrie s wa s o f foreig n birth o r foreig n parentage . No t surprisingly , publi c opinio n hel d Ameri can industr y responsibl e fo r increase d immigration . A s Wels h historia n Maldwyn Jone s explains , i t assume d tha t betwee n 1864 , when Congres s made contrac t labo r lega l i n th e Ac t t o Encourag e Immigration , an d 1885, whe n i t forbad e i t i n th e Fora n Act , America n industrialist s im ported chea p labo r fo r th e expres s purpos e o f depressin g wage s an d breaking strikes . Th e stead y flow o f immigrants , read y t o seiz e an y opportunity, ma y hav e had tha t effect . Bu t i t was no t par t o f a capitalis t plot. Fo r th e 186 4 ac t fel l fa r shor t o f th e aim s o f it s Republica n sponsors. Congres s appropriate d $25,00 0 t o establis h a Commissio n o f Immigration withi n th e Stat e Department an d a United State s Immigran t Office i n th e Por t o f Ne w York . Bu t th e Unite d State s neve r provide d immigrants wit h financial assistance , an d th e bureau wa s closed dow n i n 1868. Financia l suppor t wa s lef t t o privat e enterprise , whethe r busines s or union . Contract labo r wa s a ne w versio n o f th e indentur e syste m o f colonia l times. Worker s agree d t o a perio d o f servic e i n retur n fo r havin g thei r fares t o Americ a prepaid . Bu t th e syste m wa s no w use d t o brin g ove r skilled worker s fo r specialize d jobs . I t wa s no t use d t o impor t masse s o f unskilled laborers . Minin g companie s i n particula r welcome d skille d immigrants. The y len t miner s thei r far e an d a thir d o f th e fare s o f thei r families i n retur n fo r tw o years ' wor k a t hal f pay—abou t $1 0 a month . According t o th e censu s o f 1870 , hal f o f th e miner s i n Americ a wer e first-generation immigrant s fro m Britai n an d Ireland . Beginning i n th e 1860s , first i n Ne w Yor k an d Chicag o an d the n elsewhere, privat e firms bega n t o suppl y labo r o n commission . Fo r a brief perio d i n th e 1860 s th e America n Emigran t Compan y trie d t o ru n an internationa l labo r agency . I t sough t assistanc e fo r passage s fo r pro spective immigrants . Bu t it s activitie s i n Europ e fel l fou l o f manufactur ers an d government s alike . I t coul d no t mak e end s mee t an d i n 186 7 gave up th e attemp t t o procure contrac t labor . There wa s als o a Lati n variatio n o n th e them e o f contrac t labor . Immigration fro m th e sout h o f Ital y wa s promote d b y padroni. Th e
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padrone syste m passe d throug h tw o phases . A t first th e padrone wa s a n independent bos s wh o collecte d childre n fro m villages . H e traine d the m as stree t musician s an d acrobat s an d too k the m t o Americ a t o ear n a living. Th e practic e wa s mad e illega l an d die d out . Th e Italia n vic e consul i n Ne w Yor k assure d th e For d committe e investigatin g immigra tion i n 188 8 tha t ther e wer e n o longe r an y padroni i n operation. Bu t th e system ha d changed . Ne w padroni no w acte d i n associatio n wit h Italia n travel an d labo r bureaus . The y recruite d unskille d laborer s i n Ital y an d put the m unde r contrac t a t a fixed wage . They advance d mone y t o cove r traveling expense s an d boarde d the m i n America . Loan s wer e t o b e repaid a t 6 percen t interest . Th e For d committe e discovere d tha t immi grants sometime s ra n u p debt s o f $7 0 i n retur n fo r passage s originall y worth onl y $20 . I n 189 9 ther e wer e eight y Italia n bank s i n Ne w York , most o f whic h ra n labo r bureaus . Abou t two-third s o f th e Italia n wor k force i n th e cit y owe d the m an d th e padroni thei r livelihood . For a lon g tim e i t wa s sai d tha t immigrant s foun d employmen t ac cording t o thei r physica l an d menta l abilities . Thus , Pole s an d Slav s worked i n heav y industr y becaus e the y wer e suppose d t o b e strong , stupid, an d submissive . Englis h worker s wer e note d fo r thei r skil l an d versatility. Fo r example , cutler s fro m Sheffield , wh o ha d ha d a long an d careful training , wer e i n specia l deman d becaus e the y coul d tur n thei r hand t o anythin g i n th e iro n industry . I n Ne w Yor k an d Chicago , Russian Jews , widel y know n fo r thei r dexterity , mad e women' s clothe s their particula r specialty . However, wh o worke d wher e an d whe n depende d o n al l sort s o f social an d economi c factors . French-Canadian s worke d i n th e textil e factories o f Ne w Englan d becaus e thei r immigratio n coincide d wit h increased deman d fo r labo r i n th e cotto n mill s o f state s nea r Quebec . Moreover, th e mill s o f Maine , Massachusetts , an d Rhod e Islan d hire d women an d childre n a s wel l a s men . Thus , whol e familie s coul d b e employed together . Th e clothin g industr y wa s no t attractiv e t o Russia n Jews becaus e i t offere d wor k t o wome n an d children . Thei r wome n usually staye d a t hom e afte r marriage . Thei r childre n staye d a t schoo l until the y wer e i n thei r teens . Th e principa l attractio n o f th e ra g trad e was a s a n avenu e t o commerce . Pa y wa s b y piecework ; earning s wer e related t o individua l effort . Worker s coul d therefor e amas s capita l an d invest i n their ow n businesses .
Inauguration o f th e Statu e o f Liberty : a militar y an d nava l salut e i n Ne w Yor k Harbo r following th e dedicatio n b y Presiden t Grove r Clevelan d o n Octobe r 28 , 1886 . Give n b y the Thir d Frenc h Republi c t o th e Unite d State s i n commemoratio n o f it s Centennia l i n 1876, th e immens e Statu e o f Liberty , 15 1 fee t hig h an d weighin g 22 5 tons , wa s designe d by sculpto r Frederic-August e Barthold i an d mad e o f coppe r sheet s mounte d o n fou r hug e steel support s designe d b y Alexandr e Eiffel . Th e statu e wa s soo n identifie d wit h th e as pirations o f immigrants , especiall y thos e fleein g oppression—althoug h som e continue d t o fear it s monumenta l broodin g presence , wonderin g i f i t wer e th e tom b o f Christophe r Columbus. (Phot o b y H . O'Neill , take n fro m a steamer , Patrol; Librar y o f Congress. )
Acculturation "We cal l Englan d th e mothe r country, " observe d humoris t Rober t Benchley, "becaus e mos t o f u s com e fro m Polan d o r Italy. " Indeed , i t was onl y th e Britis h wit h conspicuou s advantage s o f languag e an d liter acy wh o remaine d indifferen t t o America n citizenship . In 189 0 mor e than hal f o f the first-generatio n immigrant s ha d alread y bee n naturalize d and man y other s ha d filed fo r citizenship . The immigrant' s ke y t o accul -
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turation i n America wa s his new citizenship . It confirmed a new identity . For a lon g time , however , immigrant s wer e America n onl y i n name . Their language , customs , an d religion s wer e quit e differen t fro m thos e of man y natives . Their live s revolved aroun d thei r ow n ethni c group . Certainly, th e cultur e o f ethni c ghetto s owe d littl e t o Englis h tradi tion. Th e facade s o f cit y house s an d apartmen t block s woul d no t hav e been ou t o f plac e i n continenta l Europe : Ne w Yor k City' s Orchar d Street wa s reminiscen t o f ol d Vienna , Heste r Stree t o f Warsaw . Tast e and smel l wer e a s muc h affecte d a s sigh t an d sound . Th e ne w America n cuisine included Iris h stew , Hungarian goulash , Germa n liverwurst , Rus sian borscht , Rumania n pastrami , Italia n lasagne , Gree k moussaka , an d Jewish bagel s an d lox . In thei r ne w an d alie n environmen t immigrant s require d specia l ser vices: mutua l ai d societies ; foreig n languag e businesse s an d newspapers ; churches an d synagogue s fo r culture , ceremony , an d consolation . Orga nizations lik e th e Illinoi s Immigrants ' Protectiv e Leagu e an d th e Nort h American Civi c Leagu e fo r Immigrant s wer e primaril y concerne d wit h integrating thei r member s int o America n society . Of al l th e differen t ethni c group s th e Jew s wer e mos t prepare d t o unite for th e sake of their peopl e a s a whole. Successive Russian pogrom s provided a continuou s reminde r o f cultura l obligation s t o other s i n distress. Moreover , Jewis h religiou s observanc e preserve d cultura l iden tity an d solidarity . A s earl y a s i86 0 ther e wer e 2 7 synagogue s i n Ne w York City . Wit h th e passin g year s man y Germa n Jew s becam e Ameri canized i n thei r attitude s t o teachin g an d services . Thei r refor m move ment wa s give n theologica l respectabilit y b y the arriva l o f learne d rabbi s from Europe . Th e mos t influentia l wa s Isaa c Wise , wh o publishe d th e Israelite an d mad e Cincinnat i th e cente r o f Refor m Judaism . B y 189 0 there wer e mor e member s o f Refor m tha n Orthodo x synagogues . Ye t without th e whi p o f persecutio n religio n flagged. Man y Russia n Jew s came t o prefe r socialis m t o religion . The influ x o f Russia n an d othe r easter n Europea n Jew s prompte d th e established communit y t o offe r hel p b y wa y o f th e Hebre w Immigran t Aid Society , th e Educationa l Alliance , an d othe r organizations . Th e newcomers dislike d takin g charit y fro m Americanize d Jew s an d wer e quite capabl e o f foundin g thei r ow n Hebre w Shelterin g Societ y i n 1890 . They als o establishe d 30 0 school s t o teac h Hebrew . Thes e newcomer s brought a n intens e piety , sustaine d b y stric t religiou s observance , an d
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deep commitmen t t o secula r causes—socialism , anarchism , an d Zion ism. The Roma n Catholi c Churc h wa s the churc h o f immigrants . After th e Civil Wa r ther e wer e 4 2 diocese s an d 3,00 0 churches . I n 190 0 ther e were 7 0 diocese s an d 10,00 0 churches . A s historia n Joh n Higha m ex plains, "Immigratio n transforme d th e churc h int o a n ethni c fortress. " Yet the Roma n Catholi c Churc h becam e a source o f controvers y amon g immigrants rathe r tha n a mean s o f assimilation . Whe n th e Iris h firs t arrived, i t wa s th e onl y institutio n read y t o accep t them . Bu t i t wa s ambiguous abou t th e Iris h movemen t fo r Hom e Rule . Churchme n wer e sympathetic t o th e ide a o f Iris h independenc e fro m Protestan t England . But the y realize d tha t th e remova l o f Iris h member s fro m th e Britis h Parliament woul d weake n th e representatio n o f Catholic s there . The y also resente d secre t societie s suc h a s th e Fenians . Furthermore , the y distrusted th e Irish movement a s a nationalist rathe r tha n religiou s cause . However, othe r ethni c group s though t tha t th e Iris h wer e gettin g mor e than thei r fai r shar e o f attentio n fro m th e church . I n 188 6 th e Reveren d Peter M . Abbelen , vica r genera l o f th e Dioces e o f Milwaukee , com plained t o th e Vatican tha t Iris h bishop s wer e hostile to Germa n culture . In 189 1 th e St . Raphaelsverein , a societ y fo r th e protectio n o f Germa n immigrants, wen t further . I t submitte d th e Lucern e Memoria l t o th e Vatican. Thi s wa s a petitio n askin g tha t eac h ethni c grou p shoul d hav e its ow n priest s an d parishes . Officiall y th e churc h refused . Tacitl y i t complied. The foreig n languag e newspape r wa s a crucia l immigran t institution . It nourishe d grou p solidarity . Betwee n 188 4 an d 1920 , 3,50 0 ne w for eign languag e paper s appeared . I n 1890 , 80 0 o f th e foreig n languag e papers wer e German , three-quarter s o f th e tota l number . A fe w wer e city dailie s suc h a s th e New Yorker Staatszeitung, th e Anzeiger des Western o f St . Louis , th e Cincinnati Volkesblatt, an d th e Wisconsin Banner. Mos t o f the others were Scandinavian, French , or Spanish. Late r on, mor e group s wer e represented . Th e firs t pape r eve r publishe d i n Lithuanian wa s i n America , no t Europe . Onl y a fractio n survived , an d the total numbe r o f foreign-languag e paper s increase d onl y a little, fro m 794 t o 1,052 . The loca l political bos s gave immigrants employment , protection , an d housing. I t wa s h e the y repaid . A s Oscar Handli n put s it , "Th e machin e was the means through whic h th e immigrants sough t service s no one else
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performed." Firs t i n th e field wer e Iris h machines . Th e heyda y o f Iris h bosses wa s fro m 187 0 t o 1920 . The Iris h ha d arrive d earlie r and , unlik e many wh o followed , spok e English . The y als o kne w ho w democrati c government wa s suppose d t o work . A s Leonar d Dinnerstei n an d Davi d Reimers acutel y observe , "Fo r tw o centurie s the y ha d bee n oppresse d b y the Englis h i n Irelan d an d durin g tha t perio d the y ha d learne d ho w Anglo-Saxon la w coul d b e manipulate d t o satisf y th e end s o f thos e wh o governed an d wor k agains t thos e wh o di d not. " Fro m th e Catholi c church the y learne d organizatio n an d discipline . Thus , amon g ethni c groups the y alon e ha d th e understandin g an d technique s t o dominat e politics afte r th e Civi l War . "Hones t John " Kelly , Richar d Croker , an d Charles F. Murphy i n succession rule d Tamman y Hall . Mike McDonald , Johnny Rogers , Michae l ("Hink y Dink" ) Kenna , an d "Bathhous e John " Joseph Coughli n dominate d Chicago . Colone l E d Butle r wa s th e Demo cratic bos s wh o rule d th e Republica n cit y o f St . Louis . Hug h O'Brie n became first i n a lon g lin e o f Iris h mayor s o f Boston . Thes e me n le d th e first an d mos t endurin g ethni c blo c i n America n politics . O n th e whole , the Iris h remaine d loya l t o th e Democrat s an d resiste d Republica n at tempts t o entic e them away . Although th e politica l contributio n o f ne w immigrant s was , a t first, hesitant, thei r cultura l contributio n wa s distinctiv e fro m th e outset . Through th e simultaneou s experience s o f displacemen t an d assimilatio n many second-generatio n immigrant s showe d a specia l feelin g fo r th e theater. Playin g a part an d projectin g a personality wer e secon d nature . It wa s i n theate r tha t Jewis h artistr y i n particula r first achieve d it s fullest expression . Thre e Yiddis h theater s o n Ne w York' s Bower y spe cialized i n proble m plays . The plot s wer e draw n fro m comi c opera s an d melodramas, th e dialogu e fro m vaudevill e patter . The y wer e immensel y popular amon g audience s o f al l classes . I t i s estimate d tha t 2 millio n people attende d 1,10 0 performance s eac h yea r a t the turn o f th e century . The extraordinar y popularit y o f th e Yiddis h theate r wa s du e t o it s realism. I n th e play s o f Jaco b Gordi n audience s coul d recogniz e an d identify wit h situation s fro m everyda y life . Th e mos t influentia l state ment abou t assimilatio n wa s The Melting Pot (1908) , a pla y b y Israe l Zangwill, a n Englis h Jew . Th e subsequen t contributio n o f America n Jews t o vaudeville, radio, and cinem a becam e a legend o f sho w business . Their contributio n t o America n literatur e wa s als o outstanding . I t bega n with Yekl: A Tale of the New York Ghetto (1896 ) b y Abraha m Cahan ,
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the firs t nove l o f America n immigrant s writte n b y a naturalize d citize n in English . The phenomeno n o f apparentl y sudden , spontaneous , an d excep tional Jewish creativit y i n th e field s o f music , art , an d later , scienc e wa s so astonishing afte r centurie s o f silence that i t requires some explanation . Emancipation fro m on e worl d an d receptio n int o anothe r provid e onl y part o f th e answer . Englis h politica l scientis t Brya n Mage e ha s define d and analyze d th e phenomenon. H e calls his article "O f Jews—No t Leas t in Music " (1968 ) becaus e i t i s in musi c tha t h e finds th e Jewish achieve ment s o striking . Hi s argument , b y extension , account s fo r newfoun d creativity amon g othe r immigrants . H e dismisse s a n obviou s explana tion, tha t th e cultura l achievemen t o f Jew s a t th e tur n o f th e centur y arose fro m thei r uniqu e religiou s tradition . Becaus e Judais m i s b y an d large authoritaria n i t doe s no t allo w it s basi c value s t o b e questioned . Originality i s inimica l t o close d religiou s an d politica l systems , bu t i t i s essential t o trul y creativ e art , which expresse s th e artist' s consciou s idea s and need s and hi s subconscious conflict s an d desires . Throughout centra l and easter n Europe , Jew s ha d bee n oblige d t o liv e i n a close d religiou s culture o f thei r own . The y ha d n o opportunit y eithe r withi n o r outsid e their ghetto s an d shtetl s fo r fre e expression . Bu t i n th e cours e o f th e nineteenth centur y thes e close d communitie s wer e broke n u p an d thei r people scattere d i n the wake o f Europea n nationalism . The first emancipate d Jew s spok e th e Gentil e language s o f th e ne w society aroun d the m wit h foreig n accents . Howeve r talente d the y were , Jewish artist s an d philosopher s i n Europ e could , a t first, mak e n o mor e of thei r ar t tha n a self-conscious synthesi s o f for m an d idea . But this wa s not a permanen t stat e o f affairs . Tw o thing s wer e happening . A s gener ations passed , Jew s becam e mor e integrate d wit h th e cultur e aroun d them. I n th e Unite d State s the y helpe d t o creat e it . A t th e sam e time , Western cultur e itsel f wa s disintegrating . Th e skei n o f nineteenth-cen tury histor y i s wove n fro m nationa l struggle s fo r liberation , imperialis t wars, mas s migrations , an d th e dispersa l o f refugees . The y ar e it s ver y warp an d woof . Th e fragmentatio n o f societ y an d th e alienatio n o f th e individual fro m societ y an d himsel f becam e majo r theme s o f moder n culture. Because o f thei r experiences , ne w immigrants , particularly Jews , were fa r mor e involve d in , an d identifie d with , eac h o f thes e thing s tha n other immigrants . They coul d articulat e thei r response s bot h consciousl y and subconsciously . Man y benefite d fro m th e dubiou s distinctio n o f
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double alienation . The y rejecte d Orthodo x Judaism , ye t remaine d vic tims o f anti-Semitism . Th e Yiddis h theater , wit h it s specia l theme s o f expatriation an d assimilation , wa s a n idea l foru m fo r th e firs t flowerin g of Jewis h expressio n an d creativit y i n a Gentil e world . I t serve d a s a focal poin t o f acculturatio n an d als o helpe d reshap e th e developin g culture o f th e New World . More tha n anythin g els e fluenc y an d facilit y i n Englis h liberate d immigrants fro m th e past. Onc e children ha d mastere d th e language the y were beyon d thei r parents ' control . I t wa s the y wh o led . The y coul d reject th e tradition s o f th e Ol d World . Perhap s thi s partl y explain s th e Italian hostilit y t o education . I t weakened ethni c ties. When i n 188 9 an d 1890 th e state s o f Illinoi s an d Wisconsi n decide d tha t Englis h wa s t o b e the mediu m o f instructio n i n schools , ther e wa s a grea t outcr y fro m Germans an d Scandinavians . Catholic s an d Lutheran s alik e believed tha t it woul d destro y thei r ethni c culture . Eigh t midwester n state s agree d t o retain Germa n a s th e mediu m whereve r ther e wa s a demand . However , it wa s particularl y importan t t o Jew s tha t town s afforde d fre e secula r education. Thei r fascinatio n wit h th e new languag e i n part explain s thei r cultural renaissance .
Nativism Throughout th e 1860s , 1870s , an d earl y 1880 s n o effor t wa s spare d t o encourage immigration . Immigrant s themselve s chos e a s a symbo l o f welcome an d promis e th e Statu e o f Libert y i n Ne w Yor k Harbor . Bu t this wa s no t a n officia l view . Th e giganti c statue , unveile d befor e Presi dent Grove r Clevelan d o n Octobe r 28 , 1886 , was a gift fro m th e peopl e of France . Create d b y sculpto r Frederic-August e Bartholdi , i t wa s con ceived, no t a s a symbo l o f welcome , bu t rathe r o f republica n solidarity . Intended fo r th e Centennia l Exhibitio n o f 1876 , i t wa s no t read y unti l ten year s later . Thi s wa s jus t a s well . I t too k nin e year s fo r a committe e of Ne w Yor k socialite s an d businessme n t o rais e th e necessar y fund s t o pay fo r th e pedestal o n whic h Libert y would rest . In 188 3 the y organize d an ar t exhibition . Ne w Yor k poe t Emm a Lazarus , move d b y th e pligh t of bedraggle d Jewis h refugee s fleein g th e Russia n pogrom s o f 1881 , submitted a sonnet . I n The New Colossus th e Statu e o f Libert y wa s "Mother o f Exiles, " her torc h a beacon fo r newcomers :
"He wh o ha s neve r see n a Ne w Yor k stree t ha s neve r see n anythin g beautiful, " i s a n opinion Russia n immigran t autho r Sholo m Aleiche m (i859-1916 ) give s t o on e o f hi s characters. Alon g congeste d Heste r Stree t o n Ne w York' s Lowe r Eas t Side , principal cen ter fo r th e Jewis h immigran t communit y fro m Centra l an d Easter n Europe , stree t an d market wer e one . B y 191 4 Ne w Yor k ha d 1. 4 millio n Jews—th e larges t Jewis h commu nity i n th e worl d an d mor e tha n th e entir e populatio n o f th e cit y i n 1870 . Thes e immi grants, mos t o f who m wer e packe d togethe r i n a n are a littl e mor e tha n a squar e mil e i n a seam y environmen t recorde d b y Jacob Rii s (1849-1914) , wer e t o giv e th e cit y muc h o f its distinctiv e cultura l character . (Phot o b y Riis ; Librar y o f Congress. )
Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free , The wretched refuse o f your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift m y lamp beside the golden door! However, economi c fea r bre d ethni c intolerance . Immigrant s cam e t o be regarded , no t a s a sourc e o f strength , bu t a s a drai n o n America n resources. Thi s wa s especiall y tru e o f th e East , wher e mos t immigrant s arrived an d wher e th e socia l syste m wa s alread y har d an d fast . Eve n th e
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English di d no t escap e censure . Th e New York Herald Tribune charge d on Novembe r 7 , 1879 , that Englis h workme n "mus t chang e thei r habit s if the y ar e t o mak e goo d i n th e Unite d States . N o longe r ca n the y giv e the wors t wor k fo r th e highes t wages. " Th e complain t wa s t o becom e traditional. I n the 1880 s an d 1890 s magazines suc h a s Harper's, Atlantic Monthly, Puck, an d Life containe d a n astonishin g shar e o f ethni c jokes , all prejudice d agains t newcomers . Scot s retaine d i n th e Ne w Worl d th e reputation fo r meannes s the y ha d first acquire d i n th e Old . Th e da y a funeral parlo r i n Camden , Sout h Carolina , advertise d "Bargain s i n Cof fins" ther e wer e suppose d t o hav e bee n fourtee n suicide s amon g Scottis h immigrants. A Scottis h bo y kille d hi s parent s rathe r tha n pa y t o g o t o the annua l picni c o f a loca l orphans ' society . Hi s friend s commiserate d with a Sco t scalpe d b y th e Siou x becaus e onl y tw o day s earlie r h e ha d paid fo r a haircut. An d s o on . Cartoonist Thoma s Nas t expresse d th e attitud e o f man y American s when h e showe d th e Iris h a s ugly, brawlin g drunkards . Norwegian s an d Swedes brough t fro m Scandinavi a thei r mutua l hostility . Whe n a Nor wegian immigran t i n Minnesot a reporte d a sleighin g acciden t i n whic h he ha d ru n dow n an d kille d a Swedis h farmer , th e loca l Norwegia n constable brushe d asid e hi s protestation s o f innocence : "Aw , forge t it . But you'l l hav e t o g o t o th e count y sea t t o collec t you r bounty. " Con trary t o statistica l evidence , Italia n me n wer e no t considere d regula r churchgoers. The y attende d onl y thei r baptism , wedding , an d funeral . Each tim e they ha d t o b e carried in . Far mor e insidiou s wa s th e charg e tha t Italian s wer e deepl y involve d in syndicate d crime . Th e Henness y cas e o f 189 0 le d t o widesprea d speculation abou t th e existenc e o f a transplante d Mafi a i n th e Unite d States. Th e origina l Sicilia n Mafi a wa s a prototyp e o f illega l protectiv e societies base d o n thef t an d extortio n throughou t Italy . A feu d betwee n two riva l gang s o f doc k racketeer s i n Ne w Orlean s reache d it s climax i n the tria l o f Jo e an d Pet e Provanzan o fo r th e attempte d massacr e o f th e Matranga gang . Whe n Davi d Hennessy , th e superintenden t o f police , disclosed tha t h e ha d evidenc e abou t th e Mafia , h e wa s assassinate d b y five arme d me n o n th e street s o f Ne w Orleans . I n th e publi c outcr y following Hennessy' s murde r ninetee n Sicilian s wer e indicte d fo r con spiracy o r murder . Eigh t escaped an d evade d prosecution. When th e tria l of th e other s ende d inconclusively , a lync h mo b o f loya l American s stormed th e jai l an d seize d th e eleve n defendants . The y mowe d dow n
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nine wit h gun s an d hange d th e othe r tw o fro m lampposts . A grand jur y investigating th e murde r o f Davi d Henness y confirme d "th e existenc e o f the secre t organizatio n style d Mafia. " Th e pres s wen t furthe r an d bega n using the ter m a s a generic name fo r an y crime s involvin g Italians . However, n o immigran t grou p receive d a s muc h abus e a s th e Jews . Anti-Semitism was , o f course , no t ne w t o America . Still , Jew s wer e barred fro m votin g unti l th e mid-nineteent h century , an d socia l ostra cism continued . Th e exclusio n o f banke r Josep h Seligma n fro m th e Grand Unio n Hote l i n Saratoga , Ne w York , i n 187 7 wa s widel y publi cized. Hotels , clubs , an d college s the n bega n t o tur n Jew s away . Som e even displaye d crue l sign s suc h a s "N o Jew s o r Dog s Admitte d Here. " A Jewish parven u dresse d lik e a dand y wa s th e objec t o f ridicul e an d contempt. H e wa s a "Je w d e Spree. " Th e mor e establishe d Jewis h com munity responde d b y makin g scapegoat s o f th e ne w immigrant s fro m eastern Europe . A German-America n Jew , W . M . Rosenblatt , wrot e a n article fo r Galaxy i n 187 2 i n whic h h e implore d th e publi c no t t o judg e Jews b y th e "ignoran t . . . bigoted , an d viciou s Pole s an d Russian s arriving o n th e scene. " Chinese immigrant s t o Californi a wer e als o subjec t t o a barrag e o f abuse. Three-fifths o f the m ha d com e fro m on e smal l area , the distric t of Taishan i n th e province o f Guangdong , a province tha t ha d ninety-eigh t districts. Thus , i n th e word s o f ethni c historia n Thoma s Sowell , the y were "highl y cohesiv e i n culture , dialec t an d famil y network. " Thi s cohesiveness sustaine d the m i n America n societ y agains t seemingl y im possible odds . The y develope d thei r ow n welfar e institutions . Throug h the Chines e Benevolen t Association , o r "Si x Companies, " they took car e of th e poor an d impose d orde r an d hono r i n Chinatown . Bu t the secrec y of th e Si x Companie s wa s hel d agains t them . S o wa s th e fac t tha t th e Chinese wer e willin g t o tak e menia l jobs . They awakene d whit e fear s o f a ne w slaver y i n a nation tha t ha d jus t fough t a war t o remov e th e old . To labo r the y wer e "coolies, " a subversiv e an d servil e clas s tha t threatened th e existenc e o f whit e workers . I n 187 5 t n e Unio n Pacifi c imported 12 5 Chines e laborer s t o Roc k Springs , Wyoming , t o brea k a miners' strike . Labo r determine d t o fight back . In 187 7 Denni s Kearney , a naturalize d Iris h immigrant , use d th e ne w Workingmen' s part y a s a pulpit t o denounc e them . Hi s orator y resulte d i n hostil e demonstration s in Sa n Francisco , mo b violence , an d genera l publi c deman d fo r a n exclusion law . Rathe r tha n fac e industria l an d agricultura l anarch y fro m
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hostile artisan s an d laborers , conservative s wer e read y t o give in t o radi cal demands. The ne w stat e constitution o f 187 9 was permeated wit h ra cial intolerance. Articl e 1 9 gave th e stat e legislatur e powe r t o regulat e im migration o f paupers, criminals , disease d persons , an d aliens . Corporation s could no t engage Mongolians, nor could the y be employed o n any publi c works. Cooli e contract s wer e declare d void . A state law of 184 9 prohib iting Nativ e American s an d African-American s fro m testifyin g agains t whites wa s construed t o ba r Chines e testimon y a s well. Occupationa l li censing law and specia l taxes were als o used agains t them. Thus, Chines e immigrants coul d n o longe r wor k i n th e ver y businesse s the y ha d cre ated. Two occupation s were lef t t o them , th e laundry an d th e restaurant . President Rutherfor d B . Hayes coul d hardl y repudiat e th e Burlingam e Treaty o f 186 8 tha t grante d th e Chines e th e righ t t o immigrate . How ever, part y politic s compelle d hi m t o persuad e Chin a t o accep t a differ ent for m o f limitation . I n 188 0 Chin a gav e th e Unite d State s th e righ t "to regulate , limi t o r suspend, " thoug h no t t o prohibit , th e immigratio n of laborers . Ther e followe d th e Chines e Exclusio n Ac t o f Ma y 1882 , which suspende d Chines e immigratio n fo r te n years . I t als o forbad e th e naturalization o f Chines e resident s an d impose d furthe r restriction s o n them. Man y returne d t o China . I n 189 2 th e Chines e Exclusio n Ac t wa s renewed fo r anothe r te n years , an d i n 190 2 i t was extende d indefinitely . The Chinese-America n populatio n decline d fro m abou t 100,00 0 i n 189 0 to 60,00 0 i n 1920 . Traditiona l Chines e cultur e wa s oriente d towar d family life . Bu t in Americ a Chines e me n outnumbere d wome n b y a rati o of 2 0 t o 1 . It was n o wonde r tha t Chinatown s acquire d th e problem s o f prostitution, dru g abuse , and hig h suicid e rates . Chinese exclusio n se t a precedent . Congres s eventuall y responde d t o the clamo r fo r refor m b y passin g a n ac t i n Augus t 188 2 tha t impose d a head ta x o f 5 0 cents on ever y foreigne r arrivin g by sea and tha t exclude d convicts an d lunatics . Immigration wa s no w beginnin g t o divid e America n society . A grea t gulf wa s openin g betwee n a predominantl y nativ e plutocrac y an d a predominantly foreig n workin g class . Th e Unite d State s wa s becomin g two nation s separate d b y languag e an d religion , residenc e an d occupa tion alike . Not onl y wa s th e ne w tid e o f immigratio n depressin g wages , but als o the closing of th e frontier an d settlemen t o f availabl e land i n th e West had seale d off th e traditional escap e route for discontente d eastern ers. Thus, Americans bega n t o los e confidence i n the process of assimila -
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tion. Th e outcom e wa s nativism , wha t Joh n Higha m call s " a defensiv e type o f nationalism. " Nativis t agitatio n wa s th e wor k o f thre e groups : unions that regarde d unskille d immigrant s a s a threat to organized labor , social reformer s wh o believe d th e influ x o f immigrant s exacerbate d th e problems o f th e cities , an d Protestan t conservative s wh o dreade d th e supposed threa t t o Nordi c supremacy . Skilled worker s ha d mos t t o fea r fro m th e importatio n o f contrac t labor. Afte r skille d Belgia n an d Britis h glassworker s wer e brough t unde r contract t o wor k fo r lowe r wage s i n Baltimor e an d i n Kent , Ohio , th e two union s o f America n glassworker s amalgamated . Th e ne w union , Local Assembl y 300 , wa s pledge d fro m it s inceptio n i n Februar y 188 2 to oppos e contrac t labor . Unio n leade r Jame s Campbel l presse d fo r federal legislatio n o n thi s point . Congressma n Marti n Fora n o f Ohio , himself a forme r presiden t o f th e Coopers ' Internationa l Union , ha d already introduce d a bil l agains t contrac t labo r i n th e Hous e i n Januar y 1884. I n 188 5 th e bil l wa s revive d b y Senato r Blai r o f Ne w Hampshire , and i t passe d th e Senat e o n Februar y 1 8 b y a vot e o f 5 0 t o 9 . Th e ne w ban o n contrac t labo r di d no t exten d t o skille d worker s neede d fo r ne w industries, nor t o actors , singers, lecturers, and domestics . The act s o f 188 2 an d 188 5 thu s contradicte d on e another . Th e firs t obliged immigrant s t o sho w tha t the y wer e no t likel y t o becom e publi c charges. Th e secon d exclude d the m i f the y ha d take n precaution s b y obtaining wor k i n advance . Th e craf t union s wer e disappointed . The y had wante d a bill to exclude skille d contrac t labo r o n economi c grounds . Congress ha d passe d a n ac t agains t unskille d labo r o n racis t grounds . The comparativel y ne w America n industrie s suc h a s tin , silk , hosiery , and lac e receive d skille d immigrant s o n contract . I n a tes t case , th e United States v . Gay (1897) , th e Suprem e Cour t uphel d th e principl e that skille d labo r coul d b e imported o n contract . The mos t widesprea d hostilit y wa s directe d a t Roma n Catholic s or , more precisely , a t thei r churc h an d it s increasin g strength . I n 189 0 Catholics claime d tha t 600,00 0 childre n wer e enrolle d i n thei r schools . They renewe d demand s fo r a shar e o f publi c schoo l funds , whic h en raged staunc h Protestants . A bizarre pu n manage d t o attac k th e Churc h of Rom e an d tw o ethni c group s a t once . I t wa s sai d tha t Italian s ha d exchanged th e old Roma n religio n o f Jupiter fo r th e new Roma n Cathol icism o f Jew-Peter an d wer e no bette r fo r th e swap. Protestant extremist s joined secre t societie s pledged t o defen d th e school syste m an d t o oppos e
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Catholic influenc e i n politics . Th e mos t powerfu l wa s th e America n Protective Association , founde d i n Clinton , Iowa , i n 188 7 b y a lawyer , Henry F . Bowers. Bowers , whose famil y nam e ha d bee n anglicize d fro m its origina l Bauer , wa s a leadin g Freemaso n wh o abhorre d Catholicism . The AP A sprea d first throug h th e Uppe r Mississipp i Valle y an d fro m there throug h th e entir e Midwest . But , although th e APA claimed a tota l of 2. 5 millio n members , i t declined afte r 1894 . ^ w a s faction-ridde n an d unequal t o th e task o f persuadin g governmen t t o restric t immigration . The distinctio n betwee n ol d an d ne w immigrant s wa s first pu t for ward b y New Englan d academic s who resente d th e intrusion o f outsider s in politics . The y provide d th e nativis t movemen t wit h plent y o f socia l cachet bu t with ver y little intellectual respectability . Socia l scientist Rich ard May o Smit h doubte d th e economic value of immigration . Th e whol e process o f assimilation , h e believed , wa s bein g jeopardize d b y th e shee r size an d changin g compositio n o f th e ne w immigration . "I t i s scarcel y probable tha t b y takin g th e dreg s o f Europe, " h e wrot e i n 1890 , "w e shall produc e a people o f hig h socia l intelligenc e an d morality. " I n 189 4 a grou p o f Bostonians , Charle s Warren , Rober t DeCourc y Ward , an d Prescott F . Hall , founde d th e Immigratio n Restrictio n League . Bostoni ans wer e notoriou s fo r thei r ethnocentricit y an d ignorance . When intro duced t o visitors fro m Iow a an d Idaho , the Beacon Hil l se t thought thes e names were simpl y funn y way s of sayin g Ohio. They di d no t believ e tha t travel broadene d th e mind . "Travel? " the y aske d whe n th e suggestio n was pu t t o them . "Wh y shoul d I ? I liv e here. " A maide n aun t fro m Boston visiting relatives nearby note d a slab of granit e beside the railwa y track b y thei r home . I t read, "I— m [mile ] fro m Boston. " Sh e thought i t was a tombston e tha t declared , "I' m fro m Boston, " an d sai d t o herself , "How ver y simpl e an d ye t ho w sufficient. " Bosto n wa s thu s a natura l center fo r a nativist movement . In 1896 , fo r th e first time , th e volum e o f ne w immigratio n exceede d that o f th e old . Tha t yea r th e crucia l victor y o f whit e ove r blac k wa s won i n th e notoriou s decisio n o f Plessy v . Ferguson: "separat e bu t equal." Racist s transferre d thi s educationa l principl e t o thei r fight agains t new immigrants . Rathe r tha n restric t immigratio n o n a n openl y racis t basis, th e IR L preferre d th e mor e deviou s devic e o f a literac y tes t a s a means o f excludin g undesirabl e souther n an d easter n Europeans . Sena tor Henr y Cabo t Lodg e o f Massachusett s sponsore d a bil l tha t woul d have exclude d an y adul t immigran t unabl e t o rea d fort y word s i n an y
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language. O f course , a s was pointe d ou t a t th e time , while a literac y tes t examined no t natura l intelligenc e bu t socia l opportunity , i t wa s no t a sure mean s o f separatin g th e northwester n shee p fro m th e southeaster n goats. Fo r example , Armenia n immigrant s surpasse d al l other s i n thi s respect. They ha d a literacy rat e o f j6 percent . The bil l passed Congress , but Presiden t Clevelan d vetoe d i t as unworthy o f th e United States . It wa s precisel y th e fusio n o f ol d an d ne w culture s tha t gav e th e politics an d philosophy , th e literatur e an d ar t o f th e Unite d State s thei r distinctive characte r an d universa l appeal . Som e immigrant s ha d know n this al l along . I n th e fal l o f 189 2 Czec h compose r Antoni n Dvora k became directo r o f th e Nationa l Conservator y o f Musi c i n Ne w York . He wa s expecte d t o stimulat e th e developmen t o f a n origina l America n music that woul d expres s th e landscape , folklore , an d ideal s o f th e Ne w World. H e trie d t o sho w American s th e possibilitie s o f thei r ow n fol k music an d tol d th e New York Herald o f Ma y 21 , 1893 , n o w India n melodies an d African-America n spiritual s shoul d b e th e foundatio n o f music i n th e Unite d States . H e integrate d the m int o hi s ne w symphony , From the New World, give n it s premier e a t Carnegi e Hal l o n Decembe r 15, 1893 . Yet Dvorak's recollection s o f Bohemi a wer e also an importan t source o f inspiration ; hi s musica l personalit y remaine d Slavic . Fo r wha t was ne w abou t th e Ne w Worl d i f not it s people an d thei r culture ?
CHAPTER 4
The Sorrows of Labor
Throughout th e Gilde d Ag e th e specter s o f povert y an d oppressio n waited o n th e banque t o f expansio n an d opportunity . Economis t Henr y George compare d th e want o f th e huddled masse s with th e wealth o f th e dominant plutocracy . I n hi s pioneer work , Progress and Poverty (1879) , he concede d tha t th e Industria l Revolutio n ha d increase d wealt h an d improved an d distribute d comfort , leisure , an d refinement . Bu t h e em phasized tha t th e lowes t clas s wa s exclude d fro m thes e gains . 'Ther e i s a vagu e bu t genera l feelin g o f disappointment ; a n increase d bitternes s among th e workin g classes ; a widespread feelin g o f unres t an d broodin g revolution." Between 186 5 an d 190 0 mor e an d mor e worker s wer e draw n int o factories, foundries , an d mill s o n th e sam e lo w term s a s commo n labor ers. Th e tota l numbe r o f peopl e employe d i n manufacturin g increase d from 1. 3 millio n t o 4. 5 million . Th e numbe r o f factorie s o r sweatshop s rose fro m 140,00 0 t o 512,000 . I n factories , foundries , an d mill s wage s were low , hour s o f wor k long , an d condition s unhealthy . Million s wer e denied th e basi c amenities tha t thei r ow n labo r mad e possible fo r others . Their impoverishe d statu s seeme d t o contradic t th e economi c prosperit y of th e busines s an d industr y the y wer e creating . Progres s an d povert y were, apparently, inseparable . 100
Eugene Deb s (1855-1926) , leade r o f th e America n Railwa y Union , wh o organize d a sec ondary boycot t o f railwa y worker s durin g th e Pullma n strik e o f 1894 . Whe n th e adver saries prove d stronge r an d th e strik e collapsed , Debs , convince d tha t socia l justic e coul d only procee d fro m socialis t politics , founde d th e Socialis t Part y o f Americ a an d ra n fo r president fiv e times . Caugh t her e i n a pensiv e moo d i n 1908 , Debs' s fervo r i s apparen t and this , allie d t o insoucian t charm , mad e hi m a formidabl e opponen t o f th e tw o mai n parties. (Librar y o f Congress. )
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Workers ha d a s muc h righ t t o thei r guild s a s ha d industrialist s an d capitalists o f a Gilde d Age . N o on e ha s pu t th e cas e fo r union s bette r than Utopia n socialis t Edwar d Bellam y i n hi s influentia l Looking Backward o f 1888 . Reviewing the drive fo r industria l monopolies , he argued : "The individua l laborer , wh o ha d bee n relativel y importan t t o th e smal l employer, wa s reduce d t o insignificanc e an d powerlessnes s agains t th e great corporation , whil e a t th e sam e tim e th e wa y upwar d t o th e grad e of employe r wa s close d t o him . Self-defens e drov e hi m t o unio n wit h hi s fellows." However , i n the United State s the development o f trad e union s was mor e hesitan t an d muc h slowe r tha n i n wester n Europe . N o stron g working clas s movemen t emerge d t o complemen t th e increasin g concen tration o f capita l an d industry . B y the en d o f th e nineteent h century , th e dominant for m o f trad e union s wa s craf t union s restricte d t o skille d artisans. Trade-union developmen t wa s retarded b y a number o f factors. Labo r unions existe d t o promot e th e interest s o f thei r member s b y securin g better conditions , hours , an d wage s fo r workers . But , eve n withou t unions, th e condition s o f artisan s wer e improving . Workers ' genera l indifference t o union s wa s compounde d b y immigratio n o n a massiv e scale. Immigrants , gla d o f an y opportunity , prove d a plentifu l sourc e o f cheap labor . Th e stead y strea m o f immigrant s coul d alway s replac e dissatisfied worker s wh o wen t o n strik e o r eve n joine d a union . Thei r presence thu s place d nativ e worker s a t a disadvantag e i n thei r fumblin g attempts a t collectiv e bargaining . Th e ver y fac t tha t th e wor k forc e wa s so heterogeneou s mad e i t difficul t t o establis h clas s consciousness , le t alone working clas s solidarity . As the busines s o f a particula r industr y becam e nationwide , it s costs , wages, an d price s ros e an d fel l i n accordanc e wit h economi c condition s across th e country . Ne w technolog y divide d labo r a s surel y a s it divide d and simplifie d differen t industria l processes . Unskille d novice s coul d replace skille d mechanics—an d a t a lowe r wage . Dramati c oscillation s in th e busines s cycl e betwee n prosperit y an d depressio n hi t a t union s i n two ways . Depressio n diminishe d workers ' abilit y t o suppor t labo r or ganization; prosperit y dampene d thei r enthusiasm . N o soone r ha d union s grown i n strengt h an d assuranc e tha n bot h industr y an d labo r wer e struck b y th e pani c o f 187 3 an d th e ensuin g depression . Bot h recovere d in the 1880s , only t o succum b t o a muc h wors e depressio n i n 1893 . The determination o f ne w industria l entrepreneur s t o outwi t labo r wa s Com -
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plemented b y th e conservativ e attitud e o f court s an d publi c opinio n t o the ne w cause . Farmers an d agricultura l worker s wer e preoccupie d wit h their ow n sectiona l interest s an d wer e to o narrow-minde d t o appreciat e that th e caus e o f labo r was , in part, thei r caus e a s well. The growt h o f nationa l union s wa s marke d b y thre e stages : th e National Labo r Unio n (NLU ) i n 1866 ; th e Nobl e Orde r o f th e Knight s of Labo r (th e Knights) i n 1869 ; the American Federatio n o f Labo r (AFL ) in 1886 . The y provided , respectively , th e backdrop , procession , an d ceremony fo r th e excitin g dram a o f labo r dispute s tha t occupie d th e center stage . Unti l th e Civi l Wa r strike s ha d bee n short , local , an d peaceful. Thereafte r th e Unite d State s ha d t o endur e long , widespread , and violen t industria l strife . I n particula r five violen t strike s damage d the reputatio n o f unions : th e Moll y Maguires ' i n th e 1870s , th e Grea t Railroad Strik e o f 1877 , th e Haymarke t affai r o f 1886 , Homestea d i n 1892, an d Pullma n i n 1894 . Thes e five incident s corresponde d t o th e five acts o f a classica l tragedy : exposition , development , crisis , denoue ment, an d catastrophe . National Labor
Union
In th e 1 8 60s an d 1870 s th e mos t durabl e labo r organization s wer e th e traditional loca l union s an d cit y trad e assemblies . I t i s no t coincidenc e that th e movemen t fo r nationa l federatio n wa s le d b y me n fro m thos e factory craft s tha t ha d alread y establishe d nationa l unions : Willia m Sylvis of th e molder s an d Jonathan Fine r an d Ir a Stewar d o f th e machin ists. By 187 3 ther e wer e twenty-fiv e nationa l union s wit h a membershi p of 170,000 . Anothe r 130,00 0 worker s wer e member s o f union s tha t lacked a national association . Captain Willia m R . Jones , superintenden t o f th e Edga r Thomso n Steelworks, commented o n th e skil l o f Englis h worker s i n mobilizin g th e labor force . H e observe d i n 187 5 tha t the y "ar e grea t stickler s fo r hig h wages, smal l productio n an d strikes. " I n almos t ever y industr y i t was British an d Iris h immigrant s wh o founde d th e labo r union : i n coa l mining, Joh n Rae , Rober t Watchorn , Joh n Hinchcliffe , Davi d Mc Laughlin, an d Joh n Siney ; i n textiles , Georg e Gunto n an d Rober t How ard; i n iron an d steel , John Jarrett . As wartim e prosperit y evaporated , labo r leader s foun d i t mor e diffi cult t o gai n advantage s fro m collectiv e bargaining . No r wer e the y read y
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to ris k cooperativ e ventures . They sough t a n alternative . Th e eight-hou r day becam e a popular deman d amon g th e ran k an d file . Indeed , i t form s a continuou s themati c threa d runnin g throug h labo r histor y i n th e Gilde d Age. The prophe t o f th e eight-hou r millenniu m wa s a Boston machinist , Ira Steward , "th e eight-hou r monomaniac. " H e believe d tha t increase d leisure wit h th e sam e wage s would encourag e worker s t o consum e mor e industrial good s an d thu s lea d t o a n increas e i n industria l growth . Stew ard's centra l argumen t wa s propagate d i n a popula r jingl e attribute d t o his wife : Whether you work by the piece or work by the day Decreasing the hours increases the pay. Not onl y di d worker s believ e tha t a shorter workin g da y woul d improv e their health , welfare , an d opportunitie s fo r educatio n an d advancement , but the y als o thought tha t a reduction i n hours woul d sprea d wor k mor e evenly i n a recession an d thu s protec t jobs . Union leader s require d som e sor t o f ne w organizatio n t o unif y th e eight-hour movement . I n th e summe r o f 186 6 the y calle d a congres s o f labor organization s a t Baltimor e fo r August . Ther e seventy-seve n dele gates representin g 60,00 0 worker s launche d th e Nationa l Labo r Union . It had a program o f refor m includin g workers' cooperative s manage d b y producers an d consumer s alike . I t als o wante d a federa l Departmen t o f Labor an d th e disposa l o f publi c land s onl y t o actua l settlers . On th e surface , i t seeme d tha t th e NL U wa s successfu l i n promotin g the eight-hou r day . Si x state s enacte d eight-hou r law s i n 1867 : Califor nia, Connecticut , Illinois , Missouri , Wisconsin , an d Ne w York . How ever, i n th e firs t fou r th e la w excepte d companie s tha t issue d labo r contracts stipulatin g longe r hours . I n Wisconsi n th e la w applie d onl y t o women an d children . I n New York , Governo r Reube n Fento n refuse d t o enforce it . A report t o the NLU coul d wel l describ e the states' eight-hou r laws a s "fraud s o n th e laborin g class. " Sylvis' s successo r a s presiden t o f the NLU , Richar d Trevellick , prevaile d upo n Senato r B . Gratz Brow n o f Missouri t o introduc e a bil l grantin g a n eight-hou r da y t o laborer s an d mechanics workin g fo r th e federa l government . I t passe d Congres s i n June 1868 . Bu t federa l department s the n reduce d wage s b y 2 0 percen t as well a s hours. However, i n a n executive orde r o f Ma y 1872 , Presiden t Ulysses S . Gran t condemne d suc h reduction s i n pay , an d Congres s en acted a la w compensatin g federa l employee s fo r thei r los s in wages sinc e
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1868. I n addition , th e NL U attempte d t o addres s it s convention s t o th e special problem s o f wome n an d African-Americans . During th e wa r industrialist s bega n t o emplo y a n eve r large r numbe r of wome n i n factorie s an d sweatshops . The y wer e pai d les s an d treate d worse tha n men . Th e mos t significan t protectiv e societ y fo r wome n wa s the Workin g Women' s Protectiv e Union , founde d a t th e instigatio n o f Moses Beach , edito r o f th e New York Sun. I t offere d lega l advic e an d ran a placement burea u whic h traine d wome n fo r occupation s tha t wer e underemployed. Th e labo r movemen t generall y oppose d th e us e of wome n in industr y a s unfai r competition , forcin g wome n t o foun d thei r ow n labor union s eve n i n trade s wher e the y worke d sid e b y sid e wit h men . Thus, fo r example , ther e wer e Daughter s a s wel l a s Knight s o f St . Crispin. However, sinc e unio n leader s recognize d tha t thei r rea l antagonist s were the employers, they gav e tacit approva l t o attempts t o secure highe r wages fo r wome n fo r fewe r hours . Nevertheless , i t wa s onl y afte r bitte r debate tha t th e NL U consente d t o admi t suffragist s Susa n B . Anthony , Mary Kellog g Putnam , an d Mar y MacDonal d a s delegate s t o th e con gress o f 1868 . I n 186 9 i t refuse d t o sea t Anthon y becaus e sh e ha d allowed th e Protectiv e Unio n t o b e use d t o brea k strikes . Thereafte r male suppor t fo r women' s union s declined . Employer s coul d haras s women's union s wit h impunity . Thei r mai n weapo n wa s ridicule . I n 1869 Kat e Mullaney , secon d vice-presiden t o f th e NLU , le d a strik e o f collar laundresse s o f Troy , Ne w York . The y wer e protestin g lon g hour s of wor k i n temperature s o f 10 0 degree s fo r onl y $ 2 o r $ 3 pe r week . Their employer s ha d a read y reply . The y produce d a ne w pape r colla r requiring fewe r laundresses . Th e strik e collapsed . B y 187 2 mos t wom en's union s ha d disappeared . The migratio n o f African-American s fro m th e Sout h t o th e Nort h intensified racia l attitude s amon g whit e worker s i n norther n industries . They resente d th e willingnes s o f African-American s t o wor k fo r lowe r wages an d thei r enforce d lowe r standar d o f living . The y wer e eve n hostile t o Negr o suffrage . African-Americans , startin g wit h doc k work ers i n Baltimore , Charleston , an d Savannah , bega n t o for m separat e labor union s throughou t th e South . I n 186 9 Isaa c Myers , a Baltimor e calker, sough t an d attaine d th e admissio n o f nin e African-America n associations t o th e NLU . Willia m Jessup , presiden t o f th e Ne w Yor k State Workingmen' s Assembly , an d Alfre d W . Phelps , hea d o f th e car -
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penters, trie d t o persuad e nationa l union s t o receiv e African-America n mechanics. However , racia l prejudic e wa s to o strong . White s argue d that African-American s woul d fai l th e labo r movemen t b y acceptin g lower pa y an d b y working a s strikebreakers . African-American leader s create d a National Colore d Labo r Unio n i n December 1869 . It s platform emphasize d th e proble m o f racia l discrim ination. It s propose d remed y wa s African-America n workers ' coopera tives. I n 187 0 Isaa c Myer s trie d t o recrui t an d organiz e African-Ameri can worker s throughou t th e South . H e wante d t o ensur e the y woul d never b e ousted fro m skille d trade s an d lef t a s "the sweeper s of shavings , the scraper s o f pitc h an d th e carrier s o f mortar. " H e als o sough t ful l affiliation wit h th e NL U fo r union s o f African-America n workers . Thu s he neede d t o prov e African-America n commitmen t an d responsibilit y t o the labo r movement . However , th e NL U Congres s tha t yea r decide d i n favor o f a separat e labo r associatio n fo r African-Americans , whereupo n the National Colore d Labo r Unio n brok e of f relations . Inspired b y Sylvis , th e NL U trie d t o follo w hi s strateg y o f workers ' cooperatives. The ide a was to turn worker s int o self-employe d producer s and t o fre e labo r fro m it s servitud e t o capital . Individua l unions , amon g them th e bakers , carpenters , coopers , hatters , printers , shipwrights , an d shoemakers, trie d t o mak e a succes s o f cooperatives . Al l failed . The y found i t almos t impossibl e t o obtai n credit . Thi s proble m le d th e NL U to recogniz e tha t labo r coul d neve r hel p itsel f withou t a refor m o f th e currency. Thi s i n tur n le d i t int o a n ill-advised , ill-fate d allianc e wit h th e Greenback movement . The origin s o f th e Greenbac k movemen t g o bac k a s fa r a s 184 8 whe n Edward Kellogg , a Ne w Yor k merchant , argue d tha t existin g monetar y laws favored bank s bu t oppressed labor . Kellog g wanted th e governmen t to issu e mone y a t 1 percent interes t base d o n rea l estate . Thus manufac turers an d mechanics , planter s an d farmer s alik e coul d obtai n mone y they neede d a t a rat e the y coul d afford . Afte r th e war , far m joine d factory i n th e deman d fo r a n inflationar y polic y throug h th e retention o f wartime greenbacks . Bu t thei r motive s wer e different . Farmer s wante d to retur n t o thei r wartim e prosperity . Factor y worker s wante d a funda mental chang e i n th e whol e financial system . The y urge d th e federa l government t o transfor m th e publi c deb t int o bond s a t a n interes t rat e of 3 percen t an d convertibl e int o a ne w lega l tende r base d o n physica l
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wealth. The y believe d suc h a refor m woul d demolis h th e monopol y o f "irresponsible bankin g associations, " abolis h th e "robber y o f interes t rates," an d fre e th e economic syste m fro m th e gold standard . Thu s labo r could b e assured o f it s just reward s an d natura l rights . In 187 2 th e NL U too k th e irrevocabl e decisio n an d transforme d itsel f into th e Nationa l Labo r Refor m party . It s avowe d progra m wa s refor m of th e currency . Bu t whe n it s presidentia l nominee , Judg e Davi d Davi s of Illinois , withdrew fro m th e federa l electio n h e dealt th e NLU a morta l blow. I t adopte d th e candidat e fo r dissiden t Democrats , Charle s O'Con nor, a Tammany Hal l hack . Sinc e th e Republican s wer e divide d an d th e Democrats thirst y fo r powe r afte r fourtee n year s i n th e politica l wilder ness, th e Labo r Refor m part y stil l ha d hig h hope s fo r th e election . Nevertheless, O'Conno r disappointe d hi s allies , capturin g fewe r tha n 30,000 votes . Th e part y wa s wel l an d trul y over . Onl y seve n delegate s had turne d u p fo r th e conventio n o f 1872 . I n th e depressio n o f th e following yea r th e NL U wa s a political irrelevance . Years of Upheaval The pani c o f 187 3 heralde d a prolonge d depression . I t wa s estimate d that b y 1877 , 2 0 percent o f th e labo r forc e wa s unemployed , 4 0 percen t worked fo r onl y si x or seve n month s a year, an d onl y 2 0 percent worke d regularly. Thre e millio n ou t o f wor k gathere d i n shantytown s o n th e fringes o f cities . Relief , i f i t cam e a t all , wa s irregular , arbitrary , an d inadequate. Loca l union s coul d no t survive . Befor e th e pani c ther e ha d been thirt y nationa l unions . I n 187 7 t n e Labor Standard liste d nine . Total unio n membershi p decline d fro m 300,00 0 t o abou t 50,000 . The mos t obviou s sign s o f labo r disconten t durin g th e 1870 s an d 1880s wer e demonstration s b y th e unemploye d an d strike s b y exploite d workers o n suc h a scal e tha t som e historian s refe r t o thes e year s a s a period o f grea t upheaval . Spontaneou s protest s le d t o pitche d battle s with polic e an d militia , t o riot s an d bloodshed . Labo r historia n Foste r Rhea Dulle s concludes , "A s neve r befor e th e natio n cam e t o realiz e th e explosive forc e inheren t i n the great mas s of industria l worker s tha t wer e the product o f it s changing economy. " Th e mos t notoriou s rio t wa s tha t of Tompkin s Squar e i n Ne w Yor k o n Januar y 13 , 1874 . h bega n whe n a schedule d meetin g betwee n unemploye d worker s an d cit y authoritie s
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was cancele d b y th e polic e a t th e las t minute . When a crowd di d assem ble, the y wer e charge d b y a squa d o f mounte d polic e arme d wit h bill y clubs. Public opinio n wa s fa r mor e disturbe d b y th e strik e o f th e Moll y Maguires i n easter n Pennsylvania . Th e Moll y Maguire s wa s a secre t society, name d afte r a redoubtabl e widow , an d forme d b y tenant s i n Ireland agains t thei r landlords . It s official titl e was th e Ancien t Orde r o f Hibernians. Th e clandestin e organizatio n i n th e anthracit e coa l field s o f Pennsylvania wa s it s natural America n successor . I t was incorporate d a s a "humane , charitable , an d benevolen t organization " i n 1871 . The tribulation s o f th e miner s wer e rea l enough . Miner s endure d worse condition s tha n worker s i n industry . They ha d n o lega l protectio n from industria l accidents . Between 186 5 an d 1875 , 55 ^ m e n wer e kille d in th e anthracit e fields an d 1,56 5 wer e maime d fo r life . I n 186 8 the y formed a ne w Pennsylvani a coa l union , th e Workingmen' s Benevolen t Association o f St . Clair , le d b y Joh n Siney . Abou t 8 5 percen t o f th e anthracite miner s joined . In 187 0 it s disput e wit h min e owner s wa s resolved b y th e "Gowe n compromise, " propose d b y Frankli n Benjami n Gowen, presiden t o f th e Readin g Railroad . I n th e future , miners ' wage s were t o b e adjuste d o n a slidin g scal e i n accordanc e wit h th e pric e o f coal. But whe n price s an d wage s fel l dramaticall y tha t winter , a ne w strik e began i n Januar y 1871 . A serie s o f terroris t act s followed—arso n an d sabotage o f property , assaul t an d murde r o f personnel . Th e exac t par t played b y th e Mollie s i n al l thi s ha s remaine d a mystery . Gowe n cer tainly believe d tha t hi s coa l empir e wa s bein g undermine d b y th e Mol lies, an d h e wa s determine d t o destro y them . A s earl y a s 187 2 h e accepted a n offe r o f hel p fro m detectiv e Alla n Pinkerton . Pinkerto n wa s a Scottish immigran t wh o ha d resigne d fro m th e Chicago police to foun d the Pinkerto n Nationa l Detectiv e Agenc y i n 1850 . A t first h e specialize d in case s o f railwa y theft . Durin g th e wa r h e serve d th e Nort h a s a military intelligenc e officer . Beginnin g i n 186 5 h e began t o transform th e scope o f th e agency' s activities . H e no w offere d intelligence , counte r intelligence, an d interna l securit y service s t o bot h busines s an d govern ment. Thes e service s include d strikebreaking . Allan Pinkerto n chos e Jame s McParlan , a twenty-nine-year-ol d im migrant fro m Ulster , fo r th e delicat e an d dangerou s tas k o f infiltratin g the Mollies . O n Octobe r 27 , 1873 , McParla n bega n t o mov e fro m
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town t o tow n i n th e Pennsylvani a coa l fields posin g a s a fugitiv e fro m a murder charg e i n Buffalo . A man o f eas y charm , h e ha d n o difficult y i n ingratiating himsel f wit h th e Iris h minin g communit y an d soo n discov ered tha t th e Mollies ' headquarter s wa s a t Pott s ville, wher e h e wa s initiated int o th e orde r o n Apri l 13 , 1874 . The y wer e s o take n wit h hi s ease a t readin g an d writin g tha t the y mad e hi m secretar y o f th e Shenan doah Lodge . This post afforde d a good cove r fo r hi s secret reports . In Decembe r 187 4 min e owner s le d b y G o wen reduce d wage s belo w the agreed-o n minimu m standard . In Januar y 187 5 th e miners , le d b y John F . Walsh , retaliate d b y goin g o n strike . Accordin g t o sensationa l press accounts , the Molly Maguire s ha d intimidate d miner s who wante d to g o bac k t o wor k an d prevente d the m fro m doin g so . The y wer e supposedly terrorizin g th e coa l fields wit h murde r an d mayhem . Con temporary historia n Franci s P . Dewees , i n The Molly Maguires (1876) , described th e Mollies ' activitie s a s " a reig n o f blood . . . . The y hel d communities terro r bound , an d wantonl y defie d th e law, destroyed prop erty an d sporte d wit h huma n life. " I t was discovere d muc h late r tha t th e managers themselve s ha d instigate d variou s attack s o n thei r ow n mine s as a pretex t fo r crushin g al l unions . Th e wa y th e strik e wa s actuall y suppressed suggest s tha t thi s reall y wa s th e case . Whateve r crim e wav e already existed , i t wa s certainl y intensifie d b y th e arriva l o f th e Pinker tons. O n Apri l 28 , 1875 , Pinkerto n an d Gowe n agree d t o suppor t Mc Parlan wit h a reserv e o f si x Pinkerto n detective s an d som e railroadmen . They woul d constitut e " a flying squadron, " a mobil e polic e force , abl e to assembl e anywher e a crim e wa s abou t t o b e committe d i n orde r t o gather evidenc e t o b e used late r i n court . Miners could continu e the strike for severa l months because , althoug h they wer e no t bein g paid , the y wer e allowe d foo d o n credi t b y store s friendly t o thei r cause . Bu t b y Ma y 187 5 t n e store s wer e n o longe r willing t o accep t th e financial ris k o f a n indefinit e strik e an d refuse d further credit . Unio n leader s trie d t o aver t disaste r b y offerin g th e min e operators a deal . They woul d forg o th e ol d slidin g scal e in exchang e fo r a flat weekly wag e of $1 5 fo r si x eight-hour shifts . Th e operator s ha d n o reason t o give in. They sai d the y would reope n th e mines an d offe r wor k and protectio n t o an y mine r wh o returned . Italia n strikebreaker s wer e taken t o Clearfiel d Count y i n wester n Pennsylvani a i n seale d boxcar s like cattle . Strikebreaker s wer e seale d of f fro m strikers , no t t o protec t them fro m harm , bu t t o preven t the m fro m hearin g th e strikers ' case .
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Sometimes immigrant s wer e no t eve n tol d the y ha d bee n hire d a s strike breakers unti l the y arrive d o n th e scene . Thei r succes s i n bringin g th e miners t o hee l contributed t o th e declin e of som e unions . In earl y 187 6 McParla n becam e principa l witnes s fo r th e prosecu tion i n th e tria l o f Mollie s accuse d o f th e murder s o f min e bos s Thoma s Sanger an d hi s boarder , Willia m Uren , o n Septembe r 1 , 1875 , at Rave n Run. Hi s testimon y a t subsequen t trial s wa s corroborate d b y othe r witnesses wh o turne d state' s evidenc e t o sav e thei r ow n hides . Muc h o f their evidenc e wa s false . A s a result , al l twenty-fou r o f th e Moll y Ma guires wh o ha d bee n indicte d wer e convicted . Ninetee n wer e hange d fo r murder. Th e other s wer e give n priso n sentence s rangin g fro m tw o t o seven years . Th e "Kin g o f th e Mollies, " Jack Kehoe , wa s amon g thos e found guilt y an d sentence d t o b e hanged . After losin g a desperat e lega l battle t o sav e hi s life , h e die d a torturou s death . Th e noos e o n th e gallows slipped . H e strangle d slowl y an d die d i n great agony . The pligh t of th e miner s remaine d th e sam e a s before . Th e striker s wer e routed . The secre t societ y wa s shattered . Th e Miners ' Benevolen t Associatio n was broken . No t unti l 1890 , when th e Unite d Min e Worker s wa s formed , did miner s achiev e a n effectiv e union . An d onl y i n 190 0 wa s thei r formidable leader , Johnny Mitchell , read y t o pi t miner s agains t mine s i n well-organized strikes . Local violenc e i n th e winte r o f 1874—7 5 wa s onl y a prelud e t o widespread disorde r i n th e summe r o f 1877 . Th e Grea t Railroa d Strik e of 187 7 wa s a dramatic revolt . A difficult situatio n wa s compounde d b y the hostilit y o f railroa d entrepreneur s t o anythin g beyon d thei r ow n immediate gain . Moreover , worker s wer e dismaye d b y th e failur e o f labor union s t o help them . Their strik e was a blind gestur e o f embittere d defiance agains t a capitalistic society willfully insensitiv e to human needs . Railroad wor k sometime s involve d shift s o f fiftee n o r eve n eightee n hours a t a stretch . Railroa d worker s ha d suffere d averag e wag e cut s o f 35 percen t ove r th e thre e year s t o 1877 . Tha t yea r th e Pennsylvani a Railroad announce d a furthe r reductio n o f 1 0 percen t t o tak e effec t o n June 1 . Othe r easter n railroad s announce d simila r cuts , effectiv e Jul y 1 . This wa s th e stra w tha t brok e th e camel' s back . Th e worker s wer e thoroughly aroused . O n Jul y 16 , 1877 , fort y firemen an d brakeme n o f the Baltimor e an d Ohi o Railroa d wen t o n strik e a t Camde n Junction , Maryland. The y wer e disperse d b y police . Th e followin g da y ther e wa s a secon d strik e a t Martinsburg , Wes t Virginia . Thi s tim e th e striker s
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took th e precautio n o f seizin g th e depo t t o kee p train s fro m movin g until thei r ful l wage s were restored. Their leader s were arreste d b y polic e but release d b y a larg e crowd . Th e affai r ende d onl y afte r Presiden t Rutherford B . Hayes ordere d 20 0 federa l troop s t o th e scene . At first publi c opinio n side d wit h th e strikers . Fo r on e thing , th e general publi c ha d endure d muc h fro m th e railroad s i n thei r selfis h policies towar d consumers . Everyon e kne w tha t th e wag e cut s wer e arbitrary an d that , despit e th e recession , hig h dividend s wer e stil l bein g paid o n watere d stock . Bu t soo n th e strik e wa s widespread . Th e actio n of employee s o f th e Pennsylvani a Railroa d a t Pittsburg h o n Jul y 1 9 le d to a terrifyin g riot . Whe n 65 0 federa l troop s arrive d fro m Philadelphia , they fired int o th e crowd , killin g 2 5 people an d woundin g mor e i n orde r to captur e th e roundhous e an d machin e shops . I t wa s no w th e tur n o f the striker s t o besieg e th e soldiers . The y se t freigh t car s afir e an d sen t them int o th e roundhouse . Whe n i t wa s ablaze , th e soldier s fough t thei r way ou t an d bea t a quick retreat . The way wa s clear fo r wanto n destruc tion o f railroa d propert y b y th e mob , no w swelle d t o 4,00 0 t o 5,00 0 b y hoodlums an d vagrants . The y brok e u p th e car s an d tor e u p th e tracks . What the y coul d no t destro y i n this way the y se t on fire. In the conflagra tion 50 0 cars , 10 4 locomotives , an d 3 9 buildings , includin g th e depot , were destroyed . Newspaper s acros s th e countr y sensationalize d th e up rising wit h headline s lik e "Pittsburg h Sacked—th e Cit y Completel y i n the Powe r o f a Howlin g Mob. " T o th e New York Times o f Jul y 26 , 1877, th e striker s wer e no w "hoodlums , rabble , bummers , looters , blacklegs, thieves, tramps, ruffians, incendiaries , enemies of society, brigands, rapscallions , riffraff , felon s an d idiots. " All along the lin e towns an d citie s were give n ove r to riots—Altoona , Easton, Harrisburg , Reading , Johnstown , Bethlehem , an d Philadelphi a —and freigh t wa s immobilized . A s federa l troop s entere d cit y afte r cit y rioting subside d an d striker s returne d t o work . The y wer e beate n an d they kne w it . Nothin g wa s don e t o assuag e thei r grievances . B y Augus t 2, 1877 , th e railroad s ha d ha d wha t wa s lef t o f thei r propert y restore d to them . Damag e t o the m an d othe r propert y owner s cos t mor e tha n $10 millio n t o repair . The crisi s ha d laste d a month , th e consequence s wer e fel t fo r severa l years t o come . Th e conflic t involve d mor e peopl e tha n an y othe r labo r dispute i n th e nineteent h century . I t seeme d t o th e uppe r an d middl e classes lik e a slav e uprising—miner s i n Martinsbur g an d Scranton , mill -
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hands i n Pittsburgh , sewerme n i n Louisville , an d stevedore s i n Cairo , Illinois, as well a s small businessme n an d farmer s acros s the countr y ha d actively assiste d th e strike . The busines s communit y resolve d t o suppres s labor association s b y ever y possibl e means . In it s editoria l o f Augus t 2 , 1877, th e Nation explaine d tha t i t wa s necessar y t o b e crue l i n orde r t o be kind : The kindest thin g which ca n b e done fo r th e great multitude s o f untaugh t me n . . . i s t o sho w the m promptl y tha t societ y a s her e organized , o n individua l freedom o f thought and action, is impregnable, and can be no more shaken than the orde r o f nature . Th e mos t crue l thin g i s to le t the m suppose , eve n fo r on e week, tha t i f the y ha d onl y chose n thei r tim e better , o r ha d bee n bette r le d or better armed, they would have succeeded in forcing it to capitulate. In tur n labo r wa s convince d tha t th e hostilit y engendere d b y th e strik e virtually preclude d furthe r strike s fo r th e tim e being . Therefore , labo r must advanc e it s caus e b y outrigh t politica l activity . Bu t althoug h labo r had los t the firs t roun d i t had begu n t o realiz e its potential strength .
The Haymarket Affair The contemporaneou s histor y o f America n socialis m provide s variation s on th e them e o f th e ris e o f America n labor . Indeed , th e entir e labo r movement wa s discredite d i n gri m account s abou t th e subversiv e activi ties of anarchist s an d socialists . They ros e to a torrent o f abus e in report s of th e Haymarke t affai r o f 1886 . In 186 4 Kar l Mar x founde d th e Internationa l Workingmen' s Associ ation i n London . A t tha t tim e Marx's strateg y t o achiev e a socialist stat e was fo r th e worker s t o organiz e trad e union s first an d producers ' coop eratives later . The y coul d the n organiz e themselve s politicall y an d seiz e control o f th e government . Ferdinan d Lassalle , however , wante d t o d o things th e othe r wa y around : firs t political , the n economi c control . A small grou p o f hi s follower s forme d th e Germa n Workingmen' s Unio n in Ne w Yor k i n Octobe r 1865 . I n 186 8 the y reconstitute d themselve s the Socialist party wit h Friedric h A . Sorge as president. They fare d badl y in th e election s tha t yea r an d decide d t o infiltrat e othe r associations . Accordingly, the y forme d Unio n 5 o f th e Nationa l Labo r Unio n an d Section 1 of the Internationa l Workingmen' s Association . Bot h remaine d minuscule sects . Marxism an d socialis m di d no t arous e th e sor t o f mas s
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enthusiasm enjoye d b y indigenous protest s fo r greenbacks , fre e silver , o r the tax o n wealth . However, America n intellectual s wer e attracte d t o th e International , including Willia m West , forme r presiden t o f th e New Englan d Working men's Association , wh o organize d Section s 9 an d 12 . Sectio n 1 2 wa s penetrated b y two sisters , Victoria Woodhul l an d Tennessee Claflin , wh o were ultra-feminists . Thei r belief s wer e sensationalize d b y th e press , which mad e th e Internationa l loo k morall y outrageou s an d politicall y ridiculous. Bad publicit y an d philosophica l difference s divide d i t further . Twenty-two sections , mainl y compose d o f immigrants , forme d th e Nort h American Federatio n an d wer e recognize d a s legitimat e b y th e Interna tional Congres s a t th e Hagu e i n 1872 . Thirtee n section s forme d th e American Confederation , whic h di d no t gai n recognitio n an d dwindle d into obscurity . In 187 2 the Internationa l i n Europe foundere d o n differences betwee n Marx an d anarchis t Mikhai l Bakuni n an d move d it s organizatio n t o New York . Thi s precipitate d a struggl e fo r leadershi p amon g variou s sections i n th e cit y tha t wa s resolve d onl y whe n severa l section s wer e expelled. These joined force s wit h group s fro m Newar k an d Philadelphi a to for m th e Socia l Democrati c Part y o f America . Amon g th e leader s were cigarmake r Adolp h Strasse r an d carpente r Pete r J. McGuire . Bu t i t was onl y throug h unio n an d unanimit y tha t th e socialist s coul d possibl y hope t o mak e headway . The y hel d a congres s i n Philadelphi a i n Jul y 1876 whic h founde d th e Socialis t Labo r party . I t wa s suppose d t o giv e priority t o trad e unio n activity . However , it s politica l agitator s wer e quite carrie d awa y b y thei r successe s i n variou s municipa l election s i n New Haven , Milwaukee , an d Chicag o i n 187 6 an d 1877 . Onc e agai n i t seemed th e socialis t movemen t wa s abou t t o dissolve . Onl y th e Grea t Railroad Strik e o f 187 7 save d it . Socialists burie d thei r difference s an d cooperate d wit h th e strikers . I n Chicago th e Workingmen's part y trie d t o seiz e the initiative; in St . Loui s they succeede d fo r a time. In Reign of the Rabble (1966 ) Davi d Burban k concludes tha t "n o America n cit y ha s com e s o clos e t o bein g rule d b y a workers' soviet , a s w e woul d no w cal l it , a s St . Louis , Missouri , i n th e year 1877. " ^ u t t n e v soo n foun d themselve s isolated . Thei r executiv e committee wa s arreste d o n charge s o f conspirac y an d fou r member s were sentenced t o five years i n the stat e penitentiary an d fined $2,000 .
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The failure o f the railroad strik e convinced practicall y th e whole labo r movement i t shoul d no w concentrat e o n politica l action . Thu s th e polit ical win g o f th e Socialist s gaine d th e ascendanc y a t th e Newark conven tion o f Decembe r 1877 . Fro m it s ne w headquarter s i n Cincinnat i th e Socialist Labo r part y concentrate d it s effort s o n winnin g stat e an d mu nicipal election s i n New York , Chicago , and St . Louis in 187 8 an d 1879 . Any succes s wa s short-lived . Socialis t leaders , attemptin g t o pla y bot h ends agains t th e middle , faile d miserably . Trad e unionist s withi n an d without th e party wer e no t entirel y convince d b y its arguments. Diehar d socialists suspecte d it s integrity. Whe n th e leader s allie d themselve s wit h the Greenbacker s i n 188 0 the y shattere d th e whol e socialis t movement . By 188 3 th e Socialis t Labo r part y ha d n o mor e tha n 1,50 0 member s divided amon g riva l factions . Yet they were still capable of rallying to a cause. This time the avowe d aim wa s revolution . A t a Chicag o conventio n o f Octobe r 188 1 thes e minuscule sect s constitute d th e Revolutionar y Socialis t party . Bu t al though the y endorse d th e aim s o f th e Internationa l Workin g People' s Association, o r Blac k International , the y rejecte d politica l actio n them selves i n favo r o f economi c actio n throug h trad e unions . Th e easter n wing wa s anarchist . It s leader , Johan n Most , prophesie d a societ y i n which th e stat e woul d b e replace d b y a federatio n o f producers ' cooper atives. H e advocate d propagand a b y deed , executio n o f capitalists , an d seizure o f thei r estates . Th e "Chicag o idea " o f native-bor n America n Albert Parson s an d Germa n immigran t Augus t Spie s wa s syndicalis m based o n existin g trad e unions . Union s wer e no t t o conten d fo r highe r wages an d shorte r hours . These would b e superficial gains . They were t o work fo r th e overthrow o f capitalis t society . Socialism wa s abou t t o fac e its first major crisi s in the Unite d States . Few event s hav e ha d suc h nationa l an d internationa l repercussion s a s the Haymarke t bom b outrag e o f 1886 . There ha s bee n n o equivalen t i n the twentiet h century . T o ge t som e ide a o f th e publi c hysteri a i t gener ated on e woul d hav e t o imagin e suc h event s a s th e Grea t Re d Scar e o f 1917—1921, th e electio n o f 1928 , an d th e cas e o f Sacc o an d Vanzett i that cam e i n between , al l happenin g i n a singl e mont h instea d o f bein g spread ove r a decade . The Blac k Internationa l ha d perhap s 2,00 0 member s i n Chicago . They wer e mainl y Germa n an d Polis h immigrant s wh o worke d i n th e metal, cabinet , an d packin g industries . It s publication , Alarm, preache d
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open revolution . It s facilit y i n self-advertisemen t wa s t o b e it s undoing . Chicago newspaper s i n thre e language s emphasize d it s suppose d threa t to society . I t persuade d th e Progressiv e Ciga r Makers ' Unio n t o creat e a Central Labo r Unio n ther e i n Februar y 1884 . Twenty-two union s joine d it in the next tw o years . At its Chicago conventio n o n Octobe r 7 , 1884 , the ne w Federatio n o f Organized Trade s an d Labo r Union s ( a politically moderat e successo r t o the defunc t NLU ) passe d a resolutio n tha t "eigh t hour s shal l constitut e a legal day' s labor fro m an d afte r Ma y 1 , 1886. " Both th e Centra l Labo r Union an d th e Blac k Internationa l committe d themselve s t o th e move ment. O f course , man y employer s woul d no t assen t t o th e demand . Across th e countr y som e 350,00 0 worker s fro m 11,56 2 firms wen t o n strike. The conservativ e pres s ha d plent y t o offe r b y wa y o f scor n an d censure. Th e Indianapolis Journal o f Ma y 3 , 1886 , wa s typica l i n it s condemnation b y ridicule . "Stree t parades , re d flags , fiery harangue s b y scoundrels an d demagogues , wh o ar e living off th e saving s of hones t bu t deluded men , strike s an d threatene d violenc e mar k th e inauguratio n o f the movement. " A strike an d lockou t a t the McCormic k Harveste r Work s i n Chicago , which ha d continue d sinc e February , precipitate d a tragedy . O n Ma y 3 a pitche d battl e too k plac e betwee n strikers , strikebreakers , an d polic e protecting the m i n fron t o f th e plant . Whe n polic e fired int o th e crow d several people wer e kille d an d man y injured . In protest th e anarchist s o f th e Black Internationa l calle d a meeting in Haymarket Square , cente r o f th e lumbe r yard s an d packin g houses , fo r May 4 . Mayo r Carte r H . Harriso n gav e hi s permission . Th e invitatio n to atten d wa s a n inflammator y document , th e so-calle d reveng e circular , composed b y August Spies . Its tenor i s suggested b y a short extract : The master s sen t ou t thei r bloodhounds—th e police . The y kille d si x o f you r brothers a t McCormick's thi s afternoon. The y killed the poor wretches because they, like you, had th e courage to disobey th e supreme will of you r bosses . . . . To arms we call you, to arms! The mayo r attende d th e meeting , discovere d i t wa s peaceful , an d left . When i t bega n t o rai n th e crow d starte d t o mel t away . Th e mayo r ha d advised Joh n Bonfield , precinc t captain , t o discharg e hi s police reserves . Instead, Bonfiel d dispatche d a rio t squa d t o th e Haymarket . Captai n
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Ward, wh o wa s i n charg e o f th e squad , ordere d th e crow d t o dispers e and ha d a n argumen t wit h Englis h immigran t Samue l Fielden , whos e address h e ha d interrupted . Someon e the n thre w a bomb tha t kille d on e policeman, Sergean t M . J. Degan , an d wounde d mor e tha n sixty , si x o f whom die d later . Th e polic e retaliated , agai n firin g int o th e crowd , wounding mor e tha n a hundred people , som e fatally . At first publi c opinio n wa s quic k t o blam e th e anarchist s an d cit e their opinion s a s proo f o f guilt . Accordin g t o Illinoi s stat e la w anyon e inciting murde r wa s als o guilt y o f murder . Altogethe r seve n anarchist s were arreste d an d indicte d an d a warran t wa s issue d fo r th e eighth , Albert Parsons . Onl y thre e (Spies , Parsons , an d Fielden ) ha d actuall y been presen t i n th e Ha y market o n Ma y 4 . Nevertheless, pres s denuncia tion wa s particularl y vituperative . O n Ma y 6 , 1886 , th e Chicago Tribune declared , "Thes e serpent s hav e bee n warme d an d nourishe d i n th e sunshine o f toleratio n unti l a t las t the y hav e bee n emboldene d t o strik e at society , law , order , an d government. " No on e coul d b e sure who ha d throw n th e bomb. Rathe r tha n makin g the punishment fit th e crime , society wante d t o mak e th e crimina l d o so . It wa s difficul t t o credi t th e sorry-lookin g grou p o f anarchist s wit h th e violence an d horro r o f th e Haymarke t affair . Mos t newspaperme n ha d concluded a t th e tim e tha t Loui s Ling g ha d mad e th e fata l bom b an d that Rudolp h Schnaubel t ha d throw n it . Th e fac t tha t Schnaubel t wa s twice arreste d an d free d whe n al l othe r suspecte d anarchist s wer e de tained certainl y suggest s tha t th e polic e wante d hi m ou t o f th e way . I t is possible the y ha d use d hi m a s a n agen t provocateur . Historia n Samue l Yellen's interpretatio n i s tha t Captai n Bonfiel d plante d sur e proo f o f terrorism s o tha t h e coul d tak e repressiv e measures . I n a n intervie w published i n th e Chicago Daily News o n Ma y 10 , 1889 , Chie f o f Polic e Ebersold explaine d tha t Bonfield' s abl e lieutenant , Captai n Schaack , "wanted t o kee p thing s stirring . H e wante d bomb s t o b e foun d here , there, al l around , everywhere . . . . Afte r w e go t th e anarchis t societie s broken up , Schaac k wante d t o sen d ou t me n t o agai n organiz e ne w societies righ t away. " The tria l o f th e accuse d anarchist s bega n o n Jun e 21 , 1886 , a t th e criminal cour t o f Coo k Count y befor e Judg e Josep h E . Gary . I t wa s t o become a notoriou s referenc e poin t fo r radical s suspiciou s o f judicia l integrity, especiall y i n the trial o f th e "Chicag o Seven " afte r th e Chicag o
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riots that accompanie d th e controversy-laden Democrati c Nationa l Con vention o f 1968 . Julius S . Grinnell, state's attorney , ignored th e usual custo m o f havin g jurors chose n a t rando m fro m name s i n a box . Instead , h e ha d a specia l bailiff selec t me n prejudice d agains t th e defendants . On e wa s actuall y a relative o f on e o f th e bom b victims . The evidenc e agains t th e defendant s began wit h thei r literature . Augus t Spie s wa s a printe r an d edito r o f th e Arbeiter-Zeitung. Article s describin g th e manufactur e o f dynamit e an d bombs an d urgin g comrade s t o "clea n thei r guns " an d hav e the m read y for actio n wer e turne d agains t hi m i n court . Moreover , dynamit e wa s found i n hi s offic e an d i n th e hom e o f anothe r anarchist , Georg e Engel . By mean s o f smear , innuendo , an d fals e testimony , Grinnel l convince d the jur y tha t Spies , Schwab , an d th e missin g Schnaubel t ha d passe d a bomb fro m on e t o th e othe r a t th e meeting . O n Augus t 2 0 th e jur y returned a verdic t o f guilt y fo r al l th e defendant s an d fixed th e penalt y at hanging fo r seve n o f the m an d lif e imprisonmen t fo r th e eighth, Osca r Neebe. Michael Schwa b an d Samue l Fielde n pleade d fo r executiv e clemenc y and ha d thei r sentence s commute d t o lif e imprisonment . Another , Loui s Lingg, a twenty-one-year-ol d carpenter , too k hi s ow n lif e i n prison , blowing himsel f u p b y explodin g a stic k o f dynamit e i n hi s mouth . Th e remaining four—Spies , Parsons , Engel, and Adolp h Fischer—wer e hange d on Novembe r n , 1887 . Twenty-fiv e thousan d peopl e too k par t i n thei r funeral procession . Thei r monumen t a t Waldhei m Cemeter y becam e a workers' shrine . The cas e was no w a public sensatio n a t hom e an d abroad . I n 188 9 a n amnesty associatio n wa s founde d t o campaig n fo r th e releas e o f Fielden , Neebe, an d Schwab . I n 189 3 a n e w progressiv e governor , Joh n P . Alt geld, pardone d th e thre e survivors . A s h e explaine d i n Reasons for Pardoning Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab (1893) , h e was als o exoneratin g them. H e accuse d judge , jury , an d prosecutio n o f fallin g victi m t o mas s hysteria tha t ha d bee n deliberatel y generate d b y th e polic e an d mali ciously intensifie d b y th e press . I n effect , h e wa s chargin g th e whol e community wit h th e murde r o f justic e itself . Largely becaus e o f th e Haymarke t affai r th e eight-hou r movemen t o f 1886 wa s a substantia l failure . O f th e man y worker s wh o too k par t i n the movemen t onl y 15,00 0 retaine d thei r gain s a t th e en d o f th e year .
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Employers ha d draw n muc h o f th e impetu s fo r th e campaig n b y buyin g off 150,00 0 potentia l striker s befor e th e genera l strik e began . Onc e again labo r ha d failed . The Socialis t movemen t wa s bein g baptize d b y fire . I n Ne w Yor k Socialists adopte d th e nam e Progressiv e Democrac y an d nominate d in tellectual an d socia l reforme r Henr y Georg e a s mayora l candidate . Widel y supported, Georg e too k a n astonishin g 68,00 0 vote s agains t Democra t Abram S . Hewitt , wh o wo n wit h 90,00 0 votes , an d Republica n Theo dore Roosevelt , wh o cam e thir d wit h 60,000 . The Ne w Yor k legislatur e responded b y enactin g a serie s o f labo r laws . I t create d a boar d o f mediation an d arbitration ; institute d a ten-hou r da y fo r me n workin g on street s an d elevate d railways , fo r women , an d fo r childre n unde r ag e fourteen; insiste d tha t good s mad e b y convict s b e s o labeled ; prohibite d employers fro m intimidatin g unio n members ; an d establishe d a cod e governing th e safet y an d sanitatio n o f tenemen t buildings . Outsid e Ne w York th e ne w politica l movemen t achieve d more . Th e movemen t reache d its zenit h th e followin g sprin g whe n labo r ticket s carrie d ninetee n com munities i n th e Midwes t an d th e cit y o f Chicago . Ye t th e number s o f people activel y involve d i n socialis t organization s remaine d minute . Th e weight o f th e labo r movemen t wa s no w divide d betwee n tw o riva l associations, th e Knight s o f Labo r an d th e America n Federatio n o f Labor. The Knights of Labor The Noble Orde r o f th e Knight s o f Labo r wa s founde d b y nine tailors i n the hall o f th e American Hos e Compan y i n Philadelphi a o n Decembe r 9 , 1869. Thei r leade r wa s Uria h S . Stephens. H e wante d t o unif y al l work ers i n a singl e order , regardles s o f colo r o r creed , se x o r nationality . Prospective initiate s ha d t o underg o searchin g investigatio n an d ritua l before bein g admitted . Th e Knight s establishe d eight y craf t union s i n o r around Philadelphi a withi n th e nex t tw o years , amon g the m carpenter s and cutters , mason s an d machinists , blacksmith s an d ironworkers . Membership wa s ope n t o al l wage earner s bu t close d t o th e professions . Retired worker s coul d join , bu t thei r numbe r wa s restricte d b y quot a t o a quarte r o f th e membership . In Januar y 187 8 th e Knight s establishe d a genera l assembl y a t a special conventio n i n Reading , Pennsylvania . The y adopte d th e follow -
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ing "Firs t Principles" : direc t representatio n an d legislation , th e initiativ e and referendum , establishmen t o f bureau s o f labo r statistics , taxatio n o f unearned increment s i n lan d values , compulsor y arbitratio n o f labo r disputes, prohibitio n o f chil d labor , federa l ownershi p o f th e railroads , the eight-hou r day , an d fre e coinag e o f silve r a t a ratio o f 1 6 to i . I t wa s due t o pressur e fro m th e Knight s an d thei r affiliate s tha t Congres s established a Burea u o f Labo r i n 1884 . Bu t thei r ultimat e goa l wa s th e establishment o f "co-operativ e institution s productiv e an d distributive. " The Knights ' membershi p fluctuate d widely . I t ros e t o 42,00 0 i n 188 2 and b y 188 5 wa s mor e tha n 100,000 . Loca l assemblie s mixe d skille d and unskille d workers . Thi s wa s th e Knights ' greates t strengt h an d greatest weakness . In 187 9 Terenc e V . Powderly , a machinis t an d unio n organize r wh o had jus t bee n electe d labo r mayo r o f Scranton , Pennsylvania , becam e grand maste r workman . Th e so n o f Iris h Catholi c immigrant s t o Car bondale, Pennsylvania , h e als o serve d a s vice president o f th e Iris h Lan d League, practice d a t th e bar , an d manage d a grocer y store . Diminutive , dapper, eve n dainty , Powderl y di d no t loo k lik e a determine d leade r o f labor. Ye t hi s politica l skil l wa s beyon d dispute . H e wa s eloquen t o n platform an d paper . B y adep t manipulatio n h e buil t u p a persona l machine tha t enable d hi m t o dominat e th e general assembl y fo r fourtee n years. Powderly envisione d th e skilled defendin g th e unskilled, the stron g championing th e weak . "A n injur y t o on e i s the concer n fo r all " was th e Knights' slogan. But this was not ho w skille d worker s sa w it. Traditiona l craft union s ha d conclude d the y coul d mak e nothin g o f unskille d labor . They wer e unwillin g t o tak e th e ris k an d joi n forces . Thus , th e conven tional union s wer e oppose d t o th e aim s o f th e Knight s fro m th e start . Soon the y oppose d th e associatio n itself . The Knight s playe d a crucia l rol e i n variou s strike s durin g th e winte r of 1883-84 . I n 188 5 militan t Knigh t Josep h R . Buchana n organize d discontented worker s o n th e entir e Southwes t Syste m int o loca l assem blies. Th e unscrupulou s entrepreneu r Ja y Goul d controlle d th e South west System , whic h include d th e Wabash . Whe n th e Wabas h trie d t o break th e loca l assemblie s b y firin g railwa y worker s wh o wer e Knights , the distric t assembl y a t Moberley , Missouri , ordere d Knight s remainin g with th e Wabas h t o g o o n strike . Gould' s entir e syste m wa s brough t t o a halt . H e wa s force d t o com e t o term s wit h th e Knights . Th e impac t o f his surrende r wa s sensational . A s Joseph Raybac k put s it , "Th e Goul d
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strikes made the Knights th e undisputed leader s of th e labor movement. " In th e nex t fe w month s mor e loca l assemblie s wer e forme d tha n i n th e previous sixtee n years . Tota l membershi p increase d mor e tha n seve n times t o ove r 700,000 , a s unskilled an d semiskille d worker s fro m mines , railroads, an d heav y industr y flocke d t o th e associatio n tha t ha d beate n Jay Gould . Powderl y claime d late r tha t a t least 400,000 peopl e cam e ou t of curiosit y an d cause d mor e har m tha n good . People expecte d to o muc h o f th e Knights , an d to o muc h wa s wha t they got . A s Iris h playwrigh t an d wi t Osca r Wild e remarked , ther e i s only on e thin g wors e tha n bein g denie d one' s heart' s desire , an d tha t i s attaining it . Carrie d awa y b y pas t successes , workers continue d t o pres s employers an d t o rel y o n th e nationa l executiv e t o bac k the m up . Em ployees o f th e Missour i Pacifi c an d Missouri , Kansa s an d Texa s rail roads, who ha d supporte d thei r colleague s i n the Wabash strik e of 1885 , now expecte d ful l suppor t fro m th e unio n i n thei r ow n clai m fo r highe r wages. When a foreman o n th e Texas an d Pacifi c wa s dismissed , Maste r Workman Marti n Iron s use d th e inciden t a s a pretex t fo r callin g a n unofficial strike . Extravagant demand s convince d Jay Goul d an d hi s managers tha t th e Knights shoul d b e crushe d onc e an d fo r all . H e ha d retreate d i n 188 5 i n order t o prepar e hi s force s fo r 1886 . A s th e strik e deteriorate d int o widespread violence , Powderl y wa s oblige d t o condon e i n publi c thos e actions h e condemne d i n private . Thi s tim e ther e wa s n o chanc e o f negotiation. Goul d an d hi s allie s wer e adamant . Peopl e interprete d th e strike a s a n attemp t t o violat e th e right s o f busines s an d wer e a s intran sigent i n thei r hostilit y t o th e striker s a s they ha d bee n t o Goul d th e yea r before. In th e las t si x month s o f 188 6 abou t 100,00 0 worker s wer e involve d in labo r dispute s i n othe r industries . Th e outcom e wa s muc h th e sam e everywhere. Th e Knight s wer e mos t discredite d b y a n abortiv e strik e i n the Chicag o stockyard s ove r th e eight-hou r day . Powderl y intervene d a t a critica l juncture . Th e striker s ha d alread y convince d th e associate d meatpackers tha t i t wa s tim e t o compromise . Bu t Powderl y ordere d hi s men bac k t o work , an d th e Knight s los t contro l o f th e situation . On e b y one the other strike s fizzled out . Although th e mid-1 8 80s wer e year s o f th e dinosaur , ther e wer e ne w mammals read y t o tak e thei r plac e a t it s side . Union s crushe d b y th e depression o f 187 3 slowl y returne d t o life . I n 188 0 ther e wer e alread y
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2,440 loca l unions . B y 188 3 the y ha d aroun d 200,00 0 members . Som e of th e ne w o r revive d union s becam e adjunct s t o th e Knights ; other s stayed aloof . Thei r reviva l followe d n o particula r patter n excep t compe tition an d conflic t amon g themselves . However , a s event s unfolded , i t became clea r tha t th e Knight s wer e failin g an d tha t thei r progra m wa s partly t o blame . Thus, th e revive d craf t union s contracte d thei r scop e t o expand thei r theme— a bette r dea l fo r thei r ow n workers . Powderly refuse d t o associat e th e Knight s wit h th e revivin g trad e unions' attemp t t o cal l a general strik e fo r th e eight-hou r da y o n Ma y 1 , 1886. However , th e Knights ' ne w members , who numbere d hundred s o f thousands, seize d upo n th e eight-hou r movemen t a s an issu e with whic h they coul d confron t employer s an d demonstrat e th e fierce powe r the y attributed t o th e Knights . Primaril y unskilled , certainl y oppressed , the y were lookin g fo r troubl e an d the y go t it . Despit e Powderly' s ban , thou sands o f knight s too k par t i n workers ' demonstrations . I t wa s a t thi s crucial junctur e tha t th e Haymarke t bom b exploded . Despit e al l thei r denials, the Knight s wer e tainte d b y presumed association . Publi c odiu m was sprea d b y conviction , contagion , an d intimidation .
American Federation of Labor The unio n tha t no w playe d th e centra l rol e i n th e movemen t fo r labo r federation wa s th e Internationa l Ciga r Makers . I t fel l int o th e hand s o f three remarkabl e men , Adolp h Strasser , Ferdinan d Laurrell , an d Samue l Gompers. Gomper s becam e presiden t o f th e Ne w Yor k union , an d i n 1877 Strasse r wa s electe d presiden t o f th e Internationa l union . Fo r th e sake o f financial stabilit y the y adopte d initiatio n fee s an d hig h dues . T o ensure loyalt y the y awarde d benefi t payment s fo r sicknes s an d death . From Britis h union s the y too k th e principl e o f equalizatio n o f funds : a local unio n tha t wa s financially health y migh t b e require d t o transfe r funds t o anothe r tha t wa s financially weak . Gompers wa s a n Englis h immigran t o f Dutch-Jewis h ancestr y wh o had lef t Londo n i n 186 3 a t th e ag e o f thirteen . H e spen t hi s adolescenc e in th e cigarmakin g shop s o f th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e an d absorbe d th e political discussion s h e heard amon g fello w workers . As a young ma n o f twenty-five Gomper s ha d stoo d amon g th e crow d durin g th e Tompkin s Square rio t o f 1874 . Year s late r i n hi s autobiograph y (1925 ) h e ex plained wha t thi s formativ e experienc e ha d taugh t him :
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I sa w ho w profession s o f radicalis m an d sensationalis m concentrate d al l th e forces o f societ y agains t a labo r movemen t an d nullifie d i n advanc e normal , necessary activity . I saw tha t leadershi p i n the labor movemen t coul d b e safely entrusted onl y t o thos e int o whos e heart s an d mind s ha d bee n wove n th e experience of earning their bread by daily labor. His prim e concer n wa s th e statu s o f skille d labor . Unde r hi s leadershi p it attaine d greate r stabilit y tha n eve r before . Th e cos t wa s borne , no t b y the middl e class , bu t b y th e unskilled . Gomper s an d Powderl y wer e rivals, bu t ther e wa s mor e t o thei r quarre l tha n a clas h o f conflictin g personalities. I n th e field o f labo r relation s Powderly' s strateg y wa s political educatio n an d hi s polic y la w reform . Gompers' s strateg y wa s economic opportunis m an d hi s policy la w observance . In 188 6 th e Knight s playe d int o th e hand s o f it s enemies . Whe n th e New Yor k Ciga r Manufacturers ' Associatio n cu t wages in January 1886 , both th e loca l cigarmakers ' union s protested . Th e manufacturer s or dered a lockou t o f 10,00 0 men . On e union , Progressiv e Unio n No . 1 , gave i n an d settle d wit h th e employers . Th e other , Loca l 144 , fel t be trayed. I t accuse d th e Knights , wh o ha d incorporate d th e Progressiv e Union, o f raiding , or poaching , it s fellow workers . Samuel Gomper s wa s head o f Loca l 14 4 an d persuade d th e Cigarmakers ' Internationa l t o institute a boycot t o f al l othe r cigars . This agitatio n wa s th e catalys t i n the explosio n o f accumulate d grievance s fel t b y craf t union s agains t th e Knights. They sen t representative s t o a conferenc e i n Philadelphi a o n Ma y 18 , 1886. The y ensure d tha t th e Knights ' proposals , designe d t o rais e th e rights an d statu s o f th e unskilled , wer e rejecte d b y ever y nationa l trad e union. I n Octobe r 188 6 th e Knight s me t a t Richmond , Virginia , an d ordered al l member s affiliate d wit h th e Cigarmakers ' Internationa l t o resign or forfei t membershi p i n the Noble Order . Craf t union s responde d to th e Knights ' move s b y meeting a second time , at Columbus , Ohio , o n December 8 , 1886 . Ther e wer e forty-tw o representative s o f twenty-fiv e groups. Their vehicl e was th e ne w America n Federatio n o f Labo r (AFL) , which no w too k definitiv e form . The AF L acknowledge d th e disconten t provoke d b y th e Knight s an d determined t o avoi d it s mistakes . I t recognize d th e autonom y o f eac h trade withi n it . Th e executiv e counci l coul d no t interfer e i n th e interna l affairs o f membe r unions . Nevertheless , t o preven t dissident s playin g o n the AF L th e tric k i t ha d playe d o n th e Knights , th e executiv e counci l
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reserved th e righ t t o resolv e jurisdictiona l disputes . I t levie d a ta x o n member union s t o creat e a strik e fun d an d maintai n a secretariat . T o promote labo r legislatio n i n th e citie s an d th e state s i t forme d cit y centrals an d stat e federations . The contributio n o f th e AF L t o th e whol e labo r movemen t doe s no t hide th e fac t tha t nationa l union s wer e th e tru e basi s o f it s revival. The y could exis t withou t th e AFL . Th e AF L coul d no t exis t withou t them . The policy o f th e AFL was t o suppor t union s i n winning recognitio n an d securing agreement s fro m employer s b y collectiv e bargaining , an d t o strike an d strik e har d onl y whe n thes e failed . Althoug h i t accepte d th e legislative proposal s o f th e ol d federation , th e AF L resolve d t o sta y ou t of part y politics . Gompers wa s electe d a s th e AFL' s first presiden t i n 1886 , an d serve d in tha t capacity , wit h th e exceptio n o f on e year , unti l hi s deat h i n 1924 . For th e first five year s h e wa s th e onl y full-tim e officer . I n a n eight-by ten-foot offic e h e sa t o n a n upturne d crat e a t a kitche n tabl e an d kep t his files in tomat o boxes . H e wrot e innumerabl e letters , edited th e Train Union Advocate, issue d unio n charters , collecte d funds , an d organize d conventions. Despit e hi s elitis m Gomper s neve r los t th e commo n touch . He love d positio n an d pleasur e bu t ha d n o interes t i n persona l profit . Thus i t was hi s personality rathe r tha n hi s politics tha t inspire d popula r esteem. He like d t o thin k h e was intuitive . In fac t h e was pragmatic . Growth wa s slow . In 189 2 th e initia l membershi p o f 150,00 0 ha d increased onl y t o 250,000 . Government , courts , an d industr y wer e al l hostile. But survival alon e was no mea n fea t i n depression. Gomper s wa s able t o tel l th e conventio n o f 1893 , "It i s noteworthy tha t whil e i n ever y previous industria l crisi s th e trad e union s wer e literall y mowe d dow n and swep t out o f existence , the unions no w i n existence have manifested , not onl y th e powers o f resistance , bu t o f stabilit y an d permanency. " Socialist sect s attempte d t o subver t th e AF L i n thei r ow n interests . They trie d t o wor k withi n i t an d the n establis h a competitiv e socialis t union b y it s side . Gomper s an d hi s allie s wer e no t take n in . I n 189 4 socialist delegate s submitte d a progra m t o th e Denve r convention . I t included th e controversia l "Plan k Ten, " whic h calle d fo r collectiv e own ership o f productio n an d distribution . Gomper s ensure d it s defea t b y insisting tha t th e conventio n debat e th e progra m poin t b y point . H e counted o n a whol e serie s o f amendment s bein g passe d tha t woul d damage bot h spiri t an d letter . Thi s wa s exactl y wha t happened . Whe n
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the dilute d progra m wa s finally presente d i n it s entiret y it s origina l supporters wer e so disgusted the y helped defea t i t by 1,17 3 vote s to 735 . But the y als o defeate d Gomper s i n hi s bi d fo r reelectio n an d electe d instead Joh n McBrid e o f th e Unite d Min e Workers . Gompers , however , recaptured th e presidency th e followin g year . A significan t exceptio n t o th e tren d o f affiliatio n wit h th e AF L wa s provided b y the four conservativ e railwa y brotherhoods : th e Locomotiv e Engineers (organize d 1863) ; th e Railwa y Conductor s (1868) ; th e Train men (1873) ; a n d t n e Fireme n (1883) . Th e failur e o f th e Grea t Railroa d Strike o f 187 7 n a d mad e the m cautious . Moreover , occupationa l haz ards persuade d thei r member s tha t insuranc e an d benefit s wer e perhap s more importan t tha n wages . However , individua l union s separat e fro m the brotherhood s di d becom e affiliate d wit h th e AFL , amon g the m th e Shop Workers , Switchmen , Yardmasters , Signalmen , Telegraphers , an d Railway an d Steamshi p Clerks .
Homestead and Pullman In th e 1890 s th e labo r movemen t wa s scarre d b y tw o grea t strikes , th e Homestead an d Pullman . Homestead , a boroug h o f Pennsylvani a seve n miles east o f Pittsburgh , o n th e lef t ban k o f th e Monongahela River , ha d more tha n 10,00 0 inhabitants , o f who m 3,43 1 wer e employe d b y th e Carnegie Stee l Company . Th e plan t produce d beams , boile r plates , an d structural iron . B y a n agreemen t o f 188 9 wage s wer e pai d o n a slidin g scale accordin g t o th e marke t pric e o f standar d Besseme r stee l billets . Only 80 0 worker s wer e skilled , an d the y earned , o n average , $2.4 3 fo r a twelve-hou r shift . Unskille d worker s wer e pai d 1 4 cent s a n hour . Th e agreement wa s du e t o expir e o n Jun e 30 , 1892 . Abou t 78 0 skille d workers a t Homestea d wer e firm member s o f th e Amalgamate d Associ ation o f Iron , Stee l an d Ti n Workers . The y wante d bette r term s an d union recognition . Moreover , the y wer e supporte d b y th e res t o f th e work force . On th e surface , i t seeme d tha t the y ha d goo d expectations . Andre w Carnegie wa s o n recor d i n th e Forum i n Apri l 188 6 a s sayin g tha t workers ha d a s good a righ t t o combin e a s manufacturers. I n the Forum in Augus t 188 6 h e wen t muc h furthe r an d implie d tha t h e condoned , o r at leas t understood , strik e actio n an d sympathize d wit h striker s wh o turned violent .
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Carnegie wa s i n Scotland . Hi s ruthles s lieutenant , Henr y Cla y Frick , chairman o f th e board , wa s i n charge . J . H . Bridge , onc e Carnegie' s ghostwriter, explaine d i n his Inside Story of the Carnegie Steel Company (1903) wh y Carnegi e firs t encourage d an d the n destroye d th e Amalga mated Associatio n o f Iro n an d Stee l Workers . A t first , th e unio n wa s hi s ally i n hi s campaig n fo r monopol y contro l o f steel . A nationa l trad e union serve d t o depress wages throughout th e entire industry. Carnegie' s competitors, unabl e t o cu t labo r cost s belo w his , must the n withe r i n th e face o f hi s grea t might . Afte r h e ha d eliminate d hi s rivals , however , h e had n o nee d o f th e union . Also , it represente d a challeng e t o hi s monop oly. The unio n ha d thre e principa l objection s t o th e company' s proposal s for th e ne w contract . First , i t oppose d th e reductio n i n th e minimu m price o f th e slidin g scal e fro m $2 5 t o $2 3 pe r to n o f stee l billets . I n effect, worker s woul d los e betwee n 1 8 an d 2 6 percen t o f thei r pay . Second, th e unio n oppose d a chang e i n th e dat e o f contrac t fro m Jun e 30 t o Decembe r 31 . The me n kne w the y coul d no t bargai n a s effectivel y in winte r a s i n summe r becaus e sever e weathe r preclude d strik e action . Third, the y resente d a reductio n i n tonnag e rate s a t work s wher e ne w and bette r machiner y ha d bee n installed . Throughou t th e negotiation s and th e disput e Frick' s attitud e wa s utterl y unyielding . Th e union , le d by Hug h O'Donnel l an d Joh n W . Gates , wa s equall y intractabl e an d called a strike . On Jun e 30 , 1892 , Fric k ordere d a lockout . H e intende d t o impor t strikebreakers an d ha d thre e mile s o f barbed-wir e fencin g twelv e fee t high erecte d aroun d th e works . Tha t wa s no t hi s onl y precaution . O n July 4 , 1892 , compan y attorney s Kno x an d Ree d requeste d a hundre d deputies fro m Sherif f Willia m H . McClear y o f Alleghen y Count y t o protect th e works . Bu t h e wa s unabl e t o assembl e a posse . Th e New York Sun o f July 9 , 1892 , explained tha t th e original poss e was n o bette r than Falstaf f ' s army . O f twenty-thre e men , tw o wer e lam e an d neede d crutches; ninetee n presente d doctors ' certificate s tha t the y wer e unfi t t o serve; an d tw o wer e firebrands dismisse d a s to o dangerou s fo r duty . I n fact, citizen s o f Homestea d supporte d th e strike . Frick ha d struc k a dea l wit h Rober t Pinkerton , no w hea d o f th e Pinkerton Nationa l Detectiv e Agency , o n Jun e 20 . H e woul d hir e 30 0 detectives a t $ 5 a da y t o ac t a s "watchmen. " O n Jul y 6 the y arrive d a t Homestead i n tw o barge s b y a tu g u p th e Monongahel a River . Th e
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workers ha d alread y barricade d themselve s insid e th e plan t wit h stee l billets fro m whic h the y no w repulse d th e Pinkerton s i n a battl e tha t lasted fro m fou r i n th e mornin g t o five i n th e evening . In th e Battl e o f Homestead seve n striker s wer e kille d an d thre e Pinkerto n me n wer e fatally wounded . Eve n aboar d th e barge s th e detective s wer e no t safe . The striker s fired o n the m fro m a smal l bras s canno n an d the n poure d oil ont o th e Monongahel a River , whic h the y the n se t afire . Deserte d b y the tug , th e Pinkerton s ha d n o choic e bu t t o surrender . Nothin g hap pened fo r anothe r si x days . However, a t Frick' s request , Governo r Rob ert E. Pattison o f Pennsylvani a summone d 8,00 0 state militia who marche d into Homestea d o n July 1 2 and place d th e works unde r martia l law . What shocke d publi c opinio n abou t th e Homestea d strik e mor e tha n the violenc e o f th e 1870 s an d 1880 s wa s no t th e degre e o f damag e an d amount o f bloodshed . I t wa s th e fac t tha t th e affai r ha d develope d int o open warfar e betwee n on e o f th e mos t powerfu l corporation s an d on e of th e stronges t unions . Eac h sid e ha d take n th e la w int o it s own hands . Typical o f pres s account s wa s th e repor t i n th e Chicago Tribune o f Jul y 7 which describe d " a battl e which fo r bloodthirstines s an d boldnes s wa s not excelle d i n actua l warfare. " Congress als o realize d tha t suc h industria l warfar e wa s a challenge t o its ow n authority . Senato r Joh n McAule y Palme r o f Illinoi s sai d o n Jul y 7, 1892 , tha t th e Pinkerto n arm y wa s a s recognizabl e a s th e federa l army. "Th e commande r i n chie f o f thi s army , lik e th e baron s o f th e Middle Ages , ha s a forc e t o b e increase d a t pleasur e fo r th e servic e o f those wh o woul d pa y hi m o r them. " Palmer' s sympathie s wer e wit h th e strikers. "The y wer e wher e the y ha d a righ t t o be ; the y wer e upo n ground the y ha d a righ t t o defend. " Republica n elder s feare d th e affai r would upse t thei r chance s i n the election o f 189 2 an d cable d t o Carnegi e in Scotland, askin g hi m t o retriev e th e situation . On Jul y 2 3 traged y turne d int o blac k farce . A Russia n immigran t anarchist, Alexande r Berkman , trie d t o kil l Frick i n his Pittsburgh office , first wit h a pisto l an d the n wit h a dagger . Fric k wa s wounde d i n th e neck, back , an d side . In the melee J. G . A. Leishman, company president , was als o injured . Berkma n wa s covere d i n bloo d whe n h e wa s arrested . He had intende d t o chea t the authorities b y blowing himself u p with tw o dynamite cartridge s hidde n i n hi s mouth . Bu t th e officer s seize d hi m b y the throat an d h e spat th e cartridge s out . Alexander Berkman' s frien d an d accomplice , Emm a Goldman , ha d
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planned th e assassinatio n wit h him . In th e en d sh e wa s no t abl e t o accompany hi m fro m Ne w Yor k t o Pittsburg h becaus e the y coul d onl y afford on e train far e betwee n them . Instead, sh e campaigned fo r anarch y in Unio n Square , Ne w York . I n 189 3 sh e wa s arreste d fo r urgin g th e poor an d need y t o hel p themselve s fro m neighborin g stores . Convicte d of incitin g people t o riot , sh e was sentence d t o tw o years ' imprisonment . According t o Reynolds Weekly o n Jul y 31 , 1892 , on e o f th e soldier s stationed a t Homestead , Privat e Jams , calle d ou t afte r th e attemp t o n Frick, "Thre e cheer s fo r th e assassin! " Hi s commandin g officer , Colone l Streeter, ha d hi m hun g u p b y his thumbs fo r hal f a n hour . Whe n h e wa s cut down , hi s head wa s shave d o n on e sid e an d h e was drumme d ou t o f camp. Frick's injurie s wer e no t seriou s enoug h t o kee p hi m fro m wor k o n the da y h e was attacked . Bu t the y wer e fata l t o th e strike . Hugh O'Don nell remarked , "Th e bulle t fro m Berkman' s pisto l wen t straigh t throug h the hear t o f th e Homestea d strike. " O n Jul y 2 7 th e Homestea d plan t reopened wit h a thousan d ne w worker s unde r temporar y militar y pro tection. On Septembe r 22 , 1892 , a grand jur y returne d 16 7 bills against Hug h O'Donnell an d othe r unio n leader s chargin g murder , aggravate d riot , and conspiracy . N o jur y woul d find agains t compan y workers . Sylveste r Critchlow, whos e cas e wa s hear d first o n Novembe r 18 , wa s acquitte d after a n hour' s deliberation . Whe n th e compan y faile d t o secur e O'Don nell's convictio n bot h side s agree d no t t o prosecute on e anothe r further . Carnegie attempte d t o exculpat e himself . H e wrot e abou t th e episod e to Britis h Prim e Ministe r Willia m Gladston e o n Septembe r 24 , 1892 , describing i t a s "th e tria l o f m y life. " Bu t althoug h h e maintaine d tha t the firm wa s i n th e righ t abou t th e contrac t h e implie d tha t Fric k wa s responsible fo r th e catastroph e tha t ensue d becaus e i t wa s h e wh o ha d brought i n strikebreakers . N o doub t hi s regre t wa s genuin e enough . Bu t it i s b y n o mean s certai n tha t Carnegi e woul d hav e acte d differentl y from Frick . I n fac t throughou t th e whol e affai r Carnegi e wa s writin g letters to Fric k supportin g th e company' s attitude . Frick ha d mean t t o brea k th e strik e an d crus h th e union . H e suc ceeded. Th e unio n collapse d a t Homestead . I n th e fac e o f continue d hostility fro m th e Carnegi e compan y i t dissolve d elsewhere . I t would b e another fort y year s befor e a n effectiv e stee l unio n wa s forme d i n th e United States . O n Novembe r 2 0 the Homestea d lodg e o f th e stee l unio n
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voted b y 10 1 t o 9 1 vote s t o en d it s prohibitio n agains t workin g fo r th e Carnegie company . Skille d hand s wer e require d an d ne w superintenden t Charles M . Schwa b preferre d the m t o inexperience d scabs . Political partie s cite d Homestea d t o illustrat e th e virtue s o f thei r ow n arguments. Bu t bot h side s agree d tha t i f th e Homestea d employee s di d not lik e thei r wage s the y shoul d loo k elsewher e fo r wor k an d no t tr y t o stop other s fro m takin g thei r places . Accordin g t o ne w conservativ e theory busines s ha d a perfec t righ t t o den y worker s th e righ t o f fre e association fo r collectiv e bargainin g i n orde r t o sav e the m fro m them selves. Samuel Gomper s expresse d piou s sympath y wit h th e stee l union , which forme d a n importan t constituen t o f th e AFL . Bu t h e wa s no t a n eloquent speake r an d hi s attempt s t o pas s of f th e affai r a s som e sor t o f moral victor y wer e mistaken an d ill-timed . The sequenc e o f event s in the Pullman strik e o f 189 4 struc k furthe r a t the workers ' cause . Georg e M . Pullman , manufacture r o f railroa d cars , founded th e tow n o f Pullman , sout h o f Chicago , i n 1880 . It s 30 0 acre s accommodated houses , shops , an d othe r amenitie s a s wel l a s mills , factories, an d a foundry. Althoug h Pullma n worker s wer e no t trappe d i n some urba n slum , the y wer e livin g i n a ghett o nonetheless . The y ha d n o choice bu t t o ren t quarters , bu y food , water , an d gas , an d pa y fo r services fro m th e company . An d everythin g wa s mor e expensiv e tha n elsewhere. Pullman himsel f wa s certainl y no t penniless . Th e Pullma n Compan y was capitalize d a t $3 6 millio n i n 1894 . A t th e en d o f fiscal yea r 1893 , dividends amounte d t o $2.5 2 millio n an d wage s t o $7.2 2 million . How ever, i n th e depressio n th e Pullma n Compan y no t onl y discharge d mor e than 3,00 0 o f it s 5,80 0 employees bu t als o cut th e wages of thos e who m it retained whil e maintaining it s old price s for lodgin g and services . Afte r deductions, mos t wer e lef t wit h $ 6 a week, an d on e ha d n o mor e tha n 2 cents. A t th e sam e time , th e compan y continue d t o pa y shareholder s their regula r dividends . Thus , o n Jul y 31 , 1894 , dividend s ha d rise n t o $2.88 million , althoug h wage s ha d falle n t o $4.4 7 million . In Ma y 189 4 Georg e Pullma n receive d a grievanc e committe e o f employees bu t refuse d t o conside r adjustment s t o eithe r wage s o r prices . He maintaine d tha t ther e wa s n o relationshi p betwee n hi s dua l rol e a s landlord an d employer . H e the n fired thre e o f th e delegate s i n violatio n of a pledge no t t o d o so . It was this actio n tha t le d to a strike by Pullma n
The firs t mea t trai n leave s th e Chicag o stockyard s unde r escor t o f th e Unite d State s Cav alry o n Jul y 10 , 1894 , an d th e secondar y strik e b y th e America n Railwa y Unio n i n sup port o f th e Pullma n striker s i s broken. Presiden t Grove r Clevelan d intervene d i n th e affai r over th e protes t o f Governo r Joh n Altgel d o f Illinois . Th e drawin g b y G . W . Peter s afte r G. A . Coffi n wa s carrie d b y Harper's Weekly o n Jul y 28 , 1894 . (Librar y o f Congress. )
local union s o n Ma y 11 . Th e compan y wa s late r oblige d t o clos e it s plant. What transforme d th e strik e fro m a conventional , i f bitter , labo r dispute int o a conflic t o n a nationa l scal e wa s th e secondar y actio n o f the America n Railwa y Union . Th e America n Railwa y Unio n ha d bee n formed i n 189 3 b y Eugen e V . Deb s a s a n industria l unio n ope n t o al l white employee s o f th e railroads . O n Jun e 21 , 1894, i t intervene d i n th e Pullman dispute . Deb s secure d a resolution orderin g hi s member s no t t o handle Pullma n car s if , afte r five days , th e Pullma n Compan y stil l re fused t o g o t o arbitration . Pullma n woul d no t giv e in , an d o n Jun e 2 6 the boycot t wen t int o effect . The Genera l Managers ' Association , a group o f executive s o f twenty four railroad s enterin g Chicago , retaliate d o n Pullman' s behalf . I t or dered railroad s t o fire worker s wh o too k part . Bu t th e AR U wa s ready .
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Every tim e someon e wa s fired fo r refusin g t o handl e a Pullma n ca r th e entire trai n cre w woul d g o o n strike . Withi n a mont h th e strik e wa s s o widespread tha t almos t ever y railroa d i n th e Midwes t wa s affected , an d the nation' s entir e transportatio n syste m wa s seriousl y disrupted . In th e week endin g June 3 0 the ten trunk line s entering Chicag o carrie d 42,89 2 tons o f freigh t boun d fo r th e East . A wee k late r th e tota l tonnag e wa s only 11,600 .
One o f th e mos t controversia l me n i n labor history , Eugen e Deb s wa s an eloquen t speaker , a shrew d orator , an d a n aggressiv e leader . H e wa s the so n o f French-Alsatia n immigrant s wh o ha d settle d i n Terr e Haute , Indiana, wher e hi s fathe r ra n a grocer y store . Afte r brie f career s a s grocery cler k an d railwa y engineer , h e becam e nationa l secretary-trea surer o f th e Brotherhoo d o f Locomotiv e Fireme n i n 187 8 whe n h e wa s twenty-five. I n 189 2 h e resigne d i n orde r t o for m th e separat e America n Railway Union . Hi s passionate concer n wa s th e dispossessed . Although h e ha d calle d th e strike , he di d no t wan t it . H e though t th e ARU wa s to o ne w an d to o wea k t o tak e o n th e gian t railroads . Bu t h e believed tha t i f h e gave i n t o Pullma n bot h h e an d hi s associatio n woul d lose all credibility. T o retai n publi c confidence Deb s insisted o n peaceful , passive resistanc e fro m hi s men . Thi s wa s th e las t thin g th e railroad s wanted. The y looke d fo r troubl e t o wi n publi c opinio n t o thei r side . When the y coul d no t find it , they fomente d it . Three-quarters o f th e railroad s enterin g Chicag o ha d bee n stoppe d i n their tracks . Th e striker s wer e steadfas t bu t n o longe r disciplined . De clining moral e an d deterioratin g behavio r amon g the m gav e th e man agers a n importan t strategi c advantage . The y devise d ne w tactic s t o exploit th e situation . The y importe d Canadia n strikebreaker s an d or dered the m t o attach Pullma n car s to mail cars . Thus, if strikers detache d the Pullma n car s the y coul d b e accuse d o f interferin g wit h th e federa l mails. Th e owner s als o persuade d thei r ally , Attorne y Genera l Richar d Olney, t o hir e 3,40 0 specia l deputies , who m the y themselve s paid , t o keep th e trains running . Olney appointe d a railroa d lawyer , Edwi n Walker , a s specia l counse l to District Attorney T . E. Milchrist i n Chicago, and togethe r wit h federa l judges Peter J. Grosscu p an d C . D. Wood the y als o devised a n injunctio n to tra p Debs . I f Deb s obeyed th e injunctio n an d proteste d t o a court, th e strike would b e broken unti l th e case was actuall y heard . I f he disobeye d the injunction , h e woul d fac e arres t an d punishmen t an d disruptio n o f
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the strik e b y th e authorities . Unde r a n injunction , moreover , ther e wa s no tria l b y jury . Th e judg e issue d th e injunctio n an d fixed punishmen t on thos e he deeme d t o hav e broke n it . On Jul y 2 U.S . Marsha l Arnol d rea d ou t th e injunctio n agains t th e strike t o a crow d a t Blue Island , outsid e Chicago . H e an d hi s 12 5 deputies wer e hoote d dow n an d jostled . Thi s inciden t serve d a s pretex t to invit e Presiden t Clevelan d t o sen d i n federa l troops , whic h h e di d o n July 4 . I t wa s thei r arriva l tha t le d t o widesprea d violence . Th e wors t riots occurre d o n Jul y 7 , 8 , an d 9 whe n crowd s attacke d a n Illinoi s regiment, whic h retaliate d b y firing bac k a t point-blan k range . Score s of people were wounded, abou t thirt y fatally . Soo n ther e were 14,00 0 stat e and federa l troop s a t larg e in th e city . Debs wa s desperat e an d sough t a genera l strike . Bu t th e AF L woul d not bac k him . Samue l Gomper s wa s oppose d t o strike s o n principl e and , in addition , wa s jealou s o f th e succes s enjoye d b y Debs . Bereft , Deb s offered t o cal l of f th e strik e i f th e Pullma n Compan y agree d t o tak e n o reprisals. Bu t ther e wa s n o reaso n wh y i t shoul d conced e anything . Th e courts wer e read y t o tak e revenge . O n Jul y 1 9 a federa l gran d jur y returned twenty-thre e indictment s agains t seventy-fiv e people , includin g Debs, hi s vic e president , Georg e W . Howard ; hi s secretary , Sylveste r Keliher; an d th e unio n director , L . W . Rogers . Deprive d o f leadership , denied thei r rights , and totall y demoralized , th e remainin g striker s aban doned th e struggl e an d returne d t o work . Debs an d defens e lawye r Clarenc e Darro w trie d t o hav e th e conspir acy indictment s brough t t o trial . Bu t th e governmen t wa s reluctant . A trial opene d o n Februar y 9 , 1895 , befor e Judg e Grosscup . Darro w wa s obstructed i n almos t ever y way , an d whe n a juro r fel l il l th e cas e wa s postponed indefinitely . However , th e tria l fo r contemp t an d subsequen t appeal, in in re Debs, se t a majo r precedent . Deb s justified hi s actions b y telling th e court , "I t seem s t o m e tha t i f i t wer e no t fo r resistanc e t o degrading conditions , th e tendenc y o f ou r whol e civilizatio n woul d b e downward; afte r a whil e w e woul d reac h th e poin t wher e ther e woul d be n o resistance , an d slaver y woul d come. " I t wa s n o use . Th e circui t court use d th e Sherma n Anti-Trus t Ac t t o suppor t conviction . Whe n i t came t o th e appeal , th e Suprem e Cour t sustaine d convictio n o n othe r grounds. Previously , injunction s ha d bee n use d t o protec t propert y fro m damage b y arson , trespass , o r sabotage . Bu t whe n lega l strike s o r boy cotts remaine d peaceful , i t wa s muc h harde r t o prov e irreparabl e dam -
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age. The only way wa s to establis h conspirac y an d argu e that to conspir e in restrain t o f trad e wa s a civi l a s wel l a s a crimina l offense . Thus , i n a notorious piec e o f sophistr y th e Cour t equate d expectation s wit h prop erty. I n in re Lennon i n 189 7 th e Suprem e Cour t wen t further , givin g approval o f th e "blanke t injunction. " I t declared tha t anyon e wh o kne w of a n injunctio n wa s obliged t o obe y it , whether o r no t i t was specificall y directed a t him . By imprisoning Deb s fo r si x months i n Woodstock, Illinois , the court s turned hi m int o a martyr an d mad e man y convert s t o his cause. After hi s release h e wa s acclaime d b y a thron g o f 100,00 0 i n Chicago . Journalis t Henry Demares t Lloy d coul d describ e hi m a s "th e mos t popula r ma n among th e rea l peopl e today. " Th e collaps e o f hi s caus e ha d convince d Debs that th e true right s of labo r coul d no t b e achieved unde r capitalism . The working-clas s movemen t coul d no t surviv e withou t justice . Th e crushing defeat s o f Homestea d an d Pullma n wer e bitte r reminder s o f th e overwhelming powe r o f capitalism . Moreover, an y gains industrial worker s had mad e befor e th e depressio n ha d bee n wipe d out . Thei r averag e annual incom e wa s $406 . Apar t fro m som e highl y skille d trades , th e eight-hour da y wa s nowher e i n sight . Thei r workin g wee k wa s usuall y between fifty-four an d sixty-thre e hours . In certain industries—stee l an d textiles—the hour s wer e even longer . The only promise fo r th e future reste d wit h th e AFL and it s traditiona l trade unions . I n 190 1 ther e wer e 1.0 5 millio n member s o f trad e union s of who m 788,000 , o r 75 percent , belonge d t o th e 8 7 affiliate d union s o f the AFL . Gompers , however , oppose d industria l unionism , th e inclusio n of al l workers i n an industr y i n the same union regardles s of their specifi c work. Yea r afte r yea r th e AF L defeate d conventio n resolution s i n favo r of industria l unionism , i n part becaus e the y were proposed b y the social ists. However, i n the Scranto n declaratio n o f 190 1 th e AFL accepted th e amalgamation o f union s servin g simila r crafts . Craf t union s ha d ex panded an d diversified . Thei r name s sugges t a s much : th e Internationa l Association o f Marble , Slat e an d Ston e Polishers , Rubber s an d Sawyers , Tile and Marbl e Setter s Helpers an d Terraz o Helper s was a single union . American socialist s continue d thei r fight agains t capitalis m and , sometimes, on e another . Danie l D e Leon , a n immigran t fro m Curacao , assumed contro l o f th e Socialis t Labo r part y i n th e 1890 s an d trie d unsuccessfully t o infiltrate bot h th e waning Knights and the waxing AFL. He als o insiste d o n stric t adherenc e t o hi s ow n somewha t inconsisten t
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interpretation o f Mar x amon g hi s followers . Thi s authoritaria n attitud e was to o muc h fo r Jewis h groups , which brok e wit h th e SL P in 189 7 ar *d 1898. Their leaders , Victor Berge r and Morri s Hillquit , eventuall y joine d Eugene Deb s i n foundin g th e Socialis t part y o f Americ a i n 1901 . In th e presidential electio n o f 190 0 Deb s ha d take n 87,81 4 votes . The mos t significan t gain s o f labo r a t th e en d o f th e centur y wer e i n federal an d stat e legislation . I n 189 8 Congres s passe d th e Erdma n Act . Under sectio n 1 0 interstat e railroad s wer e forbidde n t o discriminat e against unio n members . Elsewher e ther e wer e som e strikin g change s i n labor legislation . Eve n so , new law s defined , rathe r tha n solved , particu lar problems . Labo r legislatio n betwee n 188 6 an d th e end o f th e centur y devolved o n si x issues : industria l arbitration ; chil d labor ; women' s la bor; safet y precautions ; responsibilit y fo r accidents ; an d th e eight-hou r day. Both Ne w Yor k an d Massachusett s provide d stat e board s o f arbitra tion t o whic h eithe r sid e i n a disput e coul d apply . Whe n bot h side s accepted th e servic e the y wer e foun d t o abid e b y it s decision . Twent y other state s create d simila r board s befor e 1900 . Chil d labo r wa s a complex subjec t involvin g minimu m age , maximu m hours , an d mod e o f work. Twenty-si x state s ha d passe d minimu m ag e law s b y 1900 . Th e usual minimu m wa s twelv e years . Al l norther n state s excep t Illinoi s established a maximu m da y o f te n hour s an d a maximu m wee k o f sixt y hours i n industr y fo r childre n betwee n twelv e an d eighteen . Eigh t state s prohibited wor k a t night ; mos t forbad e chil d labo r i n dangerou s indus tries. I n 187 4 Massachusett s limite d th e numbe r o f hour s wome n coul d work i n industry. By 190 0 so had twelv e other states . Four state s prohib ited nigh t work . Ten state s extende d rule s governing employe r responsibilit y fo r indus trial accidents . The y mad e employer s immediatel y responsibl e fo r acci dents cause d b y defectiv e machinery . Seventee n prohibite d industrialist s or railroa d owner s fro m evadin g responsibilit y i n workers ' contracts . Although b y 188 6 seventee n state s ha d limite d th e working da y fo r me n their law s wer e incomplet e an d allowe d longe r hour s b y contract. How ever, afte r 189 2 te n state s establishe d maximu m hour s fo r worker s o n public contract , includin g seve n norther n state s wh o limite d railroa d labor t o fiftee n hour s o f continuou s duty . Most employer s feare d t o mee t unio n demand s les t the y b e applie d unequally an d the y woul d b e place d a t a disadvantag e wit h thei r com -
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petitors. America n worker s ha d bee n educate d i n schoo l t o believ e i n social an d politica l democracy . Industrialist s wer e schoole d b y experi ence t o believ e i n economi c autocracy . Thu s the y resiste d th e ver y for mation o f unions . Som e woul d rathe r hav e close d thei r plant s tha n accept unionization . Presiden t Franci s Meise l o f th e Kidde r Pres s Com pany tol d th e industria l commissio n o f 1901 , " I d o no t believ e tha t a manufacturer ca n affor d t o b e dictate d b y hi s labo r a s t o wha t h e shal l do, an d I shall neve r giv e in. I would rathe r g o out o f business. " The mos t controversia l an d bitte r dispute s a t th e tur n o f th e century , like thos e o f th e earl y 1870s , involve d th e mines . In 189 7 th e Unite d Mine Worker s trie d t o restor e wage s cu t a s a resul t o f a pric e wa r between differen t mines . Mos t operator s wer e willin g t o conced e th e miners' point . Bu t whe n som e refuse d Michae l Blatchford , presiden t o f the UMW , calle d ou t miner s throughou t th e Centra l Competitiv e Field . Although hi s unio n ha d onl y 10,00 0 members , almos t 100,00 0 miner s took par t i n the strike . Johnny Mitchell , wh o becam e presiden t o f th e UM W i n 189 8 whe n he was twenty-eight, determine d t o buil d u p a much stronge r unio n wit h many recen t immigrants . B y 190 0 h e wa s read y t o pu t hi s organizatio n to th e test . Anthracit e miner s earne d o n averag e $25 0 b y piecewor k each year . B y alterin g th e traditiona l definitio n o f a to n fro m 2,40 0 t o 4,000 pound s min e operator s wer e cheatin g thei r men . Unde r Mitchel l they no w demande d a 2 0 percen t increas e i n wage s o n th e basi s o f th e traditional to n an d th e en d t o abuse s whereby th e companie s mad e thei r men utterl y dependen t o n them . Although Republica n bos s Mark Hann a and banke r J . Pierpon t Morga n trie d t o persuad e owner s an d miner s t o compromise, neithe r sid e woul d giv e i n an d th e impass e wa s resolve d only b y the interventio n o f Presiden t Theodor e Roosevelt .
CHAPTER 5
Not since Nineveh: Tall Stories and Tales of Two Cities
Whether celebrate d b y artist s a s som e sor t o f preciou s flowe r o r curse d by social critic s as a kind o f cancer , th e American cit y stood a t the cente r of civilizatio n i n th e Gilde d Age . It , an d no t man , wa s th e glas s o f fashion an d th e mol d o f form . A s sociologis t Phili p Slate r explaine d a century later , " 'Civilized ' means , literally , 'citified' , an d th e stat e o f th e city i s an accurat e inde x o f th e conditio n o f th e cultur e a s a whole. " In th e lat e nineteent h century , America n citie s wer e unsurpasse d fo r the scop e o f thei r activities , th e scal e o f thei r skyscrapers , an d thei r general spectacl e an d sound . Thei r rat e o f growt h wa s astonishing . Whereas i n i86 0 onl y on e America n i n si x live d i n a communit y o f a t least 8,00 0 people , b y 1900 , on e i n thre e di d so . Betwee n i86 0 an d 1900 the urban populatio n ros e fou r times , whereas the rural populatio n only doubled . Fo r ever y tow n dwelle r wh o wen t t o liv e o n th e farm , there wer e twent y countryfol k wh o move d t o th e city . Th e ne w urba n civilization wa s no t sprea d evenl y amon g th e states . I n th e South , th e mountain states , an d th e plain s citie s wer e fe w an d fa r between . Th e huge developin g citie s flourishe d wit h industr y mainl y i n th e Northeast , by the Grea t Lakes , and alon g the Pacifi c Coast . During th e Gilde d Ag e th e railroa d revolutio n i n transportatio n an d 135
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the telegrap h revolutio n i n communicatio n bot h serve d t o brin g widel y distant citie s int o th e sam e commercia l basin . Breweries , refineries , stee l mills, an d meatpackin g plants , previousl y dispersed , wer e brough t aroun d the majo r rai l terminals . Railroad s attracte d transcontinenta l trad e t o Chicago an d St . Loui s i n th e Midwest , an d t o Denver , Portland , Seattle , and Lo s Angele s i n th e Fa r West . Som e citie s manufacture d regiona l farm product s an d prospere d i n th e process : Minneapoli s mad e flou r from wheat , Milwauke e mad e bee r fro m cereals , and Memphi s mad e oi l from cottonseed . The y attaine d metropolita n statu s becaus e o f thei r manufacturing services . Other s develope d becaus e the y use d loca l labo r to mak e o r sel l good s no t produce d nearby . Thi s wa s th e jo b o f mil l towns i n th e Northeas t an d th e Midwest . Whil e Alban y mad e shirts , Troy, nearby , mad e collars. New Bedfor d an d Fal l River , Massachusetts , produced cotto n textiles . Elizabeth, Ne w Jersey, mad e electrica l machin ery, an d Dayto n mad e machin e tool s an d cas h registers . Bridgeport , Connecticut, combine d th e world s o f meta l an d clot h b y producin g brass, corsets , an d machin e tools . Suc h town s wer e abl e t o benefi t fro m mechanical an d industria l technolog y becaus e i t wa s base d o n th e tradi tional processe s o f iro n an d stea m o n whic h the y themselve s wer e built . Cities no t onl y provide d market s fo r agricultur e an d labo r fo r indus try bu t als o stimulate d economi c growt h i n thei r ow n right . Jus t a s postwar railroa d expansio n wa s comin g t o a n end , developin g cities provided necessary , ne w opportunitie s fo r industr y wit h thei r insatiabl e needs fo r privat e housin g an d publi c buildings , stree t constructio n an d lighting, transportatio n an d othe r services . A s architectura l historia n Richard Gu y Wilso n (1979 ) put s it : "Upwar d an d outwar d move d th e city. Ne w o r vastl y enlarge d communitie s cam e int o being : th e ghett o for th e immigrant , th e subur b fo r th e middl e an d uppe r classes , an d th e resort o r sp a fo r thos e wh o coul d affor d t o escape. " Thus , cit y dweller s were diverse in ethnic origins, education, occupation , style , and standar d of living . Given th e amazin g change s takin g plac e i n th e Unite d State s durin g the Gilde d Age , it is not surprisin g tha t afte r th e Civi l War th e America n city wa s transforme d fro m bi g cit y t o industria l metropoli s b y th e tur n of th e century . Th e paradig m o f eac h wa s Ne w Yor k circ a 187 0 an d Chicago circ a 1890 . Othe r citie s came t o resembl e the m i n their particu lar heyda y mor e tha n the y di d thei r forme r selves . These tw o citie s als o provide a n architectura l prototyp e an d a social archetyp e of each period :
"Not sinc e Nineve h / No t sinc e Sido n / No t sinc e Jerich o starte d sliding"—thes e lyric s celebrating cit y grandeu r an d variet y i n Kismet migh t hav e bee n writte n abou t th e grea t American industria l metropolise s towar d th e clos e o f th e nineteent h century , wit h thei r profusion o f soaring , sepia-colore d skyscrapers—gian t building s mad e possibl e b y suc h new advance s i n construction , communication , an d transportatio n a s stee l frame s an d piping, elevators , telephones , an d electri c light . Thi s photograp h o f Randolp h Stree t eas t from LaSall e Street , Chicago , wa s take n i n 190 0 b y th e Detroi t Publishin g Company . (Library o f Congress. )
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in New Yor k i n 1870 , the so-called dumbbel l tenemen t an d th e city boss, William Marc y Tweed ; i n Chicag o i n 1890 , th e skyscrape r an d th e urban reformer , Jan e Addams .
The Big City and the Industrial Metropolis In 187 0 Ne w Yor k Cit y comprise d Manhatta n an d th e smal l island s i n the Eas t River . It s populatio n wa s 942,292 . Brookly n wa s a separat e town. It s population o f 419,92 1 mad e i t the thir d larges t i n th e country . Until th e Brookly n Bridg e wa s opene d i n 188 3 Brookly n (an d Lon g Island) wer e linke d t o Manhatta n onl y b y ferry . I n 1868 , nin e boat s carried mor e tha n 4 8 millio n passenger s acros s th e Eas t River . I n turn , Manhattan wa s als o linke d t o th e mainlan d b y ferr y an d b y th e line s of one railroad , th e Ne w Yor k Central . In 187 0 bi g citie s migh t hav e looke d a muddl e t o casua l visitors . Bu t they al l ha d a clearl y define d interna l structur e obviou s t o th e discernin g eye. Becaus e intracit y transpor t wa s expensive , businesse s wit h a larg e volume o f good s huddle d b y th e shippin g wharve s o r railroa d stations . Commerce wa s conducte d i n St . Loui s b y th e bank s o f th e Mississippi , in Philadelphi a b y th e Delaware , an d i n Ne w Yor k b y th e Eas t an d Hudson rivers . Servic e area s an d housin g radiate d outwar d fro m thes e centers i n a larg e fan . Thos e wh o wante d th e convenienc e o f a centra l address pai d dearl y t o liv e o n Beaco n Hil l i n Boston , No b Hil l i n Sa n Francisco, Chestnu t Stree t i n Philadelphia , an d Washingto n Squar e i n New York , fro m whic h the y se t th e standard s o f fashion . Betwee n fashionable block s an d shantytow n slum s wer e mixe d commercial , in dustrial, an d residentia l neighborhood s offerin g a genuine associatio n o f classes an d ethni c groups . In 186 7 th e Evening Post describe d Ne w Yor k a s the "mos t inconve niently arrange d commercia l cit y i n th e world. " Th e majo r indictmen t was th e inadequac y an d inconvenienc e o f publi c transportation . A wi t once define d martyrdo m a s a journey throug h Ne w Yor k o n a n omnibu s or streetcar . Twelv e separat e companie s ra n twenty-on e route s throug h New Yor k a t averag e speed s o f fou r t o si x mile s a n hour . Lik e railroad s across th e country , the y clun g t o profitabl e route s an d ignore d certai n districts, which wer e lef t isolated . Because publi c transportatio n wa s s o limited , cit y limit s wer e re stricted t o manageabl e walkin g distances . Eighty-fiv e percen t o f th e
Not since Nineveh 13
9
population live d withi n tw o mile s o f th e cit y center , Unio n Squar e a t Fourteenth Street . Th e majo r downtow n institution s wer e place s fo r businessmen t o mee t an d mak e transactions , suc h a s the Stock Exchang e and Merchants ' Exchange . Th e talles t building s wer e stil l churche s wit h spires. Eve n a grea t dail y newspape r lik e th e New York Tribune coul d contain offic e an d plan t i n on e modes t five-stor y building . Cit y factorie s were two-stor y buildings , somethin g lik e backyar d barns . Cit y lot s fo r commercial an d domesti c buildin g wer e rectangula r plot s o f 2 5 b y 10 0 feet. Suc h wa s th e valu e o f lan d an d th e pressur e fo r accommodatio n that spac e wa s a t a premium . Architect s ha d a solutio n fo r compressin g the maximu m numbe r o f peopl e int o th e minimu m amoun t o f space , the dumbbell tenement . In Decembe r 187 8 Henr y C . Meyer , proprieto r o f th e Sanitary Engineer, offere d prize s o f $50 0 i n a competitio n fo r th e bes t tenemen t designs. Th e first priz e wa s awarde d t o Jame s E . War e fo r hi s double decker dumbbel l tenement , s o calle d becaus e th e middl e par t o f th e ground pla n tapere d in . The idea was to allo w ligh t an d ai r to the centra l portions o f th e buildin g withou t reducin g th e widt h o f fron t an d back . The dumbbel l tenemen t usuall y ha d fou r apartment s t o eac h o f it s six o r seven floors , tw o o n eithe r sid e o f th e separatin g corridor . Onl y on e o f the three or fou r room s receive d ligh t an d ai r fro m th e stree t a t the fron t or fro m th e yar d a t th e back . Th e ai r shaf t separatin g th e tenement s a t the sides was n o mor e tha n 5 feet wid e alon g it s 50 - or 60-foo t length . Although Ware' s desig n becam e th e prototype fo r tenemen t building s until th e en d o f th e century , i t wa s widel y criticized . Th e New York Times i n its editorial o f March 16 , 1879 , took accoun t o f the restriction s placed o n th e competing architect s b y considerations o f siz e and cos t bu t condemned th e whol e experiment . Th e mos t commo n criticis m wa s o f lack o f ligh t an d ai r an d o f inadequat e sanitar y facilities . City street s als o ha d thei r shar e o f problems . The y wer e littere d wit h merchants' wares ; peddlers ' cart s blocke d acces s t o road s an d houses . Street an d marke t wer e on e an d th e same . Neithe r wa s cleane d excep t by private contract . I n the area sout h o f Fourteent h Stree t ancient sewer s got clogged wit h accumulate d filth; sometime s the y burs t open, and thei r contents ros e t o suffus e th e street s wit h refus e an d slime . Thei r narro w pipes coul d no t eve n contai n rainwater , an d afte r a showe r a majo r avenue lik e Broadway wa s awas h wit h mud . Lower Manhatta n wa s notoriou s fo r crime . Accordin g t o on e joke ,
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since Nineveh
some o f th e neighborhood s wer e s o roug h tha t i f yo u sa w a do g wit h a tail i t was a visitor fro m ou t o f town . Maintenanc e o f la w an d orde r wa s the tas k o f th e cit y police . In 184 4 th e stat e legislatur e ha d create d a professional cit y polic e forc e o f 80 0 men . I t wa s th e first organize d police forc e i n th e Unite d States . Th e chie f o f polic e wa s appointe d b y the mayor , th e other s b y war d councilmen . Thus , th e polic e forc e wa s subject t o politica l control . The commo n complain t wa s tha t i t wa s th e bes t polic e forc e mone y could buy . A n investigatio n i n 189 4 disclose d tha t job s wer e sol d t o th e highest bidde r an d thos e wh o bough t thei r wa y int o th e forc e mad e money ou t o f i t b y briber y an d th e blackmai l o f prostitute s an d o f gambling an d liquo r interests . Ther e wer e a t leas t 12,00 0 prostitute s working i n New Yor k i n the late 1860s . During a n investigatio n o f 187 5 one polic e captain , Alexande r ("Clubber" ) Williams , wa s aske d wh y h e did no t clos e dow n th e brothel s i n hi s precinct . H e answered , "Becaus e they wer e kin d o f fashionabl e a t th e time. " In 1868 , 5,42 3 crime s wer e reported bu t neve r cam e t o court . Th e sam e yea r 10,00 0 indictment s were dropped . Th e captains ' unofficia l sloga n wa s "Hear , see , an d sa y nothin\ Eat , drink , an d pa y nothin'. " In time, the industrial metropoli s supersede d th e big city as the typica l American cit y o f th e Gilde d Age . Urban historia n Sa m Bas s Warner, Jr. , describes th e industria l metropoli s a s "th e cit y o f th e mechanize d fac tory, th e busines s corporation , th e downtow n office , an d th e segregate d neighborhood." Th e specia l industria l structur e o f Ne w York , base d a s it wa s o n smal l shop s an d subjec t t o constan t socia l upheava l cause d b y the continuou s influ x o f immigrants , preclude d th e kin d o f industria l concentration tha t gav e ris e t o th e industria l metropolis . I t was Chicag o rather tha n Ne w Yor k tha t wa s th e mode l o f thi s ne w for m o f cit y i n 1890. I t then ha d a population o f 1,099,85 0 people . Chicago, lik e Ne w Yor k an d othe r majo r cities , owe d it s importanc e to it s situation . Afte r th e completio n o f th e Illinoi s an d Michiga n Cana l in 184 8 an d o f te n trunk-lin e railroad s b y 1856 , Chicag o wa s read y fo r its rol e a s a majo r regiona l center . I t ros e t o servic e th e Midwes t whe n railroad constructio n mad e wester n expansio n profitabl e a s wel l a s pos sible. I t develope d first a s a marke t fo r livestoc k an d grain ; a n industria l base fo r railroa d an d town , hom e an d farm ; an d a ban k fo r al l these. It s future destin y a s a metropolis wa s assure d b y its part i n the mos t rapidl y
The Brookly n Bridge , a stee l suspensio n bridg e o f 1,59 5 fee t acros s th e Eas t River , linkin g Manhattan an d Brooklyn , wa s a fea t o f darin g engineering . Suc h engineerin g le d t o th e technology fo r skyscrapers—tal l building s constructe d o n stee l frames . Constructio n o f the Brookly n Bridg e (1869-1883 ) wa s accomplishe d despit e advers e circumstances : th e accidental deat h o f civi l enginee r Joh n Augus t Roeblin g (1806-1869 ) a t th e outset ; th e invalidism, throug h caisso n diseas e (decompressio n sickness) , o f hi s so n an d successor , Washington Roeblin g (1837—1926) , wh o ha d t o transmi t hi s buildin g instruction s throug h his wife , Emily ; a serie s o f physica l disasters ; an d contractua l frau d b y a steel-wir e sup plier. (Librar y o f Congress. )
rising sector s o f th e nationa l economy—mechanize d manufacturing , transportation, an d commerce . Then th e cit y encountere d a majo r disaster . Th e Chicag o fire o f October 8 , 1871 , swep t acros s 1,68 8 acre s i n th e cit y cente r an d con sumed building s value d a t $19 2 million . Mos t building s wer e mad e o f wood an d burne d easily . Th e hea t wa s suc h tha t i n thos e fe w structure s that incorporate d meta l beam s th e iro n an d stee l becam e a molte n rive r spreading th e fire eve r farther . However , Chicag o wa s to o importan t commercially fo r busines s an d industr y t o allo w thi s disaste r t o impede ,
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let alon e halt , th e city' s inevitabl e growth . Withi n eightee n month s th e city had rise n lik e a phoenix fro m th e ashes . The rapi d growt h o f al l it s componen t parts—factories , machin e shops, railroa d yards , warehouses , offices , stores , an d banks—had , b y 1890, produced a clearly discernibl e an d closel y define d spatia l structur e that wa s entirel y new . Thi s wa s th e radia l cit y wit h a singl e center . I t was base d o n th e so-calle d sector-and-rin g pattern , i n whic h a groun d plan o f th e cit y resemble d a wago n wheel . Th e pivo t o f thi s whee l wa s the meetin g o f lan d an d lak e traffi c a t th e mout h o f th e Chicag o River . The first spoke s o f th e whee l wer e th e nort h an d sout h tributarie s o f th e river. I n betwee n wer e th e first sectors . Th e chie f differenc e betwee n th e traditional bi g city an d th e ne w industria l metropoli s wa s this: no longe r did an y on e neighborhoo d accommodat e industry , commerce , an d th e homes o f al l classe s a s i t ha d i n Ne w Yor k abou t 1870 ; industrial , commercial, an d residentia l lan d wa s segregated . Radiatin g outwar d from th e center , specifi c economi c activitie s wer e concentrate d i n centra l wedges, narro w slice s o f commercia l an d industria l property—th e spoke s of th e wheel . Between thes e commercia l an d industria l corridor s la y unoccupie d land. Int o it s empt y tract s cam e th e ne w population . I t settle d i n thre e segregated rings . Th e trul y poo r live d i n a n inne r rin g o f shantie s an d old apartments . Th e workin g clas s inhabite d a secon d rin g o f cottages , tenements, an d decayin g houses . The middl e clas s dwelt i n a n oute r rin g of ne w an d bette r apartment s an d houses . Thus, an inne r cor e of povert y was surrounde d b y oute r ring s o f risin g affluence . I n addition , th e trul y rich occupie d ye t anothe r corridor , th e attractiv e an d affluen t nort h shore o f Lak e Michiga n an d Michiga n Avenue . It s fashionable block s o f shops an d hotels , mansion s an d apartment s cu t acros s al l th e othe r cit y sectors. Railroads fro m th e South an d th e West attracte d ne w industries. Mos t successful wer e th e stockyard s an d meatpackin g plant s t o th e sout h a t the junctio n o f Thirty-nint h an d Halste d streets . Firs t opene d i n 1865 , they wer e develope d t o compris e 10 0 acre s o f cattl e pen s an d 27 5 o f slaughterhouses an d packinghouses . This mammot h enterpris e depende d on a read y suppl y o f cattl e an d refrigerato r car s an d relie d o n regula r railroad service s fo r it s survival . Ther e followe d stee l mill s an d plant s making electrica l machiner y an d a n entir e industria l comple x b y th e Calumet River . Thes e were , i n effect , industria l satellites , mil l town s
Not since Nineveh 14
3
within a metropolis , linke d t o th e cor e cit y b y centripeta l rai l line s an d to on e anothe r b y new centrifuga l bel t lines . The middl e class , inspired b y Centra l Par k i n Ne w Yor k (designe d b y Frederick La w Olmste d i n 1857 ) an d b y George s Haussmann' s boule vards i n Paris , aspire d t o a n exclusiv e life-style . The y ha d park s an d avenues lai d i n imitation . I n doin g s o the y helpe d t o determin e th e ring s of clas s settlement. B y 189 4 t n e mol d wa s set . The stree t railwa y carrie d million s o f peopl e i n an d ou t o f th e cit y center t o work , shop , an d play . The cul t o f conspicuou s consumptio n i n city cente r store s wa s a foca l poin t i n th e live s o f wome n o f al l classes . Thus, a s Warner suggests , downtown Chicago , the Loop , was "th e plac e of wor k fo r ten s o f thousands , a marke t fo r hundred s o f thousands , a theater fo r thousand s more. " Ye t th e populatio n remaine d fragmente d along economi c lines . I n th e residentia l district s the y wer e furthe r di vided b y race , religion , an d ethnicity . Onl y a t work , whethe r mil l o r sweatshop, stor e or clerica l pool , di d the y hav e a common identity . The symbo l o f thi s ne w urba n civilizatio n wa s th e skyscraper , a tal l structure buil t o f meta l a s well a s stone tha t consume d les s ground spac e and ye t accommodate d mor e peopl e o n it s several floor s tha n th e larges t stone building s o f th e mid-nineteent h century . I n Ne w York , St . Louis , and Chicag o progressiv e architects , enthusiastic abou t th e invention o f a safe passenge r elevator , bega n experimentin g wit h iron-and-stee l fram e construction beyon d te n stories . They wer e devisin g skyscraper s i n Ne w York an d Chicag o b y th e en d o f th e 1870 s tha t woul d com e t o depen d on telephone , typewriter, an d electri c light . Taking advantag e o f th e elevator , architec t Richar d Morri s Hun t designed th e ten-story Ne w Yor k Tribun e Buildin g in 1874 . Such height , however, require d massiv e wall s tha t covere d mor e groun d are a tha n smaller, mor e conventiona l buildings . I t wa s onl y afte r 188 4 whe n Wil liam LeBaron Jenney experimente d wit h a steel skeleton fo r th e construc tion o f th e Hom e Insuranc e Buildin g i n Chicag o tha t structure s o f mor e than te n storie s becam e practica l fo r conventiona l commercia l use . The Hom e Lif e Buildin g ha d a n interna l skeleto n o f wrought - an d cast-iron fo r th e firs t si x storie s an d Besseme r stee l beam s fo r th e nex t four. Althoug h thi s buildin g wa s accredite d th e first skyscraper , i t di d not loo k lik e one . Jenne y disguise d th e fram e t o mak e i t loo k lik e a conventional building . However , tw o o f hi s junio r staff , Willia m Hola bird an d Marti n Roche , went o n t o desig n th e Tacoma Buildin g i n 188 6
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since Nineveh
—the firs t skyscrape r tha t looke d th e part . I t stoo d twelv e storie s high , and ther e wa s n o attemp t t o mak e th e ligh t bric k an d terra-cott a wall s seem anythin g mor e tha n a mer e facad e o r sheat h fo r th e meta l fram e behind. The y wer e withou t ornamen t an d carrie d a n almos t continuou s range o f ba y windows . Her e wa s th e forerunne r o f th e curtai n wal l i n American cit y architecture . Th e honeycom b interio r sprea d th e maxi mum possibl e amoun t o f ligh t an d air . More tha n anyon e else , Chicag o architec t Loui s Sulliva n gav e for m and substanc e t o th e moder n skyscraper . "I t mus t b e every inc h a prou d and soarin g thing , risin g i n shee r exultatio n tha t fro m botto m t o to p i t is a uni t withou t a singl e dissentin g line, " h e said . Hi s earl y inspiratio n came fro m variou s suspensio n bridges . Hi s partnershi p wit h enginee r Dankmar Adle r wa s a perfec t complemen t o f min d an d method . Th e most famou s o f thei r earl y commission s wa s th e Auditoriu m Buildin g (1886—89), whic h comprise d a n oper a house , a hotel , an d office s de signed i n Romanesqu e styl e within a structure a t first n o highe r tha n te n stories an d n o wide r tha n hal f a block . Sullivan exploite d steel-fram e constructio n t o th e fullest . Wit h hi s Wainwright Buildin g (1891 ) i n St . Loui s h e se t th e styl e o f America n skyscrapers fo r hal f a century. The structur e was entirely o f stee l encase d in fireproof tile s and carrie d th e walls on shelve s at each of it s ten stories . What wa s remarkabl e wa s Sullivan' s determinatio n t o mak e n o conces sions t o fashio n b y minimizin g it s height . Instea d o f disguisin g th e lon g upward flow o f th e buildin g wit h som e kin d o f ornat e embellishment s around th e windows , h e brok e wit h conventio n an d emphasize d it s height an d essentia l lines . His governing principle wa s tha t th e for m o f a building shoul d demonstrat e it s function . Th e basi c tenet o f th e Chicag o school o f architectur e wa s tha t a building shoul d expres s a total cultura l purpose. Beside s Sullivan , leadin g exponent s include d Joh n Wellbor n Root an d Dankma r Adler . Skyscraper s suggeste d America n obsessio n with individua l achievement . Th e man-mad e vertica l canyon s the y mad e of cit y street s i n Ne w York , Chicago , an d elsewher e complemente d th e natural horizonta l canyon s o f th e America n West . A s the y reache d eve r higher int o th e heavens skyscraper s separate d eve n furthe r th e nouveau x riches abov e fro m th e huddle d masse s below .
The Monadnoc k bloc k (1891) , Wes t Jackson Boulevard , Chicago , by Burnha m an d Root , an earl y skyscrape r wit h a basemen t an d seventee n storie s conceive d b y Joh n Wellbor n Root ( 1 8 5 0 - 1 8 9 1 ) alon g th e spare , taperin g line s o f a n Egyptia n pylo n t o pleas e th e client, Owe n F . Aldis , wh o persuade d hi m t o "thro w th e thin g u p withou t a singl e orna ment." (Photograp h b y Cervi n Robinso n fo r th e Histori c America n Building s Surve y i n August 1963 ; Library o f Congress. )
146 Not
since Nineveh Social Problems
The mos t distinctiv e featur e o f America n citie s i n th e Gilde d Ag e wa s their cultura l compositio n o f widel y differen t ethni c groups . I n 189 0 th e number o f immigran t adult s exceede d th e numbe r o f nativ e adult s i n eighteen o f th e twent y citie s with a population o f mor e tha n 100,000 . In two cities , New Yor k an d Sa n Francisco , a s much a s 42. 2 percen t o f th e population wer e first-generation immigrants . Danis h immigran t an d re porter Jacob Rii s provides a most picturesqu e analysi s o f th e geographi c distribution o f immigran t ghetto s i n New Yor k abou t 1890 : A map o f th e city , colored t o designat e nationalities , would sho w mor e stripe s than th e skin of a zebra, and more colors than an y rainbow. The city on such a map would fal l int o two great halves , green fo r th e Irish prevailing in the West Side tenement districts, and blue for the Germans on the East Side. But intermingled with thes e ground color s would b e an od d variety o f tints that woul d give the whole the appearance of an extraordinary crazy-quilt . Almost a s obviou s a s th e cultura l natur e o f citie s wa s thei r socia l character. They wer e overcrowded. I n 1890 , 1 million people, two-third s of th e population , wer e packe d lik e sardine s i n 32,00 0 dumbbel l tene ment building s i n Ne w York . Condition s wer e particularl y ba d i n th e Lower Eas t Side , tha t sectio n o f Manhatta n eas t o f Thir d Avenu e an d south o f Fourteent h Street . I n block s lik e Povert y Gap , Miser y Row , Penitentiary Row , an d Murderers ' Alle y th e room s wer e poke y an d airless, th e hall s dar k an d dank , th e toilet s primitive . Charle s Lorin g Brace, i n The Dangerous Classes of New York (1872) , report s th e comments o f a visitor fro m th e Children' s Ai d Society : In a dark cella r rille d with smoke , there sleep, all in one room, with n o kind of partition dividin g them, two men with their wives, a girl of thirteen o r fourteen , two me n an d a large bo y o f abou t seventee n year s o f age , a mothe r wit h tw o more boys, one about ten years old and one large boy of fifteen; anothe r woman with two boys, nine and eleven years of age—in all, fourteen persons . Danish immigrant , polic e reporter , photographer , an d reforme r Jaco b Augus t Rii s (1849 1914) scandalize d th e politica l conscienc e o f middle-clas s societ y wit h How the Other Half Lives (1890) , a searing , documente d exposur e o f evi l condition s i n tenemen t slums , thereby stimulatin g significan t socia l legislatio n i n Ne w Yor k an d arousin g humanitaria n reform impulse s amon g progressive s suc h a s Theodor e Roosevelt . (Librar y o f Congress. )
148 Not
since Nineveh
When Jaco b Rii s becam e a police reporte r fo r th e New York Tribune in 187 7 n e learne d al l abou t th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e fro m th e Mulberr y Street precinc t a t "Th e Bend, " "th e fou l cor e o f Ne w York' s slums. " Riis's exposur e o f slu m condition s pointe d t o th e venalit y o f unscrupu lous landlords . I t led t o th e appointmen t o f th e tenement hous e commis sion, which, a t th e insistenc e o f member s Feli x Adle r an d Alfre d T . White , recommended th e abolitio n o f rea r tenement s an d th e openin g o f play grounds. Whe n Rii s publishe d th e first o f hi s serie s o f book s abou t th e tenements, How the Other Half Lives, i n 1890 , h e offere d variou s suggestions fo r easin g th e povert y an d degradatio n o f slu m dwellers . H e had begu n t o documen t hi s study with photograph s a t a time when new s photography wa s i n it s infancy . Her e wa s irrefutabl e proo f o f th e pligh t of th e poor—factual, graphic , stark . Riis' s pictures wer e amon g th e first to demonstrat e th e powe r o f photograph y i n journalism . Unfortunatel y the half-ton e techniqu e o f phot o reproductio n wa s stil l imperfect . Thu s the first editio n o f th e boo k carrie d onl y lin e sketche s o f thirty-eigh t o f his origina l pictures . Th e drawing s minimize d th e squalo r o f th e Lowe r East Sid e an d softene d th e pai n o f hi s subjects . Nevertheless , whe n Rii s referred t o th e "se a o f a might y population , hel d i n gallin g fetters " heaving "uneasily i n the tenements," the middle class took i t as a porten t of incipien t clas s war . On e h e influence d wa s a youn g polic e commis sioner, Theodor e Roosevelt , wh o abolishe d th e polic e lodgin g house s Riis had expose d a s breeders o f vic e and crime . Moreover, i n 190 1 Ne w York passe d a la w whereb y al l tenemen t building s ha d t o hav e indoo r staircases an d window s a t leas t twelv e fee t awa y fro m th e buildin g opposite, a s well a s running wate r an d toilet s i n each apartment . The problem , however , wa s no t confine d t o Ne w York . Som e part s of Chicag o ha d thre e times as many peopl e a s the most crowde d part s of Tokyo an d Calcutta . I n on e Polis h ghett o ther e wa s a n averag e o f 34 0 people t o ever y acr e i n 1901 . In on e secto r o f onl y thre e block s ther e lived 7,30 0 children . This Polish distric t was describe d a s "nothing mor e than a n infeste d wall-to-wal l carpe t o f rotte d woo d an d crumblin g con crete." Whole neighborhood s wer e congested , filthy, an d foul . Offa l an d manure littere d th e stree t alon g wit h tras h an d garbage . I t wa s hardl y surprising that , i n th e larg e cities , consumption , pneumonia , bronchitis , and diarrhe a wer e endemic . Immigran t communitie s wer e pron e t o out breaks o f cholera , typhus , an d typhoid . Indeed , Pittsburg h ha d th e high est mortality rat e fo r typhoi d i n the world, 1. 3 pe r 1,000 .
Not since Nineveh 14
9
The disposa l o f huma n sewag e an d industria l wast e wa s a mos t pressing problem . Th e eas y solutio n wa s t o us e loca l river s an d bays , and despit e th e hazar d t o health , thi s wa s wher e garbage , sewage , an d waste wer e commonl y deposited . Th e censu s o f 188 0 reporte d ho w th e soil of Ne w Orlean s was saturate d "ver y largel y wit h th e oozing s o f fou l privy vaults. " Baltimor e ha d ver y porou s soil ; it s 80,00 0 cesspool s wer e a menac e t o well s fo r drinkin g water . A large proportio n o f th e popula tion o f Philadelphi a dran k wate r fro m th e Delawar e River , int o whic h 13 millio n gallon s o f sewag e wer e emptie d ever y day . In 186 6 Ne w Yor k establishe d th e metropolita n boar d o f health , which too k promp t actio n agains t a choler a epidemic , inspirin g othe r cities t o strengthe n thei r board s an d t o staf f the m wit h doctor s rathe r than politicians . Th e dutie s o f thes e board s include d inspectin g meat , milk, an d sanitatio n facilities , an d recordin g birth s an d deaths . The ris k o f fire wa s a s grea t a s the ris k o f fever . Successiv e fires in th e 1870s too k enormou s toll s o f lif e an d propert y i n Ne w York , Boston , and Pittsburgh , a s wel l a s Chicago . Afte r th e Chicag o fire sixty-fou r insurance companie s coul d no t mee t th e claim s fo r damage s an d wen t bankrupt. Popula r joke s o f th e perio d ar e ful l o f insinuation s abou t th e incendiary motive s o f me n wh o profite d fro m fire insurance . I t wa s commonly sai d tha t th e caus e o f a fire wa s th e insurance . Th e favorit e poet o f a beneficiary o f arson wa s Burns. A fortune telle r at Cone y Islan d was calle d a fak e whe n sh e tol d a clien t h e woul d suffe r a loss b y fire. A collector wh o aske d a passerb y t o contribut e somethin g t o th e disable d firemen's fun d wa s advised , "Wit h pleasure . Bu t ho w ar e yo u goin g t o disable them? " Th e mos t popula r tablea u a t th e Burnupsk y Socia l Clu b was "Ner o Fiddlin g While Rom e Burns. " After a seriou s fire i n Portland , Maine , i n 186 6 th e Ne w Yor k Cit y board o f fire underwriter s le d th e movemen t t o organiz e th e nationa l board o f fire underwriters . It s polic y o f reviewin g loca l regulations , inspecting loca l fire-fighting equipment , an d examinin g fire hazard s be fore determinin g appropriat e rate s o f insuranc e provide d a powerfu l incentive fo r loca l authoritie s t o insis t o n improve d standard s fro m business an d industry . Cit y council s bega n t o insis t tha t constructio n companies us e masonry o r brickwork instea d o f wood fo r ne w buildings . By 187 6 mos t larg e citie s ha d adopte d th e Cincinnat i pla n o f a municipal fire departmen t i n preferenc e t o th e discredite d voluntee r system o f privat e companie s eac h competin g fo r busines s an d quarrelin g
150 Not
since Nineveh
openly wit h thei r rivals—sometime s whil e fire s wer e actuall y raging . Moreover, th e ne w stea m fire engine s wit h thei r automati c wate r pum pers, suc h a s thos e produce d b y th e Silsb y Manufacturin g Compan y o f Seneca Falls , New York , wer e mor e efficien t tha n th e traditional manua l pumper. Th e stea m engin e neve r tire d whil e th e fue l hel d out . I t coul d also thro w a longe r strea m o f water : Clap p an d Jone s o f Hudson , Ne w York, claime d tha t on e o f thei r engine s coul d pum p a horizontal strea m a distanc e o f 21 5 feet . Suc h technologica l advance s allowe d firemen t o keep a safe r distanc e fro m a blaz e an d t o fight fires i n eve r talle r build ings. In th e 1870 s citie s bega n t o provid e secondar y educatio n fo r th e masses fo r th e first time . B y 189 1 th e typica l elementar y schoo l yea r i n cities laste d betwee n 18 0 an d 20 0 day s compare d wit h anythin g fro m 70 t o 15 0 day s i n th e countryside . Progressiv e educators , however , realized tha t i t wa s no t enoug h t o teac h childre n th e thre e Rs. Edwar d A. Sheldo n i n Oswego , Willia m T . Harri s i n St . Louis , an d Franci s W . Parker i n Chicag o wer e convince d tha t immigran t childre n neede d course s in elementar y science , handicrafts , an d mechanic s a s wel l an d devise d new technique s o f objec t teaching . Bosto n an d St . Loui s wer e th e first cities to ope n kindergartens .
The Tweed Ring The shee r momentu m o f economic , industrial , social , an d politica l chang e generated municipa l problem s o f housin g an d welfare , sanitatio n an d health, employment , transportation , an d la w enforcemen t tha t over whelmed obsolet e cit y government s an d se t th e stag e fo r th e ris e o f th e boss an d th e cit y machine . A s Alexander B . Callow explain s i n The City Boss in America (1976) , "The bos s exploited th e inability o f governmen t to suppl y th e demand s o f th e emergin g city . H e create d a mechanism — the machine—fo r copin g wit h th e comple x political , economic , an d social adaptation s entaile d i n the transformation o f America n society. " The cit y machin e wa s a n alternativ e t o forma l government . I t re sponded t o th e need s o f thre e groups . T o immigrant s an d th e urba n poor i t offere d patronag e an d a chanc e o f economi c improvemen t an d social opportunity . T o legitimat e busines s i t offere d contract s fo r indus try, construction , an d commerce . T o illegitimat e business , syndicate d crime, an d commercia l vice , i t offere d profitabl e orde r instea d o f th e
Not since Nineveh 15
1
unlicensed chao s o f internecin e competition . Despit e thei r corruptio n and profligacy , cit y bosse s an d thei r organization s performe d crucia l social an d economi c functions . Th e secre t o f th e bosses ' succes s wa s their sur e persona l touch . Marti n Lomansey , a war d leade r i n Boston , told reforme r Lincol n Steffens , "There' s go t t o b e i n ever y war d some body tha t an y blok e ca n com e to—n o matte r wha t he' s done—an d ge t help. Help , yo u understand ; non e o f you r la w an d justice , bu t help. " Patronage include d favo r a s wel l a s labor—suc h thing s a s welfar e an d relief, lega l ai d an d bail . Ward bosse s wer e pivota l figures i n loca l club s and migh t wel l ow n a saloon. A story o f th e perio d tell s how a wit hire d a newsbo y t o ru n int o a counci l meetin g crying , "Mister , you r liquo r store i s on fire!" Al l the alderme n jumpe d t o thei r fee t an d rushe d ou t o f the door i n disorder . The neighborhood , wit h it s wards , districts , an d precincts , provide d the cit y bos s wit h politica l power . Contro l o f municipa l service s pro vided hi m wit h source s o f patronag e an d profit . Th e stake s soare d a s th e cities grew . The model o f th e city machine i n the Gilded Ag e was the Tweed Ring . Between 186 6 an d 187 1 i t dominate d politic s i n th e cit y an d stat e o f New York . Althoug h late r ring s wer e mor e ruthles s an d rapacious , th e Tweed Rin g retaine d th e reputatio n o f bein g th e mos t notoriou s an d audacious o f the m all . I t comprise d onl y fou r men—Chamberlai n Pete r Barr Sweeny , Cit y Controlle r Richar d Connolly , Mayo r Abraha m Oake y Hall, an d th e ringleader , Willia m Marc y Tweed . No t fo r nothin g wer e they known , respectively , a s "th e Brains, " "Slipper y Dick, " "th e Ele gant," an d "th e Boss. " William Marc y Twee d cam e fro m a middle-class, Protestant famil y o f Scots-Americans. In 1851 , a t th e ag e o f twenty-eight , h e wa s electe d alderman fo r th e Sevent h Ward . Th e pos t carrie d considerabl e responsi bilities i n th e matte r o f makin g appointment s an d grantin g franchises ; and alon g wit h othe r corrup t aldermen , know n a s the Fort y Thieves , h e used hi s largess t o buil d u p a personal following . H e wa s a jovial, bulk y man whos e boisterou s manne r mad e hi m popula r i n barroom s an d bac k streets acros s th e lengt h an d breadt h o f th e city . Tweed als o had bound less energy an d enterprise , an d hi s executive abilit y wa s extraordinary . In 185 7 Twee d becam e a membe r o f th e boar d o f supervisors , hith erto a mino r forum , bu t transforme d tha t yea r b y th e stat e legislatur e into a bipartisa n counci l o f twelv e wit h increase d powers . H e remaine d
152 Not
since Nineveh
in offic e unti l 187 0 an d use d hi s authorit y t o for m a supervisors ' ring , a profitable operatio n specializin g i n electio n fraud , a s wel l a s i n raisin g money an d spendin g i t on cit y improvements . As controller , Richar d Connoll y raise d revenu e fro m taxe s an d rent s and th e sal e o f stock s an d bonds . H e spen t som e o f i t legitimatel y bu t siphoned muc h mor e int o th e coffer s o f th e ring . The mone y wa s embez zled b y mean s o f fraudulen t contracts , padde d payrolls , excessiv e rents , and fictitiou s accounts . I n turn , Connoll y wa s serve d wel l b y the count y auditor, forme r convic t Jame s Watson , wh o "cooked " th e book s an d covered th e tracks . Th e ring' s principa l accomplice s wer e th e governor , John Hoffman , an d thre e corrup t judges , Joh n McCunn , Georg e Bar nard, an d Alber t Cardozo . Cardozo , a Portuguese-America n Jew , ha d a deserved reputatio n a s a n oil y maste r o f intrigue . I t wa s sai d h e ha d th e eyes o f a serpen t i n th e fac e o f a corpse . Th e judges ' tas k wa s t o fin d sophisticated argument s t o excus e crimina l acts . Trul y i t wa s bette r t o know th e judge tha n t o kno w th e law . In th e Twee d year s cover t crim e (theft , burglary , an d confidenc e tricks) increase d greatl y whil e crime s o f violenc e di d not . A s contempo rary observe r Edwar d Crapse y explain s i n The Nether Side of New York (1872), ' T h e thug s o f th e cit y foun d employmen t i n politic s equall y congenial an d mor e remunerative. " Sometime s Tweed' s me n wen t to o far an d wer e arrested . The y wer e rescue d fro m th e toil s o f th e la w b y crooked lawyer s name d "Tomb s Shysters " o r "Tomb s Harpies, " afte r the cit y prison, o r "Tombs. " Mos t prominen t wa s th e fir m o f How e an d Hummel. Willia m Howe' s pros e wa s a s purpl e a s hi s clothes . H e onc e convinced a jur y tha t defendan t Ell a Nelso n ha d accidentall y pulle d th e trigger no t onc e bu t hal f a dozen times . At n o tim e di d th e Twee d Rin g comman d a tru e majorit y o f voters . Its powe r bas e wa s contro l o f th e Ne w Yor k quadrilateral—Cit y Hall , the Hal l o f Justice , th e Stat e Capito l a t Albany , an d Tamman y Hall , headquarters o f th e Democrati c party . Th e origina l Tamman y Societ y had bee n founde d a s a charitabl e organizatio n b y Irish-America n Wil liam Moone y i n 178 9 an d too k it s nam e fro m a n India n chief , Tamma nend. Governe d b y thirtee n senio r executive s o r sachems , i t was hetero geneous i n characte r bu t cam e t o b e dominate d b y a n Iris h oligarch y after th e Civi l War . Th e firs t Tamman y dynast y wa s th e Twee d Ring . Tweed consolidate d th e Hall' s hol d o n Ne w Yor k politics . Throug h various form s o f patronage , h e claime d tha t a t leas t 12,00 0 elector s i n
The primitiv e bu t comparativel y comfortabl e hom e o f a n Englis h coa l mine r an d hi s fam ily o n Ne w York' s Lowe r Eas t Sid e a s capture d i n thi s star k photograp h b y Jaco b Riis , who discovere d an d analyze d muc h o f th e squalo r fro m th e vantag e poin t o f th e polic e precinct a t "Th e Bend, " Mulberr y Street , wher e man y immigrant s live d i n crowded , un sanitary condition s an d whic h Rii s describe d a s "th e fou l cor e o f Ne w York' s slums. " (Library o f Congress. )
the twenty-on e ward s wer e obligate d t o him . Thes e spoilsme n wer e known a s the Shiny Hat Brigade . In 186 8 h e had th e number o f qualifie d voters increase d whe n hi s pliant justice s naturalize d abou t 60,00 0 recen t immigrants, administerin g th e oat h t o group s o f 144 , o r on e gross , a t a time. The technique s use d t o chea t a t th e poll s wer e numerous . The y in cluded paddin g th e registratio n list s with phon y name s an d addresses . In Philadelphia th e lis t o f voter s onc e include d a bo y o f fou r an d hi s dog . One politicia n ther e boaste d tha t th e me n wh o ha d first signe d th e Declaration o f Independenc e bac k i n 177 6 stil l vote d i n Philadelphia . Machines employe d gang s o f me n whos e mott o wa s "Vot e earl y an d often," wit h repeater s votin g i n plac e o f th e fraudulen t name s severa l times over . I n som e precincts ther e were mor e vote s cas t tha n ther e wer e residents. On e repeate r wh o claime d t o b e a n Episcopa l bishop , Willia m
154 Not
since Nineveh
Croswell Doane , ha d a n argumen t a t th e polls . "Com e off, " sai d th e official. "You'r e no t Bisho p Doane. " "Th e hel l I ain't , yo u bastard! " was th e retort . It is hardly surprisin g that , instea d o f appreciatin g th e creativ e poten tial o f Ne w Yor k City , th e stat e legislatur e a t Albany , dominate d b y rural interests , preferre d t o pictur e i t a s a cesspoo l o f vic e an d crime , fi t only fo r th e feeble , th e foreign , an d th e fraudulent . Th e city's undoubte d problems wer e treate d a s proo f o f it s ill s rathe r tha n a s symptom s o f a disease tha t coul d b e cured . I n popula r parlance , Ne w Yor k wa s "a n underground rapi d transi t railroa d t o hell. " Th e reputatio n o f othe r large citie s wa s jus t a s bad . Pittsburg h wa s "hel l wit h th e li d off " an d Philadelphia wa s "th e cit y o f brotherl y loot. " In 186 8 Twee d wa s a t th e heigh t o f hi s power . Electe d stat e senato r from th e Fourth District , h e also held th e following publi c offices: schoo l commissioner, deput y stree t commissioner , presiden t o f th e boar d o f supervisors, chairman o f the Democratic central committe e of New Yor k County, an d gran d sache m o f Tamman y Hall . H e wa s als o a director o f Jay Goul d an d Ji m Fisk' s bank , th e Tent h National , an d o f thei r rail road, th e New Yor k Central . I n addition, h e was president o f the Guard ian Saving s Ban k an d wa s a director o f th e Harle m Ga s Ligh t Company , the Brookly n Bridg e Company , an d th e Thir d Avenu e Railwa y Com pany. Moreover , h e wa s th e thir d larges t owne r o f rea l estat e i n Ne w York an d occupie d a splendi d mansio n o n Fift h Avenu e a t Forty-thir d Street. H e wa s rarel y wit h hi s family , however , preferrin g th e compan y of a charme d circl e o f cronie s a t th e Americu s Clu b wher e the y wor e tigers' heads se t with rub y eyes . Because he wanted t o be well liked Tweed als o gave freely t o charities , churches, hospitals , schools . Onl y th e Twee d Ring , i t seemed , care d fo r the need s o f th e underprivileged . I n th e seventee n year s betwee n 185 2 and 1869 , the stat e distribute d $ 2 millio n t o privat e charities . But in th e three year s fro m 186 9 t o 1871 , the Twee d Rin g use d it s influenc e wit h the stat e legislatur e t o increas e th e appropriation s t o $2.2 2 million . There wa s metho d i n thi s magnanimity . Stat e ai d t o hospitals , orphan ages, an d Catholi c parochia l school s ensure d suppor t fro m immigrant s and th e poo r a t th e polls . I t wa s especiall y gallin g t o reformer s t o se e Tweed gai n i n public esteem fro m charit y tha t wa s paltry compare d wit h the plunde r h e kep t fo r himself . Moreover , h e di d nothin g t o ameliorat e the conditions tha t contribute d t o disease , poverty, an d crime .
Not since Nineveh 15
5
The mos t notoriou s singl e ac t o f th e Twee d Rin g wa s it s embezzle ment o f publi c fund s tha t wer e alread y appropriate d fraudulentl y fo r a new cit y courthouse . Th e desig n b y architec t Joh n Kellu m wa s com pleted i n 1858 , bu t no t unti l Twee d becam e presiden t o f th e boar d o f supervisors i n 186 2 di d th e wor k o f constructio n commenc e i n earnest . Arguing tha t th e origina l appropriatio n o f $250,00 0 wa s unworth y o f New York , Twee d secure d additiona l monies : $ 1 millio n i n 1862 , $800,000 i n 1864 , $300,00 0 i n 1865 , an d $800,00 0 i n 1866 . B y 187 1 he ha d spen t $1 3 millio n altogethe r o n a buildin g that , afte r thirtee n years, was stil l incomplete . Where ha d th e mone y gone ? Jame s Watson , count y audito r an d bookkeeper o f th e ring , divide d th e mone y raise d wit h 3 5 percent goin g to th e variou s contractor s an d a coo l 6 5 percen t goin g i n commissio n t o the ring . Th e abus e wa s s o flagran t tha t i n 187 0 reformer s ha d a boar d of courthous e commissioner s appointe d t o overse e warrant s an d con tracts. Twee d an d th e mayor , Oake y Hall , packe d th e boar d wit h Tam many hacks , an d Watso n produce d fraudulen t voucher s t o demonstrat e that curren t expense s wer e genuine . Th e rin g relishe d it s work . I t mad e out check s t o "T . C . Cash, " signe d the m "Phili p F . Dummey," an d eve n charged contractor s fo r printin g thei r ow n bill s a t Tweed' s printin g company. Robert Roosevelt , on e o f th e reformers , sai d tha t th e bill s wer e "no t merely monstrous , the y ar e manifestl y fabulous. " Fo r instance , fo r thre e tables an d fort y chairs , th e cit y pai d ou t $179,729.60 . Carpets , shades , and furnitur e supplie d b y th e Jame s Ingersol l Compan y cos t th e some what startlin g su m o f $5.6 9 million . I n short , th e courthous e cos t fou r times as much a s the Houses o f Parliamen t an d twic e as much a s Alaska . In th e fal l o f 187 0 th e ring' s contro l apparentl y wa s a s assure d a s ever. I t seeme d the y coul d surviv e indefinitel y a s a self-perpetuatin g oligarchy onc e Hal l ha d succeede d Hoffma n a s governor . Bu t i t ha d antagonized th e middl e classes , wh o dreade d displacemen t amon g th e mounting tide s o f immigrants . An d i t ha d mad e deadl y enemie s o f it s political rivals . Jame s O'Brien , who m Twee d ha d onc e mad e sheriff , joined force s wit h stat e senato r Henr y ("Princ e Hal" ) Gene t an d Con gressman Joh n Morrise y t o lea d oppositio n t o th e rin g withi n th e Dem ocratic party . Thi s faction , usuall y calle d th e Youn g Democracy , wa s directed fro m th e sideline s b y Samue l Tilden , chairma n o f th e Demo cratic stat e committe e o f Ne w York . Tilde n wante d t o becom e presiden t
156 Not
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and ha d t o overthro w Twee d an d hi s suppose d candidate , Hoffman , t o do so . B y th e sprin g o f 1870 , mor e tha n hal f th e genera l committe e o f Tammany Hal l wa s takin g par t wit h th e Youn g Democracy . The first conflic t betwee n Twee d an d hi s enemies wa s ove r a new cit y charter. I t ha d t o pas s th e stat e assembl y a t Albany , an d s o gros s wer e the bribe s offere d senator s an d assemblymen—perhap s ove r $ 1 millio n altogether—that i t di d s o despit e bitte r controversy . I n som e importan t respects, th e Twee d charte r wa s a refor m measure . I t tende d t o giv e th e city contro l o f it s ow n affairs , t o simplif y it s comple x administration , and t o plac e administrativ e busines s i n onl y a fe w hands . Unfortunately , as English politica l scientis t James Bryc e observed, "Thes e hand s wer e a t the momen t unclea n an d graspin g hands. " Rea l powe r wa s veste d i n a new boar d o f audi t compose d o f Hall , Sweeny, an d Tweed . The ne w publishe r o f th e New York Times, Georg e Jones , an d hi s managing editor , th e Englishma n Loui s John Jennings , se t ou t t o expos e to th e peopl e th e thef t o f thei r city . O n Septembe r 20 , 1870 , th e Times began wit h innuend o an d fo r a yea r continue d it s attack s wit h smea r and sarcasm . Fat e unexpectedl y too k a hand an d deal t th e reformer s th e ace o f spades . Th e ring' s trust y auditor , Jame s Watson , wa s kille d i n a sleighing acciden t o n Januar y 21 , 1871 . Ther e wa s n o on e t o preven t new appointee s t o th e auditor' s office s fro m gettin g a t th e tru e facts . Two o f them , Willia m Copelan d an d Matthe w O'Rourke , uncovere d evidence o f gros s fraud . Previously , Jenning s an d Jone s ha d no t a scin tilla o f proo f fo r thei r accusations . Bu t no w Copelan d an d O'Rourk e had save d th e situatio n b y feedin g the m precis e fact s an d figures. Th e Times opene d it s series o f explici t attack s o n July 8 , 1871 . It began wit h accounts o f armor y fraud s an d the n expose d th e extravaganc e o f th e new courthouse . O n Jul y 2 2 i t carrie d th e sensationa l headline , "Th e Secret Accounts: Proof s o f Undoubte d Fraud s Brough t t o Light. " The rin g realize d tha t i t wa s trapped . I t offere d Jone s an d Times cartoonist Thoma s Nas t bribe s o f $500,00 0 i n useles s attempt s t o bu y their silence . Tweed himsel f recognize d the mastery of Nast's caricatures . "I don' t car e a stra w fo r you r newspape r articles ; m y constituent s don' t know ho w t o read , bu t the y can' t hel p seein g the m damne d pictures, " he exclaimed . Twee d wa s depicte d a s gross, vicious, and lowborn . Sween y was th e evi l genius. Connoll y wa s th e oily intriguer . Oake y Hal l wa s th e buffoon. The publi c wa s outraged . A t a meetin g hel d i n Coope r Unio n o n
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September 4 , 1871 , former mayo r Willia m F . Havemeyer reporte d Con troller Connolly' s confession . Durin g th e thirty-mont h perio d whe n th e revenue o f cit y an d count y wa s $72.5 4 million , th e rin g ha d pai d ou t $139 millio n an d stole n a t leas t $4 5 million . Th e audienc e calle d fo r th e appointment o f a n executiv e committe e o f sevent y t o recove r th e los t money an d refor m th e cit y government . Tilde n persuade d Connoll y t o yield hi s plac e a s controlle r t o Andre w Gree n o f th e committe e o f seventy. Judg e Georg e Barnar d wa s oblige d t o gran t a n injunctio n bar ring the ring fro m raisin g o r paying money . Al l government wa s brough t to a stop . Ther e wa s n o mone y wit h whic h t o pa y cit y employee s thei r wages. The Tamman y Hal l machin e wa s defeate d i n th e cit y an d stat e elec tions o n Novembe r 7 , 1871 . Th e ne w assemblyme n include d Samue l Tilden. I n all , the reformer s too k 75,00 0 regula r Democrati c vote s awa y from th e ring . The y owe d thei r succes s t o th e defectio n o f th e ring' s repeater gang s an d t o th e despise d immigrant s an d nativ e poor . How ever, Twee d survive d th e Novembe r election s an d wa s reelecte d t o th e state senate . Hi s defianc e o f hi s critic s passe d int o a proverb, "Wha t ar e you goin g t o d o abou t it? " H e soo n discovered . A gran d jur y indicte d Tweed i n December , an d h e was arrested . Release d o n bai l o f $ 2 millio n put u p b y Jay Gould , h e was a broke n ma n already ; h e looke d close r t o sixty tha n hi s tru e ag e o f forty-eight . H e wa s no t trie d unti l Januar y 7 , 1873, whe n h e appeare d befor e Judg e Noa h Davis . Th e jur y coul d no t agree o n a verdict , an d Twee d wa s trie d agai n o n Novembe r 5 , 1873 . During hi s lawyer' s fina l summar y h e hi d hi s fac e i n hi s hands an d wep t convulsively. Thi s tim e h e wa s convicte d o n 20 4 o f 22 0 count s i n th e indictment. H e wa s sentence d t o twelv e years ' imprisonmen t an d fined $12,750.
The cour t o f appeal s ha d rule d that , althoug h a n indictmen t migh t contain an y numbe r o f counts , a convicte d defendant' s actua l punish ment coul d no t excee d tha t prescribe d fo r on e offens e eve n i f h e wer e found guilt y fo r al l o f them . Twee d was , therefore , release d o n Januar y 15, 1875 . However, publi c opinio n wa s no t stilled . The forme r bos s wa s arrested agai n o n a civi l actio n fo r recover y o f $ 6 millio n i n loot . H e was committe d t o Ludlo w Stree t Jail . But , o n Decembe r 4 , 1875 , n e escaped. In Augus t 187 6 h e wa s recapture d i n Vigo , Spain , afte r some one recognize d hi m ther e fro m th e Nas t cartoons . After hi s enforce d return t o Ludlo w Stree t h e offere d t o tur n stat e informant . Tilden , th e
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new governor , woul d no t le t him , wantin g punishmen t t o b e restricte d to th e scapegoat . Twee d die d o f pneumoni a o n Apri l 12 , 1878 , and wa s buried i n Brooklyn . Extreme povert y wa s th e fat e o f Tweed' s nemesi s Thoma s Nast . Th e German-American cartoonis t wa s th e consummat e artis t o f politica l caricatures i n hi s da y an d th e ban e o f th e mos t elevate d politicians , especially Presiden t Andre w Johnso n an d th e politico s o f Tamman y Hall. A regular cartoonis t t o Harper's fro m 1862 , Nast's policy disagree ments wit h th e managemen t becam e s o acrimoniou s tha t i n 188 5 n e ceased t o wor k fo r th e magazine . Hi s contribution s elsewher e becam e less frequent , and , becaus e h e ha d los t hi s saving s i n th e failur e o f a brokerage company , h e became destitute . I n 1902 , the yea r o f hi s death , he became consu l genera l i n Ecuador .
Reform in the Cities The resoundin g mora l victor y o f reformer s agains t th e Tweed Rin g was , as Alexande r Callo w explains , actuall y a n ironi c politica l defeat . Re formers, blinde d b y thei r commitmen t t o expos e an d rou t th e ring , wer e oblivious bot h t o th e limitation s o f civi c institution s an d t o th e kind s o f changing urba n condition s i n whic h corrup t politica l machine s coul d thrive wit h ne w people . Member s o f thi s middle-clas s grou p wit h patri cian ideal s wer e obsesse d wit h th e ide a o f "honest , efficient , an d eco nomical government. " I n 187 2 the y succeede d i n electin g a refor m can didate a s mayor o f Ne w York . The ne w mayor , Willia m F . Havemeyer , havin g retire d fro m th e sugar-refining busines s a t th e ag e o f fort y t o devot e himsel f t o publi c service, was no w a sixty-eight-year-ol d reforme r wh o champione d clea n government an d econom y t o th e interest s o f business . H e propose d structural refor m withou t socia l improvement . H e cu t wage s o n publi c works, insiste d o n elaborat e scrutin y o f publi c expenditures , an d sacri ficed public services . I n 187 4 h e vetoe d mor e tha n 25 0 bill s relatin g t o the maintenance an d extensio n o f streets , schools, and charities . In doin g so h e retarde d downtow n developmen t an d damage d relation s betwee n immigrants an d natives . Despite his stringent economies , his fiscal policy as a whole wa s a failure. I n 187 1 th e civic debt ha d bee n $8 8 million . A t the en d o f 187 4 i t stoo d a t $11 5 million . Havemeyer' s deat h tha t yea r was a mercifu l relie f t o th e cit y a s a whole . Nevertheless , h e wa s th e
Not since Nineveh 15
9
While photographe r France s Benjami n Johnston' s (1864-1952 ) choic e o f subject s wa s conventional enough , includin g severa l evocativ e still s o f th e interior s o f gran d houses , she like d t o provok e he r viewer s b y adoptin g slightl y outr e attitudes , a s i n thi s self-por trait o f 1896 , complet e wit h lighte d cigarette , ful l tankar d o f ale , an d upturne d frill y petticoat. (Librar y o f Congress. )
prototype o f othe r structura l reformer s suc h a s Grove r Clevelan d i n Buffalo, Set h Lo w i n Brooklyn , an d Jame s D . Phela n i n Sa n Francisco , all of who m wer e committe d t o lo w taxe s an d rigi d economies . Across th e countr y wha t reformer s reall y wante d wa s a bette r an d more impartia l administratio n o f essentia l urba n services . In tim e the y became convince d tha t onl y th e publi c ownershi p o f utilitie s coul d fre e
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American citie s fro m a majo r sourc e o f corruption . Publi c opinio n wa s hostile bot h t o th e powe r o f utilit y monopolie s an d t o an y "socialistic " attempts a t thei r publi c ownership . Reformers i n Philadelphia , disappointe d a t thei r inabilit y t o driv e a wedge betwee n Bos s Jame s B . McMane s an d th e loca l ga s an d transi t monopolies, decide d t o cal l a nationa l conferenc e o f othe r aggrieve d civic reformer s i n 1893 . It wa s attende d b y delegate s fro m 2 9 organiza tions i n 2 1 citie s wh o founde d th e Nationa l Municipa l League , whic h soon include d 18 0 affiliate d societies . A t it s Columbu s conferenc e i n 1900 i t adopte d a mode l progra m o f advic e an d directive s fo r refor m groups acros s th e country . New candidates , mor e representativ e o f th e commo n peopl e tha n either spoilsme n o r reformers , cam e t o th e for e o f politic s i n th e 1890s . Samuel M . Jones becam e th e "Golde n Rule " mayo r o f Toledo, an d To m Johnson becam e mayo r o f Cleveland . I n Detroi t Haze n S . Pingre e wa s the Republica n nomine e o f busines s leader s wh o wante d a n independen t mayor t o fight agains t a corrupt Iris h ring . Reformers' well-intentione d attempt s t o improv e th e lo t o f th e urba n poor wer e deepl y resente d b y immigrants becaus e they wer e condescend ing an d high-handed . Ye t eac h sid e neede d th e other' s support . Th e lin k between th e tw o wa s forge d b y Jan e Addams . He r solution , th e settle ment house , wa s als o intende d t o sublimat e th e privat e distres s o f edu cated wome n wh o fel t unfulfille d i n urba n society . Jane Addams , daughte r o f a n Illinoi s stat e senato r wh o wa s a mil l owner an d banke r b y profession , wa s bor n i n Cedarvill e i n i860 . He r mother die d tw o year s later , an d i n 186 7 he r fathe r marrie d a widow , Anne Haldeman , wh o ha d tw o sons . Fro m 187 7 t o 188 1 Jane attende d Rockford Femal e Seminary , an d durin g he r las t yea r ther e he r fathe r died. Th e 1880 s wer e year s o f persona l frustration . Sh e spen t the m partly i n visits to Europe in 188 3 an d 1887 , partly i n an abortive attemp t at medica l study , an d partl y i n a n equall y useles s effor t t o pleas e he r stepmother an d becom e par t o f society . Bu t sh e als o worke d fo r chari ties. Moreover , thes e wer e year s o f painfu l physica l illness . A s a chil d she ha d suffere d fro m spina l tuberculosis , an d i t ha d lef t he r spin e slightly curved . I n 188 2 he r stepbrothe r Harr y Haldema n performe d a n operation o n he r bac k tha t lef t he r unabl e t o bea r children . Sh e wa s confined t o be d fo r a year , an d thi s precipitate d gnawin g feeling s o f social an d sexua l insecurity . Livin g i n menta l isolation , sh e wa s unsur e
Not since Nineveh 16
1
of he r futur e role , tor n b y a desir e t o escap e fro m he r famil y an d fro m society an d t o plung e int o som e vocation . Sh e was tryin g t o escap e fro m the confinements o f society . During he r sta y i n Englan d i n 188 7 Addam s visite d Toynbe e Hall , a settlement hous e organize d b y Samue l A . Barnett . Wit h he r wa s he r closest frien d fro m Rockford , Elle n Gate s Starr . Togethe r the y decide d to devot e themselve s t o socia l work . O n thei r retur n t o Chicag o the y produced a carefull y considere d proposa l fo r a settlemen t house , par t residence, par t club , par t school . The y persuade d churchmen , charit y workers, an d women' s group s t o joi n them . Th e settlemen t coul d thu s offer th e urba n ghett o th e sor t o f essentia l socia l service s tha t th e cit y council wa s unwillin g t o provide—entertainment , welfare , an d relief . The ide a wa s no t ne w t o America . Ne w Yor k alread y ha d a Neigh borhood Guild , an d a grou p o f Smit h Colleg e graduate s wer e plannin g to ope n a colleg e settlemen t o n th e Lowe r Eas t Side . Wha t Addam s wanted, however , wa s a n informa l organization , somethin g differen t i n kind fro m th e relie f agencie s o f religiou s o r temperanc e societies . He r family oppose d th e plan . Withou t Elle n Star r sh e woul d no t hav e ha d the courag e t o brea k wit h them . "Let' s lov e eac h othe r throug h thic k and thi n an d wor k ou t a salvation, " sh e wrot e t o Star r o n Januar y 24 , 1889. For th e cente r o f thei r propose d settlemen t Addam s an d Star r chos e Hull House , th e dilapidate d mansio n o f Charle s J. Hul l o n th e corne r o f Halsted an d Pol k streets . A Victorian suburba n hous e tha t ha d survive d the fir e o f 187 1 an d subsequentl y bee n surrounde d b y tenement s o f th e growing metropolis , i t wa s situate d betwee n a saloo n o n on e sid e an d a funeral parlo r o n th e other . After delicat e negotiation s wit h th e presen t owner, Hele n Culver , the y lease d par t o f th e building . Precede d b y a barrage o f favorabl e pres s publicity , the y move d i n o n Septembe r 18 , 1889. Th e Chicago Tribune o f Marc h 8 describe d i t a s " a Projec t t o Bring the Ric h an d Poo r Together. " Even befor e Hul l Hous e wa s opene d th e pres s wa s imposin g o n Jan e Addams th e imag e wit h whic h sh e was t o becom e identified : Sain t Jane. It wa s easie r fo r reporter s t o explai n tha t tw o youn g wome n wh o wen t to liv e in th e slum s an d car e fo r th e need y wer e motivate d b y spiritualit y and self-sacrific e tha n t o ascrib e thei r mov e t o th e sor t o f determine d break wit h conventio n tha t Jan e Addam s an d Elle n Star r wer e actuall y making. Th e pres s migh t sugges t tha t Jan e Addam s wa s a geniu s i n th e
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day an d Elle n Star r a beaut y b y night , bu t ther e wa s n o hin t tha t thi s Adam an d Ev e were abl e to rais e Cai n i n the community . Jane Addams' s life' s wor k agains t th e concentrate d powe r o f capita l would no t hav e bee n possibl e withou t th e value s o f har d work , ambi tion, an d thrif t upo n whic h th e wealt h o f he r fathe r an d othe r entrepre neurs wer e based . He r unyieldin g confidenc e i n th e virtue s o f self-hel p could b e both callou s an d condescending . Sh e once tol d a shipping cler k who cam e t o Hul l Hous e askin g fo r relie f tha t h e should wor k outdoor s on a constructio n gan g cuttin g a loca l canal . Althoug h h e wa s use d t o working indoors , h e di d so . Afte r tw o day s h e contracte d pneumoni a and die d a wee k later . Addam s care d fo r hi s tw o orphane d childre n bu t could no t quie t he r conscience . Addams di d no t jus t wan t t o hel p th e poor , sh e wanted t o find a ne w role fo r educate d wome n i n society . A t Hul l Hous e man y talente d wome n gained experienc e an d confidenc e a s administrators . I t provide d a prac tical trainin g groun d fo r th e first generatio n o f professiona l wome n suc h as Florenc e Kelley , who becam e hea d o f th e Nationa l Consumers ' League , and Alic e Hamilton , a n industria l chemist , wh o becam e th e first woma n professor a t Harvar d Medica l School . Within a year o f th e openin g o f Hul l Hous e Hele n Culve r waive d th e initial ren t o f $6 0 a month . B y 189 5 s n e n a c! turned ove r th e adjacen t property t o Hul l House , an d tha t yea r gav e bot h lan d an d building s t o the Universit y o f Chicago . Hul l Hous e wa s mad e a corporatio n wit h a board o f trustees , o f whic h Addam s wa s president . Sh e expande d th e original activities , adaptin g an d extendin g th e variou s houses . The com plex wa s complete d i n 190 7 an d comprise d thirtee n building s includin g lodgings, kindergarten , childrens ' clubs , gymnasium , ar t gallery , coffe e house, and theater . Hull Hous e als o contribute d t o th e growin g academi c disciplin e o f sociology. Th e Illinoi s Factor y Ac t o f 1893 , passe d i n par t becaus e o f the Hul l Hous e lobby , di d no t mee t th e expectation s o f Florenc e Kelley . She turne d he r attentio n t o a projec t t o stud y th e neighborhoo d bloc k by block . Th e resultin g publication , Hull-House Maps and Papers (1895), described ethni c groups , wages , sweatshops , chil d labor , an d unio n ac tivity. I t wa s favorabl y reviewe d b y a fe w critics , sol d poorly , an d soo n went ou t o f print . Bu t i t stimulate d simila r researc h i n othe r citie s an d convinced Addam s tha t th e futur e o f Hul l Hous e la y i n providin g a special aren a fo r socia l wor k an d socia l research . I t wa s no t coincidenc e
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that Hul l Hous e figure d prominentl y i n th e essay s o f th e first volum e o f the ne w American Journal of Sociology, launche d i n 1895 . Nothing concerne d resident s o f th e Nineteent h War d mor e tha n th e stench an d filth o f thei r streets , which wer e littere d wit h refuse . I n 1895 , tired o f submittin g plea s t o th e cit y counci l tha t fel l o n dea f ears , Jan e Addams pu t i n a bi d fo r a franchis e o f garbag e remova l i n th e ward . I t was refused . Bu t the publicity sh e earned wa s worth a fortune . Th e stor y of a n upper-clas s lad y wh o wante d t o becom e a scavenge r wa s sensa tional cop y acros s th e country , an d thi s mor e tha n an y othe r actio n turned he r int o a national celebrity . Critic Frederik a Randal l ha s observed , "Garbag e ha s alway s bee n with us , bu t i t too k th e zealou s generatio n o f turn-of-the-centur y pro gressives t o defin e i t a s a menac e t o civi c harmony an d socia l order. " I n New York , Civi l Wa r vetera n Colone l Georg e E . Waring , Jr. , use d hi s knowledge o f militar y strateg y t o devis e mean s o f collectin g an d dispos ing o f garbag e whe n h e becam e commissione r o f stree t cleaning . Hi s enthusiasm an d ingenuit y almos t succeede d i n givin g th e gramma r o f garbage collectio n a n unexpecte d glamo r o f it s own . Because o f th e publicit y surroundin g Addams , Mayo r Carte r Harri son appointe d he r garbag e inspecto r a t a salar y o f $1,000 . Sh e accom plished little . Sh e realize d tha t th e rea l villai n wa s th e powerfu l an d corrupt loca l boss , Johnny ("DePow" ) Powers , chairman o f th e council' s finance committee , wh o ha d muc h t o gai n b y keepin g hi s electorat e i n conditions o f squalo r an d ignorance . Addam s determine d t o unsea t hi m and launche d tw o unsuccessfu l bu t widel y publicize d campaign s agains t him i n 189 6 an d 1898 . Sh e discovere d sh e coul d no t compet e wit h hi s reputation fo r generosity . H e boaste d tha t 2,60 0 war d resident s owe d their cit y job s t o him . H e distribute d railroa d passes , Christma s dinners , and fre e coal . Ordinar y peopl e coul d appreciat e suc h minuscul e larges s without realizin g tha t the y usuall y pai d fo r i t i n th e extortionat e stree t railway fare s Power s secure d fo r hi s allies , the railwa y companies . Ironi cally, the y preferre d hi s to p ha t an d opulen t life-styl e t o th e clot h cap s and auster e behavio r o f Addams' s candidates . Sh e concede d defeat , an d she expresse d he r grudgin g admiratio n fo r someon e wh o wa s a t leas t "engaged i n th e grea t mora l effor t o f gettin g th e mas s t o expres s itsel f and o f addin g thi s mas s energ y an d wisdo m t o th e communit y a s a whole." Hull Hous e provided th e model fo r othe r settlemen t houses , includin g
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South En d Hous e i n Boston , Henr y Stree t an d Universit y Settlemen t i n New York , an d Chicag o Commons . Fro m onl y si x house s i n 189 1 th e movement sprea d quickly . I n 189 7 ther e wer e seventy-fou r settlement s and ove r 10 0 b y 1900 . Progressive reformer s mad e th e middl e classe s wel l awar e o f urba n problems. Whateve r th e positiv e contributio n o f individual s t o socia l reform, th e par t playe d b y th e clas s a s a whol e wa s a negativ e one . I t took fligh t t o the suburbs . Betwee n 188 7 an d 189 4 a serie s of technolog ical improvement s i n intracit y transportation—cabl e lines , electri c sur face lines , and elevate d transit—allowe d th e middl e clas s its flight t o th e suburbs. Me n o f affair s an d wome n o f fashio n coul d hav e th e bes t o f both worlds , the cit y b y day , th e suburb s b y night . Idealists wante d thi s fo r al l classes . Commissione r o f Labo r Caro l D . Wright, i n a n articl e fo r Popular Science Monthly i n Apri l 1892 , re viewed th e findings o f th e censu s o f 189 0 an d conclude d tha t adequat e urban transportatio n wa s "somethin g mor e tha n a questio n o f econom ics or busines s convenience; it is a social an d a n ethical questio n a s well." For onl y suburb s coul d suppl y th e "sanitar y localities , [the ] mora l an d well-regulated communities , wher e childre n ca n hav e al l th e advantage s of churc h an d school , o f ligh t an d air, " whic h wer e necessar y fo r "th e improvement o f th e conditio n o f th e masses. " His view s were echoe d b y other writer s o n urba n affairs , includin g Adn a Webe r i n hi s semina l work, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century (1899) . Progres sive authoritie s i n th e large r citie s understoo d thes e argument s an d encouraged th e developmen t o f efficien t intracit y transport . Moreover , the layin g o f additiona l railroa d line s provide d opportunitie s fo r lucra tive constructio n contracts . O n Januar y 16 , 1900 , contracto r Joh n B . McDonald an d banke r Augus t Belmon t wer e awarde d th e contrac t fo r the first subwa y i n Ne w York , t o b e constructe d a t a n estimate d cos t o f $35 million . The White City and the City Beautiful Movement Rather tha n accep t th e drif t t o th e suburb s a s a n inevitabl e fac t o f cit y life, tow n planner s bega n t o conside r way s o f improvin g urba n condi tions i n orde r t o retai n thei r residents . I n Looking Backward (1888 ) Edward Bellam y ha d offere d a visio n o f "mile s o f broa d streets , shade d by tree s an d line d wit h fine buildings . . . . large ope n square s filled wit h
Architects a t th e World's Columbia n Expositio n o f 189 3 base d thei r building s o n researc h into classica l an d Renaissanc e models . Th e Administratio n Buildin g b y Richar d Morri s Hunt (1827-1895) , centerpiec e o f th e Cour t o f Honor , use d a hig h atti c stor y wit h a n open Ioni c colonnad e inspire d b y th e tom b o f Mausolu s a t Halicarnassus ; a dom e simila r to Brunelleschi' s dom e fo r th e cathedra l i n Florence ; an d statue s decoratin g th e edific e b y Karl Bitte r (1867-1915 ) reminiscen t o f thos e b y Francoi s Rud e o n th e Ar c d e Triomph e in Paris . To th e left i s Machinery Buildin g by Peabody an d Stearns ; to th e right, Electricit y Building b y Va n Brun t an d Howe . (France s Benjami n Johnston ; Librar y o f Congress. )
trees, amon g whic h statue s glistene d an d fountain s flashed . . . [and ] public building s o f a colossa l siz e an d a n architectura l grandeu r unpar alleled." I t seeme d tha t Bellamy' s visio n ha d becom e a realit y i n 189 3 when Chicag o acte d a s hos t t o th e World' s Columbia n Expositio n o n the shore s o f Lak e Michigan . Th e impac t o f it s landscap e an d architec ture was considerable, mainly fo r it s general ensemble. Frederic C. How e wrote i n The Modern City and Its Problems (1915) : The world' s fai r i n Chicag o mark s th e beginnin g o f cit y plannin g i n America . People lef t i t wit h th e inquiry : "Wh y canno t citie s b e built lik e a world's fair ; why should we not emplo y architect s an d artists in their designing; why should we not liv e in cities as beautiful a s this fugitive pla y city, that wil l disappear a t the end of the summer?"
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The overwhelmin g succes s o f th e Columbia n Expositio n encourage d the creatio n o f late r exposition s i n majo r citie s acros s Americ a i n th e remaining year s befor e Worl d Wa r I : the Tennessee Centennia l i n Nash ville (1897) ; th e Trans-Mississipp i an d Internationa l Expositio n a t Omah a (1898); th e Pa n America n Expositio n a t Buffal o (1901) ; th e Louisian a Purchase Expositio n a t St . Loui s (1904) ; an d subsequen t exposition s a t San Francisc o an d Syracus e (bot h 1910 ) an d Sa n Dieg o (1915) . As to reorderin g cit y government , th e devastatio n wrough t i n Galves ton, Texas , b y a cycloni c hurrican e i n Septembe r 190 0 concentrate d citizens' mind s remarkably . Th e floo d deluge d th e street s wit h wate r seventeen fee t deep . Si x thousan d peopl e die d an d propert y wort h $2 0 million wa s destroyed . Th e disaste r prompte d citizen s t o appoin t a special commissio n wit h dictatoria l power s t o rebuil d th e city . The ide a came fro m a n emergenc y commissio n devise d i n Memphi s afte r a n epi demic o f yello w feve r i n 1878 . Within fiv e week s o f th e catastroph e th e commission ha d protecte d th e coas t wit h a seawal l o f granit e an d con crete an d raise d th e leve l o f th e city . The succes s o f th e commissio n wa s such tha t i n 190 1 th e Texa s legislatur e gav e i t permanent for m i n a ne w charter. Thi s provide d fo r a mayor-presiden t an d fou r commissioners , two electe d b y th e peopl e an d (a t first) tw o appointe d b y th e governor . The syste m o f cit y governmen t b y commissio n wa s s o successfu l tha t b y 1917 mor e tha n 50 0 citie s acros s th e natio n ha d institute d governmen t by commission . The Cit y Beautifu l movement , largel y inspire d b y th e Columbia n Exposition, flowered afte r th e tur n o f th e century . It s intention s wer e partly t o redesig n overcrowde d citie s an d improv e thei r livin g environ ment accordin g t o humanitaria n principles , an d partl y t o celebrat e th e pomp o f civi c an d militar y achievement . Beginnin g wit h variou s loca l organizations, th e movemen t gaine d publicit y nationwid e wit h th e crea tion o f th e America n Par k an d Outdoo r Ar t Associatio n (1897 ) i n Louisville an d th e National Leagu e o f Improvemen t Association s (1900 ) in Springfield , Ohi o (rename d th e America n Leagu e fo r Civi c Improve ment i n 1901) . I n 190 4 thes e tw o organization s merge d an d becam e th e American Civi c Association . The principa l spokesma n fo r th e Cit y Beautifu l movement—an d th e one t o who m i s du e mos t credi t fo r popularizin g it—wa s journalis t Charles Mulfor d Robinson . Havin g graduate d wit h a majo r i n libera l arts fro m th e Universit y o f Rochester , h e first worke d fo r a newspaper ,
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became immerse d i n cit y problems, an d the n wrot e thre e seminal article s for th e Atlantic Monthly i n 1899 , entitle d collectively , "Improvement s in Cit y Life. " Subsequently , h e mad e th e Cit y Beautifu l mor e widel y known an d understoo d i n anothe r hundre d article s an d i n suc h book s a s The Improvement of Towns and Cities (1901 ) an d Modern Civic Art; or, The City Made Beautiful (1903) . Addressin g th e difficul t problem s of tenemen t living , hygiene, and socia l benefit s i n his articles, books, an d municipality reports , he stressed th e nee d fo r idea l spatia l form s throug h squares, parks, even bridges—mainly accordin g to European precedents . He wa s alway s a t pain s t o emphasiz e th e usefulnes s o f reforme d urba n design. Among landscap e architect s wh o effecte d suc h a transformatio n wa s Frederick La w Olmsted , Jr., an d hi s half-brother, Joh n Charle s Olmsted . Having advise d th e America n Institut e o f Architect s i n a n addres s i n 1900 o f th e nee d fo r forma l design s fo r publi c building s an d forma l settings t o enshrin e them—especiall y i n Washington , D.C. , wher e h e wanted t o se e th e origina l 179 1 pla n o f Charle s Pierr e L'Enfan t revive d —Frederick, Jr., wa s appointe d t o th e McMillan Commissio n fo r Wash ington i n 1901 . Together wit h architect s Danie l Burnham , Charle s Fol len McKim , an d th e commissio n secretary , Charle s Moore , h e visite d European cities , includin g Pari s an d Rome , t o mak e a stud y o f wha t might b e done . Th e McMilla n Commissio n propose d a schem e fo r th e reclamation o f L'Enfant' s origina l pla n o f axe s t o crow n diagona l inter sections o f street s an d avenues . Th e resul t wa s a shaf t o f spac e tha t formed a centra l mall ; plan s fo r majo r memorial s t o nationa l heroe s such a s Lincoln ; th e constructio n o f Memoria l Bridg e an d Unio n Squar e near th e Capitol ; an d th e creatio n o f twi n avenue s line d wit h America n elms fou r abreast . Al l o f thes e wer e inspire d b y th e commissioners ' visi t to Europea n cities .
CHAPTER 6
Midsummer of the American Renaissance
Every societ y leave s a recor d o f it s achievement s i n thre e books : th e book o f it s deeds, the book o f it s words, and th e book o f it s art. O f thes e the mos t significant—an d certainl y th e mos t enduring—wil l b e th e book o f it s art . Thi s wa s th e opinio n o f nineteenth-centur y Englis h ar t critic John Ruskin . Th e ar t o f th e Gilde d Ag e ha s becom e th e principa l guide t o America n cultur e i n th e lat e nineteent h century . Historian , philosopher—and, i t mus t b e admitted , snob—Henr y Adam s wa s ac curate i n hi s forecas t o f 189 3 a t t n e World' s Columbia n Expositio n i n Chicago tha t som e da y peopl e woul d "tal k abou t [architect s Richar d Morris] Hun t an d [Henr y Hobson ] Richardson , [artist s John ] L a Farg e and [Augustus ] St-Gaudens , [architect s Daniel ] Burnha m an d [Charles ] McKim, an d Stanfor d Whit e whe n thei r politician s an d millionaire s [have been] otherwis e forgotten. " The technolog y o f th e Gilde d Ag e underwen t continuou s expansio n and transformation , bu t i t i s it s ar t tha t ha s bee n it s mos t endurin g memorial. Thi s doe s no t mea n tha t al l o r mos t o f th e ar t survive d permanently. Man y painting s an d ar t object s wer e discarde d o r de stroyed. Man y building s wer e exhauste d wit h use , abandoned , an d de molished. Bu t ar t an d architectur e wer e centra l t o th e cultur e b y wa y o f public buildings , photographs , an d exhibitions—eve n b y late r contro versies surrounding preservation . 168
This upward-lookin g photograp h o f a n elaborat e roo m i n th e Marsde n J . Perr y Hous e i n Providence, Rhod e Island , b y France s Benjami n Johnston , make s th e mos t o f it s opulen t character, deployin g th e ornatel y molde d ceilin g an d cornices , embosse d wallpaper , an d Georgian-style doo r a s a backgroun d that , surprisingly , enhance s th e crysta l chandelie r and gol d baroqu e mirror . (Librar y o f Congress. )
The Centennia l o f 187 6 no t onl y awakene d American s t o th e poten tial o f th e Industria l Revolutio n bu t i t als o rekindle d thei r interes t i n previous cultures . Th e vas t display s o f paintings , sculptures , an d photo graphs i n Philadelphia alerte d the m t o th e origins of America n cultur e i n other nations . For man y artist s an d scholar s ther e followe d a n America n Renaissance comparabl e t o th e Italia n Renaissanc e o f 1420-1580 . At th e sam e time , th e Italia n Renaissanc e itself , first identifie d i n th e 1840s, cam e t o b e mor e widel y appreciate d throug h th e researc h an d interpretation o f variou s scholars , includin g th e Briton s Walte r Pate r and Joh n Addingto n Symond s an d th e Swis s Jako b Burckhardt . Throughout th e 1870s , 1880s , an d 1890 s variou s America n scholars —
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in particula r Charle s C . Perkins , William Jame s Stillman , an d James M . Hoppin—brought th e Italia n Renaissanc e int o close r focu s fo r a gener ation o f American s throug h monograph s an d article s i n suc h popula r magazines a s Scribner's. America n artist s wh o ha d studie d i n Europ e a t various ar t school s i n Paris—notabl y th e Ecol e de s Beaux Arts—an d i n Dusseldorf, Munich , th e Hague , an d London—wher e th e Pre-Raphaelit e movement wa s i n vogue—began t o retur n hom e i n the 1870 s an d 1880 s with work s o f th e Italia n Renaissanc e deepl y etche d int o thei r artisti c consciousness. The ar t o f th e Gilde d Ag e wa s t o pla y a crucia l rol e i n promotin g nationalism, especiall y whe n profoun d industria l an d economi c change s were causing social upheaval. I n the Craftsman o f Octobe r 190 4 Charle s M. Shean , president o f th e National Societ y o f Mura l Painters , predicte d how "th e futur e grea t ar t o f thi s Republic , s o fa r a s i t i s expresse d i n painting, wil l find it s complet e an d ful l developmen t o n th e wall s o f ou r public building s . . . an d i t wil l b e primaril y a recordin g art, " i n whic h the subject s shoul d commemorat e "th e growt h o f th e stat e fro m th e scattered an d strugglin g colonie s of th e Atlantic seaboar d t o the Imperia l Republic stretchin g fro m ocea n t o ocean. " The America n Renaissanc e extende d beyon d distinguishe d painting s by John Singe r Sargent , Thoma s Eakins , an d Winslo w Home r t o al l th e visual arts : sculptur e an d staine d glass , mural s an d tapestries , architec ture an d landscap e design . Man y America n artist s aspire d t o becom e a s multitalented a s thei r distinguishe d Italia n predecessors . Architec t Stan ford Whit e no t onl y designe d building s bu t als o furniture , jewelry , an d magazine covers . Artist John L a Farg e no t onl y painted picture s bu t als o designed staine d glas s window s an d wrot e criticism . I n sum , America n architects, painters , sculptors , an d craftsme n o f th e Gilde d Ag e believe d they wer e capturin g fo r th e Unite d State s th e spiri t o f th e Italia n Renais sance. The First Period In their American Renaissance, 1876—1917 (1979 ) ar t historia n Richar d Guy Wilso n an d decorativ e ar t specialis t Diann e H . Pilgri m distinguis h two principa l period s i n th e America n Renaissance . Th e first wa s th e prelude—from th e mid-i87os , afte r th e depressio n o f 187 3 n a d abate d
Midsummer of the American Renaissance 17
1
—to th e mid-i88os . Th e secon d perio d wa s fro m approximatel y 188 6 to 1917 . In th e initia l perio d th e foundation s o f th e America n Renaissanc e were laid . Pattern s o f collaboratio n wer e establishe d betwee n artist s an d architects a s wa s a networ k o f scholarl y an d critica l organization s t o promote thei r achievements . Moreover , i t wa s i n thi s initia l perio d tha t the America n Renaissanc e wa s firs t identifie d i n th e journa l Californian in July 1880 . I t was furthe r encourage d academicall y b y new periodical s such a s The American Architect and Building News (1876) , The Art Amateur: Devoted to the Cultivation of the Art of the Household (1879) , and The Art Review (1879) , an d artisticall y b y ne w societie s suc h a s th e Art Student s Leagu e o f Ne w Yor k (1875) , t n e Societ y o f America n Artists ( 1 8 7 7 ) , t n e Ne w Yor k Etchin g Clu b (1878) , and the Architectura l League of Ne w Yor k (1881) . Despite an y consensu s amon g artist s abou t th e purposes an d directio n of th e America n Renaissance , th e influence s upo n artist s i n thi s perio d were man y an d diverse—although , fo r th e mos t part , within a Europea n tradition. Artist s wer e als o inspire d b y th e ar t o f Colonia l America , brought int o perspectiv e b y differen t scholarl y work s b y Mose s Coi t Tyler, S . W. G . Robinson , an d others . The minglin g of Italia n technique s and Colonia l style s resulte d i n suc h painting s a s Georg e H . Broughton' s Puritans Going to Church (1867 ) an d Thoma s Eakins' s William Rush Carving the Allegorical Figure of the Schuylkill River (1877) . ^ n sculp ture th e mi x ca n b e see n i n Augustu s Saint-Gaudens' s bronz e statu e o f Dean Samue l Chapin , The Puritan (firs t erecte d i n Springfield , Massa chusetts i n 1881) , an d Danie l Cheste r French' s The Minute Man, com missioned b y Concord , Massachusetts , fo r th e Centennia l Exhibition . The Minute Man wa s partly inspire d b y an ancien t statu e usuall y know n as Apollo of the Belvedere, a Roma n cop y o f a Gree k origina l o f th e fourth century , B.C. , attributed t o Leochares . Another featur e o f th e earl y year s o f th e America n Renaissanc e wa s successful collaboratio n o n building s betwee n artists . There was an artis tic consensu s tha t th e grandes t achievement s o f th e America n Renais sance—such a s it s world' s fair s an d cit y plans , a s wel l a s majo r publi c buildings—must b e throug h collaborativ e effort s i f th e resul t wer e eve r to equa l th e artisti c unit y o f Rom e a t th e heigh t o f th e Italia n Renais sance. Beginnin g wit h architec t Henr y Hobso n Richardson' s Trinit y
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Church (1872-77 ) i n Boston , bot h Europea n an d America n artist s working i n th e Unite d State s attempte d t o creat e unifie d decorativ e schemes i n churches . Moreover, i t wa s i n thi s initia l perio d tha t man y artist s an d scholars , such a s Englis h craftsma n Willia m Morri s an d America n expatriat e painter Jame s Abbot t MacNeil l Whistler , nourishe d publi c interes t i n interior design . I n th e late r 1870 s th e ter m "interio r decorator " first came int o use . Bot h Charle s Lock e Eastlake , a promote r o f th e Englis h Arts an d Craft s movement , i n hi s Hints on Household Taste (London , 1868; New Yor k 1872) , and th e American Clarenc e Cook , i n The House Beautiful (1877) , encourage d balance d an d unifie d decorativ e scheme s among hom e owners . The mos t successfu l interio r designe r wa s Loui s Comfor t Tiffany , a painter stimulate d an d challenge d b y the idea o f creatin g a total environ ment. Alon g wit h Samue l Colma n (whos e specialtie s wer e fabrics , wall papers, an d colo r schemes) , Lockwoo d d e Fores t (whos e specialt y wa s wood an d carving) , an d Candac e Thurbe r Wheele r (whos e specialtie s were textile s an d embroidery) , Tiffan y forme d th e firm o f Associate d Artists (1879-1907 ) i n whic h eac h artis t wa s t o concentrat e o n hi s o r her specialt y whil e recognizin g th e supremac y o f th e overal l design . Tiffany an d hi s associate s becam e widel y know n throug h a commissio n from Presiden t Cheste r A . Arthur t o moderniz e an d remode l part s o f th e White Hous e (1882) . The y wer e artisti c entrepreneur s read y t o tak e advantage o f th e commercia l boo m attendin g decorativ e ar t an d giv e i t focus. Tiffany's specia l fort e wa s staine d glass . Awarde d a paten t fo r opa l or opalescen t glas s i n Februar y 1881 , Tiffan y soo n becam e th e mos t inventive o f al l glas s makers , usin g differen t form s o f glass , shells , an d semiprecious stones . Staine d glas s prove d a particularl y attractiv e me dium fo r wome n artist s suc h a s Hele n Maitlan d Armstrong , Lydi a Fiel d Emmett, an d Rosin a Emmet t Sherwood . Th e oldes t glass-makin g com pany i n th e Unite d State s wa s th e J . an d R . Lam b Studios , founde d i n New Yor k i n 1857 . I t becam e widel y know n afte r winnin g tw o gol d medals a t th e Pari s Expositio n o f 190 0 fo r a window , Religion Enthroned. Artistic an d commercia l development s i n suc h decorativ e art s a s wallpaper, tile , ceramics , an d silverwar e wer e als o striking . I n particular , tiles becam e fashionabl e fo r al l sort s o f cit y houses . Inspire d b y Englis h
John Singe r Sargen t (1856-192.5) , debonai r an d suprem e portrai t painte r o f famou s an d wealthy America n an d Europea n subjects , show n i n langui d pos e wit h ciga r an d cane . Sargent's super b draughtsmanship , seemingl y impulsiv e brushstrokes , an d dazzlin g palett e of shar p contrast s distille d th e essenc e o f privilege d live s a t th e tur n o f th e centur y i n work tha t becam e eve r mor e darin g an d experimental . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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models, particularl y Minto n tile s fro m Derbyshire , England , America n artists bega n t o expan d th e numbe r o f America n style s an d th e use s t o which the y coul d b e put . Embellishe d tile s wer e inse t i n th e face s o f clocks, stoves , an d furniture . Th e so-calle d Til e Clu b i n Ne w Yor k (1877—87) wa s a n associatio n o f thirt y artist s wh o sa w ho w lucrativ e this ar t for m coul d be .
The Second Period The second , o r mature , perio d o f th e America n Renaissance—fro m around 188 6 unti l America n militar y interventio n i n Worl d Wa r I i n 1917—was characterize d b y what Richar d Gu y Wilson term s "scientifi c eclecticism." Creativ e artist s no w base d thei r wor k o n a scholarl y stud y of classica l models , rather tha n th e romantic , free r interpretation s o f th e 1870s an d earl y 1880s . Ar t i n thi s perio d wa s als o shape d b y the artists ' own deepenin g sens e o f publi c responsibility . Man y o f it s singula r achievements wer e i n publi c buildings : th e Whit e Cit y o f th e World' s Columbian Expositio n an d th e Bosto n Publi c Library . I n thi s matur e period, ornamentatio n o n grea t publi c building s wa s inspired , first, b y earlier decoratio n o n privat e house s an d religiou s buildings , an d secon d by th e sor t o f integra l an d cohesiv e design s see n i n publi c building s a t various world' s fairs . Institutions founde d i n thi s perio d devote d t o th e advancemen t o f ar t included: th e Nationa l Sculptur e Societ y (1893) , t n e Societ y o f Beaux Arts Architect s (1894) , a n ^ t n e Nationa l Societ y o f Mura l Painter s (1895). Among th e ne w institution s devote d t o stud y wer e the America n Academy i n Rom e (1897 ; originally , th e America n Schoo l o f Architec ture in Rome , 1894 ) a n d t n e America n Schoo l of Classica l Studies, Rom e (1895). I n addition , numerou s municipa l institution s wer e founde d t o promote civi c art , notabl y i n Ne w Yor k (1893) , Cincinnat i (1894) , an d Chicago (1899) . In thi s secon d perio d th e American Renaissanc e becam e mor e avowedl y nationalistic, appropriatin g th e symbol s an d image s o f previou s civiliza tions t o creat e a pageant i n which th e Unite d State s was presented a s th e culmination o f histor y fo r a n ag e tha t believe d i n progress . Artist s an d their patron s conceive d o f a ne w civilizatio n wit h publi c building s an d monuments modele d o n th e columne d temple s o f Greec e an d th e trium phal arche s o f Rome , adorne d wit h sculpture s an d mural s depictin g
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heroes i n variou s virtuou s endeavors . On e suc h wa s th e Soldiers ' an d Sailors' Memoria l Arc h i n Gran d Arm y Plaza , Brookly n (1889—92) , designed b y architect s Joh n H . Dunca n an d McKim , Mea d an d White , with sculpture s b y Frederic k MacMonnie s an d bas-relief s b y Thoma s Eakins, togethe r givin g th e appearanc e o f a nationa l Valhall a i n thi s cenotaph t o th e Republic' s falle n heroes . America's deepenin g sens e of nationalis m wa s itself bein g nurtured b y the establishmen t o f variou s institution s t o conserv e th e America n past : the American Historica l Associatio n (1882) ; the Daughter s o f th e Amer ican Revolutio n (1890) ; an d th e Colonia l Dame s (1890) . The America n Renaissanc e als o becam e a n expressio n o f America n imperialism fo r a perio d i n whic h publi c opinio n sa w America' s destin y come t o a clima x wit h th e creatio n o f a n America n empir e overseas . Architect Stanfor d Whit e justifie d importin g man y ar t treasure s t o deco rate gran d house s b y saying , "I n th e past , dominan t nation s ha d alway s plundered work s o f ar t fro m thei r predecessors ; . . . America wa s takin g a leadin g place amon g nation s an d had , therefore , th e righ t t o obtai n ar t wherever sh e could. " Furthermore , th e spiri t o f cosmopolitanis m ex tended t o interes t i n th e art s o f th e Pacifi c islands , includin g Japan . I t was th e Londo n Internationa l Expositio n o f 1861 , the prototyp e o f al l great industria l expositions , whic h ha d first introduce d Japanes e ar t t o the publi c i n th e Wes t an d mad e i t popular . Work s b y Whistle r an d McKim disclos e thei r fascinatio n wit h Japanes e prints . I n addition , American scholar s James Jackson Jarves an d Edwar d S . Morse produce d various studie s o f Asia n art . As t o interio r design , no t sinc e th e heyda y o f th e Venetia n Republi c had successfu l commercia l familie s indulge d themselve s i n suc h ostenta tious display s o f ar t a s di d th e entrepreneur s o f th e late r Gilde d Age . T o enrich thei r home s an d giv e societ y notic e o f thei r ne w status , robbe r barons acquire d paintings , sculptures , an d manuscript s o f grea t value . The sophisticatio n the y coul d no t achiev e withi n themselve s b y educa tion, the y coul d amas s fo r themselve s b y possession . Th e absolut e dis tinction wa s ownershi p o f a uniqu e object . Ironically , man y entrepre neurs who claime d suc h uniqu e distinction wer e those whose very wealt h came fro m factorie s tha t produce d objects , includin g ar t objects , tha t were mas s produced . In art , a s i n architecture , thi s wa s a perio d o f eclecticis m i n whic h patrons place d Chines e vases , Gobeli n tapestries , Loui s XII I mantels ,
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Venetian ceilings , an d pola r bea r heart h rug s alongsid e on e anothe r i n the sam e room—a s wa s th e cas e i n th e Entr y Hal l o f th e H . W . Poo r house (1899-1901 ) i n Ne w York . Ye t w e ca n discer n somethin g o f th e shift withi n th e America n Renaissanc e t o a mor e exac t an d distille d classical styl e b y comparin g th e lavis h decoration s an d lus h Victoria n detail o f Loui s Comfor t Tiffany' s desig n fo r Cheste r Arthur' s Whit e House i n 188 2 wit h thos e o f McKim , Mea d an d Whit e fo r Theodor e Roosevelt i n 1902—3 . No t onl y di d Roosevel t wan t a clea r distinctio n between th e first floor , reserve d fo r officia l functions , an d uppe r floors , reserved fo r th e first family , bu t hi s designer s als o opte d fo r simpler , eighteenth-century-style gil t an d whit e furnitur e i n orde r t o emphasiz e clarity an d classicism . Nevertheless, th e secon d perio d o f th e America n Renaissanc e wa s also marke d b y eve r greate r profusio n i n the decorativ e art s an d wit h a n experimentation base d o n a mor e exac t understandin g o f th e models . The growin g bourgeoisi e o f th e grea t citie s no w wante d t o enjo y a wid e choice of decorativ e art s i n their ow n homes . Artists and thei r companie s were read y t o suppl y thi s demand . Amon g Loui s Comfor t Tiffany' s associates, perhap s th e mos t skillfu l wa s Candac e Wheeler , wh o in vented th e "America n Tapestry. " Man y affluen t patron s wer e willin g t o pay hig h price s fo r Wheeler' s superio r finished products . Tapestr y mak ing had n o entrenche d traditio n i n the United State s an d Wheeler , know ing tha t contemporar y effort s wer e to o star k an d easil y perishable , decided t o experimen t wit h material s othe r tha n th e traditiona l woo l and canvas . Sinc e dus t an d moth s destroye d wool , sh e use d sil k fo r th e woof an d war p o f th e canvas . Sh e ha d th e fac e o f th e canva s covere d with embroider y sil k tha t passe d unde r th e war p an d wa s sew n int o th e woof. Th e needl e serve d a s a shuttle , carryin g th e threads , a process sh e described a s "needl e weaving. " Th e finished tapestr y ha d a delicat e bu t durable picture . Cut glas s ornaments ha d als o becom e a symbol o f socia l prestige . Th e luminous an d exquisitel y crafte d surface s o f cu t glas s seeme d t o reflec t the intricat e pattern s o f socia l grac e underpinnin g upper-clas s society . The principa l inspiration s wer e Venetia n glas s an d Ar t Nouveau . Suc h masterpieces a s th e Vas e (circ a 1885 ) i n th e for m o f a drinkin g hor n b y the Ne w Englan d Glas s Compan y (1818—88 ) wer e widel y admired . People di d no t necessaril y wan t copie s o f famou s objects , bu t rathe r
The Willia m Kissa m Vanderbil t Hous e (1877—1881) , a mansio n o n th e northwes t corne r of Fift h Avenu e and Fifty-secon d Street , Ne w York , designe d b y architec t Richar d Morri s Hunt (1827—1895 ) in th e styl e o f a chatea u o f Francoi s Ie r o f Franc e an d buil t o f Cae n stone speciall y imported fro m France . O f al l thre e majo r Vanderbil t house s i n Ne w York , it wa s th e mos t academicall y correc t a s a moder n versio n o f a historica l style . (Librar y of Congress.)
individual cu t glas s ornaments o f their ow n to sho w that the y wer e part of America' s prosperous middl e class. Art and Patronage Art o n a gran d scal e coul d no t hav e existe d withou t grea t patronage . Above all others, the Vanderbilt family were the quintessentia l American patrons o f ar t an d architectur e i n th e Gilde d Ag e and beyond . Before World Wa r I they buil t seventee n larg e houses , eac h costin g more tha n $1 million , wit h one—Biltmore , th e Georg e Washingto n Vanderbil t
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house a t Asheville , Nort h Carolin a (1888-95)—costin g $ 5 million . W e can sens e the artisti c competition betwee n thre e branche s o f th e Vander bilt famil y and , also , thei r surenes s o f purpos e i n creatin g a n architec tural triptyc h t o th e powe r o f accumulate d wealt h whe n w e recal l tha t their famou s Ne w Yor k house s wer e al l commissione d i n 187 8 an d tha t final plans fo r al l three wer e filed on th e same day—Decembe r 8 , 1879 . From 187 9 t o 188 1 Willia m Henr y Vanderbil t ha d architect s Charle s B. Atwoo d an d th e Herte r Brother s (circ a 1865-1900 ) buil d a n Italian ate mansio n i n Ne w Yor k o n Fift h Avenu e betwee n Fifty-firs t an d Fifty second streets . I n keepin g wit h popula r taste , individua l room s i n th e mansion wer e decorate d i n differen t styles—Italia n Renaissance , Loui s XIV, an d s o on , an d genuin e antique s wer e mixe d wit h reproductions . The atriu m extende d th e ful l heigh t o f th e buildin g an d it s imposin g marble column s an d hug e mante l wer e i n re d African marble . Th e mosaic floo r wa s covere d b y a n outsiz e carpe t o f Orienta l desig n mad e in England . Th e fireplace, adorne d wit h bronz e ornamentation , wa s flanked b y figures o f Pomona , copie s o f original s create d b y Germai n Pilon i n th e sixteent h century . Th e Willia m Henr y Vanderbil t hous e became widely know n throug h a publication i n ten volumes—si x o n th e house an d fou r o n th e paintings— Mr. Vanderbilt's House and Collection (1883—84) , b y Ear l Shin n (Edwar d Strahan) . Her e wa s a buildin g whose primar y functio n wa s t o b e admired i n a catalog . Between 187 8 an d 188 1 Willia m Henry' s son , Willia m Kissa m Van derbilt, commissione d architec t Richar d Morri s Hun t t o build a mansio n in th e styl e o f th e chateau x o f Francoi s Ie r o f Franc e o n th e northwes t corner o f Fift h Avenu e an d Fifty-secon d Street . Fro m 187 8 t o 188 2 George B . Pos t buil t a chatea u i n th e styl e o f Henr i I V betwee n Fifty seventh an d Fifty-eight h street s fo r anothe r o f Willia m Henry' s sons , Cornelius Vanderbil t II . Withi n hi s gran d desig n Pos t allowe d hi s con tributing artist s considerabl e freedom . Th e result , accordin g t o contem porary criti c Mary Ga y Humphrey s i n "Th e Vanderbil t House, " fo r The Art Amateur o f Ma y 1883 , was "th e mos t importan t exampl e o f deco rative wor k ye t attempte d i n thi s country. " It s specia l feature s wer e th e dining an d watercolo r room s b y Joh n L a Farg e an d Augustu s Saint Gaudens. Th e dinin g roo m wa s forty-fiv e fee t long . Th e wall s wer e paneled i n oa k an d embosse d leather . Th e coffere d ceilin g ha d twent y panels o f whic h si x wer e i n opalescen t glas s studde d wit h jewels . Th e oak beam s were inlaid with mother-of-pearl . A t the corners were mahog -
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any panel s wit h scene s o f Apoll o an d cupid s i n repouss e bronze . A t th e door wer e carve d panel s o f gree n marbl e representin g Hospilitas an d Amicitia, decorate d i n iridescen t ivory , metal , an d mother-of-pearl . Whe n the hous e wa s remodele d i n 1895 , th e decoration s wer e move d t o a billiard room . Such mansion s a s thes e als o reflecte d shift s i n architectura l taste . I n the firs t perio d o f th e America n Renaissanc e gran d house s suc h a s th e H. A. C. Taylor hous e (1883-86 ) i n Newport, Rhod e Island , b y McKim , Mead an d White , were i n Georgia n style . The thre e Vanderbil t house s i n New Yor k buil t i n th e lat e 1870 s an d earl y 1880 s wer e i n a Frenc h o r Italian styl e that w e may characteriz e a s transitional withi n th e America n Renaissance. Finally , th e Henr y Villar d house s (1882—85), als o i n Ne w York o n Madiso n Avenu e a t Fiftiet h Street , an d als o b y McKim , Mea d and Whit e wer e i n a n imperia l style , bu t thi s tim e th e architect s wer e working withi n th e traditio n o f th e Hig h Renaissance , specifically , th e Palazzo Cancelleria , Rom e (circ a 1485—95) . The Villar d origina l interiors , base d o n Frenc h rathe r tha n Italia n Renaissance design , boaste d wor k b y the usua l cas t o f characters—Joh n La Farg e (murals) , Augustu s Saint-Gauden s (re d Veron a marbl e fireplace), Maitlan d Armstron g (mosai c vaulte d ceilings) , an d Loui s Com fort Tiffan y (leade d glas s windows) . However , th e Villar d houses , wit h their imposing , unifie d facad e an d graciou s courtyar d wer e later dwarfe d by th e Helmsle y Palace , a modernis t skyscrape r hote l tha t acquire d them. Th e house s becam e th e Palace' s frontispiec e bu t th e hotel' s ver y presence envelope d th e origina l building s i t preserved, eve n a s it s partic ular styl e o f interio r desig n overwhelme d th e receptio n room s i t ha d restored t o publi c use . Since i t wa s th e patron s o f th e lat e nineteent h centur y wh o hel d th e keys t o artisti c success , designer s an d architect s full y understoo d tha t they mus t b e satisfie d wit h th e plans . Architect s ofte n submitte d tw o different presentation s fo r significan t commissions . I n 189 2 Richar d Morris Hun t prepare d tw o differen t facade s fo r th e Breakers (1894) , th e Newport summe r hom e o f Corneliu s Vanderbil t II . One , whic h Hun t preferred, wa s i n th e styl e o f a Frenc h chateau ; th e other , fo r whic h Cornelius Vanderbil t I I opted , wa s base d o n a palazz o o f norther n Italian design , although , a t th e Vanderbilts ' request , a thir d stor y wa s added t o th e original design . Such gran d America n house s wer e designe d fo r grea t receptions , o f
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which th e mos t notabl e wa s th e housewarmin g o f Willia m Kissa m Van derbilt o n Fift h Avenue . Willia m Kissa m an d hi s wife , th e forme r Alv a Smith, gav e a costum e bal l ther e costin g $75,000 . H e appeare d a s th e due d e Guise , Alv a a s a Venetia n princess . Corneliu s I I cam e a s Loui s XVI an d hi s wif e a s a n electri c lamp , wearin g no t incandescen t bulb s but iridescen t diamonds . The highligh t o f th e evenin g wa s a hobbyhors e quadrille. Th e guest s donne d huntin g pin k an d dance d wearin g hobby horses mad e o f rea l horsehair . It seeme d tha t everyon e o n th e wa y u p i n hig h societ y wante d t o ingratiate themselve s wit h Alv a Smit h Vanderbilt . Sh e wa s a vivaciou s southern bell e wh o buil t house s s o extravagant tha t everyon e wante d t o visit the m an d wh o thre w partie s s o dazzlin g tha t everyon e wante d t o attend. Th e mos t courageou s o f al l Vanderbil t hostesse s an d a woma n who acte d fo r herself , whe n Alv a sue d Willia m Kissa m fo r divorce , i n defiance o f convention , i t wa s fo r adultery . Whe n sh e gav e partie s wit h her secon d husband , G . H . P . Belmont, i t was to ridicul e the convention s of polit e societ y tha t sh e hoste d a dinne r fo r a chimpanzee . Whe n Belmont died , sh e becam e a n arden t feminist , a n outspoke n advocat e o f women's suffrage . Yet the brillian t an d widel y reporte d partie s i n the magnificen t house s of th e Vanderbilt s an d other s encourage d dissatisfactio n amon g hundred s of thousand s o f worker s acros s th e lan d wh o wer e bein g exploite d b y industrial entrepreneur s wit h lo w wages . Artisan s kne w tha t thei r ar duous toi l profite d onl y a privilege d few . A n articl e fo r th e Atlantic Monthly i n 187 8 note d ho w worker s wer e comin g t o regar d "work s o f art an d instrument s o f hig h culture , wit h al l th e possession s an d sur roundings o f peopl e o f wealt h an d refinement , a s causes an d symbol s o f the laborer' s povert y an d degradation , an d therefor e a s thing s t o b e hated." Of cours e th e rich , a s they approac h th e en d o f thei r morta l lives , can never b e sur e wha t lie s ahea d an y mor e tha n ca n th e res t o f mankind . Just a s novelis t F . Scot t Fitzgeral d ha s a characte r i n on e o f hi s shor t stories, "Th e Diamon d a s Bi g as the Ritz " (1922) , try an d brib e Go d b y offering hi m th e colossal , mountainou s diamon d o n whic h th e famil y fortune i s base d i f onl y H e wil l aver t sur e ruin , s o robbe r baron s an d their familie s i n th e Gilde d Ag e ha d qualm s abou t thei r ow n affluenc e amid want . A spiri t o f nobless e oblig e pervade d th e familie s o f certai n entrepreneurs wh o cam e to believ e it was their mora l dut y t o foun d suc h
The dinin g roo m o f th e Anderso n Hous e i n Washington , D.C. , photographe d b y France s Benjamin Johnston , wit h it s heav y mi x o f inlai d marbl e floor , Flemis h tapestries , an d ornate ornament s an d ceiling , i s typical o f upper-clas s tast e a t th e clos e of th e Gilde d Age . The hous e wa s buil t betwee n 190 1 an d 190 5 t o design s b y Brow n an d Littl e a s th e hom e of diploma t Lar z Anderson . I n 193 8 i t becam e th e headquarter s o f th e Societ y o f th e Cincinnati, a n associatio n o f mal e descendant s o f veteran s o f th e Revolutionar y War . (Library o f Congress. )
major cultura l institution s a s museums, libraries , and oper a houses . Thi s was certainl y th e rol e tha t Joh n D . Rockefelle r an d Andre w Carnegi e cast fo r themselve s whe n the y founde d educationa l institutions . Eve n Cornelius Vanderbil t wa s prompte d b y his secon d wif e t o mak e a gift o f $1 millio n t o th e Centra l Universit y o f th e Methodis t Episcopa l Church , South (1872) , in Nashville, Tennessee, which becam e Vanderbilt Univer sity i n 187 3 a n < l opene d i n 1875—a n ac t o f philanthrop y tha t wa s otherwise ou t o f character . Th e Metropolita n Opera , Ne w York , wa s also conceive d b y th e Vanderbil t famil y an d thei r associate s an d opene d at Broadwa y an d Thirty-nint h Street , in 1883 . Appropriately enoug h fo r a hous e tha t wa s t o becom e know n a s th e "Diamon d Horseshoe, " th e first wor k wa s Gounod' s Faust, wit h it s famou s jewe l song . I t wa s no t
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sung i n th e origina l Frenc h bu t i n Italian , thu s givin g ris e t o wordpla y about th e "fou l son g horn Just." Sweet Disposition In 199 3 th e Metropolita n Museu m i n Ne w Yor k mounte d Splendi d Legacy: Th e Havemeye r Collection , a n exhibitio n drawin g togethe r 45 0 items to celebrat e on e o f th e grea t ar t collection s o f th e Gilde d Age , tha t of Henr y ("Harry" ) Osborn e Havemeyer , th e rapaciou s suga r magnate , and hi s wife, Louisine . By their choic e of paintings, drawings, sculptures , and ornaments , curator s Gar y Tintero w an d Alic e Coone y Frelinghuy sen capture d th e essenc e of ar t collection s amon g th e robbe r barons . The exhibitio n an d it s accompanyin g catalo g o f th e sam e nam e wit h a notabl e chronolog y b y Susa n Alyso n Stei n an d appendi x b y Gretche n Wold, illustrate d variou s centra l theme s o f th e America n Renaissance : First, tha t a gran d hous e an d it s interio r desig n shoul d b e speciall y commissioned t o encourag e indigenou s bu t European-traine d America n artists workin g withi n a grand traditio n o f ennoblin g art . The Havemey ers love d t o mi x style s i n thei r mansio n o n Fift h Avenu e tha t dre w fro m Celtic, Japanese , Chinese , Moorish , an d Byzantin e element s i n a hous e that might , i n term s o f it s genera l ensemble , b e describe d a s America n fortress. They als o liked t o splash brigh t color s aroun d th e interior. The y invited Loui s Comfor t Tiffan y t o decorat e th e room s wit h staine d glas s windows an d wal l mosaics , usin g opalescen t semipreciou s stones . Th e overall effec t o f hi s mosai c centerpiec e o f tw o peacock s outstarin g on e another i s curious , bein g bot h garis h an d lopsided , a s th e unevenl y executed peacoc k bodie s i n darke r hues , an d thei r resplenden t tails , ar e upstaged an d outflanke d b y th e overdecorated background . Second, tha t suc h collection s a s th e Havemeyers ' shoul d b e eclectic , comprehensive, an d overwhelming . Th e wa y th e Havemeyer s acquire d their painting s an d sculpture s wa s consonan t wit h busines s ethic s i n th e Gilded Age . The y were , b y turns , rapacious , discriminating , an d parti san. The fiercel y competitiv e Harr y Havemeye r bough t on e o f th e great est o f al l Rembrandts , th e portrai t o f Herma n Doomer , a s wel l a s a n excellent selectio n o f Rembrandt' s drawings . Havemeye r wa s indignan t when Italia n authoritie s prevente d hi m fro m acquirin g Botticelli' s mas terpiece, The Birth of Venus. Lik e othe r robbe r baro n families , th e Havemeyers wer e intereste d in , an d acquired , mediocr e example s o f
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Asian art , notabl y Japanese swor d accoutrements , lacque r medicin e boxes , and woodbloc k prints , as well a s Chinese vases of the Qing dynasty. Th e Havemeyers' greatest acquisition s were in the field o f French art , notabl y works b y th e Frenc h impressionist s Manet , Monet , an d Degas , a s wel l as b y Gustav e Courbet . However , al l wer e place d a t th e servic e o f a nouveau rich e sensibility . Havemeye r faile d i n hi s bi d t o bu y Gustav e Courbet's The Artist's Studio: A Real Allegory (1855) . Thi s wa s fortu nate fo r th e preservatio n o f a monumenta l canva s sinc e eliminativ e Harry wante d t o cu t ou t th e centra l par t o f th e painting , depictin g th e artist an d hi s nude model , supposedl y o n th e noble premise that thi s wa s as muc h a s h e though t coul d b e accommodate d i n hi s Ne w Yor k man sion. It was the depth o f th e Havemeyers ' holding s i n works b y nineteenth century Frenc h artist s tha t give s thei r entir e collectio n a reputatio n i n the field second onl y t o th e Muse e d'Orsa y i n Paris . Moreover, i t wa s th e assistanc e give n t o th e Havemeyer s b y thei r friend, th e America n impressionis t artis t Mar y Cassatt , i n thi s spher e that illustrate s a thir d characteristi c them e o f industria l entrepreneur s working withi n th e spiri t o f th e America n Renaissance . I t wa s no t pri marily a s painter s tha t America n wome n artist s i n th e lat e nineteent h century mos t ofte n excelle d bu t rathe r a s arbitrators , guardians , an d collectors. Thus Louisin e Havemeye r worke d closel y wit h Mar y Cassat t to assembl e th e collection . I t wa s Cassat t wh o convince d Louisin e Hav emeyer t o acquir e work s b y Dega s a t a tim e h e wa s littl e know n i n th e United States . Later , i t woul d b e wome n wh o founde d th e Whitne y Museum o f America n Ar t an d th e Museu m o f Moder n Art . Fourth, th e Havemeyer s an d thei r il k wer e no t stooge s t o manipula tive artist s o r connoisseurs . The y ha d thei r ow n idea s abou t wha t the y liked an d woul d collec t nothin g late r tha n postimpressionis t painting s by Cezanne . Neverthless , the y becam e obsesse d b y Corot' s figure paint ings, rathe r tha n hi s mor e popula r landscapes , an d the y becam e fasci nated wit h Spanis h art , notabl y E l Grec o an d Goya , wel l befor e the y were fashionable . Th e Havemeyers ' vanit y an d competitiveness , thei r curious mi x o f generosit y an d stinginess , o f insigh t an d ignoranc e als o resulted i n misjudgment s abou t wher e bes t t o appl y thei r fortune . Thu s of thei r sixtee n suppose d Goyas , onl y fou r turne d ou t t o b e originals . This als o indicate s somethin g o f th e leve l o f ar t knowledg e an d insigh t that wa s availabl e t o the m throug h th e office s o f suc h powerfu l dealer s as Durand Ruel .
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Fifth, an d i n th e spiri t o f nobless e oblig e o f thi s generatio n o f robbe r barons, a s delineate d b y Carnegi e an d th e Vanderbilt s tha t distributio n and dissemination shoul d follo w accumulation , Louisine , while reservin g many preciou s work s fo r he r children , o n he r deat h i n 192 9 bequeathe d to th e Metropolita n Museu m th e greate r par t o f th e collection , compris ing almos t tw o thousan d Egyptia n an d Roma n sculptures , an d Euro pean, Asian , an d Islami c paintings , sculptures , drawings , prints , an d decorative objects . I t was, perhaps, i n tot o th e greates t o f al l gift s t o th e Metropolitan an d mor e remarkabl e fo r th e absenc e o f string s abou t galleries bein g named afte r th e Havemeyer s o r rule s abou t th e ways tha t the collection shoul d b e displayed . Built by the People and Dedicated to
Learning
The America n Renaissanc e wa s no t simpl y fo r th e elit e o f hig h societ y and thos e wh o aspire d t o joi n it s ranks . I t extende d t o th e masse s an d the nee d t o provid e the m wit h th e mean s o f educatio n an d self-improve ment. Thu s th e Bosto n Publi c Library , buil t betwee n 188 7 an d 1894 , was a major buildin g with a truly public purpose. Built with mone y fro m public fund s bu t supporte d b y the academi c an d culture d elit e of Boston , its purpose wa s proclaimed b y its major inscriptions . Above the entranc e and cente r door s wer e th e legends , "Buil t b y th e Peopl e an d Dedicate d to th e Advancement o f Learning " an d "Fre e t o All. " The gracefu l desig n an d gran d scal e of th e library pu t i t on a par wit h great Europea n monuments . Th e for m o f th e Bosto n Publi c Librar y i s that o f a larg e Renaissanc e palazz o i n a pin k Milfor d granit e tha t ha s bleached ove r th e years , designe d b y architec t Charle s Folle n McKi m t o contrast wit h th e darke r color s o f neighborin g building s i n Cople y Square . All th e differen t interio r elements—entrance , function , an d decoratio n —are subservien t t o th e oute r for m o f a solid block . A n inne r courtyar d of yello w bric k offer s th e sanctuar y o f a n academi c quadrangle . How ever, th e interio r i s dark—handsom e t o thos e wh o admir e a stoli d design givin g a n impressio n o f stabilit y bu t heav y an d oppressiv e t o those wh o find librarie s intimidating . Thi s lowerin g effec t wa s height ened b y almos t a centur y o f neglec t whic h allowe d dir t an d deca y t o disfigure th e interio r unti l th e librar y trustee s initiate d a comprehensiv e restoration projec t i n 1991 . Among th e artist s wh o contribute d t o th e exterio r wer e Bel a Pratt , who designe d th e statue s o f Ar t an d Scienc e t o guar d th e doors ; Augus -
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tus Saint-Gaudens , wh o designe d relie f panel s ove r th e doors ; an d Ken yon Cox , wh o designe d th e exterio r pane l an d sea l execute d b y Saint Gaudens. Amon g th e artist s wh o contribute d t o th e elaborat e sequenc e of interio r spac e an d decoratio n wer e Danie l Cheste r French , wh o de signed magnificen t bronz e doors , an d Frederic k MacMonnies , wh o pro vided memorial s o f heroes . Th e mural s ar e o f particula r note . Fo r th e delivery roo m Edwi n Austi n Abbe y provide d The Quest for the Holy Grail. Hi s medieva l knights , attire d i n ric h color s an d attende d b y angels, hav e a Pre-Raphaelit e sensibility . Frenc h mura l painte r Pierr e Puvis d e Chavanne s supplie d mural s entitle d The Muses of Inspiration Hail the Spirit: The Harbinger of Light, celebratin g wha t h e himsel f termed "th e fou r grea t expression s o f th e huma n mind : Poetry , Philoso phy, History , Science, " i n pal e colo r scheme s suggeste d b y frescoe s o f the early Italia n Renaissance . Most impressiv e o f all , John Singe r Sargen t painte d mural s abou t The History of Religion o n a comprehensiv e scale , drawin g o n ancient , Byz antine, an d Renaissanc e model s wit h visio n an d power . I n th e center piece, The Oppression of the Children of Israel, Sargen t produce d a n icon o f cultura l protes t tha t ha d considerabl e resonanc e fo r American s who ha d survive d th e turbulen t passin g o f America n slavery : glacia l portraits o f a n Egyptia n pharaoh , representin g th e power responsibl e fo r the enslavemen t o f th e Hebrews , an d a hars h Babylonia n king , repre senting th e stat e responsibl e fo r th e first Diaspora ; an d a tende r portrai t of a yearnin g Israelit e yout h whos e aspiration s remai n beyon d th e mor tal world . Belo w th e centerpiec e ar e frieze s o f th e prophets , clothe d i n black, white , an d gray , thei r sombe r contemplatio n se t of f sharpl y agains t the gol d lea f base . Sargen t wante d thes e mural s t o b e illuminate d b y natural ligh t fro m th e skylights above, but the library authoritie s decide d to remed y leakag e problem s fro m th e skylight s b y coverin g them , thu s blocking ou t th e light . What i s now know n a s th e Thoma s Jefferso n Buildin g o f th e Librar y of Congres s i n Washington, D.C. , completed i n 1897 , became even mor e celebrated fo r it s decorations tha n th e Boston Publi c Library . It s interio r boasted towerin g marbl e columns , murals , mosaics , an d staine d glass . Yet, strictl y speaking , th e exterio r desig n o f th e Jefferso n Building , b y Smithmeyer an d Pelz—th e winne r o f a competitio n i n 1873—predate d the American Renaissance . The original architect s o f th e Jefferson Buildin g were immigrant s wh o responded readil y t o differen t stimul i i n thos e year s befor e scholar s
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became mor e exactin g i n thei r applicatio n o f Italia n Renaissanc e styles . John L . Smithmeye r wa s bor n i n Austri a an d Pau l J . Pel z i n Germany . Having serve d apprenticeship s i n Chicag o an d Ne w York , the y cam e t o Washington, D.C. , i n th e 1860s . Thei r understandin g o f wha t consti tuted a n Italia n Renaissanc e buildin g wa s base d largel y o n th e facade . After a lon g dela y befor e constructio n commence d i n 1887 , variou s troubles ensue d an d bot h architect s wer e fired , Smithmeye r i n 188 8 an d Pelz i n 1893 . They wer e succeede d b y Genera l Thoma s Lincol n Casey , chief o f th e arm y engineers , an d Bernar d L . Green , a n engineer . Hith erto, an y revision s ha d bee n minor : now , Case y an d Green' s revisio n o f the original pla n include d redesignin g th e dome . In 189 2 Casey' s son , Edwar d Pearc e Casey , a forme r Ecol e studen t and a proteg e o f McKi m wit h a Ne w Yor k practic e o f hi s own , wa s appointed architec t an d give n charg e o f th e interio r desig n an d decora tion. The variou s architect s ha d bee n s o economical i n their us e of fund s that i t was no w possibl e t o se t asid e a specia l fun d fo r th e decoratio n o f the buildin g wit h sculpture s an d murals . Th e younge r Case y acte d a s architectural impresario , supervisin g th e wor k o f ninetee n leadin g mura l painters o n 11 2 mural s complete d withi n tw o years . I n addition , h e commissioned twenty-tw o sculptor s an d seve n othe r artist s (wh o worke d on ornamenta l paintings) . Th e lis t o f contributin g artist s an d sculptor s reads lik e a Who's Who o f artist s o f th e America n Renaissance , includ ing suc h me n an d wome n a s Elih u Vedder , Pratt , Cox , Phili p Martiny , French, an d Saint-Gaudens . The complete d Thoma s Jefferso n Building , inspire d b y th e Pari s Op era o f th e nineteent h centur y an d Italia n palazzo s o f th e fifteenth cen tury, i s differen t fro m othe r masterpiece s o f th e America n Renaissance . The interio r desig n i s picturesqu e becaus e o f it s man y embellishments , but i s somewha t fractured ; it s elaborat e part s overwhel m an y integra l unity. Despit e th e hig h qualit y o f th e sculptures , muc h o f th e decoratio n —particularly th e mosaics—i s crudel y executed . I t look s wel l photo graphed i n a catalog bu t th e effect i n ful l scal e at firsthan d i s raw . Architecture and
Landscape Architecture
Architecture, b y virtu e o f it s scale, was th e controllin g artisti c enterpris e that determine d th e place an d rol e of th e other arts . Of al l the arts it was architecture tha t wa s th e mos t develope d professionally . In 185 7 th e American Institut e o f Architect s (AIA ) wa s founded . Hitherto , mos t
In The Prophets Elijah, Moses, Joshua (1895) , th e centra l pane l o f hi s mura l The History of Religion fo r th e Bosto n Publi c Library, we se e tw o side s to artis t John Singe r Sargent' s (1856-1925) late r work . Wherea s Mose s (center ) i s a monumenta l bas-relief , a n inscru table figur e holdin g th e tablet s o f th e Te n Commandment s an d envelope d i n wing-lik e scrolls, Elija h (left ) an d Joshu a (right ) ar e simpler , darke r figures, se t agains t a gol d lea f background, an d painte d wit h looser , flowin g stroke s tha t conve y anguis h a s wel l a s dignity. (Bosto n Publi c Library ; phot o b y Librar y o f Congress.)
architects ha d learne d thei r craf t b y educatin g themselves , i n apprentice ship t o a mento r w h o migh t himsel f hav e bee n a n immigran t o r traine d in Europe . Fo r instance , R i c h a r d M o r r i s H u n t studie d a t th e Ecol e de s B e a u x Art s fro m 1 8 4 6 t o 1 8 5 3 an d returne d t o th e Unite d State s i n 1 8 5 5 . I n 1 8 5 8 h e establishe d a privat e atelie r i n N e w Y o r k , providin g training fo r y o u n g architect s o f w h o m several , includin g W i l l i a m Henr y W a r e , G e o r g e B . Post , H e n r y V a n Brunt , an d Stanfor d W h i t e , w e r e t o become leader s o f th e A m e r i c a n Renaissance . In 1 8 6 5 th e first A m e r i c a n schoo l o f architectur e w a s create d unde r pioneer W i l l i a m R o b e r t W a r e a t th e Massachusett s Institut e o f T e c h n o l -
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ogy (MIT ) i n Boston . Later , school s wer e establishe d a t Cornel l (1871) ; Syracuse (1873) ; Michiga n (1876) ; Columbi a (1881 , als o unde r Ware) ; Pennsylvania (1890) ; Armour Institut e (1895) ; an d Harvar d (1895) . All followed th e preceden t establishe d b y Ware , first a t MI T an d late r a t Columbia, o f employin g th e trainin g metho d o f th e Ecol e de s Beau x Arts, includin g th e hirin g o f Frenc h critics , notably Mauric e J. Prevo t a t Cornell an d Pau l Cre t a t Pennsylvania . Severa l othe r aspirin g architect s chose t o stud y a t th e Ecol e itself , includin g Henr y Hobso n Richardso n and Charle s Folle n McKim . While American attendanc e a t the Ecole wa s at it s peak betwee n 189 0 an d 1914 , b y th e 1890 s mos t America n archi tects were committe d t o th e principles o f th e AIA . Both th e Ecol e de s Beau x Art s i n Pari s an d America n architectura l schools emphasize d tha t successfu l architectur e depende d o n a sens e o f order an d for m an d tha t building s shoul d mee t traditiona l standard s o f "firmness, commodity , an d delight. " A sense o f orde r woul d b e instille d in young architects , first, throug h forma l course s i n architectura l history , construction, physics , an d physica l geometry ; an d second , i n a studi o where th e architects ' talent s woul d b e molde d b y qualifie d instructors . While architectura l school s taugh t variou s styles , in th e Gilde d Ag e the y showed a preference fo r Roman , French , an d Italia n form s o f classicism . The metho d o f desig n taugh t i n school s entaile d thre e separat e activi ties. I n th e first stag e th e studen t studie d a proble m an d devise d a preliminary solution , o r parti, i n th e for m o f a sketch, o r esquisse. I f th e parti wa s considere d successful , i t woul d b e develope d i n a furthe r sequence o f drawings—th e secon d activity . Th e thir d activit y wa s th e elaboration o f th e origina l idea s i n drawing s revealin g elevation , plan , and section . Architectura l drawing s wer e the mean s b y which idea s wer e investigated an d mad e availabl e t o patron s an d builders . B y th e tim e a building wa s unde r construction , transfers , als o know n a s blueprints , had bee n mad e fro m th e working drawing s an d give n to the constructio n team. Following trainin g a t a n architectura l school , i t was considere d essen tial fo r a youn g architec t t o serv e tim e i n a well-establishe d office . Th e best-known suc h offic e wa s tha t o f McKim , Mea d an d Whit e (forme d i n 1879), an d amon g thei r trainee s wh o wen t o n t o establis h distinctiv e careers nationwid e wer e Cas s Gilbert , Joh n M . Carrere , Thoma s Has tings, Roya l Cortissoz , Henr y Bacon , an d Egerto n Swartwout . McKim , Mead an d Whit e coul d b e a s autocrati c a s th e industria l entrepreneurs .
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One o f Stanfor d White' s assistants , H . Va n Bure n Magonigle , recalle d White i n " A Hal f Centur y o f Architecture, " writte n fo r Pencil Points i n March 1934 : "H e woul d tea r int o you r alcove , perhap s pus h yo u of f your stoo l wit h hi s bod y whil e h e reache d fo r penci l an d tracin g pape r and i n fiv e minute s mak e a dozen sketche s o f som e arrangemen t o f detai l or plan , sla m hi s hand s dow n o n on e o f them—o r perhap s tw o o r thre e of the m i f the y wer e clos e together—say , 'D o that! ' an d tea r of f again . You ha d t o gues s wha t an d whic h h e meant. " Imaginativ e architect s such a s Whit e ha d profoun d preference s an d thes e showe d i n thei r finished works . Stanfor d Whit e wa s a note d bo n viveu r an d hi s build ings, suc h a s th e Madiso n Squar e Presbyteria n Churc h (1903-6) , re flected somewha t hi s flamboyan t life-style . S o di d Madiso n Squar e Gar den, whic h Whit e designe d i n 1891 , and which , b y dar k irony , becam e the scen e o f hi s deat h whe n h e wa s sho t ther e o n Jun e 25 , 1906 , b y Henry Kendal l ("Harry" ) Thaw , jealou s husban d o f Evely n Nesbit , a showgirl wit h who m Whit e ha d a n affair . White's partner , Charle s Folle n McKim , wa s fa r mor e controlled , indeed reticent , an d hi s building s wer e mor e strictl y classical , restrained , and heavy , suc h a s th e Bosto n Publi c Librar y an d th e origina l Pennsyl vania Statio n (1902—11) . Howeve r reticen t h e ma y hav e bee n i n public , H. Va n Bure n Magonigl e foun d McKim' s method s wit h hi s assistants a s disconcerting a s White's . McKim , immaculatel y dresse d an d poised , would si t dow n a t a draughtsman' s wor k spac e an d ther e dictat e hi s design alou d an d the n wan t i t continuousl y revise d o n th e origina l draf t according t o hi s constantl y evolvin g ideas . Th e poo r draughtsma n ha d to struggl e t o kee p abreas t o f th e revisions , whic h becam e mor e difficul t as h e trie d t o cop e wit h pape r successivel y blackene d b y eac h erasur e and change . In the mid-1960 s Ne w York' s ol d Pen n Station , betwee n Sevent h an d Eighth avenue s an d Thirty-secon d an d Thirty-fourt h streets , Ne w York , with a n oute r concours e designe d o n th e line s o f th e Bath s o f Caracall a in Rom e an d a n inne r concours e constructe d wit h stee l t o allo w shaft s of ligh t to strea m fro m skylight s t o tracks , was demolished , promptin g a public outcr y b y conservatio n groups . Peopl e wer e a t first aghas t a t commercial vandalis m an d subsequentl y appalle d a t th e replacement — an inferio r an d squali d modernis t constructio n tha t propert y developer s had fobbe d of f o n th e public. The los s of th e much-loved origina l statio n stimulated mor e effectiv e politica l lobbyin g b y various preservation groups ,
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and appropriat e protectiv e legislatio n helpe d ensur e the survival o f othe r classic buildings . Architects wer e responsibl e no t onl y fo r th e public building s the y ha d designed bu t als o fo r th e publi c spac e outsid e them . Eve n a s distin guished a landscap e architec t a s Frederic k La w Olmsted , Sr. , on e o f th e creators o f Centra l Park , an d th e ma n who , with Calver t Vaux , ha d first coined th e term "landscap e architect " i n 1863 , was subsidiary t o Charle s McKim, architec t o f Columbi a University' s mai n campu s i n Morning side Height s an d o f th e pat h tha t come s t o a clima x wit h th e Lo w Library (1894) , designed a s a Roman Pantheon . Similarly, Olmste d found , muc h t o hi s chagrin , tha t hi s origina l schem e for a n "informa l wate r effect " a t th e Cour t o f Hono r a t th e World' s Columbian Expositio n i n Chicag o i n 189 3 w a s deflecte d b y ambitiou s and self-servin g architect s determine d o n a schem e o f imperia l splendor . Thus the principal exhibitio n building s were grouped togethe r i n a Cour t of Hono r linke d b y terraces , bridges , an d canal s suggeste d b y Olmsted' s assistant, Henr y Sargen t Codman . Afte r th e exhibitio n closed , Olmste d redesigned th e sit e as Jackson Park . Another landscap e artis t who , lik e th e elde r Olmsted , mad e th e tran sition fro m designin g informa l garden s t o landscap e architectur e (an d later t o th e architectur e o f buildings ) wa s Charle s Adams Piatt , wh o ha d originally studie d a t th e Ecol e de s Beau x Art s a s a painter . Wit h hi s younger brother , William , h e toure d Ital y i n 189 3 t o study , draw , an d photograph villa s an d garden s fro m th e fifteenth centur y onward . Charle s published thei r findings, first i n tw o article s fo r Harper's New Monthly Magazine i n Jul y an d Augus t 1893 , a n ^ t n e n m boo k for m a s Italian Gardens (1894) . Th e essenc e o f hi s argumen t wa s tha t hous e an d gar dens shoul d b e considere d an d designe d a s a tota l uni t an d tha t land scape architect s i n th e Unite d State s shoul d emplo y th e same method s a s the designer s o f th e garden s o f Italia n villas . The Cit y Beautifu l movemen t wa s synonymou s wit h th e ris e o f an other architect , Danie l Burnham , wh o bega n t o com e int o hi s ow n following th e prematur e deat h o f hi s partner , Joh n Wellbor n Root , i n 1891. Burnha m wa s a staunc h champio n o f th e mora l purpos e o f th e American Renaissance . H e serve d th e Columbia n Expositio n o f 189 3 i n a variet y o f roles , notabl y a s directo r o f work s an d chairma n o f th e consulting board . Shortl y after , hi s company , D . H. Burnha m an d Com pany, bega n t o concentrat e o n publi c an d commercia l buildings , becom -
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The Grea t Hal l o f th e Librar y o f Congress , wit h a statu e o f Minerv a b y Phili p Martin y (1858-1927). Th e photograp h b y W . C . Handy , b y judiciou s choic e o f angle , make s th e solemn atmospher e mor e intriguin g an d th e goddes s o f wisdo m an d wa r a ye t mor e elu sive captive . (Librar y o f Congress. )
ing th e leadin g architectura l compan y i n America . Danie l Burnha m wa s a shrew d an d pragmati c executive , wel l abl e t o manag e numerou s tal ented individuals . H e als o pride d himsel f o n hi s abilit y t o thin k big . A n associate, Willi s Polk , rephrase d on e o f Burnham' s cherishe d opinions .
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Much quoted , i t reads: "Mak e n o littl e plans; they hav e n o magi c to sti r men's blood . . . . Mak e bi g plans ; ai m hig h i n hop e an d work . . . . Le t your watchwor d b e orde r an d you r beaco n beauty. " Fo r thos e wh o came t o dislik e th e classicis m o f th e America n Renaissance , thi s wa s simply a reworkin g o f th e tire d adag e o f th e tailo r advisin g a dissatisfie d customer abou t th e materia l h e proffers : "Neve r min d th e quality , fee l the width. " I n th e opinio n o f late r critics , the building s o f Burnha m an d his admirer s wer e inflated . Ye t th e ver y scor n pile d o n thes e classica l buildings b y later generation s wh o wante d the m tor n dow n t o mak e wa y for building s o f mor e contemporary , modernis t styles , attest s t o thei r authority a s symbol s o f a particula r civilizatio n a t it s zenith . Burnha m gained a considerabl e reputatio n a s a cit y planner , notabl y fo r scheme s for Washington , D.C . (1901-2) , Clevelan d (1902-3) , Sa n Francisc o (1904—6), and Chicag o (1906—9) . His career wa s capped b y his appoint ment a s first chairma n o f th e U.S . Commission o f Fin e Art s i n Washing ton, D . C , i n 1910 . Our sens e o f th e cumulativ e impac t o f America n Renaissanc e archi tecture come s no t jus t fro m th e survivin g building s bu t als o fro m th e numerous photograph s an d drawing s o f th e others . A s Davi d Gebhar d and Debora h Nevin s sho w i n thei r zoo Years of American Architectural Drawing (1977) , architectura l drawings , whil e a n essentia l par t o f th e process o f creatin g a building , coul d als o becom e complet e work s o f ar t in their own right . Through a whole series of means—elaborate intersec tions of th e interiors, careful shadin g of elevations , perspective drawings , and s o on—architect s mad e sustaine d attempt s t o conve y a sens e o f three dimension s rathe r tha n two . Som e client s coul d no t visualiz e a proposed buildin g throug h purel y architectura l drawings . They require d elaborate an d dramati c perspectiv e drawings , suc h a s Franci s L . V . Hoppin prepared . Hoppi n wa s th e mos t sough t afte r artis t o f the day fo r perspective drawings . Havin g studie d a t Brown , MIT , an d th e Ecol e before workin g i n th e McKi m offic e (1886—94) , wher e h e wa s th e specialist i n perspective drawing , he went o n to design his own buildings , including th e Ne w Yor k Polic e Departmen t Headquarter s an d a hous e for novelis t Edit h Wharto n i n Lenox , Massachusetts . Hi s talent s a s a perspective artis t remaine d i n demand an d h e undertook importan t wor k for th e McMilla n Commissio n i n Washington, D.C . Egerton Swartwout , another McKi m employee , characterize d Hoppin' s skil l t o provid e "col ored, blu e sk y an d tree s wher e yo u kno w ther e aren' t any , an d flyin g
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shadows, clou d shadow s o n th e buildin g yo u know , a rea l snapp y piec e of work. " Other distinguishe d renderer s o f architectura l drawing s include d Hughson Hawley , a n Englis h immigran t wh o starte d a s a scen e painte r and move d t o architectura l rendering , completin g 11,00 0 architectura l drawings i n a long career . Hawley' s specia l gif t wa s t o presen t building s clearly bu t wit h grea t dignity , a s suggeste d b y hi s presentatio n o f th e facade fo r th e Rhod e Islan d Stat e Capito l i n Providenc e (circ a 1892 ) b y McKim, Mea d an d White . Jules Guerin , originall y o f St . Loui s bu t wh o had studie d i n France , showe d th e influenc e o f th e Frenc h impressionist s in hi s hazy , ofte n golde n drawing s o f architectura l projects , suc h a s hi s Arch of the Rising Sun From the Court of the Universe, a projec t b y McKim, Mea d an d Whit e fo r th e Panama-Pacifi c Internationa l Exposi tion a t Sa n Francisc o o f 1915 . Gueri n chos e t o minimiz e detai l i n orde r to accentuat e atmosphere . Painting and Sculpture Underlying th e nee d t o suppl y th e publi c wit h hig h ar t wa s a convictio n that suc h elevate d ar t mus t b e noble , heroic , an d ideal . Idea l ar t wa s a n idealized interpretatio n o f th e world tha t dre w upo n th e past rathe r tha n from nature , a s th e artist s o f th e Italia n Renaissanc e ha d done . Essen tially, the ideal mean t image s that wer e noble an d beautiful , wer e univer sally applicable , an d carrie d th e ideal o f elevate d though t an d virtue . As with architecture , th e mean s o f trainin g an d inspirin g ne w genera tions o f ease l artist s an d sculptor s wa s ar t institutions . Hitherto, trainin g had com e b y practic e i n a studio , suc h a s th e studi o o f Willia m Merrit t Chase i n th e Tent h Stree t Studi o Building , Ne w York . Chas e an d hi s fellow artists , man y o f who m ha d studie d i n Munich , wante d ar t t o b e executed wit h th e freedo m an d ela n o f Fran z Hal s o r Dieg o Velazquez . Opposed t o thi s schoo l o f though t wer e thos e wh o ha d studie d a t th e Ecole de s Beau x Art s i n Pari s an d favore d th e Italia n Renaissance , it s interest i n allegory , an d it s mor e accomplishe d techniques . Thi s schoo l of though t convince d patrons , municipalities , an d th e public o f th e nee d for ar t institution s t o transmi t th e principle s an d technique s o f classica l art. Accordingly , wherea s i n 187 5 ther e wer e onl y te n ar t school s i n th e United States , b y 188 2 ther e wer e thirty-nin e an d anothe r fourtee n a t universities a s well a s fifteen decorativ e ar t societies .
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Among principa l artisti c influence s upo n artist s i n th e America n Re naissance wer e poetr y an d myth . Bot h i n sculptur e an d painting , th e human figure, whethe r nud e o r skimpil y clad , was eithe r use d t o person ify abstrac t concept s suc h a s Justice , Industry , o r th e State , o r a rea l person imbue d wit h highe r virtues . Amon g artist s t o startl e th e publi c with hi s us e o f nude s wa s Oli n Lev i Warne r whos e bronz e sculpture , Diana (1887) , wit h minima l classica l attributes , wa s widel y praise d fo r its supple for m an d implie d sensuality . At first artist s wh o chos e subject s fro m th e classica l worl d di d s o without commissions . Thi s interes t i n classica l form s extende d t o artist s such a s Thoma s Eakins . Hi s techniqu e wa s usuall y base d o n paintin g single layers o f pigment, a technique inspire d b y the works o f Velazquez . In a perio d whe n muc h America n ar t wa s saccharine , man y o f Eakins' s portraits wer e arrestin g fo r thei r forc e an d candor , suc h a s The Gross Clinic (1875 ) a n d Walt Whitman (1887) . Nevertheless , Eakin s admire d works b y th e Gree k sculpto r Phidias . I n th e mid-1880 s h e bega n t o explore classica l subject s a s i n th e rough-hew n subject s o f hi s Arcadia (1883). However , th e end s t o whic h artist s develope d classica l theme s varied. Wherea s Eakins' s Arcadia n painting s an d sculpture s sugges t a n idyllic ancien t world , work s b y anothe r contemporar y artist , Franci s David Millet , conveye d th e regular lif e o f tha t world . To emphasiz e th e allegorica l natur e o f thei r work , artist s an d sculp tors len t thei r subject s classica l garments , shields, wreaths, an d wings . In a letter of 191 2 Abbott Thayer , who had studie d wit h Jean Leo n Gerom e at th e Ecol e de s Beau x Arts , explained hi s liberal us e of wing s o n femal e subjects, notabl y i n hi s Venetia n Angel (1889) : "Doubtles s m y lifelon g passion fo r bird s ha s helpe d t o inclin e m e t o wor k wing s int o m y pictures; bu t primaril y I have pu t o n wing s probabl y mor e t o symboliz e an exalte d atmospher e (abov e th e real m o f genr e painting ) wher e on e need no t explai n th e actio n o f hi s figures." Across th e nation , a s tim e softene d residua l bitte r memorie s o f th e Civil War , i t becam e a subjec t fo r commemoratio n a s som e sor t o f inevitable ritua l initiation , necessar y t o brin g th e natio n t o ful l nationa l maturity. Thi s wa s certainl y th e spiri t i n whic h Augustu s Saint-Gauden s conceived an d execute d th e Admira l Davi d Farragu t Memoria l fo r Mad ison Squar e Park , Ne w Yor k (1877—1881) . Hi s bronz e statu e o f th e admiral, alof t a granite pedestal designe d b y Stanford Whit e with incise d figures representin g Loyalt y an d Courag e an d carve d b y Saint-Gaudens ,
Augustus Saint-Gaudens' s imposin g bronz e monumen t t o Colone l Rober t Sha w i n Bosto n (1884-1897), se t i n a dignifie d neoclassica l fram e b y Charle s McKim , als o commemo rated th e wartim e contributio n o f African-America n soldiers . Commissione d b y th e Com monwealth o f Massachusetts , i t too k Saint-Gauden s almos t fourtee n year s t o complete , and underwen t continuou s revisio n unti l h e wa s satisfie d tha t h e ha d achieve d a suitabl e balance betwee n th e realisti c purpos e o f th e marchin g soldiers , eac h ma n a n individua l portrait, an d th e symboli c natur e o f thei r eventua l triumph . Abov e th e soldier s flie s a n allegorical figur e o f Victory , carryin g a laure l wreat h an d a popp y o f sleep . (Librar y o f Congress.)
captures Farragu t o n th e bridg e o f hi s shi p wit h th e win d raisin g hi s coat. Ye t Farragut's expressio n remain s stoica l an d assured . Since Abraham Lincol n wa s th e greates t her o o f th e Civi l War, i t wa s inevitable tha t h e shoul d becom e th e subjec t o f numerou s idealize d sculptures b y Danie l Cheste r Frenc h i n Lincoln , Nebrask a (1909—12) , and Augustu s Saint-Gauden s i n Chicag o (188 7 an d 1897—1905) , o f which th e most monumenta l occupie s the Lincoln Memoria l i n Washing ton, D.C . (1911—22) . Th e Lincol n Memoria l wa s th e creatio n o f archi tect Henr y Bacon , sculpto r Danie l Cheste r French , an d mura l painte r Jules Guerin . Th e buildin g wa s planne d a s a classical templ e wit h thirty six dori c columns , representin g th e state s whe n Lincol n wa s president , and forty-eigh t festoon s representin g th e numbe r o f state s whe n th e
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Memorial wa s unde r construction . Guerin' s mural s o n eithe r sid e o f th e statue wer e t o "typif y i n allegor y th e principle s eviden t i n th e lif e o f Lincoln"—Emancipation an d Reunion . Th e magnificen t outsiz e marbl e sculpture o f Lincol n i s a her o upo n a Roma n chai r decorate d wit h tw o sets of fasces—th e bundle s o f axe s an d rod s born e b y th e lictor s attend ing th e consul s o f ancien t Rome . I n th e Lincol n statu e th e fasce s wer e intended a s symbol s o f republica n probity . B y pervers e irony , i n 1922 , the ver y yea r th e Lincol n Memoria l wa s dedicated , th e fasce s acquire d a different, siniste r meanin g acros s th e Wester n world . Dictato r Benit o Mussolini cam e t o powe r i n Ital y a s hea d o f a Fascis t governmen t tha t took th e nam e o f it s movemen t fro m th e fasces , henc e transforme d int o symbols o f totalitarianism . Out o f th e nee d t o creat e a heroi c pas t fo r th e Unite d State s cam e work extollin g th e America n West : painting s an d sketche s o f dashing , if rough an d ready , cowboy s b y Frederi c Remingto n an d Charle s M . Rus sell; an d dignified , heroic , an d refine d sculpture s o f Indians , o r Nativ e Americans, b y Alexander Phimiste r Proctor . Artists' searc h fo r symbol s als o le d the m t o anothe r distinctiv e for m of th e America n Renaissance , th e idea l America n woma n a s a virgin— a symbol o f Liberty , Justice , an d Columbia . The y depicte d elegan t youn g women glowin g wit h healt h bu t unawar e o f thei r laten t sexuality . Th e American virgi n ca n b e discerne d i n al l form s o f ar t fro m highbro w paintings b y Thoma s Derrin g t o th e lowbro w o f th e Swif t Packin g Company's Premiu m Calendar . Th e mos t practice d exponen t wa s Charle s Dana Gibson . Th e typica l Gibso n gir l wit h ful l hair , hourglas s figure, and fres h gaz e wa s a n America n ico n befor e an d afte r th e tur n o f th e century. Sh e wa s a majo r presenc e i n literature , notabl y i n work s b y novelist Henr y James . I n Portrait of a Lady (1881) , th e ape x o f James' s early career , a misunderstandin g b y a n America n virgi n abroa d lead s t o her entombment i n a loveless marriage an d contribute s t o the early deat h of th e ma n wh o trul y love s her . Idealization o f huma n figures extende d beyon d thos e intende d t o represent abstrac t qualitie s t o aristocrat s o f fles h an d blood . Her e th e idealization wa s modifie d bu t stil l discernible. I t can b e seen in the work s of expatriat e artis t Joh n Singe r Sargent , bor n i n Florence , wh o wa s th e supreme America n portrai t painte r o f th e age . Sargen t first becam e famous fo r a succes de scandale: th e portrai t o f hi s cousi n Virgini e Avegno, Mme . Gatreau , a s Madame X (1884 ) i n a decollet e pose . Shortl y after h e settle d i n London , h e wo n publi c acclai m fo r hi s stud y o f tw o
For man y artist s o f th e America n Renaissance , ar t wa s onl y ar t whe n i t wa s contrived . I n his 190 8 portrai t o f sculpto r Augustu s Saint-Gauden s (1848-1907) , artis t Kenyo n C o x ( 1 8 5 6 - 1 9 1 9 ) achieve d tw o layer s o f meaning . Th e portrai t o f th e artis t a t wor k i s a profile, thereb y echoin g th e classi c pos e Saint-Gauden s use d i n numerou s low-relie f por traits. Th e wor k o n whic h Saint-Gauden s i s engage d i s a relie f o f Willia m Merrit t Chas e ( 1 8 4 9 - 1 9 1 6 ) , prominen t teache r o f th e Tent h Stree t Studi o Building , who m C o x muc h admired. (Collectio n o f Th e Metropolita n Museu m o f Art , Ne w Yor k City ; Gif t o f Friend s of th e Sculptor , 1908 ; photo , Librar y o f Congress. )
little girls lighting a Japanese lantern , Carnation, Lily, Lily, Rose ( 1 8 8 5 86). Influence d b y Velazque z an d Degas , Sargent' s subsequen t portrait s of aristocrat s i n Londo n create d a n imag e o f th e Englis h nobilit y i n th e 1890s an d 1900 s that ha s bee n a most endurin g memorial . Hi s portrait s record a socia l type a s wel l a s a n individual . Suc h portrait s a s The Earl of Dalhousie (1900 ) an d Sir Frank Swettenham (1904) , imperial consul s both, carr y th e projecte d value s of British uppe r crus t societ y at th e tur n of th e centur y wit h al l it s self-confidenc e an d hauteur . Sargent' s The Wyndham Sisters (1900 ) wa s a learne d variatio n o n th e Thre e Grace s and intende d a s a homage to th e eighteenth-centur y Englis h artist Joshu a Reynolds. Sargen t exaggerate d th e heigh t o f hi s exquisit e femal e sub jects, thereb y lendin g the m additiona l authorit y a s wel l a s showin g th e effortless pois e o f thos e wh o wer e i n charg e o f societ y and kne w it . H e
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was als o muc h influence d b y the French impressionists , of who m Claud e Monet becam e a clos e friend . Sargen t coul d captur e ever y effec t o f ligh t on for m i n a few rapi d strokes . Sargent's impressionisti c work s wer e simila r t o thos e o f anothe r American expatriat e painter , Mar y Cassatt . Cassat t wa s bette r know n and appreciate d i n France , wher e sh e exhibite d wit h Dega s an d th e impressionists i n 1879-86 , tha n i n th e Unite d States , wher e sh e exhib ited wit h th e Ne w Societ y o f America n Artist s i n 1878 . Her picture s ar e of bourgeoi s societ y a t play . Severa l o f he r work s featur e mother s an d children i n tender scenes , such a s The Boating Party (1893-94) . Although inspire d b y ancien t mural s an d th e Italia n Renaissance , American sculptur e showe d fa r mor e human personalit y tha n it s models. During hi s studies i n Paris and a visit to Rome , Augustus Saint-Gaudens , the grea t America n sculpto r o f th e ag e an d on e o f th e first t o sho w th e influence o f th e Italia n Renaissanc e i n hi s work, develope d a subtle style of modelin g fro m Renaissanc e ornamenta l motifs . Whil e drawin g fro m Greek sculpture , Saint-Gaudens gav e his subjects a sort of tender person ality. I n th e word s o f artis t an d admire r Kenyo n Cox , i t wa s a s i f the y were no t detache d god s and goddesse s but , rather , me n an d wome n wit h their ow n characters , virtues , an d faults . Hi s sculpture s ha d non e o f th e deep hollow s o f classica l statue s bu t instea d a lo w relie f t o impl y som e sort o f vei l between sculptur e an d viewer . Another America n sculpto r who specialize d i n public statues of Amer ican heroe s wa s Pau l Waylan d Bartlett . H e wa s disturbe d b y th e poo r quality o f man y publi c memorial s t o th e Civi l Wa r acros s America . H e himself concentrate d o n heroe s befor e th e Civi l War , suc h a s Washington at Valley Forge (cas t 1927 ) an d Lafayette on Horseback (1899 — 1908), exhibited i n the Louvr e a s a gift t o th e French peopl e i n acknowl edgment o f Bartholdi' s Statue of Liberty. Once agai n mura l painting s becam e a major ar t form . Ne w buildings , especially publi c buildings , require d th e assistanc e o f murals , sculpture , and othe r decoratio n t o complet e th e design . Mural s b y John L a Farge , John Singe r Sargent , Gar i Melchers , an d H . Siddon s Mowbra y adorne d capitols, churches, libraries, an d expositions . Their subject s range d fro m the biblica l t o th e allegorica l an d depicte d th e contributio n o f arts , science, an d technolog y t o th e ne w America n worl d o f scientifi c an d social achievement . Fo r th e Gol d Roo m o f th e Henr y Villar d Houses , New York , Joh n L a Farg e produce d mural s depictin g Musi c an d Art ;
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for th e Suprem e Cour t roo m i n th e Minnesot a Stat e Capito l h e painte d four panel s o n th e histor y o f la w depictin g Confucius , Moses , Socrates , and Coun t Raymon d o f Toulous e (whos e subjec t i s "Adjustmen t o f Conflicting Interests") . H . Siddon s Mowbra y decorate d th e Universit y Club (1904 ) an d J . P . Morga n Librar y (1905—7 ) i n Ne w Yor k wit h murals inspire d b y Pinturicchio' s wor k (1492-94 ) i n th e Vatica n fo r Alexander VI . Despite clea r draughtsmanship , man y painting s b y artist s i n th e American Renaissanc e ha d som e o f th e characteristic s o f fre e for m an d a concer n fo r th e overal l desig n tha t woul d late r becom e associate d wit h abstract art . Thi s i s partly du e t o th e blurrin g o f th e distinctio n betwee n easel ar t an d decorativ e ar t i n th e interes t o f tota l design . Th e ide a o f expanding th e traditiona l horizon s o f ease l ar t wa s welcome d b y suc h experimental artist s a s Joh n L a Farg e who , i n a lectur e o f 189 3 a t t n e Metropolitan Museu m o f Art i n New York , explained tha t artists ' mind s were enlarge d b y havin g t o encompas s large r space s an d differen t mate rials. Anothe r artis t inten t o n explodin g traditiona l boundarie s wa s Arthur F . Matthew s o f Californi a who , wit h hi s wife , Luci a K . Mat thews, produced exquisit e designs , furniture, an d paintings . Although artist s an d architect s i n the Gilde d Ag e were inspire d b y th e glory tha t wa s Greec e an d th e grandeu r tha t wa s Rome , thei r patron s never le t the m forge t th e prioritie s o f th e present . I t wa s thei r tas k t o celebrate th e confidenc e o f accumulate d capital . On e o f th e mos t repre sentative ornament s o f th e ag e wa s th e opulen t Adam s Vas e (1893—95 ) of gold adorne d wit h pearls , enamels, and semipreciou s stones . Designe d by Pauldin g Farnham , chie f designe r o f th e Tiffan y Compan y (1889 — circa 1904) , i t wa s presente d t o Edwar d Dea n Adams , chairma n o f th e American Cotto n Oi l Company , b y the stockholders an d directors . Rob ber barons an d artist s i n their employ had chose n a s symbol of America' s new prosperit y no t silve r o r lead , bu t gold . A s societ y hostes s Elizabet h Drexel Leh r explain s i n "King" Lehr and the Gilded Age (1935) : It merited it s name. There wa s gold everywhere . I t adorned th e houses o f me n who had becom e millionaires overnight , an d who were trying to forget wit h al l possible speed th e days when the y ha d bee n poor an d unknown . . . . Gold was the mos t desirabl e thin g t o hav e becaus e i t cos t money , an d mone y wa s th e outward and visible sign of success.
The menacin g shadow s an d memorie s o f th e Civi l Wa r cas t a dar k pal l ove r Reconstruction, bu t tim e ease d th e mos t bitte r memorie s an d thu s th e Civi l Wa r became a subjec t fo r commemoratio n b y sculptor s an d artist s a s a ritua l initia tion tha t ha d brough t th e natio n t o ful l nationa l maturity . Thi s battlefiel d mon ument t o th e Confederat e dea d o f th e Civi l Wa r i n Vicksburg , Mississippi , ha s an idealize d equestria n soldier , hi s arm s outstretche d a s i f t o supplicat e Go d a s well a s t o def y th e Yankees . (Photograp h b y Walke r Evan s fo r th e Far m Secu rity Administratio n i n 1936 ; Librar y o f Congress. )
CHAPTER 7
Reconstruction and the New South
N o stor y i n th e Gilde d Ag e i s mor e harrowin g tha n th e traged y o f American Reconstruction . I t proceeded inevitabl y fro m a skein o f histor ical contradictions . Th e America n Revolutio n wa s achieve d b y radical s in th e nam e o f libert y bu t th e institutio n o f slaver y wa s preserved . Abraham Lincol n fough t th e Civi l Wa r t o fre e th e slaves , but t o sav e th e Union h e woul d hav e free d none . Th e victor y o f th e Unio n arm y ove r the Confederac y dispossesse d th e ver y peopl e i t ha d emancipated . Afri can-American leade r Frederic k Douglas s describe d th e pligh t o f freed men. The African-America n was free from th e individual master but a slave of society. He had neither money, property, no r friends . H e was fre e fro m th e old plantation , bu t h e had nothin g but th e dust y roa d unde r hi s feet . H e wa s fre e fro m th e ol d quarte r tha t onc e gave him shelter, but a slave to the rains of summer and the frosts o f winter. He was turned loose, naked, hungry, and destitute to the open sky. Yet the courage, resilience, and lac k o f vindictiveness o f the new African American citizen s unde r extrem e provocatio n somewha t redeem s th e bitter traged y tha t unfolde d i n th e South . The victor y o f th e Nort h ha d retie d th e kno t o f Union , bu t th e rop e itself wa s i n shreds . Th e Sout h ha d bee n devastated . Majo r cities , suc h 203
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as Charlesto n an d Richmond , ha d bee n badl y damage d b y bombard ment an d fire. Bankin g ha d collapsed ; agricultur e wa s stagnant ; an d th e entire regio n la y prostrate . Th e Sout h was , however , conquere d rathe r than subdued . Becaus e it s arm y ha d bee n defeate d i n th e field di d no t mean tha t th e forme r Confederate s accepte d th e politic s o f th e North . They wer e determine d tha t whe n th e Sout h ros e fro m th e ashe s of defea t it would b e on th e basi s of southern, no t northern ideas . They recognize d that th e South' s lac k o f industr y wa s on e of th e prime reason s i t had los t the war . The y therefor e sough t capita l t o buil d a Ne w Sout h wit h industrial muscle . Norther n businessme n bega n t o inves t i n souther n plantations, railroads , an d mills . However , the y to o wante d t o shap e Reconstruction t o thei r ow n economi c ends . There wer e thre e distinc t phase s o f Reconstruction : presidentia l res toration i n th e mid-1860s ; radica l Reconstructio n o f th e lat e 1860 s an d early 1870s ; an d souther n redemptio n thereafter . Reconstructio n engen dered a legac y o f bitternes s i n th e Sout h greate r tha n th e hatre d cause d by the Civi l War. I t was perhap s th e mos t controversia l even t durin g th e Gilded Ag e an d provoke d passionat e historica l dispute s fo r a centur y afterward. Thi s ensure d tha t thoug h th e subjec t wa s black , th e book s were read . Ye t th e final outcom e o f Reconstructio n wa s a compromise , economic an d politica l o n th e part o f th e South , socia l an d racis t o n th e part o f th e North . Th e achievement s o f th e war—preservatio n o f th e Union an d abolitio n o f slavery—wer e no t mad e th e foundatio n fo r political an d economi c progres s i n the Ne w South . Presidential Restoration Abraham Lincol n announce d hi s genera l pla n fo r restoratio n i n hi s Proclamation o f Amnest y an d Reconstructio n o n Decembe r 8 , 1863 . He offered a pardo n t o forme r Confederate s wh o too k a n oat h t o suppor t the Unio n an d th e Constitution . Whe n th e numbe r wh o di d s o i n an y state ha d reache d a tent h o f th e vote s cas t i n th e presidentia l electio n o f i860 an d whe n the y ha d establishe d a stat e government , h e woul d recognize it . H e exclude d African-American s fro m takin g th e oath , vot ing, an d holdin g office . Lincol n intende d t o pu t hi s pla n int o practic e i n successive stage s a s th e arm y recovere d mor e an d mor e land . Th e mos t outspoken critic s o f presidentia l restoratio n wer e radical s i n th e Repub lican party, le d b y Thaddeus Steven s of Pennsylvania , Benjami n Wad e of
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Ohio, Zacharia h Chandle r o f Michigan , an d Charle s Sumne r o f Massa chusetts. They wer e determine d t o safeguar d th e right s of African-Amer icans i n th e South , t o ensur e th e supremac y o f Congres s i n government , and t o asser t th e ascendanc y o f th e Republica n part y i n politics . They pu t forwar d thei r alternativ e pla n o f Reconstruction . Propose d by Senato r Wad e an d Representativ e Henr y Winte r Davi s o f Maryland , it passed Congres s i n July 1864 . I t required a majority o f enrolle d whit e citizens t o tak e a n oat h t o suppor t th e Constitutio n befor e stat e conven tions coul d b e calle d t o reconstitut e th e stat e government . Prospectiv e delegates an d elector s ha d t o swear a n "ironclad " tes t oath tha t the y ha d never voluntaril y born e arm s agains t th e Unite d States . However , Lin coln vetoe d th e bil l a s impractica l an d unchristian , whereupo n hi s rival s issued a scathin g manifest o complainin g tha t h e ha d exceede d hi s pre rogative. Lincol n wa s no t deterre d an d wen t o n t o recogniz e reconsti tuted civi l government s i n Virginia , Louisiana , an d Arkansa s i n 1864 , and i n Tennesse e i n Februar y 1865 . H e als o bega n t o wide n th e catego ries o f forme r Confederate s wh o coul d tak e th e oath . Congress , how ever, refuse d t o sea t representative s fro m th e "Lincol n states " an d de nounced hi s policies a s too lenient . Lincoln's successor , Andre w Johnson , wa s swor n i n a s presiden t a few hour s afte r Lincoln' s assassinatio n o n Apri l 15 , 1865 . Johnson ha d served Tennesse e a s assemblyman , governor , an d senator . Hi s subse quent succes s a s militar y governo r o f Tennesse e fo r th e Unio n an d th e fact tha t h e wa s a Democrati c southerne r o f unquestione d loyalt y con vinced Republica n elder s tha t h e woul d mak e a n idea l runnin g mat e fo r Lincoln o n a ticke t o f Nationa l Unio n i n th e electio n o f 1864 . I n th e great emergenc y o f th e wa r i t di d no t see m importan t tha t Johnson' s political root s wer e quit e differen t fro m thos e o f th e Republica n party . However, hi s critic s mad e muc h o f th e fac t tha t h e wa s undoubtedl y drunk durin g th e inauguratio n i n 1865 . (H e wa s no t use d t o spirit s an d had take n whiske y fo r medicina l purpose s afte r a n attac k o f typhoi d fever.) Johnson wa s no w th e titula r leade r o f a part y o f nationa l unio n tha t had die d wit h Lincoln . Radical s inferre d fro m hi s vehemen t condemna tion o f Confederate s tha t h e agree d wit h thei r aims . H e tol d Benjami n Wade, "Treaso n i s a crim e an d crim e mus t b e punished . Treaso n mus t be made infamous an d traitor s mus t b e impoverished." Bu t radicals wer e soon t o b e disabuse d o f thei r misunderstanding . Johnson , lik e Lincoln ,
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believed tha t i t wa s hi s dut y t o secur e th e promp t restoratio n o f th e South t o it s prope r plac e i n Unio n affairs . Bu t wherea s Lincol n wa s flexible, Johnson wa s obstinate . Hypersensitiv e t o criticism , h e regarde d compromise a s a sign of weakness . On Ma y 9 , 1865 , Johnson recognize d th e governmen t o f Franci s H . Pierpont i n Virginia . O n Ma y 29 , h e issue d hi s ow n proclamatio n o f amnesty. I t simpl y require d a n oat h o f allegianc e fro m thos e seekin g pardon, bu t als o increase d th e categorie s o f exclude d person s b y forbid ding people wit h propert y value d a t mor e than $20,00 0 t o take the oath . This exclusio n wa s mor e apparen t tha n real . Johnson wante d t o humili ate rathe r tha n punis h wealth y planters , wh o ha d t o see k a specia l personal pardo n fro m th e president . O n Ma y 2 9 Johnso n als o an nounced hi s pla n fo r th e reconstructio n o f Nort h Carolina . H e ap pointed Willia m H . Holde n provisiona l governor , empowere d t o cal l a convention o f loya l citizen s wh o woul d fram e a ne w stat e constitution . No on e coul d serv e a s elector o r delegat e unles s h e had bee n qualifie d t o vote i n i86 0 an d no w too k th e oat h o f allegiance , bu t th e conventio n could prescrib e it s ow n qualification s fo r elector s an d officeholders . Within si x week s Johnso n issue d th e sam e proclamatio n t o th e si x remaining state s o f th e Confederacy . The Sout h wa s optimisti c abou t th e chance s o f regainin g contro l o f its ow n destiny . Bu t i t ha d severa l complaint s abou t norther n misman agement o f it s affairs. I t was especially critica l o f th e Freedmen's Bureau . The Burea u o f Refugees , Freedmen , an d Abandone d Land s ha d bee n established b y Congres s o n Marc h 3 , 1865 , under a commissioner, Gen . Oliver O . Howard , t o provid e materia l assistanc e t o African-American s and refugees . I t wa s als o t o establis h schools , supervis e labo r contract s between employer s an d freedmen , an d manag e confiscate d o r derelic t land. B y 186 9 i t ha d distribute d 2 1 millio n rations , establishe d 4 0 hospitals, treate d 450,00 0 patients , an d helpe d settl e 30,00 0 refugees . Most abandone d land s wer e restore d t o pardoned rebels . But it s greates t German immigran t cartoonis t Thoma s Nas t (1840—1902 ) side d wit h th e politica l oppo nents o f Presiden t Andre w Johnso n i n th e controversie s ove r Reconstruction . "Andre w Johnson's Reconstructio n an d Ho w I t Works " depict s th e presiden t a s Shakespeare' s scheming Iago , underminin g a n America n Othell o attire d a s a Unio n soldier . Th e uppe r tableaux sugges t tha t Johnson' s policie s ar e causin g havo c i n th e Sout h an d resultin g i n deaths o f African-Americans . Thi s woodcu t fro m a drawin g b y Nas t wa s first publishe d in Harper's Weekly o f Septembe r 1 , 1865 . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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achievement wa s i n th e field of education . B y 187 0 i t ha d place d 250,00 0 African-American childre n i n 4,30 0 schools . Anothe r hate d symbo l o f northern interferenc e wer e Treasur y agent s assigne d b y Congres s t o appropriate an y abandone d lan d an d collec t taxe s levie d o n cotton . I n payment the y wer e allowe d t o retai n 2 5 percen t o f thei r returns . Th e more unscrupulou s too k advantag e o f th e syste m t o lin e thei r ow n pockets. The si x unrestore d state s hel d convention s i n lat e 186 5 an d accepte d Johnson's implici t precondition s fo r readmissio n b y repudiatin g slavery , secession, an d th e Confederat e debt . However , southerner s wer e s o ready t o anticipat e an y revolutio n i n rac e relation s tha t the y overlooke d the politica l nee d t o satisf y norther n scruple s abou t th e forme r slaves . On th e ev e of th e Civi l Wa r ther e wer e 3,953,76 0 slaves , most o f who m worked a s field hand s o r domestics . Thei r collectiv e value , estimate d a t $2 billion, had evaporate d wit h emancipation . Moreover , man y African Americans wer e o n th e move . Thousand s ha d ru n awa y fro m thei r former master s t o the Union army ; thousands ha d fle d wit h thei r master s from th e army ; thousand s wer e movin g abou t t o tes t thei r ne w freedom . Their migratio n reawakene d traditiona l whit e fear s o f a n African-Amer ican insurrection . Republicans wh o wante d t o penetrat e th e Sout h an d buil d u p thei r party ther e planne d t o giv e African-American s th e vot e o n th e assump tion tha t the y woul d cas t i t fo r th e part y tha t ha d free d them . Bu t the y were les s dispose d t o enfranchis e African-American s i n th e North , an d they recognize d tha t th e Constitutio n guarantee d th e state s th e righ t t o regulate thei r ow n suffrage . Johnso n di d no t thin k tha t African-Ameri cans wer e equippe d fo r politica l equalit y an d believe d tha t African American suffrag e woul d becom e ye t anothe r instrumen t i n the hands of the aristocrati c planter s h e hated s o much . The congressiona l election s i n th e forme r Confederat e state s wer e a victory fo r th e Ol d South . Electe d t o th e Thirty-ninth Congress , meetin g in Decembe r 1865 , wer e th e vice-president , fou r generals , five colonels , six cabine t officers , an d fifty-eight congressme n o f th e defeate d Confed eracy. Th e patter n wa s muc h th e sam e i n th e stat e elections . T o ad d insult t o injury , th e ne w assemblyme n flaunte d thei r Confederat e con nections. Fo r example , i n Louisian a forme r officer s wor e thei r Confed erate uniform s i n th e legislature . Suc h behavio r turne d a difficul t situa -
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tion int o a n impossibl e on e an d denie d Johnson' s policie s an y chanc e o f immediate success . The so-calle d Blac k Codes , laws tha t define d African-Americans ' ne w rights an d status , wer e th e mos t widel y publicize d par t o f souther n Reconstruction. The y recognize d African-Americans ' right s t o ow n property, t o su e an d b e sued , an d t o marr y an d bea r legitimat e children . But the y forbad e the m t o marr y white s an d allowe d the m t o giv e evi dence onl y i n cour t case s involvin g othe r African-Americans . Mor e im portant t o th e Sout h an d mor e controversia l i n th e Nort h wer e law s governing labo r contracts , suc h a s law s agains t enticin g African-Ameri cans t o leav e thei r employer s befor e thei r contract s ha d expired . Th e Black Code s wer e mos t sever e i n thos e state s wher e African-American s outnumbered whites—i n Mississippi , Sout h Carolina , an d Louisiana . Mississippi decree d tha t al l persons no t lawfull y employe d o n January i , 1866, wer e t o b e arreste d a s vagrants . I f the y coul d no t pa y a statutor y fine o f $50 , the y woul d b e hire d ou t t o anyon e wh o pai d th e fine i n exchange fo r th e shortes t perio d o f labor . Radical Reconstruction Congress dislike d Johnson' s schem e fo r Reconstruction . I t seeme d tha t his policy wa s t o restor e defeate d an d discredite d Confederate s t o powe r in th e South . Wha t northerner s wante d wa s a harshe r policy ; wha t Republicans wante d wa s t o strengthe n thei r party . Th e infamou s Blac k Codes wer e take n a s proo f o f souther n arroganc e an d a determinatio n to revers e th e resul t o f th e Civi l War . A s abolitionis t Wendel l Phillip s declared, "No w i s th e critica l time . Th e rebellio n ha s no t ceased , i t ha s only change d it s weapons . Onc e i t fought ; no w i t intrigues ; onc e i t followed Le e i n arms , no w i t follow s Presiden t Johnso n i n guil e an d chicanery." Outraged b y th e tid e o f events , Congres s refuse d t o sea t th e souther n representatives. I t thus serve d notic e on Johnson tha t i t would no t accep t presidential restoration . Instead , i t establishe d a Join t Committe e o f Fifteen "t o inquir e int o the condition s o f th e States which forme d th e socalled Confederat e State s o f America. " Th e committe e wa s no t con trolled b y radicals , bu t it s mos t influentia l membe r wa s Thaddeu s Ste vens, leade r o f th e Republican s i n th e House . A t seventy-fou r h e wa s a n
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embittered enem y o f th e ol d souther n aristocracy , whic h h e blame d fo r the destructio n o f hi s Pennsylvani a ironwork s durin g th e Gettysbur g campaign. When i t seemed that Johnson wa s shielding the South, Steven s transferred hi s implacabl e hostilit y t o him . Steven s mad e hi s positio n crystal-clear: " I a m fo r Negr o suffrag e i n every rebe l State . If i t b e just i t should no t b e denied ; i f i t b e necessar y i t shoul d b e adopted ; i f i t b e punishment t o traitors , they deserv e it. " The committe e interviewe d 14 4 witnesse s an d gav e specia l attentio n to th e problem s o f rac e relation s an d th e Freedmen' s Bureau . I t se t a precedent for , an d becam e th e prototyp e of , wide-rangin g congressiona l investigations i n th e Gilde d Age . It s fina l repor t o f 70 0 page s wa s a disturbing testimon y o f man' s inhumanit y t o man . Th e join t committe e concluded tha t th e state s wer e intac t bu t tha t thei r government s wer e a shambles. Before th e rebe l state s coul d b e allowed t o return t o the Unio n it woul d b e necessar y t o shap e the m politicall y an d sociall y s o a s t o ensure th e protectio n o f African-American s an d th e surviva l o f th e Re publican part y i n th e South . T o tha t end , radical s secure d th e Civi l Rights Act , passe d ove r Johnson' s vet o o n Apri l 10 , 1866 . I t conferre d full citizenshi p o n al l person s bor n withi n th e Unite d State s whateve r their colo r o r race , givin g the m equa l right s i n contracts , property , an d personal security . Buoye d u p wit h thei r success , th e radical s the n per suaded Congres s t o pas s a ne w Freedmen' s Burea u bil l an d t o sustai n i t over Johnson's vet o i n July 1866 . To ensur e th e surviva l o f thei r policie s agains t presidentia l veto , congressional repeal , o r judicia l reversal , th e radical s an d thei r allies incorporated thei r policie s straightforwardl y int o th e Fourteent h Amendment. Th e firs t sectio n o f th e Amendmen t define d citizen s a s those bor n o r naturalize d i n th e Unite d State s an d enjoine d state s fro m abridging thei r right s t o life , liberty , property , an d du e proces s o f law . The secon d sectio n threatene d t o reduc e proportionatel y th e representa tion i n Congres s o f an y stat e denyin g th e suffrag e t o adul t males . Th e third exclude d fro m Congress , th e electora l college , an d federa l offic e anyone wh o ha d serve d th e federa l governmen t unde r oat h an d the n taken par t i n rebellion. The fourt h uphel d th e validity o f th e federal deb t but repudiate d th e Confederat e deb t an d an y claim s of compensatio n fo r emancipated slaves . Whe n i t passe d Congres s o n Jun e 13 , 1866 , ther e was a n underlyin g consensu s o f congressiona l opinio n tha t th e rebe l states mus t ratif y th e Fourteent h Amendmen t befor e the y coul d b e read -
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mitted t o th e Union . Tennesse e di d s o promptl y an d wa s readmitte d o n July 24 , 1866 . But the proces s wa s fa r fro m peaceful . Publi c resentmen t i n Memphi s burst i n a terribl e rio t o n Apri l 3 0 an d laste d thre e days . Forty-si x African-Americans wer e killed , an d mor e tha n 8 0 wer e wounded . Twelv e schools fo r African-American s an d fou r o f thei r churche s wer e burned . In Ne w Orlean s a n attemp t b y radical s t o tak e awa y th e vot e fro m Confederate veteran s an d giv e i t t o African-American s le d t o anothe r riot o n Jul y 3 0 i n whic h 3 4 African-American s an d 4 white s die d an d more than 20 0 people were injured. Th e federa l commander , Gen . Phili p Sheridan, describe d i t not jus t a s a riot bu t "a n absolut e massacr e b y th e police . . . a murder whic h th e mayo r an d polic e . . . perpetrated withou t the shado w o f necessity. " Norther n reactio n wa s instantaneou s an d unanimous. Th e New York Tribune spok e fo r hal f th e countr y i n it s condemnation: "Th e hand s o f th e rebe l ar e agai n re d wit h loya l blood. " Johnson wa s tryin g t o brin g moderat e Republican s an d Democrat s into a ne w Nationa l Unio n party . Bu t ther e wa s n o tru e commo n inter est, an d th e conventio n a t Philadelphi a i n 186 6 wa s a fiasco . Norther n delegates feare d tha t the y woul d b e overwhelme d b y th e South ; an d when th e huge governor o f South Carolina , James Lawrence Orr , walke d down th e aisl e ar m i n ar m wit h th e sligh t governo r o f Massachusetts , Darius Couch , the y feare d i t migh t b e bot h metapho r an d portent . Johnson the n mad e a whistle-sto p tou r o f th e Nort h indulgin g i n vehe ment exchange s wit h heckler s an d condemnin g th e radical s an d thei r policies. Th e radical s mad e smal l bu t significan t gain s i n th e Novembe r elections. Th e te n remainin g souther n state s chos e t o def y the m b y rejecting th e Fourteent h Amendment , an d thi s provoke d th e norther n states—albeit reluctantl y i n som e cases—t o ratif y it . Congress wa s no w clearl y i n th e ascendant , an d th e president's man y personal enemie s wer e prepare d t o destro y bot h hi m an d hi s power . They could an d di d overrid e his veto of Charle s Sumner' s bil l enfranchis ing African-Americans i n th e Distric t o f Columbia . Mor e significan t wa s the Reconstructio n Ac t o f Marc h 2 , 1867 . It divided th e rebel state s int o five militar y districts . Eac h wa s t o b e commande d b y a high-rankin g officer. Hi s tas k wa s t o supervis e th e electio n o f delegate s t o stat e conventions. The y woul d the n writ e constitution s an d establis h ne w governments. Th e electorat e woul d compris e al l adul t male s no t barre d for takin g par t i n th e rebellion . Afte r a majority o f registere d voter s ha d
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ratified th e stat e constitution , afte r Congres s ha d approve d it , an d afte r the stat e had ratifie d th e Fourteent h Amendment , th e stat e could the n b e readmitted t o th e Union . The Tenure o f Offic e Act , als o passed o n Marc h 2 , 1867 , was devise d by Thaddeu s Steven s t o humiliat e Johnson. Congres s forbad e hi m fro m dismissing cabine t member s (such a s Secretar y o f Wa r Edwi n Stanton ) who sympathize d wit h congressiona l Reconstruction . I t als o reduced hi s considerable powe r o f patronage . Anothe r limitatio n impose d o n th e president wa s th e Comman d o f th e Arm y Act , passe d o n th e sam e day , which require d hi m t o issu e al l militar y order s throug h th e genera l o f the army . A Secon d Reconstructio n Ac t o f Marc h 2 3 explaine d th e details b y whic h militar y commander s wer e t o reconstruc t th e recalci trant states , includin g a provisio n whereb y prospectiv e voter s wer e t o take a n "ironcla d oath. " A third Reconstructio n Ac t o f July 1 9 empow ered registratio n board s t o refus e registratio n t o applicant s wh o wer e not takin g th e oat h i n good faith . Some o f th e souther n state s retaliate d b y tryin g t o ge t th e Suprem e Court t o repudiat e th e legislation . Th e Suprem e Cour t foun d som e o f the Reconstructio n measure s unconstitutiona l i n the Test Oaths case s of January 1867 , Cummings v . Missouri an d Ex parte Garland. However , it would no t def y Congres s and , i n th e McCardle cas e of 1869 , upheld a recent congressiona l decisio n t o withdra w appellat e jurisdictio n ove r habeas corpus , thu s evadin g it s responsibilit y t o giv e judgment . Th e justices believe d that , despit e norther n opinio n o n th e nee d fo r rigorou s Reconstruction, th e nationa l interes t woul d b e bes t serve d b y judicia l restraint o n controversia l issue s on whic h th e Constitutio n sai d little . Johnson's protracte d disagreement s wit h hi s secretar y o f war , Edwi n Stanton, hi s subsequen t dismissa l o f Stanton , an d successiv e failure s t o replace hi m first wit h Lorenz o Thoma s an d the n wit h Thoma s Ewing , gave th e radical s a n opportunit y t o b e ri d o f th e presiden t onc e an d fo r all. They accuse d hi m o f violating the Tenure o f Offic e Act . On Februar y 24, 1868 , Thaddeu s Steven s requeste d th e Hous e t o remov e th e "grea t political malefactor " i n orde r t o restor e democrati c governmen t t o a "free an d untrammele d people. " Accordingly , a committe e dre w u p a list of eleven articles of impeachment, nin e about the removal o f Stanton , one condemning his speeches, and on e an omnibus denunciation . Havin g been impeache d b y th e House , Johnson wa s trie d i n th e Senate . Ha d h e
The excitemen t tha t a stirrin g speec h coul d generat e i n th e theate r o f politic s durin g Reconstruction i s capture d i n thi s woo d engravin g o f a crow d surgin g t o th e publi c gal leries o f th e Senat e o n Februar y 25 , 1868 , t o hea r Thaddeu s Steven s (1792-1868 ) cal l for th e impeachmen t o f Presiden t Andre w Johnson (1808-1875) . A n illustratio n fro m th e Illustrated London News. (Librar y o f Congress. )
been found guilt y an d remove d fro m office , h e would hav e been replace d by the radical presiden t pr o ter n of th e Senate , Benjamin Wade . Stevens's vindictiv e indictmen t se t th e ton e fo r th e impeachmen t pro ceedings an d produce d profoun d publi c unease abou t th e whole process . The New York Herald sai d th e radica l leade r ha d th e "boldnes s o f Danton, th e bitternes s an d hatre d o f Marat , an d th e unscrupulousnes s of Robespierre. " Steven s was terminall y ill , and th e case against Johnso n was le d i n the Senat e tria l b y Benjami n Butle r o f Massachusetts . H e wa s the genera l wh o ha d take n Ne w Orlean s fo r th e Unio n i n 186 2 an d wa s known a s "Spoons " fo r havin g loote d souther n house s o f thei r silver ware. H e argue d tha t th e presiden t wa s tryin g t o overthro w Congres s and establis h a n absolut e dictatorship . Butler' s mos t picturesqu e gestur e was t o produc e a nightshir t supposedl y staine d wit h th e bloo d o f a n Ohio carpetbagge r flogge d withi n a n inc h o f hi s lif e b y hoodlum s i n Mississippi. Thi s gestur e o f outrage d patriotis m live d o n i n th e politic s of th e Gilde d Ag e and becam e know n a s "wavin g th e blood y shirt. " Bu t on thi s occasio n th e radical s ha d gon e to o far . Johnson' s abl e counsel , including Willia m M . Evart s an d Benjami n R . Curtis , demolishe d th e case against him . Th e Tenur e o f Offic e Ac t merel y restraine d a presiden t
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from removin g a member o f th e cabine t h e had appointed—bu t Stanto n had bee n appointe d no t b y Johnson, bu t b y Lincoln . The Senat e vote d firs t o n th e final articl e o n Ma y 16 , 1868 : 3 5 fo r conviction an d 1 9 against . Thi s wa s 1 vote shor t o f th e necessar y two thirds majority . Seve n Republica n senator s vote d fo r acquittal . The y would no t permi t th e proces s o f impeachmen t t o b e debase d i n th e interests o f part y politics . A major crisi s had passed . Party politic s no w concentrate d o n th e presidentia l electio n o f 1868 . As thei r presidentia l nomine e th e Republican s chos e Genera l Ulysse s S . Grant, th e victo r a t Appomattox . H e wa s associate d neithe r wit h th e radicals no r wit h Johnson , an d h e appeale d t o al l section s o f th e part y as a symbol o f reconciliation . Th e substanc e o f the Republican campaig n was tha t thei r part y ha d wo n th e wa r an d save d th e Union , an d tha t a Democratic victor y woul d und o th e peace . The y wer e supporte d financially b y suc h banker s a s Henr y an d Ja y Cooke , an d thei r propagand a owed muc h t o th e inventiv e cartoon s o f Thoma s Nas t i n Harper's. Determined t o repudiat e th e blam e fo r secession , th e Democrat s chos e as thei r candidat e Horati o Seymour , wartim e governo r o f Ne w York . They condemne d congressiona l Reconstructio n a s Republica n dictator ship an d affirme d states ' right s o n th e troublesom e questio n o f African American suffrage . I n th e electio n Gran t too k 3,013,42 7 popula r vote s and twenty-si x states ; Seymour , 2,706,82 9 vote s an d eigh t states . The riva l processe s o f Reconstructio n continue d withou t pause . Dur ing Christma s o f 186 8 Johnso n issue d hi s fourt h an d final proclamatio n of amnesty , extendin g pardo n t o th e ver y fe w remainin g Confederate s not include d i n th e previou s tw o amnestie s o f Septembe r 186 7 an d Jul y 4, 1868 . Congress , meanwhile , aime d t o protec t African-America n suf frage i n th e Sout h b y th e Fifteent h Amendment , whic h passe d o n Febru ary 26 , 1869 . Th e righ t t o vot e wa s no t t o b e denie d "o n accoun t o f race, color, o r previou s conditio n o f servitude. " It also allowed Congres s to ta x income s an d wa s ratifie d o n Februar y 2 , 1870 . Congressiona l Reconstruction wa s a monumenta l undertakin g an d ha d momentou s consequences. I t gav e th e vot e t o 703,40 0 African-America n citizen s i n the South , mos t o f who m wer e illiterat e an d almos t non e o f who m ha d voted before . Abou t 660,00 0 white s wer e enfranchised , som e fo r th e first time , an d abou t 3 5 percent o f the m wer e als o illiterate . Perhap s th e most singula r failur e o f th e federa l governmen t durin g Reconstructio n was t o withhol d th e promis e o f fort y acre s an d a mul e fro m African -
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Americans, althoug h th e governmen t owne d enoug h publi c lan d i n th e South t o provide eac h an d ever y African-American famil y wit h a farm . After th e inauguratio n o f Grant , America n politic s becam e mor e diverse. Ther e wa s muc h les s emphasi s o n Reconstructio n tha n i n th e previous fou r years . Th e Nort h an d Wes t becam e preoccupie d wit h th e currency an d politica l corruption . Gran t ha d th e mos t appropriat e nam e of an y presiden t o f th e Unite d States . Durin g hi s tw o administration s (1869—77) n e § a v e awa y mor e tha n an y presiden t befor e o r since . Cor ruption i n governmen t reache d ne w heights . I n hi s persona l an d profes sional value s Gran t wa s a typica l representativ e o f th e age . H e ha d littl e understanding o f th e ne w industria l an d economi c forces . Ye t i t wa s precisely becaus e h e lacked politica l visio n tha t h e came to symboliz e th e age. H e wa s electe d presiden t i n 186 8 fo r th e sam e sor t o f reason s tha t another successfu l general , Dwigh t D . Eisenhower , woul d b e i n 1952 . The sor t o f qualitie s Eisenhowe r parade d i n public Gran t reall y di d hav e in private . H e wa s modest , kind , an d open . Bu t thi s unassumin g ma n had cripplin g limitation s eve n a s a conservativ e president . Unlik e Eisen hower, h e wa s a poo r judg e o f characte r an d truste d onl y thos e wh o made a sho w o f loyalt y t o him . Thu s hi s inne r cabinet , le d b y th e vai n and darin g Colone l Orvill e Babcock , who m h e mad e hi s privat e secre tary, manipulate d hi s fears an d prejudice s t o thei r ow n ends . His critic s attacke d hi m fo r hi s genera l slovenlines s an d bout s o f har d drinking. Th e mos t viciou s condemnatio n cam e fro m Lor d Lytton , vice roy o f India , wh o hoste d th e Grant s afte r the y retire d fro m Washingto n and sai d tha t Grant' s wif e Julia wa s s o ugl y an d Gran t s o drun k tha t h e could no t mak e lov e t o he r withou t bein g sick . I t wa s tru e tha t depres sion i n hi s first year s i n th e arm y ha d first le d Gran t t o drow n hi s sorrows. Abraha m Lincoln , however , wa s no t disconcerte d b y th e har d drinking o f hi s bes t commander . Afte r Grant' s successfu l campaig n o f 1862 Lincol n wa s suppose d t o hav e offere d t o sen d a sampl e o f Grant' s favorite whiske y t o hi s other generals . Grant's choice s o f cabine t officer s wer e bizarre . I n hi s eigh t year s a s president h e appointe d n o fewe r tha n twenty-fiv e me n t o seve n cabine t posts. Si x wer e me n o f integrity . Ye t Gran t contrive d t o dispens e wit h them al l excep t Secretar y o f Stat e Hamilto n Fish . Fis h wa s no t retaine d for hi s honesty, tact , an d intelligence . Gran t neede d hi m an d hi s wife fo r their socia l cachet . Like Eisenhower, Gran t aspire d t o a n affluent , no t t o sa y opulent life -
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style. Thi s h e coul d enjo y whe n h e accepte d th e hospitalit y o f wealth y people. They cultivate d hi s friendship an d expecte d hi m to lend presiden tial prestig e t o privat e project s suc h a s Ja y Goul d an d Ji m Fisk' s gol d corner o f 1869 . Ye t Gran t remaine d quit e insensitiv e t o th e impac t hi s associates ha d o n hi s reputatio n eve n thoug h h e kne w ful l wel l tha t Ji m Fisk ha d n o morals . Pres s exposur e o f corruptio n di d not , a t first, har m Grant's reputatio n wit h th e public . A s th e historia n Alla n Nevin s ex plains, "Th e plai n ma n ha d no t electe d Grant ; h e ha d electe d a n inde structible legend , a folk-hero. " Bu t politician s wer e no w o n thei r guard . Their doubt s abou t Gran t wer e t o grow . Senato r James Grime s o f Iow a wrote t o Senato r Lyma n Trumbul l o f Illinoi s i n Jul y 187 0 abou t th e decline o f th e Republica n party : "Lik e al l partie s tha t hav e a n undis turbed powe r fo r a lon g time , i t ha s becom e corrupt , an d I believe i t i s to-day th e mos t corrup t an d debauche d politica l part y tha t ha s eve r existed." It seeme d tha t wha t wa s happenin g i n Washingto n se t th e ton e fo r Reconstruction i n th e South . Th e ol d aristocrac y bega n t o presen t them selves a s th e abuse d victim s o f carpetbaggers , scalawags , an d African Americans. Th e ter m "carpetbagger " wa s first use d i n 184 6 t o describ e any suspiciou s strange r i n town . Durin g Reconstruction , so-calle d car petbaggers include d al l type s o f peopl e fro m th e North—soldiers , busi nessmen, lawyers , teachers, an d ministers—a s wel l a s adventurers. Ver y few wer e transient . Th e succes s o f thei r busines s venture s depende d o n the maintenanc e o f la w an d orde r an d cooperatio n betwee n governmen t and industry . The y believe d tha t onl y throug h a strong Republica n part y in th e Sout h coul d the y achiev e thei r aims . Thus, the y regarde d African American suffrag e a s a n essentia l politica l foundatio n withou t whic h nothing coul d b e accomplished . Bu t the y wer e no t intereste d i n socia l equality. The y als o sough t hel p fro m loya l southerners . T o forme r Con federates thes e loyalists were "scalawags. " The term probabl y originate d The Republican s los t n o opportunit y t o equat e th e Democrat s wit h slavery , secession , an d southern rule , especiall y whe n th e Democrats ' ow n word s coul d s o easil y b e turne d agains t them t o inflam e Republican s an d sentimen t i n th e North . Thi s cartoo n b y Thoma s Nas t (1840-1902) fo r Harper's Weekly durin g th e campaig n o f 186 8 depict s a n unhol y tri o of Confederat e diehard s tramplin g o n a n African-America n citize n i n defianc e o f th e be neficent federa l legislatio n o f th e Radicals : "Thi s i s a white man' s government . W e regar d the Reconstructio n Act s (so-called ) o f Congres s a s usurpation s an d unconstitutional , rev olutionary, an d void. " (Librar y o f Congress. )
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in th e distric t o f Scallowa y i n th e Shetlan d Island s wher e th e cattl e wer e especially small . Thes e southerner s wh o ha d activel y oppose d secessio n were largely fro m th e lowe r classe s who resente d th e planter aristocracy . The traditiona l oligarch y reserve d it s mos t bitte r censur e fo r African American delegate s t o th e stat e conventions . Nort h Carolina' s ha d onl y 15 African-American s ami d 11 8 delegates , ye t i t wa s denounce d a s "Ethiopian minstrelsy , Ha m radicalis m i n al l it s glory " wit h "baboons , monkeys, mules , Tourge e [ a whit e northerner] , an d othe r jackasses. " However, thos e wh o too k a n activ e politica l par t i n souther n Recon struction wer e no t onl y African-Americans , carpetbaggers , an d scala wags. Nativ e white s dominate d th e convention s o f Alabama , Georgia , and Nort h Carolina , an d appeare d i n force i n others . The interactio n o f divergen t group s shape d Reconstructio n i n a ver y different wa y fro m tha t intende d b y th e radical s i n Congress . Th e ne w state constitution s wer e a considerabl e improvemen t o n th e old . Sout h Carolina, fo r example , institute d universa l manhoo d suffrage , abolishe d property qualification s fo r office-holders , reapportione d representatio n in th e stat e assembly , reforme d th e court s an d loca l government , re moved "al l distinction s o n accoun t o f color, " ende d imprisonmen t fo r debt, protecte d homestead s fro m mortgag e foreclosure , expande d wom en's rights , and provide d a system o f universa l publi c education . Universal publi c educatio n was , i n fact , a crucia l corollar y t o univer sal suffrage . Ther e wa s intens e interes t i n educatio n amon g African Americans who, as slaves, had bee n forbidde n t o learn to read an d write . Poor white s als o realize d tha t i t wa s a n essentia l preparatio n fo r profes sional an d politica l activity . Al l th e stat e constitution s resolve d o n fre e education fo r childre n betwee n th e age s of fiv e an d twenty-one . African American delegate s realized tha t separat e school s would resul t in inferio r education. But , despit e thei r arguments , onl y Louisian a an d Sout h Car olina accepte d th e principl e o f integrate d education , maintainin g mixe d schools unti l th e mid-1870s . When conservative s trie d t o defea t th e ne w constitution s i n on e wa y or another , Congres s retaliate d b y changin g th e rule s o f th e game . Alabama voter s simpl y staye d awa y fro m th e polls . Thus , radical s i n Congress passe d a Fourt h Reconstructio n Ac t requirin g no t a majorit y of registere d voters , bu t a simpl e majorit y o f vote s cas t t o ratif y th e constitution. Whe n Mississipp i actuall y defeate d th e constitution , Con -
Reconstruction and the New South 21
9
gress determine d tha t th e stat e coul d no t b e readmitte d unti l i t ha d ratified th e constitutio n an d th e Fifteent h Amendmen t a s well. By th e summe r o f 186 8 seve n state s ha d writte n constitutions , orga nized governments , an d recognize d th e Fourteent h Amendment , an d they woul d b e readmitte d o n conditio n the y maintaine d blac k suffrage . Three—Virginia, Mississippi , an d Texas—delaye d bu t wer e readmitte d on th e sam e term s i n 1870 . Thereafter, conservatives , unde r man y titles , began t o undermin e th e ne w governments . I n th e cas e o f Georgi a th e attack wa s openl y an d blatantl y racist . B y August 186 8 th e stat e assem bly ha d succeede d i n expellin g al l thre e African-America n senator s an d twenty-five (o f twenty-nine ) African-America n representative s and , i n September, passe d a la w declarin g al l African-American s ineligibl e t o serve there . Henr y McNea l Turner , a mos t articulat e African-America n member, mad e a plangent speec h i n protest: "I t i s very strang e i f a whit e man ca n occup y o n thi s floo r a sea t create d b y colore d votes , an d a black ma n canno t d o it. " Th e displace d member s appeale d t o Governo r Rufus B . Bullock, who applie d fo r redres s fro m Congress . When Georgi a rejected th e Fifteent h Amendmen t i n Marc h 1869 , Congres s reimpose d military rule , making it s ratification a condition o f final readmission . O n the ground s tha t the y wer e disenfranchise d b y th e Fourteent h Amend ment, Gen . Alfre d H . Terr y expelle d twenty-fou r Democrat s fro m th e state assembl y an d replace d the m wit h Republicans . H e als o reinstate d the African-American members . Georgia the n complie d wit h th e require ments o f Congres s an d wa s readmitte d o n January 10 , 1870 . In the reconstructe d state s revenue s were quite insufficien t t o meet th e additional demand s impose d o n the m b y program s o f education , publi c works, an d railroa d construction . Stat e indebtednes s becam e a seriou s political proble m i n th e South . Betwee n 186 8 an d 187 2 th e deficit s o f Louisiana an d Sout h Carolin a almos t doubled , an d betwee n 186 8 an d 1874 tha t o f Alabam a trebled . Th e state s increase d propert y an d pol l taxes t o mee t th e cost s o f educatio n an d welfare , an d the y issue d bond s to finance railroa d construction . Bu t i n th e end , Reconstructio n admin istrations coul d no t rais e sufficien t fund s t o discharg e thei r responsibili ties. I t wa s al l to o eas y fo r conservativ e critic s t o deplor e th e extrava gance an d corruptio n o f publi c officials tha t ha d becom e part o f America n society i n th e Gilde d Age . Th e mos t outrageou s graf t i n bot h th e Sout h and th e Nort h wa s i n railroa d construction . Th e manage r o f a Georgi a
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railroad wa s aske d ho w h e could mak e abov e $20,00 0 a year o n a salar y of $2,000 . H e replied , "B y the exercis e o f th e mos t rigi d economy. " The so-calle d Negr o rul e wa s th e mos t controversia l aspec t o f radica l Reconstruction. Onl y i n Sout h Carolin a i n th e ver y first assembl y di d African-Americans hav e numerica l superiority , an d tha t stat e ha d th e greatest numbe r o f prominen t African-America n leader s throughou t th e 1870s. The y include d tw o lieutenan t governors , Alonz o B . Ransie r an d Richard H . Gleaves , an d tw o speakers , Samue l J . Le e an d Rober t B . Elliott. Th e longest-servin g wer e Franci s L . Cardozo , wh o wa s secretar y of stat e fro m 186 8 t o 187 2 an d stat e treasure r fro m 187 2 t o 1876 , an d Jonathan J . Wright, wh o sa t o n th e stat e suprem e cour t fo r seve n years .
Southern "Redemption" Diehard Confederate s ha d n o singl e strateg y fo r subvertin g Reconstruc tion. A s John Hop e Frankli n explained , the y use d politica l tactics , eco nomic sanctions , an d mo b violenc e t o undermin e it . Tim e wa s o n thei r side an d the y kne w it . Tennesse e wa s neve r subjec t t o radica l Recon struction, an d i n Alabama , Georgia , an d Mississipp i th e conservatives ' delaying tactic s ove r readmissio n weakene d radica l Reconstructio n al most befor e i t ha d begun . Moreover , radica l Reconstructio n wa s brief , either becaus e th e state s wer e readmitte d a s reconstitute d states , or afte r Democratic o r conservativ e victorie s a t th e polls . Thus i t wa s trul y ove r for Virgini a an d Tennesse e i n 1869 , North Carolin a i n 1870 , Georgia i n 1871, Texa s i n 1873 , Alabam a an d Arkansa s i n 1874 , a n d Mississipp i in 1875 . Onl y thre e state s wer e "unredeemed " a t th e en d o f 187 6 an d still ha d garrison s o f federa l troops : Florida , Louisiana , an d Sout h Car olina. Violence wa s endemi c throughou t th e South . Whit e hoodlum s ha d repeatedly attacke d African-America n citizen s an d institution s sinc e th e end o f th e war . No w the y include d whit e radical s amon g thei r victims . They wer e especiall y vindictiv e t o thos e wh o too k par t i n organization s that showe d African-American s thei r politica l an d civi l rights , suc h a s So grea t wa s th e popula r appea l o f Genera l Ulysse s Gran t (1822-1885) , victo r a t Appo mattox, tha t th e Republican s hope d hi s campaig n fo r th e presidenc y i n 186 8 woul d unit e all faction s withi n th e party . Bu t hi s actua l ter m o f offic e (1869-1877 ) wa s a nadi r o f presidential probity , a s hi s ol d cronie s too k advantag e o f thei r hig h offic e fo r commercia l gain. (Librar y o f Congress. )
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the Unio n League . I n 186 5 a socia l circle , o r kuklos , o f youn g me n i n Pulaski, Tennessee, organize d themselve s a s the "Invisibl e Empir e o f th e South." I t bega n terrorizin g African-American s befor e the y wer e ac counted a political facto r o f an y significance . Ne w chapter s o f th e secre t lodge wer e forme d i n othe r states . I n 186 7 the y sen t delegate s t o a convention a t Nashvill e tha t mad e Genera l Natha n B . Forres t hea d o f the "K u Klu x Klan. " It s member s donne d ghostl y whit e shirt s an d indulged i n ghoulis h rituals . Th e ide a wa s t o frighte n thei r victim s int o thinking the y wer e th e avengin g ghost s o f th e Confederat e dead . Othe r subversive organization s wer e forme d elsewhere : i n Louisiana , th e Knight s of th e Whit e Camelia ; i n Texas , th e Knight s o f th e Risin g Sun ; an d i n Mississippi, the White Line . The supposed wrong s of radical Reconstructio n conferre d o n the Kla n and it s associate group s a political dignit y the y coul d no t otherwis e hav e commanded. I t counte d African-American s voting , holdin g office , an d being insolen t a s par t o f thei r determinatio n t o assum e politica l power . It deeme d whit e participatio n i n radica l Reconstructio n an d socia l asso ciation wit h African-American s a s equall y heinou s offenses . I t me t bot h with murde r an d mayhem . I t wa s sai d tha t i n Nort h Carolin a th e Kla n committed 26 0 outrages , includin g 7 murder s an d th e whippin g o f 7 2 whites an d 14 1 African-Americans . A special targe t wa s th e Freedmen' s Bureau. Th e Kla n woul d persuad e official s t o leav e tow n an d catc h an d flog thos e wh o di d no t hee d it s advice . Joh n Hop e Frankli n quote s a source explainin g how , i n som e communities , coffin s "wer e parade d through th e street s marke d wit h th e name s o f prominen t radical s an d labeled 'Dead , damne d an d delivered. ' " Congress responde d t o th e Kla n b y passin g a la w o n Ma y 31 , 1870 , by whic h an y interferenc e wit h qualifie d citizen s castin g thei r vote s wa s deemed a felony . Eve n thi s la w wa s ineffective . Witnesse s wer e afrai d t o testify agains t the Klan ; juries declined t o convict. Emboldened, th e Kla n continued it s activities . Durin g election s o f Augus t 187 0 i n Alabama , Klansmen parade d openl y i n ful l costum e an d regalia . Th e Senat e estab lished a committe e o f seve n t o investigat e th e situation . Th e five Republicans submitte d a majorit y repor t tha t th e Kla n wa s perpetratin g " a carnival o f murders , intimidation , an d violenc e o f al l kinds. " Congres s resolved t o strengthe n it s enforcement law . Th e amende d ac t o f Januar y 28, 1871 , provide d fo r th e federa l jurisdictio n o f elections . Federa l courts were to appoint electio n supervisors . Interference wit h thei r dutie s
Reconstruction and the New South 22
3
became a federa l offense . A mor e stringen t measur e wa s th e Thir d Enforcement Act , passe d o n Apri l 20 , 1871 , afte r acrimoniou s debate . Usually referre d t o a s th e K u Klu x Act , i t allowe d th e presiden t t o ac t against "unlawfu l combinations " b y proclaimin g martia l la w an d sus pending habea s corpus . Accessorie s t o conspiracie s wh o remaine d silen t were deemed responsibl e fo r injuries . The act was invoked agains t Klans men i n th e Carolina s an d Mississipp i i n 187 1 an d 1872 , bu t ther e wer e very fe w convictions . Congress di d no t res t conten t an d nex t establishe d a Joint Committe e of Twenty-on e unde r Senato r John Scot t o f Pennsylvani a t o inquir e int o "the conditio n o f th e late insurrectionary states. " Its four subcommittee s held hearing s i n Washington an d si x states i n the South . The final repor t extended t o thirtee n volume s i n whic h th e Republica n majorit y urge d the continue d protectio n o f African-American s unde r federa l laws . Nevertheless, i n th e fac e o f whit e racis t violenc e an d intimidation , nei ther th e Fourteent h no r th e Fifteent h Amendmen t provide d African Americans with an y rea l civil protection. I n the absence of federa l action , the Kla n ensure d th e stead y declin e of th e African-America n electorate . During th e twiligh t o f Reconstructio n th e Suprem e Cour t wa s mor e confident abou t repudiatin g radica l Reconstruction . Eac h o f th e thre e postwar amendment s containe d a novel provision: "Congres s shal l hav e power t o enforc e thi s articl e b y appropriat e legislation. " Ye t th e ver y provision intende d t o ensur e th e lette r o f th e la w wa s declare d unconsti tutional b y th e Cour t an d use d t o rende r th e amendmen t nul l an d void . In 187 3 i t foun d tha t th e Fourteent h Amendmen t ha d bee n frame d t o protect African-Americans , bu t sinc e civil rights were a matter o f citizen ship o f th e state s an d no t o f th e nation , th e amendmen t coul d affor d little protection t o individual s aggrieve d b y state laws. In 187 6 i n United States v . Cruikshank, a cas e arisin g ou t o f riot s i n Louisiana , i t foun d that th e Fifteenth Amendmen t di d no t allo w "th e passage o f law s fo r th e supression o f ordinar y crime s withi n th e states. " With on e exception , Congres s wa s no w practicall y inactiv e a s fa r a s Reconstruction wa s concerned . Tha t wa s th e Civi l Right s Ac t o f 1875 , first propose d b y th e lat e Senato r Charle s Sumner . It s mos t importan t provision abou t desegregatio n o f publi c school s wa s excise d befor e i t was passed . However , th e ac t guarantee d African-American s ful l an d equal right s i n place s o f publi c accommodation , suc h a s theater s an d restaurants, an d forbad e thei r exclusio n fro m jur y service . Bu t i t pro -
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vided fo r n o measure s o f enforcement . I n 188 3 t n e Suprem e Cour t declared i t unconstitutiona l i n seve n case s know n a s th e Civil Rights cases. Onl y tw o originate d i n th e South . Justic e Josep h P . Bradle y de clared tha t th e Fourteent h Amendmen t di d no t authoriz e genera l legisla tion fo r civi l rights . United States v . Harris (1882 ) wa s a cas e arisin g from a n inciden t whe n a Tennessee mo b lynche d fou r African-America n prisoners. Th e Cour t repeate d tha t th e federa l governmen t coul d protec t African-Americans onl y agains t act s b y th e state . I t coul d no t protec t them agains t violenc e b y individuals . I n suc h cases , th e victi m shoul d seek redres s fro m th e stat e authorities . Reconstructio n ha d falle n apart . In eight state s ther e was n o longe r an y pretens e o f it . Republicans and
Liberals
Opposition t o Gran t an d wha t h e represente d wa s mountin g i n th e Republican part y bot h insid e an d outsid e Congress . Th e midter m elec tions o f 187 0 suggeste d widesprea d dissatisfactio n amon g th e ran k an d file. Althoug h th e Democrat s gaine d onl y si x seat s i n th e Senate , the y took forty-on e i n th e House . I n th e Missour i contest s th e succes s o f th e dissidents wa s spectacular . Wit h th e ai d o f Democrati c vote s the y suc ceeded i n electin g B . Grat z Brow n a s governo r an d Car l Schur z a s senator. Schurz, a Germa n immigrant , wa s t o becom e mor e completel y identi fied wit h refor m movement s i n th e 1870 s an d 1880 s tha n an y othe r politician. Bor n nea r Cologne , h e ha d take n par t i n th e unsuccessfu l German revolutionar y movemen t o f 184 8 whil e a studen t i n Bonn , an d in 185 2 immigrate d t o th e Unite d States . A foundin g membe r o f th e Republican party , a staunc h opponen t o f slavery , an d a supporte r o f Lincoln, h e le d troop s i n th e Civi l War , an d thereafte r mad e a survey o f the postwa r Sout h fo r Andre w Johnso n i n 1865 , recommendin g tha t voting right s b e extende d t o African-Americans . H e wa s join t edito r o f the St . Loui s Westliche Post (1867-1869 ) an d continue d a s senato r fo r Missouri fro m 186 9 t o 1875 . By 187 2 ther e wa s ope n divisio n i n th e Republica n party . Th e rebels , who calle d themselve s Libera l Republicans , organize d a mass meetin g a t the Coope r Institut e i n Ne w Yor k o n Apri l 12 , 1872 . Fou r powerfu l newspaper editor s committe d themselve s o n th e sid e o f th e Libera l Re publicans an d wer e soo n know n a s th e Quadrilateral : Samue l Bowle s of
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Massachusetts, edito r o f th e Springfield Republican; Mura t Halstea d o f the Cincinnati Commercial; Horac e Whit e o f th e Chicago Tribune; an d Colonel Henr y ("Marse" ) Watterso n o f th e Louisvill e Courier-Journal. The suppor t o f th e Quadrilatera l gav e th e Liberal s sufficien t confidenc e to pla n a n independen t nationa l campaign . The y wer e no w a splinte r group adrif t fro m thei r party . At a nationa l conventio n hel d i n Cincinnat i i n Ma y 187 2 the y chos e as thei r presidentia l candidat e Horac e Greeley , historia n an d edito r o f the New York Tribune. Greele y wa s lukewar m abou t on e o f th e Liber als' tw o mai n platform s (civi l servic e reform ) an d actuall y hostil e t o another (lowe r tariff) . H e wa s bette r know n fo r hi s personal idiosyncra sies tha n fo r hi s politica l opinions . I n crumple d whit e coat , it s pocket s stuffed wit h newspapers , h e wa s a familia r figure o n th e sidewalk s o f New York . Hi s whiskered fac e wa s crowne d wit h a white stovepip e hat . He reminde d passersb y o f Mr . Pickwic k o r th e Mad Hatter . Democrats realize d that they coul d onl y profit fro m th e dissatisfactio n of Libera l Republican s wit h Gran t i f the y refraine d fro m dividin g them . At thei r conventio n i n Baltimor e o n Jul y 9 th e Democrat s reluctantl y nominated Greele y an d accepte d th e Liberals ' platform . Thus , Greele y stood a s a Democrati c Liberal . Bu t Greele y ha d spen t thirt y year s a s a n editor i n oppositio n t o th e Democrats . Hi s opinio n tha t althoug h no t every Democra t wa s a hors e thief , ever y hors e thie f was a Democrat , was widel y reporte d b y his enemies . Greeley campaigne d fo r a "Ne w Departure. " Hi s administratio n woul d provide equa l right s fo r African-American s an d whites , offe r universa l amnesty t o Confederat e officers , an d establis h thrif t an d honest y i n government. I t wa s onl y to o eas y fo r Republican s t o vilif y "Ol d Chap paquack," a s Greele y wa s known . Hi s propose d withdrawa l o f troop s from th e Sout h wa s misrepresente d a s a sor t o f complaisanc e t o ol d Confederate values . Frederic k Douglass , i n th e New National Era, th e leading African-America n newspaper , eve n sai d tha t Greele y ha d neve r been genuinel y oppose d t o slavery . Cartoonis t Thoma s Nas t showe d Greeley a s bot h too l an d victi m o f "Libera l conspirator s wh o yo u al l know ar e honorabl e men. " I n one cartoo n Nas t portraye d Greele y a s a n assassin, shakin g hand s wit h John Wilke s Boot h ove r Lincoln' s grave . In th e electio n Greele y too k onl y si x states—Georgia , Kentucky , Maryland, Missouri , Tennessee , an d Texas—an d 2,843,44 6 popula r votes t o Grant' s 3,596,745 . Gran t ha d 28 6 vote s i n the electora l college ,
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Greeley jus t 42 . Exhauste d b y th e campaig n an d overwhelme d b y hi s wife's fata l illness , Greele y wa s i n n o stat e t o cop e wit h additiona l financial and professional difficulties . A s he said, he hardly knew whethe r he wa s runnin g fo r th e presidenc y o r th e penitentiary . H e die d o n November 29 , 1872 , an d th e Liberals ' hope s o f routin g Gran t passe d away wit h him . I n spit e o f thei r failure , th e Liberals ' challeng e unsettle d leading Republicans . Th e campaig n ha d reveale d renewe d Democrati c strength. I n th e Sout h th e Republican s too k onl y 50. 1 percen t o f th e vote. Thus, rather tha n retai n a rigorous for m o f Reconstruction , Repub licans no w resolve d t o attemp t som e reconciliatio n wit h th e South . Congress passe d a Genera l Amnest y Ac t i n Ma y 187 2 that , wit h som e exceptions, mad e Confederat e leader s eligibl e to vot e an d t o hol d publi c office onc e again . No soone r wa s th e electio n settle d tha n Congres s wa s rocke d b y th e biggest scanda l o f th e decade . I t involve d th e first transcontinenta l rail road. Fro m Californi a th e Centra l Pacifi c ha d move d eastwar d an d fro m Chicago th e Unio n Pacifi c ha d move d westwar d t o mee t a t Promontor y Point, Utah , o n Ma y 10 , 1869 . Th e Unio n Pacifi c Railroa d ha d cos t a t least $5 0 millio n t o build . Bu t $2 3 millio n o f tha t wa s no t spen t o n construction. Th e promoter s o f th e railroa d diverte d th e money t o them selves. T o cove r thei r track s the y organize d a separat e constructio n company, Credi t Mobilie r o f America , t o which , a s director s o f Unio n Pacific, the y awarde d fantasticall y profitabl e contracts . A s a resul t o f their duplicity , th e Unio n Pacifi c wa s force d t o th e verg e o f bankruptcy , while Credi t Mobilie r pai d dividend s o f 34 8 percent . During th e electio n campaig n o f 187 2 n o fewe r tha n fifteen leadin g politicians ha d bee n smeare d fo r thei r associatio n wit h Credi t Mobilier . The account s wer e garble d an d easil y dismisse d a s malicious . Whe n Congress convene d i n December , tw o o f th e mos t prominen t members , James G . Blain e o f Main e an d Jame s Garfiel d o f Ohio , move d a forma l investigation. Bot h kne w ful l wel l the y coul d refut e th e charge s agains t them. Th e investigatin g committee s discovere d tha t recipient s o f Unio n Pacific s t o c k i n c l u d e d b o t h G r a n t ' s retirin g vic e president , Schuyle r C o l in 1872 , Horac e Greele y (1811-1872) , eccentri c editor of th e New York Tribune, becam e the presidential candidat e o f reformer s i n both partie s opposed t o Grant . Bu t Greeley wa s tarred fo r hi s generou s suppor t o f forme r Confederat e leade r Jefferso n Davi s durin g hi s trial, and was als o accused o f neve r having opposed slavery . Hi s many detractors ridicule d him a s th e Ma d Hatte r o r Mr . Pickwick . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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fax, an d th e vic e president-elect , Senato r Henr y Wilso n o f Massachu setts. Jame s Garfiel d swor e h e ha d receive d n o money , bu t h e wa s credited i n the memorandum boo k o f Unio n Pacifi c directo r Oake s Ame s as having receive d $1,376 . H e appeale d t o hi s constituents , wh o contin ued t o suppor t hi m an d h e survive d th e ordeal . Colfa x als o denie d tha t he ha d take n money—no t fo r nothin g wa s Colfa x know n a s "Smiler " —but Ames' s boo k showe d otherwise . Th e committe e als o discovere d that previously , a s chairman o f th e Pos t Offic e Committe e i n th e House , he ha d accepte d a brib e o f $4,00 0 fro m G . F . Nesbit t o f Ne w York . Nesbitt manufacture d stationery , an d Colfa x ha d mad e sur e tha t larg e contracts fo r governmen t envelope s were awarded t o his firm. On Marc h 4, 1873 , Colfa x lef t Washington , hi s caree r i n ruin s and , presumably , the smil e wiped of f hi s face . The da y befor e Colfa x retire d fro m th e politica l scene , Marc h 3 , Congress expose d itsel f t o mor e charge s o f venalit y whe n i t passe d th e so-called Salar y Gra b Act . Thi s ac t raise d th e president' s salar y fro m $25,000 t o $50,000 . Othe r publi c officers , includin g th e vic e president , members o f th e cabine t an d Suprem e Court , an d th e speake r o f th e House, als o ha d thei r salarie s increased . So , too, di d senator s an d repre sentatives, fro m $5,00 0 t o $7,500 . Th e publi c wa s incensed . Congres s was, therefore , oblige d t o repea l al l th e increase s excep t fo r thos e o f president an d Suprem e Court . I t wa s fortunat e fo r Congres s tha t thes e scandals wer e dea d issue s b y th e tim e o f th e pani c an d depressio n o f 1873. The roo t caus e o f th e depressio n o f 187 3 wa s railroa d collapse . No t only th e railroad s bu t als o their suppl y industrie s an d thu s th e industria l community a t larg e wer e har d hi t fo r si x years . Wherea s conservative s argued tha t th e prope r polic y i n depressio n wa s fo r th e governmen t t o economize an d leav e recover y t o natura l forces , thos e wit h specia l inter ests at stak e argue d fo r a change i n fiscal policy. During the war, th e government ha d increase d th e money suppl y wit h the issu e o f pape r notes . Thes e greenback s wer e no t base d o n gol d bu t on faith , hope , an d charity . Afte r th e wa r wa s ove r ther e wer e stil l $433.16 millio n i n circulation . Thei r presenc e wa s a n endles s sourc e o f confusion. Peopl e wh o ha d bough t governmen t bond s i n th e wa r ha d done s o with a depreciated currency . I t was i n their interes t t o insis t tha t the bond s shoul d b e redeeme d i n gold . Thu s the y woul d mak e a profit . In addition , greenback s wer e no t lega l tende r fo r al l purposes . N o on e
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knew i f th e governmen t woul d eventuall y redee m the m fo r gold . The y circulated a t a discoun t tha t varie d fro m mont h t o month . Farmer s wer e also affecte d b y thes e fluctuations . The y ha d bough t lan d accordin g t o the term s o f th e Homestea d Ac t o f 186 2 an d borrowe d mone y t o d o so . But i n th e wa r pape r mone y wa s wort h onl y abou t 4 0 percen t o f gol d money. I f th e valu e o f th e currenc y wer e t o b e raise d b y th e withdrawa l of greenbacks , the y woul d hav e t o repa y interes t a t a highe r rat e tha n when the y too k ou t th e loan . Most businessme n wante d a stabl e currenc y an d favore d resumption , a retur n t o th e gol d standard—har d money , a s it was called. To confir m business confidenc e th e Republica n part y agree d wit h them . However , in 187 0 Chie f Justic e Salmo n P . Chase announce d tha t greenback s wer e not lega l tender fo r obligation s entere d int o befor e the y wer e first issued . And i n Hepburn v . Griswold, th e first Legal Tender decision , als o i n 1870, h e wen t further . I n hi s opinio n the y wer e completel y invalid . Ironically enoug h i t wa s Chas e who , a s Lincoln' s secretar y o f th e trea sury, ha d approve d th e issuin g o f greenback s i n th e first place . The gov ernment move d fo r a rehearing, an d i n the second Legal Tender decision , Knox v . Lee an d Parker v . Davis o f 1871 , the Cour t sustaine d them . The controvers y ove r har d an d sof t mone y becam e a burnin g issu e and scorche d an y politicia n wh o trie d t o handl e it . Thu s bega n th e conflict betwee n gol d an d silve r tha t give s th e Gilde d Ag e muc h o f it s political character . Mos t politician s di d no t eve n understan d th e issue s and deepl y resente d th e fac t tha t th e controvers y disturbe d traditiona l electoral loyalties . Grant' s thir d secretar y o f th e treasury , Benjami n H . Bristow, was bot h a westerner an d a hard mone y man . A t his promptin g Congress passe d Joh n Sherman' s Resumptio n o f Speci e Paymen t Ac t o n January 7 , 1875 . Speci e payment s wer e t o b e resume d b y Januar y 2 , 1879. Fo r ever y $10 0 issue d i n ne w nationa l ban k note s th e Treasur y would withdra w $8 0 i n greenbacks . Sherman' s ac t di d no t retir e green backs. But i t represented a moral commitmen t t o a metal currency . The genera l publi c ha d bee n indifferen t t o well-founde d criticism s o f political corruptio n whe n time s wer e good . Bu t i n har d time s i t wa s different. Publi c opinio n wa s i n n o moo d t o tolerat e ne w scandals . I t seemed tha t n o fewe r tha n five cabine t member s wer e guilt y o f gros s malpractice. Secretar y o f Wa r W . W . Belkna p wa s impeache d i n th e House fo r th e sale of tradin g post s i n Indian Territor y t o me n wh o mad e fortunes b y selling substandard goods . Secretary o f the Treasury Willia m
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A. Richardson wa s als o obliged t o resig n befor e th e House coul d censur e him fo r extortio n o f ta x evaders . Attorne y Genera l Georg e H . William s resigned unde r suspicio n o f gros s corruptio n an d laxity . Secretar y o f th e Interior Columbu s Delan o resigne d afte r charge s o f corruptio n i n India n affairs wer e levele d a t him . Secretar y o f th e Nav y Georg e M . Robeso n was suspecte d o f negligenc e i n th e matter o f contract s fo r nav y supplies . Worst o f all , Grant' s privat e secretary , Orvill e E . Babcock , wa s trie d with othe r member s o f th e "St . Loui s Whiske y Ring. " Wit h th e conniv ance o f Treasur y officials , th e rin g ha d defraude d th e Interna l Revenu e Service o f $ 4 millio n i n taxe s t o 1874 . Babcoc k an d hi s associate s ha d been pai d abou t $1. 5 millio n i n bribe s t o accep t fraudulen t return s o f the amoun t o f liquo r produce d b y distiller s an d fro m whic h ta x assess ments wer e made . O n learnin g abou t th e rin g Gran t wa s suppose d t o have said , "Le t n o guilt y ma n escape. " Nevertheless , h e ensure d tha t Babcock di d so . At th e subsequen t tria l h e swor e t o Babcock' s integrity . The jur y accepte d th e president' s wor d an d acquitte d hi s secretar y o n February 24 , 1876 . All the othe r defendant s wer e foun d guilty .
The Compromise of i8y6 The electio n o f 1876 , th e disput e tha t followe d it , an d th e wa y bot h were resolve d demonstrate d Republica n recognitio n tha t Reconstructio n had t o com e t o a n end . Les s obviously , bu t equall y important , th e election illustrate d th e insidiou s influenc e o f bi g busines s o n high-pow ered politics . Grant wa s co y abou t runnin g fo r a thir d term . B y 187 6 fe w Republi cans wante d hi m to . Th e othe r preeminen t Republica n wa s Jame s G . Blaine o f Maine , congressma n sinc e 1863 , an d no w acknowledge d leade r of th e grou p oppose d t o Reconstruction , th e "Hal f Breeds. " I t include d John Sherman , Jame s Garfield , Georg e Hoar , Willia m B . Allison , an d George Edmunds . Althoug h hi s follower s ha d three-quarter s o f th e necessary votes , Blain e wa s denie d nominatio n a t th e Republica n Na tional Conventio n hel d i n Cincinnat i fro m Jun e 14 , 1876 . Both reaction ary an d refor m Republican s wer e boun d togethe r i n thei r oppositio n t o him. Thu s Rutherfor d B . Hayes , forme r Unio n office r an d three-tim e governor o f Ohio , was nominate d o n th e sevent h ballot . In earl y July th e Democrat s nominate d Governo r Samue l J. Tilde n o f New York . A liberal wh o favore d refor m o f tariff s an d civi l service , h e
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was als o a har d mone y man . Widel y know n fo r hi s part i n breakin g th e Tweed Rin g befor e h e becam e governo r an d fo r breakin g th e Eri e Cana l Ring durin g hi s ter m o f office , h e wa s identifie d a s a fearles s fo e o f political corruption . Ye t Tilde n ha d perpetrate d a riggin g o f th e stoc k market year s earlie r an d obtaine d a cour t orde r t o confiscat e a n entir e edition o f Jame s Parton' s exposur e o f hi s methods , a Manual for the Instruction of "Rings," Railroad and Political (1866) . Tilde n ha d als o amassed a grea t fortun e a s a lawyer fo r railroa d corporations . I t was fo r his dealing s wit h suc h manipulator s a s Ja y Goul d an d Ji m Fis k tha t h e won th e dubiou s titl e of th e "Grea t Forecloser. " The actua l campaig n wa s abou t Grant' s administration . Th e Repub licans coul d mak e n o convincin g repl y t o Democrati c accusations . O n November 8 , afte r th e election , th e Democrat s claime d victor y an d th e Republicans concede d defeat . Accordin g t o later tallies, Tilden ha d take n 4,284,020 popula r votes , t o Hayes' s 4,036,572 . Bu t a t th e tim e fou r states—Oregon, Sout h Carolina , Florida , an d Louisiana—wer e stil l i n doubt. Withou t thes e state s Tilde n ha d 18 4 electora l votes— 1 les s tha n a majority . In al l thre e souther n state s th e electio n ha d bee n fraudulent . Republi cans controlle d th e returnin g board s an d discounte d Democrati c vote s —at leas t 1,00 0 vote s i n Florid a an d mor e tha n 13,00 0 i n Louisiana . Both partie s ha d bee n guilt y o f malpractice , however . O n Decembe r 6 Republican elector s i n al l fou r state s me t an d cas t thei r officia l votes — 19 i n all—fo r Hayes . Thu s h e ha d 18 5 votes , a majorit y o f 1 . Howeve r in th e sam e states , Democrati c elector s appointe d b y Democrati c stat e authorities als o me t an d cas t thei r 1 9 vote s fo r Tilden . Bot h set s o f returns wer e sen t t o Congress . Th e impass e wa s resolve d b y a compro mise tha t wa s t o lea d t o th e withdrawa l o f th e las t remainin g federa l troops fro m th e Sout h an d th e officia l en d o f Reconstruction . On Januar y 29 , 1877 , Congres s se t u p a Joint Electora l Commissio n to settl e th e electio n b y adjudicatin g o n th e return s o f th e fou r dispute d states. I t woul d compris e thre e Republican s an d tw o Democrat s fro m the Senate , tw o Republican s an d thre e Democrat s fro m th e House , tw o Republicans an d tw o Democrat s fro m th e Suprem e Court , an d a fifth justice o f eithe r part y t o b e chosen b y th e Cour t itself . It was assume d i n Congress tha t th e fifth justic e woul d b e th e independent , Judg e Davi d Davis. Bu t h e wa s suddenl y electe d senato r fro m Illinois . H e the n with drew fro m th e Cour t an d declare d himsel f ineligibl e fo r th e commission .
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The fifth justic e chose n b y th e Cour t wa s Josep h P . Bradley , a Republi can. B y a majorit y o f i th e commissio n gav e th e electio n t o Hayes . Th e Democrats resolve d t o retaliat e b y filibuster. The y di d no t accoun t fo r business interests . A caba l o f businessme n wa s inten t o n constructin g a railroa d i n th e Southwest. I t comprise d thre e pres s baron s (Willia m Henr y Smit h o f th e Western Associate d Press , Mura t Halstea d o f th e Cincinnati Commercial, an d Andre w J . Kella r o f th e Memphis Daily Avalanche) an d tw o railroad entrepreneur s (To m Scot t o f th e Pennsylvani a Railroa d an d Grenville Dodge , onc e o f th e Unio n Pacific) . The y elicite d suppor t fro m southern industrialist s wh o wer e anxiou s t o develo p manufacturin g an d industry i n th e Sout h an d wh o appreciate d th e nee d fo r a railroad . I f Hayes wer e elected , ra n Scott' s argumen t t o th e South , h e woul d us e federal fund s t o advanc e socia l an d economi c recover y throughou t th e South. This , o f course , woul d includ e th e constructio n o f th e propose d railroad. A s pledg e o f hi s goo d intention s Haye s promise d t o appoin t a southern Democra t t o th e mos t lucrativ e spoil s offic e o f postmaste r general. Mos t important , federa l troop s woul d b e recalle d fro m th e South. The Democrats ' final acquiescenc e i s usuall y credite d t o th e "Worm ley Hous e Bargain " o f Februar y 26 , 1877 , i n Washington . Souther n congressmen me t wit h influentia l Republican s includin g Sherman , Gar field, Charle s Foster , an d Stanle y Matthews . Owin g t o thei r arguments , thirty-two souther n Democrat s wer e prevaile d upo n t o abando n th e filibuster, an d the y wer e als o joine d b y a fe w influentia l norther n Demo crats. The electoral coun t wa s concluded a t 4:00 A.M . on Marc h 2 , 1877 , and Haye s wa s declare d president-elect . It wa s perfectl y clea r tha t th e Republica n victor y ha d bee n secure d i n violation o f popula r will . Ye t subsequen t revelation s abou t electio n malpractice damage d Democrat s mor e tha n Republicans . Whe n th e Pot ter committe e o f th e Hous e investigate d th e dispute d election , i t discov ered tha t th e returnin g board s of Sout h Carolin a an d Florid a woul d hav e thrown th e electio n t o Tilde n i f the y ha d bee n compensated . A wi t observed tha t th e Democrat s stol e th e electio n i n th e first plac e an d the n the Republicans stol e it back. There was another facto r i n this controver sial episode . I n 187 6 th e predominantl y Democrati c Hous e ha d confi dently vote d th e admissio n o f Colorad o t o th e Unio n o n th e expectatio n that i t woul d giv e th e Democrati c part y it s allegiance . Bu t i n election s
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Colorado prove d overwhelmingl y Republican . Th e Democrats ' miscal culation cos t Tilden th e presidency . By withdrawin g troop s fro m th e Sout h an d bringin g Reconstructio n to a n end , Haye s identifie d th e presidenc y wit h publi c opinion , whic h wanted t o sto p punishin g th e South . But , a s Senato r Rosco e Conklin g pointed out , th e remova l o f federa l troop s fro m th e crucia l state s tha t had accomplishe d Hayes' s electio n als o serve d t o remov e th e ver y lega l argument tha t ha d achieve d it . No t unti l th e Littl e Roc k riot s o f 195 7 would federa l troop s interven e i n southern affair s o n term s precluded b y the compromis e o f 1877 . Th e histor y o f th e Ne w Sout h tha t no w un folded wa s th e histor y o f a separat e regio n remove d fro m th e centra l issues of nationa l politics .
The New South The souther n leader s wh o ha d emerge d b y 187 7 claime d tha t the y ha d redeemed th e Sout h fro m carpetba g rul e an d wer e generall y know n a s Redeemers. Mor e precisely , the y wer e Democrati c Conservatives . The y included no t onl y th e scion s o f th e ol d plante r clas s bu t als o th e ne w entrepreneurs i n busines s an d industry . Thi s self-perpetuatin g oligarch y ensured it s positio n b y limitin g th e powe r o f stat e legislatures . The y reacted agains t th e socia l revolutio n brough t abou t b y Reconstructio n with a n economi c polic y o f "retrenchment"—reducin g publi c service s and cuttin g taxes . Th e principa l beneficiarie s wer e corporations , espe cially utilitie s an d railroads ; th e principal victim s were public schools . Beneath th e surface o f solidarit y souther n politic s teemed wit h discon tent. Independents , Greenbackers , an d Populist s stoo d fo r office , occa sionally won , an d unsettle d th e confidenc e o f th e rulin g elite . A mos t divisive issu e wa s th e repudiatio n o r "readjustment " o f stat e debts , which i n 187 7 amounte d t o somethin g lik e $27 5 millio n fo r al l th e reconstructed states . Nine state s devise d lega l mean s o f repudiatin g thei r debts. In th e process, they outrage d otherwis e loya l creditors . I n Tennessee their protes t le d t o th e reelectio n o f th e Republican s an d i n Virgini a to victory fo r a third party , th e Readjusters . Economically th e Sout h ha d stil l no t recovere d fro m th e wa r b y th e end o f th e 1870s . Journalis t Whitela w Rei d declare d i n th e New York Tribune o f Octobe r 3 , 1879 , "Fiftee n year s hav e gon e ove r th e Sout h and sh e stil l sit s crushed , wretched , bus y displayin g an d bemoanin g he r
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wounds." Th e estimate d valu e o f propert y i n th e Unite d State s i n 188 0 was $47.6 4 billion , o f whic h th e Sout h ha d onl y $5.7 2 billion . Th e average pe r capit a wealt h o f th e South wa s $376 , whereas i t was $1,08 6 in th e othe r states . N o souther n stat e wa s withi n $30 0 o f th e nationa l average. Those wh o argue d tha t expande d industr y i n th e regio n woul d im prove materia l progres s describe d thei r goa l a s a Ne w Sout h i n whic h King Coa l woul d succee d Ol d Kin g Cotton . Henr y Grad y spok e o n th e New Sout h t o th e annua l dinne r o f th e Ne w Englan d Societ y i n Ne w York o n Decembe r 22 , 1886 . H e sai d nothin g new . Th e idea s ha d bee n reiterated b y variou s apologist s sinc e Benjami n H . Hil l (late r senato r from Georgia ) spok e t o th e Youn g Men' s Democrati c Unio n o f Ne w York i n 1868 . Bu t Grad y wa s mor e graciou s tha n hi s predecessor s an d his timing was better . By th e 1880 s bruta l memorie s o f th e Civi l Wa r ha d becom e blurre d in America n minds . I t wa s a t las t possibl e t o distinguis h betwee n politi cal an d persona l convictio n an d pa y tribut e t o th e courag e an d dedica tion o f th e falle n i n plazas, memorials , an d monuments , suc h a s those t o Admiral Davi d Glasgo w Farragu t i n Ne w York' s Madiso n Squar e Park , by Augustu s Saint-Gauden s (1881) , an d t o Rober t E . Le e i n Richmond , by Jean A . Mercie (1890) . Hence , souther n investmen t hel d n o conflict s of loyalt y fo r norther n businessmen . Moreover, th e end o f th e depression i n 187 9 release d norther n capita l for souther n investment . Redeemer s promise d investor s ta x exemption s and a plentiful suppl y o f chea p labo r i f they woul d onl y put thei r mone y in the South. William H . Harrison , Jr., i n How to Get Rich in the South; Telling What to Do, How to Do it, and the Profits to be Realized (1888) , maintained ther e wa s n o foreig n countr y "tha t offer s suc h temptin g inducements t o th e capitalis t fo r profitabl e investments " a s di d th e Ne w South. The South' s greates t asse t wa s it s land . I n 187 7 ^ v e souther n state s repealed law s reservin g federa l lan d fo r homesteader s i n orde r tha t the y might entic e investor s t o exploi t th e coal , iron , an d timber . The y dis posed o f 5.6 9 millio n acre s o f federa l land s betwee n 187 7 an d 1888 . Most wer e acquire d b y norther n speculator s anxiou s t o exploi t thei r investment t o th e ful l b y devastatin g forest s an d layin g wast e preciou s natural resources . Railroad expansio n encourage d investor s to penetrate the hinterlands .
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5
Between 188 0 an d 189 0 railroa d track s increase d fro m 16,60 5 mile s t o 39,108 miles . This wa s a growth o f 135. 5 percent , 5 0 percent mor e tha n the national averag e i n a period o f dramati c expansion . Railroa d consol idation wa s a s muc h a featur e o f th e Ne w Sout h a s o f th e North . Th e Richmond an d Wes t Poin t Termina l Compan y determine d t o combin e competing road s an d acquire d th e Richmon d an d Danvill e i n 1886 ; th e East Tennessee , Virgini a an d Georgi a i n 1887 ; an d th e Centra l Railroa d and Bankin g Compan y o f Georgi a i n 1888 . Th e entir e termina l syste m now comprise d 8,55 8 mile s o f rai l an d wate r line s an d becam e th e basi s of th e railroa d empir e o f Joh n Pierpon t Morga n i n 1894 , whe n i t wa s reorganized a s the Souther n Railway . King Cotto n wa s stil l alive . Th e leadin g producer s o f cotto n wer e Georgia an d th e Carolinas . The numbe r o f cotto n mill s i n the South ros e from 16 1 in 188 0 to 23 9 i n 189 0 an d to 40 0 in 1900 . Capital investmen t in cotto n ros e fro m $17.3 7 millio n i n 188 0 t o $124.5 9 millio n i n 1900 . In 188 0 ther e wer e 4 5 mill s i n th e Unite d State s producin g 7 millio n gallons o f cottonsee d oi l fo r export . I n 189 0 ther e wer e 11 9 mills ; i n 1900, 357 . All but fou r o f the m wer e in the South. The American Cotto n Oil Trust , founde d i n 188 4 an d modele d o n Standar d Oil , controlle d 8 8 percent o f productio n o f cottonsee d oi l i n th e countr y an d dictate d th e policies an d price s o f th e whole industry . The Ne w Sout h di d acquir e ne w industries . B y th e lat e 1880 s th e South wa s producin g mor e pi g iro n tha n wa s produce d i n th e entir e country befor e th e war . Betwee n 187 6 an d 190 1 th e productio n o f pi g iron increase d seventee n time s i n th e South compare d wit h eigh t time s i n the countr y a s a whole . Amon g souther n investor s i n coa l an d iro n wa s Henry Fairchil d D e Bardleben . I n 188 9 h e consolidate d hi s holding s i n the D e Bardlebe n Coa l an d Iro n Company , capitalize d a t $1 0 million . He controlle d 7 blas t furnaces , 7 coa l mines , 7 ore mines , an d 90 0 cok e ovens. " I wa s th e eagle, " h e boasted , "an d I wante d t o ea t u p al l th e craw-fish I could,—swallo w u p al l th e littl e fellows , an d I di d it. " I n time his empire, too, becam e forfei t t o Morgan . Despite thei r well-lai d plan s t o reviv e th e South' s fortune s b y intro ducing moder n industry , th e rulin g elit e foun d tha t ol d economi c habit s died hard . I n th e Nort h peopl e though t th e ol d plantation s ha d bee n broken u p b y th e wa r an d that , consequently , ther e wa s no w a mor e equitable distributio n o f lan d i n th e Sout h tha n i n th e ol d days . Th e census o f 188 0 di d disclos e a n astonishin g increas e i n th e numbe r o f
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farms compare d wit h i860 , an d als o tha t th e ne w farm s were , o n average, les s tha n hal f th e siz e o f th e old . Wha t ha d happene d wa s tha t the lan d ha d bee n subdivided . Planter s wer e shor t o f cash . Instea d o f paying thei r worker s wages , the y devise d a syste m o f dividin g produc e between tenant s an d landlord s accordin g t o contracts . Thu s th e syste m of sharecroppin g cam e int o existence . I t revive d th e cultur e o f tobacc o and cotto n an d allowe d African-American s t o mak e thei r ow n indepen dent famil y lives . But i t als o confine d poo r farmers , firs t blac k an d soo n white, t o a lif e o f penury . A n Ac t fo r Encouragin g Agriculture , passe d by Mississipp i o n Februar y 18 , 1867 , introduce d th e lie n system , whic h was soo n adopte d i n othe r states . Merchant s advance d supplie s fo r th e year ahea d i n exchang e fo r a lien , a mortgag e o n th e futur e crop . Th e plaintive lamen t o f sharecropper s wa s "It' s owe d befor e it' s growed. " The injustice s o f th e cro p lie n syste m wer e t o becom e a mos t importan t base of Souther n Populism . The legen d tha t attache d itsel f t o thi s stagnan t agraria n econom y wa s that th e Sout h wa s a plac e forgotte n b y time , it s peopl e maroone d b y ignorance. Contemporar y storie s abou t souther n apath y ar e legion . On e tells ho w a souther n farmer , to o laz y t o gathe r hi s cotto n crop , excuse d himself t o hi s wif e b y pointin g u p t o cloud s i n th e sk y tha t seeme d t o form th e letter s GPC. H e sai d thi s meant , "G o Preac h Christ. " Bu t hi s wife wa s quicke r tha n he : "Dos e letter s don ' mean , G o Preac h Christ . Dey mean , G o Pic k Cotton. " I t wa s als o charge d i n th e Nort h tha t southerners wer e degenerate . I n anothe r tal e a distric t attorne y i n Nort h Carolina wa s unabl e t o persuad e a witnes s t o giv e evidenc e i n a cour t case agains t th e defendant . I t wa s wel l know n tha t th e accuse d wa s a loafer an d a lush , tha t h e ha d beate n u p hi s wif e an d hi s father , tha t h e was a hors e thief , an d tha t h e ha d kille d far m animal s ou t o f malic e toward thei r owners . Ho w the n coul d th e witnes s swea r tha t th e defen dant's reputatio n wa s good i n th e community ? "Why , Mister , a man ha s to d o a heap wus s thing s tha n tha t t o los e hi s character i n our neighbor hood." In a thir d stor y th e paterfamilia s o f a landed famil y i n Louisian a persuaded hi s son t o cour t th e daughte r o f th e only othe r wealth y famil y in town . A t first al l wen t well , bu t the n th e so n turne d o n hi s father — "Shucks, Dad , I can' t marr y her . She' s a virgin. " Hi s fathe r agreed . "That's right , son , ain' t goo d enoug h fo r he r ow n folk , ain' t goo d enough fo r us. "
Reconstruction and the New South 23
7
Race Relations Whatever deal s wer e agree d t o b y politician s o f Nort h an d Sout h coul d not obscur e th e fac t tha t rac e relation s wer e a centra l an d potentiall y explosive problem . Whe n Presiden t Rutherfor d B . Hayes visite d Atlant a in th e autum n o f 187 7 h e advise d African-American s tha t thei r right s and interest s woul d b e safer i n th e hand s o f souther n white s i f they wer e "let alone " by the federa l government . White s receive d thi s opinion wit h immense enthusiasm . "Le t alone " became a s much th e government pass word i n rac e relation s a s ha d "laissez-faire " i n economics . African Americans stil l vote d afte r 1877 , bu t i n decreasin g numbers , an d i n other respect s the y ceased t o fulfil l thei r dutie s a s citizens. They remaine d unskilled, a read y sourc e o f chea p labor , whethe r a s hire d hands , share croppers, o r eve n convicts . B y 188 0 ther e wer e 6,580,79 3 African Americans i n th e Unite d States , an d thei r expandin g number s increase d their problems . Many migrate d fro m plac e t o place , an d som e move d permanentl y t o the Nort h an d West . Benjami n ("Pap" ) Singleto n wa s amon g thos e farmers wh o le d a n exodu s o f African-American s fro m th e Sout h t o Kansas i n 1879 . Mor e tha n 40,00 0 sharecropper s lef t Alabama , Geor gia, Mississippi , Sout h Carolina , an d Texa s fo r "th e freedo m lands. " A t first Kansa s welcome d th e migrants . Th e Topeka Commonwealth o f April 7 , 1879 , recallin g th e fight t o mak e Kansa s a fre e state , sai d tha t African-American migratio n t o Kansa s wa s a fitting seque l t o it . Bu t when th e stat e realize d th e scal e o f th e migratio n an d th e destitut e stat e of th e newcomers , i t sen t specia l agent s t o th e Sout h t o dissuad e mor e African-Americans fro m leaving . Th e ol d Freedmen' s Relie f Associatio n raised $25,00 0 i n cas h an d clothing , an d als o househol d good s wort h $100,000 t o reliev e distresse d African-Americans . I n time , African Americans foun d wor k i n mine s an d railroads , an d som e acquire d land . The gulf betwee n th e race s i n th e Sout h wa s s o great tha t a t first lega l segregation wa s superfluous . I n suc h divers e publi c institution s a s schools , hospitals, an d asylums , custo m mad e i t routine . Thi s was , however , better tha n absolut e exclusion . Moreover , i n place s o f publi c accommo dation, suc h a s parks , theaters , an d streetcars , rac e relation s wer e no t fixed. B y 189 0 a ne w generatio n o f African-American s ha d grow n u p who ha d neve r experience d slavery . They wer e les s likely to accep t whit e
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racism. Thu s i n th e 1890 s variet y an d fluidit y wer e abandone d a s stat e after stat e adopte d rigi d segregatio n i n a serie s o f so-calle d Ji m Cro w laws. " J i m Crow " wa s the title of a minstrel son g of 183 0 that presente d African-Americans a s childlike an d inferior . In 189 0 Congres s considere d tw o bill s t o reviv e African-America n suffrage i n th e South . Th e Blai r Federa l Ai d t o Educatio n bil l wa s intended t o improv e publi c school s s o a s to enabl e mor e African-Ameri cans t o qualif y i n literac y tests . Th e Lodg e Federa l Election s bill , sup ported b y Presiden t Benjami n Harrison , authorize d federa l supervisio n of election s t o preven t fraud s agains t African-America n voters . I t passe d the Hous e b y the clos e vot e o f 15 5 t o 149 . But i t was neve r reporte d ou t of committe e i n th e Senate . Senato r Do n Camero n o f Pennsylvani a explained why : Whatever for m i t ma y assum e I am opposed t o [th e bill] in principl e and i n its details. The South i s now resuming a quiet condition. Northern capita l has been flowing int o th e Sout h i n grea t quantities , manufacturin g establishment s hav e been created an d are in full operation , and a community o f commercial interest s is fast obliteratin g sectiona l lines . . . . The election la w would distur b thi s desirable condition, and produce ill-feeling betwee n the North an d the South. The Sout h reacte d agains t th e ne w tid e o f African-America n resent ment wit h mor e repression . Mississipp i wa s th e first stat e t o disenfran chise African-American s b y a constitutiona l conventio n i n 1890 . I t wa s followed b y Sout h Carolin a i n 1895 , Louisiana i n 1898 , North Carolin a (by a n amendment ) i n 1900 , Alabam a i n 1901 , Virgini a i n 190 1 an d 1902, Georgi a (b y amendment ) i n 1908 , and th e new stat e o f Oklahom a in 1910 . Fou r mor e state s achieve d th e sam e end s withou t revisin g thei r constitutions: Tennessee , Florida , Arkansas , an d Texas . Thre e perni cious an d sophistica l argument s wer e advance d b y th e proponent s o f African-American disenfranchisement . Th e remova l o f th e African American vote , the y said , woul d en d corruptio n a t elections . I t woul d prevent African-American s fro m holdin g th e balanc e o f powe r i n con tests betwee n riva l faction s o f whites . An d i t woul d oblig e African Americans t o abando n thei r fals e hope s o f bettermen t an d instea d mak e them accep t thei r tru e socia l place . A s a result , rac e relation s woul d steadily improve . The Mississipp i constitutio n o f 189 0 se t the pattern. I t required a poll tax o f $ 2 fro m prospectiv e voter s a t registration . Thos e wh o intende d t o vote a t election s ha d t o presen t thei r receip t a t th e polls . Anyon e wh o
Reconstruction and
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23
9
The tree s bor e strang e frui t a t least onc e a generation i n many souther n town s i n the late nineteenth century . Fo r those w h o took part , lynchin g was an even t t o await , t o attend , and finall y t o recor d a s this bizarr e phot o o f a lync h part y o f 1882 . and its unfortunat e victim, MacManus , suggests. However , in tim e perhap s th e participants fel t som e sham e and wante d t o obscur e thei r par t i n the outrage; th e Library o f Congress has no recor d of th e supposed crim e o f the victim or the place of the execution. (Librar y of Congress.)
mislaid hi s receip t forfeite d hi s v o t e . M o r e insidiou s w a s th e requiremen t that i n orde r t o register , p r o s p e c t i v e voter s h a d t o b e " a b l e t o rea d th e C o n s t i t u t i o n , o r t o u n d e r s t a n d th e C o n s t i t u t i o n w h e n r e a d . " R a c i s t
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officials use d thes e ordinance s t o discriminat e i n favo r o f poo r illiterat e whites an d agains t African-Americans . The rulin g elite s in othe r state s approve d o f th e ne w Mississipp i plan . But the y proceede d cautiously . Th e Lodg e bil l o f 189 0 indicate d a flickering norther n interes t i n African-America n suffrag e tha t the y di d not inten d t o fa n int o a flame . Moreover , Democrat s wer e no w i n competition wit h Populist s fo r votes , an d the y di d no t wan t t o excit e agrarian radical s int o preservin g African-America n suffrag e b y incorpo rating a specific measur e t o ensur e it s survival i n a new constitution . Th e various state s borrowe d fro m on e another . I n doin g s o the y improve d on previou s attempt s t o disenfranchis e African-Americans . Fo r example , Louisiana believe d tha t th e "understandin g clause " wa s s o obviousl y suspect tha t i t coul d b e invalidate d i n a cour t case . Therefor e i t hi t o n the "grandfathe r clause " a s bein g mor e secur e legally . Onl y thos e wh o had ha d a grandfather o n th e electora l rol l o f 186 7 coul d vote . These device s wer e nothin g i f no t effective . In Louisian a 130,00 0 African-Americans wer e registere d t o vot e i n 1890 ; i n 190 0 ther e wer e 5,000; i n 190 4 ther e wer e onl y 1,342 . In Alabam a ther e wer e 181,00 0 African-American voter s in 1890 ; in 190 0 there were 3,000 . In the South as a whol e participatio n b y African-American s fel l b y 6 2 percent . I n 1900 Be n ("Pitchfork" ) Tillma n o f Sout h Carolin a boaste d o n th e floor of th e Senate , "W e hav e don e ou r best . W e hav e scratche d ou r head s t o find ou t ho w w e coul d eliminat e th e las t on e o f them . W e stuffe d ballo t boxes. We sho t them . We ar e no t ashame d o f it. " Despit e concession s t o poor whites , whit e participatio n i n election s als o declined—b y 2 6 per cent. Thus, while o n averag e 7 3 percent o f me n vote d i n the 1890s , onl y 30 percent di d s o in the earl y 1900s . Oppositio n partie s dwindle d away , and th e Democrat s wer e lef t undispute d champion s o f th e South . Social segregatio n wa s als o uphel d b y th e Suprem e Court . It s mos t notorious decisio n cam e i n Plessy v . Ferguson i n 1896 . Louisian a stat e law require d "separat e bu t equal " accommodation s fo r African-Ameri cans an d white s o n publi c carrier s an d provide d a penalty fo r passenger s sitting o n th e wron g car . Home r Pless y wa s a n octoroo n s o pale tha t h e usually passe d fo r white , bu t whe n h e sat i n a white ca r h e was arrested . He argue d tha t th e stat e la w o f Louisian a violate d th e Fourteent h an d Fifteenth Amendments . Justic e Joh n Harla n o f Kentuck y agree d wit h him, maintaining , "Ou r constitutio n i s color-blin d an d neithe r know s nor tolerate s classe s amon g citizens. " Moreover , "wha t ca n mor e cer -
Booker T . Washingto n (1856—1915) , principa l o f th e Tuskege e Institut e an d prominen t spokesman o n African-America n affair s a t th e tur n o f th e century . Hi s so-calle d Atlant a Compromise o f 189 5 interprete d b y African-America n activist s a s a capitulatio n t o white racism , bu t Washingto n move d wit h consummat e skil l b y playin g interest , senti ment, an d concessio n i n orde r t o wi n essentia l whit e financial suppor t fo r th e institution s he recommended . (Librar y o f Congress. ) w
a s
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tainly arous e rac e hate , wha t mor e certainl y creat e an d perpetuat e a feeling o f distrus t betwee n thes e races , tha n stat e enactment s whic h i n fact procee d o n th e groun d tha t colore d citizen s ar e s o inferio r an d degraded tha t the y canno t b e allowe d t o si t i n publi c coache s occupie d by white citizens? " But h e was overrule d b y the othe r eigh t justice s wh o approved th e doctrin e o f "separat e bu t equal. " Justice Henr y B . Brow n of Michigan , speakin g fo r th e majorit y o n Ma y 18 , 1896 , rule d wit h corrosive racis t candor , "I f on e rac e b e inferior t o th e othe r socially , th e Constitution o f the United State s cannot pu t them upo n th e same plane." Not unti l 195 4 i n th e celebrate d cas e o f Brown v . Board of Education of Topeka di d th e Cour t repudiat e th e heinous doctrin e o f "separat e bu t equal." I n th e meantime , i n Williams v . Mississippi (1898 ) th e Cour t went furthe r an d approve d th e Mississipp i pla n fo r disenfranchisin g African-Americans. Not satisfie d wit h deprivin g African-American s o f thei r civi l rights , vicious whites als o sough t thei r lives . It was sai d th e trees of al l souther n towns bor e strang e frui t a t leas t onc e i n a generation . Whit e mob s too k the la w int o thei r ow n hand s an d lynche d African-America n scapegoats , especially dissidents , as examples t o others. Lynching peaked i n popular ity betwee n 188 9 an d 189 8 when , o n average , ther e wer e 18 7 lynching s a yea r i n th e Unite d States , four-fifth s o f whic h wer e i n th e South . A common charg e agains t African-America n victim s o f lync h la w wa s tha t they ha d rape d whit e women . Th e researc h o f African-America n jour nalist Id a Well s showe d otherwise . Ye t newspapers suc h a s the Enquirer emphasized th e suppose d crim e an d gav e detaile d account s o f th e atro cious punishment i n orde r t o titillat e th e public an d improv e circulation . On Februar y 2 , 1893 , fo r example , i t disclose d ho w a n African-Ameri can accuse d o f rapin g an d murderin g a four-year-old gir l in Paris, Texas, was burne d t o death . Firs t hi s eye s wer e gouge d ou t wit h a re d ho t poker. Th e Enquirer describe d thi s atrocit y a s "unparallele d punish ment" fo r "unparallele d crime. " African-Americans wer e displace d fro m thei r traditiona l trade s an d confined t o menia l job s i n th e towns . Those wh o di d succee d i n enterin g the worlds o f busines s an d th e professions wer e oblige d b y white societ y to adop t it s attitude s i n orde r t o retai n thei r hard-wo n position . Thei r undeclared leade r wa s Booke r T . Washington , hea d o f th e Tuskege e Industrial Institute , Alabama . Washingto n wa s invite d t o spea k a t th e opening o f th e Cotto n State s an d Internationa l Expositio n i n Atlant a o n
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3
September 18 , 1895 , b y businessme n wh o recognize d hi s remarkabl e powers o f expression . Hi s addres s wa s on e o f th e mos t effectiv e politica l speeches o f th e age , a mode l fusio n o f substanc e an d style . In wha t wa s late r calle d th e Atlant a Compromis e h e abandone d th e postwar idea l o f racia l equalit y i n favo r o f increase d economi c opportu nity fo r African-Americans . H e preached patience , proposed submission , and emphasize d materia l progress . Thos e African-American s wh o re jected th e Atlant a Compromise , suc h a s W . E . B. Du Bois , considere d i t a capitulatio n t o blatan t racism . Bu t Washingto n wa s i n fac t tellin g white society tha t African-American s accepte d th e Protestant wor k ethic . His mos t widel y reporte d remar k wa s a subtl e metapho r abou t racia l harmony: "I n al l thing s socia l w e ca n b e a s separat e a s th e fingers, ye t one a s the hand i n al l things essentia l t o mutua l progress. " Washington's emphasi s o n racia l pride , economi c progress , an d in dustrial educatio n encourage d whit e politician s an d businessme n t o sub sidize th e African-America n institution s h e recommended . Throug h hi s close connection s wit h busines s h e wa s abl e t o rais e th e fund s necessar y to creat e th e Nationa l Negr o Busines s Leagu e i n 1900 . Moreover , h e used money , no t t o advanc e acquiescence , bu t t o fight segregation . Oth ers sough t a mor e ope n insistenc e o n racia l pride . I n 189 0 T . Thoma s Fortune, a n African-America n journalis t o f Ne w York , persuade d fort y African-American protectio n league s i n citie s acros s th e countr y t o joi n in a nationa l body , th e Afro-America n League . It s ai m wa s t o revers e restrictions o n African-Americans . I t was, however, difficul t t o maintai n cohesion amon g contributin g groups , an d th e leagu e decline d unti l i t was revive d i n 189 8 a s the Afro-America n Council . For thos e wh o sough t improvemen t th e struggl e seeme d interminable , as anothe r souther n anecdot e make s clear . St . Pete r woul d admi t goo d men t o heave n onl y i f the y coul d pos e hi m a questio n h e wa s unabl e t o answer. Thu s h e refuse d otherwis e eminentl y wel l qualifie d cardinal s and rabbi s wh o aske d obscur e an d pedanti c theologica l questions . Bu t when a n African-America n Baptis t ministe r wante d t o know "When' s u s black folk s gonn a ge t together? " h e wa s stumpe d fo r a n answe r an d le t him i n throug h th e pearly gates .
CHAPTER 8
The Last Refuge of a Scoundrel
Contemporary historia n Henr y Adam s sai d o f politic s i n th e Gilde d Age, "Th e perio d wa s poo r i n purpos e an d barre n i n results. " Hi s verdict—"One migh t searc h th e whol e lis t o f Congress , Judiciary , an d Executive durin g th e twenty-fiv e year s 1870—189 5 a n d find n t t ' e bu t damaged reputations"—remain s a popular one . That th e Gilde d Ag e leave s a n impressio n o f politica l stagnatio n i s largely du e t o it s processio n o f conservativ e presidents . B y compariso n with Gladston e an d Disrael i i n Englan d an d Bismarc k i n Germany , Lincoln's successor s cu t poo r figures a s statesmen . The y though t o f themselves a s administrator s rathe r tha n a s part y leaders . What author ity the y di d hav e wa s base d o n politica l influenc e rathe r tha n popula r appeal. Ulysse s S . Grant (1869—77 ) wa s deceive d b y hi s associates , wh o took advantag e o f hig h offic e fo r financial gain . Rutherfor d B . Haye s (1877—81) trie d t o resuscitat e th e presidenc y an d s o fel l ou t wit h hi s party. Jame s Garfiel d (1881 ) wa s fatall y wounde d thre e month s afte r taking offic e an d dea d afte r six . Cheste r A . Arthu r (1881—85 ) aban doned th e spoil s syste m tha t ha d sustaine d hi m an d wa s rejecte d b y hi s party. Grove r Clevelan d (1885—8 9 an d 1893—97 ) pursue d persona l prejudices rathe r tha n part y principle s an d los t the electio n o f 188 8 b y a fluke. Benjami n Harrison' s tenur e o f offic e (1889—93 ) w a s t n e nadi r o f 244
" 1 5 — 1 4 — 1 3 : Th e Grea t Presidentia l Puzzle. " A perplexed Senato r Rosco e Conkling ( 1 8 2 91888) o f Ne w York , autocrati c bos s o f th e Stalwar t Republican s oppose d t o civi l servic e reform, draw n wit h thistl e hai r an d a n intrusive , pointe d nose , use s bloc k head s o f pres idential aspirant s t o fin d a winner . Considerin g th e controversia l contenders , Grant , Blaine , Butler, an d Sherman , Conklin g doe s no t kno w tha t th e Republicans ' compromis e an d victorious candidat e wil l tur n ou t t o b e Congressma n Jame s Garfiel d (183 1 —1881) o f Ohio. Garfield' s suppor t fo r civi l servic e refor m prompte d Conkling' s ras h resignatio n from th e Senat e an d ensure d hi s politica l exile . Conklin g eked ou t a fe w broke n las t year s until h e wa s los t i n a terribl e snowstor m i n th e hars h winte r o f 188 8 an d die d o f expo sure. (Lithograp h afte r Wale s reproduce d i n Puck o f Marc h 17 , 1880 ; Librar y o f Con gress.)
presidential authority . T h u s , i n popula r legen d a s wel l a s i n actualit y these ar e th e du d presidents : G r a n t , a presiden t discredited ; H a y e s , a president defied ; Garfield , a presiden t defunct ; Arthur , a presiden t dis missed; Cleveland , a presiden t denied ; an d Harrison , a presiden t de rided. Politicians wer e dedicate d t o a n A m e r i c a n drea m o f opportunit y fro m the exploitatio n o f fabulous , unrealize d natura l resources . Y e t thei r parties wer e imperfec t vehicle s for coordinatin g governmen t an d popula r will. W i l l i a m Hazlitt' s descriptio n o f W h i g s an d Torie s i n earl y nine teenth-century Englan d i s jus t a s ap t fo r Republican s an d D e m o c r a t s i n
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late nineteenth-centur y America . Accordin g t o Hazlitt , th e tw o partie s were lik e riva l stagecoache s splashin g on e anothe r wit h mu d a s the y raced alon g th e sam e roa d t o th e sam e destination . Republican s an d Democrats wer e agencie s inten t o n power . The y wer e no t partie s com mitted t o any philosophy beside s the needs of their interes t groups . Thei r task wa s not to make controversia l issue s part o f political debate . Majo r problems wer e brough t t o th e for e o f politic s b y splinte r groups , thir d parties, and nonpartisan organizations . The Republica n part y wa s supposedly i n control o f governmen t fro m 1861. I t was the party o f th e respectable North . Launche d t o supersed e the Whigs , wh o wer e disgrace d fo r thei r successiv e compromise s ove r slavery, i t was also th e party tha t ha d save d th e Union. Th e Republica n stronghold wa s Ne w Englan d an d th e pat h o f settlemen t westward : northern Ne w Yor k an d th e Ol d Northwest . Thi s wa s th e are a whic h had bee n mos t oppose d t o slavery . A t firs t i t wa s predominantl y rura l and Protestant . I t was also a cor n belt , an d th e new reign o f Kin g Cor n was eve n mor e secur e tha n tha t o f Ol d Kin g Cotton . Fro m thre e pivota l states—Indiana, Illinois , an d Ohio—th e Republican s garnere d th e winners o f eleve n presidentia l campaigns : Lincoln , Grant , an d McKinle y twice; and Hayes , Garfield, Harrison , Taft , an d Harding once . To th e politicia n th e part y wa s a n en d i n itself . T o industrialists , businessmen, unionists , an d farmer s i t wa s a mean s t o a n end : thei r economic interests . Th e groups tha t supporte d th e Republican s di d no t do so for nothing. Farmer s gaine d lan d b y the Homestead Acts . Veterans gained pensions . Manufacturer s gaine d tariffs , impor t dutie s t o protec t new domesti c industrie s agains t chea p foreig n goods . Astute politician s recognize d th e relationshi p betwee n th e tarif f an d the valu e o f lan d an d industry . I f one rose, the n s o too would th e other . Those wh o rea d th e sign s o f th e time s clearl y an d interprete d the m accurately coul d gai n b y promotin g increase d duties . The y wer e re warded b y protecte d domesti c producer s whos e price s an d profit s rose . Thus, Joh n Sherma n o f Ohio , Justi n Morril l o f Vermont , Jame s G . Blaine o f Maine , an d other s introduce d an d supporte d measure s t o increase th e tariff. The y pretende d t o d o s o out o f patriotism . Bu t thei r real motive s wer e obviou s t o all. But th e part y o f victor y ha d a den t i n it s armor . Th e Republican s were bese t b y a serie s o f factions : first Liberal s agains t "Radicals, " the n
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"Half Breeds " agains t "Stalwarts. " Th e part y tha t ha d bee n invincibl e in wa r was , apparently , almos t invisibl e i n peace . A t time s ther e wa s s o much bitternes s tha t Don n Piatt , politica l commentator , sai d i n th e Cincinnati Commercial o f Jun e 9 , 1870 : " I a m force d t o sa y tha t ther e is no mor e cohesion , beyon d mer e offic e holdin g an d publi c plunder , i n the Republica n part y tha n ther e i s in a rope o f sand . . . . The Republica n party i n Congres s i s composed o f faction s i n such deadl y antagonism s t o each othe r tha t th e hat e amon g the m i s more intens e tha n tha t give n th e Democrats." Thi s tendenc y t o factio n le d t o th e Republicans ' losin g th e presidential election s o f 188 4 an d 189 2 and , eventually , t o thei r disrup tion i n 1912 . In thi s perio d o f Republica n ascendanc y th e Democrat s wer e no t weak. The y wo n a pluralit y o r majorit y o f th e popula r vot e i n fou r o f the five presidentia l election s betwee n 187 6 an d 1892 . The y succeede d in gettin g Grove r Clevelan d electe d twice , i n 188 4 an d 1892 . The y los t the election s o f 187 6 an d 188 8 onl y becaus e the y faile d t o secur e a majority i n th e electora l college . The y wer e powerfu l no t onl y i n th e South bu t als o th e borde r state s an d alon g th e souther n pat h o f migra tion t o th e West . I n addition , the y coul d hol d norther n cities . I n th e election o f 188 0 the y achieve d a narro w pluralit y o f 24,00 0 vote s i n th e twelve mos t populou s citie s an d b y 189 2 ha d increase d thi s lea d t o 145,000. I n particular , the y capture d th e allegianc e o f Iris h Catholics . The Iris h deteste d Englis h immigrants , wh o wer e natura l Republicans . Nevertheless, th e Republican s like d t o thin k tha t their s wa s th e natu ral part y o f governmen t eve n whe n th e tas k wa s beyon d them . "Why! " said a Republica n governo r o f Illinois . "Why , th e Democrat s can' t ru n the government! It' s al l us Republicans ca n do. " Neither party , however , dominated th e federa l governmen t fo r an y lengt h o f time , sinc e neithe r could sustai n workin g majorities . Th e Democrat s controlle d th e Hous e of Representative s i n eigh t o f th e te n Congresse s betwee n 187 4 an d 1894, durin g whic h tim e th e Senat e wa s Republica n seve n times . Thus , only twic e di d a singl e part y contro l bot h th e presidenc y an d th e Con gress: the Republican s fro m 188 9 t o 189 1 and th e Democrats fro m 189 3 to 1895 . Presidents hel d officia l powe r fo r shor t periods . O n th e othe r hand , the part y bosse s wh o nominate d the m wielde d absolut e powe r fo r a s long as a generation. Stat e bosses might b e governors o r senators . If the y
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were not , the y nominate d thos e wh o were . Thei r powe r bas e wa s eithe r considerable financia l o r industria l interest s o r contro l o f a crucia l are a of th e civi l service . The American civi l service was part o f a spoils system i n which federa l patronage wa s dispense d b y party bosses . Officeholders wer e selecte d o n the basi s o f part y loyalty , no t administrativ e competence . I t wa s stan dard practic e fo r ne w administration s t o nominate thei r ow n appointees . The distributio n o f spoil s afte r a n electio n victor y wa s calle d b y Mat thew Qua y o f Philadelphia , "shakin g th e plu m tree. " Th e clima x cam e when Lincoln , wh o coul d mak e 1,63 9 place s o r remov e appointments , dismissed 1,45 7 officeholders . B y th e earl y 1870 s th e civi l servic e wa s made u p o f incompeten t an d demoralize d part y hacks . A s A . C . Mc Laughlin explain s i n The Courts, the Constitution, and Parties (1912) , because th e spoil s syste m "provide d a means o f financing part y manage ment, i t furnishe d th e sinew s o f wa r t o part y government. " This wa s certainl y wha t happene d i n Ne w Yor k State , whic h passe d along a chai n o f comman d o f Senator s Thurlo w Weed , Rosco e Con kling, an d Thoma s Piatt . Eac h dominate d politic s b y hi s contro l o f th e New Yor k Custo m House . Ne w Yor k wa s th e mai n port , controllin g commerce an d collectin g revenu e fro m imports . Thus, its Custom Hous e afforded unequa l opportunitie s fo r graf t an d extortio n an d wa s th e ver y center o f th e spoil s system . I t employed 1,00 0 part y workers . One rus e t o rais e fund s wa s t o undervalu e imports , the n mak e a n official discover y o f th e mistake . Unde r th e la w th e entir e valu e o f a n import tha t wa s falsel y declare d wa s forfeit . Hal f o f th e tota l the n wen t to th e head o f th e Custo m House . Importer s thu s entangle d wer e willin g to settl e ou t o f cour t an d brib e th e office r i n charge . I n 187 4 t n e meta l importers Phelps , Dodg e an d Compan y pai d a brib e o f $50,00 0 t o Conkling an d hi s ma n there , th e collecto r Cheste r A . Arthur , hi s sur veyor Alonz o Cornell , an d Senato r Be n Butle r o f Massachusetts , rathe r than forfei t a whole shipmen t wort h $1.7 5 millio n tha t ha d bee n falsel y declared. It was simila r elsewhere , J. S . Clarkson, th e newspape r boss , in Iowa ; General (an d late r governor ) Russel l Alger , th e Matc h King , i n Michi gan; Governo r Josep h Forake r i n Ohio ; Senato r Arthu r Gorma n o f Maryland—all ra n stat e machines o n th e sam e sort of line s as Conkling . In Pennsylvania ther e was a dynasty, Senators Simo n an d Do n Cameron , father an d son . Th e basi s o f th e bosses ' authorit y i n th e 1870 s wa s
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federal patronage . Bu t i n som e state s i t wa s busines s tha t ra n th e politi cal machine . Th e Anacond a Coppe r Corporatio n dominate d Montana . Collis Huntington , railroa d magnate , stoo d a t th e cente r o f politica l lif e in California .
Stalwarts and Half Breeds James G . Blaine , wh o entere d Congres s a s representativ e fo r Main e i n 1863, le d th e Republica n factio n oppose d t o continuin g Reconstructio n indefinitely, th e Hal f Breeds . Tal l bu t no t handsome , hi s fac e conveye d his specia l characte r wit h it s dar k eye s an d flashin g smile . H e wa s resourceful, charming , an d humorous . Hi s sens e o f timin g wa s faultless , his memory infallible . Ye t Blaine created suc h intens e reaction s tha t wit s said me n wen t insan e ove r hi m i n pairs , one fo r an d on e against . At firs t h e kep t o n goo d term s wit h al l section s o f hi s part y an d thu s came t o b e elected speake r o f th e Hous e i n 1869 . But Blaine's critic s ha d often suggeste d tha t h e had obtaine d hi s moderat e wealt h b y auctioneer ing immens e lan d an d railroa d rights . An d i n th e sprin g o f 187 6 h e wa s accused o f takin g a n advanc e o f $64,00 0 fro m th e Unio n Pacifi c Rail road agains t collatera l o f worthles s bond s i n th e Littl e Roc k an d For t Smith Railroad . Blain e and th e Union Pacifi c denie d th e charge s publicl y on Apri l 24 . However , a Hous e committe e hear d fro m a bookkeeper , James Mulligan , o n Ma y 3 1 tha t th e stor y wa s true . Blain e sough t an d obtained a privat e intervie w wit h Mulligan , a t whic h h e purloine d sup posedly incriminatin g letters . Fro m thes e h e rea d extract s t o Congres s on Jun e 5 in suc h a disingenuou s wa y a s 1 0 convince hi s audienc e o f hi s innocence. I n fact , h e won b y throwing san d i n th e eye s of hi s accusers . The ter m "Stalwart " wa s first give n b y Blain e t o hi s opponent s i n th e party i n a lette r h e wrot e t o th e Boston Herald printe d o n Apri l 10 , 1877. Hi s mos t bitte r enem y wa s thei r leader , Senato r Rosco e Conkling . Their bitte r antagonis m divide d th e part y an d di d no t eas e the problem s facing it s nominal leaders , the presidents . Rutherford B . Hayes wa s onl y th e thir d Republica n t o wi n th e presi dency. Conkling , wh o ha d connive d a t hi s election , referre d t o hi m a s "His Fraudulenc y th e President. " Thi s titl e wa s take n u p b y th e ver y Democrats wh o ha d als o helpe d t o perpetrat e th e fraud . Critic s wer e even les s kin d t o hi s wife , th e forme r Luc y Webb . Sh e treate d guest s a t the Whit e Hous e t o ic e crea m i n dishe s shape d lik e India n snowshoes .
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Because sh e wanted t o rais e th e reputatio n o f th e Whit e Hous e afte r th e alcoholic excesse s o f th e Gran t years , sh e gav e the m sarsaparill a instea d of whiskey . Thi s wa s to o muc h fo r som e guests , wh o complaine d tha t "the wate r flowe d lik e wine. " T o he r detractor s sh e wa s "Lemonad e Lucy." Sh e certainly cu t n o figur e i n hig h society . James Blaine' s daugh ter referre d t o th e president's circl e a s "tha t nast y Haye s set. " As it happened , though , Hayes' s cabine t wa s th e bes t sinc e Lincoln's . William Evart s o f Ne w York , wh o ha d defende d Andre w Johnson a t hi s trial, becam e secretar y o f state , John Sherma n o f Ohi o becam e secretar y of th e treasury , an d Car l Schur z o f Missour i becam e secretar y o f th e interior. A Confederat e officer , Davi d McKendre e Ke y o f Tennessee , was, a s promised, mad e postmaster general . Republican senator s se t ou t t o restric t th e powe r o f th e president . T o some h e wa s n o mor e tha n a figurehead, lik e th e dog e o f Venice . The y wanted t o confin e hi m t o ceremonia l dignit y withou t rea l power . Haye s was no t skillfu l a t politica l maneuve r an d undermine d hi s ow n positio n from th e start . H e sai d tha t h e woul d neithe r see k no r accep t a secon d term, an d h e eve n recommende d t o Congres s a constitutiona l amend ment providing fo r a single term o f si x years. When i t cam e t o matter s o f currenc y i n th e Gilde d Age , politician s discerned silve r thread s amon g th e golden . Indeed , th e conflic t betwee n gold an d silve r wa s th e ver y war p an d woo f o f politic s betwee n th e en d of th e Civi l Wa r an d th e tur n o f th e century . Postwa r administration s tried t o restor e th e currenc y t o har d money , base d o n gold . Betwee n 1865 an d 187 8 th e Treasur y reduce d th e numbe r o f dollar s i n circula tion fro m $1.0 8 billio n t o $773.3 7 million . Consequently , th e per capit a circulation decrease d fro m $31.1 8 i n 186 5 t o $16.2 5 m 1878 . Thi s reduction cause d slo w bu t grindin g discomfor t fo r masse s o f people , especially i n a period whe n expandin g commerc e an d industr y increase d the nee d fo r currency . A difficul t situatio n wa s exacerbate d b y th e fac t that ther e wer e thre e kind s o f dollar s i n circulation—gold , silver , an d paper. Pape r dollars , o r greenbacks , wer e th e principa l medium . I t wa s said tha t the y wer e gree n becaus e rogu e financiers picke d the m befor e they wer e ripe . Thei r valu e fluctuate d accordin g t o thei r numbe r an d business confidenc e i n them . In general , price s ros e wit h increase s i n th e money suppl y an d fel l wit h decreases . Wha t cos t $1.0 0 i n i86 0 cos t $2.24 i n 186 5 (whe n th e mone y suppl y wa s a t it s greatest ) an d fel l
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successively a s the money suppl y wa s reduce d t o $1.5 6 i n 187 0 an d the n to 9 9 cent s i n 1878 . Because th e currenc y wa s als o compose d o f gol d an d silver , it s fat e was linke d t o th e differen t fortune s o f thes e metals . I n 186 1 America n mines ha d yielde d abou t $4 3 millio n i n gol d bu t onl y $ 2 millio n i n silver. Th e traditiona l rati o betwee n silve r an d gold , 15.9 8 t o 1 , under valued silver . Therefore , silve r wa s sol d commercially , an d onl y gol d was minte d fo r coins . But , afte r th e war , prospector s discovere d ne w veins o f silve r i n th e West . Thu s i n 1873 , f° r t n e fi fst time , th e valu e o f silver mine d wa s equa l t o tha t o f gold , a t $3 6 million . In 187 4 t n e valu e of silve r fel l belo w th e lega l rati o o f 1 6 to 1 . Therefore, investor s gaine d more b y sellin g thei r silve r t o governmen t fo r coin s a t th e officia l pric e than b y sellin g i t commerciall y a t th e lowe r marke t price . Th e govern ment acte d cautiousl y i n buyin g overprice d silver . I n th e Coinag e Ac t of 1873 Congres s eliminate d silve r currenc y b y omittin g an y provisio n fo r minting silve r dollars . Silve r interest s sai d tha t the y ha d bee n dupe d an d called th e ac t "th e crim e o f '73•" In 187 7 t n e averag e America n ha d onl y hal f a s man y dollar s a s h e had ha d a t th e en d o f th e war . Afte r fou r year s o f depression , Congres s concluded tha t th e governmen t coul d restor e prosperit y b y increasin g the mone y suppl y an d encouragin g inflation . I f people ha d mor e mone y to spend , the y would bu y manufacture d goods . This would stimulat e th e market, encourag e a ris e i n prices , an d increas e busines s confidence . After th e comparativ e failur e o f th e Greenbac k o r Independen t Nationa l party i n 1876 , whe n i t too k onl y 81,73 7 votes , th e torc h o f inflatio n passed t o silve r interests . The silverite s wante d t o expan d th e mediu m o f currency o n th e basi s tha t 1 6 ounce s o f silve r wer e wort h 1 ounc e o f gold. I n fact , thi s wa s overvaluin g silver , fo r th e commercia l pric e o f silver ha d falle n wa y belo w thi s level . Thus , acceptanc e o f thi s formul a would hav e weakened th e value o f gold . In Novembe r 187 7 Representativ e Richar d ("Silve r Dick" ) Blan d o f Missouri introduce d a bil l fo r th e fre e an d unlimite d coinag e o f silve r a t 412V2 grain s pe r silve r dollar . I t wa s passe d overwhelmingl y wit h a clause repealin g th e Resumptio n Ac t o f 1875 . Eve n i f Haye s wer e t o veto th e bil l i n th e interest s o f har d mone y an d nationa l honor , i t wa s clear hi s vet o woul d b e overridden , s o sensitiv e wa s Congres s t o labo r unrest. Secretar y o f th e Treasur y Joh n Sherma n worke d ceaselessl y t o
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effect a compromis e an d foun d a n all y i n Willia m Alliso n o f Iowa , no w chairman o f th e Senat e Financ e Committee . Sherma n an d Alliso n to gether decide d o n a strateg y o f limite d silve r coinage , wit h $ 2 millio n a month a s minimu m an d $ 4 millio n a month a s maximum . B y restrictin g the coinag e o f silve r t o th e lowe r leve l th e resumptio n progra m wa s saved. In hi s effort s t o buil d u p America n gol d reserve s Sherma n wa s helpe d by a bumpe r cro p o f whea t i n 1878 , muc h o f whic h wa s sol d i n ex change fo r gol d t o Europe , whic h ha d ha d a poo r harvest . O n Januar y 2, 1879 , th e first da y o f business , n o on e claime d gol d fo r governmen t notes. N o on e doubte d th e government' s abilit y t o pay . Th e dolla r wa s again o n a par wit h othe r gol d currencies . Th e apparen t succes s o f thei r policy convince d conservative s tha t har d mone y wa s th e bes t polic y through thic k an d thin .
Civil Service Reform Reform o f th e civi l servic e wa s on e o f th e fe w subject s o n whic h bot h liberals an d conservative s coul d agree . I n th e wak e o f ne w inventions , industry, an d technology , i t wa s becomin g clea r t o mos t peopl e tha t nothing shor t o f professiona l expertis e woul d d o i f the government wer e ever t o gover n a natio n undergoin g momentou s industria l an d economi c transformation. Th e ol d spoil s syste m woul d hav e t o go . Congressma n Thomas A . Jencke s o f Rhod e Islan d ha d begu n t o agitat e fo r selectio n by competitiv e examinatio n a s earl y a s 1865 . Afte r Prim e Ministe r W . E. Gladstone' s refor m o f th e civi l servic e i n Englan d i n 1870 , th e move ment fo r refor m i n Americ a gathere d momentum . Some politician s wer e genuinel y oppose d t o a civil servic e selecte d o n the basi s o f academi c attainmen t rathe r tha n practica l ability . T o Jame s B. Beck o f Kentuck y an d others , th e existin g syste m represente d a natu ral schoo l o f citizenship . A s E . L . Godkin , edito r o f th e Nation, ob served, i t was possibl e tha t a syste m o f competitiv e examination s woul d discriminate agains t abl e me n fro m poo r background s wh o coul d no t afford t o g o t o college . Thus , instea d o f weakenin g clas s prejudic e i t would hav e th e opposit e effect . A nonentit y lik e Frankli n Pierc e coul d still becom e presiden t whil e a genius fro m a disadvantage d background , like Lincoln, coul d not . In 187 6 bot h partie s calle d fo r reform . Refor m o f th e civil service wa s
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Carl Schur z (1829-1906) , a German-America n lawyer , newspape r editor , an d refor m politician, wa s on e of a distinguished fe w who , b y dint o f speeches, writing , an d persona l commitment, kep t aliv e th e flame o f reason an d tolerance i n the Gilded Age . A foundin g member o f th e Republica n party , h e mad e a surve y o f the postwa r Sout h fo r Andre w Johnson i n 1865 , recommendin g tha t votin g right s b e extended t o African-Americans . A joint edito r o f the St. Louis Westliche Post (1867—1869) , he serve d a s senato r fo r Mis souri ( 1 8 6 9 - 1 8 7 5 ) an d late r a s presiden t o f th e Nationa l Civi l Servic e Refor m Leagu e (1892-1900). (Photograp h fro m a glass negativ e i n the Library o f Congress.) one mean s o f r e v i v i n g presidential p o w e r . Joh n Ja y o f N e w Y o r k inves tigated th e N e w Y o r k C u s t o m H o u s e fo r H a y e s an d S c h u r z , an d hi s report o f M a y 24 , 1 8 7 7 , substantiated w i d e s p r e a d allegation s o f briber y and c o r r u p t i o n . O n th e basi s o f suc h informatio n H a y e s issue d a n executive orde r o n Jun e 2 2 , 1 8 7 7 , forbiddin g politica l intimidatio n o f civil servant s b y stat e bosses . T h e dange r o f a g o v e r n m e n t w i t h o u t a president h a d bee n averte d i n th e spring . T h e e m b a r r a s s m e n t o f a presi -
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dent withou t a part y i n th e fal l wa s not . Ther e no w followe d a contes t between th e presiden t an d spoilsme n le d b y Rosco e Conkling . O n in structions fro m Conkling , U.S . Navy Office r Alonz o Cornel l defie d Haye s by callin g a Ne w Yor k Stat e Republica n Conventio n i n Rocheste r o n September 26 , 1877 . Their intentio n wa s to discredit Republica n reform ers an d hav e the m droppe d fro m th e part y ticket . Conklin g denounce d reformers fo r thei r hypocrisy : "Thei r stoc k i n trad e i s rancid , cantin g self-righteousness. The y ar e wolve s i n sheep' s clothing . Their rea l objec t is offic e an d plunder . Whe n Dr . Johnso n define d patriotis m a s th e las t refuge o f a scoundrel , h e wa s unconsciou s o f th e then-undevelope d capabilities an d use s of th e word 'Reform'! " Conkling' s candidate s wer e nominated. Hi s denunciatio n o f "Snive l Servic e Reform " becam e th e new sloga n o f th e Stalwarts . On Octobe r 15 , 1877 , Haye s sen t Congres s th e name s o f th e me n h e wanted t o succee d Officer s Alonz o Cornel l an d Cheste r A . Arthur i n th e New Yor k Custo m House . The Senat e gav e Conklin g it s support. I t wa s a cas e o f congressiona l solidarit y agains t presidentia l authority . How ever, Haye s bide d hi s time . H e waite d unti l th e summe r o f 187 8 whe n Congress wa s i n recess . The n h e replace d Arthu r an d Cornel l wit h hi s own men . Whe n Congres s returned , Conklin g wa s face d wit h a fai t accompli. Conklin g ha d inexhaustibl e reserve s o f hate , bu t th e Senat e did no t an d o n Februar y 3 , 1879 , gave way t o th e president's nominees , General E . A. Meritt an d L . B. Prince. In revenge , Conklin g an d th e Stalwart s propose d retire d presiden t Ulysses S . Gran t a s Republica n nomine e a t th e Republica n Nationa l Convention o f 188 0 i n Chicago . Th e Hal f Breeds , however , wer e pre pared t o mee t th e need s o f th e tim e an d propose d thei r ow n leader , James G . Blaine , now senator . Sinc e neither Gran t no r Blain e coul d win , the conventio n chos e a dar k horse , congressiona l vetera n Jame s A . Gar field o f Ohio . H e wa s nominate d o n th e thirty-sixt h ballo t wit h 39 9 votes t o 30 6 fo r Grant . Garfiel d wa s handsome , larg e bu t graceful , wit h a leonin e man e an d a dee p voice . T o balanc e th e ticke t h e too k a s hi s running mat e th e notoriou s spoilsman , Cheste r A . Arthur , formerl y o f the Ne w Yor k Custo m House . Conklin g wa s dismaye d a t Arthur' s elevation. During th e campaig n th e Democrati c candidate , Genera l Winfiel d Scott Hancock , seeme d t o sti r littl e interest . I n th e electio n th e popula r vote wa s amon g th e closes t ever . I n a tota l o f 9 millio n vote s cas t onl y
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39,000 separate d winne r fro m loser . I t was the capture o f thre e doubtfu l states, eac h wit h a larg e electora l vote , tha t gav e Garfiel d a pluralit y o f 214 electora l vote s agains t 15 5 fo r Hancock . Garfiel d ha d take n Indian a by a tiny pluralit y o f 6,62 5 vote s i n a vote o f abou t 500,000 . Behind th e scenes, oi l tycoo n Joh n D . Rockefelle r ha d supporte d him . N o fewe r than 50 0 Standar d Oi l agent s wer e assigne d t o th e Republica n cam paign. Th e implicatio n wa s clear , an d Vic e President-elec t Arthu r al luded t o pol l frau d i n Indian a a t a banque t a t Delmonico' s restauran t i n New Yor k o n Februar y 24 , 1881. Garfield wa s th e las t o f th e seve n lo g cabi n president s beginnin g wit h Andrew Jackson . A self-taugh t schola r wh o coul d spea k bot h Germa n and Frenc h an d writ e Lati n wit h on e han d an d Gree k wit h th e othe r a t the sam e time , h e nevertheles s foun d presidentia l dutie s beyon d him . "My god ! What i s there i n thi s place tha t a ma n shoul d eve r want t o ge t in it," h e exclaimed afte r a month i n office. Garfiel d an d Blain e had bee n friends sinc e Blain e ha d protecte d Garfiel d fro m disgrac e i n th e Credi t Mobilier scandal s o f 1872 . Now Garfiel d neede d Blain e mor e tha n ever . He ha d bee n decisiv e i n makin g Garfiel d president , an d wa s stronge r i n the party . I t wa s inevitabl e tha t h e woul d tak e th e leadin g cabine t post , secretary o f state . Garfield wa s dispose d t o conciliat e factio n b y compro mise. Blaine wanted hi s rivals kille d off . The collectorshi p o f th e Ne w Yor k Custo m Hous e wa s th e mos t important administrativ e pos t outsid e th e cabinet . I t no w controlle d 1,300 apointments . I t wa s ther e tha t Garfiel d an d Blain e struc k first. Rather tha n propitiat e th e Stalwarts , Garfiel d affronte d the m b y ap pointing W . H . Robertso n a s collector . Robertso n wa s no t onl y on e o f Blaine's allie s bu t als o anothe r adversar y o f Conkling . Conklin g an d hi s ally, Senato r To m Piat t o f Ne w York , retaliated . A t first the y blocke d Senate approva l o f Robertso n an d the n o n Ma y 16 , 1881 , resigned thei r seats i n protes t a t Garfield' s "perfid y withou t parallel. " Conklin g an d Piatt confidentl y expecte d tha t th e Ne w Yor k legislatur e a t Alban y would reappoin t them . But the Half Breed s discovered Piat t in an Alban y hotel i n th e compan y o f "a n unspeakabl e female. " H e wa s s o embar rassed tha t h e withdre w hi s candidacy . Conklin g wa s no t reelected . Bu t on th e ver y da y th e public wa s regale d wit h newspape r report s o f Piatt' s sex life , farc e turne d t o tragedy . On Jul y 2 , 1881 , James Garfiel d ha d breakfas t wit h th e Blaine s an d left thei r hous e fo r th e Baltimor e an d Potoma c Railroa d Depo t i n Wash -
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ington. He was bound fo r a college reunion a t Williamstown, Massachu setts. Bu t a t th e depo t h e wa s sho t an d fatall y wounde d b y a disap pointed offic e seeker , Charle s Guiteau . A s h e fired hi s pisto l int o th e president's bac k h e cried, "I a m a Stalwart an d Arthur i s president now. " Garfield di d no t di e immediately . Hi s lif e hun g i n th e balance , an d h e lingered fo r thre e months . Th e woun d hardl y ble d an d th e doctor s ha d great difficult y i n locatin g th e bullet , whic h ha d lodge d i n a muscle . Among thos e wh o trie d unsuccessfull y t o d o s o wa s invento r Alexande r Graham Bell , wh o use d a n electrica l device . Ironically , i t wa s no t th e bullet tha t kille d th e presiden t bu t th e effort s t o sav e him . Th e inexperi enced surgeon s wer e clumsy , an d thei r careles s probe s cause d bloo d poisoning, fro m whic h Garfiel d die d o n Septembe r 19 , 1881. "Martyrdom i s th e onl y wa y a ma n ca n becom e famou s withou t ability" wa s a cynica l observatio n o f Iris h criti c an d playwrigh t Georg e Bernard Shaw . Indeed , th e assassinatio n o f Garfiel d i n 188 1 brough t th e agitation fo r civi l servic e refor m t o a hea d i n muc h th e sam e wa y a s th e assassination o f John F . Kennedy i n 196 3 gav e momentu m t o th e move ment fo r civi l rights . Whil e Garfield' s lif e ebbe d slowl y awa y peopl e became increasingl y awar e o f th e wa y quarrel s ove r patronag e ha d le d to hi s assassination . The y wer e no t eve n distracte d b y morbi d pres s accounts o f th e tria l an d th e hangin g o f hi s assassin . O n Augus t n , 1881, th e National Civi l Servic e Refor m Leagu e was founded . The ne w presiden t surprise d everyone . Cheste r A . Arthu r astonishe d his admirer s an d angere d hi s adversarie s b y abandonin g th e spoil s sys tem tha t ha d mad e hi m president . H e vetoe d lavis h appropriation s o f $18.7 million s fo r a River s an d Harbor s bil l i n 188 2 becaus e i t woul d have provide d ne w opportunitie s fo r graf t an d corruption . An d o n Ma y 15, 1882 , h e gav e hi s assen t t o a n ac t establishin g a commissio n t o report o n tarif f revision . Arthur's lif e i n th e demimond e ha d mad e hi m a goo d judg e o f char acter. Hi s night s spen t i n smoke-fille d room s ha d bee n a political educa tion i n themselves . Unlik e Grant , Arthu r wor e th e pant s i n hi s ow n home. I n fact , h e wa s quit e th e dandy . H e ha d eight y pair s o f trousers . His tast e wa s impeccable . I t was th e dud e presiden t wh o invite d Associ ated Artists , th e compan y o f interio r decorator s founde d b y artis t an d glass designer Loui s Comfor t Tiffany , t o refurbis h th e White House . Arthur's politica l resolv e was strengthene d b y public indignatio n ove r two ne w scandals , th e Sta r Rout e Fraud s an d Hubbe l Hale' s campaig n
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letter. In early 188 1 Postmaster Genera l Thoma s L . James ha d th e posta l service investigate d b y Jame s MacVeagh , wh o expose d malpractice s i n the wester n mai l services . In th e sparsel y populate d West , contract s fo r mail deliver y wer e awarde d t o privat e firm s tha t use d stagecoache s an d horseback rider s t o carr y letter s an d packets , sinc e trai n an d steamboa t were no t available . Thes e firm s wer e suppose d t o delive r mai l wit h "Certainty, Celerity , an d Security, " th e word s emphasize d o n th e con tracts b y three stars . It wa s th e dut y o f Thoma s J . Brady , secon d assistan t postmaste r general fro m 1876 , t o administe r th e route s an d awar d th e contracts . MacVeagh discovere d tha t Brad y ha d no t onl y give n contract s i n ex change for bribe s bu t had als o accepted outrageou s charge s from dishon est contractors . Th e tota l cos t t o th e governmen t wa s $ 4 million . Brad y and hi s confederate s wer e arraigne d an d tried . A firs t tria l ende d incon clusively o n Septembe r n , 1882 , an d a secon d i n a surprisin g acquitta l on June 14 , 1883 . The secon d scanda l cu t t o th e hear t o f th e matte r o f civi l servic e reform, th e nee d fo r a servic e independen t o f party . I n Ma y 188 2 th e chairman o f th e Republica n congressiona l campaig n committee , Ja y A . Hubbel Hale , sen t t o civi l servant s th e traditiona l circula r lette r askin g them fo r "voluntar y contributions " t o th e Republicans ' electio n cam paign funds . Accordin g t o th e usua l custom , campaig n contribution s were betwee n 2 an d 6 percen t o f salaries . I n th e atmospher e followin g Garfield's deat h an d th e unsuccessfu l prosecutio n o f th e Sta r Rout e Frauds, the lette r inflame d publi c opinion . Publi c hostilit y t o th e Repub licans wa s registere d i n th e electio n result s o f 1882 . Th e Democrat s carried bot h houses . The y the n promote d legislatio n t o refor m th e civi l service, sponsore d b y Senato r Georg e H . Pendleto n o f Ohio . Republi cans ha d t o prov e t o th e electorat e thei r willingnes s t o suppor t a caus e for whic h a president ha d die d i f they wante d t o remai n i n office . The Pendleto n Act , signe d b y Arthu r o n Januar y 16 , 1883 , created a Civil Servic e Commissio n o f thre e member s appointe d b y th e presiden t with th e consen t o f th e Senate . No t mor e tha n tw o wer e t o com e fro m any one party. Th e commissio n wa s to appoin t a corps o f examiner s an d provide fo r competitiv e examination s fo r prospectiv e federa l employees . The examinatio n regulation s wer e t o appl y t o governmen t department s in Washington an d t o customhouse s an d pos t office s wit h mor e tha n 5 0 employees. The presiden t coul d exten d th e provisions o f th e ac t t o othe r
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offices. Th e solicitation o f campaig n contribution s wa s forbidden. B y the turn o f th e centur y almos t 100,00 0 position s wer e o n th e classifie d list . It wa s no t onl y fortunat e bu t als o essentia l tha t th e meri t principl e wa s adopted an d pu t int o effec t befor e th e increase d rol e o f governmen t i n the twentiet h centur y necessitate d a n expande d civi l service . Withou t i t the fundamenta l reform s o f th e progressive s coul d no t hav e bee n at tempted. Despite th e hazard s involve d i n defyin g publi c clamo r fo r reform , th e embittered Rosco e Conklin g coul d no t resis t a furthe r attemp t t o retai n political power . Thu s th e conflic t betwee n refor m an d diehar d Republi cans wa s no w t o b e playe d ou t t o th e deat h i n Ne w Yor k State . Backe d by th e Republica n part y machine , Alonz o B . Cornell , Arthur' s forme r partner a t th e Ne w Yor k Custo m House , wa s electe d governo r o f Ne w York i n 1880 . A s governor , h e earne d a reputatio n fo r shrewdnes s an d fairness, fo r appointin g competen t administrators , modernizin g th e state' s finances, an d vetoin g extravagan t por k barre l legislation . I n effect , h e was acceptin g th e honorabl e dutie s o f th e positio n an d movin g towar d the Hal f Breeds . Ye t Cornell' s principa l contributio n t o th e unfoldin g o f state politics wa s as victim. He becam e estranged fro m Rosco e Conkling , whom h e offende d b y twic e vetoin g legislatio n aime d a t reducin g taxe s levied upo n rogu e financier Ja y Gould' s elevate d railways , fo r whic h Conkling wa s actin g a s legal counsel . Conkling an d Goul d too k thei r reveng e a t the next election b y fielding an alternat e Republica n candidat e fo r governor , Willia m J. Folger , upo n whom the y coul d bette r rel y t o maintai n thei r interests . T o ensur e Fol ger's nominatio n a s Republica n candidat e ove r Cornell , the y remove d state official s loya l t o Cornel l fro m variou s citie s acros s th e stat e an d placed a temporar y chairma n loya l t o the m i n charg e o f th e Republica n State Convention . Conklin g wa s determine d t o maintai n contro l o f th e state machin e i n readines s fo r th e presidentia l contes t o f 1884—despit e considerable publi c odiu m fo r hi s tactic s agains t Cornell . Th e upsho t was anothe r spli t i n th e Republica n part y an d on e tha t directl y benefite d the Democrats, wh o nominate d Grove r Cleveland , th e popular mayo r o f Buffalo. Clevelan d wo n th e gubernatoria l electio n b y a n avalanch e o f almost 200,00 0 vote s ove r Folger , thereb y endin g the political career s of Cornell an d Conklin g an d solidifyin g Republica n solidarit y behin d Hal f Breed leade r James G . Blaine . Agitation fo r civi l service reform ha d signifie d muc h mor e tha n publi c
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discontent ove r politica l spoils . I t represente d a fundamenta l challeng e to governmen t b y cliqu e an d cabal . In th e lon g battl e th e publi c ha d learned muc h abou t politica l strateg y an d tactics . Th e prevailin g oligar chy wa s visibl y shaken . Bu t th e ne w plutocrac y wa s not . An d whe n th e public turned it s attention t o trust s an d robbe r baron s i n the contempor aneous chai n o f trus t an d railroa d legislation , i t wa s no t assure d o f victory. Fo r refor m change d th e natur e o f corruptio n rathe r tha n th e nature o f politics . Durin g th e 1880 s i t becam e eve r mor e insidious . Th e professional politicia n wa s t o b e upstaged b y the political businessman . The Senat e wa s soo n know n a s th e Millionaire' s Club . Owin g t o increasingly rigi d part y contro l ove r stat e legislature s b y bosses , i t be came easy fo r wealth y me n t o pay whateve r pric e was demande d an d ge t themselves electe d t o th e uppe r house . Fo r example , Senato r Thoma s ("Me, too" ) Piatt , wh o wa s Ne w York' s "Eas y Boss " afte r Conkling' s death, rewarde d loya l constituent s wit h favor s fo r service s rendered . The Senate , instea d o f representin g geographica l areas , cam e t o rep resent economi c units . Easter n magnate s Donal d Camero n o f Pennsyl vania, Nelso n Aldric h o f Rhod e Island , an d Stephe n Elkin s o f Wes t Virginia wer e joine d i n th e lat e 1880 s b y Senator s James McMilla n an d Francis Stockbridge , wh o represente d lumbe r rathe r tha n Michigan . Calvin Bric e represented bank s an d railroads ; H . B . Payne, Standar d Oi l rather tha n Ohio . James Fai r an d Joh n P . Jones represente d silve r rathe r than Nevada . Georg e Hears t represente d gol d an d newspape r rathe r than California ; an d Philetu s Sawyer , appropriately , represente d lumbe r rather tha n Wisconsin . The reputatio n o f senator s fo r helpin g themselve s to fortune s a t others ' expens e le d t o a stor y abou t Presiden t Grove r Cleveland bein g awakene d b y hi s wif e wit h th e new s tha t ther e wer e burglars i n th e house . Clevelan d denie d i t drowsily . "I n th e Senat e maybe, bu t no t i n th e House. " Severa l senator s wer e corporatio n law yers including John Spoone r o f Wisconsin, Arthu r Gorma n o f Maryland , and Orvill e Piat t o f Connecticut . Piat t ha d al l th e characteristic s o f a lawyer i n politic s an d wa s wel l know n fo r alway s hedgin g hi s bets . On e story tell s ho w i n 189 4 h e wa s visitin g hi s Connecticu t constituents , including a farme r wh o commente d o n a floc k o f shee p comin g alon g a crossroad: "The m shee p bee n shorn. " Piatt , cautiou s a s ever , opined , " Tear s so,—a t leas t o n thi s side. " To th e ne w me n part y organizatio n wa s a mean s t o a n end , no t a n end i n itself a s it had bee n t o th e old spoilsmen . Englis h politica l scientis t
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James Bryc e understoo d ho w an d wh y politica l an d economi c interest s came to b e mixed togethe r i n Congress . In his American Commonwealth (1893) n e explaine d th e differenc e betwee n Congres s an d a Europea n assembly: "European s thin k tha t th e legislatur e ough t t o consis t o f th e best me n i n th e country , American s tha t i t shoul d b e a fai r averag e sample o f th e country . European s thin k tha t i t ough t t o lea d th e nation , Americans tha t i t ought t o follo w th e nation. " Cleveland James Blaine' s Republica n opponent s ha d bee n route d i n th e battl e ove r patronage. H e intende d th e Republica n part y t o becom e th e part y o f business quit e openl y wit h protectio n a s its essential doctrine . Sinc e the y could n o longe r wi n election s b y wavin g th e blood y shirt , Republican s responded t o Blaine' s cal l an d turne d t o th e tarif f a s a rallyin g flag . Arthur, wh o ha d achieve d reform , ha d satisfie d nobody . I t wa s no w Blaine's tur n t o lead . H e wa s dul y nominate d fo r presiden t o n th e fourt h ballot a t th e Republica n Nationa l Conventio n i n Chicag o o n Jun e 5 , 1884.
Blaine wa s th e mos t formidabl e Republica n leade r betwee n Lincol n and McKinley . Ye t i t wa s hi s candidac y tha t mad e possibl e th e firs t election o f a Democrati c presiden t i n twenty-eigh t years : Grove r Cleve land, th e forme r mayo r o f Buffal o an d presen t governo r o f Ne w York . A lawye r b y profession , Clevelan d wa s considere d ugl y bu t honest . H e acquired a nationa l reputatio n no t onl y a s a n opponen t o f Tamman y Hall bu t als o a s a ma n o f principle . H e ha d vetoe d a 5-cen t far e pro posed b y the stree t railwa y o f New York . The elevate d railroad s i n Ne w York , stil l controlle d b y Ja y Gould , were permitte d t o charg e a far e o f 1 0 cent s excep t i n rus h hours , whe n the rat e wa s 5 cents. Publi c opinion , stirre d b y Goul d fo r hi s ow n ends , wanted th e far e t o b e fixed a t 5 cents fo r al l hours . Clevelan d vetoe d a bill proposin g thi s o n th e ground s tha t i t violated a contract awarde d b y state charter . A s a resul t o f thi s action , h e becam e a popular her o o f th e middle class , delighte d a t Gould' s discomfiture . I n addition , h e gaine d a reputation fo r thrif t an d bein g abl e t o ris e abov e partisa n politics . His torian an d journalis t Denni s Tilde n Lync h ha s describe d ho w skillfu l was Cleveland' s us e o f th e commo n touch . H e woul d campaig n "i n saloons wit h bee r barrel s an d table s fo r hi s rostrum . Ther e wasn' t a
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saloon kep t b y a Democrat , boastin g a fair-size d bac k room , tha t h e di d not ente r an d harangu e th e thirst-slakin g citizen s afte r sharin g a drin k with them. " Reporte r Willia m Hudso n condense d Cleveland' s politica l philosophy t o "Publi c offic e i s a publi c trust, " an d thi s becam e th e slogan o f hi s campaign . I t wa s generall y suppose d tha t Clevelan d op posed th e powe r o f monopolie s an d corporations . Ye t i n hi s campaig n of 188 4 Clevelan d wa s supporte d b y bi g business. He receive d contribu tions amountin g t o a total o f $453,000 . The actua l campaig n wa s abou t publi c morality . Lik e other s o n tha t subject—such a s i n 1952 , 1972 , an d 1992—i t wa s on e o f th e dirties t ever. Bot h side s concentrate d o n juic y subjects : fornicatio n an d fabrica tion. Cleveland , stil l a bachelor , ha d ha d a mistres s i n Buffalo , Mari a Halpin, wh o ha d born e hi m a n illegitimat e child . Th e Republica n pres s had a field da y wit h insinuation s abou t hi s indiscriminat e son . I t wa s said tha t a s so n o f a forme r mayo r h e kne w hi s oats . Blain e wa s n o luckier. No t onl y wer e letter s abou t Blaine' s dealing s wit h railroad s published i n unexpurgate d for m bu t als o a lette r o f Apri l 18 , 1876 , which Blain e ha d writte n t o Warre n Fishe r explainin g hi s tactics . Blain e had betraye d mor e tha n h e intended—hi s character . Thus , th e Demo cratic campaign sloga n was : Blaine, Blaine, James G. Blaine, The continental liar from th e State of Maine. Blaine was unacceptabl e t o severa l influentia l Republican s who prize d political moralit y ove r part y loyalty . Celebrate d reforme r Georg e W . Curtis summe d u p th e choic e offere d th e electorat e thus : We ar e tol d tha t Mr . Blain e ha s bee n delinquen t i n office , bu t blameles s i n private life , whil e Mr . Clevelan d ha s bee n a mode l o f officia l integrity , bu t culpable i n hi s persona l relations . W e shoul d therefor e elec t Mr . Clevelan d t o the public offic e whic h h e is so well qualifie d t o fill and reman d Mr . Blain e t o the private station which he is admirably fitted to adorn. This wa s als o th e country' s verdict—bu t onl y b y a small margin . Cleve land too k 4,879,50 7 popula r vote s t o Blaine' s 4,850,29 3 a pluralit y o f only 29,214 .
New York , the n th e mos t populou s state , was pivota l i n decidin g th e outcome. Whe n member s o f th e Prohibitio n party , founde d i n 1869 , attended th e Republica n Nationa l Conventio n i n Chicag o t o plea d thei r case, they wer e snubbed , wherea s brewer s an d distiller s wer e welcomed .
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Their candidate , Joh n P . St . John o f Kansas , too k 16,00 0 vote s i n Ne w York awa y fro m Blaine . Clevelan d carrie d Ne w Yor k b y onl y 1,14 9 votes, an d thu s th e Republica n vote s los t t o St . Joh n ha d give n hi m victory there . Blain e di d receiv e a delegatio n o f Protestan t clergyme n i n New Yor k o n Octobe r 29 , 1884 . One , th e Reveren d Dr . Samue l Bur chard, openl y disparage d th e Democrat s a s th e part y o f "Rum , roman ism, an d rebellion. " Hi s remar k wa s offensiv e t o Iris h Catholics , pre dominant i n machin e politics , a s wa s Blaine' s attendanc e a t a millionaires ' banquet a t Delmonico' s th e sam e day . Unti l the n Blain e ha d enjoye d a strong followin g amon g Irish-Americans . No w i t was entirel y dissipated . The election result s were in doubt fo r severa l days . Rumors abounde d that Ja y Gould , Cleveland' s adversar y ove r th e rai l fare , wa s delayin g and falsifyin g return s b y hi s contro l o f telegrap h wires . A mo b sur rounded th e Western Unio n Buildin g crying , "We'l l han g Jay Goul d t o a sour appl e tree. " I n fact , h e wa s saf e i n hi s yach t o n th e Hudso n River . To sho w tha t ther e wer e n o har d feeling s ove r ol d scores , Goul d cable d his congratulation s t o Clevelan d o n Novembe r 7 , 1884 : "Th e vas t busi ness interest s o f th e countr y wil l b e entirel y saf e i n you r hands. " Hi s prediction wa s entirel y accurate . Woodrow Wilson' s verdic t o n Clevelan d a s president wa s that h e wa s not a Democra t bu t a conservativ e Republican . Despit e momentar y outbursts o f temper , Clevelan d ha d immens e stamin a an d self-control . But he lacke d imaginatio n an d compassion . H e reflecte d th e Democrati c party's nineteenth-centur y distrus t o f stron g centralize d government . Nevertheless, i t wa s no t part y loyalt y no r eve n publi c opinio n tha t determined Cleveland' s policies—i t wa s hi s persona l prejudices . Cleve land wa s no t ambitiou s fo r reform , no r coul d h e hav e carrie d a contro versial legislativ e progra m throug h Congress . Th e Republican s con trolled th e Senat e throughou t hi s first term , an d th e Democrat s jus t barely retaine d thei r Hous e majorit y i n th e midter m electio n o f 1886 . The highligh t o f Washington' s calenda r i n 188 6 wa s a social , no t a political event . I n June, Clevelan d marrie d a t th e ag e o f forty-nine . Hi s bride was hi s ward, France s Folsom , a girl of twenty-one . Cleveland wa s consisten t i n wantin g t o cu t dow n o n governmen t extravagance an d waste . A particula r proble m wa s th e hig h cos t o f veterans' pensions . I n 187 6 one-tent h o f th e federa l expenditur e ha d been spen t o n pensions . By 188 6 i t was a quarter. Th e lists were endless .
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When promiscuou s alcoholi c Mari a Halpi n claime d he r illegitimat e son , Oscar , wa s th e child o f Democrati c presidentia l candidat e Grove r Clevelan d (1837—1908 ) i n 1884 , th e Republican pres s ha d a fiel d day , a s thi s viciou s cartoo n b y Fran k Bear d fro m Judge o f September 2.7 , 1884 , suggests . (Librar y o f Congress. )
A particula r abus e w a s th e passag e o f specia l pensio n bill s b y th e Hous e in regula r evenin g sessions . C l e v e l a n d refuse d t o sig n man y o f these . O n e rejected bil l w a s t o provid e fo r a m a n w h o ha d neve r serve d i n th e arm y at all . O n hi s w a y t o enlis t h e ha d suffere d a fal l tha t ha d cripple d him . Another bil l w a s fo r th e w i d o w o f a n arm y captai n w h o ha d die d o f a p o p l e x y i n 1 8 8 3 , w h i c h sh e attribute d t o a wartim e herni a o f 1 8 6 3 . A third w a s fo r th e famil y o f a m a n w h o ha d deserte d an d d r o w n e d whil e
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making hi s escape. Yet in 188 7 Congres s passe d th e Invali d Pensio n Act , which awarde d pension s t o al l disable d veteran s whethe r thei r disabili ties had bee n incurre d i n the servic e or not . Clevelan d vetoe d it . Cleveland, Secretar y o f the Interio r Luciu s Lamar , an d Lan d Commis sioner W . A . J. Spark s als o restore d 8 1 millio n acre s o f publi c land s t o the federa l governmen t tha t ha d bee n legall y grante d t o railroad s bu t never use d fo r constructio n o r tha t ha d bee n illegall y appropriate d b y cattle farmers . Bu t hi s determinatio n t o cu t federa l expenditur e wa s more ofte n turne d agains t thos e section s o f th e communit y wh o mos t needed governmen t aid . O n Februar y 16 , 1887 , n e vetoe d th e Texa s Seed bil l with it s modest appropriatio n o f $10,00 0 fo r farmer s i n desper ate nee d o f see d grain . Hi s messag e wa s pompou s i f no t patronizing : "Though th e peopl e suppor t th e Government , th e Governmen t shoul d not suppor t th e people . Federa l ai d i n suc h case s encourage s th e expec tation o f paterna l car e o n th e par t o f th e Governmen t an d weaken s th e sturdiness o f ou r nationa l character. " Bu t h e too k a ver y differen t atti tude t o peopl e wit h mone y fo r speculation . T o induc e investor s t o tur n in thei r 4 percen t federa l bond s befor e the y matured , Clevelan d offere d a premiu m o f $2 8 abov e th e fac e valu e o f $10 0 o n each . However, Clevelan d di d ris k hi s caree r b y questionin g th e basi c as sumption o f industry , tha t governmen t woul d suppor t i t throug h thic k and thin . H e di d s o i n hi s annua l stat e o f th e Unio n messag e o f Decem ber 6 , 1887 : "Ou r presen t tarif f laws , the vicious , inequitable an d illogi cal source of unnecessar y taxation, " h e said, "ought t o be at once revise d and amended. " The Civi l Wa r tariff s ha d bee n conceive d b y th e governmen t a s emer gency measure s t o rais e revenue . Th e mos t important , th e Morril l Tarif f of 1861 , wa s als o passe d a t th e behes t o f a blo c representin g Ne w England textil e an d Middl e Atlanti c iro n an d stee l interests . Thereafter , both ne w an d establishe d industrie s expecte d th e governmen t t o protec t them agains t chea p foreig n goods . Critics o f the tariff syste m argue d tha t some manufacturer s increase d price s (an d henc e profits ) i n lin e wit h th e tariff usin g th e differenc e betwee n cos t o f productio n an d tarif f rat e a s retail price . Thus price s ros e bu t no t wages , and export s wer e harmed a s much a s imports . Cleveland wa s preoccupie d wit h governmen t surplus . Becaus e o f th e tariff, a "Treasur y Octopus " o f revenu e surplu s abov e an d beyon d federal expenditur e threatene d financia l stability . B y 188 8 th e accumu -
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lated surplu s woul d ris e t o $14 0 million—abou t a thir d o f al l th e coun try's circulatin g capital . In addition, th e high tarif f encourage d th e devel opment o f trusts . A s sugar magnat e Henr y Havemeye r said , "Th e Tarif f is the mothe r o f Trusts, " fo r ever y ne w tarif f wit h increase d dutie s le d t o increased speculatio n o n combinations . Clevelan d believe d tha t th e ex isting syste m wa s " a burde n upo n thos e wit h moderat e mean s an d th e poor, th e employe d an d unemployed , th e sic k an d well , an d th e youn g and old. " Th e onl y prope r cours e o f action , h e believed , wa s t o reduc e the tarif f an d balanc e th e books . Hi s decisio n wa s base d o n practica l considerations rathe r tha n o n theorie s abou t protectio n an d fre e trade : "It i s a condition whic h confront s us , not a theory." Bu t his words wer e political dynamit e i n a n electio n year . The y provide d th e tw o partie s with thei r firs t genuin e differenc e i n a generation . In lin e wit h Cleveland' s recommendation , th e ne w chairma n o f th e House Way s an d Mean s Committee , Roge r Mill s of Texas, was assigne d the tas k o f devisin g a ne w tariff . Hi s origina l bil l woul d hav e reduce d the dut y o n manufacture d good s b y 7 percent whil e makin g certai n ra w materials dut y free . B y Jun e 21 , 1888 , whe n i t passe d fro m Hous e t o Senate, i t wa s alread y a compromis e o f differen t sectiona l interests . Disinterested philosoph y ha d give n way t o political expedience . Eve n so , the Senat e Financ e Committee , compose d o f Aldrich , Allison , Morrill , and Sherman , refuse d t o accep t it . Neithe r Democrati c Hous e no r Re publican Senat e would yield . The issu e went t o th e electorate . What th e Republican s neede d i n th e electio n itsel f wa s a presidentia l nominee wh o coul d rall y al l discontente d Democrat s t o thei r cause . Blaine decline d t o run . A t th e Republica n Nationa l Conventio n i n Chi cago o n Jun e 25 , 1888 , Senato r Benjami n Harriso n o f Indian a wa s nominated. A frigid Presbyteria n deacon , h e was n o frien d o f labor . Hi s only qualificatio n fo r th e presidenc y wa s hi s ancestry . Hi s grandfather , William Henr y Harrison , ha d bee n th e nint h president . Given hi s limitations , Harriso n wa s luck y t o hav e th e astut e Senato r Matthew P . Qua y o f Pennsylvani a a s hi s campaig n manager . Qua y began hi s caree r a s a cit y bos s i n Harrisbur g an d the n becam e stat e bos s of Pennsylvania . To m Piat t calle d hi m "th e ables t politicia n thi s countr y has ever produced." Hi s aquilin e nose , high chee k bones , and shar p chi n showed tha t h e wa s par t Indian . A s th e resul t o f a wa r wound , on e o f his eye s drooped , givin g hi m a balefu l expression . Afte r a caree r a s a lawyer, newspape r editor , an d membe r o f th e Pennsylvani a legislature ,
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he became secretary o f the Commonwealth an d recorde r o f Philadelphia , and i n 187 9 chairma n o f th e Republica n stat e committee . Hi s particula r racket wa s divertin g stat e funds , deposite d i n privat e banks , t o privat e speculators. I f thes e speculation s failed , th e stat e los t it s money . Whe n $400,000 wer e discovere d t o b e missing, there was a great uproar . Qua y had t o retir e fo r a fe w years . I n 188 5 h e returne d t o tak e charg e o f th e state treasur y an d i n 188 7 was electe d t o th e U.S. Senate. Matthew Quay' s campaig n strateg y i n 188 8 wa s t o obtai n consider able contribution s fro m businessme n i n exchang e fo r promise s o f politi cal factor s i n th e future . H e secure d th e cooperatio n o f capitalist s Wil liam Dudley , John Wanamaker , Mar k Hanna , Thoma s Dolan , an d others . The Republican s admitte d raisin g $ 1 millio n altogethe r i n campaig n contributions. Thi s wa s fou r time s the su m acknowledge d b y the Demo crats. The New York World o f November 25 , 1888 , reported allegation s that th e Republican s ha d raise d a n additiona l secre t fun d o f $ 2 million . In return fo r thi s massive financia l suppor t fro m bi g business th e Repub licans promise d t o revis e th e whol e syste m o f interna l taxatio n bu t t o keep th e protectiv e syste m intact . Ye t the y als o declare d oppositio n t o "all combination s o f capital , organize d i n trusts o r otherwise. " In a clos e electio n Clevelan d too k a pluralit y o f th e popula r vote , winning 5,537,85 7 vote s t o Harrison' s 5,447,129 . Bu t h e los t thre e ke y states, Ohio , Indiana , an d Ne w York . Wit h thes e h e los t th e election . I n the electoral colleg e he had onl y 16 8 vote s t o Harrison' s 233 . The nationa l contes t turne d almos t entirel y o n th e tariff . I n Ne w York i t devolve d o n ballo t refor m an d prohibition . Whe n a naturalize d citizen bor n i n Englan d aske d th e foolis h Britis h ministe r t o th e Unite d States, Si r Lione l Sackville-West , ho w h e shoul d vot e t o serv e England , West advise d hi m i n writin g t o vot e fo r th e Democrats . Hi s repl y wa s published, an d hi s advic e wa s highl y offensiv e t o Iris h Democrat s wh o deserted Clevelan d fo r Harrison . Rather tha n se e prohibitionist s determin e th e outcom e o f th e presi dential election , a s the y ha d boaste d o f doin g i n 1884 , regula r Republi cans an d Democrat s struc k a dea l wit h on e anothe r i n Ne w Yor k State . Harrison wa s acceptabl e t o th e liquo r interests . I f th e we t Democrat s would vot e fo r him , the n th e we t Republican s woul d vot e fo r th e reelec tion o f Davi d B . Hill, Democratic governor . Hil l wa s reelecte d governo r of New Yor k b y 19,00 0 votes, whereas Cleveland los t the state by 9,529 . According t o report s i n th e Nation o f Novembe r 29 , 1888 , an d Marc h
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7, 1889 , th e Republican s pai d $150,00 0 fo r thre e Democrati c politica l clubs i n Ne w Yor k Stat e eac h havin g betwee n 10,00 0 an d 30,00 0 votes .
An Interregnum As presiden t Harriso n prove d a cipher , an d a col d on e a t that . I t wa s said tha t h e bestowe d favo r i n suc h a frigi d fashio n tha t h e turne d a friend int o a fo e fo r life . Hi s handshak e wa s compare d t o a wilte d petunia. H e was s o taciturn whe n h e met people that i t was not generall y known tha t hi s first languag e wa s English . Eve n hi s politica l allies de rided Harrison' s smal l statur e an d glacia l manner s i n a n anecdot e abou t a visito r t o th e Whit e Hous e wh o wa s refuse d a n audienc e wit h th e president b y a secretar y wh o insisted , "I' m sorry , sir , bu t th e presiden t cannot b e seen. " "Can't b e seen! " wa s th e retort . "M y God ! Ha s h e go t a s smal l a s that?" Authority drifte d fro m Whit e Hous e t o Capitol . I n th e Hous e ther e were just 16 5 Republican s t o 15 4 Democrats . I t was no w th e turn o f th e Democrats t o pla y fas t an d loos e wit h th e rules . Th e minorit y coul d outmaneuver th e majority . Th e Democrat s demande d a quorum cal l an d then refuse d t o answe r thei r names . Th e lowe r hous e woul d compris e a sizable numbe r an d ye t remai n technicall y withou t a quorum . However , the ne w speaker , Thoma s B . ("Czar") Reed , was maste r o f th e situation . On Januar y 29 , 1890 , Ree d instructe d th e cler k t o recor d member s a s present eve n i f the y refuse d t o respon d t o th e quoru m call . B y doin g s o he precipitate d a debat e abou t obstructio n i n whic h suc h tactic s wer e outlawed. With suc h a supin e presiden t a t th e hel m i t wa s n o wonde r tha t Congress returne d t o th e gros s extravaganc e o f th e Gran t period . Th e significant differenc e wa s tha t no w politica l venalit y wa s perfectl y legal . Congress passe d a Dependent Veterans ' Pensio n bil l i n 1890 , which wa s to doubl e th e list s o f pensioner s withi n fou r years . Veteran s o f ninet y days' servic e sufferin g physica l o r menta l disabilit y (whateve r th e cause ) and thei r widow s wer e t o receiv e a pension , provide d tha t the y ha d n o other sourc e o f support . Harriso n defende d suc h provision s i n 1892 . "I t was," h e said , "n o tim e t o b e weighin g th e claim s o f ol d soldier s wit h apothecary's scales. " Since th e Republican s ha d campaigne d fo r increase d protectio n i n
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1888, the y als o propose d a ne w tarif f i n Octobe r 1890 . I n keepin g wit h Cleveland's pledge , i t wa s officiall y entitle d "A n Ac t t o Reduc e th e Revenue"; bu t i t wa s generall y know n b y th e name s o f it s sponsors , Representative Willia m McKinle y o f Ohi o an d Senato r Nelso n W . Aid rich o f Rhod e Island . Thei r intention s were , o f course , ver y differen t from Cleveland's . McKinle y remonstrate d agains t th e ver y ide a tha t poor peopl e neede d cheape r goods : "Chea p i s no t a wor d o f hope ; i t i s not a wor d o f inspiration ! I t i s th e badg e o f poverty ; i t i s th e signa l o f distress." Bot h thi s tarif f an d th e Dingle y Tarif f o f 189 7 awarde d prize s to al l allies of th e tarif f bloc . The McKinle y tarif f raise d th e genera l level s fro m 3 8 t o 5 0 percent . But th e increase s o n textile s an d meta l good s wer e s o hig h tha t peopl e stopped buyin g thes e imports . Refine d suga r wa s taxe d a t on e cen t a pound t o th e benefi t o f Henr y O . Havemeye r an d th e Suga r Trust . T o gain suppor t o f sugar-producin g state s America n grower s wer e t o b e paid a bounty o f tw o cent s a pound. Coffee , hides , acorns , an d beeswa x were pu t o n th e fre e list . Th e ta x o n tobacc o wa s lowered , makin g i t possible fo r th e American Tobacc o Compan y t o sel l more cigarettes. The removal o f al l duties on ra w suga r an d molasse s alone cut federal incom e by $5 0 millio n a year . Thus , b y th e tim e Clevelan d returne d t o offic e i n 1 8 9 3 , t n e surplu s tha t ha d s o appalled hi m i n 188 7 had bee n turned int o a deficit. Eve n Republican s wer e dissatisfied . Fo r instance , Secretar y o f State James G . Blaine was incense d tha t th e McKinley Tarif f ra n counte r to hi s propose d tarif f concession s t o Lati n America . McKinle y too k first the acclai m fo r th e decision s an d the n th e blam e whe n h e wa s defeate d in the midter m election s o f 1890 . The Gilde d Ag e hel d ou t promis e o f gol d fo r all . Bu t ther e wa s no t enough fo r everyone , an d i n 189 0 the movement fo r th e coinage of silve r revived. I n part thi s wa s du e t o a catastrophic fal l i n the prices o f wheat , cotton, an d corn , an d consequentl y i t brough t abou t renewe d call s fo r inflationary polic y fro m th e farmers . Bu t thes e renewe d call s no w ha d extra weight . I n 188 9 fou r ne w state s entere d th e Union , Nort h an d South Dakota , Montana , an d Washington ; i n 189 0 tw o more , Idah o and Wyoming . The y wer e wester n states , par t o f th e silve r bloc . A s territories the y ha d bee n jus t a s intereste d i n silver , bu t a s state s the y each ha d tw o senator s t o pres s thei r cas e an d mak e th e silve r blo c a sizable minorit y i n th e uppe r house . I t now comprise d seventee n Repub licans an d on e Democra t wh o hel d u p passag e o f th e McKinle y Tarif f
Speaker Thoma s B . ("Czar" ) Ree d (1839—1902 ) wa s muc h criticize d i n th e Democrati c press fo r hi s dictatoria l conduc t o f Hous e affair s i n th e 1890s , especiall y whe n i t seeme d congressional busines s wa s mor e tha n eve r subjec t t o th e dictate s o f bi g busines s an d hig h finance. (Librar y o f Congress. )
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until the y ha d force d Congres s t o accep t th e Sherma n Silve r Purchas e Act. I t require d th e secretar y o f th e treasur y t o purchas e 4. 5 millio n ounces o f silve r a month . Those wh o pu t thei r trus t i n silve r go t a s muc h a s the y deserved . During thes e year s th e productio n o f silve r increased , an d gol d becam e more scarc e an d mor e expensive . Inevitably , th e gol d valu e o f a silve r dollar fel l t o 67 cents . Worse , b y 189 2 th e Treasur y ha d les s tha n th e minimum gol d reserve , $10 0 million . The unpopularit y o f th e McKinle y tarif f le d t o numerou s Republica n defeats i n th e midter m election s o f 1890 . Onl y 8 8 Republican s wer e elected t o th e ne w Hous e agains t 23 5 Democrat s an d 9 Populists. I t wa s said th e Democrat s owe d thei r victor y t o a revol t o f consumer s fro m th e Republican standard . The y wante d t o pocke t th e prize s bu t no t pa y th e bill. They wer e sickene d no t onl y b y highe r price s bu t als o b y th e lavis h spending o f th e retirin g Fifty-firs t Congress . It s appropriation s cam e t o the then-unprecedented su m o f $98 9 million . When reproache d wit h th e extravagance o f th e "billion-dolla r Congress, " Speake r Ree d remon strated tha t i t wa s justified : th e Unite d State s wa s a billion-dolla r coun try. It was inevitabl e tha t Clevelan d an d Harriso n woul d b e pitted agains t one anothe r i n th e electio n o f 1892 . Durin g th e interregnu m Clevelan d had worke d a s a corporatio n lawye r i n Ne w Yor k City . Th e actio n replay ende d i n decisiv e victor y fo r Cleveland , wh o receive d 5,555,42 6 votes t o Harrison' s 5,182,69 0 an d carrie d a grou p o f pivota l states . H e took 27 7 electora l vote s t o Harrison' s 145 . Clevelan d ha d give n th e Democrats thei r greates t victor y i n fort y years . But hi s popular vot e wa s only 3 percent highe r tha n hi s rival's. A significant featur e o f th e electio n was th e considerabl e advanc e mad e b y a ne w thir d party , th e People' s party, o r Populists , o f th e Sout h an d West . The Return of Cleveland No soone r ha d Cleveland' s secon d ter m begu n tha n economi c disaste r struck. A s ha d bee n th e cas e i n 1873 , t n e fi fSt sign s o f industria l crisi s came wit h railroa d collapse . Th e Philadelphi a an d Readin g Railroa d failed te n day s befor e Clevelan d too k office . I t wa s followe d b y th e Eri e in July , an d the n b y th e Norther n Pacific , th e Unio n Pacific , an d th e Santa F e in th e lat e summer . Th e pani c o f 189 3 cause d th e collaps e o f a
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quarter o f th e railroad s representin g $2. 5 billio n o f capita l an d ove r 40,000 mile s of track . Another facto r i n th e ensuin g depressio n wa s th e weaknes s o f th e banking structure . Bankin g ha d becom e increasingl y concentrate d i n New York . Disturbance s i n Wal l Stree t extende d t o th e res t o f th e country. Th e Ne w Yor k Stoc k Exchang e wa s convulse d i n it s greates t selling spree . Bank s aske d fo r thei r loan s t o b e paid, an d thos e individu als an d firms wh o coul d no t repa y wen t bankrupt . Mor e tha n 15,00 0 businesses faile d i n 1893 . Rura l bank s collapsed . O f 15 8 ban k failures , 153 wer e i n th e Wes t an d South . Th e depressio n wa s th e wors t experi enced i n Americ a t o tha t time . N o on e reall y kne w ho w man y peopl e were unemployed . Estimate s var y fro m 2. 5 millio n t o 4 million , a t leas t one worker i n five of th e labor force . As conscientiou s a s before , Clevelan d wa s no w firmly committe d t o the capitalis t poin t o f view . Ik e Hoover , hea d ushe r a t th e White House , attests t o th e chang e i n th e ma n wh o onc e ha d th e commo n touch : "O f his compan y h e wa s ver y choose y an d h e seeme d t o prefe r moneye d people. Lookin g ove r th e lis t one migh t ter m i t a 'millionaire' s crowd. ' " He certainl y ha d littl e sympath y wit h thos e wh o wer e dispossessed . H e once cam e upo n a begga r eatin g gras s o n th e Whit e Hous e law n wh o confessed, "I' m hungry. " Clevelan d advise d him , "Th e gras s i s longer i n the backyard. " Appropriately , on e o f th e mos t popula r ne w song s o f 1894 wa s / Don't Want to Play in Your Yard ("I f yo u won' t b e good t o me"). Cleveland wa s ou t o f touc h wit h publi c opinio n an d confuse d b y disturbing socia l trends . Bu t oversea s event s force d hi m t o tak e actio n and tr y an d rais e th e depression . O n Jun e 26 , 1893 , Indi a joine d Euro pean countrie s an d abandone d bimetallism . Tha t da y th e valu e o f th e American silve r dolla r fel l fro m 6 7 cent s t o belo w 6 0 cent s i n gold . Attributing th e pani c t o monetar y uncertainty , Clevelan d believe d tha t there wa s jus t on e remedy , a drasti c one—repea l o f th e Sherma n Silve r Purchase Act . O n Jun e 3 0 h e summone d a specia l sessio n o f Congres s for Augus t 8 to "pu t beyon d al l doub t o r mistak e th e intentio n an d th e ability o f th e Governmen t t o fulfil l it s pecuniar y obligation s i n mone y universally recognize d b y al l civilize d countries. " Americ a woul d retur n to th e gol d standard . Clevelan d recognize d tha t hi s proposal woul d spli t the Democrati c party . Bu t h e wa s no t deterred . H e ha d immens e stam ina. Th e da y afte r h e calle d Congres s int o specia l sessio n Clevelan d
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underwent a dangerou s operatio n t o remov e a cancerou s growt h i n th e roof o f hi s mouth . I t wa s performe d i n th e utmos t secrec y o n a yacht i n New York' s Eas t River . Par t o f hi s ja w wa s remove d an d replace d wit h an artificia l ja w mad e o f vulcanize d rubber . By selectiv e manipulatio n o f patronag e Clevelan d ensure d enoug h Democratic vote s t o hel p Republican s repea l th e discredite d Silve r Pur chase Ac t o f 1890 . Repea l passe d th e Hous e b y 23 9 vote s t o 10 8 o n August 18 , 1893 . Two month s late r i t passe d th e Senat e b y 4 3 vote s t o 37. Amon g thos e wh o spok e agains t repea l wa s Congressma n Willia m Jennings Brya n o f Nebraska . A mos t eloquen t orato r wit h a sonorou s voice, h e soo n abandone d hi s writte n note s an d hel d th e Hous e en grossed i n hi s argument s fo r thre e hours . Th e substanc e o f hi s appea l was fait h i n the simpl e people o f America. To Bryan th e conflict betwee n gold an d silve r represente d a clas h o f will s betwee n capitalist s an d ordinary people . On the one side stand th e corporate interests of the United States , the moneyed interests, aggregate d wealt h an d capital , imperious , arrogant , compassionless . On the other hand stan d a n unnumbered throng , those who gave to the Democratic part y a name , an d fo r who m i t ha s assume d t o speak . Work-wor n an d dust-begrimed, the y mak e thei r mut e appeal , an d to o ofte n thei r cr y fo r hel p beats in vain against th e outer walls, while others, less deserving, gain acces s to legislative halls. This on e plangen t speec h turne d a n almos t unknow n politicia n fro m a n obscure stat e int o a leadin g candidat e fo r th e Democrati c presidentia l nomination i n 1896 . The economi c result s o f repea l wer e no t decisive . Bu t politicall y i t was disastrous . No t sinc e slaver y an d secessio n ha d ther e bee n suc h a divisive issu e a s silver . Moreover , repea l rouse d publi c suspicion s abou t the financial probit y o f th e government . Instea d o f stoppin g holder s o f silver certificate s fro m requestin g redemptio n i n gold , repea l swelle d th e tide. I t dawne d o n th e presiden t an d hi s cabine t tha t th e governmen t might no t b e able to mee t it s legal obligations i n gold. Clevelan d decide d to sel l governmen t bond s fo r gold . Bu t h e require d th e financial assur ance of som e independent agenc y i n order t o convince the public that hi s strategy wa s sound . H e turne d t o banke r J . P . Morgan , wh o coul d assemble a syndicat e o f financiers t o assur e th e bonds . However , thi s insurance starve d th e financial appetit e tha t i t wa s intende d t o feed . Clients wh o bough t bond s first dre w fro m th e Treasur y th e gol d the y
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needed t o pa y fo r them . Thus , a s soo n a s on e drai n wa s close d anothe r opened. In th e winte r o f 189 5 t n e gol d reserv e fel l t o $4 2 million . Cleveland compounde d th e problem s b y seekin g tw o furthe r sale s o f bonds, agai n guarantee d b y th e bank s tha t provide d th e Treasur y wit h gold t o cove r withdrawals . The y bough t bond s a t 104V 2 an d sol d the m at 118 . In 189 6 th e Treasury issue d $10 0 millio n i n bond s supporte d b y public subscription . Thi s fourt h measur e succeede d i n dammin g th e tid e and th e crisi s passed . N o singl e ac t b y th e administratio n arouse d a s much censur e a s Cleveland' s contrac t wit h Morgan . I t seeme d t o ordi nary peopl e tha t thi s wa s anothe r tightfiste d bargai n i n whic h wicke d capitalists ha d profite d fro m a national crisis . Furthermore, th e dea l ha d failed t o eas e th e depression , wherea s generou s publi c respons e t o th e fourth issu e o f 189 6 ha d save d th e situation . Cleveland als o tried t o persuad e Congres s t o reduc e th e tariff, bu t th e Wilson-Gorman Tarif f o f 1894 , whic h passe d ove r hi s veto , involve d 634 change s fro m th e origina l bill , mos t o f the m upward . Clevelan d denounced i t a s "part y perfid y an d part y dishonor. " However , becaus e Congress recognize d th e ver y rea l financial problem s facin g th e adminis tration, i t include d a provisio n fo r a ta x o f tw o percen t o n income s o f $4,000 o r more . Thi s wa s a mos t controversia l measure . Congressma n J. H . Walke r o f Massachusett s stated , "Th e incom e ta x take s fro m th e wealth o f th e thrift y an d th e enterprisin g an d give s t o th e shift y an d th e sluggard." Senato r Joh n Sherma n o f Ohi o declared , "Thi s attemp t t o array th e ric h agains t th e poo r . . . i s socialism , communism , devilism. " And i n a widel y publicize d tes t cas e o f 1895 , Pollock v . Farmer's Loan and Trust Company, th e Suprem e Cour t decide d b y a 5- 4 vot e tha t income ta x wa s unconstitutional . Th e cas e agains t th e ta x wa s tha t because i t was direc t i t mus t b e apportione d amon g th e state s accordin g to population . However , thi s woul d no t b e practicable . Therefore , th e Court decide d tha t th e ac t mus t fall . "General" Jacob S . Coxey, a quarry owne r o f Massillon , Ohio , ha d a different solutio n fo r th e depression . H e propose d a bil l allowin g an y town o r count y read y t o undertak e publi c improvement s suc h a s roa d building t o issu e bond s withou t interest , t o b e hel d wit h th e secretar y o f the treasur y i n exchang e fo r lega l tende r notes . Publi c improvement s financed i n this way woul d giv e men employmen t a t a minimum wag e of $1.50 fo r a n eight-hou r day . Coxe y decide d t o pres s hi s claim . Startin g on Easte r Sunda y 1894 , Coxey , accompanie d b y his wife an d infan t son ,
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Legal Tende r Coxey , le d a marc h o f unemploye d me n fro m Ohi o t o Washington. Thi s wa s a "petitio n o n boots " intende d t o sti r th e ster n countenances o f congressmen . Onl y 50 0 broke n veteran s arrive d ex hausted i n Washington o n Ma y Day . Coxe y wa s arreste d fo r trespas s o n Capitol Hill , and hi s followers wer e disperse d b y the police. In the mele e some fift y peopl e wer e beate n u p o r trample d upon . In 189 4 seventee n industrial armie s altogethe r marche d o n Washington, scarin g the admin istration int o thinkin g tha t the y represente d incipien t rebellio n acros s the country . In th e midter m election s o f 189 4 t n e Democrat s los t th e suppor t o f urban voters . Tw o decade s o f congressiona l equilibriu m betwee n th e parties ende d a s th e Republican s recapture d bot h houses . The y wer e t o retain contro l fo r th e nex t sixtee n years . Silve r Democrat s ha d alread y joined force s wit h Populist s i n the West, where it was sometime s difficul t to distinguis h betwee n them . However , silve r interest s ha d no t ye t give n up hop e o f tyin g the Democrat s t o thei r cause . When Clevelan d lef t th e presidenc y i n 189 7 hi s part y wa s divided , defeated, an d demoralized . Cleveland' s wif e remarrie d afte r hi s deat h i n 1908 an d live d unti l 1947 . Whe n sh e me t Genera l Dwigh t D . Eisen hower, th e futur e thirty-fourt h president , sh e tol d hi m ho w muc h sh e missed Washington . "Really, " h e asked, "wher e di d yo u live? " Foreign Policy During th e 1860 s an d 1870 s fe w American s wer e intereste d i n foreig n policy. Th e swellin g tid e o f immigrant s seekin g refug e confirme d the m in thei r traditiona l suspicion s abou t Europe . However , i t becam e clea r to Secretarie s o f Stat e William H . Sewar d (1861—69 ) an d Hamilto n Fis h (1869—77) that , becaus e o f it s expandin g networ k o f communications , its industr y an d trade , th e Unite d State s coul d no t affor d t o ignor e it s interests i n worl d affairs . Busines s an d industr y pu t pressur e o n con gressmen t o secur e o r challeng e particula r policie s tha t di d o r di d no t suit thei r interests . Th e policie s o f Sewar d an d Fis h reflecte d thes e con flicts an d confusions . I f thei r policie s lacke d a sens e o f gran d design , i t was als o becaus e the y ha d t o wor k withou t adequat e administrativ e staff. Ther e wer e onl y thirty-on e clerk s in th e Stat e Department i n 1869 . Seward's polic y wa s expansionis t bu t subjec t t o immens e frustratio n and los t on politician s obsesse d wit h Reconstruction . Th e collapse of th e
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Spanish attemp t t o coloniz e th e Dominica n Republic , o r Sant o Dom ingo, an d Spain' s subsequen t withdrawa l fro m th e islan d i n 186 5 wer e attributed t o hi s diplomati c efforts . I n 186 7 Sewar d als o pu t militar y pressure o n Napoleo n II I t o withdra w fro m hi s attemp t t o instal l th e emperor Maximilia n i n Mexico . Seward' s mos t famou s act , however , was th e purchas e o f Alask a fro m Russia . H e signe d th e treat y i n th e middle o f a gam e o f whis t a t fou r o'cloc k i n th e mornin g o n Marc h 30 , 1867. Henc e th e purchas e wa s calle d " a dar k dee d don e i n th e night. " Although th e Senate approved th e purchase o n Apri l 6 , Congress di d no t appropriate th e purchas e mone y o f $7. 5 millio n unti l 1870 , an d the n only afte r th e Russia n minister , Baro n Stoeckel , ha d spen t som e o f i t i n advance t o brib e influentia l Republican s i n th e House . Wha t use , the y wondered, wa s thi s "Walrussia " o r "Seward' s Folly " wit h it s froze n wastes? Th e Nation spok e fo r man y whe n i t declare d tha t i f th e natio n was in peril i t was no t fo r lac k o f territor y bu t becaus e o f a n exces s of it . On Jul y 28 , 1868 , Sewar d signe d th e Seward-Burlingam e Treat y o f commerce an d friendshi p wit h China . Th e Senate , however , rejecte d hi s treaty o f Octobe r 24 , 1867 , t o bu y th e Virgi n Islands , St . Thomas , an d St. John fro m Denmar k fo r $7. 5 million . O n Augus t 28 , 1867 , Sewar d annexed th e unoccupie d Midwa y Island s wes t o f Hawaii , an d o n Jun e 21, 1867 , he acquire d America n righ t o f transi t i n Nicaragu a fo r cuttin g a cana l acros s th e isthmu s a t a later date . Most controversia l o f al l wer e th e protracte d negotiation s wit h Brit ain ove r th e Alabama claims . O n Januar y 14 , 1869 , th e Senat e rejecte d the treat y negotiate d b y th e Unite d State s ministe r t o England , Reverd y Johnson, t o settl e th e Alabama dispute . I t containe d no t on e wor d o f regret fo r th e wartim e damag e cause d b y th e Alabama an d th e othe r confederate vessels , th e Shenandoah an d th e Florida, whic h ha d bee n built o r fitted i n Britis h ports . Charle s Sumner , chairma n o f th e Senat e Foreign Relation s Committee , charge d tha t Britai n shoul d bea r hal f th e total cos t o f th e war , $2.1 2 billion , fo r havin g aide d th e Sout h an d prolonged th e war . Sumne r reall y wante d th e cessio n o f Canad a i n payment. O n Ma y 8 , 1871 , a join t Anglo-America n commissio n settle d the scor e b y establishin g a judicial commissio n o f five members t o adju dicate th e claim s o f th e Unite d States . O n Septembe r 14 , 1872 , th e ne w commission reporte d tha t Britai n ha d bee n negligen t i n allowin g th e Alabama an d th e othe r cruiser s t o participat e i n th e war. I t awarded th e United State s compensatio n o f $15. 5 million .
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On th e advic e o f hi s privat e secretary , Orvill e Babcock , Presiden t Ulysses S . Gran t revive d on e o f Seward' s scheme s fo r th e annexatio n o f Santo Domingo . In submittin g a treat y o f annexatio n fo r ratificatio n b y the Senate, the president wa s disclosing tha t he was the tool o f predator y businessmen an d politicians , includin g Be n Butle r an d Joh n A . Rawlins . The Senate rejected th e treaty on November 29 , 1869 . Relations betwee n Spain an d th e Unite d State s deteriorate d t o a ver y lo w eb b ove r th e Virginius affai r o f 1873 . Th e Virginius wa s a shi p carryin g arm s t o Cuban rebel s agains t Spai n unde r th e America n flag . I t was seize d a t se a by a Spanis h gunboat , an d fifty-thre e o f th e crew , includin g eigh t Amer icans, were executed fo r piracy . The situatio n wa s saved b y the discover y that th e shi p wa s no t registere d i n th e Unite d States , an d Spai n subse quently pai d a n indemnit y fo r th e los s of America n lives . Between th e Virginius affai r o f 187 3 a n ^ t n e Hawaiia n crisi s o f 189 1 foreign relation s wer e comparatively untroubled . However , durin g Chester A . Arthur' s administratio n politician s showe d greate r interes t i n foreign polic y an d calle d fo r a n expande d nav y to demonstrate America n willingness t o bac k i t u p wit h forc e whe n necessary . A nation withou t a navy, the y argued , coul d mak e littl e headwa y i n worl d affair s i n a n ag e of se a power . The nav y wa s the n no t onl y smal l bu t als o i n poo r repair . Represen tative Joh n D . Lon g o f Massachusett s describe d i t a s "a n alphabe t o f floating washtubs. " I n The Canterville Ghost Osca r Wild e ha s thi s exchange betwee n th e Englis h aristocrati c ghos t an d th e per t America n girl: "I don't think I should like America." "I suppose because we have no ruins and no curiosities," said Virginia satirically. "No ruins! No curiosities!" answered the Ghost; "you have your navy and your manners." The mos t famou s advocat e o f nava l expansio n wa s forme r nava l office r Alfred Thaye r Mahan . Maha n firs t propounde d hi s idea s fo r a large r navy an d th e acquisitio n o f nava l base s i n th e Pacifi c an d Caribbea n i n lectures a t th e ne w Nava l Wa r Colleg e i n 188 6 an d the n publishe d the m as The Influence of Sea Tower upon History i n 1890 . He reflected rathe r than provoke d a changin g moo d i n publi c opinion , bu t hi s idea s wer e most welcom e t o advocate s o f expansion , suc h a s th e risin g politician s Theodore Roosevel t an d Henr y Cabo t Lodge . Congress se t about repair -
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ing an d improvin g th e navy . I n 188 3 i t commissione d thre e cruiser s an d in 188 6 tw o battleships , th e Maine an d th e Texas. Th e Nava l Ac t o f 1890 authorize d th e buildin g o f thre e mor e powerfu l battleships , th e Indiana, th e Massachusetts, an d th e Oregon. Wherea s i n 188 0 the Amer ican nav y wa s twelft h i n th e world , b y 190 0 i t was thir d wit h seventee n battleships an d si x armore d cruisers . A fe w statesme n an d som e businessme n favore d commercia l expan sion. O n th e traditiona l assumptio n tha t th e bes t mean s o f defens e i s attack, the y argue d tha t th e Unite d State s ha d t o acquir e territor y t o preserve it s traditiona l commercia l an d strategi c rights . The y wer e con temptuous o f th e Europea n contes t fo r imperia l possession s bu t caugh t the sam e mani a themselves . They hel d certai n assumption s abou t Amer ica's rol e i n worl d affairs . The y considere d th e Unite d State s t o b e bot h a stabilizin g an d a liberalizin g influenc e o n Europea n diplomacy . The y liked t o think tha t it s own emphasi s o n materia l progres s an d o n individ ual freedo m wa s a n inspiratio n t o emergin g nations . Thus , politician s confused duty , interests , an d power . The y coul d no t conceiv e wh y i n th e 1890s movement s fo r nationa l independenc e i n underdevelope d colonie s refused t o distinguis h betwee n conventiona l Europea n imperialis m an d American economi c expansion . Emerging nation s wer e no t likel y t o b e propitiate d b y conventiona l American claim s whe n the y wer e propounde d b y suc h advocate s o f Social Darwinis m an d Manifes t Destin y a s Josiah Strong . I n Our Country, Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (1885 ) h e declared : This rac e of unequalle d energy , with al l th e majest y o f number s an d th e migh t of wealt h behin d it—th e representative , le t u s hope , o f th e larges t liberty , th e purest Christianity , th e highes t civilization,—havin g develope d peculiarl y ag gressive trait s calculate d t o impres s it s institution s upo n mankind , wil l sprea d itself over the earth. If I read not amiss, this powerful rac e will move down upon Mexico, down upon Central and South America, out upon the islands of the sea, over upo n Afric a an d beyond . An d ca n anyon e doub t tha t th e resul t o f thi s competition of races will be the survival of the fittest? From th e 1880 s America n politician s expresse d particula r interes t first i n Lati n Americ a an d the n i n th e Pacific . Presiden t Jame s Garfiel d needed James G . Blain e a s secretary o f stat e t o conceiv e foreig n polic y a s well a s to mak e th e Republica n part y mor e liberal . Blaine's polic y wa s a mixture o f capitalis t self-interest , bourgeoi s morality , an d libera l fait h i n economic progress . H e believe d tha t i f th e Unite d State s encourage d
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favorable condition s fo r politica l stabilit y an d economi c growth i n Lati n America i t would gai n a double advantage : permission t o extract natura l resources fro m developin g Lati n America n economie s i n nee d o f U.S . investment, an d th e sal e o f America n industria l good s i n thei r markets . To mak e th e Ne w Worl d trul y fre e fo r th e Unite d State s h e favore d a common syste m o f coins , weights , an d measures ; fre e trad e an d unre stricted travel ; an d a series of hemispheri c conference s t o educat e states men an d businessme n politicall y an d economically . Blaine's earl y initiative s die d wit h Garfield . Cheste r A . Arthu r wa s reluctant t o suppor t suc h a n innovativ e polic y an d one , moreover , tha t was bein g advance d b y a political opponent . Frustrated , Blain e resigne d in Decembe r 1881 . On hi s return t o power a s secretary o f stat e under Benjami n Harrison , Blaine persuade d Congres s t o incorporat e a claus e i n th e McKinle y Tariff o f 1890 , whereb y th e presiden t wa s empowere d t o penaliz e im ports fro m Lati n America n countrie s tha t di d no t affor d reciproca l treatment t o America n exports . A t thi s tim e 8 7 percen t o f export s fro m Latin Americ a entere d th e Unite d State s fre e o f duty . Tarif f reciprocit y was a n instrumen t o f diplomac y an d on e tha t worke d al l th e bette r fo r not attractin g domesti c commen t an d confrontation . Th e outgoin g pres ident, Grove r Cleveland , had revive d th e idea o f a conference fo r nation s in th e Wester n Hemisphere , an d unde r Harriso n th e conferenc e o f eigh teen countrie s convene d i n Washington o n Octobe r 2 , 1889 . Sitting until April 19 , 1890 , i t resulte d i n th e foundin g o f th e Commercia l Unio n o f American State s bu t produce d n o tangibl e economi c advantages . Although Blain e wa s calle d "Jing o Jim, " h e exercise d a moderatin g influence o n foreig n policy . O n Octobe r 18 , 1891 , a part y o f rowd y sailors fro m th e cruise r Baltimore wen t o n shor e leav e i n Valparaiso , Chile, wher e the y wer e attacke d b y a mo b o f Chilean s wh o kille d tw o and wounde d seventee n others . Ther e wa s grea t mora l outrag e an d much sabe r rattlin g i n th e Unite d States . Th e worl d pres s too k muc h pleasure i n criticizin g "Yanke e imperialism. " Bu t Blain e defuse d th e situation, an d th e crisi s passe d o n Januar y 28 , 1892 , afte r Chil e capitu lated t o America n demand s fo r a n indemnity .
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Hawaii and Samoa Between Americ a an d Asi a tw o group s o f island s ha d specia l strategi c importance, Hawai i i n the Nort h Pacifi c an d Samo a i n th e Sout h Pacific . The Hawaiian , o r Sandwich , Islands , discovere d b y Captai n Coo k i n 1778, la y 2,30 0 mile s southwes t o f Californi a an d serve d a s a merchan t base betwee n Americ a an d Asia . B y 184 0 th e capital , Honolulu , wa s a n established por t o f cal l fo r America n merchan t ship s an d whalers . O n January 30 , 1875 , Hamilto n Fis h conclude d a treat y o f friendshi p wit h Hawaii i n whic h eac h natio n gav e th e othe r exclusiv e tradin g privilege s and th e Unite d State s guarantee d Hawaiia n independence . O n Januar y 20, 1887 , th e Senat e agree d t o th e renewe d an d expande d for m o f th e 1875 treat y o f friendshi p wit h Hawai i negotiate d b y Secretar y o f Stat e Thomas F . Bayar d (1885—89) . Bayar d ha d secure d a ne w concession , permission t o establis h a nava l bas e a t Pear l Harbo r o n th e islan d o f Oahu. The treatie s o f 187 5 an d 188 7 encourage d th e productio n o f suga r fivefold. I n 1890 , 9 9 percen t o f Hawaiia n suga r export s wen t t o th e United States . Hawaiians believe d tha t increasin g America n involvemen t would en d i n annexation . The y dislike d increasin g Hawaiia n economi c dependence o n th e Unite d States . Th e McKinle y Tarif f o f 1890 , whic h raised th e dut y o n suga r b y tw o cent s a pound, devastate d th e Hawaiia n economy. Th e pric e o f it s suga r fel l fro m $10 0 t o $6 0 a ton . Suga r plantations los t thei r forme r value . American planter s an d investor s no w concluded tha t annexatio n wa s absolutel y essential . Turnin g Hawai i into a territor y woul d giv e it s suga r th e statu s o f America n suga r an d restore i t to it s former plac e i n th e American market . In 188 7 the dissolute old king of Hawaii , Kalakua , ha d bee n prevaile d upon t o accep t a refor m constitutio n restrictin g hi s powe r an d makin g both cabine t an d assembl y mor e responsible . Bu t o n Januar y 29 , 1891 , he wa s succeede d b y hi s sister , Liliuokalani , wh o wa s determine d t o reassert th e monarchy . He r polic y prompte d a counterrevolutio n b y American expatriate s supporte d b y th e America n minister , Joh n L . Ste vens, an d achieve d b y marine s fro m th e US S Boston. A committe e o f safety, consistin g largel y o f th e plante r son s o f America n missionaries , deposed Liliuokalan i o n January 17 , 1893 , and establishe d a provisiona l government unde r Chie f Justic e Sanfor d B . Dole . H e opene d negotia -
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tions fo r annexatio n wit h Joh n Stevens , an d Presiden t Benjami n Harri son accepte d hi s terms o n Februar y 14 , 1893 . However, o n his return t o office, Grove r Clevelan d woul d no t counte nance annexation. " I mistake the Americans," he declared, "i f the y favo r the odiou s doctrin e tha t ther e i s no suc h thin g a s international morality ; that ther e i s on e la w fo r a stron g natio n an d anothe r fo r a wea k one. " He withdre w th e treat y fro m th e Senat e o n Marc h 9 , 1893 , an d dis patched t o Hawai i a specia l commissioner , Jame s H . Blount , wh o re ported o n Jul y 17 , 1893 , tha t Steven s ha d instigate d th e revolutio n o n behalf o f America n businessmen . Thinkin g tha t th e provisiona l govern ment woul d fall , Clevelan d renounce d America n interests . Bu t h e coul d not remov e th e provisiona l governmen t an d wa s eventuall y oblige d t o recognize th e Republi c o f Hawai i o n Augus t 17 , 1894 . Cleveland' s successor a s president , Willia m McKinley , ha d n o qualm s abou t annex ation, especially sinc e the rising power o f Japan wa s a potential threa t t o American interest s i n the Pacific. Because supporters o f annexation coul d not muste r a vot e o f two-third s i n th e Senate , the y an d th e presiden t agreed t o a join t resolutio n requirin g onl y a simpl e majorit y i n bot h houses. O n Augus t 12 , 1898 , Hawai i becam e par t o f th e Unite d States , and o n Apri l 20 , 1900 , it was awarde d ful l territoria l status . On Januar y 17 , 1878 , th e Samoan , o r Navigators' , Islands , locate d 4,100 mile s fro m th e coas t o f California , grante d th e Unite d State s trading right s an d permissio n t o buil d a coaling statio n a t Pag o Pag o o n the islan d o f Tutuila . Thi s concessio n mad e Britai n an d German y jeal ous. Fo r te n year s th e thre e power s compete d fo r superio r concessions , each supportin g riva l chieftain s wh o wer e expecte d t o promot e th e special interest s o f thei r sponso r state . Germa n intention s o f takin g th e islands wit h a forc e o f seve n warship s wer e destroye d whe n a hurrican e in Apia Harbo r san k si x of thei r ship s on Marc h 1 5 and 16 , 1889 . On Jun e 14 , 1889 , th e Unite d State s entere d int o a tripartit e protec torate wit h Britai n an d German y ove r th e Samoa n Islands , ratifie d b y the Senat e o n Februar y 4 , 1890 . The power s agree d t o regulat e th e arm s and liquo r traffi c an d th e sal e o f land . Secretar y o f Stat e Walte r Q . Gresham (1893—95 ) observe d late r tha t thi s apparentl y insignifican t treaty represente d "th e first departur e fro m ou r traditiona l an d well established polic y o f avoidin g entanglin g alliance s wit h foreig n power s in relatio n t o objects remot e fro m thi s hemisphere. " In th e pas t th e Unite d States , Britain , an d Germany , fo r thei r ow n
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ends, ha d eac h promote d riva l claimant s t o th e thron e o f Samoa . Thei r discredited strateg y no w caugh t u p wit h the m a s thei r forme r roya l clients continue d t o quarre l despit e th e ne w tripartit e protectorate . Th e upshot wa s a prolonge d civi l war . Th e thre e grea t power s eventuall y realized the y coul d onl y secur e lastin g peac e i n Samo a i f the y ende d th e joint protectorate . The y no w decide d t o partitio n th e islan d outright . The Unite d State s an d German y divide d th e island s betwee n the m o n December 2 , 189 9 (ratifie d o n Januar y 16 , 1900) . Britai n wa s compen sated b y the acquisitio n o f th e Solomo n Islands . Anglo-American relation s wer e n o mor e settle d i n th e Gilde d Ag e than the y ha d bee n i n th e Civi l War . O n Februar y 29 , 1892 , Britai n agreed t o accep t arbitratio n i n a fisherie s disput e betwee n Canad a an d the Unite d State s ove r exterminatio n o f th e seal , hunte d fo r it s fu r i n Alaskan waters . A tribunal foun d legall y i n favo r o f Canad a bu t morall y in favo r o f Blaine' s attemp t t o sav e the sea l fro m extinction . In 189 5 a long-standin g disput e betwee n Britai n an d Venezuel a ove r the boundar y o f Britis h Guian a cam e t o a hea d afte r th e discover y o f gold i n bot h Lati n America n countries . Britain ha d previousl y refuse d t o accept America n arbitration ; an d Cleveland , supporte d b y Congress , made i t clea r i n a messag e o f Decembe r 17 , 1895 , t r i a t i f Britai n woul d not accep t arbitratio n voluntaril y h e himsel f woul d defin e an d enforc e the boundary . Venezuela' s clai m wa s base d o n historica l ground s an d was supporte d b y a n America n syndicate , whic h i t propose d t o rewar d with a lucrative concession . Cleveland' s ultimatu m wa s a deliberate plo y to distrac t th e America n electorat e fro m division s i n th e Democrati c ranks an d wa s recognize d a s suc h b y commentators , wh o referre d t o i t as anothe r cas e o f "twistin g th e lion' s tail. " Thi s messag e provoke d more sabe r rattlin g i n th e Unite d States . However , a catastrophi c fal l i n American stock s o n worl d market s chastene d th e America n plutocracy . Britain an d Venezuel a agree d i n a treat y signe d i n Washingto n o n Feb ruary 2 , 1897 , t o accep t arbitratio n b y a n independen t commission . O n October 3 , 1899 , it upheld mos t o f th e Britis h claims .
CHAPTER 9
Opening the West and Closing the Frontier
In 189 0 th e Burea u o f th e Censu s announce d tha t th e frontie r wa s closed, tha t is , there wa s n o longe r an y discernibl e demarcatio n betwee n frontier an d settlement . Acros s th e continent , th e densit y o f non-India n population wa s tw o person s pe r squar e mile . Up to and including 188 0 the country had a frontier o f settlement, but at present the unsettled are a ha s been so broken int o b y isolated bodie s of settlement tha t there ca n hardl y b e said t o b e a frontier line . In the discussion o f it s extent, its westward movemen t etc. , i t ca n not , therefore , an y longe r hav e a place i n th e census reports. According t o thi s pronouncement , westwar d expansio n wa s no w complete. Manifes t Destin y ha d bee n fulfilled . Realizatio n tha t th e Golde n West wa s n o longe r ope n ha d a considerabl e psychologica l effec t o n Native American s an d immigrant s alike . I n 189 3 historia n Frederic k Jackson Turner , the n a professo r a t Wisconsi n an d subsequentl y a t Harvard, wrot e hi s brief , semina l article , "Th e Significanc e o f th e Fron tier i n American History, " publishe d b y th e America n Historica l Associ ation i n 1894 . H e argue d tha t th e developmen t o f th e Ne w Worl d ha d run a very different cours e from tha t o f the Old becaus e of "th e existenc e of a n are a o f fre e land , it s continuou s recession , an d th e advanc e o f 282
In hi s Cowboys Coming to Town for Christmas, Frederi c Remingto n ( i 861-1909) ex tolled tw o icon s o f th e Ol d West : roisterou s cowboy s read y fo r a spre e an d smal l town s that existe d t o provid e bankin g an d commerce , res t an d recuperatio n fo r pioneer s o f al l sorts followin g week s i n th e hinterland . Afte r studyin g a t Yal e an d i n Ne w York , Rem ington travele d widel y wes t o f th e Mississippi . H e recorde d an d romanticize d scene s o f everyday lif e wit h suc h panach e tha t hi s character s see m t o rac e acros s th e pag e wit h effervescent abandon . (Librar y o f Congress. )
A m e r i c a n settlemen t w e s t w a r d . " T h e frontie r acte d a s a safet y valv e fo r the Eas t an d helpe d t o m a k e A m e r i c a n societ y mor e flui d tha n European . Outposts stimulate d th e spiri t o f individualis m an d inventiveness , put ting a specia l premiu m o n d e m o c r a c y an d versatility . A m e r i c a n society , moreover, o w e d t o th e frontie r it s specia l characteristic s o f earthines s and practicality . T h e fina l settlemen t o f th e W e s t w a s on e o f th e mos t dramati c storie s of th e G i l d e d A g e . A c c o r d i ng to th e m a p littl e changed . T h e continenta l boundaries o f th e Unite d State s w e r e almos t th e sam e i n 1 9 0 1 a s the y had bee n i n 1 8 6 5 . Y e t i n 1 8 6 5 ther e wer e ver y fe w settlement s betwee n the Mississipp i Valle y i n th e M i d w e s t an d Californi a an d O r e g o n o n th e Pacific—apart fro m a fe w pioneer s aroun d Sant a F e i n N e w M e x i c o an d the M o r m o n s i n Utah . T h e grea t prairie s betwee n Kansa s an d N e b r a s k a in th e Eas t an d th e R o c k y M o u n t a i n s i n th e W e s t ha d previousl y bee n considered unsuitabl e fo r settlement . T h e y w e r e sometime s calle d th e
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Great America n Deser t owin g t o thei r inhospitabl e terrai n an d climate . These centra l plain s ha d th e mos t extrem e temperatur e rang e i n th e United States : th e mea n temperatur e i n Bismarck , Nort h Dakota , fel l t o minus 45 degree s Fahrenheit i n winter, whereas i n Phoenix, Arizona, th e mean temperatur e wa s 11 7 degrees i n summer . Nevertheless, thi s las t frontie r o f nineteenth-centur y Americ a wa s invaded b y thre e successiv e wave s o f pioneers—miners , ranchers , an d farmers. I n thre e decade s the y settle d mor e lan d i n Americ a tha n thei r eastern predecessor s ha d don e i n 25 0 years . Betwee n 160 7 an d 1870 , 409 millio n acre s o f lan d ha d bee n settle d an d 18 9 millio n acre s wer e cultivated, bu t betwee n 187 0 an d 1900 , 43 0 millio n acre s wer e settle d and 22 5 millio n acre s wer e cultivated . Th e foundatio n o f thi s fina l settlement wa s ne w technology , whic h improve d communications , an d the layin g of transcontinenta l railroads . The settlers were both Nativ e Americans fro m th e states of th e Mississippi Valle y an d th e Ol d Northwes t an d immigrant s fro m Europe . Na tive American s move d Wes t becaus e the y fel t tha t th e pressur e o f in creasing populatio n i n th e Eas t wa s narrowin g thei r opportunities . Th e immigrants wer e attracte d b y advertisin g campaign s ru n b y state s an d steamship companies . The y wer e disperse d throughou t th e Wes t b y railroads an d labo r bureaus . Indeed , i t wa s th e revolution s i n transpor tation an d communicatio n o f railroa d an d telegrap h tha t mad e possibl e the superhuman endeavo r o f tamin g a wilderness. Mining and Ranching It wa s no t agricultur e bu t minin g tha t first provide d th e incentiv e fo r settling th e mountain s an d deser t an d ranchin g tha t le d t o th e openin g of th e Grea t Plains . I n 185 9 gol d wa s discovere d i n Pike' s Peak , Colo rado, an d silve r i n Nevada . Th e gol d rus h o f 185 9 soo n die d away , fo r the preciou s lode s i n Colorad o wer e particularl y heav y an d require d special, expensiv e machiner y fo r th e extractio n o f ore . However , silve r was a differen t proposition , an d th e rus h t o exploi t th e Comstoc k Lod e reached it s climax i n th e Big Bonanza o f 1873 . Between 185 9 an d 1880 , $292 millio n o f silve r bullio n wa s mined . Silve r an d coppe r wer e als o discovered i n Montan a a t Butt e i n 187 5 a n d x 876. Th e mine s o f Colo rado yielde d gol d an d silve r a t Silverton (1873) , Leadville (1873) , Oura y (1875), a n c I Crippl e Cree k (1878) . Idah o yielde d gol d i n th e Caribo u
Opening the West and Closing the Frontier 28
5
Mountains i n 1870 ; gol d a t Bonanz a i n 1875 ; a n ^ silver , lead , an d zin c at Coeu r d'Alen e fro m 1882 . Nevad a yielde d gold , copper , an d lea d i n Eureka fro m 1872 . I n Arizon a mine s wer e opene d a t Prescot t (1862) , Lordsburg (1870) , Glob e (1873) , an< ^ Tombston e (1879 ) fo r th e extrac tion o f gold , silver , an d copper . Mos t dramati c o f all , prospector s dis covered gol d i n th e Blac k Hill s o f Sout h Dakot a i n 1874 . m 187 6 th e Homestake min e wa s opened . I t becam e th e larges t gol d min e i n th e Western Hemisphere . As t o miners ' methods , prospector s use d place r mining , collectin g pans o r cradle s o f san d an d grave l fro m th e be d o f stream s an d shakin g or rockin g the m i n runnin g water . Th e heavie r gol d nugget s an d dus t sank t o th e botto m o f th e pa n whil e th e lighte r san d wa s washe d away . Lode minin g wa s mor e comple x an d involve d th e us e o f stam p mill s t o pulverize vein s o f quart z containin g gold . Gol d wa s extracte d afte r mercury ha d bee n poure d int o th e pulverize d materia l an d forme d a n amalgam wit h it . Lod e minin g o n federa l land s necessitate d th e us e o f heavy machiner y an d mor e permanen t occupatio n tha n place r mining . Accordingly, i n th e Minera l Lan d Ac t o f 186 6 (amende d 187 0 an d 1872), Congres s grante d miner s propert y right s fo r $ 5 a n acr e alon g lodes n o mor e tha n 1,50 0 fee t b y 60 0 feet . I t als o allowe d miner s t o claim a paten t fo r place r minin g o f dee p grave l deposits , ol d rive r bed s that ha d drie d ou t an d risen , a t $2.5 0 a n acr e fo r n o mor e tha n fort y acres an d n o fewe r tha n ten . Since th e prospector s wer e usuall y migrant s fro m th e Pacifi c Coast , the minin g frontie r move d fro m wes t t o east . Thi s transien t societ y wa s almost exclusivel y mad e u p o f me n workin g i n remot e area s withou t their families . The y wante d t o mak e a luck y strik e an d the n enjo y thei r new wealt h bac k home . Th e usua l loca l communit y wa s a rowd y cam p that sometime s becam e a ghos t town , deserte d afte r a loca l min e ha d proved barren . Fortune s wer e mad e an d los t b y individual s wh o struc k lucky an d squandere d thei r money . Sand y Bower s wa s on e wh o discov ered silve r an d use d th e earning s o f hi s min e t o buil d a splendi d hous e costing $407,000 , an d t o tak e hi s wif e o n a tou r o f th e world . O n thei r return t o Nevad a the y thre w ope n thei r hom e an d entertaine d parasite s in a lavis h way . Whe n thei r min e petere d out , the y ha d nothin g t o fal l back on . Sand y returne d t o prospecting , an d hi s wife too k i n washing t o sustain them . Mark Twain , wh o spen t a coupl e o f year s i n Virgini a City , provide d
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a memorabl e accoun t o f th e silve r boo m i n Roughing It (1872) . Th e rude manner s o f th e frontie r ar e illustrate d i n a n anecdot e abou t Ji m Baker, a wester n scout . H e wa s no t use d t o cit y spittoon s an d simpl y spat ou t hi s tobacc o o n th e carpe t o f a hotel lobb y i n Denver . Eac h tim e the porte r move d th e cuspido r close r t o hi s range , h e spa t i n a differen t direction. Finall y th e porter place d th e spittoo n righ t unde r hi s nose. Jim looked u p an d said , "Yo u know , i f yo u kee p movin ' tha t thin g aroun d I'm li'bl e to spi t in it. " At the en d o f th e Civi l Wa r th e ranchin g frontie r wa s base d i n Texas . Its climati c condition s wer e idea l fo r raisin g cattl e an d it s lan d polic y suited th e owners . Texa s ha d neve r cede d it s publi c domai n t o th e federal governmen t an d no w i t allowe d rancher s t o acquir e lan d fo r grazing a t 5 0 cent s a n acre . This generou s polic y encourage d mammot h ranches suc h a s th e XI T Ranc h i n th e Texa s Panhandl e tha t containe d over 3 million acres . The stapl e bree d o f cattl e wa s th e Texas longhorn , which wa s s o numerou s an d extensiv e a s t o threate n crop s growin g i n Arkansas an d Missour i a s i t roame d o r wa s bein g drive n nort h t o market. I n 186 7 Joseph McCo y devise d a route whereb y cattl e would b e driven nort h fro m souther n Texa s t o Abilene , Kansas , alon g Chisholm' s trail t o th e wes t o f an y settlement . Th e journe y wa s know n a s th e lon g drive. Fro m Abilene , th e Kansa s an d Pacifi c Railroa d transporte d cattl e to th e slaughterhouse s o f Chicago . Betwee n 186 6 an d 188 5 a tota l o f 5.71 millio n cattl e went nort h b y this route . In 186 8 Phili p D . Armou r establishe d a meatpackin g busines s i n Chicago, an d h e wa s followe d b y Gustavu s Swif t an d Nelso n Morris . Meatpacking mad e us e o f th e assembly-lin e proces s lon g befor e i t wa s adopted i n industry . Eac h worke r ha d a particula r tas k o n th e line . I n the Armou r plant s eac h par t o f th e anima l wa s processed . Beside s meat , the hogs an d cattl e provide d glue , sausage casings , fertilizer, an d pepsin . Armour onc e claimed, " I lik e to turn bristle , blood, bones and the inside s and outside s o f pig s and bullock s int o revenue. " After th e Civi l Wa r i t seeme d tha t ranchin g wa s on e rout e t o fortune . Calves bough t fo r $ 5 o r $1 0 eac h i n Texa s an d raise d o n th e norther n plains coul d fetc h abov e $2 5 whe n the y wer e sold . Th e gras s the y at e cost nothing , an d th e expens e o f th e driv e wa s estimate d a t les s tha n a cent pe r hea d pe r mile . Bu t th e lon g driv e wa s no t reall y cost-effective . Many cattl e lost weight or died. Indians obstructed drive s and sometime s charged levie s fo r passag e throug h th e India n Territory . Rancher s dis -
Opening the West and Closing the Frontier 28
7
covered tha t th e mor e norther n plain s wer e ric h i n gras s an d tha t thei r cattle could , afte r all , withstan d th e hazard s o f th e winte r there . Thus , by the early 1870s , the open rang e had replace d th e long drive in Kansas , Nebraska, an d Wyoming . B y th e en d o f th e decad e i t ha d sprea d t o Montana an d Dakota . This , too , wa s a passing phas e i n livestoc k farm ing. Herd s multiplie d quickl y an d range s becam e overcrowded . Th e winters o f 188 5 an d 188 6 wer e especiall y severe . In Januar y 188 7 th e West fro m th e Dakota s t o Texa s experience d it s wors t blizzar d t o dat e with a temperatur e o f minu s 6 8 degrees . Rancher s coul d no t roun d u p their cattle , and thousand s died . During th e heyda y o f th e lon g driv e an d ope n range , cowboy s wer e kings o f th e road . The y wer e itineran t worker s whos e strikin g clothe s were reall y a protectiv e unifor m fo r thei r work . Th e wide-brimme d ha t shielded hea d an d eye s fro m th e glar e an d hea t o f th e su n an d serve d a s a bucke t a t waterholes. The bandann a aroun d hi s lower fac e maske d th e cowboy's mout h an d nos e fro m th e dus t raise d b y cattl e o n th e move . Chaps (chaparajos ) o r leathe r legging s aroun d hi s deni m trouser s guarde d him fro m th e sting s an d thorn s o f brus h an d cactus , an d high-heele d boots gav e hi m a firm gri p i n the stirru p an d o n sand . Hi s mos t preciou s possession wa s no t a gu n bu t a saddle . I t wa s ofte n sai d tha t a cowbo y rode a "forty-dolla r saddl e o n a ten-dollar horse. " Because ther e wer e n o boundarie s an d cattl e wandere d freely , th e open rang e le d t o variou s problem s o f ownershi p tha t wer e resolve d b y branding cattle . Herd s wer e rounde d u p i n th e sprin g an d fal l an d divided amon g thei r owners . Th e calves , whic h followe d thei r mothers , were the n brande d i n specia l pens . Roundup s wer e th e mos t celebrate d and arduou s o f th e cowboys ' duties , wit h wor k lastin g twelv e o r fifteen hours a da y i n gruelin g heat . Th e grea t freez e o f 188 7 ende d th e ope n range. Rancher s returne d t o mor e traditiona l method s o f raisin g live stock, restrictin g thei r herd s an d fencin g the m in . The Farming Frontier The third wav e of pioneers, the farmers , survive d numerou s catastrophe s and were , a s a group , perhap s th e mos t permanen t settlers . Th e Home stead Ac t o f 186 2 allowe d prospectiv e farmers , o n paymen t o f a smal l registration fee , t o settl e o n a plo t o f 16 0 acre s ( a quarte r o f a section) . They wer e grante d ful l titl e t o th e lan d afte r five year s o f continuou s
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farming. However , wherea s a far m o f 16 0 acre s i n th e Ohi o Valle y would b e larg e enoug h t o sustai n a family , i t woul d b e insufficien t fo r ranching o r farmin g i n th e trans-Mississipp i West . Nevertheless , a t th e end o f th e Civi l Wa r pioneer s bega n movin g fro m Kansas , Nebraska , and Missour i alon g river s an d stream s wit h ric h soi l an d timbe r and , after 1870 , eve r westwar d acros s th e plain s o n lan d opene d u p b y railroad route s an d b y th e rout o f Native Americans . New invention s an d ne w processe s mad e i t possible t o far m wher e n o crop ha d bee n raise d before . Althoug h th e sof t winte r whea t farme d i n the Eas t die d o n th e Grea t Plains , scientists discovere d tha t tw o varietie s of har d whea t coul d b e grow n there : sprin g whea t fro m norther n Eu rope, which wa s sown i n Dakota an d Minnesota , an d Turke y Re d whea t from th e Crimea , whic h wa s grow n i n Kansa s an d Nebraska . However , the traditiona l America n metho d o f millin g sof t whea t woul d no t d o fo r hard wheat . In 187 0 E . W. Croix , a Frenchman , invente d a machin e t o recover th e ric h glutinou s par t o f th e whea t kernel , o r middlings . Thi s "gradual reduction " proces s wa s perfecte d b y Washbur n Mill s o f Min neapolis i n 1871 . It improve d th e qualit y o f flou r an d mad e i t possibl e to us e sprin g wheat mor e widel y tha n before . A s a result, whea t produc tion i n area s wher e th e cro p coul d b e kille d b y hars h weather , suc h a s Montana an d Nort h Dakota , expande d greatl y an d le d t o a bonanz a o f farm settlemen t alon g th e Re d Rive r Valley . Betwee n 188 0 an d 188 7 wheat productio n i n th e Dakota s increase d fro m 3 million t o 6 2 millio n bushels. A new metho d calle d dr y farmin g mad e us e of wate r belo w th e soil i n arid territory . B y plowin g a dee p furro w tha t loosene d th e uppe r soil , the farme r brough t wate r t o th e surfac e b y capillar y attraction . Afte r i t had raine d h e harrowed th e field to creat e a mulch tha t slowe d dow n th e process o f evaporation . I n 187 8 Joh n F . Appleb y invente d th e "twin e binder." Historia n T . N . Carve r explains , "I t wa s th e twine binde r mor e than an y othe r machin e o r implemen t tha t enable d th e countr y t o in crease its production o f grain , especiall y wheat. " The result s o f th e ne w expande d agricultur e wer e trul y phenomenal . American productio n o f whea t increase d fro m 21 1 millio n bushel s i n 1867 t o 59 9 millio n bushel s i n 1900 . Th e Departmen t o f Labo r calcu lated tha t wherea s i t too k thirty-fiv e hour s o f labo r i n 184 0 t o produc e fifteen bushel s o f wheat , i t too k onl y fifteen hour s i n 1900 . America n
Miss Dakot a woo s Uncl e Sam , a s Dakot a campaign s fo r immigrant s an d announce s th e attractions o f lif e i n th e Fa r Northwest . Sh e i s als o tryin g t o persuad e Uncl e Sa m tha t sh e is worthy t o tak e he r plac e i n th e Unio n a s a fully-fledge d state . A lithograph o f th e Forbe s Lithograph Company , 1887 . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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wheat export s ros e fro m 6 millio n bushel s i n 186 7 t o 10 2 millio n bushels i n 1900 . In th e absenc e o f timbe r t o mak e fences , a simpl e invention , barbe d wire, patented b y Joseph F . Glidden o f Illinoi s i n 1874 , made i t possibl e to defin e ownershi p o f lan d i n the West. I n 1876 , in cooperation wit h a n eastern wir e manufacturin g firm, Glidde n produce d an d sol d 3 millio n pounds o f barbe d wire . I n 188 0 h e sol d 8 0 millio n pounds . Th e inven tion mad e th e developmen t o f th e ranchin g an d farmin g frontier s some what smoothe r tha n i t migh t otherwis e hav e bee n becaus e i t greatl y reduced dispute s ove r territory . The expansio n o f agricultur e wa s recognize d b y Congres s a s bein g a s important a developmen t a s th e Industria l Revolution . Al l kind s o f legislation wer e passe d t o assis t western settlement . Th e Timber Cultur e Act o f 187 3 grante d 16 0 acre s t o an y settle r wh o undertoo k t o plan t a quarter o f hi s lan d wit h tree s withi n te n years . Th e Deser t Lan d Ac t o f 1877 awarde d 64 0 acre s o f lan d a t 2 5 cent s a n acr e t o an y settle r wh o attempted t o irrigat e som e o f i t withi n thre e years . Onc e th e lan d wa s irrigated, th e settler coul d gai n ful l ownershi p o n paymen t o f $ 1 an acre . The Timber an d Ston e Ac t of 187 8 allowe d a settle r t o bu y 16 0 acre s a t $2.50 a n acr e fo r th e sak e o f it s timbe r an d stone , provide d th e lan d contained n o valuabl e minerals . The federa l governmen t als o promote d agricultura l research . B y th e two Morril l Act s o f 186 2 an d 1890 , Congres s grante d lan d t o th e state s for th e establishmen t o f agricultura l an d mechanica l college s an d the n began t o provid e the m wit h regula r financial assistance . In th e Hatc h Act o f 188 7 i t provide d federa l fund s fo r a nationa l syste m o f agricul tural researc h stations . I n 188 9 th e Departmen t o f Agricultur e wa s established an d give n cabine t status . No matte r ho w grea t wa s th e assistanc e pioneer s receive d fro m gov ernment an d industry , thei r lo t was arduou s i n the extreme. Their home s were primitive . Settler s first mad e a dugou t b y excavatin g a hol e i n th e side o f a hil l an d buildin g a n oute r wal l wit h block s o f tur f an d sod . Later the y woul d erec t a so d hous e fro m strip s o f thic k tur f aroun d a wooden frame . Thes e crud e home s wer e war m i n winter , coo l i n sum mer, an d saf e fro m fire. Bu t the y wer e ope n t o flood an d dam p fro m floor an d roof . Fo r fue l settler s use d woo d an d ha y an d buffal o dung . Their wate r cam e fro m loca l streams , handmad e wells , an d rainwate r stored i n barrels . I t was ofte n th e toughnes s an d resourcefulnes s o f thei r
Opening the West and Closing the Frontier 29
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womenfolk tha t sa w th e settler s through . Th e wive s ha d t o provid e everything th e famil y neede d i n th e primitiv e home , preservin g enoug h fresh mea t i n summe r t o las t al l winte r an d boilin g dow n fa t t o mak e soap. Pioneer farmer s starte d unde r difficul t circumstances , an d advers e weather ofte n turne d thei r onl y securit y int o a liability . Edito r Willia m Allen Whit e write s o f climati c condition s i n Kansa s i n the 1880s : The pioneers had see n it stop raining for month s at a time. They had hear d th e fury o f the winter blast as it came whining across the short burned grass and cut the flesh from thei r children huddlin g in the corner. These movers have strained their eyes, watching through th e long summer days for the rain that never came. . . . They have tossed through ho t nights, wild with worry, and have arisen only to find their worst nightmares grazing in reality on the brown stubble in front of their sunwarped doors. Plagues o f grasshopper s sometime s cam e i n clouds , obscurin g th e su n and devourin g th e vegetation unti l ther e was nothin g lef t o f th e far m bu t the mortgage . I n 187 4 th e wors t invasio n eve r devastate d th e plain s from Dakot a t o Texas . Prairi e fire s i n summe r an d fal l als o devastate d farms an d property . Autum n storm s swep t acros s th e prairies , thei r raging winds whipping everythin g outdoors . Winter blizzard s penetrate d houses, leavin g furnitur e an d foo d covere d b y icicle s an d snow . Th e heads o f cattl e gre w s o grea t wit h ic e the y ha d t o b e lowere d t o th e ground. T o protec t thei r preciou s livestoc k pioneer s opene d thei r famil y homes t o horses , calves, poultry, an d pigs , for week s o n end . The 1 8 80s wer e year s o f dramati c westwar d expansio n supporte d b y eastern investor s wh o considere d farm s i n th e Golde n Wes t t o b e th e safest for m o f investment . Th e panic of 187 3 an d th e subsequent depres sion ha d discredite d bank s an d industry . Nevertheless , a n expandin g population neede d t o b e fed. Betwee n 187 5 a n d I $77 investor s launche d scores o f mortgag e companie s t o capitaliz e o n th e risin g pric e o f farm land. Farmer s an d prospectiv e farmer s responde d wit h alacrit y t o th e temptations o f mortgage s a t 6 or 8 percent interest . A noted historia n o f westward expansion , Ra y Allen Billington, explains, 'Tew farmer s coul d resist th e pressure . Newcomer s t o th e Wes t mortgage d thei r homestead s to bu y far m machinery , mortgage d th e far m machiner y t o provid e mone y until th e first cro p wa s harvested , mortgage d th e first cro p t o carr y th e family throug h th e winter. " I n Kansas , Nebraska , Minnesota , an d Da kota ther e wa s a t leas t on e mortgag e fo r ever y family . I n Kansa s alon e
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mortgage debt s triple d betwee n 188 0 an d 1887 . Th e pric e o f lan d di d rise just a s investors ha d predicted . I n Kansa s lan d tha t cos t $1 5 a n acr e in the earl y 1880 s wa s sol d fo r $27 0 a n acr e a t th e en d o f th e decade . I n one yea r alon e tow n lot s i n Omaha , Wichita , an d elsewher e ros e fro m $200 t o $2,000 . In 188 7 forty-tw o section s o f prairi e outsid e Wichit a were sol d fo r a total o f $3 5 million . What wa s th e su m tota l o f thes e thre e wave s o f settlement ? Th e mining district s wer e accepte d a s territories shortl y afte r th e first strikes , but apar t fro m Nevad a i n 186 4 an d Colorad o i n 1876 , none wa s admit ted a s a state unti l 1889 . In 188 0 bot h Kansas , which ha d bee n admitte d as a stat e i n 1861 , an d Nebraska , whic h ha d bee n admitte d i n 1867 , were settle d a s fa r wes t a s th e 98t h meridian . Kansa s claime d a popula tion o f almos t 996,000 ; Nebraska , mor e tha n 452,000 . Owing t o unusuall y clemen t weather , bumpe r crops , an d railroa d penetration b y th e Illinoi s Centra l t o Siou x City , Dakot a Territor y (or ganized i n 1861 ) enjoye d a boom o f settlemen t fro m 186 8 t o 1873 . Each additional lin e to touc h th e territory—the Chicag o an d Northwester n a t Watertown, th e Norther n Pacifi c a t Bismarck , an d th e St . Pau l a t Wah peton—attracted an d distribute d settler s i n eve r greate r numbers . Thus , in 187 0 Dakot a ha d a populatio n o f abou t 12,000 . Th e discover y o f gold i n th e Blac k Hill s le d t o a gol d rus h o f 10,00 0 prospector s t o Dakota i n 1875 . But th e secon d boo m bega n i n earnes t wit h th e succes s of Olive r Dalrymple , a whea t farme r fro m Minnesota , hire d b y th e Northern Pacifi c Railroa d t o prov e tha t Dakot a wa s fertile . Usin g ne w methods Dalrympl e cultivate d eightee n section s o f lan d i n th e Re d Rive r Valley, harvestin g 2 5 bushel s o f whea t pe r acr e a t a cos t o f onl y $9.5 0 and makin g a profi t o f mor e tha n 10 0 percen t a t marke t prices . Rouse d by Dalrymple' s successfu l experiment , easter n investor s fro m 187 8 be gan t o pu t thei r capita l i n bonanz a farm s alon g th e Re d Rive r Valley . This le d t o th e secon d Dakot a boo m o f 187 8 t o 1885 , whic h wa s furthered b y th e advanc e o f tw o railroad s acros s th e territory—th e Chicago, Milwaukee an d St . Paul, an d th e Chicag o an d Northwestern . In 187 9 Jame s J . Hil l organize d th e Grea t Norther n Railroad , whic h laid trac k t o Devil' s Lak e i n 188 3 an d fro m ther e t o Seattl e i n 1893 . Because th e Grea t Norther n ha d n o lan d grant , Hil l ra n i t o n a strictl y commercial basis , which encourage d genuin e settlemen t rathe r tha n lan d speculation. Homestea d grant s ros e fro m 213,00 0 acre s i n 187 7 (befor e the secon d boom ) t o 1.3 7 millio n i n 187 8 an d the n successivel y t o a
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peak o f 11.0 8 millio n acre s i n 1884 . B y 188 5 al l Dakot a eas t o f th e Missouri wa s settled . Betwee n 188 0 an d 189 0 it s tota l populatio n ros e four times , to 540,000 . Mountain region s develope d mor e slowly . I n 186 7 speculator s settle d the town s o f Cheyenn e an d Laramie , Wyoming , confiden t tha t the y would becom e station s o f th e projected Unio n Pacific . I n 186 8 Wyomin g became a territory . However , farmer s wer e deterre d fro m movin g ther e because o f it s mountainou s an d ari d terrain , an d whe n i t finally becam e a stat e i n 1890 , Wyomin g ha d onl y a spars e populatio n o f 62,255 . Farmers settle d i n Montan a t o fee d an d servic e th e prospector s i n Butt e and othe r minin g towns, and thei r path o f settlemen t followe d th e track s of th e Northern Pacific . I n 189 0 Montan a ha d a population o f 143,000 . The rapi d settlemen t o f Dakota , Montana , an d Wyomin g prompte d these ne w territorie s t o see k admissio n t o th e Unio n a s states . Thei r demands wer e resiste d b y Democrat s i n Congres s becaus e al l thre e wer e Republican. Bu t th e electio n o f 188 8 gav e th e Republican s a slende r majority i n Congress , whic h the y decide d t o us e t o thei r futur e electora l advantage b y passin g a n omnibu s bil l i n 188 9 tha t admitte d Nort h Dakota an d Sout h Dakot a a s separat e state s o n Novembe r 2 , Montan a on Novembe r 8 , an d Washingto n o n Novembe r 11 . Not t o b e lef t out , Idaho an d Wyomin g devise d constitution s an d demande d statehoo d i n 1890, whic h the y wer e awarded , respectively , o n Jul y 3 and Jul y 10 . I n Utah, whic h becam e a territor y i n 1850 , th e populatio n wa s 211,00 0 i n 1890. The Mormons formall y abandone d polygam y i n 189 0 and devise d a constitution, an d th e territor y wa s receive d int o the Union a s a state i n 1896. The admissio n o f thes e new , sparsel y populate d state s affecte d th e composition o f th e Senate , to whic h ever y state—n o matte r ho w tin y it s area o r ho w smal l it s population , sen t tw o representatives—and , t o a lesser extent , th e House . Som e argue d tha t th e Golde n Wes t wa s thu s afforded a disproportionat e influenc e i n th e federa l government , whic h emphasized agraria n interest s a t th e expens e o f th e urban masses .
The Tragedy of Native Americans Westward expansio n containe d a s bitte r a traged y a s an y i n th e Ne w South. Indian s an d biso n wer e eliminate d together . Ther e wer e tw o subspecies o f bison : th e plain s buffal o an d th e larger , wood s buffalo ,
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sometimes calle d th e mountai n buffal o becaus e the y too k t o th e moun tains i n th e winter . I n th e sixteent h centur y the y roame d acros s Nort h America fro m wha t becam e Mexic o t o what becam e Canada . The y wer e massive, shagg y creature s wit h humpe d shoulder s an d dangerou s horns . They looke d clums y bu t coul d sprin t a t 3 0 mile s pe r hou r fo r a quarte r of a mile . Indians at e thei r mea t fres h i n summe r an d smoke d i n winter , using the hides of th e bull s fo r tents , the hides of th e cows fo r robes , an d the hair o f bot h fo r ropes . At the en d o f th e Civi l War ther e were abou t 1 5 million biso n wes t of the Mississippi . A n observe r estimate d tha t ther e wer e 4 millio n i n a single her d b y th e Arkansa s Rive r i n 1871 . A trai n crossin g th e Grea t Plains wa s onc e delaye d fo r eigh t hour s whil e a hug e her d crosse d th e track. I n th e interest s o f spee d an d efficiency , expandin g railroad s de cided t o eliminat e th e bison . The layin g of th e Unio n Pacifi c Railroa d b y 1869 divide d th e her d i n two . I n 187 1 a tannery i n Pennsylvania discov ered tha t biso n hide s coul d b e use d commercially . Ever y biso n wa s no w worth betwee n $ 1 an d $3 . Bison offere d th e hunte r a tempting opportu nity t o serv e th e railroad s an d commercia l interest s i n exterminatin g th e buffalo. Withi n fou r year s abou t 3. 7 millio n biso n ha d bee n killed . B y 1875 th e entir e souther n her d ha d bee n destroyed . Th e norther n her d was mor e isolate d an d too k longe r t o eliminate , ye t te n year s late r thi s had bee n accomplished . I n 188 6 a membe r o f th e Smithsonia n Institu tion ha d grea t difficult y i n tracin g an d roundin g u p twenty-five , th e las t that remained . The mai n traged y o f Nativ e American s too k plac e before 1865 . From the sixteenth centur y the y ha d bee n swep t ever westward b y the advanc e of whites . Wha t happene d i n th e Gilde d Ag e wa s a final catastrophe , perhaps mor e harrowin g tha n earlie r eliminatio n becaus e th e Indian s were no w fighting fo r surviva l withou t hope . Th e successiv e remova l o f Indians fro m th e East onto th e Great Plain s had alread y mad e the India n community a s a whol e les s dependen t o n farmin g fo r foo d an d mor e dependent o n th e bison. Thus, the decimation o f the bison ha d a political From June 1876 , whe n h e experience d a remarkabl e visio n afte r enactin g th e Su n Danc e for tw o days , Tatank a Iyotake , o r "Sittin g Bull " (circ a 1831-1890) , chie f o f th e Hunka papa o r Wester n Sioux , wa s regarde d a s a remarkabl e shaman . Bleedin g profusel y fro m the wound s t o hi s shoulder s an d arm s wher e h e ha d tor n of f an d give n awa y 10 0 piece s of skin , h e sa w whit e soldier s fallin g fro m th e skie s upo n th e Sioux . Thu s h e prophesie d the destructio n o f th e India n wa y o f life : thu s i t was t o be . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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purpose. Wit h thei r sourc e o f foo d gone , Indian s woul d b e oblige d t o settle dow n an d accep t ration s o n a federal reservation . In 186 6 the United State s extorted ne w treaties from th e Five Civilized Tribes o f th e Cherokees , Creeks, Seminoles, Chickasaws, an d Choctaws . This wa s i n retaliatio n fo r thei r enforce d cooperatio n wit h th e Confed eracy durin g th e Civi l War . Thei r reservation s i n th e India n Territor y were reduce d i n size . They wer e als o oblige d t o admi t Plain s Indian s t o their lan d an d t o permi t railroa d acces s throug h it . Betwee n 186 5 an d 1889 th e centra l India n Territor y receive d a t leas t twenty-fiv e differen t tribes. Th e reservatio n wa s undermine d fro m withou t b y whit e rapacit y and fro m withi n b y shortage s o f foo d an d medicine . The Plain s Indian s farthe r wes t resente d th e invasio n b y white miner s of Colorado , an d durin g th e Civi l Wa r attacke d thei r camps . Th e mos t notorious whit e reprisa l wa s th e massacr e b y Colone l J . M . Chivington , a Methodist minister , o f abou t 50 0 Cheyenn e men , women, an d childre n in a surprise attac k o n thei r cam p a t Sand Cree k o n November 28 , 1864 . In thei r barbarit y militi a an d frontiersme n clubbe d childre n an d disem boweled pregnan t women . Miraculously , th e Cheyenn e leader , Blac k Kettle, survived. I n Denver , Chivingto n late r showe d a collectio n o f 10 0 scalps a s a vaudevill e ac t a t a loca l theater . H e wa s haile d a s a publi c benefactor. Partly i n revenge , norther n Siou x the n massacre d a smal l detachmen t of soldier s o n th e Bozema n Trail , a wago n rout e devise d b y John Boze man fro m th e Platt e Rive r t o th e mine s o f Montana . O n Decembe r 21 , 1866, Captai n Willia m J . Fetterma n an d eight y me n wer e lure d fro m Fort Phi l Kearney , Wyoming , an d overwhelme d b y Re d Clou d an d th e Oglala Sioux . Th e Fetterma n massacr e le d t o a n emotiona l outburs t from easter n reformer s wh o blame d th e disaster s o n th e contradictor y nature o f governmen t polic y regardin g th e Indians , especiall y th e divi sion o f federa l authorit y betwee n th e Departments o f Interio r an d War . The Interio r Department , create d i n 1849 , ha d charg e o f India n af fairs bu t alway s relie d o n th e arm y t o execut e it s unpopular , poorl y planned policies . It was staffe d b y ignoramuses. Sometime s the y ha d no t even se t eyes on a n India n unti l the y too k u p thei r post s a t som e remot e spot. The y receive d a pittanc e o f onl y $1,50 0 pe r annu m bu t ha d ever y expectation o f a sound politica l future . Graft , corruption , an d thef t wer e rife amon g India n agents . On e agen t sol d th e governmen t blanket s an d material supplie d fo r Apache s t o loca l merchant s an d stol e governmen t
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cattle fo r hi s ow n ranch . Anothe r devote d hi s energ y t o hi s min e a t Sa n Carlos an d use d federa l fund s t o improv e an d exten d it . Because o f mountin g publi c pressur e Congres s propose d a more re sponsible polic y towar d Nativ e Americans . Th e India n Ac t o f 186 7 es tablished a peac e commissio n o f fou r civilian s an d thre e general s t o end th e Siou x War . Th e commissio n wa s instructe d t o persuad e Nativ e Americans t o abando n th e lif e o f nomadi c hunter s fo r a protected exis tence o n reservations . B y October 186 7 th e commissio n ha d complete d arrangements fo r th e southwester n tribe s t o settl e o n variou s reserva tions. Ye t wa r continue d i n th e mids t o f peace . I n 186 8 Blac k Kettl e and th e Cheyenn e wh o ha d survive d th e San d Cree k massacr e o f 186 4 were defeate d b y Genera l Phili p H . Sherida n an d hi s rising officer, Col onel Georg e Armstron g Custer , b y th e Washit a Rive r i n India n Terri tory. Blac k Kettl e wa s slain . I n th e nort h Chie f Re d Clou d o f th e Siou x signed a peace treat y a t Fort Laramie , Wyoming, o n Novembe r 6 , 1868 . It recognize d th e Blac k Hill s o r Paha Sapa o f Dakot a a s a giant Siou x reservation. Th e governmen t no w decide d t o preten d tha t th e India n problem n o longe r existed . O n Marc h 3 , 1871 , Congres s forbad e fur ther treatie s wit h tribe s i n a la w declarin g tha t hencefort h "n o India n nation o r trib e . . . withi n th e Unite d State s shal l b e acknowledge d o r recognized a s a n independen t nation , trib e o r power. " There followe d a final generatio n o f India n war s befor e th e extermi nation o f th e bison , th e comin g o f th e railroad , an d th e introductio n o f rapid-fire weapons , whic h pu t a n en d t o th e viciou s cycl e o f attack s an d retribution. The Kiowa , Comanche , Arapahoe, an d Cheyenn e fough t th e Red Rive r War s o f 187 4 an d 187 5 m whic h Quana h Parker , th e so n o f a Comanch e wa r chie f an d a whit e captive , le d a n abortiv e attac k o n bison hunter s i n th e Battl e o f Adob e Wall s i n Texas , o n Jun e 24 , 1874 . But afte r hi s defea t i n 1875 , n e decide d t o persuad e th e Comanche s t o enter reservation s an d thu s wa s instrumenta l i n bringin g peac e t o th e plains o f th e Southwest . Th e fearles s Apach e leade r Geronimo , wh o emptied muc h o f Arizon a o f whites , also sued fo r peac e in 1875 . By then his force , reduce d t o 3 6 braves , wa s hopelessl y outnumbere d b y 5,00 0 federal soldiers . White s als o defeate d th e Modoc s an d th e Ne z Perce s under Chie f Joseph. Al l accepted smal l an d undesirabl e reservations . Native Americans ' abilit y t o surviv e th e final onslaugh t o f predator y whites wa s undermine d b y thei r ow n chroni c internecin e warfare . Never theless th e chiefs , i n conductin g th e war s o f th e Grea t Plains , managed t o
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persuade Cheyenn e an d Comanch e t o joi n force s wit h Arapaho e an d Kiowa i n wha t migh t hav e bee n a successfu l guerrill a retaliatio n ha d i t not bee n fo r th e decimatio n o f thei r foo d supply , th e defectio n o f man y of thei r peopl e t o th e enem y a s soldier s an d scouts , an d th e superio r resources o f th e federa l army . I n 187 6 th e Sioux , Cheyenne , an d Arapa hoe astounde d whit e societ y wit h a n overwhelmin g attac k o n Georg e Armstrong Custe r an d 26 6 me n o f th e Sevent h Cavalry . Despit e th e treaty o f 1867 , whit e prospector s ha d invade d th e India n land s o f Da kota i n thei r searc h fo r gold . Custe r wa s th e miners ' self-appointe d protector. H e an d hi s smal l forc e wer e annihilate d b y Sittin g Bul l an d Crazy Hors e an d thei r peopl e a t Littl e Bi g Horn o n June 25 , 1876 . This was Custer' s las t stand . Despit e thei r victory , th e India n brave s wer e intimidated b y th e arriva l o f increase d number s o f federa l troops . Sittin g Bull an d hi s follower s retreate d int o Canada . Craz y Hors e an d th e Oglala Siou x surrendere d a t For t Robinso n i n May 1877 . To preven t hi s escape hi s captor s bayonete d hi m t o deat h i n a guardroo m tha t Septem ber. The othe r Indian s wer e assigne d t o reservations . Ulysses S . Grant' s polic y o f allowin g religiou s denomination s t o su pervise reservation s wa s calle d a "Peace Policy. " I t failed . Th e churche s disputed thei r right s wit h on e another . Th e agent s the y appointe d a s managers wer e ofte n incompeten t o r corrupt . Moreover , thei r attempt s to conver t Nativ e American s t o Christianit y crushe d thei r culture . Christian missionarie s no t onl y trie d t o conver t Indian s t o thei r religio n but als o insiste d o n adherenc e t o thei r standard s o f socia l behavior . I n particular, the y wante d Indian s t o giv e u p huntin g fo r farming . Th e quality o f Christianit y o n th e frontie r wa s n o inducement . A s a n India n remarked t o Bisho p Henr y Benjami n ("Straigh t Tongue" ) Whippl e o f the Episcopalians , whe n h e hear d hi m spea k agains t alcoholis m an d adultery amon g Indians , "My father , i t is your people , who yo u sa y hav e the Grea t Spirit' s book , wh o brin g u s th e fire-water. I t i s you r whit e men wh o corrup t ou r daughters . G o teac h the m t o d o right , an d the n come t o u s an d I wil l believ e you. " Several organization s promote d th e India n cause , includin g th e Na tional India n Associatio n i n Philadelphia ; th e India n Citizenshi p Com mittee o f Boston ; an d th e India n Right s Association , founde d i n Phila delphia b y Herber t Wels h an d Henr y S . Pancoast . Th e Nationa l India n Defense Association , organize d b y Dr . T . A . Bland , wa s differen t fro m the others. It opposed policie s of white acculturation aime d a t destroyin g
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Indian tribes . Th e mos t effectiv e propagand a wa s b y Hele n Hun t Jack son i n tw o remarkabl e books , A Century of Dishonor (1881 ) an d Ramona (1884) . As a resul t o f thes e variou s efforts , th e governmen t wa s shame d int o financing India n education . In 187 0 Congres s appropriate d fund s fo r Indian schools , an d b y 1899 , $2. 5 millio n wa s bein g spen t eac h yea r o n 148 boardin g an d 22 5 da y school s fo r 20,00 0 children . India n school s emphasized industria l an d agricultura l skills . I n 187 9 Capt . Richar d H . Pratt, wh o favore d assimilation , establishe d th e mos t famou s India n school a t Carlisle , Pennsylvania . I n 187 8 Congres s appropriate d fund s for a n India n polic e an d Court s o f India n Offenses , no t onl y t o maintai n law an d orde r o n th e reservations , bu t als o t o assis t i n acculturation . The India n polic e an d judge s wer e expecte d t o confor m t o whit e stan dards o f behavio r an d t o ac t a s a counterweigh t t o th e powe r o f th e traditional triba l chiefs . In 188 7 Nativ e American s stil l hel d som e 13 8 millio n acre s o f land . Although th e syste m o f landholdin g o n India n reservation s worke d wel l enough, conservative s an d reformer s alik e wer e agree d o n a polic y o f severalty—dividing triba l area s amon g familie s a s private property . Th e Dawes Severalt y Ac t of February 4 , 1887 , named afte r Senato r Henr y L . Dawes o f Massachusetts , gav e lega l for m t o a piecemea l practic e o f many years ' standing . I t allowe d th e presiden t discretio n t o allo t reser vation lan d t o Indian s tha t woul d b e hel d i n trus t fo r the m fo r twenty five years . Head s o f familie s wer e t o receiv e 16 0 acre s o f land ; othe r Indians wer e t o b e awarde d smalle r amounts . Th e ac t conferre d Ameri can citizenshi p o n Nativ e American s wh o accepte d th e allotment . Th e idea wa s no t humanitarian . Th e pla n wa s t o tur n nomadi c hunter s int o sedentary farmer s an d t o brea k u p th e tribe s onc e an d fo r all . Bu t th e policy wa s doome d t o failur e a t a tim e o f agricultura l depression . Be sides, n o car e wa s take n t o provid e Indian s wit h arabl e land . Afte r th e awards ha d bee n mad e th e surplu s lan d wa s sol d commercially . Mos t Indians ha d littl e understandin g o f wha t th e ac t entailed , sinc e th e ide a of privat e propert y wa s strang e t o thei r culture . Thos e wh o di d under stand th e ac t recognize d th e snare s inheren t i n th e schem e an d pro tested agains t it . I n 189 1 a n amendmen t t o th e Dawe s Ac t ende d th e policy o f awardin g 16 0 acre s t o head s o f families . I n th e futur e individ ual Indians , regardles s o f status , wer e t o b e allotte d 8 0 acre s each . After th e Dawe s Ac t condition s o n remainin g reservation s deterio -
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related t o th e exten t tha t the y becam e scandalous . A s historia n Alvi n M. Josephy, Jr., attests : Indian life was marked by poverty, squalor, disease, and hopelessness. In general, Indians received littl e or no education an d were still treated a s wards, incapable of self-governmen t o r makin g decision s fo r themselves . Whateve r revenue s th e tribes received from lan d sales were dissipated, with virtually none of them going to assis t th e Indian s t o creat e soun d foundation s fo r th e developmen t o f th e human an d economic resources of the reservation. Native American s sough t bizarr e consolatio n i n religiou s cults . Th e most importan t wer e th e Peyot e cul t an d th e Ghos t Danc e movement . The Peyot e cul t wa s th e consumptio n o f a mil d narcoti c foun d i n th e roots an d button s o f a certai n cactus . I t induce d hallucinations , an d some Peyot e group s used i t i n Christia n services . Th e Ghos t Danc e religion wa s a furthe r disillusionin g experienc e fo r thos e Plain s tribe s crushed b y th e exterminatio n o f th e bison . I t wa s le d b y Wovoka , o r Jack Wilson , a Paiut e o f Nevada . H e wa s a n India n medicin e man . I n 1888 h e recovere d fro m a seriou s illnes s an d claime d h e ha d receive d a message fro m th e Grea t Spiri t wh o ha d appointe d hi m prophet . H e prescribed fastings , dances , an d song s (th e Ghos t Dance ) an d encour aged secre t ceremonies t o herald th e appearance o f a messiah wh o woul d revive the bison. Ironically , th e movement wa s spread throug h th e Sout h and Wes t b y th e universa l mediu m o f whit e education . Apprehensiv e whites interprete d i t a s a prelud e t o anothe r India n rebellion . Thei r erroneous suspicion s gre w afte r Kickin g Bear , a Sioux chief , pai d a visi t to Wovoka . Moreover , Sittin g Bul l ha d returne d fro m Canad a i n 1881 . Indian polic e decided t o arres t hi m t o prevent hi m fro m becomin g leade r of th e suppose d insurrection . Sittin g Bul l ha d lon g believe d tha t h e would di e a t th e hand s o f hi s ow n people , th e Sioux . O n th e nigh t o f December 14 , 1890 , fort y India n polic e wer e assigne d t o dispatc h him . He was sho t dea d b y a Sioux, Re d Tomahawk . The deat h o f Sittin g Bul l di d not , o f course , resul t i n a n India n uprising. Three hundre d Teto n Siou x di d leav e a reservation a t Standin g Rock bu t mainl y a s a conservativ e protes t agains t th e Ghos t Danc e movement. The y wer e overtake n b y th e Sevent h Cavalry . Som e refuse d to surrende r thei r arms . Th e troop s the n fired withou t provocatio n an d either kille d outrigh t o r fatall y wounde d th e patheti c ban d o f travelers . This wa s th e notoriou s massacr e a t Wounde d Knee , Sout h Dakota , o f
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1
December 29 , 1890 . According t o Davi d Murray , th e India n populatio n in 189 0 wa s abou t 248,253— a fragmen t o f th e numbe r befor e whit e contact. There no w remaine d bu t on e las t "unsettled " territor y i n th e Mid west. Th e first design s o n th e India n Territor y wer e show n b y railroads , which bega n petitionin g Congres s t o ope n som e land s fo r extr a line s a s early a s 1874 . 1 ° 1 $79 t n e Missouri , Kansa s an d Texa s hire d a malcon tent Cherokee , Elia s C . Boudinot , t o clai m i n th e Chicago Times tha t there la y 1 3 millio n undesignate d acre s withi n th e territory , whic h b y rights reall y belonge d t o the American people . This encouraged squatter s from Kansa s an d Missour i t o stak e claim s i n th e Oklahom a district . I n 1880, le d b y Davi d L . Payn e o f Kansas , a forme r homesteade r an d Indian fighter, the y invade d th e territor y an d wer e repulsed . H e founde d an Oklahom a colon y i n Kansa s pledge d t o ope n th e territory . Afte r a series o f unsuccessfu l foray s int o Oklahoma , h e die d i n Novembe r 188 4 and wa s succeede d a s leade r b y W . L . Couch , wh o continue d hi s polic y of invasio n an d withdrawal . O n Marc h 3 , 1885 , Congres s authorize d the India n Offic e t o terminat e India n claim s t o th e empt y Oklahom a district an d Cheroke e outle t i n th e territory . Bu t th e India n agent s real ized tha t an y whit e settlemen t i n th e India n Territor y woul d soo n lea d to the collaps e o f th e entire reservation . The y decide d t o d o nothing. Bu t Congress coul d no t withstan d increasin g demand s fo r homesteads , an d in January 188 9 i t obliged th e Creek s and Seminole s to waive their right s to th e lan d i n retur n fo r $4.1 9 million . O n Marc h 23 , 1889 , Presiden t Benjamin Harriso n declare d tha t Oklahom a distric t woul d b e opened t o settlers o n Apri l 2 2 that year . Prospective settler s gathered a t the boundary an d spe d into Oklahom a by horse an d wagon , b y train an d o n foo t a s soon a s rifle fire announce d that i t was noon . Ra y Alle n Billingto n describe s th e scene : At last the revolvers barked, and along the line pandemonium brok e loose. Men whipped u p thei r horses , wagon s careene d wildl y forward , horse s free d fro m overturned vehicles galloped slowly about—all wa s hurrah an d excitement. The Sante F e trains, steamin g slowl y forwar d a t a regulate d pac e whic h woul d no t give thei r passenger s a n undu e advantage , disgorge d rider s alon g th e rout e a s men leaped from roof s or platforms an d rushed about in search of a claim. Noise and confusio n reigne d a s th e shout s o f successfu l "Boomers, " th e cras h o f hammers on stakes, the clatter o f wagons, the crash o f overturned vehicles , and
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the curse s of disappointe d homesteader s mingle d t o creat e a bedlam uniqu e in the annals of the nation. That da y 1.9 2 millio n acre s of Oklahom a distric t wer e settled . On Ma y 2 , 1890 , Congress grante d th e new settlemen t th e statu s of a territory. I n th e followin g year s i t extende d it s land s b y openin g u p successive reservation s unde r th e term s o f th e Dawe s Act : i n Septembe r 1891, 900,00 0 acre s o f th e Sauk , Fox , an d Potawatomi ; i n Apri l 1892 , 3 millio n acre s o f th e Cheyenn e an d Arapahoe ; i n Septembe r 1893 ,* > million acre s o f th e Cherokee . The Dawe s Ac t o f 188 7 di d no t appl y t o th e Fiv e Civilize d Tribe s living i n India n Territor y fo r who m separat e provisio n wa s mad e b y a special senatoria l commissio n o f 1893 . By this time it was perfectly clea r that th e severalt y polic y ha d been , a t best , a terribl e mistake . A t worst , it wa s anothe r whit e betrayal . Wher e lan d wa s o f n o interes t t o whites , such a s the deser t o f th e Southwest , Nativ e American s wer e no t force d to accep t severalty . Elsewhere , white s exploite d thei r innocenc e b y sys tems o f leaseholdin g an d guardianshi p tha t reduce d th e rightfu l owner s to paupers .
Historians, Artists,
and the West
Frederick Jackson Turner' s successo r a s the most prominent historia n o f the West wa s Ra y Alle n Billingto n wh o delve d mor e deepl y tha n Turne r but covere d muc h th e sam e groun d i n th e variou s edition s o f hi s mam moth Western Expansion (1949) . I n a complementar y account , Land of Savagery, Land of Promise: The European Image of the American Frontier in the Nineteenth Century (1981) , he reflected o n ou r menta l pictur e of th e West as a land o f dramatic contrasts , including breathtaking vista s and limitles s possibilitie s fo r persona l an d territoria l development , bu t also a lan d wit h intense , inheren t dangers . On e o f Billington' s conclu sions i s tha t th e illusio n o f bein g abl e t o escap e wa s s o importan t fo r many settler s an d i n time becam e eve n mor e importan t tha n th e physica l realities of th e frontier . Yet Billington's attemp t a t a definitive histor y o f th e frontier , an d th e very concept o f a frontier, movin g continuousl y t o the West, was no t th e last wor d o n th e subject . I n th e 1960 s an d 1970 s America n historian s were turnin g t o les s optimisti c interpretation s o f th e America n past .
"I A m Coming, " a 190 0 lithograp h b y th e Courie r Lithograp h Company . I t wa s partl y in tribut e t o fol k her o Colone l Willia m Frederic k Cod y ( 1 8 4 6 - 1 9 1 7 ) , know n a s Buffal o Bill fo r hi s unparallele d fea t o f slaughterin g 4,28 0 hea d o f buffal o i n eigh t month s i n 1867—68 t o fee d constructio n worker s o n th e Unio n Pacifi c Railroad , an d partl y a n ad vertisement fo r Cody' s Wil d Wes t Show , whic h h e ra n fro m 188 3 unti l tw o month s be fore hi s death . (Librar y o f Congress. )
They include d a generatio n o f revisionis t historian s wh o focuse d on ' previously uncharte d field s fo r researc h an d challenge d traditiona l as sumptions abou t wester n expansion . Th e politica l an d socia l upheava l of th e 1960s , muc h o f i t centere d o n th e civi l right s movemen t fo r African-Americans, o n th e turmoi l engendere d b y th e Unite d States' s involvement i n th e Secon d Indochin a Wa r 0 ^ 9 6 1 - 1 9 7 5 , an d agitatio n by a n increasingl y powerfu l environmenta l movement , ha d a seismi c impact o n wor k undertake n b y scholar s a t America n universities . The y began t o focu s increasingl y o n point s o f vie w radicall y differen t fro m traditional assumptions . Thi s mean t a ne w emphasis—no t o n th e tri umph o f individua l whit e settler s an d th e sprea d o f thei r technologica l prowess an d politica l systems , bu t rathe r o n th e virtue s o f wha t the y superseded: Nativ e Americans ' value s an d heroism , th e right s o f His panic an d India n minorities , an d th e importanc e o f ecological awareness . In fact , th e ver y first piec e o f revisionis t scholarshi p predate d th e 1960s. This was Henry Nas h Smith' s Virgin Land (1950) , examining th e
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myths an d symbol s tha t hav e shape d America n image s o f th e West . Drawing o n popula r fiction an d politica l tracts , Henr y Nas h Smit h showed how , first European s an d the n America n settler s regarde d th e frontier a s a n inhospitabl e wildernes s bu t the n ho w tim e softene d thi s harsh vie w until , b y th e clos e o f th e nineteent h century , th e Wes t wa s considered a lan d golde n wit h opportunity . Thi s wa s a boo k abou t a land an d it s myths . Later revisionist s includ e Patrici a Nelso n Limerick , Willia m Cronon , Richard White , Clyd e A . Milne r 2d , Charle s E . Rankin , Gar y Holihaus , Charles F . Wilkinson, Terr y Tempes t Williams , William Kittredge , Wal lace Stegner , an d Ev e Style r Munson . Thei r wor k an d attitude s ar e illustrated b y tw o anthologies : Trails: Toward a New Western History (1991) an d Under an Open Sky: Rethinking America's Western Past (1992), whic h dra w togethe r article s b y differen t historians . Despit e som e disagreements, thes e revisionist s ar e unite d i n tw o respects : thei r repudia tion o f th e Turner thesi s an d thei r convictio n tha t Americans ' perceptio n of th e histor y o f th e Wes t ha s change d irreversibly . The y criticiz e Fred erick Jackson Turne r fo r hi s interpretation o f th e opening o f th e West t o white settler s a s a triumph o f whit e democrati c progress ; fo r hi s empha sis o n th e achievement s o f individuals ; an d fo r hi s takin g th e Censu s Bureau's declaration o f a n end to the frontier a stage further a s signifyin g an en d t o th e histor y o f th e West . I n fact , th e revisionis t schoo l reject s the concep t o f th e frontie r outright . Instead , the y discus s th e alread y well develope d civilization s extan t i n the West—notably thos e of Nativ e Americans (o r Indians) , Hispanic, an d meti s (o r mixe d blood) . Two majo r ar t exhibition s lef t legacie s i n book s conceive d fo r visitor s to them tha t sugges t th e ways i n which ar t ha s fashioned ou r idea s abou t the Wes t an d als o th e way s i n whic h th e custom s o f th e ar t hav e bee n shaped b y ou r ow n menta l picture s o f th e region . Discovere d Lands , Invented Pasts : Transformin g Vision s o f th e America n Wes t (1992 ) drawn fro m collection s a t th e Gilcreas e Museu m i n Tuls a an d a t Yal e was exhibite d i n Cody , Ne w Haven , an d Tuls a i n 199 2 an d 199 3 an d accompanied b y a boo k o f th e sam e titl e edite d b y Jules Prown . An d th e controversial 199 1 Nationa l Museu m o f America n Ar t exhibitio n i n Washington, Th e Wes t a s America : Reinterpretin g Image s o f th e Fron tier, 1820—192 0 wa s accompanie d b y a boo k als o o f th e sam e titl e (1991) edite d b y William H . Truettner . The Discovere d Land s exhibitio n concentrate d o n thre e themes : dis -
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covery, erasure , an d invention . First , a s t o discovery , wester n pioneer s regarded thei r exploratio n an d settlemen t o f th e Wes t a s a n adventur e into th e unknown . Georg e Catlin' s Buffalo Hunt on Snowshoes (un dated) arouse d th e curiosity o f th e Americans wh o firs t enjoye d it , partl y because th e subjec t wa s unfamilia r and , therefore , exciting . Second, , artists' apparentl y naturalisti c representatio n o f vista s blurre d actua l details o f th e landscape s an d sometime s eve n trace s o f thei r origina l inhabitants. Thu s Alber t Bierstadt' s Sierra Nevada Morning (1870 ) i s a mountain fantas y wit h shaft s o f celestia l ligh t illuminating a paradisiaca l lake. It s perfectl y balance d compositio n come s nea r t o obliteratin g an y distinctive feature s o f th e terrain . B y th e tim e Bierstad t ha d painte d hi s picture, th e Sierra s wer e alread y i n th e proces s o f profoun d transforma tion wrough t b y th e comin g o f th e railroad . I n fact , th e paintin g woul d provide a n ap t backdro p fo r a rusti c scen e i n a Wagneria n opera . I t i s mythic bu t i t doe s no t conjur e u p an y par t o f th e America n Wes t i n an y realistic sense . I n The Last of His Race (1908 ) Frederi c Remington , peerless painter o f roisterou s pioneers , chooses to reduce a n imag e of th e indigenous inhabitant s t o a solitar y brave . Wester n artist s migh t depic t encounters o f Ne w American s wit h Nativ e American s (perhap s exchang ing gifts ) a s i f thes e wer e preciou s moment s o f discover y rathe r tha n routine events , whil e sometime s showin g India n possessio n o f wester n objects tha t coul d onl y hav e bee n obtaine d b y trade wit h th e whites . The thir d them e o f inventio n cam e fro m th e wa y explorer s wh o wer e also artists , suc h a s Joh n Mi x Stanle y an d Gustavu s Sohon , i n thei r various illustration s fo r governmen t report s encourage d publi c interes t in expansion . Emmanue l Gottlie b Leutze' s mura l fo r th e Unite d State s Capitol, Westward the Course of Empire Takes the Way (circ a 1861) , celebrates Manifes t Destin y wit h a ban d o f pioneer s seein g Californi a for th e firs t tim e a s they resolutel y cros s an d moun t th e Rockies . Other artist s who romanticize d th e opening of th e West to whites an d who achieve d pea k for m durin g th e Gilde d Ag e include d Joseph Huber t Becker, Ros a Bonheur , Frederi c Edwi n Church , Thoma s Moran , an d Thomas Worthingto n Whittredge . Instead o f th e progres s Frederic k Jackso n Turne r discerne d i n settle ment, politica l institutions , an d civilizatio n generally , th e Wes t o f mod ern revisionis t historian s i s a much harshe r environmen t wit h molderin g ghost towns , squali d India n reservations , an d devastate d landscapes . Not fo r the m Turner' s belie f i n th e sor t o f rugge d individualis m tha t
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continuously transforme d an d enhance d a primitive society. They believ e that wester n individualis m i s a self-serving myth . The regio n wa s alway s inextricably boun d t o th e nationa l econom y an d t o th e nationa l econo my's link s wit h th e internationa l market . Wha t sustaine d Anglo-Saxo n settlement wa s th e deman d elsewher e fo r th e West' s natura l resources . Thus wester n pioneer s wer e no t trul y self-sufficient . The y wer e depen dent o n railroad s subsidize d b y the federa l governmen t fo r carryin g produce to and products from markets , on federal troop s for protection fro m Native Americans , and—albei t late r i n th e twentiet h century—canal s and dam s cu t and buil t t o irrigate fields an d sustai n citie s and towns . According t o th e revisionis t interpretation , th e English-speakin g new comers di d no t settl e th e West . The y conquere d it—perhap s a s th e Normans subdue d Anglo-Saxo n Englan d afte r 1066 . However, conques t of th e West wa s neve r total . Anglo-American s an d thei r descendant s no t only cam e t o shar e th e regio n wit h thei r predecessors , th e Nativ e Amer icans, bu t als o wit h Asian-American s an d African-Americans , wh o ar rived eithe r alongsid e the m o r slightl y later . In fact , moder n scholar s think th e ver y cultura l diversit y o f th e West i s one o f it s most distinctiv e features. John Mac k Faragher , autho r o f Women and Men on the Overland Trail (1979) , remark s tha t "frontie r histor y i s th e stor y o f th e contact o f cultures , thei r competitio n an d thei r continuin g relation . I t cannot b e th e stor y o f an y on e side. " I n short , a multicultura l approac h has becom e th e preferre d approac h b y man y historians . Fo r example , Elliot West , autho r o f Growing Up with the Country: Childhood on the Far Western Frontier (1989) , finds Indians an d Hispanic s ma y hav e been militaril y subdued , bu t when w e start t o reconstruct th e detail s w e find tha t . . . thos e culture s hav e bee n remarkabl y resilient. If much has been lost, much has survived, and there has been a vigorous exchange betwee n th e conquere d an d th e conquerors , a cros s fertilizatio n o f customs, ideas, material culture, language, and world views. Under an Open Sky: Rethinking America's Western Past (1992) , edited b y William Cronon , contain s variou s studies . Some ar e abou t th e complex interactio n o f ethni c minoritie s wit h th e dominan t Anglo American culture . On e them e i s th e way s i n whic h lif e i n th e Wes t altered relation s betwee n me n an d women ; anothe r i s the ways i n whic h hitherto unuse d historica l materials , includin g newspaper s publishe d b y
Opening the West and Closing the Frontier 30
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Native Americans , no t onl y fill ou t bu t als o alte r ou r knowledg e o f conflict an d adaptatio n i n th e West . The school o f revisionis t historian s ha s had it s critics. In 199 0 novelis t Larry McMurtr y wrot e i n th e New Republic how , b y insistin g o n th e undoubted tragedie s an d failure s o f th e Wes t i n th e nineteent h centur y to th e virtua l exclusio n o f th e courageou s dream s o f th e settlers , th e revisionists ha d i n fac t create d a schoo l o f "Failur e Studies, " i n whic h they als o wer e participant s "becaus e the y s o rarel y d o justic e t o th e quality o f imaginatio n tha t constitute s par t o f th e truth. " I n 199 1 th e National Museu m o f America n Ar t i n Washingto n mounte d Th e Wes t as America , th e comprehensiv e bu t controversia l exhibitio n o f nine teenth-century ar t o f th e West . Th e controvers y wa s acrimonious , partl y because visitor s wer e offende d b y th e didacti c natur e o f th e accompany ing wal l text s tha t criti c Michae l Kimmelman n o f th e New York Times complained abou t a s burdene d wit h "force d analyse s an d inflammator y observations." I t wa s als o controversia l becaus e th e exhibitio n calle d attention t o th e propagand a inheren t i n th e art , an d thereb y implie d something wa s sorel y wron g wit h severa l o f America' s cherishe d myths . Instead o f th e rugge d individualis m o f th e Wes t wit h it s romanti c asso ciations, i t seeme d tha t th e organizer s ha d turne d th e Anglo-America n settlers int o demon s an d sanctifie d thei r adversaries : i n short , th e exhib itors faile d t o indicat e tha t th e Anglo-American s ha d contribute d any thing of positive , lasting value in the West . Where revisionis t historian s hav e considere d th e plac e o f myt h an d imagination, the y hav e don e s o b y strippin g the m o f spuriou s factua l accretions an d discussin g the m a s illusions . Thi s shatterin g o f long cherished myth s i s disturbin g t o peopl e righ t acros s th e worl d whos e mental pictur e o f th e West ha s bee n determine d b y thousands o f motio n pictures and radi o an d televisio n programs— a first generatio n o f movie s for th e cinem a an d serial s fo r radi o an d a late r generatio n o f serial s fo r television—and everythin g thei r screenplays , stars , an d poten t image s have conveyed : cowbo y heroe s battlin g evil ; shootout s i n th e cente r o f town; India n brave s bot h helpin g an d hinderin g th e advanc e o f whit e civilization; horse s respondin g t o th e ever y comman d o f thei r owners — all a t th e servic e o f homespu n America n values . Suc h wa s th e classi c western Stagecoach (1939) by director John Ford , the film that establishe d John Wayne as a star, and which was essentially an interior drama of conver-
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sations an d motives . I n th e fac e o f thi s legac y w e migh t sa y tha t th e revisionist historian s hav e bee n engage d i n a n undeclare d wa r wit h th e whole panopl y o f America n popula r culture . Thi s cultur e ha s extende d from song s an d children' s game s o f cowboy s an d Indian s righ t acros s the world , a s hav e it s fashions . Thu s western s migh t b e mad e i n Italy — as wa s a serie s i n th e 1960s , th e so-calle d spaghett i westerns , develope d around Clin t Eastwood . The revisionists ' mos t poten t cultura l allie s hav e com e fro m th e schoo l of alternativ e westerns , extollin g th e virtue s o f Nativ e American s an d condemning th e materialism , rapaciousness , an d gros s brutalit y o f whites , notably A Man Named Horse (1969 ) wit h Richar d Harris , Soldier Blue (1970) wit h Candic e Bergen , Arthu r Penn' s Little Big Man (1970 ) wit h Dustin Hoffman , an d Kevi n Costner' s Dances with Wolves (1990) .
The Wild West The traditiona l vie w o f th e Wes t purveye d b y sho w busines s wa s sub stantively determine d b y th e wa y certai n impresario s firs t sol d them selves, and , hence , th e West , t o th e America n public . T o man y th e Golden Wes t reall y wa s the Wild West. I n the absenc e of establishe d la w and orde r crim e wa s rife , especiall y rustlin g horse s an d cattl e an d arme d robbery o f train s an d stagecoaches . Ther e wer e thre e type s o f la w offi cer: tow n marshal s appointe d b y tow n councils ; count y sheriff s electe d in stat e countie s an d appointe d b y governor s i n territories ; an d Unite d States marshal s appointe d b y the federa l governmen t t o police territorie s and preven t crime . They wer e supplemente d b y the private operative s o f Pinkerton's Nationa l Detectiv e Agenc y an d th e Well s Farg o Expres s Company and , i n Texas , b y th e stat e Rangers . Picturesqu e character s among the lawmen include d Sherif f Fran k Canto n o f Wyoming; Marsha l Henry Brow n o f Caldwell , Kansas ; Marsha l Lon g Ji m Courtwrigh t o f Fort Worth ; an d To m Threepersons , a Cheroke e wh o wa s a n exper t shot. Posterit y ha s no t bee n kin d t o som e o f th e semiofficia l group s o f vigilantes forme d t o protec t loca l interest s agains t raid s b y outlaws . I n 1884 cattleme n i n Montana , determine d t o eradicat e cattl e rustling , went o n th e rampage an d kille d thirty-fiv e people , several o f whom wer e undoubtedly innocent . Som e said the vigilantes' real motive was to mov e legitimate smallholder s of f thei r ow n ranche s t o mak e wa y fo r th e bi g cattlemen.
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" Y o u Can' t Ge t a Ma n Wit h a G u n . " Anni e Oakle y (left) , originall y Phoeb e Ann e Oakley Moses (i860-1926) , th e mos t famou s markswoma n ever . Afte r winnin g a shootin g matc h in Cincinnati , sh e toure d vaudevill e circuit s an d becam e a membe r o f Buffal o Bill' s Wil d West Sho w fro m 188 5 t o 1902 . He r best-know n biograph y i s th e musica l writte n b y Irving Berli n fo r Ethe l Merman , Annie, Get Your Gun (1946) , wit h immorta l song s ex tolling earl y vaudevill e and th e los t frontier . Frontierswoma n Marth a Jan e Cannar y Burk e (circa 1 8 5 2 - 1 9 0 3 ) becam e a legen d a s Calamit y Jane (right) . Orphane d whe n he r parent s died o n a wago n trai n movin g west , Calamit y Jan e earne d a livin g a s a danc e hal l gir l until sh e settle d i n Deadwood , Sout h Dakota , i n 187 6 an d worke d a s a bullwhacker , hauling good s an d machiner y t o outlyin g camps . Sh e enjoyed a brie f sojour n wit h lawma n James Butle r ("Wil d Bill" ) Hicko k ( 1 8 3 7 - 1 8 7 6 ) an d late r becam e a subjec t fo r short story writers . Capitalizin g o n he r newfoun d reputatio n a s a frontie r heroine , sh e toure d with Wil d Wes t shows ; bu t th e seam y sid e o f he r lif e wa s mute d i n a guts y bu t essentiall y saccharine film biograph y o f 195 3 starrin g Dori s Day . (Librar y o f Congress. )
The outlaws themselves hav e passed int o picaresqu e legend . The mas s media hav e turne d desperadoe s int o heroi c individual s combatin g th e encroaching powe r o f th e state . Th e mos t famou s wer e Willia m H . Bonney, "Bill y th e Kid, " originally fro m Ne w York , wh o wa s sho t b y Sheriff Pa t Garret t i n 1881 ; Joaquin Muriet a o f Ne w Mexico ; Rober t Leroy Parke r ("Butc h Cassidy") , leader o f th e Wil d Bunch , whic h in cluded Harr y Longabaug h ("Th e Sundanc e Kid" ) an d Harve y Loga n
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("Kid Curry") ; an d Bell e Starr , a woma n outla w wh o wa s n o beauty , though i t was sai d tha t sh e had mor e lover s tha n a dog has fleas. Two character s o f th e Golden West , who becam e legends in their ow n lifetime, turned th e fact int o commercial advantage . William F . ("Buffal o Bill") Cod y bega n t o wor k a s a n acto r i n 187 2 whe n h e appeare d i n a lurid melodrama , Buffalo Bill, the King of the Border Men, stage d fo r him i n Ne w York . Buffal o Bil l ha d serve d th e Unio n Arm y i n th e Civi l War, an d late r serve d a s a civilia n scou t ou t o f For t Ellsworth , Kansas , where h e wa s note d fo r deadl y marksmanship , accurat e knowledg e o f Indian life , an d tota l recal l o f terrain . H e ha d played a pivotal rol e in th e federal government' s remorseles s polic y o f India n removal , o r elimina tion, bein g a fearles s fighter i n sixtee n India n campaigns , includin g on e that ende d i n th e notoriou s scalpin g o f th e Cheyenn e warrio r Yello w Hair i n Siou x County , Nebrask a (Jul y 17 , 1876) . Ironically , h e helpe d perpetuate th e myth s o f th e West throug h hi s Wild West exhibition , first seen i n 1883 , a travelin g sho w featurin g demonstratio n marksmanship , a buffal o hunt , an d exhilaratin g chase s betwee n cowboy s an d Indians . In fact , Sittin g Bull , during a brief perio d o f favo r wit h th e authoritie s i n the mid-1 8 80s, was on e o f Buffal o Bill' s artists . Perhaps th e mos t popula r sta r wa s crac k sho t Anni e Oakle y o f Ohio . She coul d hi t th e thi n edg e o f a playin g car d i n midai r an d shoo t a cigarette fro m th e lip s o f he r husban d an d manager , Fran k Butler . I n 1887 th e sho w wen t t o Londo n an d sh e won a contest wit h Gran d Duk e Michael o f Russia , a famou s marksman , t o discove r wh o coul d smas h the mos t glas s ball s throw n i n th e air . Sh e hit forty-seve n ou t o f fifty t o the duke' s thirty-five . O n thi s occasio n he r targe t i n th e cigarett e tric k was th e Germa n emperor . Becaus e sh e coul d perforat e a playin g car d five times i n midai r he r nam e wa s use d t o describ e an y punche d theate r ticket.
Ecology The officia l closin g o f th e frontie r emphasize d th e physica l fac t tha t th e supply o f virgi n lan d ha d com e t o a n end , tha t th e populatio n ha d increased, an d tha t th e suppl y o f natura l resource s ha d decreased . N o longer coul d on e escap e th e pressure s o f th e Eas t b y goin g west . Th e romantic legend , tha t whil e ther e wa s fre e lan d ever y ma n ha d th e opportunity t o mak e hi s fortune , die d wit h th e frontier . Th e realizatio n
Opening the West and Closing the Frontier 31
1
of frontiersme n tha t the y wer e no t trul y fre e o f th e Eas t wa s a facto r leading t o th e Populis t revol t tha t shoo k America n politic s i n th e 1890s . The federa l governmen t ha d freel y dispose d o f unoccupie d lan d i n a period whe n fe w peopl e wer e read y t o admi t tha t th e suppl y wa s no t endless. However , th e admissio n o f th e ne w wester n state s t o th e Unio n spurred o n a conservatio n lobby . I t believe d American s ha d alread y wasted preciou s natura l resource s b y thei r reckles s extractio n o f min erals, thei r careles s cuttin g o f forests , an d thei r exploitatio n o f arable , and eve n semi-arid , land . I n 189 1 i t urge d o n Congres s th e Fores t Reserve Act . This gav e the president authorit y ove r "publi c land s wholl y or i n par t covere d wit h timber. " Thu s h e coul d protec t the m fro m sal e or homesteadin g b y settin g the m asid e a s fores t reserves . Accordingly , Grover Clevelan d turne d 2 5 millio n acre s o f th e Sa n Joaqui n fores t i n California int o a nationa l forest . Benjami n Harriso n withdre w 1 3 mil lion acre s an d Willia m McKinle y 7 millio n acre s fro m th e publi c do main. Where wester n lan d wa s barre n th e problems wer e different. I f th e plains wer e t o b e successfull y settle d i t wa s essentia l tha t wate r wa s brought t o th e land . Privat e cooperativ e project s wer e clearly insufficien t to irrigat e a whole deser t an d i n 189 4 Congres s passe d th e Care y Act . I t authorized th e presiden t t o allo w wester n state s t o sel l u p t o a millio n acres o f publi c land s t o rais e fund s fo r irrigatio n projects . However , i t was lef t t o Theodor e Roosevelt , wh o mad e conservatio n a subject o f hi s first annua l messag e t o Congres s whe n h e becam e presiden t i n 1901 , to improve an d expan d thes e policies . Revisionist histor y ha s bee n a sourc e o f continuou s scholarshi p o n the environment , a subjec t crucia l t o th e deser t land s o f th e Wes t an d one tha t ha s no w assume d enormou s significanc e acros s th e world . On e example o f thi s scholarshi p i s Under Western Skies: Nature and History in the American West (1992) , a collection o f essay s b y Donal d Worster , author o f Rivers of Empire (1992) . Worster argue s i n various book s tha t the West was , and remains , a hydraulic society , that it s "socia l orde r [is ] founded o n th e intensiv e managemen t o f water. " Makin g th e deser t fecund ha s bee n on e o f th e outstandin g achievement s o f recen t Wester n history, allowin g agricultur e t o prospe r i n Californi a an d larg e citie s t o flourish i n Arizona. This bloo m wa s conferre d o n th e deserts of th e Wes t by engineerin g an d technolog y sponsore d b y th e federa l government . Indeed, th e rol e o f th e federa l governmen t throug h it s engineerin g an d technology wa s greate r i n th e Wes t tha n i n an y othe r region . Ye t thi s
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achievement, th e irrigatio n o f th e desert , als o le d t o epi c disasters, nota bly th e Dus t Bow l o f th e 1930s . Ye t Donal d Worster' s epitap h o n thi s achievement i s bleak : Human domination over nature is quite simply an illusion, a passing dream by a naive species. It is an illusion tha t has cost us much, ensnared u s in our designs, given us a few boast s to make about ou r courag e and genius , but, all the same, it's an illusion. In his essays in The Eagle Bird: Mapping a New West (1992) , Charle s F. Wilkinson , a historia n o f th e lan d an d wate r laws , ask s resident s o f the Wes t o f th e 1980 s an d 1990 s t o develo p a n "ethi c o f place, " tha t will balanc e th e need s o f huma n being s an d th e West' s natura l worl d i n the interest o f protectin g th e West's distinctiv e natura l environment . Th e sort o f Wes t tha t endure s i s partl y determine d b y th e impac t o f it s inhabitants o n th e environment .
CHAPTER 1 0
Gates of Silver and Bars of Gold
How th e Wes t wa s suppose d t o b e wo n wa s a n America n dream . Ho w it was wo n becam e a myth . Th e tale s o f fre e an d fertil e soil , handsom e harvests an d plentifu l profit s o n th e farm s tha t circulate d i n th e East , obscured par t o f th e truth . Score s o f settler s wer e fa r fro m successful . They wer e isolate d pioneer s ekin g ou t a n existenc e i n discomfor t an d disillusion. The y wer e cheate d o f prosperity , no t onl y b y unreliabl e nature, bu t als o thei r ow n limitation s an d inabilitie s a s farmers . Ye t th e drudgery an d disappointments , th e hardship s an d har d knock s o f lif e out Wes t remaine d hidde n behin d th e facad e o f th e frontie r myth . An d the myt h wa s a s muc h a mean s o f self-justificatio n fo r th e settler s a s i t was a celebratio n o f th e land . Afte r all , thei r ow n fligh t fro m Europ e o r eastern citie s was a n irreversible fact . Th e myt h attracte d mor e an d mor e settlers. I t als o hi d th e trut h fro m thos e alread y there . A s English histo rian Andre w Sinclai r suggest s i n hi s Prohibition (1963) , "Thei r hatre d of th e pas t onl y grew . Fo r th e settler s wer e th e disinherite d o f th e citie s . . . those displace d b y industry . The y fle d t o a n agricultura l myt h whic h told the m tha t thei r exclusio n wa s a successfu l repudiatio n o f wealt h and aristocrac y an d luxury. " The Golde n Wes t ha d alread y begu n t o los e some of it s glamor befor e the officia l closin g o f th e frontier . Th e sever e winter s o f 188 6 an d 188 7 313
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and th e hars h summe r o f 188 7 ende d th e ideal , fertile climati c condi tions prevailin g sinc e th e mid-1870s . In som e part s o f th e Wes t an d South th e soi l ha d bee n exhauste d b y wasteful , exploitiv e method s o f farming. I n Marcu s Le e Hansen's strikin g phrase , "Th e lan d wa s mined , not farmed. " Farm s failed , mortgage s wer e foreclosed , an d farmer s wer e put ou t o f hous e an d home . I n the fou r year s fro m 188 8 t o 189 2 hal f o f the population o f wester n Kansa s move d on , a s di d 30,00 0 peopl e fro m South Dakota . Wagon s carrie d th e ominou s legend , "I n Go d W e Trusted , in Kansa s W e Busted. " I n the cours e o f th e nineteent h centur y Iow a ha d more than 2,00 0 abandone d settlements . Because America n farmer s ha d committe d themselve s t o servicin g th e industrial market , the y becam e vulnerabl e t o it s economi c oscillations . The depression s o f 187 3 an d 189 3 wer e a s devastatin g t o the m a s t o industrial artisans . Afte r 188 5 America n whea t coul d n o longe r ente r overseas market s o n suc h advantageou s term s a s i n th e twent y year s after th e Civi l War. Europea n countrie s buil t tarif f wall s to protec t thei r own agriculture . Othe r countries , suc h a s Argentin a an d Russia , ex panded thei r whea t cro p an d bega n t o compet e wit h th e Unite d State s for sales . Th e averag e pric e o f America n whea t fel l fro m $1.0 5 pe r bushel i n th e perio d fro m 186 6 t o 1875 , t o 9 2 cent s betwee n 187 6 an d 1885, an d the n t o 67 cent s betwee n 188 6 an d 1895 . Althoug h th e American yiel d pe r acr e increase d mor e tha n 25 0 percen t i n thi s period , the actual valu e o f th e crop wa s les s than 5 0 percent highe r i n 189 5 tha n it had bee n i n 1870 . In thei r figh t fo r surviva l farmer s decline d fro m owner s t o tenant s a s they accepte d th e hars h term s o f loa n shark s an d corporations . B y 1890 , 25 percen t o f farmer s i n Kansa s wer e tenant s o r sharecroppers ; i n Ne braska, 1 7 percent ; i n Sout h Dakot a 1 1 percent . Far m tenantr y i n th e country a s a whol e increase d a s th e centur y dre w t o a clos e fro m 2 5 percent i n 188 0 t o 2 8 percent i n 189 0 an d 3 6 percent i n 1900 . The hig h cost o f credi t weighe d heavil y o n a clas s compose d largel y o f debtors . Farmers wh o ha d bee n encourage d t o borro w durin g a boo m require d additional mone y t o withstan d a depression . Whe n the y wer e refuse d they turne d o n thei r creditors , accusing them o f betrayal . In th e past , pioneer s ha d bee n isolate d an d bor e thei r hardship s an d poverty i n secret . Bu t onc e farmer s wer e fa r mor e numerous , an d bette r informed b y improve d communications , the y unite d i n commo n protes t at th e wearisom e roun d an d gros s injustice s o f thei r har d lot . Easter n
A Kansa s farme r an d hi s famil y wit h stea m plo w i n th e earl y 1900s . Consciou s of thei r historic rol e i n tamin g a wilderness , these settler s recognize d the potentia l o f thei r imple ments bu t no t th e dangers . A s th e plow s cu t dee p int o th e so d an d reache d arabl e soi l suitable fo r profitabl e crop s grow n unti l th e lan d wa s exhausted , the y wer e als o eradicat ing th e ecology . Whe n drough t came , th e soi l simpl y ble w awa y i n th e gian t dus t storm s of th e 1930s . (Librar y o f Congress.)
voices tol d the m tha t th e worl d wa s sufferin g fro m a n agricultura l surplus. Wester n voice s sai d tha t th e caus e o f th e proble m wa s no t overproduction i n th e Wes t bu t underconsumptio n i n th e East . The y reasoned tha t consumptio n wa s low because retai l price s were too high . "Thieves in the night, " amon g whom were numbered bankers , railroads , and grai n elevators , exploited farmers an d stol e their profits . Of al l it s grievances , the Wes t wa s mos t scandalize d b y th e cost s of transportation. I t considere d railroad s th e principa l villain s becaus e o f their discriminator y rates . I n 187 7 it cos t 9 5 cent s t o shi p a ton o f far m produce eas t o f Chicago on th e Pennsylvani a Railroad; bu t i t cost $3.2 0 to shi p a to n o f produc e wes t o f th e Missour i o n th e Burlingto n Rail road. Railroads ' replie s tha t traffi c i n th e Wes t wa s mor e expensiv e t o run di d no t satisf y wester n farmers , wh o understoo d th e predator y nature o f monopolie s an d wer e convince d that th e tru e beneficiarie s of an unfai r syste m were eastern capitalists .
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A secon d targe t o f farmers ' complaint s wer e grai n elevators . Grai n elevators wer e gian t storag e bin s locate d i n railwa y siding s t o distribut e grain t o th e freigh t car s i n th e adjacen t station . Wester n railroad s for bade farmer s fro m loadin g thei r grai n o n car s directl y themselve s an d laid siding s fo r onl y on e grai n elevato r i n eac h station . Consequently , farmers eithe r ha d t o sel l thei r grai n t o loca l elevato r operator s o r us e their service s fo r a fee . I n eithe r case , th e operator s ha d a monopol y o f the business. The operators wer e supposed t o pay fo r th e grain accordin g to standar d rate s establishe d i n Chicag o wit h differen t price s fo r grai n of differen t qualities . However , i n th e remot e West , unscrupulou s oper ators took advantag e o f farmers ' isolatio n b y misgrading o r mixing grai n and payin g les s for i t than th e standar d price . Farmers resolve d t o retaliat e agains t th e creepin g powe r o f th e trust s by launchin g ne w politica l partie s t o redres s thei r economi c grievances . In 186 7 Olive r Hudso n Kelley , a clerk i n the Departmen t o f Agriculture , founded th e Nationa l Grang e o f th e Patron s o f Husbandry . A t first hi s aims wer e socia l an d cultural , an d th e Grang e gre w slowly . Bu t th e agricultural depressio n o f th e 1870 s le d t o sudde n expansio n a s discon tented farmer s recognize d th e Grang e a s a foru m fo r politica l debate . I n 1872, 1,10 5 lodge s wer e founded ; i n th e pani c o f 1873 , 8,40 0 more ; and i n Januar y an d Februar y 1874 , anothe r 4,700 . Th e Grang e com prised 1. 5 millio n members , a poten t politica l force . I n 187 3 a n d 1 %74 it succeede d i n electin g representative s throughou t th e Sout h an d Wes t and hel d th e balanc e o f powe r i n Illinois , Iowa, Minnesota , an d Wiscon sin. By poolin g thei r economi c resources , farmer s i n loca l lodge s coul d afford th e newes t an d mos t efficien t equipment . The y als o appointe d agents t o barte r directl y wit h manufacturer s an d ge t price s reduced . Fo r example, the y acquire d reaper s fo r $17 5 instea d o f $27 5 an d wagon s for $9 0 instea d o f $150 . Th e syste m o f cooperativ e buyin g no t onl y reduced manufacturers ' price s t o farmer s bu t als o compelle d loca l mer chants t o lowe r thei r prices . The Grang e als o encourage d farmers ' coop eratives i n production . The y founde d o r acquire d mills , elevators , an d plants fo r production , an d insuranc e companie s an d bank s fo r finance. In Iow a the y eve n entere d industr y i n 187 4 t o manufactur e reaper s an d plows. Whe n cooperative s failed , i t wa s usuall y becaus e o f mismanage ment. Inexperience d farmer s expande d the m to o quickl y an d ra n int o
The Grange r movemen t conferre d dignit y o n discontente d farmer s o f th e West , emphasiz ing tha t thei r contributio n t o th e America n economy—providin g food—wa s th e mos t valuable o f all , a s thi s chromolithograp h o f 187 5 suggests . Late r poster s pai d tribut e t o the rea l grievance s o f th e farmer s b y alterin g th e centra l captio n t o "An d I pa y fo r all! " (Library o f Congress. )
bitter price-cuttin g competitio n fro m traditiona l wholesaler s an d retail ers whose resources coul d outlast theirs . When i t cam e t o th e gros s abuse s practice d b y th e railroad s that , more tha n anythin g else , had unite d wester n farmer s i n th e Grange , th e lodges realize d tha t the y coul d no t g o int o ope n competitio n wit h th e great railroad s an d la y riva l lines . The Wes t wa s s o sparsel y settle d tha t the onl y economi c for m o f transportatio n wa s a n efficien t railroa d wit h a monopol y o f business . The y therefor e focuse d o n stat e regulation — cseeking law s t o establis h th e maximu m rate s tha t railroad s an d grai n elevators coul d charge . Thes e law s wer e eventuall y uphel d b y th e Su preme Cour t i n the Granger case s of 1 8 7 6 - 7 7 , notabl y Munn v . Illinois, Peik v . Chicago and Northwestern R.R.; Chicago, Burlington and Quincy R.R. v . Iowa; an d Winona and St. Peter R.R. v . Blake.
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Both it s successe s an d failure s contribute d t o th e declin e o f th e Grange . In Illinoi s farmer s though t th e battl e wit h monopolie s wa s ove r afte r they ha d wo n i n th e Suprem e Court . I n Iow a thos e wh o los t financiall y when th e cooperative s faile d becam e disillusioned . I n Wisconsi n rail roads intimidate d farmer s b y discriminatin g agains t them . Thus , fo r a variety o f reasons, members abandone d th e Grange, which survive d onl y as a socia l clu b fo r farmers . Som e discontente d farmer s the n entere d th e Greenback part y that , despit e massiv e suppor t i n th e Midwes t i n th e elections o f 1878 , remaine d a too l o f easter n interest s committe d t o a policy o f inflation . It s succes s wa s short-lived , an d i n 188 0 it s en lightened presidentia l candidate , Jame s Bair d Weaver , receive d onl y 308,578 votes . Populism However, th e agraria n revol t continue d an d culminate d i n Populism . A recent historia n o f th e movement , Lawrenc e Goodwyn , ha s challenge d the dismissiv e analyse s o f earlie r historian s i n tw o remarkabl e accounts , Democratic Promise (1976) , an d a shorte r version , The Populist Moment (1978) . I t i s hi s contentio n tha t i t wa s th e crop-lie n syste m i n th e South, rathe r tha n genera l agricultura l depression , tha t first generate d the movement . Perhap s th e mos t succinc t descriptio n o f th e crop-lie n system i s that o f th e historia n o f th e South , C . Van n Woodward , i n on e of hi s contributor y chapter s t o th e genera l surve y history , The National Experience (1981) : The farmer pledge d a n unplanted cro p fo r a loan o f a n unstipulated amoun t a t an undesignate d bu t enormou s rat e o f interes t averagin g abou t 6 0 percen t a year. Trapped b y the system, a farmer migh t continue year after oppressiv e year as a sort of peon, under debt to the same merchant and under constant oversight. The lie n syste m impose d th e one-crop syste m fo r th e merchan t woul d advanc e credit onl y agains t cas h crop s suc h a s cotto n o r tobacco . . . . The syste m no t only impoverished farmers but stifled their hopes and depleted their incentive. With masterfu l us e of statistics o n agraria n debt s in th e South , Lawrenc e Goodwyn explain s tha t it wa s th e crop-lie n syste m an d th e merchants * manipulative us e o f i t fo r thei r ow n advantag e tha t first le d t o kee n agrarian disconten t i n th e region . I t sprea d rapidl y elsewher e whe n displaced souther n farmer s move d wes t i n the 1870s . The immediat e predecesso r o f Populis m wa s th e Farmers ' Alliance .
Gates of Silver and Bars of Gold 31
9
The Farmers ' Alliance , originall y founde d b y Texa s cattleme n i n 187 4 against hors e thieves , supersede d th e Grang e a s th e foru m fo r discon tented farmer s i n th e Southwes t i n th e 1880s . The pivota l leade r wa s S . O. Daw s o f Mississippi , a compellin g lecture r wh o exhorte d hi s audi ences to join th e Alliance an d for m trad e stores . Among his converts wa s William Lam b o f Tennessee , wh o ha d organize d mor e tha n a hundre d suballiances b y Octobe r 1885 . The Allianc e ha d the n 50,00 0 members . At this crucial momen t th e Great Southwes t Strik e of militant s amon g the Knight s o f Labo r erupte d agains t Ja y Gould . I t divide d th e Allianc e between thos e wh o wante d t o becom e mor e involve d o n behal f o f th e strikers an d thos e wh o wante d t o withdra w fro m labo r dispute s alto gether. Among thos e who deplore d th e Alliance's hesitation wa s Willia m Lamb. I n Januar y 188 6 h e dare d Allianc e presiden t Andre w Dunla p t o acknowledge tha t farmer s wer e no t middle-clas s yeome n independen t o f the commercia l syste m bu t ordinar y worker s lik e industria l artisans . H e wanted interventio n o n behal f o f th e Knight s an d agains t Goul d t o tak e the for m o f a secondar y boycott . S . O . Daw s wa s unabl e t o moderat e between Lam b an d Dunla p bu t h e succeede d i n persuadin g th e Texa s Alliance to accept a n aggressiv e program o f seventee n political objective s in Ma y 1886 . The y include d radica l idea s o n agriculture , labor , rail roads, an d finance . A specia l conventio n o f member s meetin g i n Cle burne, nea r Dallas , in Augus t 188 6 accepte d th e proposal s b y the rathe r narrow vot e of 9 2 t o 75 . At a specia l meetin g i n Waco , Texas, i n January 1887 , a new leader , Dr. Charle s W. Macune from Wisconsin , proposed an d had accepted tw o ideas tha t transforme d th e Alliance : th e creatio n o f th e Farmers ' Alliance Exchange , a statewid e cooperativ e fo r th e marketin g o f cotto n crops; an d a merge r o f th e larg e Texa s Allianc e an d th e muc h smalle r Farmers' Allianc e o f Louisian a int o a ne w organization , th e Nationa l Farmers' Allianc e an d Cooperativ e Union , o f whic h h e becam e presi dent. I t was , moreover , par t o f Macune' s strateg y t o diver t potentiall y dissident member s int o a massiv e recruitmen t campaign . Betwee n 188 7 and 189 1 i t sen t lecturers int o forty-thre e state s an d territories . Thus, b y 1889 th e Allianc e ha d establishe d branche s a s fa r apar t a s Florida , Missouri, Oklahom a Territory , Colorado , an d Marylan d an d claime d a total o f 3 million members . The Farmers ' Stat e Allianc e o f Kansas , organize d i n Decembe r 1888 , was particularl y vital—includin g amon g it s member s Henr y Vincent ,
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editor o f th e American Nonconformist, an d Be n Clover , wh o becam e it s president. Th e pivo t o f thei r activitie s wa s th e Winfiel d Co-operativ e Mercantile an d Manufacturin g Associatio n i n Cowle y County . However, th e cooperativ e ventur e encountere d considerabl e difficul ties. Th e hostilit y o f th e commercia l establishmen t t o anythin g tha t threatened it s ow n profit s drov e Allianc e leader s t o politica l action . Charles Macun e an d th e Texa s Allianc e sough t alternativ e mean s o f support fo r cooperative s t o thos e provide d b y ordinar y banks . Accord ingly, Macun e devise d th e joint-not e pla n fo r th e Souther n Allianc e i n late 188 7 and , when i t failed i n mid-summe r 1888 , the subtreasury plan . This woul d hav e allowe d farmer s t o borro w mone y fro m th e stat e government fo r u p t o 8 0 percen t o f th e valu e o f thei r crop s store d a s collateral i n specia l governmen t warehouses . Th e ide a wa s t o provid e the farme r wit h a n eas y sourc e o f credi t a t a lo w rat e o f interes t ( 1 percent), while allowin g hi m t o withhold hi s crop fro m th e marke t fo r a year if prices were depressed. Thus could h e escape the crop-lien system . Macune's searc h fo r soun d financial backin g for farmers ' cooperative s independent o f regula r bank s an d hi s solutions had alread y led to intens e discussion a t th e Alliance' s secon d nationa l conventio n i n Meridian , Mississippi, in lat e 1888 . Radical lecture r H . S . P. ("Stump" ) Ashb y ha d previously calle d a meetin g o f farmer s an d laborer s t o Wac o i n Ma y 1888 whic h adopte d a six-poin t platform , includin g th e abolitio n o f th e existing bankin g system . I t le d t o th e formatio n o f a Texas Unio n Labo r Party a t For t Wort h o n Jul y 4 , 1888 . Thi s wa s th e embry o o f a ne w third party . Meanwhile, i n th e uppe r plains , Milton George , edito r o f th e Western Rural o f Chicago , ha d launche d a Northwester n Farmers * Allianc e i n 1880. It grew steadily unti l the winter o f 188 6 and, during the prolonge d agricultural depressio n tha t followed , i t was , perhaps , mos t activ e i n Illinois, Dakota , an d Minnesota . B y 188 7 th e Farmers ' Mutua l Benefi t Association i n Illinoi s ha d 2,00 0 members . I n Dakot a farmer s Henr y Loucks an d Alonz o Wardall organize d a territory-wide cooperativ e mar keting exchang e tha t include d th e distinctiv e featur e o f cro p insuranc e at a premium o f betwee n 2 1 and 2 5 cent s a n acre . With th e assistance of novelist an d criti c Ignatiu s Donnell y the y als o revive d th e defunc t Min nesota Farmers ' Allianc e i n 1889 . African-America n farmer s unite d i n the Colore d Farmers ' Nationa l Allianc e an d Cooperativ e Union , founde d by a whit e Baptis t minister , R . W . Humphrey , a t Lovelady , Texas , i n
A Mississipp i riverboat , lade n wit h a carg o o f cotton , wa s a hulkin g symbo l o f th e Ne w South, it s commercia l an d industria l muscl e fe d b y norther n capital . A n undate d photo graph, take n outsid e Bato n Rouge , Louisiana , probabl y a t th e tur n o f th e century . (Wit temann Collection ; Librar y o f Congress. )
1886. I n 189 0 h e claime d 1. 2 millio n member s i n sixtee n states . Thi s was a gros s exaggeration . A mor e probabl e estimat e i s a quarte r o f a million. Macune, livin g in Washington , ha d struc k u p a persona l an d profes sional friendshi p wit h Terenc e Powderly , grand maste r o f the Knight s of Labor, an d wa s plannin g a n amalgamatio n o f th e Nationa l Allianc e (now calle d th e Farmers ' an d Laborers ' Unio n o f America ) wit h th e Knights. H e recognize d tha t i n on e fata l particula r th e farmer s wer e no t united. Ther e stil l remained a wide gul f betwee n th e Wes t an d th e Sout h because o f th e smolderin g prejudice s o f th e Civi l War . Th e Sout h wa s solidly Democratic ; th e Wes t wa s Republican . Nevertheless , i n Decem ber 188 9 delegate s o f th e Norther n an d Souther n Alliance s convened a t
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St. Loui s i n a n abortiv e attemp t t o merge . Macune' s emphasi s o n th e subtreasury pla n divided , rathe r tha n united , th e delegate s a t St . Louis . However, the y agree d tha t thei r fundamenta l platform s wer e similar . Both wante d a graduate d incom e tax , federa l ownershi p o f railroads , laws agains t lan d speculation , greate r econom y i n government , an d th e use of greenback s a s currency . The cooperativ e movemen t ha d stirre d ne w politica l sensibilities . Fro m Washington Macun e organize d a Nationa l Refor m Pres s Associatio n t o distribute materia l t o ove r 1,00 0 newspaper s acros s th e countr y an d launch officia l newspaper s o f th e Allianc e i n smal l towns . I n th e earl y 1890s ther e wer e mor e tha n 1,00 0 Allianc e (o r Populist ) journals , nota bly th e People's Party Paper, The Progressive Farmer, an d th e Southern Mercury. The y wer e al l member s o f th e Nationa l Refor m Pres s Associa tion whic h include d othe r paper s sympatheti c t o thei r caus e suc h a s th e Vincent family' s American Nonconformist an d Julius Wayland' s Appeal to Reason. By 189 0 th e Allianc e wa s sufficientl y confiden t i n som e state s t o field its ow n candidate s i n th e congressiona l an d stat e election s tha t year . I n Kansas, th e geographi c cente r o f th e state s an d no w th e ey e o f th e political storm , th e Agraria n part y electe d five congressmen (Jerr y Simp son, Willia m Baker , John Otis , John Davis , an d th e Allianc e stat e presi dent, Be n Clover) , an d the y gaine d a majorit y o f 9 6 t o 2 9 i n th e lowe r house o f th e stat e assembly . A s th e People' s Independen t part y i n Ne braska the y too k bot h house s o f th e stat e assembl y an d electe d Oma r Kem t o Congress . I n additio n the y prove d themselve s a poten t politica l force i n Georgia , Tennessee , Sout h Dakota , Indiana , Michigan , an d Minnesota. Nevertheless, clos e analysi s o f th e 189 0 electio n result s suggest s tha t traditional part y machine s remaine d intac t an d th e contro l o f crucia l committees i n th e stat e assemblies , whic h include d alliancemen , stil l rested wit h politician s servin g business . The mos t outspoke n supporter s of th e Cleburn e Demand s o f 1886 , suc h a s Eva n Jone s an d H . S . P . Ashby, wer e disillusioned . The y believe d th e infan t thir d part y wa s failing nationall y an d i n th e states , an d the y no w attribute d it s failur e t o the Alliance's undu e emphasi s o n th e cooperative movement . They though t it ha d diverte d farmers ' energie s fro m far-reachin g politica l goal s t o limited, short-ter m economi c remedies . I n Georgia , radica l Alliancema n and congressma n To m Watso n challenge d Allianc e stat e presiden t Lo n
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Livingston t o suppor t th e subtreasur y pla n an d lea d a n exodu s o f mem bers from th e Democratic party. H e propounded hi s ideas in the People's Party Paper, a journa l whic h firs t appeare d o n Octobe r i , 1891 . I t declared, "Georgi a i s read y fo r a thir d part y an d will swee p th e stat e with th e movement. " Roused b y Lamb , Watson, an d othe r leaders , 1,40 0 delegates , mainl y from th e Souther n Alliance , me t firs t i n Cincinnat i i n Ma y 189 1 an d then agai n i n St . Loui s o n Februar y 22 , 1892 , t o launc h th e People' s party, o r Populists . Th e part y chos e Leonida s Lafayett e Pol k o f Nort h Carolina a s it s president. H e wa s a forcefu l speake r an d i t was commo n opinion tha t h e was the only Populis t leade r capabl e of enticing Souther n Alliancemen awa y fro m th e Democrats . Bu t o n Jun e 11 , 1892 , h e die d in Washington afte r a short illness . The cente r o f agraria n disconten t ha d move d westwar d fro m th e states o f th e Mississipp i Valle y t o th e plains . Historia n Wilfre d E . Bink ley ha s show n i n American Political Parties (1943 ) ho w th e pric e o f wheat wa s a baromete r o f agraria n discontent . Whe n whea t fel l fro m $1.50 a bushe l i n 186 5 t o 67 cent s i n 1868 , th e Grang e wa s founded . After climbin g bac k abov e $1.00 , i t the n fel l t o 8 7 cent s i n 187 4 whe n the Anti-Monopoly, Independent , Reform , an d Nationa l Greenbac k par ties appeared . B y th e tim e th e pric e o f whea t ros e again , t o $1.0 5 i n 1877, th e Grange r movemen t ha d ru n it s course . Then a fal l t o 8 0 cent s by 187 8 produce d th e Alliance , whic h ha d 3,00 0 lodge s o r suballiance s by 188 7 whe n th e averag e pric e o f whea t wa s onl y 68 cents . I t late r climbed again . Bu t i t fel l fro m 8 5 cent s i n 189 1 t o 4 9 cent s i n 1894 , a n ^ it wa s durin g thi s perio d tha t th e Populist s nominate d a presidentia l candidate. The mos t importan t agraria n movements , th e Grange s o f th e earl y 1870s an d th e Populist s o f th e earl y 1890s , wer e bor n i n depression . Both movement s amounte d t o revolts . The y wer e mos t intens e i n th e South an d Wes t wher e stapl e crops , respectivel y cotto n an d wheat , wer e grown fo r worl d market s an d thu s subjec t t o fluctuatin g prices . Far m protest move d westwar d wit h th e production o f wheat , s o that th e foca l point o f th e Grange r movemen t wa s i n Illinois , Iowa , Minnesota , an d Wisconsin, th e "older " whea t area . Tha t o f Populis m wa s i n Kansas , Nebraska, an d Nort h an d Sout h Dakota , th e "newer " whea t area . B y the 1890 s th e olde r are a wa s becomin g lik e th e Northeas t i n it s concen tration o n fruit , corn , hogs , and dair y farming . Rathe r tha n sid e with th e
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Populists, the y blame d th e West , wit h it s eas y an d chea p productio n o f wheat, fo r thei r troubles . Th e Northwester n Allianc e disintegrate d b y 1892.
The Populists ' conventio n o f 1,30 0 delegate s meetin g a t Omaha , Nebraska, o n Jul y 4 , 1892 , drafte d a refor m platfor m base d o n th e premise "wealt h belong s t o hi m wh o create s it. " Th e Omah a platform , which ha d it s origin s i n th e Cleburn e Demand s o f 188 6 an d successiv e Alliance planks , becam e th e symbo l o f Populism . Th e preambl e wa s a plaintive emotiona l appea l writte n b y Ignatiu s Donnell y an d first deliv ered a t St . Loui s i n Februar y tha t year . H e reviewe d th e ill s o f Americ a in the earl y 1890s . We mee t i n th e mids t o f a natio n brough t t o th e verg e of moral , politica l an d material ruin . Corruptio n dominate s th e ballo t box , th e Legislatures , th e Con gress, an d touche s eve n th e ermin e o f th e Bench . Th e people ar e demoralized ; most of the States have been compelled to isolate the voters at the polling places to prevent universal intimidation an d bribery. The newspapers are largely subsidized o r muzzled ; publi c opinio n silenced ; busines s prostrated, ou r home s covered wit h mortgages , labo r impoverished , an d th e lan d concentratin g i n th e hands of the capitalists. . . . The fruits o f the toil of millions are boldly stolen to build u p colossa l fortune s fo r a few, unprecedente d i n the histor y o f mankind , and th e possessor s o f thes e i n tur n despis e th e Republi c an d endange r liberty . From th e same prolific wom b of governmental injustic e w e breed th e two great classes—tramps and millionaires. The Omah a platfor m specificall y calle d fo r th e fre e an d unlimite d coinage o f silve r a t th e rati o o f 1 6 t o 1 , a currenc y o f a t leas t $5 0 pe r person i n circulation , a graduate d incom e tax , posta l saving s banks , federal ownershi p o f telegraph s an d railroads , an d reclamatio n o f land s held b y railroad s an d othe r corporation s fo r speculation . Whe n Popu lists, furthermore , demande d immigratio n restriction , a n eight-hou r da y on governmen t works , a n en d t o th e us e o f injunction s agains t labor , and th e outlawin g o f th e Pinkerto n mercenaries , the y wer e simpl y in cluding traditiona l labo r demands . Al l thes e proposal s ha d bee n made , at differen t times , b y th e Nationa l Labo r Union , th e Knight s o f Labor , and th e America n Federatio n o f Labor . Populist s certainl y recognize d the importanc e o f urba n labor . I t wa s a catchmen t are a the y coul d no t afford t o ignore. Their platform o f 189 2 included a self-conscious appea l to artisans . "Th e urba n workme n ar e denie d th e righ t o f organizatio n for self-protection , importe d pauperize d labo r beat s dow n thei r wages , a hireling standar d army , unrecognize d b y ou r law , i s established t o shoo t
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them down , an d the y ar e rapidl y degeneratin g int o Europea n condi tions." Thomas Watso n o f Georgi a me t th e vexe d question s o f rac e relation s and civi l right s i n th e Sout h hea d on . Althoug h h e recognize d tha t Populist alliance s wit h African-America n Republican s ra n th e ris k o f antagonizing whit e Democrat s further , h e grasped th e nettle, telling bot h races they wer e th e victims o f institutionalize d racism : You are kept apart that you may be separately fleece d o f your earnings. You are made to hat e each othe r becaus e upo n tha t hatre d i s rested th e keyston e of th e arch o f financial despotis m whic h enslave s yo u both . Yo u ar e deceive d an d blinded tha t yo u may not see how this race antagonism perpetuate s a monetary system which beggars both. On th e surfac e i t seeme d tha t a ne w thir d part y ha d arise n wit h a massive bas e o f support . Bu t it s hol d wa s shallo w an d i t coul d no t sustain wha t Goodwy n call s " a cultur e o f reform. " Fo r example , th e American labo r movemen t wa s no t read y fo r th e sor t o f politic s th e Populists proposed. Organize d labo r wa s not truly cohesive . The Knight s was i n decline . Samue l Gompers , leade r o f th e growin g AFL , was hostil e to an y workin g clas s movemen t h e though t woul d eithe r distrac t hi s members fro m thei r immediat e economi c goal s o r discredi t th e workin g class a s a whole . Furthermore , Catholi c artisan s i n th e urba n ghetto s tended t o maintai n solidarit y wit h thei r ethni c machine s an d vot e Dem ocratic. Deprived o f thei r stronges t candidat e fo r presiden t b y th e deat h o f Leonidas Polk , th e Populist s nominate d Genera l Jame s Bair d Weave r o f Iowa. Weaver' s radica l credential s wer e impeccable . Fo r tha t ver y rea son, however , h e wa s no t likel y t o appea l t o th e publi c a t large . Never theless, the campaig n o f 189 2 wa s distinguishe d b y th e impac t mad e o n national politic s b y variou s charmin g an d eloquen t Populist s leaders . Mary Elle n Lease , "th e Kansa s Pythoness, " was a lawyer an d a vigorou s orator wh o ha d spoke n 16 0 times in the campaign o f 1890 . She was als o a mos t plangen t singer . Sh e wa s a militan t suffragist , a violen t Anglo phobe, an d wa s resolutel y oppose d t o bi g business . I t wa s sh e wh o tol d Kansas farmer s t o rais e les s cor n an d mor e hell . Sh e wa s bu t on e o f many energeti c wome n wh o seize d th e politica l opportunit y offere d b y Populism t o urg e a n expande d politica l rol e fo r women . Ignatiu s Don nelly, th e "Sag e o f Nininger, " wa s edito r o f th e Anti-Monopolist, a radical Minnesot a newspaper , an d autho r o f Caesar's Column, a luri d
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revolutionary novel . Jeremia h o r Jerr y ("Sockles s Socrates" ) Simpso n was th e epitom e o f th e bucoli c radica l wh o inveighe d agains t th e advo cates o f har d mone y a s "pie-bellie d hypocrites. " Senato r Willia m Peffe r of Kansa s wa s a committe d prohibitionis t whos e extraordinaril y lon g beard wa s a gif t t o cartoonists . Thes e leader s wer e goo d cop y an d captured newspape r headline s bu t the y coul d no t persuad e American s t o change thei r traditiona l politica l allegiances . Weave r too k 1,029,84 6 votes, 8. 5 percen t o f th e total , an d a n absolut e majorit y i n thre e states . Of thes e h e carrie d Kansa s b y onl y a narro w margi n bu t gaine d mor e than 4 0 percen t o f th e vote in Nebrask a an d Nort h Dakota . In the stat e contest s th e Populist s wer e openl y swindled . Fo r instance , in th e Alabam a stat e election s o f 1892 , Reube n Kolb , candidat e fo r governor o f th e "Jeffersonia n Democrats, " too k a plurality o f vote s an d carried th e state , but wa s deprive d o f hi s victory b y the party machin e of the incumben t governor , Thoma s Jones, which invente d a massive blac k vote t o defea t hi m i n th e final tallies . I n Georgia , eye s an d ear s wer e concentrated o n th e campaig n o f Representativ e Thoma s Watso n fo r reelection t o th e tent h congressiona l district . Hi s attack s o n Republican s and Democrat s i n Congress ha d mad e him know n acros s th e nation, an d so his success or failur e i n a n intens e an d bitte r electio n campaig n woul d be take n a s a porten t o f th e nationa l fortune s o f th e People' s party . When i t became clea r tha t African-American s woul d hol d th e balanc e of power i n Georgia , conservativ e Democrat s perpetrate d a serie s o f mur ders o f African-American s t o terrif y them . O n electio n day , Democrati c managers indulge d i n bribery , ballo t bo x stuffing , an d fraudulen t count ing t o hav e Watson' s opponent , Majo r Jame s Black , elected . Th e tota l vote returne d b y electio n judge s wa s twic e th e numbe r o f qualifie d voters. Thus di d th e Democrati c party hol d Georgi a intact . But electio n t o offic e wa s n o guarante e o f a chang e i n government . Some successfu l Populist s discovere d th e card s wer e stacke d agains t reform. A join t Populis t an d Democrati c candidate , Davi s H . Waite , a radical edito r fro m Aspen , Colorado , wa s electe d governo r o f th e stat e in 1892 . Th e stat e assembly , however , remaine d i n th e hand s o f th e Republicans, an d refuse d t o pas s hi s bil l t o regulat e th e railroads . B y 1893 n e w a s thoroughl y exasperate d an d declared , "It is better, infinitel y better, tha t bloo d shoul d flo w t o th e horses ' bridle s rathe r tha n ou r national libertie s shoul d b e destroyed. " Thu s h e earne d th e nicknam e "Bloody Bridles " Waite.
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Populist leader s expecte d t o d o bette r i n th e election s o f 189 4 an d 1896 tha n the y ha d i n 1892 . Thei r hope s fe d o n disasters : continuin g agricultural depression ; advers e weather o n th e plains; indisputable mis management o f politica l an d economi c affair s b y Congres s an d th e administration before , during , an d afte r th e pani c o f 1893 . The y wer e well awar e tha t th e variou s crise s o f th e mid-i890 s gav e the m a specia l chance t o brea k th e traditional mol d o f America n politics . But it was no t to be . Fou r wester n state s (Kansas , Colorado , Nort h Dakota , an d Idaho) , in which th e Populist s ha d score d successe s i n 1892 , went Republica n i n 1894. I n Kansa s th e ne w part y ha d fuse d wit h th e Democrat s i n 1892 . But whe n Populis t candidate s wo n tha t yea r i t wa s o n accoun t o f Dem ocratic votes , an d th e Democrati c part y expecte d compensatio n i n th e way o f patronage . Confirme d Populist s coul d no t countenanc e thi s com promise. I n 189 4 the y chos e t o contes t th e election s alon e an d thei r candidates wer e defeated . Th e Republican s electe d thei r entir e stat e ticket, seve n o f eigh t congressmen , an d 9 1 o f 12 4 assemblymen . It wa s not , however , a cas e o f declin e everywhere . Notwithstandin g widespread intimidation , bribery , an d ballot-riggin g practice d b y th e Democrats i n Texas , th e Populis t vot e ros e ther e fro m 2 3 percen t i n 1892 t o almos t 4 0 percen t i n 1894 . Th e mixe d result s o f th e 189 4 elections wer e difficul t t o interpre t an d len t respectabilit y t o suppor t fo r the sor t o f coalitio n o f Populist s an d Democrat s tha t ha d existe d i n Nebraska sinc e 1890 , even though i n certain part s o f th e South Populist s and Democrat s wer e a t loggerheads . In stat e afte r stat e cooperative s starve d fo r lac k o f credit . In th e thre e years fro m th e electio n o f 189 2 t o th e en d o f 189 5 t n e stronges t consti tuencies o f traditiona l Populis m remaine d th e thre e state s o f Texas , Kansas, an d Georgia . In th e wester n state s th e agraria n revol t wa s transformed b y the emergence o f silve r a s a political issue . Bimetallism The new movemen t o n behal f o f th e minin g interest wa s mos t strikin g i n Nebraska wher e it was promoted no t b y independents bu t b y a low tarif f faction o f th e Democrats, whose most zealou s spokesman wa s Congress man Willia m Jennings Bryan . Hi s understandin g o f th e monetar y syste m was rudimentary . I n 189 2 h e cheerfull y confessed , "Th e peopl e o f Ne braska ar e fo r fre e silve r an d I a m fo r fre e silver . I wil l loo k u p th e
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arguments later. " Silve r min e owner s ha d launche d th e America n Bime tallic Leagu e i n 188 9 bu t no t unti l th e depressio n o f 189 3 coul d the y hope t o mak e fre e silve r a majo r issu e i n nationa l politics . Thei r cam paign wa s buttresse d b y editoria l suppor t i n suc h divers e paper s a s th e World Herald o f Omaha , th e Commercial-Appeal o f Memphis , an d th e Evening Star o f Washington . I n th e minin g state s o f th e West, Populis m now attracte d suppor t solel y o n accoun t o f it s proposal s fo r monetar y reform involvin g th e coinag e o f silve r a t a rati o o f 1 6 t o 1 from whic h the miner s hope d t o gai n mor e work . Give n it s geographi c origins , th e silver movemen t was , perhaps , a n inevitable , eve n a natural , successo r to th e ineffectua l Northwester n Farmer' s Alliance . I t ha d littl e i n com mon wit h th e enterprisin g Nationa l Farmers ' Allianc e o f th e Southwest . Nevertheless, a s prohibitionis t Dr . D . Leig h Colvin , pu t it , "Th e silve r movement represente d fa r mor e tha n merel y fre e coinage . I t wa s a complex of pent-up feeling s agains t the excessive power of great wealth. " The dissen t tha t culminate d i n th e conflic t betwee n gol d an d silve r was brough t abou t b y three specifi c elements : a decrease i n the supply o f gold, a n increas e i n th e suppl y o f silver , an d variation s i n th e amoun t o f currency i n circulation . Underlyin g wha t becam e know n a s the Battl e o f the Standard s wa s a nee d fo r a flexible currenc y tha t coul d gro w wit h the populatio n an d th e economy—speci e tha t wa s specifi c an d no t specious. World productio n o f gol d ha d decrease d betwee n 186 5 an d 189 0 whereas th e productio n o f industry , mining , an d agricultur e ha d in creased. Moreover , th e population als o increased: i n the United State s i n 1890 i t wa s almos t twic e tha t o f 1865 . Th e increas e i n th e numbe r o f people an d th e declin e i n gol d productio n wa s th e roo t caus e o f thir d parties proposin g a n expansio n o f th e currency . I n th e sam e perio d th e production o f silve r i n Americ a ha d increase d greatly—b y abou t a thousand time s betwee n 185 5 an d 1890 . I n 185 5 th e valu e o f produc tion wa s $52,000 ; i n 1865 , $11.6 4 million ; i n 1890 , $57.2 4 million . I t was W . H . Harvey' s simplisti c an d misleadin g Coin's Financial School (1894) tha t mad e th e silve r caus e accessibl e t o million s acros s th e coun try. William Alle n White , the n th e youn g edito r o f th e Emporia Gazette, compared th e fervo r o f th e silve r movemen t t o th e fanaticis m o f th e Crusades. "Indeed , th e delusio n tha t wa s workin g o n th e peopl e too k the for m o f religiou s frenzy . Sacre d hymn s wer e tor n fro m thei r piou s
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tunes t o giv e plac e t o word s whic h deifie d th e caus e an d mad e gold — and al l it s symbols , capital , wealth , plutocracy—diabolical. " Agraria n communities earnestl y believe d tha t whe n the y had electe d a silve r legis lature i t would , b y proclamation , produc e th e millenniu m o f bimetall ism. "I t wa s a seaso n o f shibboleth s an d fetiche s an d slogans . Reaso n slept; an d th e passions—jealousy , covetousness , hatred—ra n amuck ; and whoeve r woul d chec k the m wa s crucifie d i n public contumely. " To conservative s th e propose d refor m wa s abhorrent , threatenin g t o undermine th e economy , isolat e th e Unite d State s fro m Europe , an d increase governmenta l interferenc e i n business . Reforme r Henr y Dema rest Lloyd, wh o was sympatheti c t o the People's party, described th e fre e silver movemen t a s th e cowbir d o f reform . A cowbir d too k ove r th e nests o f othe r birds , threw ou t thei r eggs , and lai d it s own i n their place . Leading Populist s als o disapprove d o f th e ne w emphasi s o n th e silve r issue i n Populism . The y considere d i t a superficia l formul a an d though t it dangerous fo r th e new party . However , a month afte r th e 189 4 federal elections th e ne w part y chairman , Herma n Taubenec k o f Illinois , de clared th e party shoul d abando n th e res t of the Omah a platfor m o f 189 2 in favo r o f a singl e platfor m o f fre e silve r fo r 1896 . Thus , befor e th e election o f 189 6 the People's party wa s riven b y faction betwee n politica l trimmers wh o wante d t o fus e wit h th e Democrats, an d mid-roader s wh o wanted t o char t a separat e course . Thos e inten t o n offic e an d victor y a t all costs included Senator s William Alle n an d Mario n Butle r and radical s James Weave r an d Jerr y Simpson . The y reasone d tha t althoug h th e People's part y wa s supporte d b y betwee n 2 5 an d 4 5 percen t o f th e electorate i n twent y states , thi s wa s no t enoug h t o elec t congressmen . And onl y afte r electio n coul d th e Populist s enac t thei r proposals . A s fa r as the y wer e concerne d silve r wa s popula r wit h th e publi c an d repre sented a real chanc e o f electora l victory . Those wh o ha d bee n lon g identifie d wit h th e Allianc e an d oppose d political trimmin g include d To m Watson , Thoma s Nugent , an d E . M . Wardell. The y wer e supporte d b y mos t o f th e refor m press . Committe d Alliancemen conclude d tha t fre e silve r would destro y th e essence of thei r movement. Concentratio n o n thi s on e plan k preclude d debat e an d pro mulgation o f others . Fre e silve r woul d no t chang e th e existin g syste m o f commerce an d bankin g tha t supporte d th e dominan t plutocracy . Fur thermore, fre e silve r wa s a politica l irrelevanc e ami d eve r mountin g public discussio n abou t th e acceleratin g tren d towar d industria l monop -
330 Gates
of Silver and Bars of Gold
olies, th e concentratio n o f capita l the y represented , an d th e politica l corruption the y sustained . Th e adoptio n o f fre e silve r woul d simpl y allow th e railroa d lobbie s t o corrup t legislature s wit h silve r instea d o f gold. I n the words o f editor , diplomat , an d poe t James Russel l Lowell , it was a case of With gates of silver and bars of gold Ye have fenced m y sheep from thei r father's fold . And Judg e Thoma s Nugen t o f Texa s declare d tha t silve r coinag e woul d "leave undisturbe d al l th e condition s whic h giv e ris e t o th e undu e con centration o f wealth . Th e so-calle d silve r part y ma y prov e a veritabl e trojan hors e i f we are not careful. " When Taubenec k trie d t o convinc e a mas s audienc e a t St . Loui s i n December 189 4 ° f t n e nee d t o narro w th e Omah a plan k t o th e coinag e of silve r a t a ratio o f 1 6 to 1 , he was unsuccessful . I t was th e sam e whe n representatives o f th e National Pres s Association an d the National Farm ers' Allianc e convene d a t separat e meeting s i n earl y 1895 . Bot h group s denounced th e ide a o f a one-plan k platform . Taubenec k replie d tha t their attitud e wa s clea r proo f o f socialis t subversio n withi n th e party . This le d t o outrigh t attac k o n Taubenec k an d Weave r b y editor s lik e Thomas Byro n o f Iow a i n th e Farmer's Tribune. Taubenec k ha d prove d himself nothin g bette r than a political broker . Ignatius Donnelly decided , "Narrow Populis m t o fre e silve r alon e an d i t wil l disappea r i n a ra t hole." Nevertheless, th e silve r lobb y manage d t o infiltrat e th e ne w party . It s eastern journal , th e Silver Knight, wa s manage d b y J . H . Turner , wh o was als o a membe r o f th e nationa l executiv e committe e o f th e People' s party. In 189 3 Weaver wa s activ e in the American Bimetalli c League an d presided ove r it s convention . Silve r interest s als o penetrate d th e Demo cratic party . Th e America n Bimetalli c Leagu e sponsore d conference s t o promote fre e silve r tha t wer e attende d b y Democrati c politicians , suc h as on e i n Jun e 189 5 a t Memphi s a t whic h Governo r Be n Tillma n o f South Carolina , wit h hi s eye on persona l gain , was present . The Democrati c part y wa s shake n t o th e cor e b y th e depressio n o f 1893, Cleveland' s inabilit y t o remed y it , and th e agrarian revol t that ha d robbed th e part y o f congressiona l seat s i n th e election s o f 189 2 an d 1894. Those concerne d fo r th e future o f the party—not t o mentio n thei r own careers—conclude d tha t Cleveland' s adherenc e t o th e gol d stan -
William Jenning s Brya n (i860—1925 ) o f Nebraska , unsuccessfu l Democrati c candidat e for presiden t i n 1896 , 1900 , an d 190 8 whos e speeche s wer e th e mos t emotionall y lade n of th e day . Hi s campaig n o f 189 6 gav e the tw o principa l partie s thei r first genuin e differ ence sinc e th e Civi l War , a s th e "Battl e o f th e Standards " betwee n gol d an d silve r un leashed a generatio n o f pent-up feeling s abou t th e natur e o f America n capitalism . (Librar y of Congress. ) Ignatius Donnell y ( 1 8 3 1 - 1 9 0 1 ) , inset , serve d a s Republica n congressma n fo r Minnesot a from 186 3 t o 186 9 bu t abandone d th e Republican s becaus e o f thei r indifferenc e t o th e working class . Moving continuously t o th e left , h e helpe d foun d th e Populis t party , givin g its voic e definition wit h th e Omah a platfor m o f 1892 . Proponent o f th e vie w tha t Shake speare's play s were written b y Franci s Bacon , he wa s als o autho r o f a lurid , Utopia n novel , Caesar's Voice (1891) , i n whic h h e predicte d th e invention s o f radio , television , an d poi son gas , as wel l a s a n Americ a of 198 8 hel d quiverin g i n th e powe r o f a ruthles s oligarch y of plutocrats . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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dard was undermining thei r electoral basi s in the South an d West. Unles s the president' s policie s coul d b e reverse d radica l prophecie s o f a basi c realignment o f th e partie s migh t b e fulfille d i n 189 6 at th e Democrats ' expense. The stampede of Democratic congressme n fro m th e West to the silver cause convinced Populis t mid-roader s the y were on the right track . The Election of 1896 In 189 6 three candidate s presente d themselve s fo r consideratio n b y the Republicans: forme r Presiden t Benjami n Harrison , disgrace d b y his defeat i n 1892 ; "Czar " Thoma s B . Reed , whos e appea l wa s limite d t o New Englan d an d Congres s itself ; an d Willia m McKinley , coautho r o f the tariff o f 189 0 and governor o f Ohio . McKinley ha d the advantage of an amiabl e personality , an d he could pu t on a show o f personal dignity . Although h e wa s identifie d wit h a controversia l subject , th e tariff , hi s record o n silve r wa s sufficientl y ambiguou s t o appea l t o bot h gol d an d silver interest s i n the party. McKinley owe d hi s succes s a t th e Republica n Nationa l Convention , meeting i n St . Loui s o n Jun e 16 , 1896 , t o th e skil l o f hi s all y an d manager, Marcu s Alonz o Hanna , a prosperous businessma n fro m Cleve land, anxiou s t o pla y a decisiv e par t i n nationa l politics . H e wa s com mitted t o a hig h tariff , bu t i n othe r respect s hi s attitude s t o industria l problems wer e advanced . H e held libera l view s o n th e troubling subjec t of labo r relations . I t wa s widel y know n throug h th e pres s tha t Hann a had urge d Pullma n t o submi t th e labo r disput e o f 189 4 t o arbitration . Furthermore, McKinley , a s governor o f Ohio , ha d supporte d labo r leg islation an d contribute d t o relie f fund s i n the depression. Hanna' s strat egy i n gainin g th e nominatio n fo r McKinle y wa s fo r the m bot h t o visi t small town s i n th e Sout h an d Wes t an d cour t ther e th e loca l celebritie s who woul d becom e delegate s t o the nominating convention . I n this way they planne d t o tak e th e stin g ou t o f th e Populists ' tai l i n thes e sectors . Hanna urge d McKinle y t o remai n silen t i n th e Wes t o n th e subjec t o f silver i n orde r no t t o antagoniz e silve r interest s there . A t thei r conven tion th e Republican s adopte d a n unequivoca l platfor m i n favo r o f gol d by an overwhelming majority . The Democrati c response , a t thei r conventio n meetin g i n Chicag o o n July 6 , resulte d i n on e of th e few election s (thos e o f 196 4 and 197 2 are
Gates of Silver and Bars of Gold 33
3
among th e others ) whe n th e tw o parties , instea d o f blurrin g th e issue s that separate d them , actuall y too k differen t sides . A s lat e a s Jul y 10 , 1896, th e New York World prophesie d tha t i n th e forthcomin g election , "the Silverite s will b e invincible i f united an d harmonious ; bu t the y hav e neither machin e no r boss . The opportunit y i s here; th e ma n i s lacking. " That ver y da y William Jennings Brya n wit h a single speech made.himsel f the missin g leader . H e di d s o agains t considerabl e odds . Be n Tillma n o f South Carolin a ha d mad e th e openin g speec h o f th e conventio n i n favo r of silve r an d wa s jeered . H e commente d ruefully , "Ther e ar e onl y thre e things i n th e world tha t ca n hiss— a goose , a serpent, an d a man. " Yet whe n i t wa s hi s tur n t o spea k al l ear s wer e fastene d o n Brya n who was , b y now , widel y know n an d wel l rehearsed . Everyon e kne w what h e ha d t o say , bu t h e galvanize d th e conventio n wit h hi s ringin g defense o f agraria n discontent . Hi s "Cros s o f Gold " speec h becam e th e most famou s oratio n sinc e Lincoln' s Gettysbur g Addres s an d secon d inaugural. I t wa s no t imprompt u bu t a final revisio n o f a speec h Brya n had delivere d score s o f time s i n th e Midwest . Hi s first poin t wa s tha t th e usual definitio n o f a businessma n wa s to o limited . Al l wh o worke d an d contributed t o th e commo n wealt h wer e engaged i n business. His secon d point wa s tha t agriculture , rathe r tha n industry , wa s th e tru e basi s o f civilization, withou t whic h industr y itsel f coul d no t survive . H e con cluded wit h ringin g rhetoric . "Havin g behin d u s th e producin g masse s of thi s countr y an d o f th e world , supporte d b y th e commercia l interest s the laborin g interest s an d th e toiler s everywhere , w e wil l answe r thei r demand fo r a gol d standar d b y sayin g t o them , 'Yo u shal l no t pres s down upo n th e bro w o f labo r thi s crow n o f thorns , you shal l no t crucif y mankind upo n a cross o f gold. ' " On Jul y 10 , 1896 , th e New York Sun, a pape r hostil e t o Bryan , carried thi s accoun t o f hi s speec h a t th e Democrati c Nationa l Conven tion: From al l part s o f th e conventio n hal l a grea t roa r wen t u p fo r Bryan , Bryan , Bryan. Thes e cheer s wer e continue d an d rolle d o n an d on . . . . Mr . Brya n i s a smooth-faced ma n o f earl y middl e lif e an d hi s dar k hai r i s lon g an d wavy . . . . His rhetori c an d Englis h an d hi s oratorica l gesture s wer e almos t superb . . . . His voice i s clea r an d resonant , an d hi s bearin g graceful . H e i s the ido l o f th e silve r camp, an d i f a vot e coul d hav e bee n take n immediatel y afte r h e ha d finished, h e would, withou t th e slightes t doubt , hav e bee n nominate d fo r Presiden t b y accla mation.
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Hearing Bryan' s voic e in a convention hal l wa s a n emotiona l experienc e for man y delegates , comparabl e t o audience s hearin g oper a singer s lik e Adelina Patt i i n th e theater . Brya n wo n th e nominatio n o n th e fifth ballot an d ouste d th e othe r leadin g contender , Congressma n Richar d ("Silver Dick" ) Blan d o f Missouri . Outrage d conservative s secede d an d formed thei r ow n Nationa l Democrati c party pledge d t o uphold th e gol d standard. Bryan ha d take n th e win d ou t o f th e Populists ' sails . The y coul d respond onl y b y submerging thei r identity , an d a t their conventio n i n St . Louis, the y nominate d Brya n a s thei r presidentia l candidate . Besides , Taubeneck wa s determine d th e conventio n woul d suppor t a platfor m built aroun d th e deman d fo r fre e silver . H e ha d ensure d a syste m o f apportionment o f delegate s t o th e conventio n whic h overrepresente d th e silver interests . Th e mid-roader s mad e a las t sustaine d attemp t t o mak e their voice heard. A s their price fo r acceptin g Bryan, the y persuade d th e convention, afte r pandemoniu m o n th e floor o f th e hall , t o nominat e Tom Watso n o f Georgi a fo r vic e presiden t agains t th e wishe s o f fusion ists and, probably, o f Bryan himself . With th e nominatio n o f Brya n b y th e People' s party , th e agraria n revolt wa s ove r befor e th e electio n campaig n ha d begu n i n earnest . No t only wer e th e mos t charmin g an d attractiv e politica l character s fo r several decade s dismisse d i n th e orthodo x pres s a s cranks , bu t thei r ideology was als o roundly denounce d b y those who thought i t subversiv e of America n moral s an d politics . O n Augus t 15 , 1896 , Willia m Alle n White wrot e i n th e Emporia Gazette a series o f editorial s t o b e use d b y printers durin g hi s absenc e o n vacation . On e carrie d th e strikin g title , "What's th e Matte r wit h Kansas? " an d wa s brough t t o th e attentio n o f Herman Kohlsaat , publishe r o f th e Chicago Times-Herald, wh o ar ranged fo r i t t o b e syndicate d acros s th e country . I t wa s immediatel y recognized a s a pith y an d pungen t repudiatio n o f Populism . Whit e as sailed malcontent s a s professiona l failure s wh o condemne d th e Ameri can syste m o f governmen t an d finance simpl y becaus e the y coul d no t cope with it . What's th e matte r wit h Kansas ? W e al l know ; ye t her e w e ar e a t i t again . W e have a n ol d mossbac k Jacksonia n wh o snort s an d howl s becaus e ther e i s a bathtub i n th e Stat e House . W e ar e runnin g tha t ol d ja y fo r governor . W e hav e another shabby , wild-eyed , rattle-braine d fanati c wh o ha s said openl y i n a dozen speeches tha t "th e right s o f th e use r ar e paramoun t t o th e right s o f th e owner. "
Gates of Silver and Bars of Gold 33
5
We ar e runnin g hi m fo r chie f justice , s o tha t capita l wil l com e tumblin g ove r itself to get into the State. We have raked the ash-heap of failure in the State and found an old human hoop-skirt who has failed a s a business man, who has failed as a n editor , wh o ha s faile d a s a preacher , an d w e ar e goin g t o ru n hi m fo r congressman-at-large. . . . Then we have discovered a kid without a law practice and have decided t o run hi m fo r attorney-general . The n fo r fea r som e hint tha t the State had becom e respectable might percolate through th e civilized portion s of the nation, we have decided to send three or four harpies out lecturing, telling the people that Kansas is raising hell and letting the corn go to weeds. There was , however , muc h mor e t o th e Populis t movemen t tha n White wa s read y t o admit . I t ha d awakene d America n politic s fro m slumber an d transforme d th e electio n o f 189 6 int o a high tid e o f radica l dissent an d a final flo w o f th e controvers y ove r th e currency . Thu s wer e the force s arraye d fo r th e electio n o f 1896 , th e politica l clima x o f th e Gilded Age . O n on e sid e wer e th e force s o f refor m representin g mas s discontent wit h two-part y politic s base d o n th e sectionalis m o f Nort h and Sout h an d plutocrati c managemen t o f th e Industria l Revolution . They wer e le d b y stum p orator s an d th e radica l press . O n th e othe r sid e were th e politico s an d plutocrat s hostil e t o an y innovativ e economi c theories tha t threatene d thei r supremacy , an d supporte d b y party bosse s and thei r machines , an d b y bankin g an d th e orthodo x press . The actua l campaig n wa s unusua l i n man y respects . For th e first tim e ever a candidat e toure d th e country . Brya n spok e t o million s i n twenty one states . Som e considered hi s campaig n a n ac t o f vulga r barnstormin g unworthy o f a presidentia l candidate . I n th e first par t o f th e campaig n Bryan, whos e financial suppor t wa s limited , wa s oblige d t o trave l o n scheduled commercia l trains . Rathe r tha n arriv e a t meeting s dust y an d sweating, h e use d alcoho l t o ru b himsel f down . Thus , althoug h h e neve r drank liquor , h e would mee t hi s audiences reekin g of gin . For hi s part , McKinle y remaine d a t hi s hom e i n Canto n wher e h e received delegate s o n hi s fron t porch . However , h e wa s neithe r laz y no r complacent. Hi s reception s wer e planne d dow n t o th e las t detail . Th e visitors submitte d speeche s i n advance, which McKinle y scrutinized , an d sometimes revised , befor e the y wer e rea d alou d an d replie d t o i n publi c for th e benefi t o f th e press . H e offere d generall y compromising , moder ate answer s t o al l an d sundr y whil e displayin g hi s double-barrele d shot gun—the protectiv e tarif f an d th e gol d standard—t o an y wh o wante d to see if their ma n wa s reall y hard .
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Mark Hann a quit e exceede d th e lavis h expenditur e o f Matthe w Qua y for Harriso n i n 1892 . He openl y urge d bank s t o donat e a quarte r o f on e percent o f thei r asset s t o th e campaig n an d spen t mone y lik e wate r o n Republican literatur e i n Englis h an d othe r languages . H e ha d 12 0 mil lion campaig n document s distribute d an d circulate d 27 5 differen t pam phlets t o provid e th e pres s wit h cop y t o promot e th e cause . McKinle y was th e "Advanc e Agen t o f Prosperity " wh o woul d "Fil l th e Dinne r Pail." When th e campaign wa s over the Republican Nationa l Committe e admitted t o havin g spen t $ 3 million ; th e Democrat s spen t onl y a tent h of that . Hanna' s imaginativ e technique s an d styl e o f campaignin g wer e unprecedented. The y se t a standar d o f penetratio n o f th e electorat e fo r all presidential campaign s i n future . The moral e o f th e Populist s expire d an d th e movemen t almos t col lapsed. Th e cooperative s wer e defunc t an d th e part y wa s practicall y penniless. Ironically , Bryan , wh o ha d acquiesce d i n th e destructio n o f the people' s movemen t befor e th e election , wa s actuall y take n a s a symbol o f it . The election result s reaffirme d th e Republicans ' recentl y won positio n as th e majorit y party . Sensin g th e hostilit y o f th e citie s t o silver , Hann a remarked o f Bryan , "He' s talkin g silve r al l th e time , an d that' s wher e we've go t him. " O f th e eighty-tw o citie s wit h a populatio n o f a t leas t 45,000, onl y a doze n supporte d Bryan , an d seve n o f thes e wer e i n th e solid Sout h an d tw o i n th e silve r states . McKinle y receive d 7,102,24 6 popular vote s t o Bryan' s 6,492,559 , th e first undispute d majorit y sinc e 1872 bu t onl y 51. 1 percent o f th e vote. In the electoral colleg e McKinle y had 27 1 votes to Bryan' s 176 . Bryan, who carrie d twenty-on e states , did not tak e an y outsid e th e Sout h o r eas t o f th e Mississippi . Th e twenty two grea t industria l state s o f th e Nort h an d Eas t plu s Orego n vote d decisively fo r McKinley . Brya n los t hi s ow n state , his ow n city , eve n hi s own precinct . The conflic t ove r th e currenc y ha d bee n mor e dangerou s politicall y than economically . I t represente d a challeng e b y th e agraria n Wes t an d South agains t politica l contro l b y th e industria l Northeast . Bu t neithe r the singl e no r th e bimetalli c polic y woul d hav e le d t o economi c disrup tion. Som e o f th e Populists ' demand s o f 189 6 wer e realize d later , suc h as the establishmen t o f posta l saving s banks , th e direc t electio n o f sena tors, statehoo d fo r remainin g territories , ballo t reform , an d a graduate d
Gates of Silver and Bars of Gold 33
7
income tax . Ye t th e ide a o f structura l refor m o f governmen t wa s de feated wit h Bryan . Bryan's emphasi s o n on e issu e had mad e th e campaig n simpl e enoug h for ordinar y peopl e t o understand . Bu t hi s argumen t reste d o n th e known scarcit y o f gold . However , durin g th e 1890s , gol d productio n was increasin g throughou t th e world , risin g fro m $118.8 4 millio n i n 1890 t o $202.2 5 millio n i n 1896 . I n 189 6 India , whic h sol d whea t i n exchange fo r silver , ha d a poo r harvest , wherea s th e Unite d State s pro duced whea t i n abundance . Th e pric e o f whea t rose . Th e pric e o f silve r fell. Gol d productio n continue d t o rise . I n 189 8 i t wa s $286.8 7 million , more tha n twic e th e amoun t o f 1890 . Th e increas e wa s accelerate d b y new discoverie s i n Australia , Sout h Africa , an d th e Klondik e an d b y th e invention o f th e cyanid e proces s b y MacArthu r an d Forrest , whic h extracted mor e gol d fro m th e sam e amoun t o f ore . A t th e sam e time , production o f silve r increased onl y slightly from $163.0 3 millio n in 189 0 to $218.5 7 millio n i n 1898 . Moreover , i n 189 7 th e flaggin g fortune s o f farmers bega n t o reviv e an d th e price s o f cor n an d whea t rose . O n March 14 , 1900 , Congres s passe d a n ac t makin g gol d th e singl e stan dard o f currency . Silve r was a dead issue . Bryan wa s a t th e heigh t o f hi s power s i n 1896 , whe n h e wa s thirty six. H e becam e a professiona l speake r o n th e Chautauqu a circui t an d was calle d th e Grea t Commoner , th e Peerles s One , an d th e Bo y Orato r of th e Platte . Hi s daughte r collecte d hi s anecdote s an d on e ma y suffic e as an exampl e o f hi s wit . A minister was delivering a sermon upon perfection and , illustrating the fact that no human bein g was perfect, said : "I f ther e is a perfect perso n i n this audienc e please rise." A dead silence ensued.. . . Having reached his climax, he thundered, "Now, if anybody in this church has ever heard of a perfect person, please rise." To the amazement of both minister and congregation a timid little woman in the back of the sanctuary arose. . . . "And who may this perfect person be," inquired the minister. "My husband's first wife." The stor y wa s no t new . Lincol n ha d use d i t fort y year s earlier . Bu t i t makes it s ow n ironi c commen t o n Bryan , a ma n whos e stead y declin e from youthfu l perfectio n wa s t o becom e increasingl y obviou s t o hi s public a s hi s fixed conviction s le d hi m t o bigotry . A s Thoma s B . Ree d remarked a t th e turn o f th e century, "Brya n woul d rathe r b e wrong tha n president."
CHAPTER 1 1
War and Empire
The decad e beginnin g i n 189 0 ha d a mos t distinc t historica l character . For on e thing , it s chronologica l boundarie s wer e marke d b y crucia l historical events . The year 189 0 saw th e rise of the People's Alliance, th e McKinley Tariff , th e Sherma n Anti-Trus t Act , th e officia l closin g o f th e frontier, an d th e massacr e a t Wounded Knee . At the turn o f th e century , in 1901 , Morgan bough t ou t Carnegie , Rober t L a Follett e becam e gov ernor o f Wisconsin , an d Theodor e Roosevel t becam e president . The significanc e o f thes e event s wa s no t los t o n thos e wh o live d through them . Ther e wer e severa l attempt s t o characteriz e th e decad e i n terms o f a color . Th e "Yello w '90s " wa s th e descriptio n o f Stuar t P . Sherman. Th e "Mauv e Decade " wa s th e epithe t o f Thoma s Beer . Othe r titles wer e "Electric " b y H . L . Mencken , "Romantic " b y Richar d L e Gallienne, an d eve n "Moulting " b y W. L . Wittlesey . The centra l event s o f th e earl y 1890 s certainl y sugges t politica l disso lution an d publi c disillusion . The Sherman Anti-Trus t La w was invoked , not agains t corporations , bu t agains t labo r unions . Th e Homestea d strike o f 189 2 ende d i n th e rou t o f th e strikers . Th e Pullma n strik e o f 1894 w a s crushe d withou t merc y b y th e federa l governmen t i n leagu e with railroa d barons . Th e pani c an d depressio n o f 189 3 scarre d society , and th e silve r panace a o f th e Democrat s an d Populist s wa s rejecte d i n 338
President Willia m McKinle y ( 1 8 4 3 - 1 9 0 1 ) succeede d i n defusin g th e debat e abou t gol d and silve r i n th e lightnin g wa r o f 189 8 wit h Spain , i n whic h th e Unite d State s acquire d the Philippines , Puert o Rico , and Guam , a s well as th e righ t t o interven e i n Cuba . Militar y successes an d economi c recover y mad e hi m th e mos t popula r presiden t o f th e Gilde d Age. (Library o f Congress. )
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the electio n o f 1896 . Bu t th e accessio n o f Willia m McKinle y t o th e presidency i n 189 7 reveale d a marke d chang e i n America' s self-regard . Expansion oversea s no w serve d t o diver t an d defus e nationa l tensions . Despite it s horrors , th e Spanish-America n Wa r o f 189 8 wa s eve n de scribed b y th e ne w secretar y o f state , Joh n Hay , a s a "splendi d littl e war." McKinley wa s th e las t vetera n o f th e Civi l Wa r t o becom e presiden t and th e first fro m a famil y engage d i n heav y industry . I t i s a myt h tha t McKinley wa s th e too l o f conservativ e northeaster n businessmen . H e hailed fro m th e Midwes t an d heade d a divers e coalitio n o f interests . Fourteen year s i n Congres s ha d taugh t hi m th e ar t o f compromise , an d he wa s determined , unlik e hi s predecesso r Grove r Cleveland , no t t o antagonize senator s b y high-hande d actions . Assistan t Secretar y o f th e Navy Theodor e Roosevel t wa s on e o f thos e wh o mistoo k McKinley' s caution fo r cowardice . H e said , "McKinle y ha s n o mor e backbon e tha n a chocolat e eclair. " I t wa s no t true . McKinle y wa s on e o f thos e leader s who kne w ho w t o listen . H e wa s openl y patient , secretl y stubborn , an d inwardly resentfu l o f undu e politica l pressure . Roosevel t late r realize d his mistake. He then remarke d o f th e basic motive underlying the surfac e veneer o f McKinley' s charm . "H e treat s everyon e with equa l favor ; thei r worth t o hi m i s solely dependent o n th e advantages he could deriv e fro m them."
Cuba The election o f 189 6 had determine d th e outcome o f the most controver sial issu e o f th e day . In 189 7 th e proble m o f Cub a replace d silve r a s th e most troublesom e question . In th e lat e nineteent h centur y th e Spanis h colony o f Cub a wa s i n a n almos t continuou s stat e o f rebellion . Despit e attempts a t enticemen t b y th e Cuba n rebel s an d intens e provocatio n b y the Spanis h rulers , Presiden t Ulysse s S . Gran t an d Secretar y o f Stat e Hamilton Fis h avoide d America n involvemen t i n th e Te n Years ' War o f 1868 t o 1878 . In 187 8 Spai n ende d on e rebellion wit h a paper peac e bu t would no t relinquis h contro l o f it s islan d possession . Americ a ha d $5 0 million investe d i n Cuba n suga r an d mining . It s trad e wit h Cub a wa s worth mor e tha n $10 0 millio n i n 1893 . ^ u t guerrill a warfar e too k it s toll o n thes e lucrative investments. Between 189 0 an d 189 6 Cuba n trad e had dwindle d t o a third o f it s former size .
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The Cuba n revol t o f 189 5 wa s conducte d wit h grea t savagery o n bot h sides an d was , therefore , idea l cop y fo r tabloid s lik e th e New York World an d New York Journal, whic h wer e engage d i n thei r ow n bitte r war fo r circulatio n an d survival . Spanis h official s seize d an d searche d ships a t se a an d ignore d th e right s o f Cuban s wh o ha d take n America n citizenship. The y destroye d fields o f sugarcane , butchere d livestock , an d dismantled mills—especiall y thos e belongin g t o foreigners . America n sympathy fo r th e Cuban s deepene d t o outrag e whe n th e Spanis h gover nor general , Valerian o Weyler , proclaime d a polic y o f "reconcentrado, " the herdin g o f peasant s int o town s befor e layin g wast e t o th e country side. O n Apri l 4 , 1896 , Cleveland' s secretar y o f state , Richar d Olney , had issue d a forma l warnin g t o Madrid : "Tha t th e Unite d State s canno t contemplate wit h complacenc y anothe r te n year s o f Cuba n insurrection , with al l it s injurious an d distressin g incidents , may certainl y b e taken fo r granted." When McKinle y becam e presiden t o n Marc h 4 , 1897 , hi s rang e o f options towar d Cub a an d Spai n wa s alread y quit e narrow . I n hi s inau gural addres s h e declared , "W e wan t n o war s o f conquest ; w e mus t avoid th e temptation o f territoria l aggression. " Bu t he was well awar e o f the dept h o f publi c antipath y t o Spain . H e als o kne w tha t i t ha d bee n fomented b y newspaper s intereste d i n sensationalis m an d indifferen t t o historical perspective . H e believe d tha t th e pres s woul d kee p u p th e pressure o n th e publi c an d tha t th e publi c woul d continu e t o pressur e Congress. H e recognize d tha t th e basi s o f hi s popula r suppor t was , i n one sense , wide r tha n th e Republican s but , i n another , narrower . For merly h e ha d appeale d no t onl y t o a singl e part y bu t als o t o th e publi c at large . I f h e coul d no t resolv e th e proble m befor e th e nex t election , h e would b e abandoned b y both publi c an d party . However , som e eloquen t Republicans wer e openl y advocatin g expansio n throug h war . The y in cluded congressmen fro m th e Atlantic states, prominent publisher White law Reid , an d self-seekin g publicist s lik e Theodor e Roosevel t an d Alfred Mahan . Thes e American s ha d differen t solution s t o th e Cuba n problem. Som e wante d th e Unite d State s t o expe l Spai n fro m th e island , then tak e possessio n o f i t an d gai n contro l t o th e approache s o f th e projected isthmia n cana l i n Centra l America . Som e wante d t o establis h a Cuba n republic . The America n consu l i n Havana , Fitzhug h Lee , was committe d t o th e rebels bu t responsibl e i n hi s conduc t o f consulat e affairs . In 189 7 M o
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Kinley appointe d a New Yor k lawyer , Stewar t Woodford, know n fo r hi s tact an d determination , t o th e America n ministr y i n Madrid . Further more, i n Jun e 189 7 McKinle y sen t a specia l investigator , Willia m J . Calhoun o f Illinois , t o repor t o n Cuba . Calhoun' s repor t o f Jun e 22 , 1897, reaffirmed wha t McKinle y ha d suspected . O f the notorious scorched earth policy , Calhou n concluded , "Th e countr y wa s wrappe d i n th e stillness o f deat h an d th e silenc e of desolation. " McKinley trie d t o convinc e Spai n tha t it s preferred solutio n shoul d b e gradual reform . O n Jun e 26 , 1897 , he advise d Madri d t o en d th e polic y of reconcentration , introduc e program s o f relie f fo r refugees , restor e la w and order , an d conced e Cuba n autonomy . Underlyin g hi s reques t wa s an implici t warning . I f Spai n continue d t o fight simpl y t o avoi d politica l humiliation, the n th e rebel s woul d prolon g th e wa r i n orde r t o ensur e foreign intervention . Moreover , McKinle y openl y state d tha t Cub a ha d a special relationshi p wit h th e United States . This last part o f his messag e was n o mor e tha n a thinl y veile d threat . I n it s repl y o f August , Spai n repudiated th e whol e notio n o f a specia l relationshi p betwee n Americ a and Cub a an d reserve d it s imperial righ t t o repres s th e rebellion . However, th e assassinatio n i n Madri d o f th e reactionar y prim e min ister, Antoni o Canora s de l Castillo , an d th e accessio n t o powe r o f a more libera l administration , le d t o compromise . Th e ne w ministr y re called Genera l Valerian o Weyle r an d agree d t o assis t refugee s an d for m a pla n fo r Cuba n autonomy . Th e quee n regent , Mari a Christina , pro mulgated th e pla n i n Novembe r 1897 . Bu t i t wa s rejecte d b y th e rebels , who realize d tha t Spai n woul d stil l retai n th e rein s o f powe r an d main tain a formidabl e arm y o f occupatio n o n th e island . Spai n clun g obses sively t o th e usua l belie f o f a n imperia l powe r fighting a n impossibl e guerrilla war , tha t increase d resource s an d a final sustaine d campaig n would resul t i n the defea t o f th e enemy . Moreover , Spanis h peninsulares and officer s o n th e islan d resente d th e ver y ide a o f autonom y an d wer e committed t o subvertin g i t eve n afte r i t becam e officia l Spanis h policy . On Januar y 12 , 1898 , a mo b o f veteran s an d hoodlum s attacke d th e property o f Havan a businessme n wh o supporte d autonomy . Thes e riot s undermined America n trus t i n Spain' s abilit y t o carr y ou t it s declare d policy. Bot h side s i n Cub a preferre d wa r t o reform , an d th e rebel s declared fo r ful l independence . On Februar y 9 , 1898 , th e New York Journal carrie d a facsimil e o f a purloined lette r writte n b y th e Spanis h ministe r i n Washington , Enriqu e
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Dupuy D e Lome , t o a frien d i n Cuba . In i t D e Lom e reviewe d th e prospects fo r a peaceful solution . H e characterized McKinle y a s a weak ling interested onl y i n his own popularity, an d he advised Spai n t o cour t American friendshi p b y proposin g a reciproca l tariff . Wha t th e lette r implied wa s mor e damagin g t o th e Spanis h cas e tha n wha t i t actuall y said. A year o f diplomac y ha d produce d nothin g mor e fro m Spai n tha n a strea m o f patently fals e promises . On Februar y 15 , 1898 , the Maine, a n America n shi p payin g a cour tesy visit to Havana, explode d i n the harbor, killin g 266 sailors. Withou t a scintill a o f proof, Assistan t Secretar y o f the Navy Theodor e Roosevel t announced, "Th e Maine wa s sun k b y a n ac t o f dirt y treacher y o n th e part o f th e Spaniards. " I t is , however, difficul t t o se e what Spai n coul d have hope d t o gai n b y destroyin g th e Maine. Th e ship' s commandin g officer, Captai n Charle s Sigsbee , aske d th e administratio n t o suspen d judgment. Th e suspicio n remain s tha t i t was the work o f Cuba n agents provocateurs designe d t o discredi t Spai n an d forc e America' s hand . Nevertheless, McKinle y secure d a defens e appropriatio n o f $5 0 millio n from Congress , i n par t t o prepar e fo r war , i n par t t o indicat e t o Spai n the gravity o f the situation . A commo n charg e o f radica l historian s ha s bee n tha t Americ a wa s bent o n war for blatan t commercia l advantage . However , i n Expansionists of 1898 (1936 ) Julius Prat t reviewe d th e business pres s of the 1890 s to demonstrat e tha t th e majorit y o f businessme n argue d agains t war , believing tha t i t would disrup t trade . McKinley' s mentor , Mar k Hanna , was amon g thos e businessme n utterl y oppose d t o wa r becaus e o f it s inevitable financial an d huma n cost . H e spok e agains t i t o n Marc h 26 , 1898, a t a privat e Gridiro n dinner . Replie d Roosevelt , "W e wil l hav e this war for the freedom o f Cuba, Senato r Hanna , i n spite of the timidity of commercia l interests. " He was already intriguin g agains t hi s superior , Secretary o f th e Nav y Joh n D . Long , wit h variou s order s fo r nava l preparedness. I t seemed tha t Roosevel t believe d i n war as social therapy . While a commissio n o f America n expert s examine d th e wrec k i n Havana, th e Stat e Departmen t propose d a final compromis e whereb y Spain was to grant a n armistice, end reconcentration, provid e relief , and accept arbitratio n fro m McKinley . Thi s ultimatu m convince d th e Span ish governmen t tha t Americ a wa s seriou s abou t Cuba n independence . On Marc h 31 , 1898, it agree d t o autonomy , relief , an d redres s fo r th e Maine. I n th e meantime , America n expert s ha d attribute d th e ship' s
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destruction t o a n unspecifie d "externa l cause. " Bu t th e Spanis h govern ment refuse d arbitratio n an d withhel d recognitio n fro m th e rebels . Supposedly i n respons e t o papa l overtures , however, i t grante d a n armistic e on Apri l 9 . McKinle y wa s no t deceive d b y what h e correctl y interprete d as ye t anothe r exampl e o f Spanis h obfuscatio n an d delay . H e sa w onl y two possibl e outcome s t o th e catastrophe . Eithe r Spai n woul d continu e to prosecut e th e wa r indefinitel y an d devastat e th e islan d i n th e process , or th e Unite d State s coul d intervene , expe l Spai n fro m th e hemisphere , and establis h peace . H e believe d tha t compromis e woul d b e futil e an d would simpl y prolon g tragedy . On Marc h 17 , 1898 , th e pruden t Senato r Redfiel d Procto r o f Ver mont, recentl y returne d fro m Cuba , treate d th e Senat e t o a scathin g account o f Spanis h misrul e o n th e island . O n Apri l 6 , 1898 , si x Euro pean ambassador s calle d o n McKinle y an d aske d him , i n th e interest s o f humanity, t o refrai n fro m intervention . H e turne d thei r reques t upsid e down b y replying tha t an y intervention woul d itsel f b e in th e interests o f humanity. An d thi s wa s th e basi s o f hi s messag e t o Congres s o n Apri l 11, 1898 , whe n h e declare d tha t "i n th e nam e o f civilization , i n behal f of endangere d America n interests , whic h giv e u s th e righ t an d th e dut y to act , th e wa r i n Cub a mus t stop. " H e aske d Congres s fo r authorit y t o deploy militar y an d nava l force s "t o secur e a ful l an d final terminatio n of hostilitie s betwee n th e governmen t o f Spai n an d th e people o f Cuba. " He was most dismissive of Spanish attempt s a t compromise an d concilia tion. Both house s accepte d a n extr a articl e propose d b y Senato r Henr y M . Teller o f Colorad o t o th e wa r resolutio n o f Apri l 2.0 , 1898 , tha t "th e United State s hereb y disclaim s an y dispositio n o r intentio n t o exercis e sovereignty, jurisdiction , o r contro l ove r sai d Islan d excep t fo r th e paci fication thereof , an d assert s it s determination , whe n tha t i s accom plished, t o leav e the government an d contro l o f th e Islan d t o it s people. " The War of 1898 The wa r o f 189 8 wa s th e shortes t i n America n histor y u p t o tha t time , lasting 10 0 day s fro m Apri l t o August . Becaus e thi s wa s t o b e a n overseas wa r i t wa s essentia l t o paralyz e th e mai n Spanis h flee t a t th e outset. Commodor e Georg e Dewey , commander o f the American Asiati c
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fleet, sped fro m hi s bas e i n Hon g Kon g t o Manil a i n th e Spanis h Philip pines, where h e penetrated th e defenses o f a Spanish armad a a t daw n o n May i , 1898 . H e the n gav e hi s famou s order , "Yo u ma y fire whe n ready, Gridley. " Fiv e time s h e maneuvere d th e America n fleet aroun d the Spanis h armada , bombardin g i t withou t mercy , befor e givin g th e counterorder t o "dra w of f fo r breakfast. " Althoug h i t becam e obviou s when th e smok e cleare d tha t th e Spanis h fleet wa s los t beyon d hope , th e Spanish militar y governor, Basilio Augustin, mistook th e American with drawal fo r retrea t an d sen t a messag e t o Madri d tha t Spai n ha d wo n a great victory . To the world outsid e the Philippines the issue was in doubt fo r severa l days until the New York World an d the Chicago Tribune carrie d a scoo p of Dewey' s succes s o n Ma y 8 , 1898 . T o Americ a th e week' s suspens e had bee n unbearable , an d whe n definit e new s finally cam e th e countr y was caugh t u p i n a grea t wav e o f patrioti c fervor . Dewey , however, wa s not carrie d awa y wit h hi s succes s an d waite d fo r th e arriva l o f enoug h troops t o mak e victor y o n th e island s complet e an d secure . H e als o encouraged Emili o Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipinos opposed t o Spanis h rule, t o rene w thei r wa r o f independence . In Septembe r th e insurrectio n established a n alternativ e governmen t widel y accepte d o n th e islands . After th e Battle of Manil a Bay , McKinley confesse d i n private tha t h e had onl y a vagu e ide a o f wher e th e Philippine s were . Ye t althoug h h e had declare d i n Decembe r 189 7 tha t th e seizur e o f territor y wa s "crimi nal aggression, " five month s late r h e wa s maintaining , "Whil e w e ar e conducting th e wa r an d unti l it s conclusio n w e mus t kee p al l w e get ; when th e war i s over w e must kee p what w e want. " Success o n lan d i n Cub a wa s b y n o mean s assure d fo r th e Unite d States. Th e arm y o f 26,00 0 me n lacke d adequat e supplie s an d equip ment, an d th e Wa r Department , le d b y Secretar y Russel l A . Alger , wa s incompetent. Fortunatel y fo r America , Spai n wa s even mor e inefficient . It ha d a superio r lan d forc e o f 200,00 0 troop s i n Cub a bu t deploye d only 13,00 0 a t Santiag o wher e th e American s landed , an d eventuall y defeated, them . Rathe r tha n surrende r withou t a fight, Admira l Pascua l Cervera le d hi s inferio r fleet ou t o f Santiag o Harbo r o n July 3 to certai n defeat agains t a superio r America n forc e o f fou r battleships . Genera l Nelson A . Miles's campaig n t o tak e Puert o Rico , another Spanis h islan d in th e Caribbean , betwee n Jul y 2 1 an d Augus t 1 2 passe d of f mor e
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smoothly. I t was in this feverish atmospher e o f imperial expectation, an d to protect th e Philippines, that Hawai i wa s annexed b y a joint resolutio n of Congres s tha t passe d th e House an d Senat e in June an d July 1898 . The wa r wa s ove r o n Augus t 1 2 whe n McKinley , a s commander-in chief o f th e armie s an d navies , signe d a protoco l b y whic h Spai n wa s ordered t o evacuat e Cuba , t o ced e Puert o Ric o an d a n islan d i n th e Ladrones (Guam ) t o th e Unite d States , an d t o allo w Americ a t o occup y Manila unti l a peace treat y ha d determine d th e futur e o f th e Philippines . The protoco l thu s se t a n entirel y constitutiona l preceden t fo r a n exten sion o f presidentia l power . Moreover , McKinley' s word s implie d tha t a war begu n i n th e nam e o f libert y fo r Cub a shoul d en d i n territoria l acquisition fo r th e Unite d States . McKinle y dispatche d a carefull y se lected commissio n t o overse e the peace conferenc e i n Paris, including hi s most truste d associate , Assistan t Secretar y o f Stat e Willia m R . Day ; publisher Whitela w Reid ; an d Senator s Willia m P . Frye of Maine , Cush man K . Davis o f Minnesota , an d Georg e Gra y o f Delaware . McKinley wa s genuinel y concerne d fo r th e futur e safet y o f th e Filipi nos. H e recognize d thei r inexperienc e i n governmen t an d als o dreade d the predator y intention s o f othe r power s towar d th e islands . But he wa s equally eage r to secur e extra trad e an d ne w trading route s fo r th e Unite d States. Thus , fro m a mixtur e o f intereste d an d disintereste d motives , h e instructed th e commissio n t o deman d th e entir e archipelago . Late r McKinley recorde d hi s reasoning : We could not give them bac k to Spain—that woul d b e cowardly and dishonor able; w e coul d no t tur n the m ove r t o Franc e o r Germany—ou r commercia l rivals i n th e Orient—tha t woul d b e ba d busines s an d discreditable ; w e coul d not leav e the m t o themselves—the y wer e unfi t fo r self-government—an d the y would soo n hav e anarch y an d misrul e ove r ther e wors e tha n Spain' s was ; and there was nothing lef t t o d o bu t t o tak e them all , and t o educate th e Filipinos, and uplif t an d civiliz e an d Christianiz e them , an d b y God' s grac e d o th e very best we could for them, as our fellow-men fo r whom Christ also died. The ide a o f convertin g th e Filipino s t o Christianit y was , o f course , eyewash. Th e Philippines , name d afte r a religiou s fanatic , Phili p I I o f Spain, ha d bee n Catholi c fo r centuries . McKinley bega n t o work fo r publi c support fo r hi s policy o f retainin g the Philippines . H e di d no t expec t t o secur e Senat e ratificatio n o f th e proposed treat y withou t a contest . Hi s opponent s insid e an d outsid e Congress wer e a motle y bu t formidabl e crew . Thei r argument s wer e a s
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varied a s thei r personalities . Som e sai d i t wa s unconstitutiona l t o rul e territories acquire d i n wa r withou t th e consen t o f th e peopl e concerned . Senator Georg e Frisbi e Hoar o f Massachusetts welcome d th e annexatio n of Hawai i bu t oppose d th e acquisitio n o f th e Philippine s becaus e h e believed th e Hawaiia n people s wer e i n favo r o f annexation , an d th e Filipinos wer e oppose d t o it . Th e "littl e Americans, " le d b y novelis t Mark Twain , edito r E . L . Godkin , an d refor m politicia n Car l Schurz , dreaded tha t imperia l responsibilitie s woul d entai l increase d armament s and involv e th e Unite d State s i n confrontatio n wit h riva l powers . Stee l tycoon Andre w Carnegi e sai d tha t imperialis m woul d encourag e a n American aristocrac y an d erod e individualism . Thoma s B . Ree d repre sented a racis t schoo l o f thought , aghas t a t th e prospec t o f introducin g people fro m th e Sout h Sea s into th e Unite d States . Congressman Cham p Clark o f Missour i remarke d o f th e Filipinos , "N o matte r whethe r the y are fit t o gover n themselve s o r not , the y ar e no t fit t o gover n us. " H e ridiculed th e ide a o f " a Chines e senato r fro m Hawaii , wit h hi s pigtai l hanging dow n hi s back , wit h hi s paga n jos s i n hi s hand, " arguin g i n pidgin Englis h wit h Henr y Cabo t Lodge . Expansionists vehementl y denie d tha t th e Unite d State s wa s abou t t o engage i n imperia l competitio n wit h Europ e an d argue d tha t thei r aim s were limite d t o coalin g station s an d nava l base s o n strategi c islands . They suggeste d a n America n nava l lin e fro m th e Atlanti c i n th e Eas t t o Cuba i n th e Caribbea n t o a n isthmia n cana l an d fro m ther e t o Hawaii , Guam, an d Manil a i n th e Pacific . "McKinleyism, " sai d it s advocates , meant contro l o f island s e n rout e t o Asia , no t colonie s o n th e continen t itself. In th e Senat e debate , thos e oppose d t o annexatio n concentrate d thei r case o n historica l an d constitutiona l grounds , tha t th e acquisitio n o f colonies wa s immoral . The y argue d tha t th e Unite d State s coul d hardl y uphold th e Monro e Doctrin e t o protec t th e Ne w Worl d fro m th e Ol d i f it annexe d remot e territorie s acros s th e Pacific . Wha t remaine d unper ceived b y bot h th e proponent s an d opponent s o f expansio n wer e th e responsibilities i t involved . The treaty wa s actually signe d o n Decembe r 10 , 1898 . To compensat e Spain the United State s paid $2 0 million fo r th e Philippines, Puerto Rico , and Guam . Whe n th e Senat e vote d o n th e treat y o n Februar y 6 , 1899 , it was ratifie d b y 5 7 vote s t o 27 , onl y 2 vote s mor e tha n th e necessar y two-thirds majority .
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It wa s followe d b y a Filipin o revol t le d b y Emili o Aguinald o tha t lasted tw o years an d i n which mor e peopl e die d than i n the war o f 1898 . It ende d wit h th e captur e o f Aguinald o o n Marc h 27 , 1901 . The Ameri can militar y governmen t wa s replace d o n Marc h 4 , 1901 , b y a civi l commission o f fou r members . Willia m Howar d Taft , a circui t judge , headed th e commission t o establish a civil government i n the Philippines . The averag e weigh t o f th e commissioner s wa s 22 7 pounds , an d i t wa s said th e native s woul d find the m "a n imposin g spectacle. " Carnegi e wrote t o a frien d i n th e cabinet , "Yo u see m t o hav e finished you r wor k of civilizin g th e Filipinos ; i t i s though t tha t abou t 8,00 0 o f the m hav e been completel y civilize d an d sen t to Heaven ; I hope yo u lik e it. " The loss of America n live s in the cours e of th e Filipino revolt widene d the debat e abou t America n imperialism . I n Februar y 1899 , Britis h poe t Rudyard Kiplin g publishe d hi s famou s appea l t o racia l an d patrioti c duty: Take up the White Man's burden, Send forth th e best ye breed . . . To wait in heavy harness, On fluttering fol k an d wild— Your new-caught sullen peoples, Half devi l and half child. His poe m wa s generall y take n a s a n addres s t o Americ a i n th e Philip pines a s well a s to Britain i n South Africa . Amon g the many parodies th e most pith y wa s provide d b y th e New York Times, whic h penetrate d th e moral myt h t o expos e th e materia l practic e o f imperialism . Take up the White Man's burden; Send forth you r sturdy sons, And load them down with whiskey And Testaments and guns. Throw in a few diseases To spread in tropic climes, For there the healthy niggers Are quite behind the times. In Cuba , Genera l Leonar d Wood , a s temporar y governo r general , devised th e futur e for m o f th e island' s relation s wit h th e Unite d States . In 1900 , after Havan a ha d bee n muc h improve d b y progressive method s of sanitation , ove r 1,40 0 people—mainl y Spanis h immigrants—die d
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there i n a n epidemi c o f yello w fever . A commissio n o f fou r arm y sur geons unde r Dr . Walte r Ree d believe d th e theor y o f Cuba n physicia n Dr. Carlo s Finla y tha t yello w feve r wa s transmitte d b y th e stegomyi a mosquito. Unlik e th e 70 0 othe r specie s o f mosquito , th e stegomyi a live s in house s an d lay s it s egg s onl y i n clea n water . Thei r researc h wa s fata l for tw o member s o f th e commission , Dr . James Carrol l an d Dr . Jesse W . Lazear, bu t prove d Finlay' s theory . Genera l Willia m Crawfor d Gorgas , as chie f sanitar y office r i n Havana , continue d hi s campaig n t o cleans e the city, exterminate th e stegomyi a mosquito , an d eliminat e th e disease . Their effort s focuse d America n attentio n o n th e responsibilitie s o f th e United State s towar d Cuba . Willia m Alle n Whit e wa s quit e typica l o f journalists whe n i n th e Emporia Gazette o f Marc h 20 , 1899 , h e ex pressed a philosophy o f racis t supremacy . Only Anglo-Saxon s ca n gover n themselves . Th e Cuban s wil l nee d a despoti c government for many years to restrain anarchy until Cuba is filled with Yankees. Uncle Sa m th e Firs t wil l hav e t o gover n Cub a a s Alphons o th e Thirteent h governed it . . . . It is the Anglo-Saxons' manifest destin y t o go forth a s a world conqueror. He will take possession of the islands of the sea.. . . This is what fat e holds for the chosen people. It is so written. . .. I t is to be. The presiden t agreed . In hi s messag e o f Decembe r 1899 , McKinle y argued tha t th e ne w Cub a "mus t . . . b e boun d t o u s b y tie s o f singula r intimacy an d strengt h i f it s endurin g welfar e i s to b e assured. " Underly ing thes e sentiment s wa s th e president' s desig n t o tur n th e fledglin g republic int o a n America n protectorate . Th e Piat t amendmen t t o a n army appropriatio n bil l o f Marc h 2 , 1901 , allowed th e presiden t t o en d the occupatio n o f Cub a afte r it s governmen t agree d t o five conditions : never t o mak e a treat y tha t woul d impai r it s independence ; neve r t o contract a deb t i t coul d no t repay ; t o consen t t o America n right s o f intervention t o preserv e Cuba' s independenc e an d stabiliz e it s govern ment; t o execut e a sanitar y progra m planne d durin g America n occupa tion; an d t o allo w th e United State s a naval bas e on th e island . American imperialis m wa s bot h a fulfillmen t an d a betraya l o f Amer ican traditions . I t wa s a logica l extensio n o f th e Monro e Doctrine , b y which th e Unite d State s claime d th e righ t t o preserv e th e Ne w Worl d from th e Old , an d a natural developmen t o f Manifes t Destiny . Althoug h the Unite d State s ha d acquire d muc h o f it s continenta l territory , suc h a s Florida an d Alaska , b y purchase , i t ha d als o acquire d muc h b y war — Texas, California , Ne w Mexico , an d Arizon a fro m Mexico , an d th e
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central plain s an d Grea t America n Deser t fro m th e Nativ e Americans . However, th e notio n o f holdin g colonie s wa s alie n t o th e principle s o f the Revolutio n an d th e Constitution . An d becaus e th e wa r o f 189 8 wa s fought overseas , it set precedents i n strategy, tactics, and diplomacy . The sudde n acquisitio n o f territorie s overseas , moreover , pose d var ious constitutiona l question s abou t th e civi l right s o f th e people s in volved. In a serie s o f tes t cases , th e Insular cases , o f whic h al l bu t tw o were decide d o n Ma y 27 , 1901 , the Suprem e Cour t resolve d th e contro versy wit h a sophistica l distinction . B y a majorit y o f 5 t o 4 i t declare d that th e Philippine s an d Puert o Ric o were territories appurtenan t to , bu t not par t of , th e Unite d States , an d thu s thei r people s wer e subjects , no t citizens. The argumen t wa s no t abou t theor y bu t abou t tariff . Accordin g to th e Court' s decision , th e Unite d State s coul d bot h acquir e th e island s and ye t erec t a tarif f wal l agains t thei r crop s o f suga r an d tobacc o tha t would otherwis e compet e a s imports wit h it s own produc e i n the domes tic market . Mr . Dooley , th e Irish-America n saloo n keepe r invente d b y Finley Pete r Dunn e t o satiriz e politicians , note d i n hi s discussio n o f th e Insular case s that "n o matte r whethe r th e constitution follow s th ' fla g o r not, th ' Suprem e Cour t follow s th ' illictio n returns. " The Open Door McKinley planne d t o shap e American economi c growt h b y selling good s overseas, especiall y i n Asia . H e believe d tha t i t wa s necessar y t o coop erate with , rathe r tha n compet e against , othe r Europea n countries ; an d in order t o ensur e cooperation , h e sought internationa l tarif f reciprocity . Although nation s wit h highl y develope d industrie s considere d tha t Chin a was th e natura l marke t fo r expandin g production , the y pai d littl e hee d to th e fundamenta l obstacle s i n th e way . Fe w o f th e Chines e populatio n of 40 0 millio n wer e eithe r intereste d in , o r ric h enoug h t o buy , Wester n goods; an d mos t o f th e populatio n live d i n a vast an d remot e hinterlan d beyond th e reac h o f existin g transportation . In th e 1890 s industria l good s accounte d fo r 9 0 percen t o f America n exports t o China , risin g i n valu e fro m $ 3 millio n a t th e beginnin g o f th e decade t o $1 3 millio n a t th e end . Thi s dramati c increas e suggeste d eve n greater capacit y an d profit s i f onl y th e Unite d State s coul d penetrat e China's socia l infrastructur e an d provid e credi t an d expertis e t o develo p its econom y an d transportation . Thi s wa s recognize d b y a grou p o f
That marvelou s folly , th e Dewe y Triumpha l Arc h an d Colonnade , Ne w Yor k (1899) , designed b y architec t Charle s Rollinso n Lam b an d sculptor-in-charg e Frederi c W . Ruck stall (1853—1942) . There were , also , splendi d contribution s b y sculptor s Danie l Cheste r French ( 1 8 5 0 - 1 9 3 1 ) , Phili p Martin y ( 1 8 5 8 - 1 9 2 7 ) , and others—unti l publi c apath y t o the projec t t o transfor m th e plaste r o f pari s model s int o marbl e an d ston e le d t o th e ignominious demolitio n o f th e memoria l i n 1900 . (Librar y o f Congress. )
businessmen i n cotton , mining , an d railroad s w h o o n Januar y 6 , 1 8 9 8 , organized themselve s a s a W a s h i n g t o n l o b b y , th e C o m m i t t e e o n A m e r i can Interest s i n C h i n a , an d o n Jun e 9 , 1 8 9 8 , change d th e titl e t o th e A m e r i c a n Asiati c A s s o c i a t i o n. Secretary o f Stat e John H a y decide d t o len d diplomati c w e i g h t t o suc h efforts. H e w a n t e d a so-calle d O p e n D o o r polic y t o supersed e th e exist ing spheres-of-influenc e policy , w h i ch meant , i n practice , th e partitio n o f C h i n a b y th e grea t p o w e r s . H a y ' s O p e n D o o r N o t e s t o Britain , Ger many, an d Russi a o f Septembe r 6 , 1 8 9 9 , an d late r t o France , Italy , an d Japan, sough t thei r agreemen t o n thre e subjects : tha t non e o f the m w o u l d interfer e w i t h th e tradin g right s o f other s i n C h i n a ; tha t Chines e
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officials shoul d collec t a tarif f o n al l foreig n imports ; an d tha t non e o f the power s woul d charg e th e other s discriminator y rate s fo r th e us e o f harbors an d railroad s i n thei r section s o f Chines e territory . Britai n agree d on certai n conditions , an d Russi a procrastinated . Th e remainin g power s said the y woul d concu r provide d al l th e other s di d so . O n Marc h 20 , 1899, Ha y decide d t o interpre t thes e somewha t recalcitran t replie s a s "final an d definitive " assen t t o hi s proposals . Hi s biographer , Tyle r Dennett, explain s that th e First Ope n Doo r Note s were essentially publi c announcements intende d t o crystalliz e public opinion . However, a s Richar d Leopold , a historian o f foreig n policy , explains , "wishful thinkin g an d unwarrante d assumption s wer e no t enough " t o turn publicit y int o policy . Event s undermine d announcements . Chines e xenophobia foun d expressio n i n th e Boxe r movemen t tha t o n Jun e 13 , 1900, attacke d foreig n legation s i n th e capita l o f Beijing , killin g 23 1 people. I t was quelle d b y troops o f th e grea t power s o n Augus t 4 , 1900 . The grea t power s the n exacte d a n outrageou s indemnit y o f $33 3 millio n from China , o f whic h $2 4 millio n went , temporarily , t o th e Unite d States. Th e Unite d State s returne d $1 0 millio n t o China , whic h it s gov ernment use d t o establis h a trus t fun d fo r th e educatio n o f Chines e youths i n both Chin a an d th e United States . The Ope n Doo r wa s n o longe r eve n ajar . Ha y decide d t o revis e hi s First Notes . Hi s Secon d Ope n Doo r Note s were , lik e th e First , instruc tions t o America n envoy s abroad . Bu t thi s tim e they wer e unilateral . O n July 3 , 1900 , Ha y issue d a circula r diplomati c not e extendin g America n policy towar d China , protectin g trad e right s o f th e Ope n Door , an d seeking a solutio n t o assur e Chin a o f permanen t safet y an d peace . Ha y neither sough t no r receive d an y treat y o r reply . Bot h th e Firs t an d Second Ope n Doo r Note s represente d a n America n attemp t t o persuad e China t o accep t the United State s as moderator i n its relations with othe r powers. Moreover, bot h McKinle y an d Ha y hope d tha t Chin a would , i n time, identify it s economic interest s wit h thos e o f th e United States . McKinley's successfu l foreig n polic y symbolize d America' s newfoun d sense o f nationa l destiny . Hi s compromise s i n domesti c affair s wer e presented b y his allies as the foundatio n o f lastin g stability wit h materia l benefits. Hi s politica l an d persona l statur e wa s no w highe r tha n tha t o f any othe r presiden t i n the Gilde d Age . In 190 0 McKinley' s rival , Willia m Jenning s Bryan , realize d tha t h e needed t o retai n th e silve r issu e to recaptur e th e Democrati c nominatio n
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but tha t fo r th e actua l campaig n h e mus t replac e i t wit h somethin g else . He decide d t o mak e imperialis m th e mai n issu e o f th e campaig n an d called fo r th e freein g o f th e ne w dependencies . Thus , th e principa l issu e of th e electio n o f 190 0 wa s annexatio n o f territorie s overseas . Republi cans referred t o it as expansion; Democrat s calle d i t imperialism. Repub lican Senato r Georg e Frisbi e Hoa r o f Massachusetts , a n eloquen t oppo nent o f expansion , believe d tha t Bryan' s us e o f th e issu e t o furthe r hi s election campaig n actuall y mad e th e polic y o f imperialis m muc h worse . Without Bryan' s interference , Democrati c senator s oppose d t o expan sion woul d hav e joine d th e Republican s i n defeatin g th e Philippine s treaty. Instead , the y wer e distracte d an d confuse d b y hi s policie s o f liberation an d vote d fo r ratificatio n subjec t t o variou s condition s tha t were t o involv e America i n needles s expense . George Dewey , th e her o o f Manil a Bay , wa s unde r grea t pressur e from newspaper s an d hi s ambitiou s secon d wif e t o challeng e Brya n fo r the Democrati c nomination . Hi s announcemen t o n Apri l 3 , 1900 , tha t he woul d ente r th e rac e wa s receive d wit h regre t b y hi s admirer s an d ridicule b y hi s opponents . I t ha d bee n propose d i n 189 8 tha t Dewey' s victory b e commemorate d b y a classica l arc h o f triump h t o b e pai d fo r by publi c subscriptio n an d erecte d a t th e junctio n o f Fift h Avenu e an d Twenty-third Stree t i n Ne w Yor k City . T o encourag e subscription s an d provide a splendid foca l poin t fo r Dewey' s triumphal processio n throug h New Yor k i n 1899 , a full-scal e mode l i n woo d an d plaste r wa s erecte d on th e site . A s Dewey' s popularit y waned , subscription s lagge d an d th e white pain t an d plaste r peeled . Th e arc h wa s no w considere d a danger ous nuisance . I n Decembe r 190 0 th e gran d desig n wa s abandoned . Th e model wa s demolishe d an d carte d awa y t o th e cit y dump . Mr . Doole y commented sourly , "Whe n a grateful raypublic , Mr . Hinnissy , build s a n ar'rch t o it s conquering hero , it shoul d b e made o f brick , s o tha t w e ca n have somethin g mor e convanyien t t o hur l afte r hi m whe n h e ha s passe d by."
CHAPTER 1 2
The Dawn of a Progressive Age
Just exactl y wha t th e Unite d State s ha d accomplishe d i n the Gilde d Ag e was assesse d i n 1897 , somewhat caustically , b y Mr. Dooley : I have see n Americ a sprea d ou t fro m th ' Atlanti c t o th ' Pacific , wit h a branc h office i v th' Standard li e Comp'ny i n ivry hamlet. I've seen th' shackles dropped fr'm th ' slave , so' s h e cu d b y lynche d i n Ohio . . . . An ' th ' invintion s . . . th ' cotton-gin an ' th' gin sour an' th' bicycle an' th' flyin'-machine an' th' nickel-inth'-slot machin e an ' th ' Croke r machin e an ' th ' sody-fountai n an'—crownin ' wurruk iv our civilization—th' cash raygister. This emphasi s o n materia l progres s withou t spiritua l satisfactio n wa s disturbing t o man y Americans . Moreover , i t wa s no t onl y countryfol k who fel t displace d b y th e politica l an d industria l change s o f th e Gilde d Age. By 1900 middle-class American s were responding to two challenge s to socia l stability . On e wa s th e contro l o f politica l an d economi c lif e b y big business . Th e othe r wa s unres t an d disconten t amon g th e lowe r classes, especiall y factor y worker s an d immigrants . A t th e tur n o f th e century th e mos t importan t politica l issu e wa s stil l monopolies , popu larly calle d "th e trusts. " I n 189 6 Charle s B . Spau r estimate d tha t on e percent o f th e populatio n owne d mor e tha n hal f o f th e tota l nationa l wealth. I n 189 7 th e tota l valu e o f al l corporation s individuall y wort h
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As governo r o f Ne w York , Theodor e Roosevel t (1858—1919 ) initiated progressiv e legis lation independen t o f an d oppose d t o th e part y machin e o f Senato r To m Piatt . Piat t realized that , i f Roosevelt remained i n offic e muc h longer , the day s o f the ol d guar d woul d be numbered , an d h e determine d t o b e ri d o f hi s exasperatin g proteg e b y havin g hi m elected vic e president . (Librar y o f Congress. )
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$i millio n o r mor e wa s $17 0 million . I n 190 0 th e tota l valu e wa s $ 5 billion. Whe n Andre w Carnegi e sol d ou t t o th e Hous e o f Morga n i n 1901 th e bond s an d stock s issue d b y Morga n fo r th e Unite d State s Stee l Corporation wer e valued a t $1. 4 billion . A t this time the averag e annua l wage was betwee n $40 0 an d $500 . In thes e circumstance s i t i s no t surprisin g tha t historia n Mar k Sulli van, writin g i n 1925 , should sugges t tha t th e averag e America n ha d th e feeling tha t h e "wa s bein g 'pu t upon, ' hi s horizon s shortene d b y a n unseen enem y who m h e calle d th e Invisibl e Government , th e Mone y Interests; th e Gol d Bugs , Wall Street , th e Trusts, an d fo r Westerners , th e East." I n 189 8 Mar k Twai n commente d sarcasticall y o f a fictitious "Blessings-of-Civilization Trust" : "Thi s world-girdlin g accumulatio n o f trained morals , hig h principles , an d justic e canno t d o a n unrigh t thing , an unfai r thing , a n ungenerou s thing , a n unclea n thing. "
The Attack on Monopolies Captains o f industr y ha d los t thei r heroi c imag e an d wer e roundl y condemned fo r corruptin g politic s an d exploitin g labor . Whe n Henr y Demarest Lloy d argue d agains t th e robbe r barons , h e wa s speakin g fo r millions wh o ha d bee n disabuse d o f thei r belie f i n progress : Our industr y i s a right of ever y man fo r himself . The prize we give the fittest is monopoly of the necessaries of life, and we leave these winners of the powers of life and death to wield them over us by the same "self-interest" wit h which they took the m fro m us . . . . "There i s no hope fo r an y of us , but the weakest mus t go first," i s th e golde n rul e o f business . Ther e i s n o othe r field o f huma n associations i n whic h an y suc h rul e o f actio n i s allowed. Th e ma n wh o shoul d apply in his family o r in his citizenship this "survival of the fittest" theory as it is practically professe d an d operate d i n business would b e a monster, an d woul d be speedily made extinct. Protest wa s no t confine d t o genera l criticis m o f corporation s bu t included specifi c instance s o f corporat e abuse . On e for m o f protest , th e movement t o contro l railroads , eventuall y le d t o a n initia l solutio n t o the proble m o f th e trusts . The abuse s o f th e railroad s wer e s o gros s tha t people stirre d themselves , an d s o th e whol e issu e o f railroa d regulatio n was raise d i n several states . By implication, th e arguments use d extende d to othe r monopolies . Railroa d operator s sa w nothin g irregular , le t alon e
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wrong, i n chargin g customer s lo w rate s wher e the y wer e i n competitio n with on e anothe r an d chargin g hig h rate s wher e the y wer e not , t o compensate fo r th e losses . Thus , rate s becam e dependent , no t o n th e length o f th e journey , bu t o n th e interest s o f th e management . O n competitive runs , suc h a s fro m Chicag o t o Ne w York , th e railroad s charged muc h les s tha n o n noncompetitiv e runs . Accordingly , i t cos t more t o shi p freigh t o f th e sam e kin d fro m Rocheste r t o Ne w Yor k tha n from Chicag o t o Ne w York . Anothe r practic e wa s t o favo r som e cus tomers ove r others . Becaus e the y provide d considerabl e trade , bi g cus tomers suc h a s Standard Oi l were more likel y to b e favored wit h bargai n rates tha n wer e smal l ones . Standar d Oi l als o le d th e notoriou s practic e by which railroad s use d t o turn ove r part o f th e rate s paid b y the smalle r customers t o th e large r customer s i n th e for m o f rebates . And , a s w e have als o seen , i f the y infringe d thei r contract s t o bi g shippers, railroad s incurred drawback s o r fines—penalties pai d fo r shippin g product s o f their customers ' competitors . There was , naturally , muc h oppositio n t o suc h railroa d practice s among smal l customers . The hostilit y engendere d b y the railroad s i n th e West i s suggested b y popula r joke s o f th e period . Th e monogra m o f th e Houston Easter n an d Wester n Texa s Railroa d wa s HEWT , an d suppos edly stoo d fo r "Hel l Eithe r Wa y Yo u Tak e It. " In 187 7 everythin g wen t wrong fo r a Dakot a farmer ; ther e wer e storm s i n th e spring , drough t i n the summer , an d a plagu e o f locust s i n th e fall . On e da y hi s wif e foun d him i n a field shakin g hi s fist a t th e sky , saying , "Goddam n th e Grea t Northern Railroad. " Th e movemen t t o cur b th e railroad s starte d i n th e midwestern state s bu t sprea d widely . It had differen t aims : to den y road s more stat e aid , a s i n th e constitution s o f California , Kansas , an d Mis souri; t o recove r lan d grants ; t o prohibi t rebate s an d fre e passes ; an d t o regulate rate s an d services , as i n Massachusetts , whic h supplie d a mode l for others . The Illinoi s Constitutio n o f 187 0 specificall y urge d th e stat e legisla ture to "pas s law s to correc t abuse s an d t o prevent unjus t discriminatio n and extortio n i n th e rate s o f freigh t an d passenge r tariffs. " Th e first regulatory la w was passed b y the stat e legislature th e followin g year , bu t was ineffectiv e an d declare d unconstitutiona l i n stat e court s i n 1873 . Farmers responde d tha t fal l wit h a ne w la w establishin g a commissio n to decid e rate s fo r passenger s an d freigh t alike . I n 187 4 Minnesota ,
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Iowa, an d Wisconsi n followe d sui t wit h simila r laws . However , i n thes e three state s th e law s wer e soo n repealed . Railroad s ha d retaliate d b y raising al l rates t o th e legal maximu m an d withdrawin g som e services. In Illinoi s th e la w wa s bette r define d an d mor e difficul t t o subvert . Thus railroad s appeale d t o th e courts , chargin g tha t th e Illinoi s la w violated th e Fourteent h Amendment , whic h forbad e an y stat e fro m de priving a perso n o f life , liberty , o r property . Thei r argumen t wa s tha t a state commissio n tha t se t railroa d an d elevato r rate s wa s denyin g th e companies th e free us e of their property. There were eight Granger cases . Munn v . Illinois, whic h wen t t o th e Suprem e Cour t i n 1876 , wa s th e most crucial . Ther e wer e onl y fourtee n warehouse s i n Chicag o t o stor e the grai n fro m seve n states , an d th e Cour t ha d t o decid e whethe r th e owners ha d th e righ t o f unrestraine d contro l ove r million s o f farmers . Munn's argumen t wa s tha t th e fixing o f rate s b y Illinoi s wa s confiscatory. However , Chie f Justic e Morriso n R . Waite , speakin g fo r a 5- 4 majority i n 1877 , said otherwise : Property doe s becom e clothed wit h a public interest when use d i n a manner t o make it of public consequence, and affec t th e community a t large. When, therefore, one devotes his property to a use in which the public has an interest, he, in effect, grant s t o th e publi c a n interes t i n tha t use , an d mus t submi t t o b e controlled by the public for the public good. By it s decision s th e Cour t establishe d thre e principles : th e righ t o f gov ernment t o regulat e an y busines s wit h a publi c interest ; th e righ t o f th e legislature t o decid e wha t i s fai r an d reasonable ; an d th e righ t o f th e state to ac t where Congres s ha s not . In 188 1 Ne w Yor k merchant s establishe d a National Anti-Monopol y League t o promot e a progra m o f railroa d reform s tha t wa s advertise d throughout th e country. In 188 1 and 188 2 Congress was inundated wit h requests fo r reform . In it s pamphlets th e leagu e emphasize d tha t it s aim s were i n the bes t interests o f conservativ e government . I t wa s trying to lift the safety valve and prevent an explosion which will surely come, if the great financial free hooter s o f th e countr y ar e allowe d t o g o on corruptin g our elections , controlling legislation , debauchin g ou r courts , and ridin g rough shod over public rights. Much mor e wa s a t stak e tha n th e variabl e cos t o f railroa d rates . Wha t was a t issu e wa s th e abilit y o f governmen t t o supervis e capita l an d industry i n th e publi c good . A s Henr y Demares t Lloy d observe d i n hi s
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exposure o f Standar d Oi l i n Marc h 1881 : "Th e movemen t o f th e rail road train s o f thi s countr y i s literall y th e circulatio n o f it s blood . Ou r treatment o f th e 'railroa d problem ' wil l sho w th e qualit y an d calibr e o f our politica l sense. " More tha n thirt y bill s t o regulat e railroad s wer e introduce d i n Con gress betwee n 187 4 an d 1885 . The mos t importan t wer e thos e o f Sena tor Shelb y Cullo m o f Illinoi s an d Representativ e Joh n Reaga n o f Texas . In th e Cullo m bil l regulatio n wa s t o b e enforce d b y a n independen t commission. I n the Reaga n bil l i t was to b e enforced b y the courts . But while railroad s an d reformer s wer e comin g together , th e Suprem e Court wa s retreatin g fro m it s liberal positio n o f 1877 . When confronte d by Wabash v . Illinois i n 188 6 th e Cour t too k a conservativ e view . Th e Wabash Railroa d ha d charge d certai n shipper s 1 5 cents pe r 10 0 pound s for carryin g good s fro m Peoria , Illinois , t o Ne w Yor k bu t 2 5 cent s pe r 100 pound s fo r th e sam e typ e o f good s fro m Gilman , Illinois , t o Ne w York, althoug h Peori a wa s 8 6 mile s farthe r away . Wha t decide d th e Court fo r Wabas h an d agains t Illinoi s wa s tha t n o stat e coul d regulat e railroad traffi c crossin g it s boundaries . I t coul d decid e fo r itsel f bu t no t for interstat e commerce . Three-quarters o f rai l traffi c crosse d stat e lines . Thus, without federa l authorit y an d supervision , railroa d legislatio n wa s useless. The Suprem e Court' s decisio n i n the Wabash case , though technicall y correct, wa s morall y indefensible . Publi c ange r coul d b e resolve d onl y by enablin g legislation . Thus , th e Cullo m an d Reaga n measure s wer e combined t o for m th e Interstat e Commerc e Ac t signe d b y Presiden t Grover Clevelan d o n Februar y 4 , 1887 . Th e ac t declare d tha t rate s ha d to b e "reasonabl e an d just. " Rebate s an d discrimination s betwee n places , persons, and commoditie s wer e no w illegal . It was unlawfu l fo r a carrie r to charge more fo r a short hau l than a long one under simila r conditions . Pooling was forbidden . Th e ac t establishe d a regulatory Interstat e Com merce Commissio n (ICC ) o f fiv e member s (no t mor e than thre e fro m th e same party ) wit h th e dut y o f inquirin g int o th e railroads ' affair s an d making th e require d reports . Railroad s ha d t o giv e the commission prio r notice of increase s i n rates . For a shor t tim e railroad s wer e willin g t o accep t th e ne w law . Bu t they di d s o wit h ba d grac e an d late r use d ever y tric k t o frustrat e th e commission. A conservativ e judiciar y compose d o f lawyer s traine d b y corporations protecte d managemen t agains t union s an d th e public . In
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the Maximum Freight Rate cas e of 189 7 the Supreme Cour t decide d tha t the IC C di d no t hav e th e powe r t o fix rates , an d i n th e Alabama Midlands case , als o o f 1897 , i t practicall y invalidate d th e long - an d short-haul regulations . Th e Cour t discovere d i t coul d no t ge t railroa d agents t o testif y abou t malpractice s an d coul d no t ge t other witnesse s t o give evidenc e consisten t wit h thei r earlie r declaration s t o th e ICC . B y 1897 aggrieve d shipper s ha d succeede d i n collectin g refunds du e them i n only 5 out o f 22 5 case s decided b y the ICC . In any case , by the 1890 s mos t o f th e country's railroad s wer e par t o f six hug e systems . Fou r o f thes e wer e controlle d b y Morga n an d tw o b y Kuhn, Loe b an d Company . Thes e hug e monopolie s coul d se t thei r ow n rates a t will . The IC C wa s a n irrelevance . In it s annua l repor t o f 189 8 i t admitted it s failure . Justic e Joh n Harla n o f Kentuck y describe d i t a s a "useless bod y fo r al l practical purposes. " Nevertheless, afte r th e passin g o f th e Interstat e Commerc e Ac t i n 1887, it was inevitabl e tha t publi c opinion woul d deman d ful l refor m o f the trusts. In exchange fo r thei r votes in Congress for th e McKinley tarif f of 189 0 Republican s gav e reformer s oppose d t o monopolie s thei r sup port fo r Joh n Sherman' s bil l t o mak e monopol y combination s illegal . The mos t importan t provision s o f th e Sherma n Anti-Trus t Ac t o f July 2 , 1890, were contained i n the firs t tw o articles : 1. Ever y contract, combination i n the form o f trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restrain t o f trad e o r commerc e amon g th e severa l States , or wit h foreig n nations is hereby declared to be illegal. 2. Ever y person wh o shal l monopolize , or attemp t t o monopolize . . . any part of th e trade o r commerc e amon g the several States , or with foreig n nations , shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor. Sherman ha d intende d t o give supervision t o a federal commissio n alon g the line s o f th e ICC . Bu t i n th e Senat e Judiciar y Committe e Georg e F . Hoar o f Massachusett s an d Georg e F . Edmund s o f Vermon t ha d thi s changed, givin g jurisdictio n t o federa l courts . N o attemp t wa s mad e t o define "trust, " "conspiracy, " o r "monopoly, " le t alon e th e allusiv e phrase , "in th e for m o f trus t o r otherwise. " I n othe r words , th e proble m wa s treated befor e i t was analyzed . The Sherma n Anti-Trus t Ac t represente d a las t opportunit y fo r suc cessful governmen t regulatio n o f monopolies . I t failed . Ye t i t wa s no t the faul t o f Congres s s o muc h a s o f th e Suprem e Court . Presiden t
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Benjamin Harriso n initiate d a tria l cas e agains t th e suga r trus t tha t controlled 8 5 percen t o f th e nation' s suga r refining . Th e appeal , E. C. Knight and Co. v . United States, di d no t com e befor e th e Cour t unti l 1895 whe n al l bu t on e justic e foun d agains t th e government . Accordin g to a sophistica l distinction , th e Sherma n Ac t di d no t appl y t o produc tion, onl y t o commerce . Attorne y Genera l Richar d Olne y ha d no t eve n prepared th e cas e properly . H e offere d n o evidenc e tha t suga r wa s sol d and price-controlle d acros s stat e line s an d henc e subjec t t o federa l laws . He had no t bothere d t o sho w how differen t companie s i n different state s were connecte d wit h on e anothe r i n a trust . Only seve n suit s unde r th e Sherma n Ac t wer e institute d b y Benjami n Harrison, eigh t b y Grove r Clevelan d i n hi s secon d administration , an d three b y William McKinley . Al l were ineffective . Yet , in deferenc e t o th e Sherman Anti-Trus t Act , th e trus t itsel f wa s abandoned . T o evad e th e law, robbe r baron s use d th e ne w Standar d Oi l devic e o f th e holdin g company. B y establishin g nominall y independen t companies , eac h wit h the sam e boar d o f directors , o r a serie s o f interlockin g directorships , both o f whic h ha d a controllin g interes t rathe r tha n ownin g companie s outright, the y coul d outwi t th e law. Between 189 3 a n °l I 9 ° 4 th e numbe r of gian t combination s increase d fro m 1 2 t o 318 , wit h a n increas e i n aggregate capita l fro m les s tha n $ 1 billio n t o almos t $ 7 billion . Thes e 318 companie s controlle d abou t two-fifth s o f th e capita l investe d i n manufacturing. Attempts t o cur b bi g busines s b y federa l legislatio n represente d a ritual clas h betwee n a n old-fashione d idea l an d moder n needs . "I n thi s atmosphere," sai d Thurma n Arnol d i n hi s Folklore of Capitalism (1937) , "the antitrus t law s were the answer o f a society which unconsciousl y fel t the nee d o f grea t organizations , an d a t th e sam e tim e ha d t o den y the m a place i n th e mora l an d logica l ideolog y o f th e socia l structure. " O n th e surface i t seeme d tha t th e trust s wer e t o b e change d t o sui t th e institu tion; i t was reall y the othe r wa y around , however . Progressivism Although American s like d t o prid e themselve s o n th e apparen t lac k o f a class structure , a s existe d i n Europea n countries , ther e wer e thu s clea r signs tha t a self-perpetuatin g plutocrac y wa s drawin g eve r furthe r apar t from th e res t o f societ y i n term s o f it s affluenc e an d outrigh t economi c
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and politica l clout . Whe n Marshal l Field , multimillionair e merchan t o f dry goods , die d i n Chicag o o n Januar y 17 , 1906 , leavin g hi s childre n $140 million , hi s fortun e wa s use d a s a subjec t fo r a tex t b y socialis t Joseph Medil l Patterson , himsel f th e scio n o f a wealth y Chicag o family . He explaine d i n Collier's Weekly that , o f ove r 10,00 0 Fiel d employees , 95 percen t earne d onl y $1 2 a wee k o r less . Sewing-machin e operator s received $6.7 5 while , for a working wee k o f fifty-nine hours , the maker s of sock s an d stocking s wer e paid $4.75 . Few faile d t o notice the discrep ancy. Som e proteste d it . In hi s Theory of the Leisure Class (1904 ) an d Theory of Business Enterprise (1912) , Thorstei n Veble n ridicule d th e conventional value s o f th e uppe r an d middl e classe s a s the y strov e fo r "conspicuous consumption " an d "conspicuou s leisure " an d th e ob viously clos e relationship betwee n respectabilit y an d wealth . In the United State s a new refor m movement , progressivism , dre w on , and benefite d from , th e ris e of dissen t i n the late nineteenth century . Th e protests abou t gilt , guilds , an d guilt , expresse d b y politica l theoris t Henry Georg e i n Progress and Poverty (1879 ) an d Utopia n novelis t Edward Bellam y i n Looking Backward (1888) , ha d bee n complemente d by th e agraria n revolt . Moreover , th e violen t strike s an d agraria n cru sades o f th e lat e nineteent h centur y wer e though t b y som e t o b e a prelude t o ope n clas s warfare . Thu s th e Progressives ' respons e t o work ing-class povert y wa s partl y defensive , arisin g fro m a consideratio n tha t they shoul d provid e constructiv e solution s t o th e problem s o f th e hud dled masses . Otis Graha m pointe d ou t i n The Great Campaigns: Reform and War in America, 1900-1928 (1977 ) tha t urba n reformer s ha d ambivalent feeling s abou t th e nee d t o alleviat e socia l deprivation : "Fo r the America n wh o di d no t directl y experienc e suc h condition s o f life , they wer e deplorabl e no t onl y becaus e the y mad e fo r th e degradatio n and unhappines s o f thos e o n th e bottom , bu t als o fo r wha t the y threat ened t o provoke. " Progressives wante d t o limi t th e powe r o f bi g business , t o mak e th e political syste m mor e representative , democratic , an d impartial , an d t o extend th e rol e of governmen t i n orde r t o protec t th e public interes t an d to ameliorat e povert y an d socia l distress . Accordingly, progressiv e socia l reforms range d acros s suc h measure s a s th e abolitio n o f chil d labor , regulation o f condition s an d hour s o f wor k fo r men , women , an d chil dren, minimum wag e laws (especiall y fo r women) , compulsory insuranc e
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against unemployment , accidents , sickness , an d ol d age , code s o f stan dards i n housing, an d variou s reform s i n education . Progressives propose d t o mee t th e additiona l cost s o f thei r proposal s and t o mee t th e proble m o f th e maldistributio n o f wealt h b y imposin g direct taxe s o n hig h income s an d sizabl e inheritances . In thi s crucia l respect, an d thos e o f socia l insuranc e an d municipa l ownershi p o f publi c utilities, the y wer e adoptin g th e sam e politica l positio n a s thei r ne w liberal an d socia l democrati c contemporarie s i n Europe . American Progressive s wer e concerne d fo r th e surviva l o f individual ity an d wante d t o resis t th e conformit y exacte d fro m societ y passin g through momentou s technologica l changes . Thus , whe n Progressive s urged equality , the y mean t no t simpl y forma l equalit y befor e th e la w but, mor e particularly , social , racial , an d religiou s equalit y protecte d b y all thre e branche s o f government—executive , legislative , an d judicial . When historia n Charle s Force y refer s t o a "ne w liberalism, " h e explain s it a s turnin g awa y "fro m a drea m o f automati c progres s b y th e free wheeling exercis e o f individua l right s t o a convictio n tha t onl y th e conscious, co-operative us e of governmenta l powe r ca n brin g reform. " Historian Rober t H . Walker, i n The Reform Spirit in America (1976) , concludes tha t th e Progressiv e movemen t grew out of the labor and farm movement s of the late nineteenth century , taking from the m a n appea l t o the exploited, bot h farmer s an d laborers ; an antipath y to monopol y an d parisiti c wealth ; an d a determinatio n t o pursu e economi c democracy by purifying politica l democracy. By bringing to this task intelligenc e and a sense of political realism , the Progressives hoped for success at all levels of government where naive crusaders had failed . In compariso n wit h th e Populists , Progressive s wer e urbane , middle class, an d intellectual , includin g th e mos t articulate , literate , an d exper t members o f th e professiona l classes . Thei r leader s wer e usuall y whit e Anglo-Saxon Protestant s fro m affluen t background s an d wit h a colleg e education, wh o occupie d a professiona l o r commercia l positio n tha t allowed the m a certai n economi c independenc e an d socia l status . B y virtue o f thei r educatio n an d thei r Christia n ideals , the y wer e particu larly sensitive to exposures o f mismanagement , corruption , an d account s of economi c an d socia l distress . The y wer e als o equippe d wit h th e necessary eloquenc e an d wit h leisur e tim e t o engag e i n seriou s an d considered protest .
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It i s certainl y possibl e tha t me n o f propert y an d loca l prestig e deepl y resented thei r relativ e los s o f statu s i n a societ y increasingl y dominate d by big business, as historian Richar d Hofstadte r suggeste d i n The Age of Reform (1955) . Th e disaffecte d o r displace d no t onl y include d profes sional me n bu t als o loca l industrialist s wh o resente d th e wa y thei r factories wer e take n ove r b y larg e corporations . A s t o th e professiona l classes, small-tow n lawyer s foun d themselve s unheede d b y larg e cor porations, wh o require d younge r counse l wit h specifi c skill s in interpret ing the ne w problem s o f managemen t a s thei r firms merged . Clergymen , also, foun d themselve s unneede d b y a n increasingl y secula r society . However, thos e i n certai n professions , notabl y architecture , journalism , and universit y teaching , wer e risin g i n status , a s societ y cam e t o depen d ever mor e o n thei r expertise ; an d thes e group s were , perhaps, eve n mor e reform-minded tha n thos e wh o suffere d a los s i n status . Bot h group s disliked th e ne w corporat e plutocracy . Th e specia l need s o f citie s an d industry encourage d thei r self-confidenc e an d raise d standard s o f profes sional expertise . This increas e i n professionalis m wa s perhap s mos t marke d i n medi cine. Followin g th e discover y b y Pasteu r an d Koc h i n 187 6 tha t specifi c microorganisms cause d specifi c diseases , European scientist s isolate d th e sources fo r a spectru m o f diseases—typhoid , malaria , leprosy , tubercu losis, cholera , tetanus , diphtheria , an d buboni c plague . America n scien tists mad e spectacula r discoverie s i n parasitology , tracin g malaria , yel low fever , typhus , an d Rock y Mountai n spotte d feve r t o mosquitoes , ticks, an d lice . Shortl y afte r mos t o f thes e discoveries , doctor s foun d ways o f immunizin g humans . Th e sprea d o f th e ne w scientifi c medicin e gradually erode d fol k an d quac k medicine . Th e America n Medica l As sociation (AMA) , first founde d i n 1846 , was reorganize d i n 190 1 a s th e central organizatio n fo r a hos t o f loca l medica l societie s tha t ha d bee n formed durin g th e 1890s . Its membership expande d fro m 8,40 0 in 190 0 to ove r 70,00 0 b y 1910 . By 192 0 6 0 percent o f th e nation' s doctor s ha d joined. Th e AMA' s entr y standard s mad e th e trainin g o f doctor s mor e professional an d moder n i n medica l schools , an d persuade d loca l gov ernments t o enforc e mor e exactin g standard s o f publi c health . B y 191 2 MIT ha d it s ow n professiona l schoo l o f publi c health . Perhap s o f al l professional groups , i t i s doctors wh o provid e u s with th e quintessentia l characteristics o f urba n progressivism—objectiv e analysi s base d o n re -
Not th e gentl e Jan e wh o founde d th e settlemen t Hul l Hous e an d wa s a favorit e amon g Progressives, bu t th e fa r mor e redoubtabl e Jan e Addam s (i860—1935 ) o f 1930 . Her out look ha d bee n toughene d by , amon g othe r things , th e bitte r disillusio n o f publi c rejectio n during Worl d Wa r I o n accoun t o f he r pacifism . I n he r las t years , however , sh e becam e once mor e a publi c institution . (Phot o b y Underwood ; Librar y o f Congress. )
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search leadin g t o subjectiv e improvemen t b y humanitarian an d econom ical means . Dr. Herman n Bigg s wa s on e pionee r docto r wh o raise d standard s i n public healt h afte r studyin g i n th e laboratorie s o f Koc h an d Pasteur . A t New Yor k City' s Boar d o f Health , h e introduce d test s t o diagnos e cholera i n 1892 , experimente d wit h a vaccin e fo r diphtheri a i n 1894 , and, i n 1897 , propose d a n ordinanc e requirin g doctor s t o repor t basi c information o n case s o f tuberculosis . Subsequently , h e wa s a founde r o f the Nationa l Tuberculosi s Association . A s a resul t o f th e wor k b y pi oneers suc h a s Bigg s an d hi s counterpart s elsewhere , lik e Charle s V . Chapin o f Providence , the rate o f infan t mortalit y decline d greatly . I t fel l from 27 3 pe r 1,00 0 childre n i n 188 5 t o 102. 4 pe r 1,00 0 i n 1915 . Perhaps th e mos t remarkabl e publi c healt h campaig n base d o n medi cal researc h wa s th e attemp t t o eliminat e hookwor m disease , firs t i n Puerto Ric o b y assistan t arm y surgeo n Colone l Baile y K . Ashfor d an d later i n th e Sout h b y Dr . Charle s Wardel l Stiles , chie f o f th e divisio n o f zoology o f th e Unite d State s Publi c Healt h Service , who ha d firs t distin guished an d define d th e disease . Throug h hi s variou s associates , south ern patrio t Walte r Hine s Pag e persuade d oi l tycoo n Joh n D . Rockefelle r to donat e $ 1 millio n t o a campaig n t o eliminat e th e hookworm . Th e notion o f th e legendar y hard-hearte d Rockefelle r cooperatin g wit h a crusading zoologis t t o mak e wa r o n a debilitatin g diseas e previousl y attributed t o congenita l souther n lazines s dre w a roun d o f thoughtles s ridicule fro m th e press . Ashfor d use d dose s o f thymo l t o mak e th e hookworms rela x thei r clin g o n th e host' s intestine s an d epso m salt s t o eject them . Th e remed y cos t les s than 5 0 cent s pe r patient . B y 191 4 hal f a millio n childre n an d 397,76 5 adult s ha d bee n examined , o f who m 382,040 wer e treated fo r th e disease . Advances i n medicin e continue d i n th e earl y twentiet h century . I n th e field o f menta l health , Adol f Mye r describe d th e concep t o f dementi a praecox, Cliffor d W . Beer s founde d th e menta l hospita l movemen t i n 1909, an d Elme r Ernes t Southar d mad e contribution s i n th e are a o f neuropsychiatry. Thi s wa s th e perio d when , b y thei r lecture s o f 190 9 a t Clark University , Worcester , Massachusetts , bot h Sigmun d Freu d an d Carl Jun g advance d th e caus e o f psychoanalysi s i n th e Unite d States . Subsequently, Willia m Alanso n Whit e an d S . E . Jelliff e founde d th e Psychoanalytic Review (1913) . A healthy min d woul d bes t resoun d i n a health y bod y fortifie d b y a n
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optimum, nutritiou s diet . Vitami n researc h i n th e Unite d State s an d Europe le d to the discover y o f vitamin A by Elmer V. McCollum (1912 14); vitamin B (1915-16); an d vitami n D (1922) . In 191 5 Joseph Gold berger of th e United State s Public Health Servic e discovered tha t pellagr a was a deficienc y disease . I n 191 3 Bel a Schic k devise d a ski n tes t t o determine susceptibilit y t o diphtheria . Subsequen t immunizatio n greatl y reduced th e incidence o f th e disease . Nevertheless, progres s i n medica l education , a s distinc t fro m medica l research, wa s somewha t erratic . A repor t o f 191 0 b y Abraha m Flexne r for th e Carnegi e Foundatio n disclose d abuse s i n medica l educatio n an d proposed reform . I t stimulated larg e grants fo r medica l school s a t Duke , Vanderbilt, an d Georg e Washingto n universities , an d th e universitie s o f Chicago, Rochester , an d Iowa . As th e statu s o f doctor s rose , s o to o di d tha t o f lawyers , althoug h many peopl e considere d the m shyster s i n servic e t o th e grea t corpora tions. Exper t lawyer s bega n organizin g cit y an d stat e ba r associations , capped b y th e America n Ba r Associatio n (ABA ) i n 1878 . Th e growin g demands o f busines s an d th e civi l servic e encourage d mor e rigorou s training fo r th e newl y expandin g professions , includin g knowledg e o f government, economics , an d sociolog y attaine d a t graduat e la w schools . In 189 4 Ne w Yor k adopte d a central examinin g boar d o f skille d lawyer s to supervis e term s o f admissio n t o practice , an d variou s othe r state s followed it s lead . Wherea s ther e ha d bee n onl y 1 6 ba r association s i n 1880, b y 191 6 4 8 stat e an d 62 3 loca l ba r association s ha d bee n forme d to provide a permanent professiona l structure . A crucia l professiona l nee d wa s fo r mor e an d bette r education . Th e expansion o f universitie s an d th e widenin g o f thei r curricul a afte r 1865 , beginning wit h Harvard , reflecte d increase d interes t i n a mor e divers e but als o mor e vocation-oriente d colleg e education . Thi s i n tur n le d t o higher standard s o f preparation i n public and privat e high schools . Fro m the 1870 s the University o f Michiga n use d a syste m o f certificate s awarde d to th e bes t publi c school s t o encourag e wholesal e reform s acros s th e state. Specia l accreditin g agencies , establishe d i n Ne w Englan d fro m 1884 onward , se t standard s tha t wer e copie d i n othe r regions , reachin g the Northwest b y 1918 . Moreover, administrator s i n th e grea t citie s realize d tha t thei r goa l must b e th e forma l organizatio n o f school s t o teac h childre n som e industrial skill s a s wel l a s t o read , write , an d count . Pressur e wa s pu t
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upon the m b y parents , businessmen , an d industrialists , wh o realized , i n their ver y differen t ways , that th e educationa l syste m wa s no t providin g sufficient basi c knowledg e an d professiona l expertis e t o creat e enoug h suitably qualifie d youn g peopl e fo r th e urba n an d industria l workplace . In 189 7 concerne d parent s establishe d a national congres s that calle d fo r better qualit y an d greate r opportunitie s i n educatio n a t hig h schools . High school s responde d b y expandin g an d reformin g thei r curricula . Thus, whereas only six states had mad e attendance a t school compulsor y in 1871 , almost al l of the North an d West had don e so by 1900 . Between 1890 an d 19 1 o th e numbe r o f student s an d teacher s increase d fourfold , and double d agai n betwee n 191 0 an d 1920 . Th e movemen t fo r voca tional training , especiall y i n manua l work , bega n i n earnest i n the 1890 s and sprea d wide r unti l i t achieve d th e Smith-Hughe s Ac t o f 1917 , pro viding fo r federa l support . Teachers wante d t o enhanc e thei r prestige , t o protect thei r professio n from excessiv e outsid e interference , an d t o counterac t th e grea t mobilit y of staff. Thus i n forty-two state s they determined t o exact specific profes sional trainin g fo r teachers ; t o expan d scientifi c curricula ; t o promot e a system of professional schoo l administratio n throug h nonpartisa n schoo l boards; t o establis h certai n procedure s fo r promotion ; an d t o deman d tenure an d definit e salar y scale s wit h regula r increments . I n 190 5 teach ers bega n t o shif t th e balanc e o f th e Nationa l Educatio n Associatio n (NEA) awa y fro m administrator s an d colleg e professor s an d towar d schoolteachers, somethin g effectivel y demonstrate d b y th e electio n o f their candidate , Ell a Flag g Youn g o f Chicago , a s president i n 1910 . It was farmer s wh o face d th e mos t difficul t transitio n fro m bein g "th e people" t o member s o f a highl y skille d professiona l section , partl y be cause agraria n dissen t emphasize d tha t thos e wh o toile d t o provide foo d were th e tru e Americans . Commercia l farmers , wh o ha d bee n abl e t o profit fro m th e exper t applicatio n an d managemen t o f technologica l processes, an d thos e wh o ha d turne d scientifi c agricultur e int o a profes sion first le d th e wa y t o a ne w awarenes s o f wha t wa s feasible . A t th e turn o f th e centur y farmers ' an d marketin g cooperatives , usuall y con nected t o stat e school s an d department s o f agriculture , prospere d whe n they achieve d som e loca l monopol y i n thei r particula r crop . The y als o created far m bureau s an d stat e federations , an d i n 191 9 establishe d th e American Far m Burea u Federatio n (AFBF) . In short , a rapidl y industrializin g societ y wa s creatin g it s ow n larg e
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professional middl e classe s wit h ne w skills , expande d knowledg e an d discipline, an d greate r expectation s o f thei r futur e roles . Moreover, mos t of thes e professiona l groups—doctors , lawyers , teachers , farmers , an d so on—experience d thei r mos t formativ e movemen t towar d collectiv e self-consciousness i n th e perio d 1895-1905 . Mos t organization s ap peared i n th e mos t industriall y develope d cities , notabl y i n th e North east. However , no t onl y di d th e olde r citie s lea d th e developmen t bu t they als o bega n t o attrac t mor e outsiders , suc h a s academics , architects , and journalists , wh o coul d mak e substantia l contribution s t o th e devel opment. A s Rober t H . Wieb e explain s i n The Search for Order (1967) , groups "undergoin g simila r experience s an d sharin g simila r value s an d interests" discovere d the y "spok e a commo n languag e an d naturally , easily, the y bega n t o encourag e eac h other' s effort s towar d self-determi nation." Some Solutions to
Social Problems
A mos t commo n outle t fo r intens e feeling s abou t th e nee d t o refor m society wa s th e ne w an d growin g professio n o f socia l work . Th e mos t famous socia l worke r amon g Progressive s wa s Jan e Addams , wh o be came a symbolic figurehead fo r th e entir e Progressiv e movemen t an d a n American legen d i n he r ow n lifetime . Middle-clas s wome n wer e edu cated fo r a rol e o f emancipatio n an d professiona l activit y that , a s yet , did no t exis t fo r them , excep t possibl y i n teaching . I n Everyone was Brave (1969) , feminis t historia n Willia m O'Neil l explore s th e woun d o f graduation fro m colleg e fo r th e partiall y emancipate d youn g wome n o f Addams's generation : "Suddenl y they foun d themselve s no t merel y alone , but alon e i n a societ y tha t ha d n o us e fo r them . Thei r libera l educatio n did no t prepar e the m t o d o anythin g i n particular, excep t teach , an d th e stylized, carefull y edite d vie w o f lif e i t gav e the m bor e littl e relatio n t o the actua l world . I n consequenc e graduatio n wa s ofte n a traumati c experience fo r thos e young women wh o ha d bee n educate d t o fill a plac e that di d no t ye t exist." On e o f thos e places was socia l work . Among Addams' s administrator s a t Hul l House , th e settlemen t hom e for immigrant s i n Chicago , wa s Florenc e Kelley , wh o ha d lon g sinc e freed hersel f fro m middle-clas s morality . Th e daughte r o f a Philadelphi a judge, sh e ha d bee n educate d a t Cornel l an d th e Universit y o f Zurich , where sh e marrie d a Polish-Russia n doctor . The y cam e t o Ne w Yor k
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and engage d i n radica l politics , and sh e translated Mar x an d Engel s int o English. They ha d thre e children bu t were not happ y together . When sh e came t o Illinoi s i n 189 1 i t wa s t o see k a divorce , becaus e th e law s wer e more lenien t ther e tha n i n Ne w York . Sh e supporte d he r childre n b y working a s a teacher , runnin g a n employmen t agency , an d finally b y conducting a n investigatio n int o th e Chicag o swea t trad e fo r th e Stat e Bureau o f Labo r Statistics . Unlike th e other hous e executives , Kelle y ha d broken al l th e socia l rule s an d survived . I t wa s o n accoun t o f pionee r research b y worker s suc h a s Kelle y tha t settlemen t house s becam e foca l points fo r th e stud y o f urba n socia l problem s base d o n comprehensiv e and systemati c information . Th e mos t wide-rangin g researc h projec t o f this kin d wa s th e Pittsburg h survey , publishe d i n si x volume s betwee n 1909 an d 1914 . No t leas t significan t wer e th e facts tha t suc h studie s provided comprehensiv e ammunitio n o n hars h urba n condition s fo r Progressives wh o wante d t o lobb y legislator s o r rais e fund s fro m busi nessmen. Social wor k wa s als o promote d b y Socia l Gospe l minister s le d b y Washington Gladden , Lyma n Abbott , an d Franci s Greenwoo d Peabody . Truly Christia n peopl e accepte d tha t th e capitalis t syste m wa s ruthless , obliging entrepreneur s an d thei r manager s t o follo w a pat h o f selfis h competition, completel y a t odd s wit h th e teaching s o f th e Ne w Testa ment. The y denie d tha t th e grea t inequalitie s o f incom e coul d b e at tributed t o difference s i n individua l characters . Moreover , b y deprivin g the establishmen t o f an y mora l justification , the y wer e recognizin g tha t poverty mus t b e considered , an d treated , a s a genera l socia l problem , rather tha n a s th e misfortun e o f th e newl y arrived , th e ergophobic , o r the incompetent . The Socia l Gospe l wa s stronges t amon g Unitarians , Episcopalians , and Congregationalists , al l denomination s associate d wit h th e urba n middle classes , an d it s leadin g advocate s occupie d strategi c position s i n theological seminaries . Henr y F . May i n Protestant Churches and Industrial America (1949 ) relate s th e ris e o f th e Socia l Gospe l t o th e perio d when Protestan t churche s wer e tryin g t o conver t ne w immigrants , wh o were Catholic , Gree k Orthodox , o r Jewish , throug h suc h mean s a s Home Missions , Institutiona l Churches , an d th e YMCA , al l o f whic h developed socia l centers . Certai n religiou s denomination s create d com mittees t o stud y industria l problems—th e Protestan t Episcopa l churc h in 1887 , th e Congregationalist s i n 1901 , the Presbyterian s i n 1904 , th e
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Methodists i n 1908 , an d finally , th e Protestan t churches , wit h thei r Federal Counci l o f Churches , i n 1908 . Among th e mos t visibl e o f al l th e newl y emergin g an d expandin g professions wa s tha t o f investigativ e journalism . Investigativ e journalist s were watchdog s o f progressivis m wh o bare d thei r teet h a t corruption , subsequently acquirin g th e titl e "muckraker " a s a resul t o f a remar k b y Theodore Roosevelt . In Chicago , Ra y Stannar d Bake r wa s embarkin g o n hi s caree r a s a reporter fo r th e Chicago Record i n 1893 , th e yea r o f bot h th e World' s Columbian Exposition , th e hugel y successfu l showpiec e o f internationa l achievements i n th e art s an d science s buil t o n th e shor e o f Lak e Michi gan, and a n economic depressio n tha t lef t betwee n 100,00 0 an d 200,00 0 unemployed i n Chicago . I n hi s work , Bake r covere d bot h th e gleamin g White Cit y o f th e Expositio n an d th e squali d flophouse s an d sou p kitch ens o f it s depression . A s a youn g ma n o f twenty-three , h e wa s baffle d and frustrate d b y th e disparit y betwee n thes e tw o extremes , a s h e re called in his autobiography, publishe d i n 1945 : "What a spectacle! What a huma n downfal l afte r th e magnificenc e an d prodigalit y o f th e World' s Fair whic h ha d s o recentl y close d it s doors ! Height s o f splendor , pride , exaltation i n on e month : depth s o f wretchedness , suffering , hunger , cold, i n th e next. " Suc h dislocatio n was , indeed , highl y disturbing , an d the youn g reporter' s commitmen t t o socia l problem s le d hi m t o becom e one o f th e mos t celebrate d o f th e investigativ e journalists . Other s wer e Jacob Riis , Ida Minerv a Tarbell , an d Henr y Demares t Lloyd . Reform Administrations in
Cities and States
What Progressive s o f al l kind s share d wa s America n confidenc e that , given goodwil l an d intelligen t analysis , th e Unite d States' s political , social, and economi c problem s coul d b e solved b y reform o f th e existin g political system . The y recognize d tha t th e best-intentione d law s wer e only a s goo d a s th e governmen t tha t administere d them . Thu s Frederi c Howe wrot e i n 1905 : "Fo r tw o generation s w e hav e wrough t ou t th e most admirabl e law s an d the n lef t th e governmen t t o ru n itself . This ha s been ou r greates t fault. " Progressive s bega n t o propos e a new , mor e flexible, mor e responsive , an d mor e powerfu l for m o f management . In cit y afte r cit y genuin e an d Progressiv e refor m candidate s foun d they coul d ge t themselve s electe d a s mayor , despit e th e oppositio n o f
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previously entrenche d politica l machines . The y include d Samue l Milto n ("Golden Rule" ) Jone s i n Toled o (1897—1904) , Tom Lofto n Johnso n i n Cleveland (1899—1909) , Set h Lo w i n Ne w Yor k (1901—3) , an d Jame s D. Phela n i n Sa n Francisc o (1897—1902) . Furthermore, Progressive s wante d effectiv e municipa l o r stat e regula tion o f publi c utilities . Acros s th e countr y wha t reformer s reall y wante d was a bette r an d mor e impartia l administratio n o f essentia l urba n ser vices. I n tim e the y becam e convince d tha t onl y th e publi c ownershi p o f utilities coul d fre e America n citie s fro m a majo r sourc e o f corruption . Public opinio n wa s hostil e bot h t o th e powe r o f utilit y monopolie s an d any "socialistic " attempt s a t their publi c ownership . In Detroi t Haze n S . Pingre e wa s th e Republica n nomine e o f busines s leaders i n 188 9 wh o wante d a n independen t mayo r t o fight agains t a corrupt Iris h ring . T o assur e hi s electio n the y decide d t o appea l t o a s wide a spectru m o f voter s a s possible . The y dre w u p a ticke t containin g German, Polish , Irish , an d Anglo-Saxo n candidates . Onc e i n office , Pin gree wa s oblige d t o abando n som e o f hi s ideals—suc h a s stric t enforce ment o f th e liquo r laws—i n orde r t o hol d hi s diverse coalitio n together . He neede d al l th e suppor t h e coul d muste r t o comba t municipa l corrup tion elsewhere—o n th e schoo l board , ferries , an d tollroads , an d i n th e awarding o f stree t an d sewe r contracts . H e wa s immediatel y locke d i n a bitter disput e involvin g th e Cit y Railwa y Company , whic h wante d a n extension o f it s exclusiv e contrac t a s th e pric e fo r th e conversio n fro m horsepower t o electricity . A difficult situatio n wa s inflame d b y a drivers ' strike fo r bette r pa y an d conditions . Afte r thre e day s o f stree t violenc e the compan y agree d t o negotiat e wit h th e drivers , securing the extensio n of it s charte r fro m th e cit y council . Chargin g th e alderme n wit h dishon esty, Mayo r Pingre e vetoe d th e contract . H e wa s no w sufficientl y popu lar wit h th e publi c t o withstan d th e hostilit y o f veste d interest s t o hi s renomination. H e served two mor e terms and accepte d revise d franchise s for ga s an d transi t companie s tha t brough t the m mor e full y unde r civi c regulations. H e als o establishe d th e first majo r publicl y owne d electri c generating plant i n America . In orde r t o introduc e an d suppor t welfar e service s i t was necessar y t o raise additiona l revenue . Pingre e decide d t o mak e th e publi c utilit y an d transport companie s pa y handsomel y fo r thei r franchise s withou t pass ing o n th e cos t t o th e public . T o acquir e th e authorit y t o regulat e ga s
Something o f a harshe r realit y behin d th e facad e o f dignifie d politica l probit y come s acros s in thi s candi d photograp h o f Willia m McKinle y ( i 8 4 3 - 1 9 0 1) (fron t center ) an d member s of hi s part y a t hi s secon d presidentia l inauguratio n i n 1901 . McKinle y an d hi s guest s appear a s sate d politico s starin g a t th e camer a wit h unabashe d self-concern , thei r har d eyes se t o n materia l advantage . Ye t this group , i n spit e o f it s bruta l indifferenc e t o publi c needs an d a demeano r tha t woul d mak e th e character s i n a Nas t cartoo n see m almos t pretty b y comparison , represente d th e mos t popula r administratio n o f th e Gilde d Age . (Library o f Congress. )
rates Pingre e ra n fo r g o v e r n o r o f M i c h i g a n an d carrie d hi s c a m p a i g n t o the stat e capital . O n c e i n office , h e foun d hi s attempt s t o a l l o w th e citie s of M i c h i g a n du e p o w e r s o f regulatio n blocke d i n th e stat e legislature . Survival w a s a n occupationa l hazar d fo r th e cit y boss . Refor m m o v e ments provide d hi m w i t h th e technique s t o cop e wit h rapidl y changin g urban conditions . B y stealin g th e thunde r o f th e reformer s h e se t th e sea l on hi s o w n stability . Beautifyin g th e city , fo r instance , improve d th e lif e and lo t o f th e w h o l e c o m m u n i t y bu t i t als o le d t o mor e connection s wit h business, an d mor e patronag e an d profi t fo r th e machine . T h e job s th e
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boss offere d th e poo r an d th e dispossesse d a s clerk s an d constructio n workers kep t the m i n thei r place . H e wa s no t goin g t o chang e th e conditions tha t ha d create d hi s machine . Following thei r successe s i n cities , Progressives turne d thei r attentio n to stat e government , first fielding charismati c leaders , an d the n propos ing majo r reforms . Onc e again , th e sam e mi x o f factor s yielde d Progres sives succes s an d failur e i n stat e government . Apar t fro m exception s such a s Braxto n Brag g Come r o f Alabam a (1907—11) , th e importan t Progressive governor s bega n thei r career s a s leader s o f intrapart y fac tions, intent on powe r rathe r tha n a specific program tha t was sometime s forced o n the m b y certai n section s o f thei r middle-clas s followers . Thi s could lea d the m awa y fro m Progressiv e reforms . Alber t Cummin s o f Iowa (1902-8 ) create d hi s first coalitio n fro m Republican s oppose d t o prohibition. Hok e Smit h o f Georgi a (1907-10 ; 1911 ) wa s oblige d b y his adherents t o includ e Jim Cro w racis m i n hi s plans . Once i n office , Progressiv e governor s ha d th e unenviabl e tas k o f piloting legislativ e programs , directin g administration , an d holdin g somewhat diffus e coalition s togethe r al l a t once . Th e mos t skillful , lik e Robert L a Follett e o f Wisconsi n (1901—6) , Alber t Cummin s o f Iowa , and Hira m Johnso n o f Californi a (1911-17) , di d s o b y gettin g thei r bands o f Progressiv e reformer s t o concentrat e o n lobbyin g stat e legisla tors t o pas s certai n measure s whil e the y themselve s attempte d t o unit e their constituencie s b y traditional appeal s t o loca l spirit . Extending Democracy In addition , Progressive s wante d t o mak e government s trul y responsibl e by a package o f democrati c measures , including initiatives , referendums , recall o f judges , accurat e registratio n o f voters , direc t electio n o f sena tors, proportiona l representation , direc t primaries , secre t an d simple r ballots, corrup t practice s acts , an d lobbie s i n th e publi c interest . The y wanted t o retai n th e advantage s o f th e representativ e system , notabl y it s compactness, experience , an d lega l knowledge , an d eliminat e it s disad vantages, notabl y bot h hast e an d delay , complexity , corruption , errors , and legislativ e excesse s an d shortcomings . The genera l principl e o f th e referendu m wa s fo r stat e act s an d loca l ordinances t o b e scrutinize d b y th e electors . I f withi n thirt y day s o f th e passing o f a city ordinance , o r ninet y day s i n th e cas e of a state law , 5 or
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10 percen t o f th e voter s signe d a petitio n askin g tha t th e ordinanc e o r law b e submitte d t o th e entir e electorat e a t th e nex t electio n (o r a t a special electio n i f 1 5 o r 2 0 percen t o f voter s s o petitioned) , an d i f a majority o f thos e votin g favore d th e measure , i t becam e law ; i f a major ity wer e agains t it , i t wa s vetoe d b y th e people . Th e exception s t o thi s practice wer e measure s governin g immediat e publi c health , peace , o r safety. In th e cas e o f th e initiative , th e publi c too k th e initiativ e i n requesting a certai n law , agai n b y us e o f a petitio n signe d b y 5 o r 1 0 percent. I f 1 5 o r 2 0 percen t s o petitioned , the n th e measur e ha d t o b e submitted t o th e electorat e a t th e nex t election . Th e first stat e t o adop t the initiativ e an d referendu m wa s Sout h Dakot a i n 1898 ; b y 191 2 seventeen state s ha d adopte d eithe r o r bot h o f thes e devices . Primary election s wer e th e mean s b y whic h voter s wh o wer e regis tered with eithe r party chos e that party's candidate s fo r election . In 189 9 Minnesota provide d fo r a "direc t primary " t o selec t nominee s fo r elec tion t o politica l office , i n plac e o f a syste m o f part y convention s o r caucuses, an d th e first primar y electio n wa s hel d i n Minneapoli s i n September 1900 . Th e previou s mont h a stat e conventio n i n Madison , Wisconsin, als o declare d fo r direc t primaries . The recal l wa s th e mean s b y whic h th e peopl e coul d petitio n official s to submi t themselve s t o a specia l electio n befor e thei r ter m o f offic e ha d expired. The recal l was first applie d i n cities in 1903 , adopted b y Orego n in 1908 , and use d b y ten othe r state s b y 1914 . By 191 2 twenty-nin e state s wer e experimentin g wit h variou s way s o f electing senator s directl y rathe r tha n b y stat e assemblies , havin g insti tuted primarie s whil e pledgin g th e candidate s fo r th e stat e legislatur e t o elect th e senatoria l candidat e wit h th e mos t votes . Th e widesprea d ac ceptance o f thi s refor m le d t o it s forma l adoptio n b y th e federa l govern ment i n th e Seventeent h Amendment , passe d o n Ma y 13 , 1912 , an d ratified o n Apri l 8 , 1913 . If al l adul t mal e citizen s wer e t o hav e th e vote , an d t o b e abl e t o vot e for mor e tha n thei r representatives , on e migh t als o expec t th e Progres sives t o hav e supporte d women' s suffrage . However , th e campaig n fo r women's suffrag e bot h unite d an d divide d Progressives . The proponent s of women' s suffrag e no t onl y argue d fo r thi s extensio n o f democrati c rights o n th e ground s o f civi l right s bu t als o claime d i t would introduc e both th e superio r ethic s o f wome n int o politic s an d thei r skill s a s house keepers int o government . Eventually , women' s suffrag e wa s adopte d i n
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1920 b y th e federa l governmen t a s th e Nineteent h Amendment , repre senting wha t Rober t H . Walke r call s "mor e quantitativ e progres s i n extending democrac y tha n an y othe r singl e ac t in the nation' s history. " The franchis e wa s extende d t o wome n firs t i n wester n states , le d b y Wyoming (1893) , Colorad o (1893) , Uta h (1896) , an d Idah o (1896) . These wer e al l sparsel y populate d state s tha t wer e tryin g t o attrac t settlers. Historia n Ala n Grime s ha s argue d tha t i n suc h area s wome n proposed, an d me n supported , women' s suffrag e a s a conservative devic e to ensur e th e dominanc e o f whit e Anglo-Saxo n Protestant s i n politics . By 191 2 fiv e mor e state s ha d adopte d women' s suffrage—California , Arizona, Washington , Oregon , an d Kansas . Anothe r twenty-tw o ha d women's suffrag e o n certai n subjects . In th e 1870 s an d 1880 s agraria n organization s o f th e Wes t suc h a s the Grang e an d it s successors , th e Alliances , ha d encourage d wome n t o work alongsid e men , albei t i n supportive , secretaria l roles , rathe r tha n as equa l officeholders , an d perhap s a s man y a s a quarte r o f Souther n Alliance member s wer e women . Nevertheless , th e agraria n revol t stimu lated th e activit y o f wome n i n politics . Th e Populist s include d certai n prominent wome n speakers , notably Mar y Elizabet h Leas e and Anni e L . Diggs, bot h o f Kansas , Ev a McDonal d o f Minnesota , Mario n Tod d o f Chicago, and Sara h Emer y o f Michigan . The pivota l figur e i n th e movemen t fo r women' s suffrag e wa s Susa n Brownell Anthony , originall y o f Massachusetts , whos e firs t crusad e wa s for th e abolitio n o f slavery . Durin g th e Civi l Wa r sh e wa s alread y th e country's leadin g suffragist , an d b y her campaig n i n i86 0 wo n th e righ t of wome n i n Ne w Yor k Stat e t o contro l thei r ow n wage s an d t o b e guardians o f thei r ow n children . A s publisher o f th e Resolution, a short lived weekl y journa l i n Ne w Yor k City , she propounded th e sloga n "th e true republic—men , thei r right s an d nothin g more ; women , thei r rights and nothin g less. " Sh e forme d th e Nationa l America n Woma n Suffrag e Association (NAWSA ) i n 188 9 an d serve d a s its president (1892-1900) , with th e ai m o f a constitutiona l amendmen t t o gran t wome n th e vote . Although sh e died in 1906 , fourteen year s before th e Nineteenth Amend ment wa s adopted , sh e als o helpe d creat e th e Internationa l Counci l o f Women (1888 ) and , wit h Carri e Chapma n Cart , th e Internationa l Woma n Suffrage Allianc e i n Berli n (1904) . A n indefatigabl e speake r t o audi ences, both welcomin g an d hostile , she endured th e hardships o f frontie r travel an d th e rigors of resentfu l audience s to survive and becom e almos t
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a nationa l institution , widel y respecte d a s a super b organize r an d execu tive. Another activis t feminis t whos e campaig n bega n wit h th e movemen t to abolis h slaver y wa s Elizabet h Cad y Stanto n o f Ne w York , on e o f th e most influentia l women' s right s leader s an d renowne d a s a journalis t and super b orator . Whe n sh e marrie d th e abolitionis t lawye r an d jour nalist Henr y Brewste r Stanto n i n 1840 , sh e insiste d upo n th e wor d "obey" bein g struc k fro m th e ceremony , a decisio n tha t seeme d the n a radical ac t o f defiance . Sh e an d he r husban d ha d seve n children . To gether with Lucreti a Mot t sh e organized th e first convention o n women' s rights i n th e Unite d State s a t Senec a Falls , Ne w York , i n 1848 . Over riding Mott' s objections , sh e insiste d o n th e bil l o f right s fo r wome n containing a suffrag e clause . After meetin g Susa n B . Anthony i n 1851 , she decide d t o joi n he r an d the y becam e a remarkabl e team . Stanto n became th e first presiden t o f th e Nationa l Wome n Suffrag e Associatio n (1869), th e precurso r o f NAWSA , whic h sh e als o serve d a s president . Together wit h Anthon y an d Matild a Josly n Gage , sh e compile d th e first three volumes o f th e History of Woman Suffrage.
Roosevelt Theodore Roosevelt , wh o becam e th e principa l spokesma n fo r th e Pro gressives, wa s th e scio n o f a wealth y Ne w Yor k famil y originall y o f Dutch extraction . Hi s was th e sevent h generatio n t o b e born i n Manhat tan. Hi s father , Theodore , wa s a Lincol n Republica n late r committe d t o reform movements . Hi s mother , Marth a Bulloch , wa s a souther n bell e who imparte d t o "Teedie " he r lov e o f heroic s an d sens e o f humor . Roosevelt wa s frai l an d hyperactive , sufferin g fro m violen t attack s o f asthma o n Sunday s an d poo r eyesigh t o n weekdays . Ye t h e di d wel l a t Harvard an d entere d publi c lif e a s a n assemblyma n i n Alban y i n 188 2 when h e was twenty-three . Bot h hi s belove d mothe r an d first wife , Alic e Hathaway Le e Roosevelt , die d withi n hour s o f eac h othe r o n Februar y 14, 1884 , i n hi s house . Fo r th e nex t tw o year s h e retire d t o th e privat e life o f a ranche r i n th e Badland s o f Dakot a Territory . Hi s injunctio n t o slow cowboys , "Haste n forwar d ther e quickly, " wa s muc h quote d i n local saloons . In 188 6 h e marrie d a childhoo d friend , Edit h Kermi t Carow, wit h who m h e ha d five children , an d reentere d publi c life , first
378 The
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working a s a civi l servic e commissione r fro m 188 9 t o 189 5 a n d the n a s president o f th e boar d o f police commissioner s i n New York . He serve d McKinle y a s assistan t secretar y o f th e navy , but durin g th e war o f 189 8 resigne d t o ge t int o th e righting . H e assemble d a motle y crew o f soldiers , th e Roug h Riders , eac h seekin g adventur e an d glory . The courageou s an d dexterou s performanc e o f hi s regimen t a t Sa n Jua n Hill turne d hi m int o a legend . Subsequentl y Roosevel t describe d hi s wartime adventure s i n a best-sellin g book . Mr . Dooley' s advic e t o th e author was , "I f I wa s hi m I' d cal l th ' boo k 'Alon e i n Cubia. ' " H e als o suggested alternativ e titles : "Th ' Biograph y i v a Her o b e Wa n wh o Knows"; an d "Th ' Darin ' Exploit s i v a Brav e Ma n b e a n Actua l Eye witness, th ' Accoun t i v th ' Desthructio n i v Spanis h Powe r i n th ' An t Hills, as i t fel l fr' m th ' lip s iv Teddy Rosenfel t an ' wa s too k dow n b e his own hands. " Although Ne w Yor k Stat e wa s hel d b y th e Republicans , th e adminis tration ther e ha d bee n discredite d b y extravagan.ee an d malpractice . Th e state boss , Senato r To m Piatt , recognize d tha t th e onl y wa y th e Repub licans coul d retai n powe r wa s b y fielding a trul y popula r an d untar nished candidat e fo r governo r i n th e stat e election s o f 1898 . Roosevel t was th e obviou s choice . Bu t Piat t wa s apprehensiv e that , a s governor , Roosevelt woul d ac t a s independentl y an d aggressivel y a s h e ha d throughout hi s publi c career . Hi s fear s wer e justifie d afte r Roosevel t won th e electio n an d too k offic e i n 1899 . Roosevel t refuse d t o appoin t to publi c offic e th e part y hack s nominate d b y Piatt . Furthermore , h e initiated independen t socia l legislatio n o f a kin d tha t wa s anathem a t o the ol d guar d o n suc h subject s a s conservation , labor , industria l safety , workmen's compensation , an d tenemen t dwellings . Roosevelt the n propose d a franchis e ta x t o mak e stree t railway s pa y taxes o n th e tru e valu e o f thei r franchises . H e wante d t o erod e th e outrageous profit s o f thes e traditiona l Republica n supporters . Besid e himself wit h rage , Piat t ha d th e speake r o f th e stat e legislatur e tea r u p Roosevelt's messag e o n th e subjec t rathe r tha n rea d i t t o th e assembly . Roosevelt responde d b y dispatchin g a secon d messag e o n Apri l 28 , 1899, rallie d hi s supporters , an d ha d th e bil l passe d ove r th e unofficia l veto of th e boss. Piatt realize d tha t hi s days were numbered. I f Roosevel t remained i n offic e anothe r tw o years , Piat t figured h e would destro y th e entire bos s system . Ye t Roosevelt' s popularit y wa s suc h tha t Piat t coul d
The triumpha l entr y o f Willia m McKinle y to th e Pa n America n Expositio n i n Buffal o o n President's Day , September 5 , 1 9 0 1 , was intende d a s a crownin g momen t o f nationa l self congratulation ove r America' s ow n imperialism , industrialism , an d republicanism . Th e tragic anticlima x o f McKinley' s assassination th e followin g da y deepene d th e people' s respect fo r thes e things . (Phot o b y C . D . Arnold ; Librar y o f Congress. )
not den y hi m renominatio n i n 1 9 0 0 w i t h o u t discreditin g th e Republi cans an d invitin g peopl e t o vot e fo r th e D e m o c r a t s . Piatt decide d t o r e m o v e hi s exasperatin g proteg e b y gettin g hi m n o m inated a s vice-presidentia l candidat e a t th e Republica n N a t i o n a l C o n vention i n June 1900 . R o o s e v e l t , like others ambitiou s fo r th e presidenc y itself, regarde d hi s p r o p o s e d elevatio n a s a relegation . H e tol d hi s confi dant Henr y C a b o t L o d g e , "I shoul d b e simpl y shelve d a s V i c e President. " N o t sinc e M a r t i n V a n Bure n i n 1 8 3 6 ha d a n incumben t vic e presiden t been electe d president . L o d g e w a s th e onl y on e o f Roosevelt' s friend s w h o advise d hi m t o accep t th e nomination . H o w e v e r , Roosevelt' s g r o wing popularit y i n th e countr y a t larg e an d especiall y in th e W e s t w o r k e d against hi s initia l inclinatio n an d fo r Piatt . A s fa r a s Roosevelt' s man y admirers w e r e concerned , bein g vic e presiden t w a s bette r tha n bein g governor o f N e w Y o r k . M a r k H a n n a like d R o o s e v e l t an d w h a t h e
380 The
Dawn of a Progressive Age
represented n o mor e tha n Piat t did . A s nationa l bos s h e coul d refus e Piatt's suggestio n an d indee d wante d t o d o so . Bu t h e realize d tha t Roosevelt's presenc e o n th e ticke t woul d strengthe n McKinley' s chance s of reelectio n ver y considerably . McKinley wa s dul y renominate d o n Jun e 19 , 1900 , i n Philadelphia , and Roosevel t gav e i n t o th e Republica n elders . The New York Journal carried a cartoo n showin g Piat t a s a cowbo y astrid e a pony . H e ha s thrown hi s laria t an d caugh t Roosevel t b y th e foo t an d i s read y t o ti e him u p lik e a wil d steer . Roosevel t di d th e activ e campaigning , visitin g twenty-four state s an d makin g abou t 70 0 speeches . McKinle y simpl y repeated hi s fron t porc h campaig n o f 1896 . American s wer e urged : "Don't hau l dow n th e flag " no w tha t th e Republican s ha d provide d a "Full Dinne r Pail. " William Jennings Brya n wa s unanimousl y renominate d a t th e Demo cratic Nationa l Conventio n i n Kansa s Cit y o n July 5 . The Populist s ha d already divide d int o two feuding factions . "Th e Spanis h war finished us, " stated To m Watson ; "th e blar e o f th e bugl e drowne d th e voic e o f th e reformer." I n 190 0 the y onc e agai n fused wit h th e Democrats . In th e electio n o f 190 0 McKinle y too k 7,218,49 1 vote s t o Bryan' s 6,356,734, a majorit y o f 51. 7 percent . H e carrie d twenty-eigh t state s t o Bryan's seventee n an d wit h the m 29 2 vote s i n th e electora l colleg e t o Bryan's 155 . When Piat t wa s aske d i f he would atten d th e inauguration , he replied, "Yes , I am goin g to se e Theodore Roosevel t tak e the veil. " On Septembe r 6 , 1901 , McKinle y pai d a secon d visi t t o th e Pa n American Expositio n i n Buffalo. I n the Temple of Music he bent forwar d to giv e hi s customar y re d carnatio n t o a littl e girl . H e wa s sho t i n hi s stomach a t clos e rang e b y a n unemploye d artisa n an d self-style d anar chist, Leo n Czolgosz . " I didn' t believ e tha t on e ma n shoul d hav e s o much servic e an d anothe r ma n shoul d hav e none, " h e tol d hi s captor s afterwards. Lik e Garfiel d befor e him , McKinley di d no t di e immediatel y of th e gunsho t wounds ; gangren e se t i n an d kille d hi m eigh t day s later . Roosevelt wa s o n a famil y vacatio n i n th e Adirondack s whe n th e new s came tha t McKinle y wa s dying . H e se t ou t fo r Buffal o an d arrive d afte r the president ha d died . O n Septembe r 14 , 1901 , Roosevelt too k th e oat h of offic e i n th e sam e hous e wher e McKinle y la y dead . Th e Gilde d Ag e was over . Th e Ag e o f th e Titans—Theodor e Roosevel t an d Woodro w Wilson—had begun . A s Wal t Whitma n remarked , "Produc e grea t per sons: the rest follows. "
Chronology
America in the Gilded Age, 1865-1901 1865 Reconstructio n begin s Lincoln assassinated ; Andre w Johnso n become s presiden t 13th Amendment : slaver y abolishe d Black Code s 1866 Civi l Right s Ac t Fetterman massacr e National Labo r Unio n organize d 1867 Reconstructio n Act s Tenure o f Offic e Ac t Indian Ac t National Grang e o f th e Patron s o f Husbandr y founde d Christopher Shole s invent s typewrite r Alaska purchas e 1868 14t h Amendment : freedo m o f individua l Johnson impeache d Refrigerator ca r invente d Grant defeat s Seymou r 381
382
Chronology
1869 Centra l Pacifi c an d Unio n Pacifi c transcontinenta l railroa d complete d "Black Friday " gol d crisi s Knights o f Labo r founde d Westinghouse ai r brak e invente d 1870 15t h Amendment : righ t t o vot e First Enforcemen t Ac t Standard Oi l Compan y o f Ohi o organize d Tweed Rin g broke n 1871 Secon d an d Thir d Enforcemen t Act s Chicago fire Alabama claim s settle d 1872 Gran t defeat s Greele y Credit Mobilie r scandal s 1873 Salar y Gra b Ac t Collapse o f Ja y Cook e an d Co . lead s t o pani c an d depressio n 1874 J
- F - Glidden invent s barbe d wir e Red Rive r Wa r begin s
1875 Resumptio n Ac t Strike o f th e Moll y Maguire s Civil Right s Ac t Whiskey Rin g broke n Thomas Eakins , The Gross Clinic 1876 Dispute d election : Haye s defeat s Tilde n Cruikshank Opinio n National Independen t (Greenback ) part y founde d Custer's Las t Stan d Alexander Graha m Bel l invent s telephon e Centennial Exhibitio n nea r Philadelphi a 1877 Haye s end s Reconstructio n Desert Lan d Ac t Great Railroa d Strik e Munn v . Illinois 1878 Bland-Alliso
n Silve r Purchas e Ac t
1879 Retur n t o speci e payment s Thomas Ediso n invent s incandescen t lam p
Chronology 3 8 1880 Jame s Bonsac k invent s cigarette-makin g machin e American Renaissanc e identifie d i n Californian 1881 Garfiel d assassinated ; Cheste r A . Arthu r become s presiden t Star Rout e Fraud s Helen Hun t Jackson , A Century of Dishonor Henry Demares t Lloyd , The Story of a Great Monopoly Henry James , Washington Square an d The Portrait of a Lady 1882 Chines e Exclusio n Ac t Trusts devise d b y Standar d Oi l 1883 Pendleto n Civi l Servic e Ac t Civil Rights case s Standard tim e adopte d b y railroad s Metropolitan Oper a open s 1884 Clevelan d defeat s Blain e Mark Twain , Huckleberry Finn 1885 Combin e harveste r invente d John Singe r Sargent , Carnation, Lily, Lily, Rose 1886 Haymarke t rio t AFL founde d Wabash cas e Statue o f Libert y dedicate d 1887 Interstat e Commerc e Ac t Dawes Severalt y Ac t Hawaii cede s Pear l Harbo r t o U.S . 1888 Edwar d Bellamy , Looking Backward Harrison defeat s Clevelan d 1889 Oklahom a opene d Jane Addam s open s Hul l Hous e Commercial Unio n o f America n State s 1890 Closin g o f frontie r Massacre a t Wounde d Kne e McKinley Tarif f Sherman Anti-Trus t Ac t Sherman Silve r Purchas e Ac t Mississippi constitutio n an d pol l ta x
3
384 Chronology 1891 Fores
t Reserv e Ac t
1892 Homestea d strik e Cleveland defeat s Harriso n Omaha Platfor m o f th e Populist s 1893 Grea t Norther n Railroa d complete d Panic an d depressio n Repeal o f Sherma n Silve r Purchas e Ac t Frederick Jackso n Turner' s "frontie r thesis " World's Columbia n Exposition , Chicag o 1894 Care y Irrigatio n Ac t Pullman strik e Coxey's Arm y marche s t o Washingto n 1895 E-
C. Knight and Co. v . U.S. Pollock v . Farmers' Loan and Trust Co. Atlanta Compromis e Boston Publi c Librar y open s Cuban revol t Anglo-American disput e i n Venezuel a
1896 Ne w immigratio n exceed s ol d Plessy v . Ferguson McKinley defeat s Brya n 1897 Maximu m Freigh t Rat e Cas e William James , The Will to Believe Augustus Saint-Gaudens , Robert Gould Shaw Memorial 1898 Spanish-America n Wa r ove r Cuba : U.S . assumes possessio n o f th e Phil ippines, Guam , an d Puert o Ric o Annexation o f Hawai i 1899 Hay' s Note s o n th e Ope n Doo r i n Chin a Three-nation protectorat e o f Samo a forme d Frank Norris , McTeague 1900 Boxe r Rebellio n i n Beijin g an d Hay' s Secon d Note s o n Ope n Doo r Gold Standar d Ac t Galveston devastate d b y hurrican e Theodore Dreiser , Sister Carrie
Chronology 38 1901 McKinle y assassinated ; Theodor e Roosevel t become s presiden t Pan-American Exposition , Buffal o Piatt amendmen t Filipino rebellio n defeate d Morgan buy s ou t Carnegi e an d create s U.S . Steel Northern Securitie s Corporatio n founde d
5
Sources
Notwithstanding th e specia l interes t o f suc h individua l collection s o f papers a s thos e o f Thoma s Ediso n a t Menl o Par k an d Jan e Addam s a t Swarthmore College , th e Librar y o f Congres s offer s th e wides t horizo n in primar y source s i n th e Gilde d Age . I t house s th e paper s o f al l th e presidents excep t Hayes ; thei r secretarie s o f state ; an d othe r leadin g actors o n th e politica l scene , includin g Horac e Greeley , Car l Schurz , William Jenning s Bryan , an d Jame s G . Blaine . Thes e collection s als o contain a n abundanc e o f persona l material , suc h a s th e movin g accoun t by Mrs . James Blain e o f Garfield' s assassination . Suc h document s allo w us t o pee r int o th e personalitie s behin d th e policies . Th e paper s o f th e Pinkerton family , fo r example , revea l a bitte r heritag e o f hatre d an d envy i n th e relationship s betwee n fathe r an d son s tha t give s persona l substance t o th e notoriou s legen d o f implacabl e defianc e o f th e right s o f the publi c fo r th e sak e o f privat e interests . Th e Librar y o f Congres s als o has, amon g thos e o f th e industria l entrepreneurs , th e paper s o f Andre w Carnegie, and , amon g th e inventors , thos e o f Alexande r Graha m Bell . They thro w ligh t o n th e consuming ambitio n an d dexterou s professiona l skill o f thes e pivotal individuals . The tw o mos t crucia l novel s fo r interpretin g th e perio d ar e comple mentary: th e satire , The Gilded Age, b y Mar k Twai n an d Charle s Dud 387
388 Sources ley Warner (Boston , 1873) ; an d th e Utopia n Looking Backward, 2000— i88y b y Edward Bellam y (Boston , 1888) . The memoirs o f Blaine (1884 86), Sherma n (1895) , Powderley (1890) , an d Gomper s (1925 ) provid e a wealth o f insigh t int o societ y an d politics , a s d o thos e o f Carnegi e (1920), Booke r T . Washingto n (1900) , an d Jan e Addam s (1910) . Othe r valuable primar y source s includ e th e polemic s o f socia l critic s i n a serie s of classi c exposure s tha t hav e influence d subsequen t interpretation s o f the period . The y includ e Henr y George , Progress and Poverty (Ne w York, 1879) ; Henr y Demares t Lloyd , Wealth Against Commonwealth (New York , 1894) ; a n d Id a M . Tarbell , A History of the Standard Oil Company (Ne w York , 1904) . Primary source s ar e no t limite d t o literature . W e ca n lear n muc h about th e Gilde d Ag e fro m tw o pioneer s i n th e visua l art s whos e wor k changed th e characte r o f America n cities . B y hi s photograph s Jaco b A . Riis sharpene d th e perceptio n o f th e middl e clas s abou t th e urba n envi ronment. The y ar e hel d i n th e Jacob A . Riis collection o f th e Museum o f the Cit y o f Ne w Yor k an d als o i n th e Librar y o f Congress . A hundre d are reproduce d i n th e moder n Dove r editio n o f How the Other Half Lives, edite d b y Charle s A . Madison (Ne w York , 1971) . By his architec tural design s Louis Sulliva n transforme d th e facade an d skylin e of Amer ican cities . Hi s idea s ca n b e studie d directl y fro m hi s drawing s collecte d in The Drawings of Louis Henry Sullivan, edite d b y Paul Edwar d Spragu e (Princeton, 1979) . Th e collectio n o f super b contemporar y photograph s of peopl e an d place s b y France s Benjami n Johnsto n i n th e Librar y o f Congress i s another majo r visua l source . The bibliograph y is , like th e boo k itself , intende d a s a basi c guid e t o students ne w t o th e histor y o f th e period . I t give s greate r emphasi s t o factual account s o f th e year s fro m 186 5 t o 190 1 tha n t o mor e sophisti cated interpretation s tha t cove r a wider spa n o f tim e an d requir e o f thei r readers muc h detaile d knowledge . Man y historian s o f th e Gilde d Age , or o f specia l topic s withi n it , have bee n prolific . T o includ e al l the book s of suc h writer s a s H. Wayne Morga n o n politic s an d imperialism ; Alfre d Dupont Chandler , Jr. , o n business ; C . Van n Woodwar d o n th e South ; David Reimer s an d Leonar d Dinnerstei n o n immigration ; Alexande r B . Callow o n cities ; Richar d N . Murra y an d Richar d Gu y Wilso n o n art ; Ray Alle n Billington , Frederic k Merk , Patrici a Nelso n Limerick , an d William Crono n o n th e West ; Lawrenc e Goodwy n o n Populism ; Joh n Hope Frankli n o n Reconstruction ; an d Car l Degle r o n socia l histor y
Sources 38
9
would mak e th e lis t ver y lon g indeed . Th e bibliograph y i s restricte d t o the semina l work s o f thes e an d othe r authors . Withou t th e benefi t o f their researc h an d insight , m y task woul d hav e been muc h harder . The mos t comprehensiv e bibliograph y o f th e perio d i s Vincen t P . DeSantis, The Gilded Age, 1877—1896 (Northbrook , Illinois , 1973) . Other usefu l bibliographie s includ e Davi d L . Smith , The American and Canadian West (Oxford , 1980 ) an d Davi d L . Bry e (ed.) , European Immigration and Ethnicity in the United States and Canada (Oxford , 1983). Statistics give n i n thi s boo k o n population , immigration , agricultura l and industria l production , an d electio n return s ar e fro m th e Unite d States Burea u o f th e Census , Historical Statistics of the United States, 2 vols. (Washington , D.C. , 1975) . Thos e o n gol d an d silve r productio n and th e currenc y ar e fro m th e Unite d State s Burea u o f th e Census , Statistical Abstract of the Census (Washington , D.C. , 1922) . A usefu l abridged versio n o f th e bicentennia l editio n i s Be n J . Wattenber g (ed.) , The Statistical History of the United States From Colonial Times to the Present (Ne w York , 1976) .
Bibliography
GENERAL
Cochran, Thoma s C , an d Willia m Miller . The Age of Enterprise: A Social History of Industrial America. Ne w York , 1942 . Degler, Car l N . The Age of the Economic Revolution, 1876-1900. Glenville , 111., 1967. Garraty, John A . The New Commonwealth 18-77—1890. New York , 1968 . Higgs, Robert. The Transformation of the American Economy, 1865—1914: An Essay in Interpretation. Ne w York , 1971 . Morgan, Howar d Wayne . Unity and Culture: The United States 1877-1900. London, 1971 ; ed. , The Gilded Age: A Reappraisal. Syracuse , N.Y. , 1963 ; revised, 1970 . Sullivan, Mark. Our Times, vol . 2 : America Finding Herself Ne w York , 1927 . Chapter One INVENTIONS
Bruce, Rober t V . Bell: Alexander Graham Bell and the Conquest of Solitude. Boston, 1973 . Conot, Rober t E . A Streak of Luck —Edison. Ne w York , 1979 . Giedion, Siegfried . Mechanization Takes Command. Ne w York , 1948 . Habakkuk, H . J . American and British Technology in the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, England , 1962 . 391
392 Bibliography Kaempffert, Waldema r B . A Popular History of American Invention. Ne w York , 1924.
Oliver, John W . History of American Technology. Ne w York , 1956 . 1876 Maas, John . The Glorious Enterprise: The Centennial Exhibition of 1876 and H. J. Schwarzmann, Architect in Chief. New York , 1973 . Randal, William Pierce . Centennial: American Life in i8y6. Philadelphia , 1969 . RAILROADS
Campbell, Edwar d G . The Reorganization of the American Railroad System, 1893—1900. Ne w York , 1938 . Chandler, Alfre d Dupont , Jr . The Railroads: Pioneers in Modern Management. New York , 1979 . Cochran, Thoma s C . Railroad Leaders, 1845-1890. Cambridge , Mass. , 1953 . Fogel, Rober t W . Railroads and American Economic Growth: Essays in Econometric History. Baltimore , 1964 . Stover, Joh n F . The Life and Decline of the American Railroad. Ne w York , 1970.
Taylor, Georg e R. , an d Iren e D . Neu. The American Railroad Network, 18611890. Cambridge , Mass. , 1956 . Chapter Two INDUSTRY AN D CORPORATION S
Chandler, Alfre d Dupont , Jr . The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business. Cambridge , Mass. , 1977 . Evans, Georg e H. , Jr . Business Incorporation in the United States, 1800-1943. New York , 1948 . Fels, Rendigs. American Business Cycles, 1865-1897. Chape l Hill , N.C., 1959 . Fine, Sidney. Laissez-Eaire and the General Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865—1901. An n Arbor , Mich. , 1956 . Hofstadter, Richard . Social Darwinism in American Thought, i860—1915. Phil adelphia, 1944 . Kirkland, Edwar d C . Industry Comes of Age: Business, Labor, and Public Policy, i860—1897. Ne w York , 1961 . Porter, Glenn , an d H . C . Livesay . Merchants and Manufacturers: Studies in the Changing Structure of Nineteenth-Century Marketing. Baltimore , 1971.
Bibliography 3 9
3
ROCKEFELLER AN D OI L
Bringhurst, Bruce . Antitrust and the Oil Monopoly: The Standard Oil Cases, 1890-1911. Westport , Conn. , 1979 . Hidy, Ralp h W. , an d Murie l E . Hidy . Pioneering in Big Business, 1882-1911: A History of the Standard Oil Company, New Jersey. Ne w York , 1955 . Nevins, Allan . Study in Power: John D. Rockefeller: Industrialist and Philanthropist, 2 vols. New York , 1940 , 1953 . Sampson, Anthony . The Seven Sisters: The Great Oil Companies and the World They Made. London , 1975 . C A R N E G I E A N D STEE L
Hacker, Loui s M . The World of Andrew Carnegie, 1865—1900. Philadelphi a and Ne w York , 1968 . Wall, Joseph F . Andrew Carnegie. Ne w York , 1970 . MORGAN AN D FINANC E
Canfield, Cass . The Incredible Pierpont Morgan: Financier and Art Collector. New York , 1974 . Carosso, Vincent . The Morgans: Private International Bankers, 1854-1913. Cambridge, Mass. , 1987 . Wheeler, George . Pierpont Morgan and Friends: The Anatomy of a Myth. Ne w York, 1973 . DUKE A N D T O B A C C O
Winkler, Joh n K . Tobacco Tycoon: The Story of James B. Duke. Ne w York , 1942.
ROBBER BARON S
Holbrook, Stewar t H . The Age of the Moguls. Ne w York , 1953 . Josephson, Matthew . The Robber Barons. London , 1962 . Letwin, William . Law and Economic Policy in America: The Evolution of the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. Ne w York , 1965 . Rochester, Anna . Rulers of America: A Study of Finance Capital. Londo n an d New York , 1936 . Warner, W . Lloyd , an d J . Abegglen . Big Business Leaders in America. Ne w York, 1955 .
394 Bibliography Chapter Three IMMIGRATION
Archdeacon, Thoma s J . Becoming American: An Ethnic History. Ne w York , 1983. Chen, Jack. The Chinese of America. Ne w York , 1981 . Dinnerstein, Leonard , an d Davi d Reimers . Ethnic Americans: A History of Immigration and Assimilation. Ne w York , 1975 . Handlin, Oscar . Race and Nationality in American Life. Boston , 1957 ; The Uprooted. Boston , 1952 . Hansen, Marcu s Lee . The Immigrant in American History. Cambridge , Mass. , 1948. Higham, John . Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860192S- Ne w Brunswick , N.J. , 1955 ; Send Them to Me: Jews and Other Immigrants in Urban America. Ne w York , 1975 . Jones, Maldwyn A . American Immigration. Chicago , i960 . Kraut, Ala n M . The Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880-1921. Ne w Yor k an d London , 1982 . Magee, Bryan. "O f Jews—No t Leas t in Music. " In Aspects of Wagner. London , 1968. Miller, Stuart C . The Unwelcome Immigrant: The American Image of the Chinese, 1785-1882. Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles, 1969 . Taylor, Phili p A . M . The Distant Magnet: European Emigration to the U.S.A. New York , 1971 . Chapter Four LABOR
Cohen, Sanford . Labor in the United States. Columbus , Ohio , 3d . ed. , 1976 ; first published , i960 . Dulles, Foster Rhea . Labor in America: A History. Ne w York , 1949 . Foner, Phili p S . A History of the Labor Movement in the United States, 4 vols . New York , 1947—64 ; Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619—1973. New York , 1974 . Fried, Albert , ed . Expect to Walk Free: Documents and Notes in the History of American Labor. Ne w York , 1974 . Gutman, Herbert . Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America. Ne w York, 1977 . Pelling, Henry. American Labor. Chicago , i960 . Rayback, Josep h G . A History of American Labor. Ne w York , revised , 1966 ; first published , 1959 . Taft, Philip . Organized Labor in American History. Ne w York , 1964 . Wertheimer, Barbara . We Were There: The Story of Working Women in America. New York , 1977 .
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5
Yellowitz, Irvin . The Position of the Worker in American Society, 1865—1896. Englewood Cliffs , N.J. , 1969 . NATIONAL UNION S
Bruce, Stuart . Samuel Gompers and the Origins of the American Federation of Labor, 1848-1896. Westport , Conn. , 1973 . Grob, Geral d N . Workers and Utopia: A Study of Ideological Conflict in the American Labor Movement, 1865-1900. Chicago , 1976 ; first publishe d 1961 . Mandel, Bernard . Samuel Gompers: A Biography. Yello w Springs , Ohio, 1963 . Montgomery, David . The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865-1925. Ne w York , 1987 . Taft, Philip . The AFL in the Time of Gompers. Ne w York , 1957 . Ulman, Lloyd . The Rise of the National Trade Union. Cambridge , Mass. , 1955 . Ware, Norma n J . The Labor Movement in the United States, i860—1895. Ne w York, 1929 . WAGE-EARNING WOME N
Baum, Charlotte , e t al . The Jewish Woman in America. Ne w York , 1976 . Buhle, Mari e Jo . Women and American Socialism, 1870-1920. Urbana , 111. , 1981.
Kessler-Harris, Alice . Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States. Ne w Yor k an d Oxford , 1982 . Needle, Cecyle S. America's Immigrant Women. Boston , 1975 . Tentler, Lesli e Woodsock . Wage-Earning Women: Industrial Work and Family Life in the United States, 1900-19^,0. Ne w York , 1979 . LABOR D I S P U T E S
Bimba, Anthony . The Molly Maguires. Ne w York , 1970 . Brecher, Jeremy. Strike! Boston , 1979 . Broehl, Wayne G. , Jr. The Molly Maguires. Cambridge , Mass. , 1964 . Bruce, Robert V . 1877: Year of Violence. Indianapoli s an d Ne w York , 1959 . Burbank, Davi d T . Reign of the Rabble: The St. Louis General Strike of 1877. New York , 1966 . Carwardine, William. The Pullman Strike. Chicago , 1973 . Cooper, Jerry M . The Army and Civil Disorder —Federal Military Interventions in Labor Disputes, 1877—1900. Westport , Conn. , 1980 . Edwards, P . K. Strikes in the United States, 1881-1974. Ne w York , 1981 . Ginger, Ray . The Bending Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs. Ne w Brunswick, N.J. , 1949 . Henry, David . A History of the Haymarket Affair. Ne w York , 1963 . Nash, Michael . Conflict and Accommodation —Coal Miners, Steel Workers, and Socialism, 1890-1920. Westport , Conn. , 1982 .
396 Bibliography Wolff, Leon . Lockout: The Story of the Homestead Strike of 1892. Ne w York , 1965. Yellen, Samuel . American Labor Struggles. Ne w York , 1969 .
Chapter Five CITIES
Bullough, William. Cities and Schools in the Gilded Age. Por t Washington, N . Y., 1974Burg, David. Chicago's White City of 1893. Lexington , Ky. , 1976 . Callow, Alexande r B. , Jr., ed . American Urban History: An Interpretative Reader with Commentaries. Ne w York , 1969 . Jackson, Jo y J . New Orleans in the Gilded Age: Politics and Urban Progress, 1880-1896. Bato n Rouge , La., 1969 . McKelvey, Blake . The Urbanization of America, 1860-1915. Ne w Brunswick , N.J., 1963 ; American Urbanization: A Comparative History. Glenville , 111., and Brighton , Sussex , 1973 . Schlesinger, Arthu r M . The Rise of the City, 187-7-1898. Ne w York , 1933 . Veysey, Laurence R . The Emergence of the American University. Chicago , 1965 . Warner, Sa m Bass , Jr . Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston 1870-1900. Cambridge , Mass. , 1962 ; The Urban Wilderness: A History of the American City. Ne w Yor k an d London , 1972 . A R C H I T E C T U R E A N D SKYSCRAPER S
Andrews, Wayne . Architecture, Ambition, and Americans: A Social History of American Architecture. Rev . ed. New York , 1978 ; first publishe d 1955 . Bush-Brown, Albert . Louis Sullivan. Ne w York , i960 . Condit, Carl . The Chicago School of Architecture. Chicago , 1964 . Goldberger, Paul . The Skyscraper. Ne w York , 1982 . Hitchcock, Henry-Russell . The Architecture ofH. H. Richardson and His Times. Hamden, Conn. , 1961 ; first published , 1936 . Mayer, Harol d M. , an d Richar d C . Wade . Chicago: Growth of a Metropolis. Chicago, 1969 . Mumford, Lewis . Sticks and Stones: A Study of American Architecture and Civilization. Rev . ed. New York , 1955 . Scully, Vincent. American Architecture and Urbanism. Ne w York , 1969 . Whiffen, Marcus , an d Frederic k Koeper . American Architecture, 1606—1976, 2 vols. Cambridge , Mass. , 1981. BOSSES A N D R E F O R M E R S
Callow, Alexande r B. , Jr., ed . The City Boss in America. London , Ne w York , and Toronto , 1976 ; The Tweed Ring. Ne w York , 1966 .
Bibliography 39
7
Davis, Alle n F . American Heroine: The Life and Legend of Jane Addams. Ne w York, 1973 ; Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890—1914. Ne w York , 1967 . Frederick, P . J. Knights of the Golden Rule: The Intellectual as Christian Social Reformer in the 1890s. Lexington , Ky. , 1976 . Hershkowitz, Leo . Tweed's New York: Another Look. Ne w York , 1977 . Lubove, Roy . The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890-1917. Pittsburgh , 1962 . Mandelbaum, Seymour . Boss Tweed's New York. Ne w York , London , an d Sydney, 1965 . Melosi, Marti n V . Garbage in the Cities: Refuse, Reform, and the Environment 1880—1980. Colleg e Station , Tex., 1981 . Chapter Six A M E R I C A N RENAISSANC E
Gebhard, David , an d Debora h Nevins . 20 0 Years of American Architectural Drawing. Ne w York , 1977 . Metropolitan Museu m o f Art , The Splendid Legacy: The Havemeyer Collection. New York , 199 3 (Contribution s b y Gary Tinterow, Alice Cooney Frelinghuy sen, Susan Alyso n Stein , Gretche n Wold , e t al.). Morgan, H . Wayne . New Muses: Art in American Culture, 1865-1920. Nor man, Okla. , 1978 . Wilson, Richar d Guy , Diann e H . Pilgrim , an d Richar d N . Murray . The American Renaissance, 1876-1917. Ne w York , 1979 . Chapter Seven RECONSTRUCTION
Franklin, John Hope . Reconstruction after the Civil War. Chicago , 1961 . Gillette, William . The Right to Vote: Politics and the Passage of the Fifteenth Amendment. Baltimore , 1965 . Hyman, Harol d M . A More Perfect Union: The Impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction on the Constitution. Ne w York , 1973 . Patrick, Rember t W . The Reconstruction of the Nation. Ne w Yor k an d London , 1977-
Sefton, James E. Andrew Johnson and the Uses of Constitutional Power. Boston , 1980.
Stampp, Kennet h M . The Era of Reconstruction: America after the Civil War, 1865—1877. Ne w Yor k an d London , 1965 .
398 Bibliography RADICAL RECONSTRUCTIO N
Benedict, Michae l L . A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863-1869. Ne w York , 1974 . Brock, Willia m R . An American Crisis: Congress and Reconstruction, 18651867. Londo n an d Ne w York , 1963 . Brodie, Fawn M . Thaddeus Stevens, Scourge of the South. Ne w York , 1959 . Trefousse, Hans . Impeachment of a President: Andrew Johnson, the Blacks, and Reconstruction. Knoxville , Tenn. , 1975 ; Reconstruction: America's First Effort at Racial Democracy. Ne w York , 1971 . THE SOUT H DURIN G RECONSTRUCTIO N
Litwack, Leo n F . Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery. Ne w York, 1979 . McFeely, Willia m S . Yankee Stepfather: General O. O. Howard and the Freedmen. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1968 . Perman, Michael . Reunion without Compromise: The South and Reconstruction, 1865-1868. Cambridge , England , 1973 . Powell, Lawrenc e N . New Masters: Northern Planters in the Civil War and Reconstruction. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1980 . Roank, James L . Masters without Slaves: Southern Planters in the Civil War and Reconstruction. Ne w York , 1977 . Trelease, Alle n W . White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan: Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction. Ne w York , 1971 . T H E NE W S O U T H
Buck, Pau l H . The Road to Reunion, 1865-1900. Boston , 1937 . Gaston, Pau l M . The New South Creed: A Study in Southern Mythmaking. Ne w York, 1970 . Greenhut, Melvi n L. , an d W . Tat e Whitman , eds . Essays in Southern Economic Development. Chape l Hill , N.C., 1964 . Woodward, C . Vann. Origins of the New South, 1877-1913. Bato n Rouge , La. , 1951; wit h a critical essa y o n recen t works b y C. B. Dew, 1971 . AFRICAN-AMERICANS
Harlan, Loui s R. Booker T. Washington: The Making of a Negro Leader, 18561901. Ne w York , 1972 . Higgs, Robert . Competition and Coercion: Blacks in the American Economy, 1865—1914. Cambridg e an d Ne w York , 1977 . Hirshson, Stanle y P . Farewell to the Bloody Shirt: Northern Republicans and the Southern Negro, 1877—1893. Bloomington , Ind. , 1962 . Kousser, J. Morgan . The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and
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the Establishment of the One-Party South, 1880—1910. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1974Logan, Ra y ford W . The Betrayal of the Negro, from Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson. Ne w York , 1965 ; first published , 1954 . Meier, August . Negro Thought in America, 1880—1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington. An n Arbor , Mich. , 1963 . Ransom, Roge r L. , an d Richar d Sutch . One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation. Cambridg e an d Ne w York , 1977 . Wharton, Verno n Lane . The Negro in Mississippi, 1865—1890. Ne w York , 1965; firs t published , 1947 . Woodward, C . Vann . The Strange Career of Jim Crow. Ne w York , 1955 ; revised, 1974 .
Chapter Eight PARTY P O L I T I C S
Josephson, Matthew . The Politicos, 1865-1896. Ne w York , 1938 . Keller, Morton. The Art and Politics of Thomas Nast. Ne w York , 1968 . Marcus, Rober t D . Grand Old Party: Political Structure in the Gilded Age, 1880-1896. Ne w York , 1971 . Morgan, Howar d Wayne . From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877—1896. Syracuse , N.Y., 1969 . Rothman, David . Politics and Power: The United States Senate, 1869-1901. Cambridge, Mass. , 1961. Tariello, Frank , Jr . The Reconstruction of American Political Ideology, 18651917. Charlottesville , Va. , 1982 . White, Leonar d D . The Republican Era, 1869-1901: A Study in Administrative History. Ne w York , 1958 . H A L F B R E E D S , STALWARTS , A N D R E F O R M
Chidsey, Donal d Barr . The Gentleman from New York: A Life of Roscoe Conkling. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1935 . Davison, Kennet h E . The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes. Westport , Conn. , 1972.
Dobson, Joh n M . Politics in the Gilded Age: A New Perspective on Reform. New York , Washington, London , 1972 . Hoogenbaum, Ar i A . Outlawing the Spoils: A History of the Civil Service Reform Movement, 1865-1880. Urbana , 111. , i960 . McFeely, William S . Grant: A Biography. Ne w York , 1981 . Milne, Gordon. George W. Curtis and the Genteel Tradition. Bloomington , Ind. , 1956. Nevins, Allan . Hamilton Fish: The Inner History of the Grant Administration. New York , 1936 .
400 Bibliography Peskin, Allan. Garfield: A Biography. Kent , Ohio , 1978 . Polakoff, Keit h J . The Politics of Inertia: The Election of 18 j 6 and the End of Reconstruction. Bato n Rouge , La., 1973 . Reeves, Thoma s C . Gentleman Boss: The Life of Chester Alan Arthur. Ne w York, 1975 . Sproat, John . The Best Men: Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age. Ne w York , 1966. Trefousse, Hans . Carl Schurz: a Biography. Knoxville , Tenn., 1982 . Van Deusen , Glyndo n G . Horace Greeley, Nineteenth-Century Crusader. Phila delphia, 1953 . Welch, Richar d E. , Jr . George Frisbie Hoar and the Half Breed Republicans. Cambridge, Mass. , 1971. BLAINE A N D CLEVELAN D
Hollingsworth, J . Rogers . The Whirligig of Politics: The Democracy of Cleveland and Bryan. Chicago , 1963 . Muzzey, Davi d S . James G. Blaine: A Political Idol of Other Days. Por t Wash ington, N.Y. , 1962 ; first publishe d 1934 . Sievers, Harr y J . Benjamin Harrison, Hoosier President: The White House and After. Ne w York , 1959 . Tugwell, Rexfor d G . Grover Cleveland. Ne w York , 1968 . FOREIGN POLIC Y
Beisner, Rober t L . Prom the Old Diplomacy to the New, 1865—1900. Arlingto n Heights, 111., 1974. Campbell, Charle s S . The Transformation of American Foreign Relations, 18651900. Ne w York , 1976 ; Anglo-American Understanding, 1898-1903. Balti more, 1957 . Dobson, John M . America's Ascent: The United States Becomes a Great Power, 1880-1914. D e Kalb, 111., 1978. Plesur, Milton . America's Outward Thrust: Approaches to Foreign Affairs, I86J1890. D e Kalb , 111., 1971. Pletcher, Davi d M . The Awkward Years: Foreign Policy under Garfield and Arthur. Columbia , Mo. , 1962 . Russ, William A. , Jr. The Hawaiian Republic, 1894-98, and Its Struggle to Win Annexation. Selingsgrove , Pa., 1961 . Chapter Nine WESTWARD EXPANSIO N
Billington, Ra y Allen , wit h Jame s Blain e Hedges . Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier. Ne w York , 1974 ; first published, 1949 .
Bibliography 40
1
Dykstra, Rober t R . The Cattle Towns. Ne w York , 1976 ; first published , 1968 . Greever, Willia m S . The Bonanza West: The Story of the Western Mining Rushes, 1848—1900. Norman , Okla. , 1963 . Gressley, Gene M. Bankers and Cattlemen. Ne w York , 1966 . Lamar, Howar d R . The Far Southwest, 1846—1912. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1966 ; The Readers' Encyclopedia of the American West. Ne w York , 1977 . Merk, Frederick . History of the Westward Movement. Ne w York , 1978 . Mitchell, Le e Clark. Witnesses to a Vanishing America: The Nineteenth Century Response. Princeton , 1981 . Paul, Rodma n W . Mining Frontiers of the Far West, 1848—1880. Ne w York , 1963. Pomeroy, Ear l S . The Territories and the United States, 1861—1890. Seattle , 1969; firs t published , 1947 ; The Pacific Slope. Ne w York , 1965 . Richthofen, Walte r von . Cattle Raising on the Plains of North America. Nor man, Okla. , 1964 . Streeter, Floy d Benjamin . Prairie Trails and Cow Towns: The Opening of the Old West. Ne w York , 1963 . FARMING
Bogue, Allan G . From Prairie to Corn Belt. Chicago , 1963 . Fite, Gilbert C . The Farmer's Frontier, 1865-1900. Ne w York , 1966 . Gates, Paul W . Landlords and Tenants on the Prairie Frontier: Studies in American Land Policy. Ithaca , N.Y., 1973 . Hayter, Ear l W . The Troubled Farmer, 1850-1900: Rural Adjustment to Industrialism. D e Kalb , 111. , 1968. Shannon, Fre d A . The Farmer's Last Frontier: Agriculture, 1860-189-/. Ne w York, 1961 ; first publishe d 1945 . INDIANS
Debo, Angie . A History of the Indians of the United States. Norman , Okla. , 1970.
Dennis, Henry C , ed . The American Indian, 1492—19/0. Ne w York , 1971 . Josephy, Alvin M. , Jr. The Indian Heritage of America. Ne w York , 1968 . Murray, David . Modern Indians. Britis h Associatio n fo r America n Studies ; Sout h Shields, Tyne an d Wear , an d Cambridge , 1982 . Prucha, Franci s Paul . United States Indian Policy: A Critical Bibliography. Bloomington, Ind. , 1977 ; Indian Policy in the United States: Historical Essays. Lincoln , Neb. , 1981 . Washburn, Wilcom b E . The Indian in America. Ne w York , 1975 .
402 Bibliography PLAINS WAR S
Ardvist, Ralp h K . The Long Death. Ne w York , 1964 . Bailey, Joh n W . Pacifying the Plains: General Alfred Terry and the Decline of the Sioux, 1866—1890. Westport , Conn. , 1978 . Brown, Dee. Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee. Ne w York , 1971 . Fauk, Odi e B . The Geronimo Campaign. Ne w York , 1969 . Murray, Keit h A . The Modocs and Their War. Norman , Okla. , 1965 . Olson, James C . Red Cloud and the Sioux Problem. Lincoln , Neb., 1965 . Utley, Robert . The Last Days of the Sioux Nation. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1963 . INDIAN REFOR M
Carbon, Leonar d A . Indians, Bureaucrats, and Land: The Dawes Act and the Decline of Indian Farming. Westport , Conn. , 1981 . Fritz, Henr y E . The Movement for Indian Assimilation, i860—1890. Philadel phia, 1963 . Gates, Paul Wallace. The Rape of Indian Lands. Ne w York , 1979 . Jackson, Hele n Hunt . A Century of Dishonor. Ne w York , 1881 . Mardock, Rober t W . Reformers and the American Indian. Columbia , Mo. , 1971.
Prucha, Franci s P . American Indian Policy in Crisis: Christian Reformers and the Indians, 1865-1900. Norman , Okla. , 1976 . CLOSING TH E FRONTIE R
Billington, Ra y Allen. The American Frontier Thesis: Attack and Defense. Wash ington, D.C. , 1971 ; The American Southwest, Image and Reality (Lo s Angeles, 1979) ; Land of Savagery!Land of Promise: The European Image of the American Frontier in the Nineteenth Century. Ne w York , 1980 . Rister, Car l Coke . Land Hunger: David L. Payne and the Oklahoma Boomers. Norman, Okla. , 1942 . NEW H I S T O R I E S O F T H E WES T
Cronon, William , Georg e Miles , an d Ja y Gitlin , eds . Under an Open Sky: Rethinking America's Western Past. Ne w York , 1992 . Faragher, Joh n Mack . Women and Men on the Overland Trail. Ne w Haven , Conn., 1979 . Limerick, Patrici a Nelson , e t al. , eds . Trails: Toward a New Western History. St. Lawrence, Kans. , 1991. Prown, Jule s D. , e t al. , eds . Discovered Lands, Invented Pasts: Transforming Visions of the American West. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1992 . Smith, Henr y Nash . Virgin Land. Ne w York , 1950 .
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Truettner, Willia m H . The West as America: Reinterpreting Images of the Frontier, 1820-1920. Washington , D.C. , 1992 . West, Elliot . Growing up with the Country: Childhood on the Far Western Frontier. Albuquerque , N.M. , 1989 . Worster, Donald . Under Western Skies: Nature and History in the American West. Ne w York , 1992 ; Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of the American West. Ne w York , 1992 . Wilkinson, Charle s F . The Eagle Bird: Mapping a New West. Ne w York , 1992 . Chapter Ten F A R M E R S ' MOVEMENT S
Buck, Solon J. The Granger Movement. Cambridge , Mass. , 1963 ; first publishe d 1913. Jensen, R . J. The Winning of the Midwest: Social and Political Conflict, 18881896. Chicago , 1971 . Kleppner, Paul . The Cross of Culture: A Social Analysis of Midwestern Politics, 1850—1900. Ne w York , 1970 ; The Third Electoral System, 1853—1892: Parties, Voters, and Political Cultures. Chape l Hill , N.C., 1979 . Kolko, Gabriel. Railroads and Regulation, 1877-1916. Princeton , N.J. , 1965 . Miller, G . H . Railroads and the Granger Laws. Madison , Wis. , 1971. Saloutos, Theodore. Farmer Movements in the South, 1865-1933. Berkele y an d Los Angeles, i960 . Scott, Roy V. The Agrarian Movement in Illinois, 1880-1897. Ne w York , 1945 . Shannon, Fre d A . American Farmers' Movements. Princeton , 1957 . Unger, Irwin . The Greenback Era: A Social and Political History of American Finance, 1865-1879. Princeton , N.J. , 1964 . Weinstein, Allen . Prelude to Populism: Origins of the Silver Issue, 1867—1878. New Haven , Conn. , 1970 . POPULISM
Anderson, Davi d D . Ignatius Donnelly. Boston , 1980 . Argensinger, Pete r H . Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People's Party. Lexington , Ky. , 1974 . Beals, Carleton . The Great Revolt and Its Leaders: The History of Popular American Uprisings in the 1890s. Ne w York , 1968 . Cherny, Rober t W . Populism, Progressivism, and Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915- Lincoln , Neb., 1981. Goodwyn, Lawrence . Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in America. New York , 1976 ; The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America. Ne w York , 1978 . Hicks, John D . The Populist Revolt. Minneapolis , 1931 .
404 Bibliography McSeveney, Samue l T . The Politics of Depression: Political Behavior in the Northeast, 1893—1896. Ne w York , 1972 . Pollack, Norman . The Populist Response to Industrial America. Cambridge , Mass., 1976 . Woodward, C . Vann . Tom Watson, Agrarian Rebel. Ne w York , 1963 ; firs t published 1938 . Wright, Jame s E . The Politics of Populism: Dissent in Colorado. Ne w Haven , Conn., 1974 . BRYAN, M C K I N L E Y , A N D T H E E L E C T I O N O F 1 8 9 6
Coletta, Paol o E . William Jennings Bryan, vol . 1 : Political Evangelist, 18601908. Lincoln , Neb., 1964 . Durden, Rober t F . The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896. Lexington , Ky., 1965 . Faulkner, Harol d Underwood . Politics, Reform, and Expansion, 1890-1900. New York , 1963 ; first published , 1959 . Glad, Paul . McKinley, Bryan, and the People. Philadelphia , 1964 . Jones, Stanley L . The Presidential Election of 1896. Madison , Wis. , 1964 . Koenig, Loui s W. A Political Biography of William Jennings Bryan. Ne w York , 1972.
Morgan, Howar d Wayne . William McKinley and His America. Syracuse , N.Y. , 1963.
Chapter Eleven WAR O F
189 8
Bean, William B . Walter Reed —A Biography. Charlottesville , Va. , 1982 . Beisner, Rober t L . Twelve against Empire: The Anti-Imperialists, 1898-1900. New York , 1968 . Brown, Charle s H . The Correspondents' War: Journalists in the Spanish-American War. Ne w York , 1967 ; Agents of Manifest Destiny: The Lives and Times of the Filibusters. Chape l Hill , N.C., 1980 . Foner, Philip . The Spanish-Cuban-American War and the Birth of American Imperialism, 2 vols. New York , 1972 . Healy, Davi d F . U.S. Expansionism: Imperialist Urge in the 1890s. Madison , Wis., 1970 ; The United States in Cuba, 1898—1901. Madison , Wis., 1963 . Miller, Stuart Creighton. "Benevolent Assimilation": The American Conquest of the Philippines, 1899—1903. Ne w Have n and London, 1982 . Morgan, Howar d Wayne . America's Road to Empire: The War with Spain and Overseas Expansion. Ne w York , 1965 . Pratt, Julius W. The Expansionists of 1898. Baltimore , 1936 . Trask, Davi d R . The War with Spain in 1898. Ne w York , 1981 .
Bibliography 40
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Welch, Richar d E . Response to Imperialism: The United States and the Philippine-American War t 1899-1902. Chape l Hill , N.C., 1979 . OPEN DOOR S
McCormick, Thoma s J . China Market: America's Quest for Informal Empire, 1893—1901. Chicago , 1967 .
Rydell, Rober t W . All the World's a Fair: Visions of Empire at American International Expositions, 1876-1910. Chicago , 1985 . Leopold, Richar d W . The Growth of American Foreign Policy. Cambridge , Mass., 1961 . Varg, Paul A. The Making of a Myth: The United States and China, 1897-1911. East Lansing, Mich., 1968 . Chapter Twelve PROGRESSIVISM
Abrams, Richar d M . Issues of the Populist and Progressive Eras, 1892—1912. New York , 1969 . Allen, Howar d W. , an d Jerom e Clubb . "Progressiv e Refor m an d th e Politica l System." Pacific Northwest Quarterly 6 5 (1974) : 130-45 . Crunden, Rober t M . Ministers of Reform: The Progressives' Achievement in American Civilization, 1889—1920. Ne w York , 1982 . Graham, Oti s L . The Great Campaigns: Reform and War in America, 19001928. Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. , 1971 . Harbaugh, Willia m H . "Th e Republica n Party , 1892-1932, " i n Arthu r Schles inger, Jr. , ed. , History of U.S. Political Parties, 4 vols . Ne w York , 1973 , 3 , pp. 2 0 6 9 - 2 1 2 5 .
Hofstadter, Richard . The Age of Reform: From Bryan to FDR. Ne w York , I955Link, Arthu r S. , an d Richar d L . McCormick . Progressivism. Arlingto n Heights , 111., 1983. McCormick, Richar d L . "Th e Discover y Tha t Busines s Corrupt s Politics : A Reappraisal o f th e Origin s o f Progressivism. " American Historical Review 8 6 (1981): 2 4 2 - 7 4 .
Thompson, J . A . Progressivism. Britis h Associatio n o f America n Studie s Pam phlet; Cambridge , England , 1979 . Walker, Rober t H. , ed . The Reform Spirit in America: A Documentary Pattern of Reform in the American Republic. Ne w York , 1976 . Wiebe, Rober t H . The Search for Order, 1877-1920. Ne w York , 1967 .
406 Bibliography PROGRESSIVISM AN D SOCIA L REFOR M
Boyer, Paul . Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920. Cam bridge, Mass., 1978 . Bremner, Rober t H . From the Depths: The Discovery of Poverty in the United States. Ne w York , 1956 . Buenker, John D . Urban Liberalism and Progressive Reform. Ne w York , 1978 ; first published, 1973 . Hopkins, Charle s H . The Rise of the Social Gospel in American Protestantism, 1865-1915. Ne w Haven , Conn. , 1940 . Lubove, Roy . The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City, 1890-1917. Pittsburgh , 1962 . McBride, Paul . Culture Clash: Immigrants and Reformers, 1880-1920. Sa n Francisco, 1975 . May, Henr y F . Protestant Churches and Industrial America. Ne w York , 1949 . PROGRESSIVISM AN D TH E CITIE S
Crooks, Jame s B . Politics and Progress: The Rise of Urban Progressivism in Baltimore, 1895-1914. Bato n Rouge , La., 1968 . Hackney, Sheldon. Populism to Progressivism in Alabama. Princeton , N.J., 1969 . Holli, Melvi n G . Reform in Detroit: Hazen S. Pingree and Urban Politics. Ne w York, 1969 . Miller, Zane . Boss Cox's Cincinnati: Urban Politics in the Progressive Era. Ne w York, 1968 . Nye, Russe l B . Midwestern Progressive Politics: A Historical Study of Its Origin and Development, 1870-1958. Eas t Lansing , Mich., 1959 . Schiesl, Marti n J . The Politics of Efficiency: Municipal Administration and Reform in America, 1880—1920. Berkeley , 1977 . Weinstein, James . "Organize d Busines s an d th e Cit y Commissio n an d Manage r Movements." Journal of Southern History 28 (1962) : 166—82 . P R O G R E S S I V I S M A N D T H E STATE S
Abrams, Richar d M . Conservatism in a Progressive Era: Massachusetts Politics, 1900—1912. Cambridge , Mass. , 1964 . Cherry, Rober t W . Populism, Progressivism, and the Transformation of Nebraska Politics, 1885-1915. Lincoln , Nebr., 1981 . Chrislock, Car l H . The Progressive Era in Minnesota, 1899-1918. St . Paul , Minn., 1971 . McCarthy, Charles . The Wisconsin Idea. Ne w York , 1912 . McCormick, Richar d L . From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893-1910. Ithaca , N.Y. , 1981. Margulies, Herber t F . The Decline of the Progressive Movement in Wisconsin, 1890-1920. Madison , Wis. , 1968 .
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Mo wry, George E. The California Progressives. Berkele y an d Lo s Angeles, 1951. Thelen, Davi d P . The New Citizenship: Origins of Progressivism in Wisconsin, 1885-1900. Columbia , Mo. , 1972 . W O M E N AN D SUFFRAG E
Degler, Car l N . At Odds: Women and the Family from the Revolution to the Present. Ne w York , 1980 . Hymowitz, Carol . A History of Women in America. Ne w York , 1978 . Kraditor, Aileen . The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920. New York , 1965 . O'Neill, Willia m L . Everyone Was Brave. Chicago , 1969 . Stanton, Elizabet h Cady , an d Susa n B . Anthony. History of Woman Suffrage, 6 vols. New Yor k an d Rochester , 1881-1922 . W O M E N C H A N G I N G PLACE S
Blair, Kare n J . The Club Woman as Feminist: True Womanhood Redefined, 1868-1914. Ne w York , 1980 . Chafe, Willia m H . Women and Equality. Ne w York , 1977 . Rothman, Sheil a M . Woman's Proper Place: A History of Changing Ideals and Practices i8yo to the Present. Ne w York , 1978 . Ryan, Mary . Womanhood in America: From Colonial Times to the Present. New York , 1975 . Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll . Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America. Ne w York , 1985 . Tax, Meredith . The Rising of the Woman: Feminists, Solidarity, and Class Conflict, 1880—1917. Ne w York , 1980 . ROOSEVELT
Chessman, G . Wallace . Governor Theodore Roosevelt: The Albany Apprenticeship, 1898-1900. Cambridge , Mass. , 1965 . Dunne, Finley Peter . Mr. Dooley's Opinions. Ne w York , 1901 . McCullough, David . Mornings on Horseback. Ne w York , 1981 . Morris, Edmund . The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt. Ne w Yor k an d London , 1979. Sullivan, Mark . Our Times, vol . 1 : America at the Turn of the Century. Ne w York, 1926 .
Index
Abbey, Edwi n Austi n (1852-1911) , 18 5 Act t o Encourag e Immigratio n (1864) , 8 5 Adams, Henr y B . (1838-1918) , 168 , 24 4 Addams, Jane (1860-1935) , 138 , 1 6 0 64, 369 ; photo , 365 Adler, Dankma r (1844-1900) , 14 4 Admission o f state s t o Union : Nebrask a (1867), 292 ; Colorad o (1867) , 2 3 2 - 3 3 ; North Dakota , Sout h Dakota , Mon tana, an d Washingto n (1889) , Idah o and Wyomin g (1890) , 268 , 293 ; Uta h (1896), 29 3 Adobe Walls , Battl e o f (1874) , 29 7 African-Americans, 3 , 4 , 5 , 96 ; emancipa tion, 203 , 208; Freedmen' s Bureau , 206, 208 ; franchise , 208 , 216 , 218 ; "Black Codes, " 209 ; Civi l Right s Ac t (1866), 210 ; riot s against , 211 ; educa tion, 218 ; "Negr o rule, " 220 ; K u Klu x Klan, 220 , 2 2 2 - 2 3 ; Civi l Right s Ac t (1875), 223 ; labor organization , 105-6 ; race relations , 237-240 , 2 4 2 - 4 3 , 325 ; Plessy v . Ferguson, 240 , 242 ; lynching , 242; Atlant a Compromise , 2 4 2 - 4 3 ; and West , 306 ; i n Allianc e an d Populis t movements, 320 , 325 , 326 ; illustra tions, 195 , 207 , 217 , 239 , 24 1 Afro-American Leagu e an d Afro-America n Council, 24 3 Agrarian revolt : frontie r failures , 3 1 3 315; resentmen t o f railroad s an d grai n
elevators, 315-316 , 3 1 7 - 1 8 , 374 ; Grange movement , 3 1 6 - 1 8 ; cro p lie n system, 318-20 ; alliances , 3 1 6 - 2 4 ; Populism, 3 2 2 - 2 7 ; bimetallism , 3 2 7 30, 332 , 336 ; Brya n an d "battl e o f th e standards," 3 3 2 - 3 7 ; illustrations , 315 , 317,331 Agriculture, 10 , 2 8 7 - 9 3 , 313-1 6 Aguinaldo, Emili o (1869-1964) , 345 , 347 Alabama claims , 27 5 Alabama Midlands cas e (1897) , 36 0 Alaska purchase , 155 , 275 , 34 9 Aldrich, Nelso n Wilmart h (1841-1915) , 259, 265 , 26 8 Alger, Horati o (1834-99) , 4 3 Alger, Russel l Alexande r (1836-1907) , 248, 34 5 Alliances, 316-24 , 37 6 Allison, Willia m Boy d (1829-1908) , 230 , 252, 26 5 Altgeld, Joh n Pete r (1847-1902) , 11 7 American Academ y i n Rome , 17 4 American Asiati c Association , 35 1 American Ba r Associatio n (ABA) , 36 7 American Bimetalli c League , 328 , 33 0 American Civi c Association , 16 8 American Cotto n Oi l Trust , 19 9 American Emigran t Company , 8 5 American Far m Burea u Federatio n (AFBU), 36 8 409
410 Index American Federatio n o f Labo r (AFL) , 103 , 118, 1 2 1 - 1 2 4 , 3 2 4 - 5 American Historica l Associatio n (AHA) , 175, 28 2 American Institut e o f Architect s (AIA) , 167, 18 6 American Journal of Sociology, 16 3 American Medica l Associatio n (AMA) , 364, 36 6 American Protectiv e Associatio n (APA) , 98 American Railwa y Unio n (ARU) , 129-3 2 American Renaissance : first perio d (1876 1886), 170-72 , 174 , 179 ; secon d pe riod (1886-1917) , 171 , 174-77 , 179 , 182-84; influences , 1 6 9 - 7 1 ; collabora tions, 171-72 ; paintin g an d sculpture , 170, 171 , 174-75 , 185 , 186 , 193-99 ; decorative arts : 172 , 174 , 176-77 , 178-79, 199 ; Tiffan y an d Associate d Artists, 172 ; architecture , 143-44 , 179 , 184-93; themati c celebrations , 194-96 : national progres s an d ascendancy , 194 — 95, 196 ; Lincol n an d Civi l War , 1 9 5 96; virgins , 196 ; patronag e (Havemey ers), 182-84 ; patronag e (Vanderbilts) , 177-82; patronag e (Villard) , 179 ; gol d and capital , 199 ; academi c an d cultura l institutions, 180-82 , 184-86 , 187-88 , 189-92; illustrations , 59 , 79 , 165 , 169 , 173, 177 , 181 , 187 , 191 , 195 , 197 , 351,379 American Renaissance, 1876-1917, The, 170-82, 184-9 9 American Schoo l o f Classica l Studies , Rome, 17 4 American Suga r Company , 5 2 "American Tapestry, " the , 17 6 American Telephon e an d Telegrap h Com pany (AT&T) , 2 3 American Tobacc o Company , 43 , 6 6 - 7 0 , 268 Ames, Oake s (1844-1873) , 22 8 Amnesty proclamations , 204 , 206 , 21 4 Anthony, Susa n Brownel l (1824-1906) , 105, 376-7 7 Anti-semitism, 9 5 Apaches, 29 6 Appeal to Reason, The, 32 2
Arapahoe, 297 , 298 , 30 2 Architecture: 143-44 , 179 , 184 , 185-93 , 364; World' s Columbia n Exposition , 165-66, 168 , 174 , 190 ; Burnha m an d Root, 190-92 ; McKim , Mea d an d White, 175 , 179 , 188-89 , 192 , 193 ; Boston Publi c Library , 174 , 184-85 ; Library o f Congress , 185—86 ; Chicag o school, 143-44 , 179 ; rendering , 1 9 2 93; training , 186-87 ; patronag e b y Vanderbilts, 177-82 ; patronag e b y Vil lard, 179 ; illustrations , 37 , 137 , 141 , 145, 165 , 17 7 Architectural Leagu e o f Ne w York , 17 1 Argentina, 31 4 Armenian immigration , 76 , 9 9 Armour, Phili p D . (1832-1901) , 28 6 Arthur, Cheste r A . (1830-1886) , 2 4 4 - 4 5 , 248, 254 , 255 ; administratio n ( 1 8 8 1 1885), 176 , 256-5 8 Art Student s Leagu e o f Ne w York , 17 1 Ashby, H . S . P . ("Stump") , 320 , 32 2 Asian-Americans, 25 , 7 6 - 7 7 , 30 6 Associated Artist s (1879-1907) , 172 , 25 6 Atchison, Topeka , an d Sant a F e Railroad , 26, 34 , 27 0 "Atlanta Compromise, " 242—4 3 Atlantic Monthly, 167 , 18 0 Atwood, Charle s B . (1848-95 ) an d th e Herter Brothers , 17 8 Austro-Hungarian immigrants , 74—76 , 78, 84 Babcock, Orvill e E. , 215 , 230 , 27 6 Bacon, Henr y (1850-1931) , 19 5 Baker, Ra y Stannar d (1874-1946) , 64 , 371 Baltimore an d Ohi o Railroa d (B&O) , 27 , 34, 11 0 Barbed wire , 29 0 Bartholdi, Frederi c August e (1834-1904) , 9 2 - 9 3 , 19 8 Bartlett, Pau l Waylan d (1865-1925) , 19 8 Bayard, Thoma s F. , Sr. (1828-1898) , 27 9 Belknap, Willia m W. , 22 9 Bell, Alexander ("Graham" ) (1847-1922) , 11-14, 2 0 - 2 2 , 256 ; photo , 1 7 Bellamy, Edwar d (1850-1898) , 102 , 164-65, 36 2
Index 41 Berger, Victo r Loui s (1860-1929) , 13 3 Berkman, Alexander , 126-2 7 Bessemer steel , 60 , 124 , 14 3 Bicycles, 3 9 Bierstadt, Alber t (1830-1902) , 30 5 Biggs, Herman , 366 Billington, Ra y Allen , 291 , 3 0 1 - 2 Biltmore, 177-7 8 Bimetallism (coinag e o f gol d an d silver) , 268, 270 , 327-28 , 332 , 33 6 Bison, 293-94 , 296 , 297 , 31 0 "Black Codes, " 20 9 "Black International, " 114-11 5 Black Kettle , 296 , 29 7 Blaine, James Gillespi e (1830-1893) , a s leader o f Hal f Breeds , 226 , 230 , 246 , 249-250, 254-255 , 258 ; electio n o f 1884, 260-262 ; 265 ; a s secretar y o f state, 268 , 2 7 7 - 7 8 ; cartoon , 24 5 Bland, Richar d Park s ("Silve r Dick" ) (1835-1899), 251,33 4 Bonsack, James , 6 7 Booth, John Wilke s (1838-1865) , 1 , 22 5 Bosses, 90 , 247-49 , 373-7 4 Boston Publi c Library , 174 , 184-85 , 18 9 Bowers, Henr y F. , 9 8 Boxer Rising , 35 2 Bradley, Josep h P. , 224 , 23 2 Breakers, the , 17 9 Brady, Thoma s J. , 25 7 Brinkley, Wilfre d E. , 32 3 Britain (England , Scotland , Wales , an d Ireland), 68 , 7 4 - 7 5 , 8 0 - 8 1 , 8 2 - 8 3 , 89 ; Anglo-American relations , 275 , 280 , 281,351-52 British-American Tobacc o Company , 6 9 British immigrants , 7 4 - 7 5 , 8 0 - 8 1 , 8 2 83, 94 , 10 3 Brooklyn Bridge , 138 ; photo , 14 1 Broughton, Georg e H . (1833-1905) , 17 1 Brown, Benjami n Grat z (1826-1885) , 10 3 Bryan, Willia m Jenning s (1869-1925) , 8 ; and agraria n revolt , 327—28 ; electio n (1896), 3 3 3 - 3 7 ; electio n (1900) , 3 5 2 53, 380 ; photo , 33 1 Bryce, James (1838-1922) , 156 , 26 0 Buchanan, Josep h R. , 11 9 Buffalo, 293-94 , 296 , 31 0 Burlingame Treat y o f 1868 , 96 , 27 5
1
Burnham, Danie l (1846-1912) , 167 , 190-92 Butler, Benjami n Frankli n (1818-1893) , 213, 24 8 Cahan, Abraha m (1860-1951) , 90-9 1 Calhoun, Willia m J. , 34 2 Cameron, (James ) Donal d (1833-1918) , 238, 248 , 25 9 Cameron, Simo n (1799-1889) , 24 8 Canada, 76 , 275 , 281 , 294, 298 , 30 0 Cardozo, Albert , 15 2 Carey Irrigatio n Ac t (1894) , 31 1 Carnegie, Andre w (1835-1919) , 33, 40 , 41, 55, 57 ; strategy , 36 , 38 , 58 , 6 0 - 6 2 , 70; U.S . Steel, 6 1 - 6 5 , 338 , 356; Home stead strike , 124-128 , 338 ; oppose s im perialism, 347 , 348 ; Gospe l o f Wealth , 70-72, 181 , 184 , 367 ; photo , 4 5 Carpetbaggers, 4 , 216 , 21 8 Casey, Edwar d Pearce , an d Thoma s Lin coln, 18 6 Cassatt, Mar y (1844-1926) , 183 , 19 8 Castle Garden , 8 3 Catt, Carri e Chapma n (1859-1947) , 37 6 Centennial, 6 , 8 , 22 , 92 , 169 ; illustration , 9 Central Pacifi c Railroad , 2 4 - 2 5 , 226 ; photo, 2 5 Chandler, Alfre d Dupont , Jr. , 39 , 6 9 Chase, Willia m Merrit t (1849-1916) , 193 Chase, Salmo n P . (1808-1873) , 22 9 Cheyenne, 296 , 297 , 298 , 302 , 31 0 Chicago, 136 ; paradig m o f industria l me tropolis, 138 , 140-44 , 148-49 ; meat packing an d grai n elevators , 286 ; fire , 141; spatia l plan , 142 ; architecture , 143-44; Hul l House , 161-64 ; Hay market affair , 103 , 112-18 ; Pullma n strike, 103 , 124 , 128-32 , 338 ; World' s Columbian Exposition , 18 , 165-66, 168, 174 , 190 ; Universit y of , 367 ; pho tos, 129 , 139 , 16 5 Child labor , 119 , 133,36 2 Chile, 27 8 China, 76 , 96 , 350-5 2 Chinese immigrants , 25 , 7 6 - 7 7 , 84 , 9 5 96
412 Index Chivington massacr e (1864) , 29 6 Church, Frederi c Edwi n (1826-1900) , 305 Cigarettes an d cigars , 66-70 , 26 8 Cities: growth , 10 , 135-36 ; Ne w York , 136, 140 , 142 , 143 , 146 ; publi c trans port, 136 , 164 ; dumbbel l tenements , 138, 139 ; crime , 139-40 ; cit y ma chines, 150-51 , 373-74 ; Twee d ring , 151-58; Chicago , 136 , 140-44 ; Chica go's spatia l arrangement , 142 ; skyscrapers, 143-44 , 179 ; ghettos , 146 , 148 ; public health , 148 , 149 ; fires , 141 , 149 , 150; schools , 150 , 367-68 ; municipa l reforms, 158-60 , 372 ; Jane Addam s and Hul l House , 160-64 ; suburbs , 164 ; Galveston commission , 166 ; illustra tions, 139 , 141 , 145 , 153 , 165 , 19 0 City Beautiful , 164-67 , 19 0 Civil Right s Acts : (1866) , 210 ; (1875) , 223 Civil Rights case s (1883) , 22 4 Civil Servic e reform , 248 , 252-5 9 Clark, James Beaucham p (1850-1921) , 347 Cleburne demands , 319 , 322 , 32 4 Cleveland, (Stephen ) Grove r (1837-1908) , 6, 92 , 159 , 244-45 , 247 , 258 , 259 ; election o f 188 4 an d firs t administratio n (1885-1889), 260-62 , 262-67 , 2 7 0 74, 359 ; secon d administratio n (1893 1897), 6 , 99 , 131 , 311 , 330 , 332 , 340 , 361; cartoon , 25 1 Clover, Ben , 320 , 32 2 Coal an d coa l mining , 10 , 61 , 85 , 1 0 8 10, 13 4 Coca-Cola, 43 , 6 9 Cody, Willia m F . ("Buffal o Bill" ) (1846 1917), 310 ; photo , 30 3 Coinage o f silver , 251 , 268 , 324 , 327-30 , 332, 33 6 Colfax, Schuyle r (1823-1885) , 226 , 22 8 Colonial Dames , 17 5 Colored Farmers ' National Allianc e an d Cooperative Union , 32 0 Columbia University , 188 , 19 0 Combine harvester , 3 9 Comer, Braxto n Brag g (1848-1927) , 37 4 Command o f th e Arm y Ac t (1867) , 21 2
Commercial Unio n o f America n States , 278 Compromise o f 1876/77 , 230-3 3 Confederates, 204 , 205 , 206 , 208 , 209 , 210,211,216,225 Congress. See U.S. Congres s Conkling, Rosco e (1829-1888) , 233 , 248 , 249, 254 , 258 ; cartoon , 24 5 Connolly, Richard , 151 , 152 , 156 , 15 7 Contract labor , 77 , 85-8 6 Cooke, Jay (1821-1905) , 29 , 41 , 21 4 Corn, 65-66, 246 , 323 , 325 , 33 7 Cornell, Alonz o Barto n (1832-1904) , 248, 254 , 25 8 Corporations, 38-70 , 102 , 354 , 356 , 36 4 Cotton, 208 , 235 , 236 , 246 , 318 , 319 , 323; photo , 32 1 Cowboys, 287 , 307 ; illustration , 28 3 Cox, Kenyo n (1856-1919) , 185 , 198 ; il lustrations, 79 , 19 7 Coxey's Army , 273-7 4 Credit Mobilier , 26 , 226-27 , 25 5 Crime (cities) , 139-140 ; (West) , 308-1 0 Croker, Richard , 90 , 35 4 Cromwell, Willia m Nelson , 57-5 8 Cronon, William , 304 , 3 0 6 - 7 Crop lie n system , 236 , 318 , 32 0 "Cross o f Gold " speech , 33 3 Cruikshank opinio n (1876) , 22 3 Cuba, 69 , 340-5 0 Cullom, Shelb y Moor e (1829-1914) , 53 , 359 Cummins, Alber t Bair d (1850-1926) , 37 4 Currency: greenbacks , 228-29 ; resump tion policie s (retur n t o th e gol d stan dard), 229 , 250-52 ; earl y Greenbac k movement, 251 ; bimetallism, 251-52 , 268, 270 , 328 ; retur n t o gol d standard , 271-73; "Battl e o f th e Standards, " 332-37; electio n o f 1900 , 35 2 Curtis, Georg e Willia m (1824-1892) , 26 1 Custer, Georg e A . (1839-1876) , 297 , 29 8 Czolgosz, Leon , 38 0 Dalrymple, Oliver , 29 2 Darrow, Clarenc e (1857-1938) , 13 1 Daughters o f th e America n Revolution , 175
Index 41 Davis, David , 10 7 Dawes Severalt y Ac t (1887) , 299-300 , 302 Daws, S . O. , 31 9 Debs, Eugen e Victo r (1855-1926) , 1 2 9 132, 133 ; photo, 10 1 Decorative arts , 172 , 174 , 176-77 , 1 7 8 79, 19 9 De Leon , Daniel , 13 2 De Lome , Enriqu e Dupuy , 342-4 3 Democrats: i n Reconstruction , 2 0 3 - 3 1 ; side wit h Libera l Republicans , 2 2 4 - 2 6 ; disputed electio n o f 1876 , 2 3 0 - 3 3 ; i n South, 233 ; party politics , 2 4 5 - 4 6 , 247; electio n o f 1884 , 2 6 0 - 6 2 ; Cleve land's administrations , 2 6 2 - 6 7 , 2 7 0 74; i n West , 293 ; an d Populists , 325 , 326, 327 , 330 , 331 , 332; campaig n o f 1896, 3 3 2 - 3 7 ; imperialism , 338 , 353 ; election o f 1900 , 3 5 2 - 5 3 , 38 0 Depressions: (1873) , 3 , 2 9 - 3 0 , 81 , 102 , 107, 228 , 291 , 323; (1893) , 3 , 44 , 102 , 323, 33 8 Derring, Thoma s (1851-1938) , 19 6 Desert Lan d Ac t (1877) , 29 0 Dewey, Georg e (1837-1917) , 3 4 4 - 4 5 , 353 Dingley tarif f (1897) , 28 8 Direct electio n o f senators , 37 5 Discovered Lands , Invente d Past s (ar t ex hibition), 3 0 2 - 8 Doctors, 364 , 3 6 6 - 6 7 , 36 9 Dominican Republi c (Sant o Domingo) , 275, 27 6 Donnelly, Ignatiu s (1831-1901) , 320 , 324, 325-26 , 330 ; photo , 33 1 Dooley, Mr. , 55 , 65, 350 , 353 , 354, 37 8 Douglass, Frederic k (c . 1817-1895) , 203 , 225 Drew, Danie l (1797-1895) , 3 0 - 3 2 Du Bois , William Edwar d Burghard t (1868-1963), 24 3 Duke, James Buchana n (1856-1925) , 43 , 66-70, 36 7 Dulles, Foste r Rhea , 10 7 Dumbbell tenements , 138 , 13 9 Dunne, Finle y Pete r (1867-1936) , 55, 65, 350, 353 , 35 4 Dvorak, Antoni n (1841-1904) , 9 9
3
Eakins, Thoma s (1844-1916) , 170 , 175 , 193 Eastwood, Clin t (b . 1930) , 30 8 Ecole de s Beau x Arts , Paris , 170 , 186 , 188, 19 3 Ecology, 310-1 2 Edison, Thoma s Alv a (1847-1931) , 11 , 14-20; photo , 1 6 Edmunds, Georg e F . (1828-1919) , 230 , 360 Education: general , 218 ; schools , 150 , 206, 218 , 237 , 238 , 299 , 3 6 7 - 6 8 ; higher, 36 7 Eight-hour movement , 104 , 115 , 117 , 119, 133,32 4 Elections: (1864) , 205 ; (1865) , 208 ; (1868), 214 ; (1870) , 224 ; (1872) , 2 2 4 26; (1876) , 2 3 0 - 3 3 , 247 , 251 ; (1878) , 318; (1880) , 247 , 2 5 4 - 5 5 , 318 ; (1882) , 247; (1884) , 247 , 258 , 2 6 0 - 6 2 ; (1888) , 247, 2 6 5 - 6 7 ; (1890) , 270 ; (1892) , 247 , 270, 327 ; (1894) , 274 ; (1896) , 3 3 2 - 3 7 ; (1898), 378 ; (1900) , 352-53, 379-8 0 Electricity, 11 , 12, 16-19 , 14 3 Elevator, 12 , 66, 14 3 Ellis Island , 8 4 Emporia Gazette, 328-29 , 334-3 5 Erdman Ac t (1898) , 13 3 Erie Railroad , 3 1 , 32, 34 , 27 0 European immigration , 7 3 - 9 9 Evarts, Willia m Maxel l (1818-1901) , 213, 25 0 Farmers, 246 , 2 8 7 - 8 8 , 2 9 0 - 9 3 , 313-16 , 357-58, 36 8 Farragher, Joh n Mack , 30 6 Farragut Memoria l (1877-1881) , 193-9 4 Federal Counci l o f Churches , 36 9 Federation o f Organize d Trade s an d La bor Unions , 11 5 Fetterman massacr e (1866) , 29 6 Fifteenth Amendmen t (1870) , 214 , 219 , 222, 223 , 24 0 Fires: cities , 141 , 149-50 ; prairies , 29 1 Fish, Hamilto n (1808-1893) , 215 , 274 , 279, 34 0 Fisk, James (1834-1872) , 3 0 - 3 2 , 4 1 , 154, 216 , 23 1 "Five Civilize d Tribes, " 290 , 30 2
414 Index Flint, Charles , 5 7 Foran Ac t (1885) , 85 , 9 7 Ford, Joh n (1895-1973) , 3 0 7 - 8 Foreign languag e newspapers , 8 9 Foreign policy , 2 7 4 - 8 1 , 3 4 0 - 5 3 ; pur chase o f Alaska , 275 ; Anglo-America n relations, 275 , 280 , 281 ; Latin America , 275, 276 , 2 7 7 - 7 8 , 281 ; naval prepar edness, 2 7 6 - 7 7 ; imperialism , 2 7 7 - 8 1 ; War o f 1898 , 3 4 0 - 5 3 ; Chin a an d Ope n Door, 350-5 2 Forest Reserv e Ac t (1891) , 31 1 Fortune, T . Thomas , 24 3 Fourteenth Amendmen t (1868) , 210 , 211, 212, 219 , 222 , 223 , 224 , 24 0 France, 9 2 , 3 5 1 - 5 2 Franklin, Joh n Hope , 220 , 22 2 Freedman's Bureau , 206 , 208 , 21 0 French-Canadian immigration , 7 6 French, Danie l Cheste r (1850-1931) , 168 , 185, 186 , 195-9 6 Frick, Henr y Cla y (1849-1919) , 60 , 1 2 5 26 Frontier, the : settlemen t of , 282—312 ; railroad penetration , 23—26 , 226—227, 255; "closin g o f th e frontier, " 282-84 , 338; minin g frontier , 2 8 4 - 8 6 ; ranchin g frontier, 2 8 6 - 8 7 ; farmin g frontier , 2 8 7 - 8 8 ; agricultura l revolutio n i n West, 290-92 ; statehoo d fo r territories , 2 9 2 - 9 3 ; exterminatio n o f buffalo , 293—94; traged y o f Nativ e Americans , 183, 2 9 4 - 3 0 1 ; conversio n o f India n Territory int o Oklahoma , 301—2 ; revi sionist histories , 3 0 2 - 8 ; artist s an d th e West, 3 0 4 - 5 ; legen d o f Wil d West , 308-10; ecology , 310-12 ; illustrations , 25, 283 , 289 , 295 , 303 , 309 , 31 5
Galveston Commission , 16 6 Garbage collection , 16 3 Garfield, Jame s A . (1831-1881) , 226 , 228, 232 , 2 4 4 - 4 5 , 246 , 254 ; adminis tration an d assassinatio n (1881) , 2 5 5 56 Gates, John W. , 58 , 12 5 General Amnest y Ac t (1872) , 22 6 General Electric , 19 , 4 4
George, Henr y (1839-1897) , 100 , 118 , 362 German immigrants , 7 4 - 7 5 , 7 8 - 7 9 , 8 8 89, 9 2 German Jews , 88-89 , 9 5 Germany, 68 , 7 4 - 7 5 , 7 8 - 7 9 , 81 , 83, 84 , 351-52 Geronimo (Goyathlay ) (1829-1908) , 29 7 Ghost Danc e movement , 3 0 0 - 1 Gibson, Charle s Dan a (1867-1944) , 19 6 Gilded Age, The, 3 Gladden, Washingto n (1836-1918) , 54 , 370 Glass: ornaments , 176-77 , 178 ; stained , 170, 172 , 179 , 18 2 Glidden, Josep h F . (1813-1906) , 29 0 Godkin, Edwi n L. , 252 , 34 7 Gold, 3 , 8 , 14 , 199 , 250-252 , 2 8 4 - 8 5 , 328, 330 , 335 , 33 7 Gold corne r o f 1869 , 30 , 21 6 Goldman, Emm a (1869-1940) , 126-12 7 Gold Standar d Ac t (1900) , 33 7 Gompers, Samue l (1850-1924) , 121-24 , 131-32,325 Goodwyn, Lawrence , 318 , 32 5 Gordin, Jacob , 9 0 Gould, Jay (1836-1892) , 15 , 3 0 - 3 2, 4 1, 119-20, 154 , 157 , 216 , 231 , 258, 260 , 262, 31 9 Gowen, Frankli n B. , 108 , 10 9 Grady, Henr y Woodfi n (1850-1889) , 23 4 Grain elevators , 316 , 317 , 35 8 Grandfather clause , 24 0 Grange, Th e (Nationa l Grang e o f th e Pa trons o f Husbandry) , 316-17 , 323 , 35 8 Grant, Ulysse s S . (1822-1885) , 4 , 30 , 214, 276 , 340 ; administation s (1869 1877), 103 , 215-16, 224 , 230 , 250 , 298; photo , 22 1 Great Norther n Railroad , 26 , 2 9 2 - 9 3 , 357 Great Railroa d Strik e o f 1877 , 103 , 1 1 0 12, 12 4 Greeley, Horac e (1811-1872) , 225-26 ; photo, 22 7 Greenback (Independen t National ) party , 106-7, 114,233,31 8 Greenbacks, 106-7 , 228-29 , 2 5 0 - 5 1 , 322
Index 41 Grimes, James Wilso n (1816-1872) , 1 0 6 7, 114,21 6 Grinnell, James S. , 11 7 Guam, 346 , 34 7 Guerin, Jule s (1866-1946) , 193 , 19 5 Guiteau, Charles , 25 6 Hadley, Arthu r T. , 6 4 Hale, Edwar d Everet t (1822-1909) , 5 4 Hale, Jay A . Hubbel , 256-5 7 Half Bree d Republicans , 2 3 0 - 3 3 , 247 , 249, 254 , 255 , 25 8 Hall, Oakey , 151 , 15 6 Halstead, Murat , 225 , 23 2 Hamilton, Alic e (1869-1970) , 16 2 Hancock, Winfield Scott , 254-5 5 Hanna, Marcu s Alonz o (1847-1904) , 134, 266 , 336 , 343 , 37 9 Harlan, Joh n Marshal l (1833-1911) , 240 , 242 Harriman, Edwar d H . (1848-1909) , 3 4 35 Harrison, Benjami n (1833-1901) , 2 4 4 45, 246 , 265—67 ; administratio n (1889-1893), 238 , 267-68 , 2 7 0 - 7 1 , 301,311,332,360 Harvard University , 188 , 282 , 36 7 Hatch Ac t (1887) , 29 0 Havana, 341 , 343, 348-4 9 Havemeyer, Henr y Osborne , 40 , 182-84 , 265, 26 8 Havemeyer, Louisine , 182—8 4 Havemeyer, Willia m F. , 157 , 15 8 Hawaii, 77 , 275 , 279-80 , 346-4 7 Hawley, Hughso n (1850-1936) , 19 3 Hay, John M . (1838-1905) , 340 , 351-5 2 Hayes, Rutherfor d B . (1822-1893) , 15 , 244-45, 246 ; electio n (1876) , 2 3 0 233, 249-255 ; administratio n (1877 1881), 96 , 23 7 Haymarket affai r (1886) , 103 , 112-1 8 Hennessy case , 94—9 5 Hewitt, Abra m Steven s (1822-1903) , 11 8 Hill, James J. , 34 , 4 1 , 292-9 3 Hillquit, Morri s (1869-1933) , 13 3 Hispanic-Americans, 76 , 303 , 30 6 Hoar, Georg e Frisbi e (1826-1904) , 230 , 347, 353 , 36 0 Hofstadter, Richard , 36 4
5
Holdin companies , 5 5 - 5 8 , 65-66, 36 1 Home Insuranc e Building , 14 3 Homer, Winslo w (1836-1910) , 17 0 Homestead Ac t (1862) , 229 , 246 , 287 , 292 Homestead strik e (1892) , 60 , 103 , 1 2 4 28, 33 8 Hookworm disease , 36 6 Hoppin, Franci s L . V . (1867-1941) , 1 9 2 93 Horizontal integration , 39 , 48 , 6 5 Houdini, Harr y (Ehric h Weiss ) (1874 1926), 7 3 Howard, Olive r O . (1830-1909) , 20 6 Howe, Frederi c C. , 165 , 37 1 Howe, William , 15 2 Howells, Willia m Dea n (1837-1920) , 8 , 54 How the Other Half Lives, 148 ; photo , 153 Hull House , 161-64 , 36 9 Humphreys, Mar y Gay , 17 8 Hunt, Richar d Morri s (1827-95) , 143 , 168, 178 , 186 ; illustrations , 165 , 17 7 Huntington, Colli s P . (1821-1900) , 24 , 41, 24 9 Hydraulic societ y i n th e West , 311-1 2 Immigration, 4 , 6 , 10 , 7 3 - 9 9 ; ol d an d new, 7 3 - 7 4 ; Europea n emigration , 7 4 76; immigratio n fro m Canad a an d Mexico, 76; immigratio n fro m Asia , 7 6 - 7 7 ; b y steamships , 77—81 ; stat e an d railroad policies , 81—83 ; reception , 83— 84; settlement , 84 , 86 ; industria l oppor tunities an d federa l policies , 8 5 - 8 6 ; ac culturation, 87 ; immigrant s an d reli gion, 88-89 , 95 , 9 7 - 9 8 ; foreig n language press , 89 ; Jewish creativity , 90-92; educatio n an d facilit y i n En glish, 92 , 150 ; Statu e o f Liberty , 9 2 93, 198 ; Nativism , 9 3 - 9 9 ; Fora n Act , 97; AP A an d IRL , 98 ; an d labor , 102 , 103, 354 ; ghettos , 136 , 146 , 148 ; polit ical machines , an d settlemen t o f th e West, 283 ; illustrations , 75 , 79 , 87 , 93 , 153, 28 9 Immigration Restrictio n Leagu e (IRL) , 9 8
416 Index Imperialism, 4 , 63 ; naval development , 2 7 6 - 7 7 ; debates , 2 7 7 - 7 8 , 349-50 , 353; acquisitio n o f Samoa , 2 8 0 - 8 1 ; annexation o f Hawaii , 279-80 , 346; Wa r o f 1898 , 3 4 0 - 4 8 ; acquisitio n of Philippines , 347-49 ; China , 3 5 0 52 Income tax , 27 3 Indian Ac t (1867) , 29 7 Indianapolis Sentinel, 2 7 Indian Right s Association , 29 8 Indians. See Nativ e American s Indian Territor y (fro m 1890 , Oklahoma) , 286, 296 , 3 0 1 - 2 Industrial Revolution , 6 - 3 5 , 85 , 100 ; manufacturing capacity , 10-12 ; inven tions an d contributio n o f Edison , 1 2 23; railroads , 10 , 2 3 - 2 9 , 35 ; panic an d depression (1873) , 3 , 2 9 - 3 0 , 81 , 102 , 107, 228 , 291 , 323; panic an d depres sion (1893),.3 , 44, 102 , 338 , 323 ; "robber barons, " 3 0 - 3 3 ; Morga n an d finance, 3 0 - 3 5 ; industria l consolida tion, 3 8 - 3 9 , 4 0 - 4 2 , 5 5 - 5 8 , 6 5 - 6 6 ; managerial revolution , 43 ; Rockefelle r and oil , 44 , 4 6 - 5 5 ; Carnegi e an d steel , 58, 6 0 - 6 2 ; creatio n o f U.S . Steel, 36 , 38, 6 2 - 6 5 ; Duk e an d tobacco , 66— 70; wor k force , 10 ; labor , 100-134 ; illustrations, xviii , 9 , 16 , 17 , 25 , 141 Infant mortality , 36 6 Initiative, 374-7 5 In re Debs (1895) , 13 2 In re Lennon (1897) , 13 3 Insular case s (1901) , 35 0 Interior design , 17 2 Internationals, 112 , 11 4 Interstate Commerc e Commissio n (ICC) , 359-60 Inventions: genera l significanc e an d th e contributions o f Ediso n an d Bell , 1 1 22; barbe d wire , 290 ; bicycles , 39 ; elec tric ligh t an d electricity , 11 , 12, 16-19 ; elevator, 12 , 66, 143 ; motion pictures , 12, 20 ; phonograph , 12 , 15 , 20; rail road development , 2 3 - 2 9 ; skyscrapers , 143-44, 179 ; improve d steel , 3 6 - 3 9 ; telegraph, 4 , 1 1 - 1 3 , 25 , 35; telephone ,
4, 11 , 12, 2 1 - 2 3 , 35 , 143 ; typewriter , 12, 39 , 14 3 Ireland, 7 4 - 7 5 , 8 4 Irish immigration , 7 4 - 7 5 , 78 , 85 , 94 , 10 3 Italian immigrants , 74 , 76 , 87 , 92 , 9 4 - 9 5 Italy, 69 , 74 , 76 , 81 , 85-86, 87 , 170 , 179, 193 , 351-5 2 Jackson, Hele n Hun t (1830-1910) , 29 9 James, Henr y (1843-1916) , 19 6 James, Willia m (1842-1910) , 7 1 Janney, El i H. , 2 8 Japan an d Japanese , 68 , 77 , 175 , 182 , 183 Jenney, Willia m L e Baron (1832-1907) , 143 Jessup; William , 10 5 Jewish creativity , 9 0 - 9 2 Johnson, Andre w (1808-1875) : adminis tration (1865-1869) , 158 , 2 0 5 - 6 , 208-12; impeachmen t an d trial , 2 1 2 14, 250 ; cartoon , 20 7 Johnson, Hira m Warre n (1866-1945) , 374 Johnson, To m Lofton , 160 , 37 2 Johnston, France s Benjami n (1864-1952) , photos, 159 , 16 5 Jones, George , 15 6 Jones, Samue l Milto n ("Golde n Rule" ) (1846-1904), 160 , 37 2 Jones, William , 60 , 10 3 Josephy, Alvi n M. , Jr. , 30 0 Judah, Theodor e Dehone , 2 4 Kearney, Dennis , 9 5 Kehoe,Jack, 11 0 Kelley, Florenc e (1859-1932) , 162 , 3 6 9 70 Kelley, Olive r Hudson , 31 6 Kellogg, Edward , 10 6 Kelly, John, 9 0 Kern, Ome r Madiso n (1855-1942) , 32 2 Kenna, Michael , 9 0 Kipling, (Joseph ) Rudyar d (1865-1936) , 348 Knights o f Labor , 103 , 118-21 , 122 , 132 , 319, 32 4 Knight v . U.S. (1895) , 36 1 Ku Klu x Klan , 4 , 222-2 3
Index 41 Labor Unions , 4 , 100-134 ; work , 100 ; workers' resentmen t o f plutocracy , 180 , 354; initia l growt h o f unions , 1 0 2 - 3 ; NLU, 1 0 3 - 5 ; wome n an d African Americans, 1 0 5 - 6 ; NL U an d Green back movement , 106-7 ; "year s o f up heaval," 107 ; Moll y Maguires , 107-10 ; Great Railroa d Strike , 110-12 ; social ism, 112-14 ; Haymarke t affair , 1 1 4 18; Knight s o f Labor , 1 1 8 - 2 1 , 122 , 319; Wabas h strike , 120 , 319 ; Gomper s and AFL , 121-24 , 131 , 132 ; oppositio n to Chines e immigration , 9 5 - 9 6 ; Home stead strike , 124-28 , 338 ; Deb s an d Pullman strike , 1 2 8 - 3 1 ; labo r legisla tion, 133 ; an d Populists , 101 , 129 ; min ers i n 1900 , 134 ; illustrations , 101 , 12 9 La Farge , John (1835-1910) , 168 , 170 , 178, 179 , 198 , 19 9 La Follette , Rober t Marion , Sr . (1855 1925), 338 , 37 4 Lamb, William , 31 9 Landscape architecture , 167 , 19 0 Lawyers, 367 , 36 9 Lazarus, Emm a (1849-1887) , 9 2 - 9 3 Lease, Mar y ("Ellen" ) Elizabet h Clyen s (1853-1933), 325 , 376 Legal Tende r Ac t (1862 ) an d decision s (1870/71), 22 9 Leutze, Emanue l Gottlie b (1816-1868) , 305 Liberal Republicans , 224 , 226 , 24 6 Library o f Congress , 185-86 ; photo , 19 1 Lincoln, Abraha m (1809-1865) : adminis trations (1861-1865) , 2 - 3 , 8 , 195 , 203, 215 , 246, 248 , 252 , 337 ; Recon struction policies , 2 , 2 0 4 - 5 , 214 ; assas sination, 1 , 225; photo , 7 Lincoln Memorial , 195—9 6 Lloyd, Henr y Demares t (1847-1903) , 52 , 54, 132 , 329 , 356 , 359 , 37 1 Lodge, Henr y Cabo t (1850-1924) , 98 , 347, 37 9 Lodge Federa l Election s bil l (1870) , 238 , 240 Looking Backward, 102 , 164-65 , 36 2 Low, Set h (1850-1916) , 159 , 37 2 Lowell, James Russel l (1819-1891) , 33 0 Lynching, 224 , 242 ; photo , 23 9
7
McCormick Strike , 108-9 , 11 5 McKim, Charle s Folle n (1867-1870) , 167, 168 , 175 , 184 , 188-89 , 190 ; photo, 19 5 McKim, Mea d an d White , 175 , 179 , 188-89, 192 , 19 3 McKinley, Willia m (1843-1901) , 246 , 340; electio n o f 1896 , 332 , 3 3 6 - 3 7 ; administration (1897-1901) , 311 , 3 4 0 52, 378 ; wa r o f 1898 , 347-49 , 349 ; Open Doo r policy , 3 5 0 - 5 2 ; electio n o f 1900, 3 5 2 - 5 3 , 3 7 9 - 8 0 ; assassination , 380; photos , 373 , 37 9 McKinley Tarif f (1890) , 268 , 270 , 327 , 338 McMillan, James , 25 9 McMillan Par k Commissio n (1901) , 167 , 192 MacMonnies, Frederic k (1863-1937) , 185 McParlan, James , 108- 9 Macune, Charle s W. , 319 , 320 , 32 2 Mafia, 9 4 - 9 5 Magee, Bryan , 9 1 - 9 2 Mahan, Alfre d Thaye r (1840-1914) , 276 , 341 Maine, 277 , 343-4 4 Malaria, 36 4 Manifest Destiny , 282 , 305 , 34 9 Manila Bay , battl e o f (1898) , 34 5 Marx, Kar l (1818-1883) , 112 , 113 , 37 0 Massachusetts Institut e o f Technolog y (MIT), 187-88 , 36 4 Maximum Freight Rate Cas e (1897) , 36 0 Medicine, 364 , 366-67 Melchers, Gar i (1860-1932) , 19 8 Melting Pot, The, 9 0 Mennonites, 8 2 Mergers, 44 , 55-56, 65-66 Metropolitan Museu m o f Art , Ne w York , 182, 18 4 Metropolitan Opera , 181-8 2 Mexican immigrants , 7 6 Middle classes , 354 , 3 6 3 - 6 4 , 366-69 Midway Islands , 27 5 Midwest, th e [Illinois , Indiana , Iowa , Kan sas, Michigan , Minnesota , Missouri , Nebraska, Nort h Dakota , Ohio , Okla homa, Sout h Dakota , Wisconsin] : ad -
4 1 8 Index Midwest (Continued) mission o f Nebrask a t o Unio n (1867) , 292; admissio n o f Nort h Dakot a an d South Dakot a t o Union , 268 , 293 ; development o f industr y an d manufactur ing, 6 , 8 , 10-12 , 29 ; railroads , 2 3 - 3 5 ; industrial consolidation , 3 0 - 6 5 ; immi gration, 7 3 - 9 9 ; Republica n bases , 246 ; Chicago, 138 , 140-42 , 148-49 ; Chi cago schoo l o f architecture , 143-44 ; Hull House , 161-64 ; conversio n o f In dian Territor y int o Oklahoma , 3 0 1 - 2 ; agrarian revolt , 313—22 ; Populism , 322-27; electio n o f 1896 , 327-3 7 Millet, Franci s Davi d (1846-1912) , 19 3 Mineral Lan d Ac t (1866 ) an d amend ments, 28 5 Mining frontier , 11 , 85, 108-110 , 2 8 4 86 Mississippi Constitutio n (1890) , 238-4 0 Mitchell, John (1840-1919) , 110 , 13 4 Molly Maguires , 103 , 107-11 0 Monopolies, 3 8 - 7 0 , 3 5 6 - 6 1 ; rings , 39 ; trusts an d holdin g companies , 55—58 , 259; manageria l revolution , 43 ; Rocke feller an d oil , 44 , 4 6 - 5 5 ; Carnegi e an d steel, 6 0 - 6 2 , 70 ; Duk e an d tobacco , 6 6 - 7 0 ; Morgan , finance an d railroads , 3 4 - 3 5 , 235 , 360 ; U.S . Steel, 36 , 37 , 61—65, 338 ; attac k o n monopolies , 356-57 Monroe Doctrine , 347 , 34 9 Morgan, Joh n Pierpon t (1837-1913) , 3 1 72, 134 ; background , 3 3 - 3 4 ; back s Edison, 16-17 ; railroa d objectives , 3 4 35, 235 , 360 ; creatio n o f U.S . Steel, 36 , 37, 6 1 - 6 5 , 338 , 356 ; back s bond s fo r Cleveland, 2 7 2 - 7 3 ; photo , 4 5 Mormons, 28 2 Morrill, Justin Smit h (1810-1898 ) an d Morrill Act s (1861 , 1862 , 1893) , 246 , 264, 265 , 29 0 Morris, Willia m (1834-96) , 17 2 Motion pictures , 12 , 2 0 Mowbray, H . Siddon s (1850-1928) , 198 , 199 Mullaney, Kate , 10 5 Munn v . Illinois (1877) , 317 , 35S
Murals, 170 , 174 , 185 , 198-99 ; illustra tion, 18 7 Myers, Isaac , 105 , 10 6 Nast, Thoma s (1840-1902) , 94 , 156 , 158, 225 ; cartoons , 207 , 21 7 Nation, The, 111 , 112 , 252 , 266-67 , 27 5 National America n Woma n Suffrag e Asso ciation (NAWSA) , 37 6 National Anti-Monopol y League , 35 8 National Civi l Servic e Refor m League , 256 National Colore d Labo r Union , 10 6 National Consumers ' League , 16 2 National Educatio n Associatio n (NEA) , 368 National Farmers ' Allianc e an d Coopera tive Union , 31 9 National Labo r Refor m Party , 10 7 National Labo r Unio n (NLU) , 103-7 , 115,324,325 National Municipa l League , 16 0 National Negr o Busines s League , 24 3 National Refor m Pres s Association , 32 2 National Sculptur e Society , 17 4 National Societ y o f Mura l Painters , 17 0 National Unio n party , 205 , 21 1 Native American s (Indians) , 96 , 282 , 286 , 288, 293-302 ; exterminatio n o f buf falo, 293-94 , 296 , 297 ; "Fiv e Civilize d Tribes" confine d t o reservations , 296 ; Plains Wars , 296 , 310 ; federa l policie s toward, 2 9 7 - 9 8 ; Re d Rive r Wars , 297 ; Sioux Wars , 2 9 7 - 9 8 ; India n right s as sociations, 2 9 8 - 9 9 ; Dawe s Act , 2 9 9 300, 302 ; Ghos t Danc e movemen t an d massacre a t Wounde d Knee , 300—301 , 338; openin g o f India n Territory , 3 0 1 2; revisionis t historians , 304 , 305 , 306 ; in th e arts , 196 , 3 0 7 - 8 Nativism, 92-9 9 Naval Ac t (1890) , 27 7 "Negro rule, " 22 0 New Englan d Glas s Compan y (1818—88) , 176 New Jerse y an d th e trusts , 56—5 7 New Societ y o f America n Artists , 19 8
Index 41 New Yor k Centra l Railroad , 32 , 33 , 138 , 154 New Yor k City : paradig m o f bi g city , 136-40, 142 , 143 , 146 , 148-49 ; publi c transport, 136 ; dumbbel l tenements , 138, 139 ; crime , 139-40 ; immigran t ghettos, 146 , 148 ; cit y machines , 1 5 0 51; Twee d Ring , 151-58 ; municipa l re forms, 158-60 , 372 ; Ne w Yor k press , 40, 94 , 341 , 342, 345 , 348 ; photos , 37 , 59, 93 , 141 , 153 , 177 , 35 1 New Yor k Custo m House , 248 , 2 5 3 - 5 5 , 258 New Yor k Tribun e Building , 14 3 Nineteenth Amendmen t (1920) , 37 6 Northeast, th e [Connecticut , Delaware , Maine, Maryland , Massachusetts , Ne w Hampshire, Ne w Jersey , Ne w York , Pennsylvania, Rhod e Island , Vermont] : development o f industr y an d manufac turing, 6 , 8 , 10-12 , 29 ; industria l con solidation, 3 0 - 6 5 ; immigration , 7 3 - 9 9 ; African-American migration , 105 ; la bor, 104 , 105 , 107-12 , 118-24 , 1 3 3 34; Democrati c base s i n cities , 246 ; Re publican base s i n states , 246 ; Ne w York City , 138-40 , 146 , 148-49 , 1 5 0 60; buildings : 177-82 , 184 , 185-9 3 Northern Pacifi c Railroad , 26 , 29 , 34 , 83 , 292, 29 3 Northern Securitie s Company , 3 5 Oakley, Anni e (Phoeb e Ann e Oakle y Moses) (1860-1926) , 310 ; photo , 30 9 O'Donnell, Hugh , 125 , 12 7 Oil, 39 , earl y years , 46 ; Rockefeller' s con tribution, 4 7 - 5 0 , 70 ; Standar d Oi l trust, 5 0 - 5 5 Okahoma, openin g of , 3 0 1 - 2 Olmsted, Frederic k Law , Jr., an d Joh n Charles, 16 7 Olmsted, Frederic k Law , Sr . (1822-1903) , 190 Olney, Richar d (1835-1913) , 130 , 341, 361 Omaha platfor m (1892) , 324 , 33 0 Omnibus bil l (1889) , 29 3
9
O'Neill, William , 36 9 Open Doo r notes , 3 5 1 - 5 2 Pacific Railroa d Ac t (1862) , 2 4 Padrone system , 85—8 6 Page, Walte r Hines , 36 6 Painting, 170 , 171 , 174-75 , 185 , 186 , 193-94, 196-9 9 Pan America n Exposition , Buffal o (1901) , 166; photos , xviii , 37 9 Panic an d depression : (1873) , 3 , 2 9 - 3 0 , 81, 102 , 107 , 228 , 291 , 323; (1893) , 3 , 44, 102 , 338 , 32 3 Parsons, Albert , 114 , 116 , 11 7 Pendleton Civi l Service Ac t (1883) , 2 5 7 58 Pennsylvania Railroa d (Th e Pennsy) , 28 , 3 3 , 5 8 , 62 , 1 1 1 , 2 3 2 , 3 1 5 Pennsylvania Station , 18 9 People's part y (th e Populists) , 311 , 318— 36, 338 , 363 , 37 6 Peyote, 30 0 Phelan, James D. , 159 , 37 2 Philippines, 345 , 347 , 348 , 35 3 Phillips, Wendel l (1811-1884) , 209 , 35 0 Phonograph, 12 , 15 , 20; photo , 1 6 Piatt, Don n (1819-1891) , 24 7 Pillsbury, Charles , 4 0 Pingree, Hazen , 160 , 372-7 3 Pinkerton Nationa l Detectiv e Agency , 108-9, 110 , 1 2 6 , 3 0 8 , 3 2 4 Pioneer settlers , 2 8 7 - 8 8 , 2 9 0 - 9 3 , 3 1 3 - 1 7 Pittsburgh survey , 37 0 Piatt, Charle s Adam s (1861-1933) , 19 0 Piatt, Orvill e Hitchcoc k (1827-1905) , 259 Piatt, Thoma s Collie r (1833-1910) , 248 , 255, 259 , 265 , 378-8 0 Piatt Amendmen t (1901) , 34 9 Plessy v . Ferguson (1896) , 98 , 240 , 24 2 Police, 108 , 115-16 , 139-40 , 148 , 37 8 Polish immigrants , 76 , 86 , 8 7 Polk, Leonida s Lafayette , 323 , 32 5 Pollock v . Farmer's Loan and Trust Company (1895) , 27 3 Poll taxes , 238-3 9 Pools, 39 , 7 8 Poor, H . W. , hous e (1899-1901) , 17 6
420 Index Population, 10 , 11 , 328, 35 4 Populism an d Populists : origin s an d pre cursors, 236 , 3 1 3 - 1 8 ; cro p lie n system , 3 1 8 - 2 0 ; earl y electio n experiences , 233 , 270; Populis t movemen t 3 2 0 - 2 7 ; Omaha platform , 324 ; involvemen t o f African-Americans, 320 , 325 , 326 ; bi metallism, 327-30 , 332 , 336 ; "battl e o f the standards, " 3 2 2 - 3 7 ; illustrations , 315,317,331 Portuguese immigrants , 8 4 Post, Georg e B . (1837-1913) , 17 8 Powderly, Terenc e (1849-1924) , 1 1 9 - 2 1 , 122 Pratt, Bel a (1867-1927) , 184 , 18 5 Pratt, Richar d H. , 29 9 Primary elections , 37 5 Proctor, Alexande r Phimiste r (1862 1950), 19 6 Proctor, Redfiel d (1831-1908) , 34 4 Progress and Poverty, 100 , 36 2 Progressives an d progressivism : ris e o f dis sent, 354 , 356 , 362 , 363 ; attac k o n mo nopolies, 3 5 6 - 5 7 ; legislatio n t o regulat e railroads, 3 5 7 - 6 0 ; Sherma n Anti-Trus t Act, 3 6 0 - 6 1 1 ; politica l an d socia l re forms, 361—63; background s o f Pro gressives, 3 6 3 - 6 4 ; professions , 364 , 3 6 6 - 6 8 ; advance s i n medicine , 364 , 366, 367 ; education , 3 6 7 - 6 8 ; profes sional women , 3 6 9 - 7 0 ; socia l wor k and Socia l Gospe l movement , 3 6 9 - 7 0 ; reform administration s 371-74 , 374 ; extending democracy , 374-75; wom en's suffrage , 3 7 5 - 7 7 Prohibition o f alcohol , 261-62 , 2 6 6 - 6 7 Promoters o f trusts , 5 7 Protestant churches , 370-7 1 Puerto Rico , 69 , 345-46 , 347 , 350 , 36 6 Pullman, Georg e W . (1831-1897) , 8 , 2 8 29, 33 , 128-13 0 Pullman strik e (1894) , 103 , 124 , 128-32 ; illustration, 12 9 Puvis d e Chavannes , Pierr e (1824-1898) , 185 Quay, Matthe w Stanle y (1833-1904) , 248, 265-26 6
Radical Republicans , 2 0 9 - 1 5 , 222-26 , 246 Railroads, 10 , 11 , 23—35; construction , freight, an d lan d grants , 23 , 29, 30 , 35 , 140; transcontinental , 10 , 11 , 2 4 - 2 6, 226-27, 284 , 306 ; rails , gauges , an d standard times , 2 6 - 2 7 ; accident s an d safety equipment , 28 ; Pullma n cars , 2 8 - 2 9 ; overextensio n an d pani c o f 1873, 2 9 - 3 0 ; robbe r barons , 3 0 - 3 5 , 38; corporat e structure , 35 ; rebates , drawbacks, etc. , 47; Standar d Oil , 40 , 47; discriminator y rate s an d stat e legis lation, 3 5 7 - 6 0 ; policie s t o immigrants , 81; Grea t Railroa d strike , 110-12 ; Pullman strike , 103 , 124 , 128-132 ; Erdman Ac t (1898) , 133 ; in South , 232 , 2 3 4 - 3 5 ; depressio n o f 1893 , 44, 102 ; settlement o f West , 2 4 - 2 6 , 264 ; farm ers' resentmen t of , 3 1 5 - 1 7 ; abuse s by , and regulatio n of , 3 5 6 - 6 1 ; illustrations , 25, 12 9 Ranching frontier , 284 , 2 8 6 - 8 7 Reagan, Joh n Henninge r (1818-1905) , 359 Recall, 374-7 5 Reconstruction: th e Sout h i n 1865 , 2 0 3 4; presidentia l restoration , 2 0 4 - 6 , 2 0 8 9, 214 ; Radica l Reconstruction , 2 0 9 15, 2 2 3 - 2 4 ; Grant , 216 ; "carpetbag gers," "scalawags, " an d "Negr o rule, " 2 1 6 - 1 8 ; ne w stat e constitutions , 2 1 8 20; terroris m an d K u Klu x Klan , 220 , 222—23; "souther n redemption, " 220 ; compromise o f 1876/77 , 2 3 0 - 3 3 ; illus trations, 207 , 213 , 21 7 Reconstruction Acts : (1867) , 211 , 212; (1868), 21 8 Red Rive r war s (187 4 an d 1875) , 29 7 Reed, Thoma s Bracket t (1839-1902) , 267, 332 , 337 , 347 ; cartoon , 269 Reed, Walte r (1851-1902) , 34 9 Referendum, 374-7 5 Reform Judaism , 8 8 Reid, Whitelaw , 233 , 341 , 34 6 Remington, Frederi c (1861-1909) , 196 , 305; illustration , 28 3
Index 42 Republicans: Radica l policie s i n Recon struction, 204-206 , 208-218 , 220 , 222-24; Libera l Republica n movement , 224-26; disputed electio n o f 1876 , 230-33; factions , 246-47 , 2 4 9 - 5 1 ; Civil Servic e reform , 252—60 ; electio n of 1884 , 260-62 ; electio n o f 1888 , 265-67; politic s i n th e 1890s , 267-68 , 270; an d th e West , 293 ; an d Populists , 327, 332 , 334 ; electio n o f 1896 , 332 , 334, 335-37 ; imperialism , 341 , 353 ; election o f 1900 , 378-8 0 Resumption o f Speci e Paymen t Ac t (1875), 229 , 25 1 Revisionist historian s o f th e West , an d their critics , 302- 8 Revolutionary Socialis t parties , 11 4 Richardson, Henr y Hobso n (1838-86 , 171-72, 18 8 Richardson, Willia m Alexande r (1811 1875), 2 2 9 - 3 0 Riis, Jacob A . (1849-1914) , 146 , 148 , 371; photos , 93 , 147 , 15 3 Rings, 3 9 "Robber barons, " 2, 3 0 - 3 5 , 38 , 4 0 - 4 1 , 43; firs t generation , 30 ; Vanderbil t fam ily, 3 1 - 3 2 ; rogu e financiers, 3 0 - 3 1 ; Morgan, 3 3 - 3 5 ; corporations , 3 8 - 4 1 ; backgrounds, 4 1 - 4 2 ; Socia l Darwinism , 4 2 - 4 3 ; Rockefeller , 44 , 4 6 - 5 5 ; trust s and holdin g companies , 5 5 - 5 8 , 259 ; Carnegie, 58 , 60-65 ; integratio n an d accumulation, 65-66; Duke , 66-70 ; Gospel o f Wealth , 7 0 - 7 2 ; patronag e o f art and architecture , 180 , 181 , 182-84 ; attack o n monopolies , 5 2 - 5 4 , 64—65 ; illustrations, 4 5 Robinson, Charle s Mulford , 166-6 7 Rockefeller, Joh n Daviso n (1839-1937) , 36, 38 , 255 ; earl y years , 46; industria l strategy, 4 7 - 5 0 , 70 ; Standar d Oil , 5 0 55; publi c antipathy , 48 ; philanthropy , 71, 366; photo , 4 5 Roman Catholi c church , 89 , 9 7 - 9 8 , 3 7 0 71 Roosevelt, Theodor e (1858-1919) , 8 , 118, 134 , 148 , 176 , 338 , 340 ; back ground, 377-78 ; war o f 1898 , 341 ,
1
343, 378 ; politica l rise , 311 , 379-80 ; cartoon, 35 5 Root, John Wellbor n (1850-91) , 144 , 190; photo , 14 5 Rumania, 7 4 Russell, Charle s M . (1864-1926) , 19 6 Ruskin, John (1819-1900) , 16 8 Russia, 74-76 , 84 , 314 ; Russia n immi grants, 7 4 - 7 6 , 7 8 - 7 9 , 80 , 84 , 86 , 92 ; Russo-American relations , 275 , 351-5 2 Saint-Gaudens, Augustu s (1848-1907) , 168, 184-85 , 186 , 234 ; illustrations , 195, 19 7 St. Loui s Whiske y ring , 23 0 St. Raphaelsverein , 8 9 Salaried manager s (o f corporations) , 4 3 Salary Gra b Ac t (1873) , 22 8 Samoa, 280-8 1 Sampson, Anthony , 44 , 5 1 Sand Cree k massacre , 29 6 Sargent, John Singe r (1856-1925) , 168 , 185, 196-98 ; mural , 187 ; photo , 17 3 "Scalawags," 216 , 21 8 Scandinavian immigrants , 7 4 - 7 5 , 80 , 81 , 83, 92 , 9 4 Schurz, Car l (1829-1906) , 36 , 224 , 250 , 253, 347 ; photo , 25 3 Schwab, Charle s W . 36 , 12 8 Scott, Thoma s A. , 41 , 58 , 23 2 Sculpture, 170 , 171 , 174-75 , 185 , 186 , 194-96, 197-9 9 Secret ballot , 37 5 Settlement houses , 161-64 , 3 6 9 - 7 0 Seventeenth Amendmen t (1913) , 37 5 Seward, Willia m Henr y (1801-1872) , 274-75 Seymour, Horati o (1810-1886) , 21 4 Sharecropping, 23 6 Shaw Memoria l (1884-97) , photo , 19 5 Sheridan, Philip , 211,29 7 Sherman, John (1823-1900) , 229 , 230 , 232, 246 , 250 , 251-52 , 265 , 36 0 Sherman Anti-Trus t Ac t (1890) , 131 , 338 , 360-61 Sherman Silve r Purchas e Ac t (1890) , 270 , 272
422 Index Sholes, Christophe r Latha m (1819-1890) , 12 Silver, 8 , 229 , 250-52 , 268 , 270 , 2 8 4 85, 324 , 327-30 , 332-37 , 33 8 Simpson, Jeremiah , 326 , 32 9 Siney,John, 103 , 10 8 Singer Sewin g Machin e Company , 66 Singleton, Benjami n ("Pap") , 23 7 Sioux, 296 , 297 , 298 , 30 0 Sitting Bul l (Tatank a Iyotake ) (c . 183 1 — 1890), 298 , 300 , 310 ; photo , 29 5 Skyscrapers, 143-44 , 179 ; photo , 14 5 Slavic immigration , 74—76 , 8 6 Smith, Henr y Nash , 3 0 3 - 4 Smith, Richar d Mayo , 9 8 Smithmeyer, John , an d Pelz , Pau l J. , 1 8 5 86 Social Darwinism , 4 2 - 4 3 , 27 7 Social Gospel , 370-7 1 Socialism an d Socialis t parties , 113-14 , 118 Social work , 36 9 Society o f America n Artists , 17 1 Society o f Beaux-Art s Architects , 17 4 Soldiers' an d Sailors ' Memoria l Arch , Brooklyn (1889-92) , 17 5 South, th e [Alabama , Arkansas , Florida , Georgia, Kentucky , Louisiana , Missis sippi, Nort h Carolina , Sout h Carolina , Texas, Virginia , Wes t Virginia] : condi tion afte r th e Civi l War , 2 0 3 - 4 ; Recon struction, 204-24 , 2 3 0 - 3 3 ; ne w stat e constitutions, 218-20 ; racis m an d ter rorism, 220 , 222—23 ; compromise o f 1876/77, 2 3 0 - 3 3 , 2 4 9 - 5 5 ; a s bas e fo r Democratic party , 240 , 247 ; Ne w South, 67, 204 , 233-36; Duk e an d to bacco, 43 , 6 6 - 7 0 , 268 ; railroads , 232 , 2 3 4 - 3 5 ; Biltmore , 177-82 ; ineffectiv e campaigns fo r immigrants , 82 ; socia l discrimination an d disfranchisemen t o f African-Americans, 2 3 8 - 4 2 ; souther n Alliance movement , 3 1 8 - 2 3 ; Populism , 324-27; Henness y case , 9 4 - 9 5 ; Galves ton Commission , 166 ; treatmen t o f Hookworm disease , 366 ; illustrations , 200, 207 , 217 , 239 , 317 , 32 1 South Improvemen t Company , 48—4 9 Spain, 275 , 276 , 340-4 8
Spanish-American Wa r (1898) , 340-4 8 Spencer, Herber t (1820-1903) , 4 2 Spies, August , 114 , 115 , 11 6 Splendid Legacy : Th e Havemeye r Collec tion (ar t exhibition) , 182-8 4 Stagecoach, 30 7 Stained glass , 170 , 172 , 179 , 18 2 Stalwart Republicans , 247 , 249 , 254 , 255 , 256 Standard Oi l Company , 43 , 44 , 4 6 - 5 5 , 66, 357 , 35 9 Standard times , 27 , 35 Stanford, Lelan d (1824-1893) , 20 , 2 4 Stanton, Edwi n McMaster s (1814-1869) , 1,212 Stanton, Elizabet h Cady , (1815-1902) , 377 Starr, Elle n Gates , 161-6 4 Star Rout e frauds , 256-5 7 Statue o f Liberty , 9 2 - 9 3 , 198 ; photo , 9 3 Steamships an d steamshi p companies , 7 7 81 Steel, 10 , 16 , 36 , 3 8 - 3 9 , 58 , 6 0 - 6 5 , 124-28 Steffens, Josep h Lincol n (1866-1936) , 2 , 57 Stevens, Thaddeus (1792-1868) , 204 , 209-10, 21 2 Steward, Ira , 103 , 10 4 Stiles, Charle s Wardell , 366 Stockyards, 120 , 142 , 28 6 Strikes: Moll y Maguires , 107-110 , 124 , 134; Grea t Railroa d strike , 110-12 ; McCormick strik e an d Haymarke t af fair, 114-18 ; Wabas h an d Grea t South west strikes , 120 , 319 ; Homestea d strike, 124-28 , 338 ; Deb s an d th e Pull man strike , 1 2 8 - 3 1 ; miners ' (1900) , 134 Strong, Josiah, 27 7 Subtreasury plan , 320 , 32 2 Sugar, 40 , 268 , 340 , 341 , 36 1 Sullivan, Loui s Henr y (1856-1924) , 44 , 144 Sullivan, Mark , 12 , 19 , 44, 72 , 35 6 Sumner, Charle s (1811-1874) , 205 , 211, 223, 27 5 Sumner, Willia m Graham , 42 , 43 , 7 1 "Survival o f th e fittest," 4 2
Index 42
3
Sweeney, Pete r Barr , 151 , 15 6 Swift, Gustavu s Frankli n (1839-1903) , 40, 70 , 28 6 Sylvis, William, 103 , 10 6
Tweed, Willia m Marc y (1823-1878 ) an d Tweed Ring , 151-5 8 Twine binder , 28 8 Typewriter, 12 , 39 , 14 3
Tacoma Building , 143-4 4 Taft, Willia m Howar d (1857-1930) , 246 , 348 Tammany Hall , 90 , 152 , 154 , 156 , 157 , 158, 26 0 Tarbell, Id a Minerv a (1857-1944) , 37 1 Tariffs, 42 , 146 , 256 , 2 6 4 - 6 5 , 266 , 268 , 270, 335 , 35 0 Taubeneck, Herman , 329 , 330 , 33 4 Teachers, 368 , 36 9 Telegraph, 4 , 1 1 - 1 3 , 2 5 , 3 5 Telephone, 4 , 11 , 12 , 2 1 - 2 3 , 35 , 14 3 Teller, Henr y Moor e (1830-1914) , 34 4 Tenure o f Offic e Ac t (1867) , 212 , 2 1 3 214 Tesla, Nikol a (1856-1943) , 1 8 Test Oaths case s (1867) , 21 2 Thayer, Abbot t (1849-1921) , 19 3 Tiffany, Loui s Comfor t (1848-1933) , 172, 176 , 179 , 18 2 Tilden, Samue l Jone s (1814-1886) , 1 5 5 56, 157-58 , 2 3 0 - 3 3 Tiles, 172 , 17 4 Tillman, Benjami n Rya n (1847-1918) , 240, 330 , 33 3 Timber an d Ston e Ac t (1878) , 29 0 Timber Cultur e Ac t (1873) , 29 0 Tobacco, 6 6 - 7 0 , 268 , 35 0 Tompkins Squar e Rio t (1874) , 107-108 , 121 Transcontinental railroads , 10 , 2 4 - 2 6 , 226 Trevellick, Richard , 10 3 Trinity Churc h (1872-77) , 171-7 2 Trusts, 39 , 44 , 5 1 - 5 3 , 268 , 356. See also Monopolies Turner, Frederic k Jackso n (1861-1932) , 2 8 2 - 8 3 , 302 , 304 , 30 5 Turner, Henr y McNeal , 21 9 Tuskegee Industria l Institute , 24 2 Twain, Mar k (Samue l Langhorn e Cle mens) (1835-1910) , 3 , 285-86 , 347 , 356; photo , 2
Union Pacifi c Railroad , 23 , 2 4 - 2 6, 31 , 95, 226 , 249 , 294 ; photo , 2 5 United Min e Workers , 110 , 124 , 13 4 U.S. Congress , 38 ; Reconstruction : 205 , 208-12, 214 , 218 , 220-24 , 2 3 1 - 3 3 ; Civil Right s Ac t (1866) , 210 ; Civi l Rights Ac t (1875) , 223 ; Freedmen' s Bu reau bil l (1866) , 210 ; Reconstructio n Acts, (1867) , 211 , 212; Tenur e o f Of fice Act (1867) , 212 , 21 3 (1868) , 218 ; impeachment an d tria l o f Andre w John son, 212-14 ; Comman d o f th e Arm y Act (1867) , 2 1 2 - 1 4 ; K u Klu x Ac t (1871), 223 ; Genera l Amnest y Ac t (1872), 226 ; committee s an d commis sions: Joint Committe e o f Fifteen , 2 0 9 10; Joint Committe e o f Twenty-One , 223; Join t Electora l Commissio n (1876 / 77), 231-32 ; African-Americans : Blai r Federal Ai d t o Educatio n bil l (1870) , 238; Lodg e Federa l Election s bil l (1870), 238 , 240 ; currency : greenback s and resumption , 228-29 , 2 5 0 - 5 2 ; bi metallism, 251-52 , 268 , 270 , 328 ; re turn t o gol d standard , 2 7 1 - 7 3 , 352 ; Legal Tende r Ac t (1862) , 229 ; Coinag e Act (1873) , 251 ; Resumption o f Speci e Payment Ac t (1875) , 229 , 251 ; Sherman Silve r Purchas e Ac t (1890) , 270 ; Gold Standar d Ac t (1900) , 337 ; busi ness, politics , an d reform : 38 , 247 ; character o f Senate , 259-60 ; Credi t Mobilier scandal , 226 , 228 ; Salar y Grab Ac t (1873) , 228 ; Pendleto n Civi l Service Ac t (1883) , 2 5 7 - 5 8 ; larges s t o veterans, 246 , 2 6 2 - 6 4 ; tariffs , 146 , 256, 2 6 4 - 6 5 , 266 , 268 , 270 , 335 , 350 ; McKinley Tarif f (1890) , 268 , 270 , 327 , 338; regulatio n o f railroads , monopo lies, etc. : Interstat e Commerc e Commis sion Ac t (1887) , 3 5 9 - 6 0 ; Sherma n Anti-Trust Ac t (1890) , 3 6 0 - 6 1 ; immi gration policies : America n Passenge r
424 Index U.S. Congres s {Continued) Act (1855) , 80 ; Ac t t o Encourag e Immi gration (1864) , 85 ; Chines e Exclusio n Act (1882) , 76 , 96 ; Fora n Ac t (1885) , 85, 97 ; labo r policies : 103 , 133 ; the West: Homestea d Ac t (1862) , 229 , 246 , 287; Pacifi c Railroa d Ac t (1862) , 24 ; Mineral Lan d Ac t (1866 ) an d amend ments, 285 ; Timbe r Cultur e Ac t (1873) , 290; Timbe r an d Ston e Ac t (1878) , 290; Texa s See d bil l (1887) , 264 ; Om nibus bil l (1889) , 293 ; Native Ameri cans: India n Ac t (1867) , 297 ; Dawe s Severalty Ac t (1887) , 299-300 , 302 ; foreign policies : naval , 276—77 ; argu ments ove r imperialism , 2 7 7 - 7 8 , 3 4 9 50, 353 ; Samoa, 2 8 0 - 8 1 ; Hawaii , 279-80, 346 ; Wa r o f 1898 , 3 4 0 - 4 7 ; Philippines, 3 4 7 - 4 8 ; Piat t amend ment, 349 ; Telle r Amendmen t (1898) , 344; Piat t Amendmen t (1901) , 349 ; vocational training , Smith-Hughe s Act (1917) , 368 ; cit y beautiful , McMillan Par k Commissio n (1901) , 167, 192 ; cartoons , 213 , 245, 269 U.S. Departmen t o f Agriculture , 290 , 316-17 U.S. Departmen t o f th e Interior , 2 9 6 - 9 7 U.S. Stee l Corporation , 36 , 38 , 6 2 - 6 5 , 356 U.S. Suprem e Court ; decision s of : Test Oaths case s (1867) , 212 ; Legal Tender decisions (1870/71) , 229 ; US. v . Cruikshank (1876) , 223 ; Munn v . Illinois (1877), 317 , 358 ; U.S. v . Harris (1882) , 224; Wabash v . Illinois (1886) , 359 ; In re Debs (1895) , 132 ; E. C. Knight and Co. v . U.S. (1895) , 361 ; Pollock v . Farmer's Loan and Trust Company (1895), 273 ; Plessy v . Ferguson (1896) , 98, 240 , 242 ; In re Lennon (1897) , 133; U.S. v . Gay (1897) , 97 ; Maximum Freight Rate Cas e (1897) , 360 ; Alabama Midlands Cas e (1897) , 360 ; Williams v . Mississippi (1898) , 242 ; Insular cases (1901) , 35 0 Universities, 181 , 36 7
Vanderbilt, Corneliu s (1794-1877) , 3 1 3 3 , 4 1 , 181,36 7 Vanderbilt, Willia m Henr y (1821-1885) , 31-33 Vanderbilt patronage , 177-78 , 180 , 184 , 367; photo , 17 7 Veblen, Thorstei n (1857-1929) , 36 2 Venezuela, 28 1 Vertical integration , 39 , 48 , 60 , 66 Veterans' pensions , 246 , 262-64 , 26 7 Villard House s (1882-86) , 179 , 198-9 9 Virgin Islands , 27 5 Virginius affai r (1873) , 27 6 Virgin Land (1950) , 3 0 3 - 5 Vitamin research , 36 7 Wabash strike , 12 0 Wabash v . Illinois (1886) , 35 9 Wade, Benjami n Frankli n (1800-1878) , 2 0 4 - 5 , 21 3 Wainwright Building , 14 4 Waite, Davi s H. , 32 6 Waite, Morriso n R. , 35 8 Walker, Josep h Henr y (1829-1907) , 27 3 Walker, Rober t H. , 36 3 Ware, James E. , 13 9 Ware, Willia m Rober t Ware , 18 7 Warner, Oli n Lev i (1844-96) , 19 3 Washington, Booke r Taliaferr o (1856 1915), 2 4 2 - 4 3 ; photo , 24 1 Watson, James , 151 , 152 , 155 , 15 6 Watson, To m (1856-1922) , 322 , 325 , 326, 329 , 334 , 36 7 "Waving th e blood y shirt, " 21 3 Wayland, Julius , 32 2 Wealth Against Commonwealth, 5 4 Weaver, James Bair d (1833-1912) , 318 , 325, 32 9 Wells, Id a (1862-1931) , 24 2 Wells Fargo , 30 8 West, the , [Arizon a (admitte d t o Union , 1912), California , Colorado , Idaho , Montana, Nevada , Ne w Mexic o (admit ted 1912) , Oregon , Utah , Washington , Wyoming]: openin g an d settlemen t o f West, 282—312 ; transcontinenta l rail road penetratio n of , 10 , 11 , 23—26, 226-27, 255 ; "closin g th e frontier, "
Index 42 282-84, 338 ; minin g frontier , 284-86 ; ranching frontier , 286-87 ; farmin g frontier, 287-88 , 313-16 ; agricultura l revolution, 290-92 ; immigrants , 8 1 83; Chines e immigratio n an d it s oppo nents, 76-77 , 95-96 ; Hispanic-Ameri cans, 76 , 303 , 306 ; statehoo d fo r terri tories, 268 , 292-93 ; exterminatio n o f buffalo, 293-94 ; India n War s an d trag edy o f Nativ e Americans , 294-301 ; re visionist histories , 3 0 2 - 8 ; artists , 3 0 4 5; legen d o f th e Wil d West , 308-10 ; ecology, 310-12 ; setback s fo r pioneer s (climatic, organizational , etc. ) 313-16 ; agrarian revolt , 316-22 : bimetallis m and "battl e o f th e standards, " 322-37 ; illustrations, 25 , 283 , 295 , 303 , 309 , 315 West, Elliot , 30 6 West a s America , Th e (ar t exhibition) , 304-5, 30 7 Westerns, 307- 8 Western Union , 13 , 15 , 22 , 31 , 26 2 Westinghouse, Georg e (1846-1914) , 1 7 18,28 Westward the Course of Empire Takes Its Way, 30 5 Weyerhaeuser, Frederick , 4 0 Weyler, Valeriano , 341 , 34 2 "What's th e Matte r with Kansas? " 3 3 4 35 Wheat, 288 , 252 , 292 , 314 , 323 , 33 7
5
Wheeler, Candac e (1828-1923) , 17 6 Whistler, James Abbot t MacNeil l (1834 1903), 172 , 17 5 White, Stanfor d (1853-1906) , 170 , 175 , 187, 188-89 , 194 , 198 , 19 9 White, Willia m Alle n (1868-1944) , 291 , 328-29, 3 3 4 - 5 , 34 9 Whitman, Wal t (1819-1892) , 38 0 Wiebe, Robert , 36 9 Wild West , 3 0 8 - 9 ; illustrations , 303 , 30 9 Wilkinson, Charle s F. , 31 2 Williams v . Mississippi (1898) , 24 2 Wilson, Richar d Guy, 136 , 170 , 17 4 Wise, Isaac , 8 8 Women an d labor , 105 , 118 , 133 , 36 2 Women's suffrage , 180 , 3 7 5 - 7 7 Wood, Leonard , 34 8 Woodhull, Victoria , 11 3 Working Women' s Protectiv e Union , 10 5 World's Columbia n Exposition , Chicago , 18, 165-66,371; photo , 16 5 "Wormley Hous e bargain, " 23 2 Worster, Donald , 311-1 2 Wounded Knee , 300-301 , 33 8 Wovoka, 30 0 Yellow fever , 348-4 9 Yiddish theater , 90 , 9 2 Young, Ell a Flagg , 36 8 Zangwill, Israe l (1864-1926) , 9 0