African Churches Ministering 'to and with' Persons with Disabilities: Perspectives from Zimbabwe (Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies) 9781032183855, 9781032188065, 9781003256335, 1032183853

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African Churches Ministering “to and with” Persons with Disabilities

This book engages with Christian church traditions and disability issues in Africa, focusing on Zimbabwe in particular. It critically reflects on how the church has not done much to intentionally minister “to and with” persons with disabilities. In the context of this volume, “ministering to” is concerned with creating worshipping space for persons with disabilities, while “ministering with” is connecting and identifying with persons with disabilities to meet their needs from the material life of the church. The author considers a stewardship model of disability as an appropriate ministerial response to transform lives in poverty-stricken postcolonial contexts. The argument put forth is that the church is a living organism endowed with spiritual and material resources, and that these resources should be appropriated to marginalised stakeholders. Nomatter Sande is a Research Fellow in the Research Institute for Theology and Religion at the University of South Africa (UNISA).

Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies The Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Stu­ dies series brings high quality research monograph publishing back into focus for authors, international libraries, and student, academic and research read­ ers. This open-ended monograph series presents cutting-edge research from both established and new authors in the field. With specialist focus yet clear contextual presentation of contemporary research, books in the series take research into important new directions and open the field to new critical debate within the discipline, in areas of related study, and in key areas for contemporary society. T. F. Torrance’s Christological Anthropology Discerning Humanity in Christ Christopher G. Woznicki Religion in Reason Metaphysics, Ethics, and Politics in Hent de Vries Edited by Tarek Dika and Martin Shuster Augustine and Contemporary Social Issues Edited by Paul L. Allen God After the Church Lost Control Sociological Analysis and Critical-Constructive Theology Jan-Olav Henriksen and Pål Repstad Religion and Intersex Perspectives from Science, Law, Culture, and Theology Stephanie A. Budwey Exploring Theological Paradoxes Cyril Orji African Churches Ministering ‘to and with’ Persons with Disabilities Perspectives from Zimbabwe Nomatter Sande For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge. com/religion/series/RCRITREL

African Churches Ministering “to and with” Persons with Disabilities Perspectives from Zimbabwe Nomatter Sande

First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Nomatter Sande The right of Nomatter Sande to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 9781032183855 (hbk) ISBN: 9781032188065 (pbk) ISBN: 9781003256335 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335 Typeset in Sabon by Taylor & Francis Books

Contents

1 Introducing African Christianity in Zimbabwe

1

2 The context of Zimbabwe and definitions of disability

16

3 Conceptualising disability from an Indigenous Knowledge Systems perspective

33

4 Lived experiences of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe

51

5 Unpacking disability theologies

61

6 Missionary churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities

71

7 African Initiated churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities

82

8 African Pentecostals ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities

92

9 Gendered ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities

104

10 Towards a theological response to ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities

114

11 Conclusion

128

Index

136

1

Introducing African Christianity in Zimbabwe

Introduction As early as the second century, Christianity arrived in North Africa. There is a legendary accreditation of Mark the evangelist that he brought Christianity to Alexandria, which is part of Africa. Oden (2011:61) argues that “the synaxaries always give Mark the foremost place among Apostolic figures in Africa.” However, there is a gap between early Christianity in North Africa around the second century and the time it appears in missionary churches, especially in southern Africa. Christianity is a popular religion in southern Africa and the rest of the Global South. World Christianity is shifting from the Global North to the Global South (Jenkins, 2008). Christianity is becoming the major reli­ gion of Africa, even more than the African traditional religions. According to Sande and Samushonga (2020), about “five hundred million people have con­ verted in Africa, with the majority of these conversions taking place from the late 20th century.” In Zimbabwe, Christianity is one of the leading religions, with a following of about 87.4% of the population. According to the Cultural Atlas (2022), “74.8% identify as Protestant (including Apostolic – 37.5%, Pentecostal – 21.8% or other Protestant denominations – 15.5%), 7.3% iden­ tify as Roman Catholic and 5.3% identify with another denominations of Christianity”. Other religions like traditional indigenous religions and Islam take up to 2.1%, while 10.5% accounts for people who are unsure of any faith. It is uncommon for Zimbabweans not to belong to a belief system; they may belong to other philosophies. The problem of Christianity in Zimbabwe is that it is not homogeneous. Though there are more commonalities than differences, it is easy for one to distinguish certain distinct forms such as missionary Christianity, African Initiated, Classical Pentecostalism, Neo-Pentecostalism and Charismatic Christianity. Depending on the religious and doctrinal beliefs, Christian churches in Zimbabwe engage differently when it comes to civil and civic issues. For instance, the relationship between church and state is still ambivalent. There is a “dual and hesitant approach for churches to participate in politics” (Sande and Denga, 2017:267). These diverse Christian engagements in civic and civil DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-1

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African Christianity in Zimbabwe

contexts open room to contextualise persons with disabilities in this book. It would be inaccurate not to consider Zimbabwe as a multi-religious nation. Regardless of the majority confessing Christianity as their main religion, there are other competing religions. There is no specific study that has been set up to gather statistics concerning the Christian population that is syncretic, but it seems that the majority of Christians in Zimbabwe associate themselves with traditional practices. According to the Zimbabwe 2020 International Religious Freedom Report (2020:2), the religious demography is described as follows: Eighty-six percent of the population is Christian, 11 percent reports no reli­ gious affiliation, less than 2 percent adheres uniquely to traditional beliefs, and less than 1 percent is Muslim. According to the survey, of the total population, 37 percent is Apostolic, 21 percent Pentecostal, 16 percent other Protestant, 7 percent Roman Catholic, and 5 percent other Christian. In 2021, the Zimbabwean population was 15,138,697 (Zimbabwe Population Worldometer, 2021). Thus, the 86% Christian following shows that Zimbab­ weans uphold Christianity with high regard. According to Chitando (2007), Christianity supplies and defines the meaning of life, including how to deal with the socio-economic and political challenges. Diverse church denomina­ tions are known for their role in morally influencing the political process in Zimbabwe (Ruzivo, 2008). The domination of Christianity in Zimbabwe, one way or the other, contributes to issues of disability in Zimbabwe. However, before delving much into how African churches minister “to and with” persons with disabilities, understanding the diverse Christian and religious landscape traits is critical to this book. The history of the religious landscape opens room to contextualise African churches ministering “to and with” persons with dis­ abilities. Therefore, this chapter explores the religious landscape of Zimbabwe from a historical perspective.

Missionary Christianity in Zimbabwe This study uses missionary churches and mainline churches interchangeably. The introduction of missionary Christianity in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia) happened around 1561 through Father Goncalo da Silveira, a Portuguese Jesuit missionary. In the 16th century, the Portuguese set up relationships with the Mutapa Empire (Ruzivo, 2017). Father Goncalo da Silveira died two months after his arrival in the Mutapa Empire. Dominican missionaries further devel­ oped Christianity from 1572 to 1751 (Mudenge, 1986). Another notable phase of missionary Christianity happened around 1879. The leading missionaries were Protestants and Jesuits, under the London Missionary Society, who later teamed up with the British South African Company. Weller and Linden (1984) argue that the Pioneer Column, put in place by the British South African Company, had two chaplains (Anglican and Catholic). Around 1890, the Brit­ ish South African Company conquered the Shona-Ndebele and the Ndebele

African Christianity in Zimbabwe

3

ethnic groups. The clergy were instrumental in achieving the signing of the treaties. In addition, missionaries were spokespersons of the oppressive rule, negotiating issues such as labour, education and land. As put by Ruzivo (2017:150), “churches carved zones or areas for themselves in order to establish mission stations for purposes of proselytising.” The missionary churches set up mainline Christianity represented by the Roman Catholics, Church of England, Methodist, Lutheran, Presbyterian and Methodist churches. The missionary churches concentrated along their distribution zones. Beyond independence in 1980, Robert Gabriel Mugabe was the first leader of the democratic state. The growth of missionary Christianity continued to soar. Nevertheless, missionary churches were tolerant to other faiths, which makes Zimbabwe a religiously pluralistic society (Vähäkangas and Lauterbach, 2019). In Zimbabwe, the Christian faith is a symbol of religious freedom and Zim­ babweans tend to adopt an accommodation approach to other religions. For instance, Farrari (2012) argues that to avoid a collision and ensure that all religions have equal treatment, the public sphere must float on a universal and neutral premise accepted by all people, regardless of their religion; this princi­ ple is based on human logic. The decoloniality perspective and religious plur­ alism from theory and practice help to stand for and deal with prevailing issues in Zimbabwe without prejudice. Most missionary churches show what it means for religion to be the conscience of society. The church has a role to “always be seen as an agent of transformation that seeks to confront, interrogate and engage prophetically with the powers that be, including issues of racism, forgiveness and reconciliation” (Mashau, 2018:6). There is a bias that missionary churches reproduce colonialism in Zimbabwe. Conservative Zimbabweans do not see the difference between the church and the colonisers. The colonial history causes such a status quo. Contrary to this belief, missionary churches in Zimbabwe promote nationbuilding and advocate for a non-violent society. For instance, the Roman Catholics are known for pointing out the evils happening in Zimbabwe. One of the pastoral letters written is the “Zimbabwe we want” pointing to the challenges bedevilling the nation. The pastoral letters from the Roman Catho­ lics sternly point out all the corruption and failures of the government. The impact of these “stern pastoral letters” is questionable. According to Togarasei and Chitando (2011), politicians in Zimbabwe do not react but simply play dumb to the routine issuance of pastoral statement issues by mainline churches condemning violence. To increase missionary churches’ voices, the churches have formed two ecumenical bodies. The Roman Catholic Church belongs to the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference. The other mainline churches, the Protestant churches, belong to the Zimbabwe Council of Churches.

African Initiated churches in Zimbabwe In Zimbabwe, the African Initiated churches are the second strand of Chris­ tianity and they have several characteristics. They stand for the incarnation of

4 African Christianity in Zimbabwe Christianity, romanticise the African past and have succeeded in inculturation. The term African Initiated church is gaining popularity and acceptance. The term is broad, covering all churches founded and developed in Africa. African Initiated churches are known for being “independent, instituted, Initiated, international and indigenous” (Chitando, 2004:119). The African Initiated churches stand as the vanguards of the indigenous culture as they address issues that the Western missionaries failed to address. Followers of African Initiated churches blame the missionaries for pushing away the traditional African worldview and elevating Western ideologies. Appropriately, history has it that Africans established African Initiated churches to minister to Africans with no missionary links and influence. From the southern African context, by 1910, African Initiated churches were in existence (Hastings, 1979). The reasons cited for the emergence of these chur­ ches include Africans fighting for leadership positions and the lack of Christian spirituality to meet the problems in Africa. The African Initiated churches have a propensity to be pro-government, especially within the political space. The African Initiated churches and indi­ vidual leaders who help the government and politicians gain power or main­ tain the status quo are called “regime enablers” (Dube, 2020). According to Dube (2021:7), “politicians have strategically positioned people like Mutendi for political mileage.” The ruling party of Zimbabwe is guilty of using the church for its political mileage (Moyo, 1988). The ruling party makes people believe that churches in Zimbabwe are forerunners advocating for the con­ tinuation of the ruling party (Gunda, 2012a). African Initiated churches in Zimbabwe formed an ecumenical body. To speak with one voice, they formed an association called the Union for the Development of Apostolic Churches in Zimbabwe Africa (Matikiti, 2014).

Selected distinctive characteristics of African Initiated churches African Initiated churches, commonly known as the “spirit types,” have dis­ tinct characteristics. The central theme in these churches is the “centrality of the Holy Spirit in their lives, hence credit the Holy Spirit with extraordinary deeds within the churches and by leading prophets” (Gunda, 2014:145). Besides the centrality of the Holy Spirit, African Initiated churches use the Bible to support the revelation prompted by the Spirit. In this way the Bible is stale, what is fresh is the revelation given by the Spirit through the prophets. African Initiated churches’ approaches to the Bible are both literal and indirect. The indirect interpretation is whereby no one reads the Bible, but what is known is by the revelation of Mweya (Spirit). Therefore, the African Initiated churches do not emphasise on reading the Bible, but the being led by the Spirit. All forms of Christianity in Zimbabwe view the Bible as a primary source for theology and practice. The African Initiated churches make the Bible practical by addressing the spiritual and the socio-economic and political issues affecting the people.

African Christianity in Zimbabwe

5

Within the African Initiated churches’ theological thought, the Bible is not for the theological and systematic interpretation. It is a second authority to the Spirit and the interpretation of the prophet. The African Initiated churches are not Christocentric. Although they acknowledge Jesus Christ, nonetheless the focus is more on the Hebrew Scriptures’ prophets. Both theologically and traditionally, African Pentecostals diffuse biblical text and the mainline chur­ ches’ practice. Further, African Initiated churches use inculturation theology. African Initiated churches allow the culture of people, morality and catechesis within their religious expression. The gospel peddled in African Initiated churches supplies meaning to the challenges of Africa. The leader of the Afri­ can Apostolic Church Paul Mwazha claims to be mutumwa weAfrica (angel of Africa). The notion of being mutumwa weAfrica is a perfect example of indigenising founding African Christian fathers. African Initiated churches emerged from missionary churches; they were built on the same theology but have created notable distinct features peculiar to Africans. As a distinct group, African Initiated churches place more emphasis on the Hebrew Scriptures. African Initiated church leaders value popular Hebrew Scripture prophets. African Initiated churches follow the Jewish tra­ dition. According to their religious worship, there is a prevalent use of Hebrew Scripture names such as Abraham, Moses, Elijah, Samuel, David, Jeremiah and Daniel in African Initiated churches. In addition, from observations, songs composed in African Initiated churches feature names of Hebrew Scripture prophets and angels. Schisms are prevalent in African Initiated churches. Individual sects within the African Initiated churches strive to distinguish themselves from others. Buildings are not important for African Initiated churches (Sibanda, Makahamadze and Maposa, 2008). The majority prefer to meet in open spaces such as hills, mountains, broad trees and roadsides. Further studies can inter­ rogate this status quo. Women are the majority followers in African Initiated churches. Gender relations are complex in African Initiated churches. Some African Initiated churches allow polygamy. Sexual abuse and domestic violence are prevalent in African Initiated churches. Recently, a girl who died in one of the African Initiated churches has attracted national attention about child marriages in these churches. According to Zenda (2021), the death of Anna Machaya (15) during childbirth at an apostolic church shrine in the Bocha area of eastern Zimbabwe has drawn global attention to an African megachurch that allows elderly men to marry girls as young as nine years old. African Initiated churches use gendered literal interpretation of the Bible. By literal reading of the Hebrew Scriptures, African Initiated churches consider menstruating women unclean. According to Leviticus 12, mothers who gave birth were ceremonially unclean for 7 and 14 days. During the unclean period, women must not attend worship. The leadership role of women in African

6

African Christianity in Zimbabwe

Initiated churches is minimal. Women may become prominent because of their spiritual gifts but are not to lead a sect. Leadership is male dominated. Chur­ ches in Zimbabwe Women are still negotiating patriarchal structures in many churches in Zimbabwe. Gender studies have “brought insightful information about the plight of women in different societies and patriarchy is responsible for increasing women injustices” (Muguti and Sande 2019:185). In the Zimbabwean religious institutions, leadership is male, and women accept this patriarchal structure. African Initiated churches use dress codes. Women must dress modestly, reflecting that they belong to God. Although the African Initiated churches are keen on using the Hebrew Scripture, the New Testament eschatological motifs support the issue of dressing. The influence of Pauline, Petrine and Johannine theologies of dressing are notable. For instance, often women are supposed to dress in white and cover their heads. Paul in 1 Timothy 2:9–10 emphasised that women must dress modestly and sensibly. As opposed to taking “modest and sensibly” as going along the modern trending fashion, women in African Initiated churches do not keep long hair or braids, or wear lipstick or expensive attire. Women wear long dresses or skirts, pre­ ferably white in colour, not multi-coloured. Women in African Initiated chur­ ches seem not to struggle to put on a headcover during religious worship. Accordingly, culturally, women should put on a headcover as a sign of hunhu (personhood).

African Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe African Pentecostalism is three-legged, with Classical Pentecostals, NeoPentecostals and Charismatic Pentecostals. For clarity, it is important to briefly explore this triadic nature of African Pentecostalism. Classical Pentecostals Classical Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe traces its roots from American Pente­ costalism. The origin(s) of Pentecostalism is debatable, but this study leans towards the Azusa Street Revival narrative. The 16th-century Christian revi­ vals were precursors for Pentecostalism. This book does not investigate the historical development of Pentecostalism but focuses more on Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe. There is a consensus that the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zim­ babwe (AFM) is the mother of Pentecostalism. Pentecostals started to be pop­ ular around the 1980s, and by the 1990s, they were mushrooming all over Zimbabwe. People joined Pentecostals because of the teaching about breaking the Spirit of poverty (Maxwell, 1995). A sign for overcoming the world and its challenges is the manifestation of self-reliance, starting indigenous businesses and empowerment. Thus, Pentecostalism introduced a new spirit of capitalism focusing on economic growth and political stability by supporting the ruling party’s rhetoric (Meyer, 2004).

African Christianity in Zimbabwe

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Neo-Pentecostalism The Neo-Pentecostals in Zimbabwe are schisms emanating from Classical Pentecostal churches. In this context, the Neo-Pentecostals are “new” because their practices are divergent from Classical Pentecostalism. These churches distinguish themselves from the Classical Pentecostals in Zimbabwe. For instance, they are abrupt to offer solutions to the suffering people of Zim­ babwe. Simply put, Neo-Pentecostals are quick and fluid, reshaping their mes­ sages and appeals for a better future (Martin, 2001). Theologians prefer to use the term “modern Pentecostalism” to describe these new, emerging churches with Classical Pentecostal flavour. For failure of coming with a competitive name, Marongwe and Maposa (2015) describe the new brand of Pentecostals as churches manifesting as the “materialisation of Pentecostalism.” To show charisma and popularity, Neo-Pentecostals moved from local churches into stadiums and open sheds for their meetings. In Zimbabwe, NeoPentecostal ministries have young pastors who are articulate, charismatic, educated and lead a fashionable lifestyle. Gatherings in the Neo-Pentecostals’ services fill stadiums. For instance, Prophet Emmanuel Makandiwa’s popular “Judgement Night” reached over 40,000 congregants (Mambo, 2016). The people gathering in these services wanted miracles of a diverse nature. The Neo-Pentecostals use divine claims, sowing financial seeds, and prophetic utterances as means to transform the lives of believers. However, Vengeyi (2011) blames Neo-Pentecostals for substituting work ethics and emphasising divine beliefs devoid of human agency. To accredit the gathering of the congregation for miracles only could be unbelievable, but Neo-Pentecostals gained popularity because of the economic decline. The economic meltdown caused people to be extremely gullible for divine solutions to pov­ erty. Claims for performing “miracle money,” “miracle gold,” and “miracle babies” gave hope to the suffering people. On the other hand, these Neo-Pentecostal gatherings functioned as survival networks amidst economic crises. Neo-Pentecostal prophets use different strategies to deal with the problems of people. Prophets have diverse strategies to help their clients, for instance, healing through deliverance and use of prophets’ pictures. In more complicated issues, prophets tell their clients to buy towels, pay tithes and give redemption offerings (Biri, 2012). Consequently, these artefacts function as faith tools and charms with the power to activate protection and healing. From the perspec­ tives of onlookers, the prophets’ artefacts are fake. While the role of the pro­ phet is that of community building and engaging in meaningful national building and societal transformations (Biri and Togarasei, 2014), this support has led to the powerlessness of the poor (Pondani, 2019). Neo-Pentecostals are known for supporting the ruling party. Leaders of the ruling party appoint individuals and institutions to campaign for them in exchange for land and other favours (Machoko, 2013). However, there are other Neo-Pentecostals who criticise the government when they are doing something wrong. For example, Apostle Talent Farai Chiwenga uses “protest

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African Christianity in Zimbabwe

theology” to challenge toxic politics which abuses the rights its use of violence and corruption. Protest theology is the robust language directed towards the perpetrators of evil, spirit of the time, and its spirituality finds its intellectual reconstruction motif (Matikiti and Sande, Forthcoming).

of people through use of harsh and it has a religious expression in the

Charismatic movements In Zimbabwe, Pentecostal Christianity is getting popular such that even main­ line churches are adopting its religious experience and expressions (Togarasei, 2016). To curb break-aways because of Pentecostalism, mainline churches are allowing Pentecostal practices to be part of their religious expression. Mainline churches have rebranded their beliefs to accommodate Pentecostalism. For example, mainline churches are allowing sections of their congregations to practice Pentecostalism. It is becoming common to speak about Roman Catholic Charismatics. There is a belief that most Neo-Pentecostals are stra­ tegically attempting to lure converts from Methodist, Seventh Day Adventist, Roman Catholic and Anglican churches. The Pentecostals swing demonstra­ tion of power as solutions to marital problems, barrenness, sickness, prosperity and all the economic ills affecting Zimbabwe. In the context of the economic decline in Zimbabwe, divine solutions are pull factors for joining Pentecostal churches. There are loud cries from critics that African Pentecostals stagemanage miracles and hence are fake. Miracles and prophecy uttered in NeoPentecostal churches are controversial and people feel they lack authenticity (Gunda, 2012b). Regardless of this negative publicity, Corten and MarshallFratani (2001) postulate that modern Pentecostalism has succeeded in supply­ ing the “well-to-do” of society. Slowly, mainline churches and all-new church developments slant towards Pentecostal Christianity (Chitando, Gunda and Kügler, 2013).

Selective distinctive traits of African Pentecostals This study selects distinct traits of the African Pentecostals in Zimbabwe (Classical Pentecostals, Neo-Pentecostals and Charismatic Pentecostals). Afri­ can Pentecostals emphasise the work of the Holy Spirit, speaking in tongues and spiritual gifts. The work of Charles Fox Parham brought popularity to the subject of speaking in tongues (Anderson, 2004|). Pentecostals strongly use the book of Acts to justify the evidence of speaking in tongues. Pentecostal wor­ ship services regard their worship places as cites where the Holy Spirit invades and performs miracles. Outstanding phenomena of the movement of the Holy Spirit are associated with the Azusa Street Revival. According to Robeck (2006), during church meetings in the 20th century, believers experienced the presence of God. The move of the Holy Spirit is a life-changing and transfor­ mative experience. Pentecostals claim an intimate relationship with God which causes believers to act emotionally and passionately (Warrington, 2006).

African Christianity in Zimbabwe

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African Pentecostals believe that the presence of the Holy Spirit in the life of a believer is the source of countless miracles (Musoni, 2013). Similarly, the Holy Spirit causes gifts to work in the lives of believers (Anderson, 2004). Divine healing is a critical trait for African Pentecostals. Alexander Dowie (1847–1907) is the father of divine healings. Dowie argues that believers must experience divine healings as part of God’s gift. According to Anderson, Dowie published divine healings through a magazine called Leaves of Healings and he distributed it across the world (Anderson, 2004). In Zimbabwe, people joined the Apostolic Faith Mission Church because of the healings that were taking place in the church (Burger, Grabe and Hattmgh, 1997). There are legendary stories of divine healings conducted by John Graham Lake, showing that (i) illness comes from Satan and demons, (ii) healing comes from God as told in the Bible, (iii) faith is a prerequisite for healing (Reidt, 1981). Most teaching about illness and healing taps into psychophysiological issues (Nel, 2008). The biblical stories of healings strengthen the doctrine of divine healings in African Pentecostals. Neo-Pentecostals use other elements such as faith and prayer. According to Tabalaka and Nkomazana (2009), faith healings include artefacts like oil, water and even pictures of the prophet. It helps to point out that in Zim­ babwe, healings are not peculiar to the African Pentecostal churches, and even the African traditional religions celebrate their healing motifs. Shoko notes that in Zimbabwe, traditional healers believe that witchcraft and ancestors can cause sickness, deaths and disability (Shoko, 2013). There is a resemblance between the causes of sickness between African Pentecostals and African tra­ ditional religions. Practitioners and religious leaders in both cases can heal sicknesses and diseases. Deliverance theology is another critical aspect that is prominent in African Pentecostalism. The spirit world controls all aspects of life for Africans – this belief is prominent in African tradition and permeates through African Pente­ costals. African Pentecostal deliverance theology is an attempt for believers to break free from the past. Though polarised, African Pentecostalism teaches that there are practices which call for continuity and discontinuity (Sande, 2020). Specifying geography, Mayrargue (2010) indicates that Pentecostals in sub-Saharan Africa are known for issues of deliverance. African Pentecostals believe that evil spirits negatively influence the lives of believers. Believers cannot be possessed by evil spirits, but their plans are frustrated. Further, unbelievers are possessed by evil spirits and they need to be delivered. Another deliverance requirement is breaking bloodline curses. African Pentecostals frame blood curses from the Judeo-Christian narrative that God punishes sins to the fourth and fifth generations. When the believer is baptised by the Holy Spirit, then they can confront, protect themselves and fight for their lives (Anderson, 2018). Prosperity theology is another distinct feature of African Pentecostals. In Zimbabwe, Pentecostal preachers are comfortable to preach the gospel of prosperity enthusiastically. The major aspect of prosperity theology is the

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African Christianity in Zimbabwe

divine or miraculous providence from God. Pentecostals vigorously claim that the providence of God gives them protection from the loss of property and other misfortunes. Prosperity theology teaches that God wills that his children receive material blessings in this life. Simplifying the prosperity theology, Togarasei (2010) argues that prosperity theology is all about the external manifestation of God’s blessings. In other words, it takes faith for believers to tap into God’s wealth. The prosperity theology does not only focus on mate­ rial manifestation but extends to other needs of believers such as health (Gifford, 1998). African Pentecostals interpret poverty as a spirit which believers should conquer so that they can enter abundance (Ayegboyin, 2004). To be unpros­ perous and lacking in this life is a sin and lack of faith in God. The devil causes poverty and unless one is delivered, they cannot be free from poverty (Mate, 2002). Therefore, believers who do not experience material blessing (prosperity) need deliverance. Being born again is the first step to deliverance from poverty. Prayer vigils, fasting(s) and prosperity declarations are tools to deal with stubborn poverty spirits. Prosperity theology is one example that Pentecostal doctrine offers societal and innovative ways to empower people suffering in society (Hollenweger, 1999). In Zimbabwe, prosperity theology has reached greater heights because of the nation’s economic decline. In the words of Mbiriyamveka (2013), in Zimbabwe the prosperity theology is “gospreneurship.” He further argues that the concept of “gospreneurship” is an attempt by Pentecostal prophets to run lucrative businesses and generate entrepreneurship using the church. The downside of this view is that Pentecostal’s preachers take advantage of the suffering people in Zimbabwe. African Pentecostal preachers are not concerned with souls but crave fame, money and fortune. African Pentecostals use a literal interpretation of the Bible. The Bible is God’s inspired Word (Arrington, 1991). The Bible is authoritative and dependable; to understand the Bible, African Pentecostals believe that the Holy Spirit is responsible for giving meaning to the Word of God. The Bible is there to show what God did and things believers can do exceedingly more than these works. The way churches in the Global South interpret the Bible is different from the Global North interpretation (Jenkins, 2006). The Global North uses a liberal and systematic approach, while the Global South is literal and con­ servative. Africans have the advantage of understanding the Bible easily because the biblical worldview and culture are similar (Goldman, 2005).

Other religions Although other religions are not the focus of this book, it is critical to give a brief overview of them. In Zimbabwe, there are two main systems of beliefs, namely “the African Traditional Religions and other religious beliefs, which came due to colonisation like Christianity and Islam” (Mukushi, Makhubele and Mabvurira, 2019). African traditional religion is a popular religion

African Christianity in Zimbabwe

11

focusing on indigenous culture to the point of competing with Christianity. While about 2.1 percent of the Zimbabwean population identify with tradi­ tional religion (Zimbabwean Culture, 2021), the number could be more because some Christians use African traditional religion as a safety net when­ ever there are persistent problems that Christianity has failed to solve. For instance, Neo-Pentecostals incorporate the African traditional religion artefacts within their religious expressions. Therefore, there is a “coalition of religious artefacts between Neo-Pentecostalism and African Traditional Religion form­ ing a new hybrid of African Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe” (Sande, 2017:57). Regardless of the impact of Christianity in Zimbabwe, African traditional religion has remained a silent force weaving through the teaching of the Christian faith. The African traditional religion Mwari (God) is the creator and giver of life. The human family consists of the living and living dead (the invisible ancestors). Vadzimu (ancestors) handle success and failure of the living (Moyo, 1988). Amongst the spirits, ngozi (avenging spirit) is the person most dreaded by the Shona-Ndebele people.

Conclusion The history of Christianity in Zimbabwe is progressive and changing, espe­ cially the public expression. The chapter showed that the religious landscape in Zimbabwe is not homogeneous. From a historical perspective, missionary churches introduced Christianity to Zimbabwe and have a huge following. While Zimbabweans joined missionary churches, some of the believers felt that the churches were not able to meet the needs of Africans. Amid several push factors, founders of African Initiated churches wanted a Christianity which valued African culture. African Initiated churches integrate indigenous culture in their religious practices. The third, popular form of Christianity in Zim­ babwe is Pentecostalism. The African Pentecostal movement is a fluid move­ ment, attracting many people. The movement claims the “move of the Spirit” and this belief affects the daily-lived experience of followers. Other religions in Zimbabwe include the African traditional religions, Islam and others. They are docile competitors to Christianity. The following chapter will give an overview of the Zimbabwean context where these churches are operating. To keep the subject of disability as the major subject area, soon after outlining the Zim­ babwean socio-economic and political context, the chapter presents disability as a theoretical lens.

References Anderson, A.H. 2004. An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Chris­ tianity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Anderson, A.H. 2018. Spirit-Filled World: Religious Dis/Continuity in African Pente­ costalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Arrington, F.L. 1991. “The Use of the Bible by Pentecostals.” Pneuma 16, no. 1: 101–107.

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Ayegboyin, D. 2004. “Dressed in Borrowed Robes: The Experience of New Pentecostal Churches in Nigeria.” In Tradition and Compromises: Essays on the Challenge of Pentecostalism, edited by Joseph Kenny and Anthony Akinwale, 79. Ibadan: Michael J. Dempsey Centre. Biri, K. 2012. “The Silent Echoing Voice: Aspects of Zimbabwean Pentecostalism and Their Quest for Power, Healing and Miracles.” Exchange 34, no. 4: 1–14. Biri, K. and Togarasei, L. 2014. “But the One who Prophecies, Builds the Church.” In Prophets, Profits, and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo, edited by Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Regis Gunda and Joachim Kügler, 79–94. Bamberg: Bamberg University Press. Burger, I., Grabe, P. and Hattmgh, W. 1997. “A Historical Perspective on the Origin of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa.” In The Reality of the Holy Spirit in the Church: In Honour of FP Möller: 175–191, edited by J.P. Grabe and W.J. Hattingh. Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik. Chitando, E. 2004. “African Instituted Churches in South­ ern Africa: Paragons of Regional Integration?” African Journal of International Affairs 7, nos. 1&2: 117–132. Chitando, E. 2007. Living with Hope. Geneva: WCC Publications. Chitando, E., Gunda, M.R. and Kügler, J, eds. 2013. Prophets, Profits, and the Bible in Zimbabwe. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press. Corten, A. and Marshall-Fratani, R. eds. 2001. Between Babel and Pentecost: Transna­ tional Pentecostalism in Africa and Latin America. London: Hurst and Company. Dube, B. 2020. “Religious Leaders as Regime Enablers: The Need for Decolonial Family and Religious Studies in Postcolonial Zimbabwe.” British Journal of Religious Education 43: 46–57. Dube, B. 2021. “‘To Hell with Bishops’: Rethinking the Nexus of State, Law and Reli­ gion in Times of Crisis in Zimbabwe.” Religions 12, no. 304: 1–12. Ferrari, S. 2012. “Law and Religion in a Secular World: A European Perspective.” Ecclesiastical Law Society 14: 355–370. Gifford, P. 1998. African Christianity: Its Public Role. London: Hurst. Goldman, F. 2005. “Matthew.” In Revelations: Personal Responses to the Books of the Bible, edited by Richard Holloway, London: Canongate. Gunda, M.R. 2012a. “Pre­ diction and Power: Prophets and Prophecy in the Hebrew Scriptures and Zimbabwean Christianity.” Exchange 41: 336–351. Gunda, M.R. 2012b. “Rewriting the Bible or De-biblifying the Public Sphere? Proposal and Propositions on the Usage of the Bible by Public Figures in Zimbabwe.” In The Bible and the Politics of Africa, edited by Masiiwa R. Gunda and Joachim Kügler, 22–41. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press. Gunda, M.R. 2014. “African “Biblibal” Christianity: Understanding the “Spirit-type” African Initiated Churches in Zimbabwe.” In Multiplying in the Spirit: African Initiated Churches in Zimbabwe, edited by Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa R. Gunda and Joachim Kugler, 145–160. Bamberg: Bamberg University Press. Hastings, A. 1979. History of African Christianity 1950–1975. Cambridge: University of Cambridge. Hollenweger, W.J. 1999. “The Black Roots of Pentecostalism.” In Pentecostals After a Century, 33–44. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. Jenkins, P. 2006. “Reading the Bible in the Global South.” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 30, no. 2: 67–73. Jenkins, P. 2008. “God’s Continent: Christianity, Islam, and Europe’s Religious Crisis. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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Machoko, C.G. 2013. “African Initiated Churches and Party Politics: Zimbabwean Experience.” The International Journal of African Catholicism 4, no. 1: 1–40. Mambo, E. 2016. “Zim’s Prosperity Churches: Opium of the Opressed?” https://www. zimbabwesituation.com/news/zimsit-m-zims-prosperity-churches-opium-of-the-oppre ssed-the-zimbabwe-independent/. Accessed 20 April 2022. Marongwe, N. and Maposa, R.S. 2015. “PHDS, Gospreneurship, Globalization and the Pentecostal “New Wave” in Zimbabwe.” Afro Asian Journal of Social Sciences VI, no. 1: 1–22. Martin, D. 2001. Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish. Oxford: Blackwell. Mashau, T.D. 2018. “Unshackling the Chains of Coloniality: Reimagining Decoloni­ ality, Africanisation and Reformation for a Non-Racial South Africa.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 74: 1–8. Mate, R. 2002. “Wombs as God’s Laboratories: Pentecostal Discourses of Femininity in Zimbabwe.” Africa 72, no. 4: 549–568. Matikiti, R. 2014. “The Apostolic Christian Council of Zimbabwe (ACCZ) and Social Transformation.” In Multiplying in the Spirit African Initiated Churches in Zimbabwe, edited by Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa R. Gunda and Joachim Kügler, 93–108. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press. Matikiti, R. and Sande, N. Forthcoming. “Apostle Talent Farai Chiwenga and a Theology of Protest in the Midst of Socio-Political and Economic Concerns in the Second Republic of Zimbabwe.” In Religious Leaders as Regime Enablers and/or Resistors in the Second Republic: Church for/against the Crisis in Zimbabwe, edited by Dube Bekithemba. Maxwell, D. 1995. “Witches, Prophets and Avenging Spirits: The Second Christian Move­ ment in North-East Zimbabwe.” Journal of Religion in Africa 25, no. 3: 309–339. Mayrargue, C. 2010. “The Paradoxes of Pentecostalism in Sub-Saharan Africa.” IFRI, 1–19. https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/mayrargue_the_paradoxes_ of_pentecostalism.pdf. Accessed 23 October 2021. Mbiriyamveka, J. 2013. “A Calling or Family Affair?” Herald. https://www.herald.co. zw/a-calling-or-family-affair/. Accessed 29 September 2021. Meyer, B. 2004. ““Praise the Lord’: Popular Cinema and Pentecostals Style in Ghana’s New Public Sphere.” American Ethnologist 31, no. 1: 92–110. Moyo, A. 1988. “Religion and Political Thought in Independent Zimbabwe.” In Church and State in Zimbabwe, edited by C. Hallencreutz and A. Moyo, 197–249. Gweru: Mambo Press. Mudenge, S.I.G. 1986. Christian education at the Mutapa Court: A Portuguese Strategy to Influence Events in the Empire of Munhumutapa. Harare: ZPH. Muguti, M. and Sande, N. 2019. “Women’s Sexualised Bodies: Dealing with Women’s Sexual Autonomy in Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe.” In The Bible and Gender Trou­ bles in Africa, edited by Joachim Kügler, Rosinah Gabaitse and Johanna Stibert, BiAS 22, 185–201. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press. Mukushi, A.T, Makhu­ bele, J.C. and Mabvurira, V. 2019. “Cultural and Religious Beliefs and Practices to Children with Disabilities in Zimbabwe.” Global Journal of Health Science 11, no. 7: 103–111. Musoni, P. 2013. “African Pentecostalism and Sustainable Development: A Study on The Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa, Forward in Faith Church.” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention 2, no. 10: 75–82. Nel, M. 2008. “A Church Historical Perspective on Demonisation, Deliverance and the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae, XXXIV, no. 1: 385–410.

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Nkomazana, F. and Tabalaka, A. 2009. “Aspects of Healing Practices and Methods Among Pentecostals in Botswana – part 1.” BOLESWA: Journal of Theology, Religion and Philosophy 2, no. 3: 137–159. Oden, T.C. 2011. The African Memory of Mark: Reassessing Early Church Tradition. Downers Grove, IL. Intervarsity Press. Pondani, S. 2019. “Prophets of Doom: The Phenomenon of Healing and Power Dynamics in Neo-Pentecostal African Churches.” Master’s thesis, University of Stellenbosch, Stellenbosch, South Africa. Reidt, W.H. 1981. Jesus: God?s Way of Healing and Power to Promote Health. (Featuring the Miracle Ministry of Dr John G Lake). Tulsa: Harrison House. Robeck, C.M. 2006. The Azusa Street Mission and Revival: The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement. Nashville, TN: Nelson Reference and Electronic. Ruzivo, M. 2008. A Mapping of the Church Groups in Zimbabwe. The Role of the Church in the Struggle for Democratic Change in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe Institute Publications, 4–14. Ruzivo, M. 2017. “Ecumenical Initiatives in Southern Rhodesia: a History of the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference 1903–1945.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 43, no. 1: 149–165. https://org/10.17159/2412-4265/2016/1000. Sande, N. 2017. “The Impact of the Coalition of Pentecostalism and African Tradi­ tional Religion (ATR) Religious Artefacts in Zimbabwe: The Case of United Family International (UFI).” Journal for the Study of the Religions of Africa and its Dia­ spora 3, no. 1: 46–59. Sande, N. 2020. “Spirit-filled World: Religious Dis/continuity in African Pentecostalism.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2: 162–163. Sande, N. and Denga, B. 2017. “Reconstructing the Nexus of Pentecostalism, Politics and Development in Zimbabwe: Political Voices from the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM).” In: Religion and Development in Southern Africa, edited by James N. Amanze, Maake Masango, Lilian Siwila and Ezra Chitando, 267–286. Religion and Development in Southern Africa. Nairobi: Mzuni Press. Sande, N. and Samushonga, H.M. 2020. “African Pentecostal Ecclesiastical Practices and Cultural Adaptation in a Changing World.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 1–15. Shoko, T. 2013. Karanga Indigenous Religion in Zimbabwe: Health and Well-being. Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Limited. Sibanda, F., Makahamadze, T. and Maposa, R.S. 2008. “‘Hawks and Doves’: The Impact of Operation Murambatsvina on Johane Marange apostolic Church in Zimbabwe.” Exchange Journal of Missiological and Ecumenical Research 37, no. 3: 68–85. Tabalaka, A. and Nkomazana, F. 2009. “Aspects of healing practices among Pentcostals in Botswana, Part 1.” BOLESWA, Journal of Theology, Religion and Philosophy, no. 3: 137–159. Togarasei, L. 2016. “Historicising Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 1: 1–13. Togarasei, L. 2010. “Churches for the Rich? Pentecostalism and Elitism.” In Faith in the City: The Role and Place of Religion in Harare, edited by L. Togarasei and E. Chitando, 19–40. Uppsala: Swedish Science Press. Togarasei, L., and Chitando, E. 2011. “Be Therefore Reconciled to one Another”: E Church’s Role in Justice, Healing and Reconciliation in Zimbabwe.” Missionalia, Southern African Journal of Missiology 39: 210–227.

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Vähäkangas, M, and Lauterbach, K. 2019. “Faith in African Lived Christianity—Bridging Anthropological and Theological Perspectives: Introduction.” In Faith in African Lived Christianity, edited by Karen Lauterbach and Mika Vähäkangas. London: Brill. Vengeyi, O. 2011. “Zimbabwean Poverty Is Man-Made!”: Demystifying poverty by appealing to the Prophetic Book of Amos.” Scriptura 107, no. 1: 223–237. Warrington, K. 2006. “Acts and the Healing Narratives: Why?” Journal of Pentecostal Theology 14, no. 2: 189–217. Weller, J. and Linden, J. 1984. Mainstream Christianity to 1980: Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Gweru: Mambo Press. Zenda, C. 2021. “Teen’s Death Draws Attention to Child Marriages in Zimbabwe.” Accessed 16 August 2021. https://www.fairplanet.org/story/teen%E2%80%99s-dea th-draws-attention-to-child-marriages-in-zimbabwe/. Zimbabwe 2020 International Religious Freedom Report. 2020. Accessed 8 September 2021. https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/240282-ZIMBABWE-2020­ INTERNATIONAL-RELIGIOUS-FREEDOM-REPORT.pdf. Zimbabwean Culture. 2021. Accessed 14 October 2021. https://culturalatlas.sbs.com.au/ zimbabwean-culture/zimbabwean-culture-religion. Zimbabwe Population Worldometer. 2021. Accessed 13 October 2021. https://www. worldometers.info/world-population/zimbabwe-population/.

2

The context of Zimbabwe and definitions of disability

Introduction To understand better the lived experiences of persons with disabilities, it is critical to outline the picture of the context. Africa is an interesting continent with a plethora of problems. Though there are similar problems, nevertheless each nation is unique. Thus, the purpose of this chapter is to make it easy for the readers of this book to not only understand the unique case studies of African churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities but to understand the context within which this ministry is happening. This chapter is divided into two sections. First, there is an overview of the socio-economic and political context of Zimbabwe. This section uses the periodising concept to present the history of Zimbabwe. The periodising concept presents “con­ vincingly coherent characteristics of the time” (Phillips, 2002:366). The second part of the chapter proves that this book is not breaking new ground on dis­ abilities studies. In postcolonial Africa, there is growing interest in disability studies, thus reviewing current literature on disability is critical to this book. The literature review looks briefly at the global perspective about disability and the local context of Zimbabwe. The literature review aims to enhance understanding of disabilities.

The context of Zimbabwe This chapter presents the context of Zimbabwe through the socio-economic and political context perspectives. This chapter presents the history of Zim­ babwe, using the periodising history framework. The concept of periodising history uses the past and present, especially, particular political agendas and contestations. According to Green (1995:101), “all periodisations should be rooted in the disciplined concepts of continuity and change. Historical epochs should exhibit important long-term continuities, and moments of transition between epochs should involve the dissolution of old continuities and the for­ ging of new ones.” Zimbabwe is a landlocked country that was colonised by the British. In 1980, the nation gained its independence. However, there is a challenge in marking the real point of independence. The assignment of the DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-2

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exact date of the independence of Zimbabwe is debatable. The question is whether the independence of Zimbabwe came at the time of assassination of Hebert Chitepo in 1970, the political declaration of 1980 or the year 2000 fast-track land occupation. According to White (2003:95), The new entitlements of the war veterans and farm invasions scripted two… histories of the making of Zimbabwe. In one, the foundation of Zimbabwe was based entirely on the war, now recast as a unified and unflinching struggle for the land … In the other, the founding moment has been reduced to the agreement reached in the negotiations at Lancaster House in 1979. The negotiations … have been revived in a political talk in Zimbabwe as an example of how British perfidy subverted the struggle. This particular history … claims that the cease-fire sold out guerrillas, denying them the land they were about to seize in battle. The statement above shows that the independence of Zimbabwe is based on either the issue of the land promised to freedom fighters, or the political con­ tract signed at Lancaster House. Thus, the history of Zimbabwe is periodised earlier before independence (Rich Dorman, 2016). Current thinking is that the 1980 events are simply reconciliatory and reconstruction events. The descrip­ tion of the political situation in Zimbabwe is autocratic – a continual struggle between the ruling party and people seeking freedom. The first President, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, was not a leader but was managing the teething pro­ blems of what it means to be independent of colonial powers. The presidential governance of Robert Gabriel Mugabe has produced mixed feelings amongst Zimbabweans. The overall sentiment is that he was a bad and dictatorial leader. Profiling his character, Immelman and Beatty (2003:1) argue that, Mr. Mugabe’s primary personality patterns were found to be Conscientious/compulsive and Ambitious/self-serving (narcissistic), with secondary Dominant/controlling (aggressive), Retiring/aloof (introverted) and Distrusting/suspicious (paranoid) patterns. In addition, his profile revealed the presence of subsidiary Contentious/resolute (negativistic) and Reticent/circumspect (avoidant) features. In 2017, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa replaced Mugabe. To deal with the calibre of President Mugabe, President Emmerson Mnangagwa used the tactic of soft coup using the military. There is a belief that the “coup” was staged “internally, the military action was received with approval, while externally, the international society called for calm while tacitly accepting the intervention which normally is contrary to regional and international norms” (Asuelime, 2018:5). To distinguish himself from his predecessor, President Mnangagwa announced a new dispensation, the second Republic of Zim­ babwe. The branding by President Mnangagwa of a “new dispensation” bringing good governance gave hope to Zimbabweans. Comparing the two

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Zimbabwe and definitions of disability

regimes, “life in Zimbabwe, today is worse than it was under former President Robert Mugabe” (Mahere, 2019). Technically, Mnangagwa attempted to reignite the 1980s experience when people raised excitement and hope to build their nation (Marango and Francis, 2016). The economic crisis of Zimbabwe weaves through the early years of independence. Since 1980, a deeply authoritarian, violent and predatory state has existed in Zim­ babwe as a basis for political survival and as the foundation for asset accumulation by ruling party, state and military elites: whether this takes place via major corruption scandals or through intrusive interventions in agriculture, minerals or other economic sub-sectors. (Helliker and Murisa, 2020:14) Individuals are close to losing track of when exactly the economic decline started in Zimbabwe. On one hand, people feel Zimbabwe enjoyed its economic and political freedom in the first decade after independence. The first 10 years were economic honeymoon days where everything was affordable. The early years after independence had visible development with diverse constructions and all efforts leading to growth of the economy (Chitongo, Chikunya and Marango, 2020). On the other hand, it has been over three decades since Zimbabwe started experiencing economic decline that resulted in citizens struggling. The eco­ nomic crackdown was not a surprise to the ruling party. The ruling party tried to curb this challenge by introducing the Economic Structural Adjustment Program, which ran from 1998 up to 2008. The precursor to the Economic Structural Adjustment Program was a program called “Growth with Equity” (Mumbengegwi and Mabugu, 2002). As such, the Economic Structural Adjustment Program launched in 1998 drove the economy of Zimbabwe to its knees. During this period, the number of people dying in hospitals increased, industries closed and unemployment increased (Raftopoulos and Mlambo, 2009). Foreign debt increased, and inflation increased due to the unplanned military expeditions to support the Democratic Republic of Congo (Dziva, 2014). Appropriately, worsening the situation of Zimbabwe is the cancer of cor­ ruption, the absence of the rule of law and poor governance and politics. The economic problems in Zimbabwe are multi-layered, consisting of political divisions, brain drain, decline of health facilities and chaotic land redistribu­ tion (Sachikonye, 2004). As neatly put by Gunda (2020:37), “Zimbabwe has been described as having been the ‘breadbasket’ of Africa at independence in 1980, that gradually deteriorated to becoming the ‘basket case’ of Africa by 2002 after the Fast-Track Land Reform Programme.” To date, President Mnangagwa has an agenda to turn around the situation and achieve at least a middle-income status by 2030. In his launch speech (Zimbabwe Transitional Stabilisation Programme Reforms Agenda October 2018–December 2020, 2018),

Zimbabwe and definitions of disability

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The Transitional Stabilisation Programme, over October 2018–December 2020, prioritises fiscal consolidation, economic stabilisation, and stimula­ tion of growth and creation of employment. The adoption and imple­ mentation of prudent fiscal and complementary monetary policies will anchor the return of investors lost over the past two decades, stabilising this economic environment, which is conducive for opening up more business. The Transitional Stabilisation Programme outlines policies, strategies and projects that guide Zimbabwe’s socio-economic develop­ ment intervention up to December 2020, simultaneously targeting immediate quick wins and laying a robust base for economic growth for the period 2021–2030. In a way, the above blueprint by the government is promising. However, what matters more is achieving these goals. Currently, Zimbabwe does not have its own currency. The absence of currency is causing the nation to fail in doing business locally and internationally (Iman, 2019). Further, the emergence of COVID-19 interrupted the Transitional Stabilisation Programme by President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa. As evidenced globally, the emergence of COVID-19 has affected economic agendas. Forced lockdowns have reduced production and revenue. According to Mapakame (2020), economic decline is going to worsen due to COVID-19. According to Chitongo, Chikunya and Marango (2020:16), “from the 2020 budget projections, the economy was pro­ jected to register a 3% growth, which was too optimistic, given that in 2019 economic growth was revised downwards to –6.5 per cent in 2019.” From the social setting perspective, Zimbabweans are being socialised into violent people. Periodically, there are riot lootings, work stay-aways, and demonstrations. Such activities are attempts by the opposition parties and broader population to respond to the challenges faced by Zimbabweans. Many politicians in Zimbabwe are known for instilling disharmony and disrupting the social order. Zimbabweans live in fear of losing their lives because politi­ cians abduct, kill and torture individuals who challenge their maladministra­ tion. The absence of the rule of law makes the perpetrators go free as there is no one to bring them to account. Slum settlement is increasing, resulting in overcrowding and lack of access to clean water and health facilities in Zimbabwe (Sverdlik, 2011). Inevitably, these conditions are breeding grounds for outbreaks and the spreading of infectious diseases. High population densities and informal slum settlements make it challenging to manage COVID-19 restrictions of social distancing and hygiene practices (Manderson and Levine, 2020). Zimbabwe is experiencing an enormous number of deaths; by early 2021 there was an estimated record of 40,318 COVID-19 cases and 1,637 deaths (United States Embassy in Zim­ babwe, 2021). As the mortality rates increased because of COVID-19, the demand for burial spaces increased. There is a desire that in urban centres, “as cities of the living are planned, so must the cities of the dead be” (Basmajian and Coutts, 2010:306).

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Zimbabwe and definitions of disability

Problems defining disability The term disability is notoriously complex to define. There is no one explicit definition found in the Western, African and Judeo-Christian traditions. According to Kabue (2011), the definition available now is an attempt created by the modern society in their endeavour to group people especially those who are different. Recommendations from social scientists, anthropologists and theologians show that to understand disability, people must pay attention to the context. In the words of Ginsburg and Rapp (2013), cultural locations and relational categories, which vary from one society to another, influence peo­ ple’s understanding of disability. Therefore, effective understanding of dis­ ability involves culture and individuals (Metts, 2004). Therefore, this proposition is critical, especially the role of “individuals” in defining disability. The question now is who is suitable to define disability. Based on the insights above, persons with disabilities should be prioritised when it comes to under­ standing disability. The reason is that the experiences of persons with dis­ abilities can determine the extent to which their conditions affect them daily. While persons without disabilities are important, all things being equal, it is the persons with disabilities who should supply the definitions of disability. Disability is a multi-disciplinary phenomenon. To understand disability better, it is inevitable to straddle diverse disciplines which include but are not limited to medicine, sociology and anthropology. Over and above these disciplines, the society in which persons with disabilities live is equally important. Thus, understanding disability calls for producing defined frameworks. In this regard, it is proper to accredit the West for producing the models of disabilities. According to Chimedza and Peters (1999) the medical and social models of disability have influenced the modern definitions of disability. Classical definitions of disability include the inter­ play of three terms – physical disabilities, impairments and handicaps. To bridge this gap, the World Health Organization (WHO) and the International Classifica­ tion of Functioning Disability and Health (ICFDH) set the methods of how to classify disability depending on the individuals’ functions and disabilities. The ICFDH defines disability from a broad perspective. In this book, disability includes the interplay of these three dimensions – physical disability, impairments and han­ dicaps. Physical disability is an impairment which limits one from functioning in their everyday life. According to the World Health Organization (2001), physical disability is the failure to perform activities people regard as normal. The World Health Organization explanation shows that there is a close link between handicaps and impairments. However, when people speak about handicaps, they are referring to severe disability which makes an individual to rely on others.

Understanding disabilities: theoretical perspectives Over the past years, models of disabilities have given a comprehensive defini­ tion of disabilities. Below are selected perspectives explaining the meaning of disability.

Zimbabwe and definitions of disability

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Disability from a moral perspective The moral model of disability is also known as the religious model since it considers religion as a framework for morality. The moral model is the oldest model to try to explain disability (Pardeck and Murphy, 2012). The moral model traces disability from the ancient Greek and Judeo-Christian perspec­ tives. The moral model of disability views disability in terms of sin and the wrath of God. Disability is viewed as a punishment by the divine gods or God for certain offences committed by the people. Subsequently, what we see, for example physical disabilities (whereby there are bodily defects), is a sign of punishment of wrongdoing. The sins are not necessarily something committed by the persons with disabilities but sins of ancestors, parents and the clan (Henderson and Bryan, 2011). The impact of the moral model is that it blames the family as responsible for causing disability. As a result, families having members with disabilities have been stigmatised or prohibited from taking part in society (Rimmerman, 2013). In the same vein, disability is seen as a pun­ ishment for the failures of families to adhere to social values and taboos. In this case, disability is a result of the transgression against religious decrees (Henderson and Bryan, 2011). From the Judeo-Christian perspective, disability is associated with the bib­ lical values and customs. In the Bible, there is defamation of persons with disabilities. For instance, persons with disabilities did not take part in the community of worship. The argument by Hull (2013) indicates that the Bible equates the conditions of disability to presence of sin. The moral model of disability opens room for the idea that disability comes from God as a means of punishing disobedience. However, the question that arises is why God would punish his people with something which is negative. Further, what benefit does it serve to burden the entire family when one person has sinned? Religious people who embrace the moral model of disability do so thinking about salvific notions. Disability is viewed as a cross to be carried. Families feel chosen by God to show their endurance and devotion through disability (Niemann, 2005). In this way, disability becomes a special calling through which people should prove their faith. Hence, the moral model of disability brings notions of liberating suffering. Possessing disabilities, especially physical disabilities, means enduring in this life and rest in the future (next life) (Black, 1996). Then, this supports the belief that God rewards people who not only endure suffering but who triumph and overcome. According to Tada (2005), a Godly life is the one in which a believer triumphs over death, including the sufferings of this world. In the context of disability, suffering is in line with how Jesus suffered. While Jesus suffered significantly to purify humanity, dis­ ability is a constant reminder of sinful humanity. To this, McClure (2007) argues that preachers struggle to preach about the moral model of disability because disability is something needing correction. It is common in pastoral ministry to use metaphors such as (blindness, muteness, paralysis) in relations to believers’ disobedience to God.

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Zimbabwe and definitions of disability

Disability from a medical perspective The medical model of disability defines disability as something within an individual (Reid-Cunningham and Fleming, 2009). It defines persons with dis­ abilities based on medical diagnosis. The medical model of disability gained prominence in the 20th century, and it has become the leading way of under­ standing disability (Priestley, 2005). Examples of how the medical model defines disability are categories like autism, muscular dystrophy, paraplegics and learning difficulties. The medical model considers the body as the source of disability (Creamer, 2009). Therefore, from a medical perspective, a devia­ tion from the proper functioning of body parts is what defines disability. In a way, the medical model distinguishes between normalcy and a deviation. Disability, in a sense, is a biological problem. The medical model of dis­ ability focuses on the persons with disabilities as opposed to anything outside them. People or society should not be troubled except the persons with dis­ abilities because they are the ones with challenges. To solve the challenges faced by persons with disabilities, the medical model focuses on normalcy – addressing what is wrong with persons with disabilities (Shakespeare, 2007). It is the duty of persons with disabilities to take full responsibility for their challenges. One of the responsibilities is to find ways of fitting into the com­ munity by working as normal with those without disabilities. The medical model treats disability as a condition only needing a medical solution. In a strict sense, disability is an ailment. From a medical model perspective, dis­ ability ailments can be addressed by supplying medical intervention, especially finding out how to remove bodily impairments. In other words, persons with disabilities are imperfect or abnormal, needing correction (Basselin, 2011). Thus, the medical models classify people into two groups, the normal (persons without disabilities) and persons with disabilities. The problem of this dual classification of people is that society will see persons with disabilities as people who need their bodies to be “fixed.” The need to fix the bodies of persons with disabilities has made them victims in need. Society does not only pity persons with disabilities but in the worst cases makes them objects of charity (Hargrass, 2005). From the medical model of disabilities perspective, families must support persons with disabilities by paying medical bills. The thinking behind supporting persons with disabilities is of making efforts towards integrating persons with disabilities into society. As Oliver and Barton (2000) argue, the medical model of disability creates a “personal tragedy theory of disability” where persons with disabilities are viewed as people who need sympathy and charity. It is inevitable that the medical practitioners are responsible for deciding who is normal and not, creating a dualism in society. Therefore, any deviation from what the medical model interprets as normal is a source of stigmatisation to persons with dis­ abilities. Scholars like Basselin (2011) indicate that the weakness of the medical model of disability is that it is pre-fundamentalist in nature (deciding who is normal or not). The medical practitioners predetermine the rehabilitations and

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frameworks for persons with disabilities to come to normalcy. The medical model elevates the normal or able-bodied as better and superior to bodies with impairments (Johnstone, 2012). The medical model is guilty of not incorpor­ ating other factors which contribute to the tragedy of persons with disabilities (Creamer, 2009). Disability from a social perspective The social model of disability differs from the medical model because it starts with the society. Shakespeare (2006) notes that the social model is reactional to the medical model of disability. If society is its starting point, then the social model of disability is complicated. Disability is situated not on the individual but the environment where the individual lives. Disability is a social construct enhanced by culture and people’s history (Haihambo and Lightfoot, 2010). In simple terms, it is not the persons with disabilities who have problems, but it is the society which disables them. The origin of disability is not the individual, but it is the environment or society which disables a person. Unlike the medi­ cal model of disability, the social model removes the responsibility of disability from the person and puts it upon the society (Priestley, 2005). The social model of disability argues that the external challenges and restrictions imposed by society upon persons with disabilities affects them. In this line of thought, the barriers within a given society create disability. For instance, a person with physical disability becomes disabled when there is restriction on the individuals to do what they want to do because of barriers put on their way. All that society needs to do is to remove the barrier to enable persons with disabilities without changing their impairments. The social model focuses on barriers created by society towards persons with disabilities. The barriers take diverse forms which include but are not limited to social, poli­ tical, economic, psychological and ideological forms. Removing these barriers is an effective way of dealing with the plight of persons with disabilities. The social model provides policymakers with tools to build upon the failures of the medical model, which narrows disability to an individual (Hargrass, 2005). Broadly, the social model opens room to understand that every society has its own way of perceiving disability based on their socio-cultural convictions. In one way or the other, the social model brings the possibility to understand unjust structures, attitudes and beliefs towards persons with disabilities. The social model accounts for how society is not removing or addressing the bar­ riers affecting persons with disabilities. In the social model, the role of persons without disabilities is to untangle existing barriers to pave way for persons with disabilities (Eiesland, 1994). Another barrier is religion. Religion has barriers which affect persons with disabilities. According to Eiesland (1994), religion has intrinsic barriers, espe­ cially the triumphalist theologies which are emphasised. Diverse religions have a role to play to remove these triumphalist theologies which militate against giving persons with disabilities their freedom of worship without being viewed

24 Zimbabwe and definitions of disability as charitable objects. If people take seriously the assertion by scholars like Basselin (2011), then the social model of disability provides insight into how certain institutions within society need to overhaul how they perceive persons with disabilities. Removing institutional barriers like the triumphalist theolo­ gies in religion means dealing with issues of stigma, which do not regard per­ sons with disabilities as normal. Thus far, the social model pushes society to adjust so that it moves away from practices that exclude persons with dis­ abilities. Society has a role to offer equal opportunities to people. In the social model, more work is needed not by the persons with disabilities but by the society responsible for constructing barriers. However, the question is to what extent can the society remove the barriers that militate against persons with disabilities? The realistic answer is that it is impossible for society to cater for all the challenges that affect persons with disabilities. However, of importance is to acknowledge the critical role of society in the plight of persons with disabilities. According to Shakespeare (2006), the weakness of the social model of disability is that it only focuses on the barriers in the society. The challenge is that removing these barriers does not necessarily mean there is going to be accommodation of persons with dis­ abilities. Consequently, accommodating persons with disabilities is complex because the needs and barriers of persons with disabilities differ from one individual to the other. Not all disabilities require removal of physical or irre­ levant barriers. In addition, different societies perceive persons with disabilities differently, hence each society should manage taking care of what is disabling (barriers) persons with disabilities (Eskay et al., 2012). Not making it easy for society, Barnes and Mercer (2005) support the notion that every society has a duty to remove everything disabling persons with disabilities. Disability from a limits perspective According to Creamer, the limits model of disability attempts to view the relationship between what people term “normal” and “disabled” (Creamer, 2012). Based on this assertion by Creamer, there is entrapment of beliefs about disability on how people define what a normal and a disabled person is. The limits model of disability challenges that the term impairment is not something surprising, it is a condition that an individual can experience at a given point in their lives. For instance, people will age at a given point in their lives, and such it is a progression towards impairment. Thus, the limits model argues that both the persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities have the same experiences of human life and disability. Disability is the largest part of all the human experiences. In the same vein, the limits model of disability cautions that it is illusionary to think that there is something called normalcy. Disability in this context is the “limits” which are necessary. People should understand that the limits are sometimes useful in life. According to Sharma and Dunay (2016), the limits model captures the notion that there are always limitations to how the human body functions.

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The limits model is anthropological in nature, articulating that all humanity has limitations in their life. Subtly, this thinking calls for the understanding that all humanity has a disability. Succinctly, Barnes argues for a belief that disability is “a natural part of human diversity” (Barnes, 2014: 98). Such thinking is critical in religious institutions since they can put value to the experiences of persons with disabilities as aiding to bring a complete picture of God and us. It is possible that persons with disabilities do not need healing or a cure because disability is part of the nature of humanity. For instance, as one gets old, so disability conditions come in, hence we experience changes in eyesight and weight loss occurs (Boylan, 1991). Consequently, the limits model of disability brings to light the notion that it is not a problem to have a disability. In other words, disability is a normal human experience and not an abnormality. There are merits to the limits model that disability will set in during peoples’ lives one way or the other. Hence, this understanding has potential to transform people’s attitudes towards persons with disabilities. Persons with disabilities are in no way different from those who are without disabilities because disability is a matter of time. All humanity experiences limitations in daily life at different points in time (Creamer, 2009). There is a thin line between persons with disabilities and those without. The limits model helps people to stop concentrating on bodily differences because it is a matter of time before revelation of hidden disability. In other words, what people consider as normal is in fact temporary. Swain and French (2004) warn that people should refrain from the insistence of “normalcy” because even things labelled as normal have their own challenges. It is wrong to assume that persons with disabilities should be normal because the condition termed normal is temporary. There is emphasis that people who are normal are independent and have the ability to adjust to certain situations and in the context of the limits model of disability, there is need for redefining this position. Again, being normal is a weak way to start defining disability. The limits model opens room to view humanity as having different conditions at contrasting times. Disability from an economic perspective The economic model of disability relies on economic issues. In this model, the definition of disability relates to how people can contribute to labour and employment. According to Armstrong, Noble and Rosenbaum (2006), dis­ ability affects the labour market. Most policies about disability focus on the failure of persons with disabilities to work and provide for their families (Barusch, 2015). Therefore, the main debate within the economic model of disability includes issues of human rights and accommodation. Persons with disabilities are stigmatised as persons who are not able to work and realise economic resources (Smart, 2004). The economic disadvantage of persons with disabilities makes them have little power, limited choices and no freedom to enhance their lives. Most governments use the economic model to understand

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how they can improve the lives of persons with disabilities (Jordan, 2008). The weakness noted about the economic model is that it is selective, focusing on the cost-benefits of persons with disabilities, yet there are other social factors which affect them (Aylward, Cohen and Sawney, 2013). For instance, persons with disabilities have health, psychological and other factors which affect them and indirectly cause them to be poor. The economic model of disability puts productivity at the centre. The pro­ blem of productivity is that it assumes that there are normal conditions expected to produce viably. However, Griffin, Peters and Smith (2007) argue that the assumption by the society of equating monetary value to efficiency and independence have a propensity to devalue people. It is not employment only that is important, but other issues like commitment to family are also critical to production. In this case, people should not only rate persons with dis­ abilities based on financial liability. Persons with disabilities may fail to work, but they are good at other things which are valuable in life. Disability from a charity perspective The charity model of disability argues that persons with disabilities are victims of circumstances and the society pities them. According to Duyan (2007), when people look at the impairments of persons with disabilities, they conclude that they are likely to be suffering. Though persons with disabilities may need help, it is extreme to think that they are suffering. It takes learning or interacting with persons with disabilities to conclude whether they are suffering or not. The charity model of disability challenges people not to view persons with disabilities as different from the persons without disabilities because of their needs. What needs to happen as suggested by Henderson and Bryan (2011) is that persons with disabilities are not charity cases, but persons needing love and humane treatment. The goal is to act on behalf of families and the persons with disabilities and try to make them experience normal life the best way possible. However, though helping persons with disabilities is something laudable, it has its share of challenges. For instance, Seale (2006) argues that the charity model disempowers persons with disabilities by making them feel they are objects of charity. The best way to help persons with disabilities in the context of charitable deeds is to empower them through socio-economic means. Sub­ sequently, empowering persons with disabilities helps them to improve their lives to avoid reducing them to beggars. In the charity model context, persons with disabilities are victims from a variety of factors such as abuse and stigma. Treating persons with disabilities as charity cases creates more problems for them than it provides solutions to their needs. It is an oversight not to think that persons with disabilities are not able to be productive, independent and autonomous. The charity model puts persons with disabilities at risk. One of the risks is viewing persons with disabilities as people who are there to drain resources of persons perceived as able bodied. Persons with disabilities are

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marginalised because people view them as helpless, only depending on charity. When people see persons without disabilities, the focus is on feeling pity and offering charity at the expense of removing the social and environmental barriers militating against them (Griffin, Peters and Smith, 2007). Disability from a culture perspective The cultural model of disability argues that to better understand the issues of disability, more focus should be on culture. The functioning of persons with disabilities depends on culture. Put in other words, Junior and Schipper (2013) argues that the cultural model of disability looks at the cultural impediments which act on persons with disabilities. While there is value in culture, the cul­ tural dimension of disability may include medical and social elements affecting persons with disabilities (Snyder and Mitchell, 2006). Culture is the vital part in the cultural model of disability. However, culture is complex because it is consistently changing. People change their expressions and attitudes over time. Added to the mix is the notion that culture is dynamic and there is no perfect culture. Depending on context, culture informs boundaries and provides attitudes towards how to perceive persons with dis­ abilities. According to Rose (1997), early Western religions viewed persons with disabilities with cultural lenses of pagan attitudes. Thus, cultural beliefs and attitudes are great instruments towards how society view persons with disabilities (Stone-Macdonald, 2012). Therefore, in Africa, culture affects per­ sons with disabilities. Findings by Ndlovu (2016) show that Africans have ambivalent attitudes towards persons with disabilities – showing negative and positive attitudes. For instance, it is thought that disability is an affliction brought about by failure of parents to follow divine attributes. Africans do not speak plainly about disability issues but use proverbs and folktales. In the worst scenarios, Africans treat persons with disabilities, such as albinos, as sub-humans and mysterious. According to Ndlovu, families reject albinos and kill babies for witchcraft purposes (Ndlovu, 2016). Disability is a punishment from the gods for sins that were committed in earlier lives by ancestors (Mallory et al., 1993). Regardless of beliefs in Christianity or Islam, Tanzanians hold on to viewing disability as caused by witchcraft (Kisanji, 1995). There have been proposals to find out positive aspects of culture which can promote the lives of persons with disabilities. Ubuntu philosophy has elements needed to change negative views about persons with disabilities. The Ubuntu philosophy is part of the heartbeat of positive views for persons with dis­ abilities. Studies by Ndlovu (2016) in Swaziland and seger (1999) in South Africa show that there are positive proverbs which create positive images about persons with disabilities. Proverbs about persons with disabilities show unexpected care and family connectedness with persons with disabilities. Such proverbs show community solidarity and activism for contributing to positive social justice for persons with disabilities.

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Disability from an identity perspective The identity model of disability builds from the social model. The identity model tries to present disability in a “positive identity” (Brewer et al., 2012). The identity model upholds that a person with disabilities presents disability as a unique way of experiencing the world. Disability, in this case, is a view from the minority. The identity model goes alongside other related issues such as gender and race. The advantage of the identity model is to try to view issues of disabilities from the lenses of the minority, especially their lived experiences. Swain and French (2004) argue that the identity model affirms that persons with disabilities deserve a collective identity in society. On one hand, the challenge of the identity model of disability is that of identifying persons with disabilities as “outsiders” in society. On the other hand, to what extent can persons with disabilities enjoy the privilege of being “insiders” in society? Hence, it is not outrageous to think that persons with disabilities should fight for their civil rights and place of equality in society. A suggestion by Darling and Heckert (2010) is that the identity model inspires persons with disabilities to construct a positive mental self-image and restore their pride. The identity model gives rise to the removal of solitude and a variety of preclusions in human life (Fraser, 2003). Therefore, the society con­ structs the identity of persons with disabilities. In this vein, Pate and Hardin (2013) argue that people should be cautious about how they refer to persons with disabilities, for instance labels like “disabled” are a disabling language towards persons with disabilities. Further, Patterson and Witten (1987) argue that “disabling language” is dangerous towards stereotyping persons with dis­ abilities. There are oppressive elements when society uses “disabling language” (Purtell, 2013).

Conclusion The aim of this chapter was to orient the reader in the context within which the church is ministering “to and with persons” with disabilities. Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980 and enjoyed brief economic prosperity for the first decade. Zimbabwe was known as the “breadbasket of Africa,” yet it is now struggling to survive without a currency. After the first decade of inde­ pendence, the economy of Zimbabwe started to decline. The Economic Struc­ tural Adjustment Program was an attempt to restore the economy of Zimbabwe. On the political side, Zimbabwe has unstable politics. The ruling party has been in power since 1980 and has continued to use force, rigging votes and abductions to stay in power. Corruption has spread like a cancer in both civil and civic society. Socially, Zimbabweans are afraid and angry. The population is suffering, the police and military torture civilians if they revolt against the ruling party. There is no rule of war, and no one brings the per­ petrators of violence to book. The COVID-19 pandemic is killing people, because of compromised sanitation in slum settlements. This is the context

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where African churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. Disability is complex to define, and this chapter used models of disabilities to aid understanding about disability. The following chapter unpacks the way African Indigenous Knowledge Systems influence the Christian perspective on disability.

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Dziva, C. 2014. “Achievability of MDGs Under the Inclusive Government in Zim­ babwe: Successes, Challenges and Prospects.” International Journal of Politics and Good Governance 5, no. 5.2: 1–23. Eiesland, N.L. 1994. The Disabled God: Toward a Liberatory Theology of Disability. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Eskay, M., Onu, V.C., Igbo, J.N., Obiyo, N. and Ugwuanyi, L. 2012. “Disability within the African Culture.” US–China Education Review B4: 473–484. Fraser, N. 2003. “Rethinking Recognition: Overcoming Displacements and Reification in Cultural Politics.” In Recognition Struggles and Social Movements, edited by B. Hobson, 21–34. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ginsburg, F. and Rapp, R. 2013. “Entangled Ethnography: Imagining a Future for Young Adults with Learning Disabilities.” Social Science and Medicine 99: 187–193. Green, W. 1995. “Periodizing World History.” History and Theory 34, no. 2: 99–111. Griffin, P., Peters, M. and Smith, R. 2007. “Ableism Curriculum Design.” In Teaching for Diversity and Social Justice, edited by M. Adams, L. Bell and P. Griffin, 335–358. New York: Routledge. Gunda, M.R. 2020. “Rethinking Development in Africa and the Role of Religion.” In Religion and Development, edited Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa R. Gunda and Lovemore Togarasei (eds) Religion and Development, 37–58. Bamberg: University of Bamberg. Haihambo, C. and Lightfoot, E. 2010. “Cultural Beliefs Regarding People with Dis­ abilities in Namibia: Implications for the Inclusion of People with Disabilities.” International Journal of Special Education, 25, no. 3: 1–15. Hargrass, H. 2005. Definitions of Disability and Disability Policy in Egypt. The Social Model of Disability: Europe and the Major World. Leeds: The Disability Press. Helliker, K. and Murisa, T. 2020. “Zimbabwe: Continuities and Changes.” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 38, no. 1: 5–17. Henderson, G. and Bryan, W. 2011. Psychosocial Aspects of Disability. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. Hull, J. 2013. Touching the Rock. New York: SPCK. Iman, P. 2019. “IMF Speaks on Zim Economic Developments.” https://www.herald.co. zw/2019/08/22. Accessed 14 September 2021. Immelman, A. and Beatty, A. 2003. “The Political Personality of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe.” Paper presented at the 26th Annual Scientific Meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology, Boston, MA, July 6–9, 2003. http:// digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/psychology_pubs/30/. Accessed 10 July 2021. Johnstone, D. 2012. An Introduction to Disability Studies. Abingdon: Routledge. Jordan, B. 2008. Welfare and Well-being. Bristol: Policy Press. Junior, N. and Schipper, J. 2013. “Disability Studies and the Bible.” In New Meanings for Ancient Texts: Recent Approaches to Biblical Criticisms and their Applications, edited by S. McKenzie and J. Kaltner, 21–37. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Kabue, S. 2011. Disability, Society and Theology: Voices from Africa. Kijabe: Kijabe Publishing Press. Kisanji, J. 1995. “Interface Between Culture and Disability in the Tanzanian Context: Part I.” International Journal of Disability, Development and Education 42, no. 2: 93–108. Mahere, F. 2019. “Zimbabwe: Is it Worse off Than Under Former President Mugabe?” BBC News. https: / /www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-af rica-49375096. Accessed 6 September 2021.

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Rich Dorman, S. 2016. Understanding Zimbabwe: From Liberation to Authoritarian­ ism. London: Hurst Publishers. Rimmerman, A. 2013. Social Inclusion of People with Disabilities. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rose, A. 1997. “‘Who Causes the Blind to See’: Disability and Quality of Religious life.” Disability and Society 12, no. 3: 395–405. Sachikonye, L. 2004. “The Promised Land: From Expropriation to Reconciliation and Jambanja.” In Zimbabwe Injustice and Political Reconciliation, edited by B. Raftopoulos and Tyrone Savage, 1–8. Harare: Weaver Press. Seale, J. 2006. E-learning and Disability in Higher Education. London: Routledge. Shakespeare, T. 2006. “The Social Model of Disability.” The Disability Studies Reader 2: 197–204. Shakespeare, T. 2007. “Disability, Normality, and Difference.” In Psychological Chal­ lenges in Obstetrics and Gynaecology, edited by J. Cockburn and M.E. Pawson, 51– 59. London: Springer. Sharma, A. and Dunay, A. 2016. “Life Proposes, Disability Disposes: An Overview on the Models of Disability with Special Reference to WHO Conceptual Models.” Litter Scripta 3: 66–83. Smart, J. 2004. “Models of Disability: The Juxtaposition of Biology and Social Con­ struction.” In Handbook of Rehabilitation Counselling, edited by T. Riggar and D. Maki, 25–49. New York: Springer. Snyder, S. and Mitchell, D. 2006. Cultural Locations of Disability. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Stone-Macdonald, A. 2012. “Cultural Beliefs About Disability in Practice: Experiences at a Special School in Tanzania.” International Journal of Disability, Development and Education 59, no. 4: 393–407. Sverdlik, A. 2011. “Ill-health and Poverty: A Literature Review on Health in Informal Settlements.” Environment and Urbanisation 23, no.1: 123–155. Swain, J. and French, S. 2004. “Controlling Inclusion in Education: Young Disabled People’s Perspectives.” Disabling Barriers – Enabling Environments, edited by J. Swain, S. French and C. Thomas, 169–175. London: Sage. Tada, J.E.O. 2005. Hidden and Forgotten People Ministry among People with Dis­ abilities. Lausanne: Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization. United States Embassy in Zimbabwe. 2021. COVID-19 Questions: Country-Specific information. Available on https://zw.usembassy.gov/COVID-19-information-2/. Accessed 16 June 2021. White, L. 2003. The Assassination of Herbert Chitepo: Texts and Politics in Zimbabwe. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. World Health Organization. 2001. International Classification of Functioning, Disability, and Health (ICF). Geneva: World Health Organization. Zimbabwe Transitional Stabilisation Programme Reforms Agenda October 2018– December 2020. 2018. https://www.tralac.org/documents/resources/by-country/zimba bwe/2346-zimbabwe-transitional-stabilisation-programme-reforms-agenda-october-20 18-december-2020/file.html. Accessed 2 September 2021.

3

Conceptualising disability from an Indigenous Knowledge Systems perspective

Introduction Studies about disability emerge from Western scholarship. Hence, before con­ ceptualising disability from African thought as a point of departure, an over­ view of the Western conceptualisation of disability is critical. Communities and families misunderstand disability because of its complexity. As a result, no one definition can cut across all communities. While the models of disabilities try to supply robust definitions, scholars continue to develop more categories. The fact that some types of disability are subtle and invisible inevitably makes people not acknowledge and understand disability. Thus, it is important to accept the diverse categories associated with disability. Although this subject is difficult, unlike Sub-Saharan Africa, the West has made strides in shaping the lives of persons with disabilities. It is possible that the West has done well to embrace and improve the lives of persons with dis­ abilities because of progressive Indigenous Knowledge Systems. In the West, the Indigenous Knowledge Production Systems are more scientific. According to Sande (2021: 252), “the Western worldview believes that the source of knowledge is either reason, experience or the sense.” Such a worldview is dif­ ferent from African epistemology. According to Battle (2009:135), the African epistemology “begins with community then moves to individuality.” Unlike the West, which uses reason and science, the African view relies on culture and spirituality. There is a difference between how the indigenous cultures influ­ ence beliefs about persons with disabilities. The use of science in the West has helped to ease the lives of persons with disabilities. For instance, the use of technology has played a significant role for the inclusion of persons with dis­ abilities at workplaces and in society. Regardless of this influx of scientific knowledge in modern sub-Saharan Africa, the question is how to mainstream this knowledge into African Indigenous Thought. Central to the African Indi­ genous System is its spirituality. African spirituality embeds traditional cul­ ture – emotional connections, but not in the form of scripted religions. Failure to articulate this distinction limits our understanding of disability from Afro­ centricity and effective emancipation of persons with disabilities. Subsequently, the knowledge about disability is nurtured and passed on from one generation DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-3

34 Conceptualising disability to the next through the Indigenous Knowledge Systems. The emergence of Christianity has not outrightly removed the indigenous culture. Most African Christians are still profoundly tied to the indigenous traditions. Therefore, it is necessary in this chapter to unpack the way African Indigenous Knowledge Systems influence perspectives on disability.

African Indigenous Knowledge Systems The definition of Indigenous Knowledge Systems is complex and there is no one brief definition that captures everything (Mawere, 2015). From an etymo­ logical approach, Mawere argues that Indigenous Knowledge is a combination of two words, indigenous and knowledge. The word indigenous refers to a place where people live. The word knowledge speaks about people’s beliefs and a way of thinking (Mawere, 2014). Thus, the indigenous Knowledge System is “experiential knowledge based on a worldview and a relational cul­ ture” (Owusu-Ansah and Mji 2013:1). In other words, the Indigenous Knowl­ edge System is local knowledge used in a particular culture or society (Mawere, 2012). In consequence, Indigenous Knowledge Systems are a sum of knowledge handed from one generation to the other. Indigenous Knowledge and Indigenous Knowledge Systems remain woven in the lives of Africans. As such, there is an urgency to use African Indigenous Knowledge Systems (Muyambo, 2016). The struggle to disenfranchise Indi­ genous Knowledge is topical the world over. Every continent is fighting for its Indigenous Knowledge Systems. For instance, the Western epistemologies are disenfranchising the African Indigenous Knowledge System (Ntuli, 2002. However, hegemonic scientism has affected the African Indigenous Knowledge Systems. Subtly, as a part of marginalising the African Indigenous System, the West has denigrated it as superstition. One of the claims is that the Indigenous Knowledge Systems do not have experimental validation that comes with modern science laboratories. According to Nhemachena (2015), the problem cited about Indigenous Knowledge Systems is that it is unscientific and rudimentary. Still, conservative scholars – mostly African scholars argue that Indigenous Knowledge Systems are tested and evaluated over time and have the ability to solve some of the 21st century’s existential challenges. African scholars argue that “Africans always had their own valid, legitimate and useful knowledge systems and education systems” (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2018:1). There is a surge to recover and reclaim the knowledge that has kept Africans surviving difficult moments. Equally important is the proposal to integrate the scientific and the Indigenous Knowledge Systems. The other critical point is the epistemological underpinning of the African Indigenous Knowledge Systems. The question often asked is, what form of epistemology does the African Indigenous Knowledge System use? Epistemol­ ogy is a way of knowing, leading to understanding human knowledge limits (Ndofirepi and Cross, 2014). Further, “African epistemology begins with

Conceptualising disability

35

community and moves to individuality” (Battle, 2009:135). It is correct then to say that the knowledge of the Africans exists in the community. Succinctly, sources of knowledge are a “process that relates to social, situational, cultural and institutional dynamics. In their daily lives, people classify, cypher, process and assign meaning to their experiences, thereby defining their everyday forms of knowledge” (Ndofirepi and Cross, 2014:293). In the African context the sources of Knowledge Production Systems are cultural hermeneutics, African traditional religions and African cosmology. To date, issues of decoloniality are topical to African epistemology. There was a notable disruption of the African Indigenous Knowledge System since the arrival of the colonisers. According to Muyambo (2017) there is urgency for the African Indigenous Knowledge System to reaffirm culture and experi­ ence. Since this book explores African churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, it is imperative to understand African spirituality. As noted by Sande (2017), there are permeations of African culture and artefacts in contemporary Christianity in Zimbabwe. The African indigenous culture has remained glued to Christian beliefs. In a similar but slightly different argument, the relationship between Christianity and indigenous culture is like bedfellows who extensively use healing, music and dance as way(s) of sustaining and cele­ brating life. However, whilst they are bedfellows, they have remained strangers, rather than partners with good will, in that they have stayed apart and have grey areas that seem irreconcilable. (Muyambo and Sibanda, 2018:140). African spirituality permeates the social, economic and politics of a nation. Thus, African spirituality offers psychological freedom, giving purpose for people to live. This resonates with McNabb (2019:1) who argues that religious epistemology studies the “epistemic concepts relate to religious belief and practice.” As an experiential source of knowledge, adoption and adaption are the ways to receive the Indigenous Knowledge Systems. Orality is the mode used to communicate the Indigenous Knowledge. Thus, African traditional religion is more oratory than scientific. In the African society, the stories of elders were full of their experiences giving wisdom and knowledge to the younger genera­ tion. Cognitive intelligence among the Shona-Ndebele people was knowledge handed from the elders. The sages are custodians of all the guidelines to navi­ gate life. Examples of popular channels for communicating are proverbs and idioms. Other channels include the use of ngano (folktales), zviera (taboos) and zvirahwe (riddles). These channels are rich cultural and religious sources to understand how the Shona-Ndebele conceptualise disability. The ShonaNdebele folktales prepared the young with codified wisdom and knowledge of beliefs, culture and worldviews (Chitiyo and Wheeler, 2004). According to Maimela (1985:66),

36

Conceptualising disability [A]n African is fully made aware that the individual’s life and the pursuit of life are not attainable in isolation and apart from one’s fellows because life is something communal and is possible only in a network of mutual interdependencies between an individual and his/her community.

Disability in African Indigenous Thought in Zimbabwe In this book, for political correctness, African Indigenous Thought in Zim­ babwe is a representation of the Shona-Ndebele and Ndebele people. Accord­ ing to Chimininge (2012), issues about Zimbabwe centre around the two main ethnic groups in Zimbabwe (the Shona-Ndebele and Ndebele). The ShonaNdebele is the largest ethnic group, composed of five dialects, namely the Ndau, Zezuru, Manyika, Korekore and Karanga (Mudenge, 1988). Ethnicity elicits strong feelings of common purpose and support among those battling for economic and political gain. In Zimbabwe, ethnicity was one of the most often used cultural categories among population groupings. Nevertheless, according to Machiridza (2012), ethnicity is a complicated topic that is difficult to define archaeologically. Thus, for a lack of a better word, this study uses the phrase Shona-Ndebele people to include Ndebele people as well. Failure to do so is not respecting the historical power struggles between the Shona-Ndebele and Ndebele people in Zimbabwe. African Indigenous Thought supplies information about how Zimbabweans conceptualise disability. As such, African Indigenous Thought is a framework responsible for explanations and representations of attitudes about persons with disabilities. Further, African Indigenous Thought also has potential to provide ways of coping, managing and even curbing challenges bedevilling persons with disabilities. Therefore, to understand disability in Zimbabwe, the first point of call is Indigenous Knowledge Thought. Indigenous Knowledge Thought is an oasis of African long-standing culture, and Indigenous Knowl­ edge Production Systems passed from generation to generation. Indigenous Knowledge Thought is deep-rooted in the fabric of the Zimbabwean commu­ nity life. Therefore, it may be correct to say that regardless of the knowledge about disability coming from the Western medical and social models of dis­ ability, African Indigenous Thought has alternative explanations and under­ standings that continue to shape the lived experiences of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe. In Africa, the understanding of disability is different depending on the cul­ ture of the people (Eskay et al., 2012). Findings by Chappell (2015) that dis­ ability is a social construct inevitably bring to the fore issues of culture. The issue of culture is a critical element in issues of disability. Notions of culture within disability discourse push the boundaries of just viewing disability as biological impairment. According to Choruma (2006), people often forget that the factors coming from the environmental impact on disability. Society or the environment impact persons with disabilities by causing issues such as horror, fear, anxiety and even hostility. The starting point to define disability in

Conceptualising disability

37

African Indigenous Thought is culture. As succinctly put by Magesa (1997), disability is a symbol of the irregular relationship that exists between people who are living and those in the spiritual realm. Such a definition of disability shows that African Indigenous Thought focuses on culture and traditional practices.

Types of disabilities among the Shona-Ndebele people What makes issues about persons with disabilities dreaded by the Shona-Nde­ bele has to do with the sources of disabilities. The source of disability is spiritual (Stone-Macdonald, 2014). The Shona-Ndebele people are monotonously spiri­ tual; nothing simply happens in life without the aid of the spiritual realm. Dis­ abilities are associated with evil and punishment by the gods. Evil doing by an individual or a family has repercussions that result in the birth of persons with disabilities. Thus, disability is a punishment from the gods and ancestors. Therefore, the Shona-Ndebele people do not want to associate with persons with disabilities because they are perceived as a product of evil. Witchcraft is rampant in Zimbabwe. Individuals and families enter witch­ craft for assorted reasons including but not limited to economic empowerment or revenge on their enemies. According to Westerlund (2006) witches are known to be a source of evil and have extraordinary powers to hurt and afflict other people. Concealing family secrets and mistakes that cost the lives of people results in bearing a child who is deaf or mute. To sum up, the ShonaNdebele people believe that the causes of disabilities include but are not lim­ ited to punishment from Mwari (Supreme Being), witchcraft, accidents, immorality and curses. People who use witchcraft often end up with children with disabilities (Biri, Zimunya and Gwara, 2016). Taking witchcraft for granted in the context of disability is detrimental: Although some afflictions caused by witches are reversible, impairments are culturally considered irreversible and concerned family members must take corrective steps to avoid their recurrence. As such, it can be surmised that attitudes of shame, fear, revulsion, hopelessness and helplessness directed toward disabled people emanate from the irreversibility of impairment. (Machingura, 2018:212) Further, kuchekeresa (killing a child as a business sacrifice) could lead to the family bearing children with disabilities. Jealous people use witches to cast spells on other family members, causing disability (Machingura, 2012). Dis­ ability in a family can lead to divorce and family schisms because family members accuse each other of witchcraft (Finkenflugel, Maannen and Schut, 2016). The Shona-Ndebele acknowledge diverse types of disabilities in the Zim­ babwean society. Urema hwekuberekwa nahwo (disability from birth) suggests

38

Conceptualising disability

that this type of belief comes from Mwari. Mwari has potential to either bless or curse people. Disability is an example of how Mwari curses people. The Shona-Ndebele people have tolerance of people with urema hwekuberekwa nahwo. Upofu (blindness) is associated with, and is a typical example of urema hwekuberekwa nahwo. The second example is urema hwekuroyiwa nahwo (disability caused by witchcraft). The witchcraft could come from either vavengi (enemies) or mamhepo (malignant spirits). The third example is urema hwekukuvara (disability caused by accident). Urema hwekukuvara is asso­ ciated with vadzimu (ancestors) or mashavi (alien spirits). According to Mashiri (2000), most accidents are caused by divine intervention of angry spirits. Other categories of disability are descriptive. For instance, matsi (hearing impairment) is a disability among the Shona-Ndebele people. Within African Indigenous Thought, the term matsi is used to symbolise spiritual stubbornness or someone who refuses to obey the elders. According to Chitiyo and Wheeler (2004), matsi (person who does not hear) and bofu (person who does not see) are different and they are characterised by specific impairments. Further, chi­ mumumu (person who mumbles) is a form of disability and used to scorn people when they do not clearly explain their ideas. Mhetamakumbo (crip­ pled), a type of disability characterised by an inability to walk. Kupenga (mental illness), is normally associated with witchcraft. The Shona-Ndebele people describe mbewewe (speech disorder) as a disability. Also, musope (albinism) is a disability. There is a belief that incest and other sexual taboos cause albinism. In addition, there is a belief that breaking traditional taboos causes disabilities. Zviera (taboos) are “avoidance rules” dictating that people should not eat certain foods, kill certain animals or visit certain sites (Tatira, 2000). Taboos act like moral codes to check the actions of people. Violations of taboos invite misfortunes upon families and communities. Further, ngozi (avenging spirit) causes disability. According to Mpofu and Harley (2002), ngozi causes disability in the family. Ngozi is a spirit of a murdered person seeking reparation. Etymologically, the word ngozi comes from the Karanga word njodzi (danger) (Aschwanden, 1982). Thus, ngozi in a family is a warning of incessant sorrow, misfortunes and even deaths. The Shona-Ndebele resolve ngozi through settling the wrong that the family com­ mitted. In the same vein, Rusinga (2012) defines disability as breaching tradi­ tions and taboos, which opens room for bad omens. The problem is that bad omens affect the immediate family and the whole community. Bad omens in the form of ngozi make families experience diverse forms of impairment. The Shona-Ndebele people believe in the attacks from mamhepo (malevolent spirits), and fierce mamhepo cause disability (Mpofu and Harley, 2002).

Abusive and denigrating attitudes towards persons with disabilities Shona-Ndebele philosophy has not widely emphasised changing the plight of persons with disabilities. The general beliefs about persons with disabilities is

Conceptualising disability

39

negative. Discriminations, stigmatisations and exclusions are common beliefs about persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe (Machingura, 2012). The negative implications function as the “social exclusion and oppression experienced by people with impairment” (Barnes and Mercer, 2005:527). The failure of per­ sons with disabilities to contribute economically causes them not to be accep­ ted in the community. The Shona-Ndebele respect people based on how well they integrate in the community (Ogechi and Ruto, 2002). So, integration of people is all about fitting into the norms of the community and contributing effectively. Therefore, failure to carry out daily chores in the society is a dis­ ability. By inference, African communities reject people who are not able to participate fully in the community activities. The Shona-Ndebele people emphasise the role of individuals in contributing to the society. Everyone has a role to play in the Shona-Ndebele society. The Shona-Ndebele people do not define disability in explicit terms, but use descriptions embedded in idioms, proverbs and actions of the persons with disabilities. The Shona-Ndebele people describe disability in figurative lan­ guage. The role of proverbs and even other forms of Shona-Ndebele commu­ nications are a moral sanction not to openly marginalise persons with disabilities (Masaka and Chemhuru, 2011). Distinct cultures and language in particular increase the fluidity of the term disability (Swain and French, 2004). The probability is high that there is marginalisation of persons with disabilities. The Shona-Ndebele language has discriminatory overtones. The Shona-Ndebele people view persons with disabilities, especially chil­ dren, as an embarrassment to the family. Most families conceal these children and mistreat them. To Combrinck (2008), children with disabilities are a reminder of evils committed by the parents or grandparents. Giving birth to a child with disabilities is a bad omen for the family and the community. The Shona-Ndebele people blame women for bearing children with disabilities. In this case, disability is a sign that the gods are punishing evil people. Further, pregnant women who kill animals for no reason give birth to children with disabilities (Ogechi and Ruto, 2002). The Shona-Ndebele people also believe that sexual intercourse during pregnancy can cause disability in the child. Pregnant women must not laugh at persons with disabilities because they will bear a child with disabilities, or the impact is noticeable in the future generations. The Shona-Ndebele do not encourage pregnant women to associate with persons with disabilities. There is a saying that mukadzi akazvitakura akagara kana kutarisa chirema anoita nhodzera (if a pregnant woman sits or looks at persons with disabilities she will bear a child with disabilities). In the case where a pregnant woman looks at a person with disabilities they were sup­ posed to spit on the ground or belly. The spitting was throwing away or refusing to give birth to a child with disabilities. The Shona-Ndebele people use cultural boundaries reinforced by cultural idioms to prevent interactions with persons with disabilities. The role of social boundaries is to separate the normal from persons with disabilities, especially pregnant women (Barnatt,

40

Conceptualising disability

1992). The presence of persons with disabilities breeds fear in pregnant women. Often pregnant women are afraid of juju (evil witchcraft to harm others), which comes in the form of amulets and spells to cause pregnant women to bear children with disabilities (Machingura, 2012). The Shona-Ndebele people discourage young girls to look at puppies whose eyes had not opened because they would give birth to blind children. Also, the Shona-Ndebele people forbid boys to eat mbambaira (sweet potatoes) cooked the previous night because it would cause jendekufa (enlarged testicles). Further, the Shona-Ndebele people forbid boys kudyamakoko (eating scrap food that stays in the pot) because their forehead will grow big. A big forehead is a physical deformity. The Shona-Ndebele people even discourage children not to sleep while eating because they would grow two navels. The Shona-Ndebele people believe that certain foods cause certain types of disabilities. As such, the Shona-Ndebele people watch the diet of pregnant women. Eating taboo foods like lizards will make women to give birth to children with weak bones, unable to walk. Further, eating sheep meat was discouraged because pregnant women would give birth to children with bodily weakness. Grown men were not allowed kunanzvamugoti (licking a cooking stick), because it would make them grow big breasts. Further, men who peep into relish pots are believed to end up with projecting eyebrows. To avoid violence, children who beat their mothers vanopenga (go insane). In African Indigenous Thought, there is a link between disability and sexu­ ality. Sex is not just physiological activity but a spiritual and religious act. According to Shoko, traditional religion believes that sex is sanctioned and seen by ancestors (Shoko, 2012). Virginity and sexual purity were encouraged to honour the living and the living dead. Breaking sex barriers by performing incest angers the living dead resulting in giving birth to a child with dis­ abilities. Giving birth to a child with disabilities brought suspicions that mothers committed adultery during pregnancy. Society always asks the ques­ tion “who did wrong to end up with persons with disabilities?” (Wilkes, 1980). Such suspicions have resulted in divorces when women give birth to a child with disabilities. Machingura (2018:213) states that: Divorces traumatise the whole family, let alone children. Thus, the dis­ abled child is likely to lose respect, love and joy as s/he grows into adult­ hood. Hence, it is likely to put women on the receiving end and in a desperate situation such as killing their children for them to be accepted in society. However, there are women who are prepared to be scorned rather than disowning their disabled children. The Shona-Ndebele discouraged people from having sex with or marrying persons with disabilities. The unconscious assumption is that persons with disabilities are asexual. Since the source of disability is spiritual displeasure, it is a taboo to interact sexually with persons with disabilities. According to Douglas (1988), people view persons with disabilities as unfit for marriage

Conceptualising disability

41

because they are unclean and defiled. Instead, traditional healers and practi­ tioners prescribe that having sex with persons with disabilities, particularly the blind, heals HIV. In general, there was negative activism about HIV in relation to persons with disabilities. In summary, the Shona-Ndebele people have sanctioned taboos which insult persons with disabilities in the past. The taboos, idioms and taboos are the source of negative attitudes towards persons with disabilities. The ShonaNdebele do not want to carry the burden of persons with disabilities hence they protect themselves from all opportunities to interact with them. In the Shona-Ndebele thought, there is gendering of disability. The Shona-Ndebele people believe that women are responsible for bearing children with dis­ abilities. The prescribed actions given to women to prevent attracting disability do not only nurture stigmatisation of persons with disabilities but also breeds fear. As such, the Shona-Ndebele religiously obey taboos and oral scripts against persons with disabilities, thus excluding them from society.

Discouragement from abuse and ill-treatment of persons with disabilities It is an overstatement to assume that all African Indigenous Thought rejects completely persons with disabilities. The Shona-Ndebele people’s folk-stories, idioms and proverbs also contribute positively to the plight of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe. The Shona-Ndebele people say seka urema wafa/ inxeba lendoda alihlekwa (laugh at disability when dead). The idiom seka urema wafa/inxeba lendoda alihlekwa shows that the Shona-Ndebele people discourage people who look down on persons with disabilities. The idiom sends a message to society that laughing and doing harm to persons with dis­ abilities must not happen in this lifetime. If one laughs at persons with dis­ abilities, their condition would transfer to them (Machingura and Masengwe, 2014). The teaching here is that do not laugh at persons with disabilities, because no one knows the time a disability can strike them. Therefore, this idiom is a moral campus shaping people’s behaviour to embrace persons with disabilities. It is immoral for people to laugh at others in society. Suitably, this statement shows a restriction of negative thoughts towards persons with disabilities. To avoid dreading disability, the Shona-Ndebele lighten the negative thoughts about disability by valuing life. In the same vein, the Shona-Ndebele people say that kune hurema hakuna rufu (when one is born with disabilities, they are not dead). Such a statement tended to build a cheerful outlook not to treat disability as death. In other instances, the Shona-Ndebele people use the wisdom found from persons with disabilities to encourage others. One inter­ esting statement to this effect is that chirema ndochinezano chinotamba cha­ kazendama nemadziro (the cripple is wise because it leans against the wall for support). The term chirema (inability to function) is derogatory (Phiri, 2016). The assumption is that chirema (a person with disabilities) always waits for

42 Conceptualising disability help from others. The wisdom in the statement is that persons with disabilities have something positive they can do regardless of their limitations and condi­ tion. People can receive help from the wisdom persons with disabilities use to survive, even with their challenges. The Shona-Ndebele people deliberately utter statements that target the inclusion of persons with disabilities in society. For example, une benzi ndeane rake, kudzana unopurudza (if you have a fool in your household you applaud when they dance). The morality of the saying is to always embrace persons with disabilities within your household. Further, the Shona-Ndebele people encouraged people to listen to persons with disabilities. A statement related to this is benzi rakareva hondo (the fool warned the people about an impending war and the people who listened were spared from the attack). Regardless of the conditions of persons with disabilities, it helps to listen to their contribu­ tions because they may have solutions to societal needs. The Shona-Ndebele proverbs present persons with disabilities as people who have something to contribute to society. The contemporary society should harness such thinking to exploit the capabilities of persons with disabilities. For instance, benzi rakareva hondo shows that everyone is important and has a role to play in the community. The inclusion of persons with disabilities in contemporary society must be holistic, opening room for allowing persons with disabilities to express their feelings and rights openly without fear of stigmatisation. In the same vein, the Shona-Ndebele people have a saying that bofu rikati ndinokurova, rinenge rine charakatsika (when a blind person says I will hit you be assured that they may be stepping on something). The moral sense of the statement is that persons with disabilities will only say they are strong when they have the support of others. The Shona-Ndebele people prohibited kunyomba (mocking), especially of persons with disabilities. The problem of kunyomba is that it is viewed nega­ tively as something which lacks moral education. Therefore, looking down upon persons with disabilities belittles human dignity. The Shona-Ndebele people would use folktales to teach people how bad it is to mock people in life, especially because of their disabilities. They also have songs and plays to teach how to support persons with disabilities. One of the children’s play-songs is kumbira-kumbira karema uchazvara akadaro (children who imitate persons with disabilities, will bear children like that). The moral teaching of the song and play would encourage children to be generous to persons with disabilities. In a way, this shows that the Shona-Ndebele children appreciated the needs of persons with disabilities and did proper charitable works. Therefore, at an early age, the Shona-Ndebele plays and songs instruct children to support persons with disabilities since they are perceived as vulnerable. The Shona-Ndebele use taboos to curb stigma against persons with dis­ abilities. Taboos reinforce moral behaviour in society. According to Masaka and Chemhuru (2011), the Shona-Ndebele taboos discouraged people from looking down on persons with disabilities. To deal with contemporary issues of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe, policymakers and social activists

Conceptualising disability

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should revisit taboos as inclusion tools. The Shona-Ndebele people believe in healing certain forms of disability. For instance, traditional healers have power to cure hupenzi (mental illness). According to Kisanji (1995), both traditional healers and even African Pentecostals believe that praying for persons with disabilities helps them to recover. Since the Shona-Ndebele believe that dis­ ability is spiritual, the thinking is that even the solution should take a spiritual perspective. In summary, the Shona-Ndebele society has valuable lessons to offer to con­ temporary society about disability. The above discussion shows that the ShonaNdebele people have a positive cheerful outlook towards persons with disabilities. Therefore, the negative attitude towards persons with disabilities was an attempt to avoid ill-treating persons with disabilities in society. The Shona-Ndebele people discourage denigration of persons with disabilities by refraining from uttering mocking statements or imitating their forms of disabilities.

Indigenous Thought versus Judeo-Christian perceptions about personhood Conceptualising disability in Indigenous Thought also triggers the need to understand further the construction of the issue of personhood. Considering that the Christian churches in Zimbabwe straddle between Indigenous Thought and Judeo-Christian thought, it is imperative to briefly see how these two religions portray personhood. Strategically, this approach opens room to start thinking about proper theological responses to ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. Indigenous Thought about personhood African Indigenous Thought about personhood comes from the concept of Ubuntu/Hunhu. From the African traditional perspective, Mwari (Supreme Being) is responsible for all creation, including human beings. A devotion to the ancestors guides the development of a person’s life. According to Sande, “the African personhood is enshrined in the idea of unhu (being or becoming)” (Sande, 2021: 248). At the centre of personhood is the concept of hunhu (cardinal values and belief systems). According to Samakange and Samukange (1980), hunhuism (personhood) is a philosophical concept which makes Africans relate to one another. In addition, the Shona-Ndebele view munhu chaiye (a good person) as someone who can encourage peace, justice and social responsibilities. To achieve this, munhu chaiye focuses on resolving conflict and bringing harmony to society. Part of the expectation is that a person should have hunhu, manifest kindness, courtesy and friendliness. According to Rukuni (2007:17), unhu “is the higher level of consciousness.” A distinctive feature of Africans is communalism and unity. The ShonaNdebele emphasise that “human consciousness” is a tool to help the

44 Conceptualising disability community. African communitarianism is summarised as “I am because we are, and since we are, therefore I am” (Mbiti 1969: 214). Put differently, a person is a person because of other persons (Okyere-Manu and Konyana, 2018). Therefore, hunhu philosophy is analogised to the African tree of knowledge. As the tree grows, one must grow to understand how to value others. The role of existence and epistemology flows to create “wholeness and oneness” (Ramose, 1999). Acts of kindness are part of personhood. African Indigenous Thought argues that all life pursuits should be about respecting and showing kindness to others. It is normal for Africans to not only show acts of kindness but to keep dynamic relationships with family, ethnic group, clan, ancestors and nature. The circle of relationship is wide, everyone is family. There is no pronounce­ ment of extended families or relations. One way or the other, Africans connect through totems, ethnicity and other relationships to strengthen relations. Unhu makes people morally and humanely dependent on each other. It is not fash­ ionable for people to cause individualism in society. The Shona-Ndebele people call people who cause divisions munhu pasina (useless person). Persons who lack hunhu are senseless, insensitive, bad and are likely to bring instability to the community. To change negative behaviours, Africans encourage them­ selves through “the socialisation process through which a person learns his life following the expectation of his society – whole persons/munhu ane hunhu … a result of deliberate and purposeful socialisation” (Mararike, 2012:10). According to Boesak (2006:176), unhu is a “manifestation of a vision.” Solidarity is a glue to differences and diversity of persons. African traditional life is a life of solidarity (Menkiti, 2004). In the diasporic context and in places far from home the Shona-Ndebele people call themselves vana vevhu (children of the soil). The soil signifies cohesion and similarity. Therefore, Zimbabweans view themselves as one people “vana vevhu vane rukuvhute rwedu rwuri muvhu reZimbabwe (all our umbilical cords are buried in the Zimbabwean soil)” (Mujere, 2011: 1125). Such collective name-calling makes Africans embrace each other. The Shona-Ndebele people view persons as having sacred values. Africans strive to be persons with a higher value. Inversely, a non­ person implies that “the person is downgrading” (Wiredu, 2009:16). People should not refuse love and fellowship with others, both the living and the dead. It is one’s unhu that makes one successful in the community. To sum up the discussion about personhood from an Indigenous Thought perspective, Africans use hunhu philosophy to value people. Hunhu emphasises human kindness, unity and diversity as well as the importance of reciprocity and embracing of each other’s sacred values. Judeo-Christian thought about personhood Personhood in the context of this study is something more than biological life. Leaning on definitions by Fieser and Dowden (2002), personhood is being a member of “the moral community.” Religions take issues of personhood

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seriously. The Judeo-Christian perspective frames the concept of personhood by arguing that God created human beings in his image. According to Genesis 1:26, God created man in his selem (image) and demut (likeness). In the book of Genesis, there are three passages which support the state of the image of God in his creation (Genesis 1:26–27; 5:1; 9:6). Thus, man is an earthly repre­ sentative of God. The original and image notions between God and man are contestable. Popular views of these relations do not stem from theological perspectives but argue that it is the relationship between human beings and creation. People are afraid to interpret this relationship as personal as told in the Hebrew scripture. Without getting deep in hermeneutical issues, the image of God makes human beings connected with both earth and heaven. The imago dei (image of God) in humans presents every person as sacred, thus it would be illogical to exclude any human being. The image of God in persons removes natural hierarchies among human beings. The image of God refers to the whole human being and not some specific parts. According to Jervell (1980:492), the image of God does not refer to “the exterior appearance, the upright corporal position or the shape of the body or mental capacities such as will and intellect”. Therefore, if the image of God is beyond the phy­ siological traits, then the Judeo-Christian understanding of personhood is that of “dignity.” The relationship between God and man brings to the fore the privileged position of man and equality amongst themselves. Human beings are sacred, and everyone has a moral duty to protect life. Protection includes the whole creation of God (nature and ecology). The image of God discussed in the New Testament is more developed. God’s image is a representation of the regenerated spirit-man in the concept of redemption as one follows Christ. The Christian gospel of Christ offers a model of Christian fellowship. Fellowship in the context of personhood means loving one another. In loving one another, we bestow value and dignity on others. Surprisingly, this leads to the recognition of the individual person. The personhood in the Christian communities strived for equal status demonstrated in the book of acts, where disciples would sell all their possessions to help others. Consequently, communities were open to all social classes showing the conviction of equal dignity of human beings (Rayner, 1942). Therefore, sum­ ming up, the principle of the image of God in man sustains all life. It is the reason that human beings deserve dignity, respect and love. Sullivan (2003: 11) summarised personhood in this way: The Christian worldview offers a startling contrast, with a view of human beings made in God’s own image, the highest achievement of God’s crea­ tive impulse. Such a view gives us worth, dignity, and hope. It is the basis of all law, morality, philosophy, art, and science, and offers hope to a jaded, materialistic society. This section was intentional in preparing building blocks and finding ways to merge the hunhu philosophy of personhood and the Judeo-Christian concept

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of personhood. Merging these philosophies brings about a rich and formidable theology of disability. Issues of disability trigger cosmogonic issues. So, it was important to see how Indigenous Thought and Judeo-Christian perspectives perceive human beings, as this has a bearing on disability. In this book, Ubuntu philosophy offers competing worldviews to Christian disability theol­ ogy. While Christianity is a dominant religion in Zimbabwe, Ubuntu philoso­ phy is a point of departure towards Christian disability theology. Disability theology emanates from the West, and the Shona-Ndebele people are suspi­ cious of most things which do not resemble their indigenous culture. The interest of this section was to form the foundation and basis upon which one can understand existing philosophies and how they can either compliment or compete with Christian disability theology. For theologies to be effective, they should integrate existing cultural frameworks.

Conclusion The predominant aim of this chapter was to unpack how the African Indi­ genous Knowledge Systems influence the Christian perspective on disability. African Christians are still profoundly tied to indigenous traditions. The Indi­ genous Knowledge Systems preserve all Indigenous traditions. Besides that, the Western sources of knowledge side-line indigenous knowledge. Conservative African scholars argue that to impact Africans, there is a need to respect and understand Indigenous Knowledge Systems. Significant sources of Indigenous Knowledge Systems include cultural hermeneutics, African traditional religion, African cosmology and even decoloniality. African spirituality is a strong label on Africans, permeating all the social, economic and political. This study concludes that African Indigenous Thought impacts on the perceptions about disability in Zimbabwe. Knowledge about disabilities is embedded within the spiritual, cultural, sociolinguistic and physical worldviews. Persons with dis­ abilities are viewed with suspicion. The Shona-Ndebele worldview believes that all mishaps have cause and action regulated by the Supreme Being. Negative actions are punished by disabilities. In some cases, disability is viewed as “contagious” because of certain negative actions such as imitating and laughing at persons with disabilities. Taboos are codified moral campuses which regulate behaviour. Put together, African Indigenous Thought is ambivalent about disability. The chapter has demonstrated that African cul­ ture has both negative and positive elements about disability. When people convert to Christianity, they carry indigenous perceptions about disability. The chapter merges the Judeo-Christian perspective (which foregrounds that per­ sons with disabilities have been created in the image of God, hence they deserve dignity, respect, love and accompaniment) with the African Ubuntu philosophy emphasising human kindness, unity and diversity as well as the importance of reciprocity and embracing of each other’s sacred values. Mer­ ging these two philosophies has potential to bring about an extraordinarily rich and formidable theology of disability. The next chapter explores the lived

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experiences of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe, paying attention to the political and economic context.

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4

Lived experiences of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe

Introduction In an increasingly globalised world where people are becoming more closely connected, there is an increase in activism. People are fighting for human rights and they are inevitably leaving no issues concerning the vulnerable unad­ dressed. In such a society, it is becoming more difficult to ignore the plight of persons with disabilities. All stakeholders should do more to deal with the plight of persons with disabilities in society. For instance, regardless of the plethora of information about human rights and safeguarding the vulnerable, persons with disabilities are not prioritised. In the context of Zimbabwe, not many extensive studies have been published on the lived experiences of persons with disabilities. Both churches and politics are still strong institutions “where eco­ nomic, social, psychological and spiritual needs of people are met” (Sande and Maforo, 2021:1). Although this book focuses on how African churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, it is helpful. The lived experiences of persons with disabilities in the wider context of Zimbabwe opens a window to understand the nature of solutions that the church can give to improve the lives of persons with disabilities. Therefore, this chapter explores the lived experiences of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe.

Global perspective on disability Before delving into the experiences of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe, a brief global perspective is important. A global perspective on disability is cen­ tral to the provision of in-depth information about the subject matter. The international development community is continuing to give space to issues concerning persons with disabilities. In the setting up of various conventional bodies and voluntary organisations, the focus is critically on exposing the needs of persons with disabilities. For instance, the United Nations (2006) declared that nations must prioritise the rights of persons with disabilities and their interests. One outstanding thing about this establishment was persuading bilateral and multilateral donors to support the work of improving the lives of persons with disabilities. The Department for International Development DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-4

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(2007) pushed the same agenda that disability should be prioritised not only by every nation but also by communities and individuals. The above statement shows that the agenda of international institutions is to avail resources and approximate populations of persons with disabilities. Such international insti­ tutions have made issues of disability to be global themes. Consequently, more bilateral and multilateral donors enhanced the availability of more information about disability. The World Health Organization (2011) gave the statistics that about 30% of the world’s population have disability. According to Chouinard (2015), the challenging thing is that most of the people affected live in rural areas. In the third world countries, more than 8% of about one billion people face difficulties in survival. In similar cases, many persons with disabilities face social exclusions (Meekosha and Soldatic, 2011). According to Stein (2007) and Haihambo and Lightfoot (2010), within poorer African nations, persons with disabilities are at the bottom of the ladder of economic empowerment. In 2017, the World Bank in conjunction with the World Health Organiza­ tion supplied a World Report on Disability estimating that about 15% of the world’s populace have disabilities. About 2–4% of persons with disabilities suffer from acute difficulties in functioning. Literature about disability from the United Nations websites and agencies indicates that the developing nations make up 80% of the world’s persons with disabilities and about 60–70 % of them live in rural areas (Groce et al., 2011). The United Nations showed that about 25% of the world’s families have at least one member with disabilities. Considering that the world population is about 7.8 billion people, therefore, about 1.9 billion people have disabilities. The extent of persons with disabilities is slowly becoming noticeable in the world, especially the developed nations. An empirical study conducted by Goldstein and Ault (2015) gives a glimpse of an analysis of global perspectives indicating that there is steady appreciation of the inclusion of persons with disabilities. Further, persons with disabilities are allowed in educational, vocational, recreational and residential sectors. The Global South has not done well towards the issues of disability. Research conducted by McKenzie, Mji and Gcaza (2014) shows that southern Africa has not challenged enough the exploitations and underestimations perpetrated against persons with dis­ abilities. Therefore, a constant eye should be kept on low-income and devel­ oping nations. Most literature written about disability in the Global South includes a section relating to inclusion of persons with disabilities as populations compete for basic needs. More work is needed to make Zimbabwe a fertile ground for the inclusion of persons with disabilities. The agenda for disability issues is looking to mainstream development issues of persons with disabilities, making them part of the grand programmes instead of small charitable deeds (Sultana and Gulshan, 2014). It is not a dreadful thing for churches in Zim­ babwe to endeavour to focus on the plight of persons with disabilities and mitigate their challenges. Internationally, there is great recommendation from the United Nations about giving equal opportunities to persons with disabilities. As early as 1994,

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the United Nations devised a systematic framework for equalising of opportu­ nities for persons with disabilities. For Zimbabwe, I am biased towards the notion that African churches are a starting point in encouraging equal partici­ pation of persons with disabilities. If strategically modelled, African churches have frameworks to encourage not only inclusion but equality of persons with disabilities. Without straining, the African churches must work with govern­ ment and non-governmental organisations to effectively deal with issues of disability. In addition, there is a valuable and extensive range of information which the church and state can utilise to deal with challenges of persons with disabilities. The Convention on the Rights for Persons with Disabilities (United Nations, 2006) indicates that disability is only evident because of barriers cre­ ated by the failure of the collaboration in society. Churches, faith organisa­ tions, non-governmental organisations and even government do not need to create a new wheel for persons with disabilities but ought to consult these international boards and conventions. To bring the global context closer home, it is valuable to mention something about Africa’s perceptions about disability. In a study conducted by Ndlovu (2016), persons with disabilities are excluded in most African societies. Fur­ thermore, Ndlovu argues that the stigmatisation of persons with disabilities is visible in the communities, especially that children with disabilities are hidden away for fear of the people in the communities. Most people are ashamed of having members of their families with disabilities. Such behaviour shows exclusions of persons with disabilities in African societies. It is not over­ stretched to argue that some African societies undermine the humanity of per­ sons with disabilities. Discrimination against persons with disabilities is not only limited to physical disabilities but even albinism is viewed negatively. Albinos are killed in some parts of Africa for ritual purposes. Some societies do not understand albinism; Ndlovu (2016) argues that albinos are mysterious sub-humans with certain powers. In Tanzania, devout religious people quickly consult witchdoctors whenever children are born with disabilities. Disability is viewed as the manifestation of the sins of dead relatives (Mallory et al., 1993). The Wasamba people of Tanzania believe that disability is a sin needing immediate consultation and healing by traditional healers (Kisanji, 1995).

Disability in Zimbabwe Outstanding proposals by the Convention on the Rights for Persons with Dis­ abilities is that there is more room to integrate persons with disabilities within society. However, close analysis of the elements and affirmations about inte­ grating persons with disabilities within the Convention on the Rights of Per­ sons with Disabilities shows that the role of churches, especially intentional theologies for challenging oppressions and marginalisation of persons with disabilities, is missing. Thus, this book intends to fill this gap by exploring how African churches minister “to and with” persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe.

54 Experiences of persons with disabilities The discussion so far shows that disability is a global reality. Thus, since Zimbabwe is a developing nation, the experiences of persons with disabilities are critical. Persons with disabilities are vulnerable and marginalised in society. While there is a growing international agenda about persons with disabilities, literature in Zimbabwe indicates otherwise. The definition of disability in Zim­ babwe is enshrined in the Disabled Persons Act (Chapter 17:10) which succinctly states that a person with disabilities is “an individual(s) suffering from speech, hearing, physical or mental disability, causing cultural or social hindrances to undertake equal participation in society.” The Zimbabwe Peace Project (2021) defines disability as “a long-term physical, mental or sensory impairment which in interaction with the environment hinder the full participation of a person on an equal basis with others.” Such a definition is coordinated with many inter­ national frameworks of disabilities (Chengeta and Msipa, 2012). Embedded within the definition are issues of hindrances and discrimination. The United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (2013), especially Section 9 of the Disability Act, prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities when it comes to employment. Further, the Zimbabwe Department of Social Service noted that disability is any failure of individuals to take part in activities and have rights enjoyed by the public of Zimbabwe. In 1986, the Disabled Per­ sons Act was expanded to include the clause that persons with disabilities must be included in employment and social activities. The statistics of persons with disabilities conducted by the National Dis­ ability Survey showed that in Zimbabwe many persons with disabilities live in rural areas. There are an estimated 276,000 persons with disabilities identified in the rural areas of Zimbabwe. The study by Lang and Charowa (2007:7) showed that “10 per cent of the world population live with disabilities, as such, Zimbabwe, with a population of 12 million, should have 1.2 million persons with disabilities.” Obviously, these numbers have increased since then. In a more recent study by the United Nations International Children’s Emer­ gency Fund (2013), persons with disabilities increased to 7% of the population, estimating to about 900,000 individuals. The numbers of persons with dis­ abilities continue to rise in Zimbabwe and in 2021, it was estimated that there were about 1.4 million people with disabilities (Chanthalangsy, 2021). It is important that the basic definition of persons with disabilities in Zim­ babwe mentions the issues of barriers in any form which include but are not limited to the physical, cultural and social which inhibit the equality of persons with disabilities. Understanding the physical, cultural and social barriers of persons with disabilities brings ideas about how to empower persons with disabilities. Although the government of Zimbabwe has defined disability, there is consensus amongst scholars that perceptions about persons with dis­ abilities are mostly negative. Research done by Machingura (2012) highlights that throughout the history of Zimbabwe the public generally looks down on persons with disabilities. Many factors account for this status quo. Persons with disabilities are marginalised and it seems normal for people to simply look down upon them. In an insightful study by Choruma (2007), regardless of

Experiences of persons with disabilities

55

the government of Zimbabwe’s initiatives towards empowering persons with disabilities, they are forgotten in many sectors of society. There is high illiteracy rate among children with disabilities as well as unem­ ployment. Children with disabilities are still vulnerable in schools and their parents are disadvantaged in terms of economic empowerment. The parents who have economic means send their children to attend special schools which focus on the needs of persons with disabilities. While these arrangements seem plausible, they further alienate persons with disabilities from the general chil­ dren. Some people describe these schools as “ghettos for persons with dis­ abilities” because they can be seen together in one place. Statements like this suggest that persons with disabilities are not benefitting from socialising with other children. Creating special schools may mean that children with disabilities do not belong to the mainstream education system. While literature is insightful, there is not much to show how African churches are involved in enhancing the education of persons with disabilities. The education system in Zimbabwe should focus on inclusive education which helps to reduce stigmatisation of persons with disabilities. What seems to be missing in promoting inclusive edu­ cation for persons with disabilities is the stiff legislature and implementation of measures which ensure persons with disabilities are given space and included in mainstream education (Mutepfa, Mpofu and Chataika, 2007). The other pro­ blem observed in this regard is the absence of “teacher capability or training.” According to Chimhenga (2016), who understands inclusive education and dealing with special needs, the teacher capacity-building for inclusive teaching of persons with disabilities has not received attention in Zimbabwe. Accordingly, this situation is exacerbated in rural areas where most of the persons with dis­ abilities live, and because there is distance from the villages to most schools, it is difficult for children with disabilities to access the schools. Also, the few teachers who understand special needs compete to work in urban areas. Besides these factors, Deluca, Tramontano and Kett (2014) argue that the lack of compre­ hensive special needs training within the “Teachers Training Curriculum” is a significant barrier to inclusive education in Zimbabwe. The economic and political contexts of Zimbabwe have not made the lived experiences of persons with disabilities easy. Declining political stability has led some persons with disabilities to face exclusion and ridicule, and even to be condemned to asylums and left to die (Choruma, 2007). A suggestion to solve the plight of persons with disabilities is to empower them through the Con­ stitution of Zimbabwe and penalise people who discriminate and exclude them (Munemo and Tom, 2013). Although there is some mentioning of issues of persons with disabilities within the Education act of 1987, and also the Dis­ abled act of 1992, the reality is that these legislations are ineffective to empower persons with disabilities because there is no machinery to reinforce these regulations and laws. According to Degener (2016), the ruling party and government have a huge role to play ensuring that discrimination against per­ sons with disabilities is prohibited by law. Statistics in Zimbabwe show that the persons with disabilities employed in public and private sector do not reach

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Experiences of persons with disabilities

2% of the total employment population in Zimbabwe, about 8% of persons with disabilities are self-employed and a dangling 29% of persons with dis­ abilities attempt to empower themselves through subsistence farming (NASCOH. 2009). Instead of voting of disability acts into a bill, scholars like Mdluli (2012) argue that the government should spell out clearly the distinc­ tion between legislation and rules for person with disabilities. He further sug­ gests that the focus should be put on removing barriers which marginalise persons with disabilities and maximise their welfare and equal participation in economic and political processes of the nation. In Zimbabwe, understanding the social dimension as a huge resource which affects the issues of persons with disabilities is critical. According to Chappell (2015), discourses concerning meeting the needs of persons with disabilities take a social responsibility perspective. Chappell (2015) further acknowledges that disability is a discursive construct of reality. Globalised society shows experiences and persons with disabilities across the globe, showing that dis­ ability can happen to anyone. Every individual, in one way or the other is in contact with persons with disabilities in their circle of interaction. Therefore, Watson (2012) is correct to argue that disability is an exceptionally complex variable which straddles multi-dimensional contexts such as the socio-political, economic and religious realms. The way communities are socially organised impacts on the social relations formulated towards persons with disabilities. Thus, when studying disability, it is critical not to ignore relationships within communities (Oliver, 1990). Therefore, to explore in depth challenges of per­ sons with disabilities, it is important to engage in community inquiry on the lived experiences of persons with disabilities. In the Zimbabwean context, both descriptive and prescriptive theoretical lenses are needed. Social reality needs a broader perspective and multiple sources to cover challenges that promote certain behaviours of people towards persons with disabilities. Zimbabwe is a young democratic nation spanning four decades. The postindependence era did not bring joy to the people but violations of human rights and unstable politics. Evidence suggests that the government of Zim­ babwe has lacked leadership qualities. For the past two decades, Zimbabwe has been one of the poorest nations in southern Africa. As put by Gunda (2020:37), “Zimbabwe has been described as having been the ‘breadbasket’ of Africa at independence in 1980, which gradually deteriorated to becoming the ‘basket case’ of Africa by 2002 after the Fast-Track Land Reform Programme.” Accountable leadership is one of the crucial factors responsible for the eco­ nomic and political challenges. Corruption is the order of the day, causing people to scramble for insufficient resources. However, the situation is further aggravated by the impact of HIV and AIDS. While poverty affects the majority of people, it inevitably impacts doubly on persons with disabilities. In other words, persons with disabilities are synonymous with the tragedy of suffering. It is commonly known that persons with disabilities are dependents. Poverty is the worst enemy of persons with disabilities. The impact of pov­ erty is not only a Zimbabwean issue, but across the Global South, poverty

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affects persons with disabilities (Zimmer, 2008). Poverty makes people forget the needs of persons with disabilities. Many scholars like Barron and Ncube (2010) argue that there is a complex link between poverty and disability. Besides not accessing the basic needs, most children with disabilities in Africa as a whole fail to go to school (Yousafzai et al., 2003). Besides children, women with disabilities are the second group which is hit hard by poverty. Findings by Kianji (2009) indicate that women with disabilities struggle more than their male counterparts to overcome poverty. Furthermore, mothers of children with disabilities are negatively affected by poverty (Mobarak et al., 2000). The problem of poverty is that it has a propensity to affect all aspects of life including the level of education persons with disabilities can achieve (Loeb et al., 2008). Poverty is multi-dimensional, not only causing people not to access education but also access to medical services, family upkeep and participation in social justice (UNDP, 2010). The inclusions of persons with disabilities in both the society and other cri­ tical spaces of society like politics and religion is still poor in Zimbabwe. During the launch of the National Disability Policy in Zimbabwe, President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa Called for an end to harmful practices, discriminations and exclusions of persons with disabilities from participating in different sectors of the economy … the government should mainstream disability issues in their programs … citizens to stop treating persons with disabilities as charitable cases but rather treat them as equals who are capable of productively participating in the building of Zimbabwe. (Chanthalangsy, 2021) The starting point for achieving President Mnangagwa’s agenda is by first accepting persons with disabilities, then mainstreaming them into society. The suggestion by Watts (2014) that there should be recognition of persons with disabilities as “persons” first, followed by acknowledging that they are persons with differing abilities, is valuable. Thus, to understand inclusion of persons with disabilities means that the government should interrogate or revisit its policies and manage the politics of disability. Balancing the politics of dis­ ability involves understanding that persons with disabilities have their share of problems, in most cases, worse than their counterparts. For example, gender and women’s studies show that women with disabilities are not recognised and there is not much literature which fights for their emancipation (Meekosha and Shuttleworth, 2009).

Conclusion This chapter aimed to explore the lived experience of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe, particularly outside the religious context. The questions that this chapter grappled with include the factors affecting persons with disabilities

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in the context of Zimbabwe and what attempts if any have been made in the political and economic environment to improve the lives of persons with dis­ abilities. In as much as African churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, there are other factors that are beyond their control, and these must be identified to help create effective theological response. The chapter showed that politically, the government is lagging behind in imple­ menting and ensuring stakeholder participation. The mainstreaming of persons with disabilities in politics, education and employment is low. The economic meltdown of Zimbabwe has increased the poverty of persons with disabilities. The next chapter unpacks in detail disability theologies.

References Barron, T. and Ncube, J.M. 2010. Poverty and Disability. London: Leonard Cheshire Disability. Chanthalangsy, P. 2021. “Zimbabwe Launches National Disability Policy.” Harare: United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation. https://en.unesco. org/news/zimbabwe-launches-national-disability-policy. Accessed 16 September 2021. Chappell, P. 2015. “Queering the Social Emergence of Disabled Sexual Identities: Linking Queer Theory with Disability Studies in the South African Context.” Agenda 29, no. 1: 54–62. Chengeta, T. and Msipa, D. 2012. “Getting Disability Rights into the Mainstream of Human Rights Advocacy: An Appraisal of Zimbabwean Disability Rights Policies and Legislation.” http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2312340. Accessed 22 April 2022. Chimhenga, S. 2016. “The Implementation of Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities in Primary Schools: A Theoretical Probability or Practical Possibility?” Asian Journal of Educational Research 4, no. 4: 28–35. Choruma, T. 2007. The Forgotten Tribe: People with Disabilities in Zimbabwe. London: Progressio Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR). Chouinard, V. 2015. “Contesting Disabling Conditions of Life in the Global South: Disability Activists” and Service Providers” Experiences in Guyana.” Disability and Society 30, no. 1: 1–14. Degener, T. 2016. “Disability in a Human Rights Context.” Laws 5, no. 3: 35. Deluca, M., Tramontano, C. and Kett, M. 2014. Including Children with Disabilities in Primary School: The Case of MaShona-Ndebeleland, Zimbabwe (Leonard Cheshire Disability and Inclusive Development Centre Working Paper Series no. 26).” London: Leonard Cheshire Disability and Inclusive Development Centre. Department for International Development. 2007. How to Note: Working on Disability in Country Programmes. London: Department for International Development. Goldstein, P. and Ault, M.J. 2015. “Including Individuals with Disabilities in a Faith Community: A Framework and Example.” Journal of Disability and Religion 19, no. 1: 1–14. Groce, N., Kembhavi, G., Wirz, S., Lang, R., Trani, J.F. and Kett, M. 2011. Poverty and Disability: A Critical Review of the Literature in Low and Middle-income Countries. London: University College London. Gunda, M.R. 2020. “Rethinking Development in Africa and the Role of Religion.” In Religion and Development, edited by Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa R. Gunda and Lovemore Togarasei, 37–58. Bamberg: University of Bamberg.

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Haihambo, C. and Lightfoot, E. 2010. “Cultural Beliefs about Disabilities in Namibia: Implications for the Inclusion of People with Disabilities.” International Journal of Special Education 25: 76–87. Kianji, S. 2009. “Women with Disabilities in the Northwest Province of Cameroon: Resilient and Deserving of Greater Attention.” Disability and Society 24, no. 4: 517–531. Kisanji, J. 1995. “Interface Between Culture and Disability in the Tanzanian Context: Part I.” International Journal of Disability, Development and Education 42, no. 2: 93–108. Lang, R. and Charowa, G. 2007. Department for International Development Scoping Study: Disability Issues in Zimbabwe. London: Department for International Development. Loeb, M., Eide, A. H., Jelsma, J., Toni, M.K. and Maart, S. 2008. “Poverty and dis­ ability in Eastern and Western Cape provinces, South Africa.” Disability and Society 23, no. 4: 311–321. Machingura, F. 2012. “The Rights of People Living with Disability from a Third World Perspective: The Zimbabwean Context.” In Human Rights and the Third World: Issues and Discourses, edited by S.S. Bagchi and A. Das, 287–308. Plymouth: Lexington Books. Mallory, B.L., Charlton, J.L., Nicholls, R.W. and Marfo, K. 1993. “Changing Beliefs about Disability in Developing Countries: Historical Factors and Sociocultural Vari­ ables.” In Traditional and Changing Views of Disability in Developing Societies: Causes, Consequences, Cautions, edited by Diane E. Woods. Monograph #53. Durham, NH: University of New Hampshire and World Rehabilitation Fund. McKenzie, J., Mji, G. and Gcaza, S. 2014. “With or Without Us? An Audit of Disability Research in the Southern African Region.” African Journal of Disability 3, no. 2: 6. Mdluli, P. 2012. Disability in South Africa: A Theological and Socio-economic Perspective. Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch University. Meekosha, H. and Shuttleworth, R. 2009. “What’s So Critical About Critical Disability Studies?” Australian Journal of Human Rights 15, no. 1: 47. Meekosha, H. and Soldatic, K. 2011. “Human Rights and the Global South: The Case of Disability.” Third World Quarterly 32, no. 8: 1383–1397. Mobarak, R., Khan, N.Z., Munir, S., Zaman, S.S. and McConachie, H. 2000. “Pre­ dictors of Stress in Mothers of Children with Cerebral Palsy in Bangladesh.” Journal of Paediatric Psychology 25, no. 6: 427–433. Munemo, E. and Tom, T. 2013. “Effectiveness of Existing Legislation in Empowering People with Disabilities.” Global Advanced Research Journal of Educational Research and Review 2, no. 2: 31–40. Mutepfa, M.M., Mpofu, E. and Chataika, T. 2007. “Inclusive Education in Zimbabwe: Policy, Curriculum, Practice, Family, and Teacher Education Issues.” Childhood Education, 83, no. 6: 342–346. NASCOH. 2009. “Disability in Zimbabwe, National Association of the Care of the Handicapped.” http://www.nascoh.org.zw/New%20NASCOH/disability%20in%20Z im.htm. Accessed 27 September 2021. Ndlovu, H.L. 2016. African Beliefs Concerning People with Disabilities: Implications for Theological Education. Journal of Disability & Religion, 20, no. 1–2: 29–39. Oliver, M. 1990. The Politics of Disablement. Basingstoke: Macmillan. Sultana, A. and Gulshan, J. 2014. “Extent and Background Factors of Physical and Mental Disability in Bangladesh.” Dhaka University Journal of Science 62, no. 1: 55–58. Sande, N. and Maforo, B. 2021. “Pastoral Ministry from the Margins: Pastor’s Wives in apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae, 1–14.

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Stein, M.A. 2007. “Disability Human Rights.” California Law Review, 75–121. UNDP. 2010. Human Development Report. The Real Wealth of Nations: Pathway to Human Development. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. United Nations. 2006. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. New York: United Nations. United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund. 2013. “Living Conditions Among Persons with Disability Survey Key Findings Report.” Harare. https://www. unicef.org/zimbabwe/National_Survey_on_Disability_2013(1).pdf. Accessed 23 October 2021. Watson, N. 2012. “Theorising the Lives of Disabled Children: How can Disability Theory Help?” Children and Society 26, no. 3: 192–202. Watts, G. 2014. “Towards a Theology of Disability Sport: A Misconstrued Game Plan.” Journal of Disability and Religion 18, no. 1: 49–63. World Health Organization. 2011. World Report on Disability 2011. Geneva: World Health Organization. Yousafzai, A.K., Pagedar, S., Wirz, S. and Filteau, S. 2003. “Beliefs about Feeding Practices and Nutrition for Children with Disabilities among Families in Dharavi, Mumbai.” International Journal of Rehabilitation Research 26, no. 1: 33–41. Zimbabwe Peace Project. 2021. Social Inclusion & the Promotion of Human Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Zimbabwe. Harare: Colourbaymedia. Zimmer, Z. 2008. “Poverty, Wealth Inequality and Health among Older Adults in Rural Cambodia.” Soc SciMed 66, no. 1: 57–71.

5

Unpacking disability theologies

Introduction In religious circles, theology is a vehicle through which believers make sense of God and the meaning of life. In a way, this book, through exploring how African churches minister “to and with” persons with disabilities, supports the thrust of disability theology. Any theology should transcend the experiences of people, despite age, race, or status. For instance, a superficial reading of scripture resulting in viewing disability as sin is somewhat damaging to per­ sons with disabilities. Changing Christian traditions or descriptions of what it means to be normal should encourage people not to negatively treat persons with disabilities. One of the questions is what religious scriptures say about bodies (able and disabled bodies). Disability theology provides lenses to both understand the plight of persons with disabilities and how to mitigate their challenges. Theology is a starting point for creating safe spaces for persons with disabilities. Disability theology should not be treated as a theology divorced from other theologies. Besides defining disability theology, this chap­ ter links disability theologies to other liberation theologies like the theology of suffering and the theology of disability and the cross. It is important to see how African churches deconstruct the spiritual needs of persons with disabilities.

Disability theology Notions of disability are categorised in three ways. First, disability is regarded as a stand-alone concept. Second, some people prefer to describe disability as a theology. Third, disability is simply viewed as a religious concept (Christian, Jewish and Islamic). In this chapter, disability theology is limited to a Chris­ tian perspective. Understanding disability theology is critical to this book so that the reader can understand what lenses African churches in Zimbabwe are using to effectively minister “to and with” persons with disabilities. Disability theology is a fairly new and emerging discourse in theological circles (Richie, 2015). It is defined as an attempt to make sense of the lived experiences of persons with disabilities using biblical, ecological and even DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-5

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anthropological perspectives (Swinton, 2001). While this definition has some merits as far as understanding issues of disability, what should be central to disability theology is hearing persons with disabilities talking about their experiences. Historically, disability theology is a recent development compared to other theologies. The philosophical underpinnings of disability theology are premised on analysing the practices, religious expressions and teachings relat­ ing to persons with disabilities. There is a consensus that disability theology must be multi-disciplinary in nature because disability is complex. Therefore, from a religious perspective, disability is a condition of life. Like any other life experience, disability requires a deep theological reflection. According to Vermeer (2014), disability theology involves the process and innovative ways that enable understanding of the lived experiences of persons with disabilities. What is interesting in the definition propounded by Vermeer is the element of “innovative ways” to deal with disability. In contemporary society, one of the innovative ways is to suspect that persons with disabilities are likely to be going through tough times. There is nothing wrong with starting from this position because Paul Ricoeur (1913–2005), a distinguished French philosopher of the twentieth century, argues for a hermeneutic of suspicion. According to Josselson (2004:1) the “hermeneutic of suspicion attempts to decode meanings that are disguised”. Although the hermeneutic of suspicion is used in narrative research, it can help in disability theology. For instance, the hermeneutic in the “hermeneutic of suspicion” is used to distrust symbols as a camouflage of the real. In comparing disability theology one should suspect that the hermeneutics used in religious settings marginalise persons with disabilities. Proponents of disability theology do not start the discourse on a plain level ground but argue that the religious context marginalises persons with dis­ abilities. It is disability theology which is fighting for appreciation of human differences and allowing persons with disabilities to take part in religious set­ tings (Eiesland, 1994). The benefits of disability theology include its ability to bring unity and solidarity between humanity. To be precise, disability theology opens a window for appreciating and allowing participation of persons with disabilities in religious settings (Eiesland, 2009). Religious traditions must be condemned in the strictest sense, especially on their failure to provide a theol­ ogy which prioritises the lived experiences of persons with disabilities. Exis­ tence of impairment is a cause for theological work, which ministers to all the people whether with or without disabilities. Proper disability theology must cater for interpreting all the experiences of people, especially in the light of religious traditions. In the context of Christian traditions, disability theology argues that human life experiences are a source for theological reflection. The problem of this is that there is no one experience which explains all human situations. It is fair to state that there is no single approach which satisfies disability theology. Disability theology does not stand on its own but complements existing theologies. But the question is then why disability needs its own theology. The reality of disability across the globe is that disability is a crisis

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that has no end (McReynolds, 2016). It may mean that most of the diverse theologies functioning in diverse contexts of the world need rethinking, espe­ cially pointing to the fact that persons with disabilities deserve to contribute to theological reflections about disability. If this is anything to go by, then we need a disability theology which cannot only get close to disability issues but is able to embrace and allow the voices of persons with disabilities to be loudest in the theology. Theological reflections by persons with disabilities can fuel fundamental frameworks about disability. Feelings, expressions and narratives from persons with disabilities should shape our convictions and vouch for our actions. To promote a sound disability theology which promotes social justice and empowerment of persons with disabilities, a healthy relationship must exist between Christian theology, disability and the experiences of persons with disabilities. The goal for disability theology, according to Ndlovu (2016), is to change the church and society to prioritise persons with disabilities. Much work should be put towards setting up strategies, laws and the place of persons with disabilities as enshrined in the eyes of God. Much can be achieved if churches would spearhead the importance of equal access to social, economic, spiritual and even other opportunities that life offers. If disability is permanent, then the church should not tire of thinking about how positive experiences of persons with disabilities can help when the church sees their conditions as a reality. Besides focusing on the persons with disabilities, often their families are neglected. Sometimes, families of persons with disabilities are affected more than the individual with a disability condition. The experiences of persons with disabilities have the potential to affect their families negatively. Based on this, McReynolds (2016) suggested that disability theology should put God at the centre of things, especially the fact that the church has a huge responsi­ bility. Although there may be many notions about the church’s responsibility towards persons with disabilities, Basselin (2011:48) suggests that “the church should be open to persons with disabilities, to fulfil its call to take care of the disadvantaged and vulnerable.” Easier said than done, the church should re­ evaluate the way it conducts altar calls and laying on of hands, including derogatory language related to blindness, lameness and deafness. Further, dis­ ability theology should create space and an enabling environment for persons with disabilities. Persons with disabilities deserve to be viewed as normal human beings. Consequently, this is a point of departure because Eiesland (2002) argues that for a long time, the church has adopted a demeaning atti­ tude towards persons with disabilities. In addition, Eiesland notes that the people in the church interpret scripture and come up with ideas that physical disability is a distortion of God’s image. By using disability theology, church leadership can empower persons with disabilities within their communities. To embrace persons with disabilities, the church must develop sound disability theology. The experiences of persons with disabilities are part of what it means to be human. In this case, Christian

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theology about disability should move beyond praying for divine healing to developing legitimate principles. Positively, disability theology casts light and reminds people that all people are vulnerable. Broadly, the vulnerability of persons with disabilities is not limited to vulnerability to harm but also joy and fulfilment.

Disability theology as contextual theology Although the development of disability theology is quite recent, as discussed above, there are significant commonalities and divergences which are useful tools for the benefits of persons with disabilities. To gain prominence, dis­ ability theology must be related to existing theologies. Borrowing from cultural and social perspectives, disability is a social construct – disability theology weakens vulnerable platforms. In this way, disability theology is not at par with systematic theologies which ground church doctrines and foundational truths. Disability theology is more liberational, fighting for the plight of per­ sons with disabilities. For instance, Reynolds (2012b) argues that disability theology recognises alienations and exclusions of persons with disabilities and argues that churches are social institutions better situated to address these challenges. Disability theologies push the church to be girded with community transformation because it is part of the community. One of the interesting issues about disability theology is its deliberate shifts from something viewed as “tragedy” to considering disability as a human condition calling for support and care. Human beings are vulnerable, hence the binary naming of human beings as normal or abnormal is plainly inadequate (Reynolds, 2012a). Starting from the position that human beings are vulnerable gives a philosophical framework for developing or improving proper theological responses to meet the needs of persons with disabilities. In Basselin’s (2011:47) words, “disability is a symbol of brokenness.” Brokenness in the context of disability moves from being negative to a picture of Jesus on the cross. Jesus on the cross is a picture of how human beings can experience vulnerability and dependence (Basselin, 2011). In the same vein, Eiesland (2009) postulates that the picture of Jesus on the cross is an analogue of a disabled God. The suffering that Jesus went through means God allowed him to do so; as believers, there are instances where people must experience suf­ fering. To Basselin (2011:53), “Christ as disabled is the starting point for any theology of disability.” Disability theology has a liberation motive fighting for the emancipation of persons with disabilities. The church is used to dealing with the vulnerable, for instance, the poor, the discouraged and the broken-hearted. The church should encourage persons with disabilities in the same way they give comfort to other groups of vulnerable people. Liberation theology aims at dismantling social, economic and political injustices. Liberation theologies place the interests of the vulnerable at the centre. In the liberation theology, God is on the side of the oppressed. The liberation thought developed from the experiences of Jesus

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on the cross is that Jesus went on the cross to identify with the vulnerable. The resurrection motif shows that Jesus overcame the evil and suffering that is put on the vulnerable and the poor. In liberation theology, the rich or evil struc­ tures are not powerful, but God stands on the side of the oppressed signifying the reality of social justice from the Bible. In the context of disability, the liberation motif is based on the triumphalist theologies which give persons with disabilities victory of the cross. Disability theologies use the cross to see equality between persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities. Brokenness, weakness and vulnerability present the hidden side of God. Believers prefer a mighty God which conquers weak­ ness, but disability theology shows power in weakness. Therefore, persons with disabilities are not weak people but their conditions stand for the hidden side of God. Therefore, triumphalist theologies should revise their notions of victory, because before God, weak conditions are a sign of victory. In other words, there is no need for God to change the conditions of persons with dis­ abilities. Unlike liberations which look to extract vulnerable and marginalised people from the oppressive structures, disability theology views brokenness as a positive strength. Paul’s experience in 1 Corinthians 1: 27–28 illustrates dis­ ability theology in the sense that “God uses the weak things of the world to shame the strong.” Although this scripture is not directly referring to persons with disabilities, disability theology lenses advocate that those things ordinarily considered weak have strength in the eyes of God. Paul, in another instance in 2 Corinthians 4:8–10, talks about afflictions, crushing, perplexing and despair­ ing. According to Reinders (2013), Paul’s insights of suffering and frustrations need to be reinterpreted to accept human conditions. Further, using readers’ response approach to interpret the Bible, Paul’s experience resonates close to experiences of persons with disabilities. According to Coleridge (1993), persons without disabilities are not strong, but they must regard themselves as temporarily able bodied. In this line of thought, persons with disabilities should be considered as normal people (Quinn, Degener and Bruce, 2002). Theologically, the crucified, dead and res­ urrected Jesus stands as the embodiment of power in weakness. Disability theology has a propensity to create equality between persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities. Disability theology unites the lived experiences of persons with disabilities and how Jesus authenticates these human experiences in the salvation story. Therefore, African churches ministering “to and with” persons with dis­ abilities can start with the lowly experiences of persons with disabilities and mirror them to scriptures. Most liberation theologies start with certain set­ tings, backgrounds and struggles of people (Avila, 2010). It was the encounters and experiences of people in Latin America that gave rise to liberation theology. The Bible should speak to the daily experiences and challenges of people – moving from orthodoxy to orthopraxis. The liberation motif in dis­ ability theology is empowering persons with disabilities in their conditions. Disability theology is concerned with both “inner-salvation” and “ inclusion of

66 Unpacking disability theologies bodies” of persons with disabilities in places of worship. Disability theology has a reconciliatory element which marks liberation theology and praxis. The central element within the liberation theology is “justice” (Otieno, 2009). Proper liberation of persons with disabilities is achieved when there is no struggle for inclusion and they are given space for worship based on justice and reconciliation.

Disability theology and the suffering motif Suffering is a world reality, and there are questions concerning why there is so much suffering. One area that is worrisome is interpreting suffering as it relates to persons with disabilities. Many explanations are given about suffering, but suffering is viewed predominantly as something worth enduring to gain levels of spirituality and even as a prerequisite for getting grace and favour from God. However, Eiesland argues that the theology of suffering is a source of problems that hinders the lives of persons with disabilities (Eiesland, 1994). The theology of suffering makes persons with disabilities passive and submit to various kinds of abuse. The problem is that there are teachings that people should endure suffering in a bid to obey God. In the context of suffering theology, disability is defined as divine suffering put upon those God chooses. Defining disability in this manner causes persons with disabilities to become less visible and more voiceless. The theology of suffering marginalises persons with disabilities. Dismantling the theology of suffering from the lived experiences of persons with disabilities is a good point to redress biases towards persons with dis­ abilities. The way the theology of suffering is used in the context of black theology and liberation theology must be different. The link between suffering and persons with disabilities is not a contextual experience like what is explained in black and liberation theologies. There is a need to explore how African churches have used the theology of suffering over the years to help persons with disabilities to cope with their conditions. Accepting disability as a form of suffering has apparently brought merits and demerits. On one hand, society views persons with disabilities as people deserving their fate because of something wicked they committed. On the other hand, persons with dis­ abilities deserve suffering because it will manifest in miraculous healing or even death. Scriptures that are normally used to build the theology of suffering, diseases and disability include but are not limited to 2 Timothy 3:12, Mathew 8:19–20, Romans 8:17, Psalms 34:19, Acts 14:22, 1 and Corinthians 15:19, 31. However, most theologians and scholars are guilty of not applying proper hermeneutical tools to interpret some of these scriptures. While there is acceptance that persons with disabilities suffer because of the limitations and barriers within society and environment, conflating disability and suffering brings stigma and marginalisation to persons with disabilities. For instance, taking virtuous suffering as evidence of the grace of God is not fair to persons with disabilities. The suffering theology of the cross is positive

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in showing an opportunity to engage with the visible God – Jesus Christ who endured suffering and pain, and who was wounded on the cross. It is impor­ tant to disentangle the life of persons with disabilities from the view of life as a constant struggle and strife. It is an over-exaggeration to mirror the suffering of persons with disabilities with the theology of the cross where there was torture, suffering and death. Instead, the theology of the cross is a source of hope, a moment of turning weakness into strength. The death of Christ opened a window for a resurrected life. The theology of the cross is the basis of believers’ hope (Dickson, 1984). The theology of suffering and disability theology help in understanding the experiences of persons with disabilities.

Disability theology and the sacramental motif If we stop to think of the excellent proposals and developments of disability theology discussed above, they give a sense of achievement to deal with the issues of persons with disabilities. However, we need to take a few steps back and think about the role of disability theology in the life of the church – the sacramental theology (baptism and Holy Communion). Sacraments are defined as a ritual which shows the presence of Christ in the Christian community. In simpler terms, sacraments are a “mystery” enabling believers to tap into the nearness of God to believers. The use of bread and wine opens opportunities for believers to think alternative political realities (Crockett, 1989). The com­ munal aspect is pivotal to an ecclesiology of disability. Ecclesiology of dis­ ability is built upon reflecting that God has a desire to include and embody differences. Another definition of sacrament is an illustration from the Roman sacra­ mentum. The Roman soldier would sign an oath for his service and vow to lose his body should he go against the emperor (Rupke, 1990). Fittingly, Ulrich Zwingli (1484–1531), a Swiss Protestant leader in the Reformation, identifies with this definition when he defined sacramentum as believers pledging an oath of the presence of God which is visible in the Christian community (Crockett, 1989). According to Eiesland, the struggle of persons with disabilities for hol­ istic access should be viewed as a sacrament to the loving God whose justice persons with disabilities seek (Eiesland, 1994). Sacramental theology focuses on bringing healing from experiences, rela­ tionships and even shame. The sacramental love of Jesus is noticed in human­ ity and creation. The power of the redemption by Christ makes believers from diverse abilities part of the mission of God. “Diverse abilities” include persons with disabilities. Therefore, Jesus’s sacramental love should be viewed with disability in mind. Jesus showed a complete communion with God – re-enacted through baptism and Holy Communion. It follows, therefore, that believers must have the same connection with God. Even in weakness, Jesus remained connected to God through daily communion in prayer. The Gethsemane experience is the climax of Jesus’ dependence on God and the confidence that he was going to take him through crucifixion. This example of connection and

68 Unpacking disability theologies sacrifice applies to both persons with disabilities and persons without dis­ abilities because all are vulnerable, hence the need to focus on God. Sacra­ ments are an opportunity created by God to invite people to equality and justice. By taking part in sacraments, one tends to think about dignity and joy of full life. Baptism is a complex mystery; this study uses it as an initiatory ritual aimed at God’s transformative power received through the immersion in water. Bap­ tism enables believers to come into the local church and the larger body of Christ (World Council of Churches, 1982). The central cog in baptism is Christian unity. In the context of disability, baptism means transformative unity and wholeness of persons with disabilities. This resonates with the description of William Stringfellow (1973:161) that baptism is person’s “public commitment to humanity.” Therefore, when persons with disabilities and per­ sons without disabilities are taking part in the ritual of baptism, they embody wholeness which is beyond physical bodies. It binds people together to experience peace. According to Miroslav Volf (1996), it helps believers to experience dignity and joy in community. Equally important is the sacrament of Holy Communion. The other name for Holy Communion is the “Eucharist” meaning thanksgiving offered for the gifts of Christ. The meal of bread and wine is taken in remembrance of the life and ministry of Jesus Christ. The Holy Communion has an eschatological thrust which is “the new paschal meal of the church, the meal of the New Covenant” (World Council of Churches, 1982:8). The table of Christ where the meal of Holy Communion is served invites all people, women and tax collectors. I think even persons with disabilities are welcome to such a table. Therefore, the picture of God’s table profoundly impacts persons with disabilities the same way it does to persons without disabilities. Put together, the sacramental motif is a mystery allowing all people to share the power of peace (shalom). Baptism shows the power of God, his love and life in the Spirit (Duck, 2000). The wine and bread used in the Holy Commu­ nion sacrament allows participation of believers as both individuals and com­ munity in the life of Christ, death and resurrection (White, 1983). Baptism and Holy Communion rituals confirm the work of Christ that “in Jesus Christ, the total liberation of all people has come” (Boesak, 1978). Elements in baptism and Holy Communion have social, eschatological and socio-political meanings which make persons with disabilities acceptable. The sacramental ecclesiology of disability starts by baptisms, theological and practical elements which are extended in the Holy Communion ritual. Within both sacraments, there are issues of equality and justice which are sufficient to treat persons with disabilities with dignity. From the oneness of joining in the death, burial and resurrection with Christ – to sitting down at the table of Holy Communion, meals make people one. As people sit at the table, there is communion. Holy Communion extends fellowship to all people, especially the vulnerable. Holy Communion is only complete when believers cherish relationships, one with each other as well as the soil that produces

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bread and wine (Johnson, 2013). One thing about the sacraments is that they are reiterated throughout the life of the church. Hence, it an opportunity to always remember the space given to persons with disabilities.

Conclusion This chapter has discussed disability theologies comprehensively. Disability theol­ ogies are still developing, having started recently. Proponents of disability theologies are persons with disabilities who shared their lived experiences and their reflections about God. Understanding disability theologies using the lenses of major Christian beacons like the cross, suffering and sacraments enriches understanding about disability. Consequently, this chapter explained that the proper use of disability theology fosters a liberation praxis for persons with disabilities. Therefore, existing disability theologies are resources to meet the needs of persons with disabilities.

References Avila, M. 2010. “Liberation.” In Dictionary of Mission Theology: Evangelical Foundations. Westmont, IL: InterVarsity Press. Basselin, T. 2011. “Why Theology Needs Disability.” Theology Today 68, no. 1: 47–57. Boesak, A. 1978. Coming in out of the Wilderness. A Comparative Interpretation of the Ethics of Martin Luther King Jnr and Malcolm X. Kampen: Kok. Coleridge, P. 1993. Disability, Liberation, and Development. Oxford: Oxfam. Creamer, D.B. 2012. “Disability Theology.” Religion Compass 6, no. 7: 339–346. Crockett, W.R. 1989. Eucharist: Symbol of Transformation. New York: Pueblo. Dickson, K.A. 1984. Theology in Africa Maryknoll. New York: Darton, Longman and Todd. Duck, R.C. 2000. “Expansive Language in the Baptismal Community.” In Primary Sources of Liturgical theology: A Reader, edited by Dwight W. Vogel, 286–287. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press. Eiesland, N.L. 1994. “Sacramental Bodies.” Journal of Religion, Disability and Health 13, no. 3–4: 236–246. Eiesland, N. 2002. “Liberation, Inclusion, and Justice: A Faith Response to Persons with Disabilities.” Impact: Feature Issue on Faith Communities and Persons with Developmental Disabilities 14, no. 3: 143. Eiesland, N.L. 2009. The Disabled God: Toward a Liberatory Theology of Disability. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Johnson, J. 2013. Divine Communion: A Eucharistic Theology of Sexual Intimacy. New York: Seabury. Josselson, R. 2004. “The Hermeneutic of Faith and the Hermeneutic of Suspicion.” Narrative Inquiry 14, no. 1: 1–28. McReynolds, K. 2016. “The Gospel of Luke: A Framework for a Theology of Disability.” Christian Education Journal 13, no. 1: 169. Ndlovu, H.L. 2016. “African Beliefs Concerning People with Disabilities: Implications for Theological Education.” Journal of Disability and Religion 20, no. 1–2: 29–39. Otieno, P.A. 2009. “Biblical and Theological Perspectives on Disability: Implications on the Rights of Persons with Disability in Kenya.” Disability Studies Quarterly 29, no. 4: 14.

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Quinn, G., Degener, T. and Bruce, A. 2002. Human Rights and Disability: The Current Use and Future Potential of United Nations Human Rights Instruments in the con­ text of Disability. Geneva: United Nations Publications. Reinders, H.S. 2013. Theology and Disability, Searching for Dignity: Conversation on Humanity. Theology and Disability Publication. http://www.ascleidm.nlkontek/web dossiers/disability-Africa. Accessed 27 July 2021. Reynolds, T.E. 2012a. “Theology and Disability: Changing the Conversation.” Journal of Religion, Disability and Health 16: 33–48. Reynolds, T.E. 2012b. “Invoking Deep Access: Disability Beyond Inclusion in the Church.” Dialog 51, no. 3: 212–223. Richie, C. 2015. “Do Not Hinder Them: Educating Children with Mental Disabilities in the Church.” International Journal of Children’s Spirituality 20, no. 2: 72–85. Rupke, J. 1990. Domi Militiae: Die Religiöse Konstruktion des Krieges in Rom. Tübingen: Franz Steiner. Stringfellow, W. 1973. An Ethic for Christians and Other Aliens in a Strange Land. Waco, TX: Word. Swinton, J. 2001. Spirituality and Mental Health Care. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Vermeer, D. 2014. “Catholic Communications, Sydney Archdiocese.” http://www.syd neycatholic.org/news/latest_news/2014/2014627_1055.shtml Accessed 28 July 2021. Volf, M. 1996. Exclusion & Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness, and Reconciliation. Nashville, TN: Abingdon. White, J.F. 1983. Sacraments as God’s Self-Giving. Nashville, TN: Abingdon. World Council of Churches. 1982. Baptism, Eucharist, and Ministry. Faith and Order Paper no. 111. Geneva: World Council of Churches.

6

Missionary churches ministering “to

and with” persons with disabilities

Introduction The nature of the missionary churches is discussed extensively in Chapter One. Overall, these churches continue to influence society in Zimbabwe. Mis­ sionaries, mostly from Europe, brought Christianity to Zimbabwe and about 80% of the country’s population follow Christianity. Thus, “the settling of European missionaries in most parts of the country resulted in the conversion of large parts of the population to Christianity” (Muderedzi et al., 2017). The establishments of Christian missions in Zimbabwe made enormous in-roads, especially on education, health and democratisation processes in Zimbabwe. In the West where most of the mother churches of missionary churches in Zim­ babwe exist, the churches have made meaningful strides towards the inclusion of persons with disabilities in both the church and society. The questions are to what extent the missionary churches have engaged with issues of disability. In addition, what is the role of the beliefs of missionary churches, especially how has the denigration of African culture fared on the issues of disability? The missionary churches condemned some cultural practices like witchcraft and societal rituals which seemed pagan. It is against this backdrop that this chapter explores how the missionary churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. Since there are a number of missionary churches in Zimbabwe, this chapter selects a few churches and explores how they are engaging with persons with disabilities. There were no specific criteria for selecting these churches but the chapter highlights those missionary churches whose agendas for disability were defined.

Case of Roman Catholic Church The Roman Catholic Church has a defined agenda for persons with dis­ abilities. The approach of the Roman Catholic Church in Zimbabwe in min­ istering “to and with” persons with disabilities is through organised and managed institutions. This chapter analyses a few of these institutions. The Roman Catholic Church is part of the Trocaire consortium which includes the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, the Catholic DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-6

72 Missionary churches Commission for Justice for Peace Masvingo, the Catholic for Justice for Peace Mutare, Masakhaneni Project Trust and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. The agenda of the Trocaire is to explore the extent of the prioritisation of the rights, inclusion and protection of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe. One of the examples is the work happening in Mutare (the eastern part) and Masvingo (the southern-eastern part) of Zimbabwe. The report by the Zim­ babwe Peace Project (2021) showed that the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Mutare, the Catholic Commission for Justice for Peace Masvingo and the Masakhaneni Project Trust are making progress in dealing with the issues of persons with disabilities. The report further highlighted that first, they won the support of the village heads, headmen and chiefs. A possible explanation for this might be that the leadership of villages are the custodians of the indigenous culture. Consequently, the Roman Catholic Church offers a critical aspect for dealing with persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe that success of their inclusion should start with the significant others. Another approach used by Trocaire was employing persons with disabilities to spearhead inclusion programs for persons with disabilities. This result may be explained by the fact that employing persons with disabilities in the projects targeting them helps to increase voices of persons with disabilities. Besides their voices, employing and having persons with disabilities provides practical experiences of persons with disabilities. It is one thing to think about what persons with disabilities need and them taking part in decision making. Insti­ tutions improve policies of persons with disabilities if they are part of them. The observed correlation exists between employment of persons with dis­ abilities and the image they portray to society might be explained in this way that people always perceive working people as normal. If persons with dis­ abilities compete in the job market, they are increasing their chances of being judged as people who are equally competent and have something to offer to the job market. It can thus be suggested that the economic model of disability is helpful to present persons with disabilities as persons who can take care of themselves. Further, it could be argued that employing persons with disabilities to run projects, even those targeting their wellbeing, poses a new paradigm contrary to the thinking that persons with disabilities are responsible citizens contributing to the success of the nation. Further, the Roman Catholic Church has built strategic partners who are developing arms of the local Catholic Church responsible for doing humani­ tarian work. In 1989, the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference invited the Catholic Relief Services to help in a number of things which include but are not limited to orphans and vulnerable children’s education, reducing food insecurity, income generating projects and psychosocial support. The Catholic Relief Services’ agenda is to “collaborate with the government of Zimbabwe to ensure our projects’ strategic direction fills the gaps in services faced by vul­ nerable populations, builds capacity of partner staff or community volunteers, and monitors and implements project activities” (Catholic Relief Services in Zimbabwe, 2021). There are, however, other possible explanations why the

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Roman Catholic Church is involving strategic partners to help the vulnerable. However, this approach is biblical, even the early church was involved in sending relief to the needy. According to Acts 11:29, Now in these days prophets came down from Jerusalem to Antioch. And one of them named Ag0 abus stood up and foretold by the Spirit that there would be a great famine over all the world; and this took place in the days of Claudius. And the disciples determined, everyone according to his abil­ ity, to send relief to the brethren who lived in Judea; and they did so, sending it to the elders by the hand of Barnabas and Saul.

Case of the United Methodist Church The United Methodist Church in Zimbabwe is taking initiatives to meet the needs of persons with disabilities. Apart from the organised church forum, individuals are passionate to help persons with disabilities. A notable con­ tribution is by Raphael Bareyi, who fellowships at Harare Inner-city United Methodist Church; he distributed eleven wheelchairs in Harare, Rukweza, Stoneridge, Nyazura and Kapatamukombe (Mount Darwin). Over the period of five years Bareyi distributed over 100 wheelchairs. As a person with dis­ abilities himself, Bareyi acknowledged the reality that persons with disabilities face obstacles from birth. He narrated his lived experience that “when I was born, my mother and father were divorcing. When I was 6 months old, both parents failed to take responsibility (for) my welfare. I was left … in our rural field for three days” (Kumuterera, 2018). Whenever Bareyi donates property to assist persons with disabilities he teaches the people not to abandon persons with disabilities. Using this experience, parents’ divorce when a child with disabilities is born into the family is not right. His suggestion was that parents need to be educated to thank God for persons with disabilities and treat chil­ dren equally. This shows that churches whose doors are opened to persons with disabilities motivate individuals to step up and cover gaps and needs of persons with disabilities. These relationships between church and members of the church may partly be explained by the spirit of impartation. The adage that charity begins at home is meaningful to this example. Thus, this is an example of church members ministering “to” persons with disabilities. Minis­ tering “to” persons with disabilities calls for the church to find practical ways to meet the needs of persons with disabilities. The United Methodist Church in Zimbabwe creates space for persons with disabilities to minister in the church. Ministering “with” persons with dis­ abilities is according to them space to conduct services, pray for people or do all ministrations which persons without disabilities do in church. Tinowimba­ nashe Marange, a 12-year-old who is paralysed from her waist to legs, has an opportunity to preach at Mount Makomwe United Methodist Circuit (Mar­ ange District), where she preached from the book of Job. Tinowimbanashe exhorted, “have faith. Challenges come and go, and God is faithful. He won’t

74 Missionary churches leave you unprotected; challenges are there to strengthen you” (Kumuterera, 2018). Further, she applied the message to the people by saying that “God loves me, Look at your situations. Don’t blame or ask why but be grateful that at least you have something to thank God for.” Theologically, there are several possible explanations for this view. Such a sermon is not only powerful but instructional in that there is no situation for which believers can fail to thank God. Hence, the stepping up of and ministrations by persons with disabilities encourages the church (persons without disabilities) because persons with dis­ abilities demonstrate that they are not in need of healing, contrary to what persons without disabilities would assume. According to this sermon, one can see that Tinowimbanashe is comfortable in her situation and ready to face her future. Therefore, prioritising the ministering “with” persons with disabilities brings to light how they perceive God in their conditions. The theology which comes from experience is a tried and tested theology helpful to construct a correct theology of disability. When it comes to partnering and supporting the marginalised, the United Methodist Church in Zimbabwe belongs to its international body (The People of the United Methodist Church, 2020). The gifts given by believers on the “World Communion Sunday” facilitate scholarships which help the United Methodist Church to sponsor gifted and qualified persons from across the globe to become world changers in the mind of God. The “World Communion Sunday” is defined as: according to the 1972 Book of Discipline paragraph 163.b there shall be a World Communion (formerly Fellowship of Suffering and Service) offering to support the division of chaplains and ministries, Crusade Scholarships and the scholarship fund for minority groups. (United Methodist Church, 2021) Esina Sibanda, a member of the United Methodist Church in Zimbabwe, who has a son with disabilities, says she had no idea about how to handle him. She testified that the United Methodist Church has nurtured her life in many ways; she applied for “World Communion Sunday Scholarship Fund” and decided to study disability (The People of the United Methodist Church, 2020). Through the scholarship, Esina attained a master’s degree in Special Needs Education specialising in hearing and speech impairment education. About disability, Esina declared that: Persons with disabilities are a minority group who are segregated from all areas of Zimbabwean life. I want to change the world by assisting persons with disabilities to be accepted in their families, community, and country at large. I want to ensure the disabled are included in society. For exam­ ple, at the church level I interpret sign language to hearing-impaired con­ gregants. I am also advocating for community-based rehabilitation so that people with disabilities will be assisted within their communities. I am also

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advocating for inclusive education so that we will have an inclusive society. I hope that adults with disabilities will be employed, and all our buildings will be accessible to wheelchair users. (The People of the United Methodist Church, 2020) This narrative is an example of how people who live with persons with dis­ abilities need support. Esina Sibanda’s experience shows a model of how the United Methodist Church is indirectly partnering with persons with dis­ abilities. It brings an understanding that there are several ways to reach out to people with disabilities, especially those who are close to them. Due to a lack of adequate information, people who safeguard and keep persons with dis­ abilities from the public are faced with a tough time in taking care of them. However, this situation is used wisely by some people like Esina Sibanda who had to train in Special Needs Education. As a point of departure, the decision by Esina Sibanda is a lesson that the ministering “to and with persons with disabilities” is not only confined within church walls; individual members of the African churches may acquire professional qualifications targeted at transforming the lives of persons with disabilities.

Case of Dutch Reformed Church in Zimbabwe The Dutch Reformed Church is using an institutional approach to deal with the plight of persons with disabilities. Appropriately, the Dutch Reformed Church established a primary school for the blind in Masvingo. The Hugo family founded the school in 1939 in Masvingo and called it Margaretha Hugo Primary School for the Blind. Alternatively, the school is called the Blind at Capota. The name Capota is believed to come from the name chopota (which means a locomotive train disappearing). The school was named in memory of the principal who was a founding member of the school. Margeretha Hugo defied the negative perceptions about persons with disabilities. As well as children born with disabilities such as blindness, deafness and albinism, even twins were frowned upon by society. According to Marungudzi, the drought of 1915 caused Dzingai’s mother to bring him to Reverend Andrew Hugo to get food, later becoming the first person with disabilities to be mentored by Mar­ garetha (Marungudzi, 2016). The difficulty of sending Dzingai to Zambia to be taught Braille led to the establishment of the Margaretha Hugo School. The finding from the Dutch Reformed Church in Zimbabwe shows how African churches can be vanguards against the hurtful cultural practices suffered by persons with disabilities. Margaratha Hugo’s action to embrace persons with disabilities is the duty of believers to show the light and cast out the darkness of bad cultural practices. This finding resonates with the work of Choruma (2006) who showed that children with albinism are killed in some parts of southern Africa – even in Zimbabwe. Another school associated with the Reformed Church in Zimbabwe is the Henry Murray School of the Deaf. The school was started in 1948, to cater for

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persons with hearing impairments. The name was given to honour the con­ tribution of Henry Murray, who at one time was the chairperson of the Mis­ sionary Council in Rhodesia. He was also the superintendent of the Morgenster mission station. Besides these offices, Henry Murray was a princi­ pal of both theological and teacher training colleges. The theological college is also known as Murray Theological College. It was Henry Murray’s intention to extend education to persons with disabilities. This finding explains a rela­ tively good correlation between theological training and education specifically targeting persons with disabilities. This is a model of ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. This work by the Reformed Church in Zim­ babwe shows that African churches have to spearhead the starting of schools to cater for children with disabilities.

Case of Seventh Day Adventist Church The Seventh Day Adventist church in Zimbabwe has a positive attitude towards persons with disabilities. In 2020, the church partnered with organi­ sations championing empowerment of persons with disabilities. The Seventh Day Adventist churches in Mashonaland and Matebeland central have opened a special department which caters for disability. Pastor Rich Ketani who is the Seventh Day Adventist Bindura East district explained that the decision to come up with a special department which caters for persons with disabilities was because they were left out in different aspects. The Seventh Day Adventist church in Zimbabwe claims to be engaging with persons with disabilities in and outside their church. In the words of Mr Ketani, “all along we have been assisting our members who are disabled … but we realised that there is a need to include even those outside the church” (Lupande, 2020). Mr Ketani further explained that the Seventh Day Adventist church is plan­ ning to open a sign language department as well. In the meantime, the church is mobilising resources towards this initiative. Besides this, the church spends time in the communities and is educating families about the rights of persons with disabilities. It feels that it can do more to challenge abuse and deprivation of education to persons with disabilities. Mr Ketani’s inspiring statements summarise the church’s perspectives about disability as he elaborated in his speech: We have gathered here to make them feel loved and also make church members aware of the need to spread that love. Parents and guardians sometimes hide children and relatives with disability for fear of victimisa­ tion. “As the church, we are opening our arms wider so that they feel loved and have a shoulder to lean on, because that is our duty. It emerged during the interactions that people with disabilities feel neglected by the church. It is our duty to go door to door and ensure that they are included in every aspect of life. We realised that the church plays a critical role in promoting rights of people with disability. The Bible say every person is

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fearfully and wonderfully made. Jesus treated everyone equally and dealt with special needs afterwards.” At least fifty people with disabilities received food hampers. (Lupande, 2020) Speaking about the Seventh Day Adventist church, Mr Munyaradzi Mafunga, the chairperson of the Zvimirire-Zimele Disability Zimbabwe, said the church should be teaching about the knowledge on the rights of persons with disabilities. He further explained that: persons with disabilities face various challenges during the COVID-19 induced lockdown … we run to the church for comfort and support, and we are happy to feel loved today … we are mobilising ourselves to start economic empow­ ering projects so that we move from the charity model to self-sufficiency. (Lupande, 2020) This finding is consistent with struggles and challenges of persons with dis­ abilities. In the context of ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, this statement is interesting, because it shows an awareness of moving away from the charity model and mindset into providing transformative empower­ ment to persons with disabilities. The charity model of disability perceives persons with disabilities as needing charity or as people to be pitied. A better way of empowering persons with disabilities through the charity model is to “include them in the community and give them space for participation” (Sande and Ringson, 2021:179). It is without doubt that the Seventh Day Adventist church brings new per­ spectives about dealing with persons with disabilities. Historically, the Seventh Day Adventist church is proactive in dealing with the vulnerable. When Cyclone Idai hit the Northern part of Zimbabwe resulting in people dying and going missing, and destruction of property, the Seventh Day was amongst the first churches to respond. According to Zaba (2019) the: Adventist Development and Relief agency Zimbabwe in partnership with the Seventh-day Adventist (SDA) church engaged a total of 135 (89 males & 46 females) volunteers who assisted communities to remove rubble and search for missing relatives. Most of the volunteers were from the different parts of Manicaland and a few coming as far as Harare. A team of trained counsellors (2 Psychologists) were contracted and deployed by Adventist Development and Relief agency Zimbabwe at the beginning of the Network Response Project to offer psychosocial support and protection issues to the various groups in the community including Adventist Development and Relief agency Zimbabwe staff and church volunteers working in the affected areas. The activities outlined above are related to partnerships and action related to the vulnerable. The report shows that the Seventh Day Adventist church finds

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ways of partnering and offering help when disasters strike and affect people in society. To be successful in dealing with persons with disabilities in the church, the church should be involved in diverse projects that give it experience to deal with the vulnerable. Though believers are encouraged by preaching passages which deal with the vulnerable, better learning comes from being practically involved. It is less effective to show the love of God and compassion by fasting, prayer and waiting for divine intervention as Classical African Pentecostals in Zimbabwe like the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe do (Sande and Ringson, 2021).

Case of Zimbabwe Council of Churches The Zimbabwe Council of Churches is an ecumenical body with a vision of empowering churches for the renewal of society. The communion of churches belonging to the Zimbabwe Council of Churches was founded in 1964. To date, the Zimbabwe Council of Churches includes 30 member churches. It is beneficial for this book to see how such ecumenical bodies are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. During the year 2021, the provincial lea­ dership forum meetings targeted strengthening skill and knowledge with Zim­ babwe Head of Churches Denomination to enhance citizenry participation and social cohesion in the devolution process (Shereni, 2021). Of the 55 people who took part in the Provincial Leaders Forum meetings to discuss means to enhance social participation (17 females and 38 males), there was one female with disabilities (Mtata, 2021). Even though the number is low, the fact that there is a person with disabilities within the Zimbabwe Head of Churches Denomination is encouraging. The Zimbabwe Council of Chur­ ches’ cross-cutting issues are integrated into their activities. For instance, they collaborate with Disabled Persons Organisations which cater and represent persons with disabilities especially their full inclusions. Strategically, the Zim­ babwe Council of Churches conducted a survey to find the needs of persons with disabilities (Mtata, 2021). The Local Ecumenical Fellowships act as the epicentre for conducting national dialogues. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Local Ecumenical Fellowships stimulated citizen urgency for discussing how to reduce COVID-19 related deaths. The Local Ecumenical Fellowships led two key research initia­ tives “that were commissioned by Zimbabwe Council of Churches that are the COVID-19 and Disability surveys whose results continued to guide the Church interventions on the two critical issues of health and disability” (Mtata, 2021:12). The Reformed Church in Zimbabwe ordains persons with disabilities to pastoral ministry. Reverend Zenda Chipaka is the first deaf pastor in the Reformed Church in Zimbabwe. As a guest minister, Reverend Zenda Chi­ paka, through a sign language interpreter, shared reflections on the importance of listening to advice during the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC) 8th Biennial General Assembly (World Council of Churches, 2021). The

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participants of the conference shared that they were moved to see a woman pastor with disabilities preaching at a major ecumenical gathering. The Zim­ babwe Council of Churches (2021) embraced the suggestions by the World Council of Churches Ecumenical Disability Advocates Networks calling for churches to embrace persons with disabilities and open space for their leadership. Feedback from the conference showed that: Many participants hailed the initiative, acknowledging that they had been challenged to reflect on their own attitudes towards people with dis­ abilities in church and society. At the assembly, the ZCC adopted an Inclusive Policy. The policy presented obligations to churches, society and government to craft policies and assume practices that ensure inclusion of people with disabilities, women, children, and minorities. Such acknowledgements and adoption of the Inclusive Policy shows positive strides by missionary churches towards ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. In the same vein and the Zimbabwean Council of Churches 8th Biennial General assembly, Reverend Professor Dr Ioan Sauca, the World Council of Churches General Secretary, acknowledged the pivotal role of the churches in contributing to health care services, education, and humanitarian challenges (Sausa, 2021). The Zimbabwe Council of Churches uses initiative-taking strategies to minister “to and with” persons with disabilities. According to Ngwenya (2021), one of the interesting strategies is conducting empirical research. On 1 Sep­ tember 2021, the Zimbabwe Council of Churches launched a national disability survey. The overarching aim of the survey was focusing on the day-to-day challenges faced by persons with disabilities.

Jairos Jiri Association Notable philanthropic work was set up in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) to ease the challenges of persons with disabilities. Considering that there are several missionary churches in Zimbabwe, it is good to select a few case studies. The work of Jairos Jiri towards persons with disabilities would show how mis­ sionary churches are ministering with persons with disabilities. The Jairos Jiri Association was founded in 1950. Jairos Jiri founded this philanthropic insti­ tution to help persons with disabilities at a time when such persons were only known for begging. He was persuaded to offer persons with disabilities the opportunity to train and do self-help projects to improve their lives. Critics think that persons with disabilities become isolated in institutions like Jairos Jiri and so are further disabled. According to Devlieger (1995), some parents take advantage of their failure to take care of persons with disabilities by giving them up to institutions. Opening institutions for persons with disabilities is an example of how society can supply shelter to the vulnerable. To date, the Jairos Jiri Association is the biggest association, running twenty-nine

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institutions in Zimbabwe. The Jairos Jiri association runs many different pro­ jects for persons with disabilities which include but are not limited to craft shops, farms and community-based rehabilitation projects. According to Senderayi (n.d.), The Jairos Jiri Association is the largest service provider (probably in Africa) to people with disabilities and over 6500 clients are saved every year through outreach and follow-up integration programmes. In addition, the Association operates 29 centres (not counting craft shops, farms and community-based rehabilitation programmes) where 1200 children and adults get treatment, care and education.

Conclusion This chapter explored how the missionary churches respond to ministering to persons with disabilities. Missionary churches introduced Christianity in Zim­ babwe. Their religious practices are linked to Western Christianity as their mother churches. In a way, perspectives about disabilities are largely influ­ enced by the West, though with the local cross-pollination of the Zimbabwean context. The selected cases of missionary churches in Zimbabwe have a posi­ tive attitude towards persons with disabilities. Missionary churches set up the majority of institutions which currently cater for persons with disabilities.

References Catholic Relief Services in Zimbabwe. 2021. “Zimbabwe.” https://www.crs.org/our­ work-overseas/where-we-work/zimbabwe. Accessed 21 April 2022. Choruma, T. 2006. The Forgotten Tribe: People with Disabilities in Zimbabwe. London: Progressio. Devlieger, P. 1995. “From Self-help to Charity in Disability Service: The Jairos Jiri Association in Zimbabwe.” Disability and Society 10, no. 1: 39–48. Lupande, F. 2020. “Zimbabwe: Special Department Opened for the Disabled.” The Herald. https://www.herald.co.zw/special-department-opened-for-the-disabled/. Kumuterera, C. 2018. “United Methodist Focuses on Others with disabilities.” Harare: UMNS. https://www.umnews.org/en/news/united-methodist-focuses-on-others-with-disa bilities. Accessed 27 August 2021. Marungudzi, T. 2016. “Special Institutions for People Living with Disabilities in Zim­ babwe: A Socio-onomatics Exegesis.” Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 3B: 306–316. Mtata, K. 2021. Zimbabwe Council of Churches. https://www.zcceco.org/images/ documents/ZCC%202020%20Annual%20Report.pdf. Muderedzi, J., Eide, A.H., Braathen, S.H. and Stray-Pedersen, B. 2017. Perceptions and Treatment of Children with Cerebral Palsy among the Tonga of Binga in Zimbabwe. Cogent Social Sciences 3, no. 1, 1418144: 1–15. Ngwenya, N. 2021. “Zimbabwe Disability Inclusion Assessment Report.” http://www. corah.live/zcc-launches-national-disability-survey/. Accessed 19 October 2021.

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Sande, N. and Ringson, J. 2021. Do Persons with Disability Need Healing? An African Pentecostal Perspective within the Selective African Pentecostal Churches in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Pentecostal Theology 30: 162–180. Sausa, I. 2021. “Greetings from the World Council of Churches (WCC) Geneva to the 8th Biennial Zimbabwe Council of Churches General Assembly.” https://www. oikoumene.org/resources/documents/greetings-from-the-world-council-of-churches-w cc-geneva-to-the-8th-biennial-zimbabwe-council-of-churches-general-assembly. Senderayi, E. (n.d.). Available at: www.jairosjiriassoc.com. Accessed 8 June 2021. Shereni, C. 2021. “Churches Engage Govt on Civic Participation in Devolution.” https:// tellzim.com/churches-engage-govt-on-civic/ Accessed 17 December 2021. The People of the United Methodist Church. 2020. “Offering Supports Recipients’ Dream to Serve the Disabled.” https://www.umc.org/en/content/world-communion-sunday-offer ing-supports-sibanda-esinas-dream-to-serve-the-disabled-wcs. Accessed 17 September 2021. United Methodist Church. 2021. “World Communion Sunday.” https://www.umc.org/ en/content/world-communion-sunday-ministry-article. Accessed 4 July 2021. World Council of Churches. 2021. “Inclusion Reaches New Level at Zimbabwe Council of Churches Assembly.” https://www.oikoumene.org/news/inclusion-reaches-new-le vel-at-zimbabwe-council-of-churches-assembly. Accessed 26 June 2021. Zaba, P. 2019. “Adventist Development and Relief Agency – Zimbabwe Chimanimani Cyclone Idai Emergence Response Final Report.” https://adra.org.uk/wp-content/up loads/2020/07/EM19022_Zimbabwe_CycloneIdai_NetworkResponse_FinalReport_N arrative.pdf. Accessed 18 June 2021.Zimbabwe Council of Churches. 2020. “ZCC 2020 Annual Report.” https://www.zcc-eco.org/images/documents/ZCC%202020% 20Annual%20Report.pdf. Accessed 21 April 2022. Zimbabwe Peace Project. 2021. Social Inclusion & the Promotion of Human Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Zimbabwe. Harare: Colourbaymedia.

7

African Initiated churches ministering

“to and with” persons with disabilities

Introduction As discussed in Chapter One, the African Initiated churches occupy a critical place in Zimbabwe. To improve the plight of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe, all stakeholders should come on deck for this agenda. Close ana­ lysis of the literature about disability studies in Zimbabwe, including the leg­ islations indicates that there is not much information recorded which focuses on African churches. This book suggests that African churches, especially African Initiated churches, are rich sources for interpreting the lived experi­ ences of persons with disabilities. African Indigenous churches stand for the indigenisation of Christianity in Africa. As a genre, African Initiated churches in Zimbabwe are a blend of Christianity and indigenous culture. Unlike the missionary churches still influenced by the West, the African Initiated churches have potential to give new perspectives about persons with disabilities because of their unique use of indigenous culture in their religious expressions. Thus, the role of African Initiated churches is critical to this book because of the dual use of culture and biblical worldview. From a cultural perspective, disability in Zimbabwe is cloaked with many myths and misconceptions expounded through the religious and cultural theoretical lenses. African Initiated churches interpret the Bible to speak to indigenous culture. According to Chimininge (2016), it is difficult to remove the indigenous and cultural myths about persons with disabilities within the African Indigenous Thought.

African Initiated churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities African Initiated churches in Zimbabwe do not have an outright institutiona­ lised approach to ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. How­ ever, their way of engaging with persons with disabilities is restoring them to normalcy. African Initiated churches believe in divine healings to restore per­ sons with disabilities. For example, African Initiated prophets prescribe mvura yemuteuro (holy water) for persons with disabilities to drink, bath and spray the homestead. Additionally, apart from mvura yemuteuro, matombo (small stones) are given in cases of stubborn disabilities like mental problems. DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-7

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Although there are many forms of disabilities, Masango (2019:2) argues that The African community lumps disabled persons together and analyses them in terms of their bodily impairment … different kinds of disabilities such as mild, moderate, severe or profound disability. One can also look at psychological impairment. There are also psychological hearing impairment, learning disability, autism, Down’s syndrome, intellectual disability and so forth. These religious beliefs are consistent with the fact that African Initiated chur­ ches embrace religious rituals. The use of stones and holy water are described using biblical connotations. Another approach of ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities within African Initiated churches is the issue of care giving. Statistics given by Mukushi (2018:106) in his study conducted in Dzivaresekwa, Harare, about caregivers of children with cerebral palsy showed that “seven out of ten care­ givers were members of the Apostolic Initiated churches.” It is difficult to explain this finding, but it is possibly due to the fact that African Initiated churches pride themselves about their powers to deal with stubborn spirits responsible for misfortunes of believers. Although African Initiated churches have many different names, in general, they have the same belief system. Afri­ can Initiated churches are known for kudzura (removing spells in one’s flesh) and kubata nyanga (removing witchcraft horn). As such, they are not afraid of dealing with negative spirits. Therefore, these findings about caregivers and families supporting persons with disabilities are likely to be related to the fact that African Initiated chur­ ches focus on dealing with the needs of persons with disabilities both physical and spiritual. While African Initiated churches are caring for persons with disabilities they also focus on spiritual solutions. Another form of care for persons with disabilities in African Initiated churches is prevention. Through the spiritual guidance, prophets in African Initiated churches prescribe that anything that harms children including disability can be prevented by tying strings on the hands, neck and legs. The prophets first pray for the strings at the shrine and claim that the strings have power to protect the children from the evil spirits and curses. It is possible that this finding is due to the fact that disability is a spell that is sent and can be stopped. This concurs with findings by Haihambo and Lightfoot (2010) that the source of disability is evil spirits. Hence, these existing cultural factors may explain the relatively good correla­ tions between the drive to ministering to persons with disabilities and the fear of the sources of disability. Both communities and members of the African Initiated churches fear disability. Such an attitude would make the African Initiated churches view persons with disabilities negatively. It is interesting to note that the moment people treat persons with disabilities as cursed indivi­ duals is like signing their death warrant because people begin to view them as not persons first but hosts of evil spirits. Instead of caring for persons with

84 African Initiated churches disabilities the people focus on wanting them to be delivered. This result has been explained by Longchar (2011:35), who states that in most religious set­ tings “disability is the oppression of and a barrier against people with impair­ ments.” While this explanation cannot be extrapolated to all African Initiated churches, the common drive to minister “to and with” persons with disabilities is worsened by either fear of disability or the dislike of not wanting to deal with persons with disabilities. In a way, intolerance to persons with disabilities is a subtle form of stigma and discrimination. As discussed in the previous chapter, it is more likely that the models that churches use to minister “to and with” persons with disabilities are influ­ enced to a greater extent by the culture and context. Missionary churches seem not to struggle with the issues of cultural beliefs when it comes to their approach to meet the needs of persons with disabilities. However, it is fair to pay attention to findings by Rose (1997), who argues that at some point even in the West, the pagans’ beliefs influenced the attitudes of the church towards persons with disabilities. What is positive about the findings by Rose is that over time there are not many pagan beliefs which affect persons with disabilities in the West. Unlike the current status quo, missionary churches in Zimbabwe ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, the African Initiated churches are influenced by the indigenous culture that has groomed people to see persons with disabilities as divine will or bewitched. This result is in agreement with Stone-Macdonald (2012), who argues that most of the religious fraternity believe that disability is spiritual. For instance, severe disability is linked to ngozi (avenging spirit), mamhepo (malevolent spirit) or mudzimu (benevolent spirit) (Mpofu and Harley, 2002). In general, persons with disabilities are still invisible within religious institutions. These teachings flow within African Initiated churches and are sustained by the Bible. The Hebrew Scriptures show that disability is a curse for sin committed by parents. The punishment of the parents’ sins traced to the fifth generation. According to Deuteronomy 28:28, “the Lord will smite you with madness, and blindness and confusion of the mind.” African Initiated churches are likely to treat persons with disabilities negatively because of both the indigenous culture and interpretation of the Bible, especially passages which negatively view persons with disabilities. The way African Initiated prophets minister to persons with disabilities has the danger of putting them under pressure to heal them. Persons with dis­ abilities intimidate pastors because of the expectation to heal them. The failure of healing of persons with disabilities weakens the reputation of God as a healer (Oliver, 1996). It is possible that the African Initiated churches’ prophets transfer negative attitudes to persons with disabilities for failure to perform miracles. Society’s construction of disability is making the Initiated church struggle to accommodate persons with disabilities. Instead of rebuking the evil spirits which cause disability, African Initiated churches must struggle to accommodate them within their religious worship. Accommodating persons with disabilities is something which does not come easily in African Initiated

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churches. According to Miles (2006), Christianity, Judaism and Islam did not offer easily support for persons with disabilities, especially their needs. Inclusion of persons with disabilities brings a sense of belonging to the com­ munity. Most of the times, persons with disabilities are met with hostility and often feel unwelcome (Rose, 1997). The agency of persons with disabilities is viewed to focus on reversing disability (Biri, Zimunya and Gwara, 2016). If Afri­ can Initiated churches focus on reversing disability, then persons with disabilities are limited in terms of freely choosing their spirituality and space to display their charisma. Another source of uncertainty is how persons with disabilities find confidence to stand and minister in a religious setting which believes that persons with disabilities need to be healed. Indirectly, the African Initiated churches com­ munity defines and characterises which believers are worthy of ministering, socialising and taking part in religious worship. In general, therefore, it seems that African Initiated churches exclude persons with disabilities from taking part in church activities. This status quo in African Initiated churches could be explored further by interrogating how African Initiated churches use biblical texts and the possibility they have to affect issues of disability.

Key biblical texts on disability used by African Initiated churches African Initiated churches use the Hebrew Scriptures significantly. The Bible, especially the Hebrew Scriptures, do not give a positive picture about dis­ ability. For instance, the Levitical codes and some portions of the book of Exodus attest that the sins of parents caused disabilities in the family. Conse­ quently, this notion is also mirrored in the indigenous culture of Zimbabwe in the sense that disability is a result of taboo and generational curses caused by angry gods. The African Initiated churches seem to be influenced by both the indigenous culture and the Judeo-Christian beliefs about disability. Rose (1997) showed that the Jews and Christians do not see persons with disabilities as equal partners to others in their religious setting. Their perceptions can be summarised thus: • • • •

Disability as a potential disciplinary measure or the manifestation of God’s revenge; Disability as a challenge to divine flawlessness, with the existence of per­ sons with disabilities raising doubts about the possibility that creation is perfect; Disability as a matter of pity and philanthropy – concentrating on the disability rather than on the unique person; Disability as an indication of inadequacy; accordingly, persons with dis­ abilities ought to be exempted from religious practices – they are unable to add to any genuine discourse on spirituality.

There are some similarities between some biblical and indigenous under­ standing of disability in Zimbabwe. Existing indigenous knowledge systems

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and beliefs determine the attitudes of society towards persons with disabilities. Before delving into how cultural notions permeating Christianity, especially in African Initiated churches, influence ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, it is critical to acknowledge that most cultural explanations on disabilities are shrouded in negative myths, sin and curses. Most of the responses about disabilities are rooted in cultural, spiritual or supernatural sources. The Hebrew Scriptures do not only take issues of disability as theology but as also religious, needing serious divine interpretation. Although there is a dire need to respect persons with disabilities in society, this agenda is shipwrecked by the failure to consider how sacred scriptures and culture cement toward stereotyping faced by persons with disabilities. The way African Initiated churches ministers “to and with” persons with disabilities, “needs to be related or compared with the Bible as the Bible represents the diverse cultures behind and inside the texts” (Machingura, 2018: 214). While it is correct to hold that dis­ ability issues and how they are perceived differ from one community to another (Chimininge, 2016), broadly, the Bible is the sacred word of God giving meaning to life experiences of people including persons with disabilities. In the African Initiated churches setting, the Bible is used to give meaning to how people view disability. Both the Hebrew Scriptures and the New Testaments show that dis­ ability is punishment for the sins committed by ancestors or parents (Jaeger and Bowman, 2005). Various denominations interpret the Bible differently, giving var­ ious theologies and perceptions about disability. According to Schuelka (2013), sacred text presents disability as a complex phenomenon. There are forty-six biblical incidences which talk about disability but mostly portray persons with disabilities negatively (Bryan, 2006). Similarly, the Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible and the Encyclopaedia Judaica simply argue that the Bible does not present disability in a positive light. Therefore, the Bible portrays persons with disabilities uniquely. The suggestion by Fast is that the role of theologians and scholars should focus on re-reading and reinterpreting the Hebrew Scriptures and New Testament con­ cepts of disability until the hermeneutics reduce stigma, marginalisation and discrimination (Fast, 2011). The advice by Fast holds water when one seeks to understand better how African Initiated churches minister to persons with disabilities. Such interpretations are an eye opener to understand how persons with disabilities are treated in the Bible and how to uphold teachings by various church traditions. The overarching presentation of disability in the Hebrew Scriptures centres on impurity or defilement. The Hebrew Scriptures equate disability to a pun­ ishment. Loosely, disability is seemingly incompatible with the holiness of God. Persons with disabilities are frowned upon because of their conditions. Persons with disabilities are left out when it comes to the religious and public sphere because they distort the image of God. The image of God mentioned in the Genesis creation narratives presents complexity to interpret them in light of disability. There is no mention of disability when Adam and Eve were created.

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A common reference is the Hebrew Scriptures, particularly the Levitical laws which perceive persons with disabilities as unclean. Speaking to Moses, the book of Leviticus 21:16–23 says: The Lord said to Moses, “Say to Aaron, none of your descendants throughout their generations who has a blemish may approach to offer the bread of his God. For no one who has a blemish shall draw near, a man blind or lame, or one who has a mutilated face or a limb too long, or a man who has an injured foot or an injured hand, or a hunchback, or a dwarf, or a man with a defect in his sight or an itching disease or scabs or crushed testicles; no man of the descendants of Aaron the priest who has a blemish shall come near to offer the Lord’s offerings by fire; since he has a blemish, he shall not come near to offer the bread of his God. He may eat the bread of his God, both of the most holy and of the holy things, but he shall not come near the veil or approach the altar, because he has a blemish, that he may not profane my sanctuaries; for I am the Lord who sanctify them.” The instruction to Moses about persons with disabilities gives a negative pic­ ture about persons with disabilities. Indirectly, the scripture suggests that per­ sons with disabilities must be healed first before coming and ministering before God. Thus, in the light of this interpretation, disability is somewhat a punish­ ment from God. More information can be grasped by discussing the Levitical laws, but this is beyond the scope of this chapter. There are some shocking laws prohibiting persons with disabilities to use the temple. Deuteronomy 23:1–2 says, he whose testicles are crushed or whose male member is cut off shall not enter the assembly of the Lord. No bastard shall enter the assembly of the Lord; even to the tenth generation none of his descendants shall enter the assembly of the Lord. The scripture shows that God is concerned with disability which is covered by clothes, hidden from the public view, like deformed testicles. Such laws are not taken easily by African Initiated churches who are skewed to believe the Hebrew Scriptures literally. For instance, African Initiated churches hold sacred the kirawa (sacred meeting place). They observe the Hebrew Scriptures literally. Much attention is paid to phenomena that demonstrated the power of God. For instance, the African Initiated churches command everyone to remove shoes at their kirawa. This practice is taken from the encounter of Moses and Yahweh found in the book of Exodus. The purity codes at kirawa are practised by confessing sins under the guide of prophets. At such kirawa, it is not surprising that disability is regarded as impure. At the kirawa, disability is a highly spiritualised phenomenon. The book of Leviticus is used to justify the purity, morality and holiness of alters

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and sacred places. Common scripture used for cultural perceptions for prohi­ bitions because of ritual instability and purity codes are Exodus 19.6; Leviticus 19:2; Leviticus 20:26 and Leviticus 22:32. Cochran (2011) argues that the sanctuary was a guarded place to keep it from pollution. In addition, the findings by Schofield (2003) indicate that fencing the sanctuary was done to prevent blind priests, those injured and those with physical impairments. Another perspective is given by Nyamidzi and Mujaho (2016), interpreting skin diseases in Leviticus 13–15, who state that the prohibitions of persons with skin diseases referred to deeper spiritual, religious and moral issues of the society. Though not explicit in the rabbinic reading of the book of Leviticus, the prevention of persons with impairments to perform priestly duties is linked to the distractions of people glued to the impairments rather than worshipping God. Close to this thinking is that there is a belief that a sound body corre­ sponds to one’s spirituality. To Wenham (1981), holiness is in tandem with physical expression of not having disability. The presence of disability was a sin or punishment from God – absence of holiness. To be pure and holy is paired with perfection or normalcy. The concept of perfection is a human construct with a propensity to stig­ matise, discriminate and oppress persons with disabilities. To be perfect is fluid, because anything which is a human construct has the problem of cultural relativism. People are likely to interpret perfection or normalcy as linked to their cultural ways. The social model of disabilities describes disability as socially constructed because persons with disabilities are disabled through the social, economic and psychological exclusions (World Health Organization and World Bank, 2011). Obviously from the ongoing discussion, the discourse of normalcy is contestable. The question that needs answering is who defines perfection God or man. To try to answer this question, the notion of “unholy trinity” is helpful. Succinctly, Machingura (2018:215) argues that: Man was created in the image of God, but it is man who denotes perfec­ tion. Religious beliefs, traditions and culture as an ‘unholy trinity’ portray disabled people as not valued by God. It is such traditions, cultures, beliefs and practices that prejudice and disable certain sections of people from participating in the mainstream society. Confusingly, one may ask to what extent is God concerned with a perfect body, because he does not have a body. There is a thinking that the image of God is portrayed by a perfect body (Hull, 2000). Continuing to uphold the notions of “perfect body image” is a trap to view and treat persons with dis­ abilities negatively. Toeing of the line of uncleanness ends with interpreting the Hebrew law, the Torah and the Jewish rituals. A summary of the classification is given by Stiker (1999:4) who argues that: The disabled had the status of prostitutes or of women whom menstrua­ tion made unclean. The Encyclopaedia Judaica develops this concept in

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the article ‘Blemish’ by enumerating the impairments that includes blind­ ness and certain eye diseases, injuries to the thigh, a deformed nose, lameness, a humped back, skin diseases even if not precisely identified, the loss of a testicle. Considering women’s menstruation as a blemish is debatable. The Hebrew Scrip­ tures present women using the patriarchal lenses. Women are presented as secondclass citizens and impure. Given these conditions, women with disabilities are doubly impacted. Analysing and interpreting Mark 10: 46–52, Brueggemann (2008) notes that in society, women are affected by two things simultaneously, the first is physical disability and the second is economic impairment. The grand question is what lessons the African Initiated church can take away from the Hebrew Scriptures. While there is a gloomy picture about per­ sons with disabilities, there are some positive scriptures that can be used. African Initiated churches should not focus on the disability conditions but first view persons with disabilities as human beings. Most discussion about disability must start at the premise that they are human beings first before their conditions. It is advisable that the creation narratives have answers for the source of human beings. God created human beings and described humanity as good. According to Oostrom (1990), everything that was created by God was exceptionally good. It is necessary to infer that persons with disabilities were created in the image of God. Persons with disabilities have the imago Dei (image and likeness of God) making part of the humanity that God saw as good. In the eyes of God all humanity is good, it is wrong for human beings to classify people as persons without disabilities and persons with disabilities. The creation narratives do not show discriminations as these later insertions by the monarchy which divided people according to gender, impairments, economic status and ethnicity (Vengeyi, 2016). African Initiated churches have a role to construct a positive perspective about persons with disabilities by showing love, protection and compassion. The story of David showing compassion to Mephibosheth the son of Jonathan is a starting point to talk about how the church ought to treat persons with disabilities. According to 1 Samuel 4:4, the son of Saul, had a son who was crippled in his feet. He was five years old when the news about Saul and Jonathan came from Jezreel; and his nurse took him up, and fled; and, as she fled in her haste, he fell, and became lame. And his name was Mephib0 osheth. It is the role of leadership not to concentrate on the disabilities but supply lasting solutions to their plight. David demonstrated compassion, and inclu­ sivity for persons with disabilities. Mephibosheth had the opportunity to sit and dine with the king. Furthermore, it is true that God did not focus on the disabilities of people. In reality, God used diversity of people for his purpose and ministry. Moses

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had a disability; the Bible describes that he was a stutterer. Regardless of his condition, God uses him as a national leader and he delivered the people of Israel. What is interesting is that the children of Israel did not even focus on his disability condition but followed his guidance. The success of the children of Israel was hinged on a person with a disability. Such a narrative shows there is need to re-read issues of disabilities using lenses that liberate persons with disabilities.

Conclusion This chapter explored how African Initiated churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. The African Initiated churches blend their Christian liturgy with the indigenous culture. Further, since African Initiated churches use the Hebrew Scriptures, this cements their view that disability is a result of violating religious ethics and taboos. Evil spirits, witchcraft and angry deities are believed to cause disability. However, disability is restorative through divine healings. African Initiated churches believe in protecting children from disability by tying a string on the neck, hands and ankles.

References Biri, K., Zimunya, C.T. and Gwara, J. 2016. “Personhood and Disability in Zimbabwe: A Philosophical Analysis.” In Disability in Africa: A Resource Book for Theology and Religious Studies, edited by S. Kabue, J. Amanze and C. Landman, 387–398. Nairobi: Action Publishers. Brueggemann, W. 2008. Great Prayers of the Hebrew Scriptures. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Bryan, W.V. 2006. In Search of Freedom: How Persons Living with Disabilities Have Been Disenfranchised from the Mainstream of American Society and How the Search for Freedom Continues. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. Chimininge, V. 2016. “Attitudes of Traditional Karanga Society towards People with Speech Disorder.” In Disability in Africa: A Resource Book for Theology and Reli­ gious Studies, edited by S. Kabue, J. Amanze and C. Landman, 29–41. Nairobi: Action Publishers. Cochran, E.A. 2011. Dictionary of Scripture and Ethics. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academy Publishing Company. Fast, M.S. 2011. “A Theology of Disability: Living as a Theologian of the Cross.” Journal of Religion, Disability and Health 15, no. 4: 414–430. Haihambo, C. and Lightfoot, E. 2010. “Cultural Beliefs Regarding People with Dis­ abilities in Namibia: Implications for the Inclusion of People with disabilities.” International Journal of Special Education 25, no. 3. Hull, J. 2000. “Blindness and the Face of God.” Unpublished manuscript. Jaeger, P.T. and Bowman. 2005. Understanding Disability: Inclusion, Access, Diversity and Civil Rights. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood. Longchar, W.A. 2011. “Sin Suffering and Disability in God’s World.” In Disability, Society and Theology: Voices from Africa, edited by J. Galgalo, S. Kabue, E. Mombo and C.B. Peter, 47–58. Limuru: Zapf Chancery Publishers Africa.

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Machingura, F. 2018. “The “Unholy Trinity” Against Disabled People in Zimbabwe.” In The Routledge Handbook of Disability in Southern Africa, edited by Tsitsi Chataika, 2011–2223. Abingdon: Routledge. Masango, M.J. 2019. “Neglect of People with Disability by the African church.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 75, no. 4: 1–14. Miles, M. 2006. Martin Luther and Childhood Disability in 16th century Germany. What Did He Write? What Did He Say? Journal of Religion, Disability and Health 5, no. 4: 5–36. Mpofu, E. and Harley, D.A. 2002. “Disability and Rehabilitation in Zimbabwe: Lessons and Implications for Rehabilitation Practice in the US.” Journal of Rehabilitation 68, no. 4: 26. Mukushi, A.T. 2018. Psychosocial Challenges Faced by Caregivers of Children with Cerebral Palsy in Dzivarasekwa Suburb. Harare, Zimbabwe: Implications for Social Work Practice (MSW). Diss. University of Limpopo, South Africa.Nyamidzi, K. and Mujaho, Z. 2016. “Disability and the Beauty of Creation: An Analysis of the Hebrew Scriptures Perception on Disability.” In Disability in Africa: A Resource Book for Theology and Religious Studies, edited by S. Kabue, J. Amanze and C. Landman, 77–96. Nairobi: Action Publishers. Oliver, M., 1996. Understanding Disability, from Theory to Practice. London: Macmillan Press Ltd. Oostrom, W.F. 1990. The Message of the Old Testament. Nairobi: St Paul Communications. Rose, A. 1997. “‘Who Causes the Blind to See’: Disability and Quality of Religious Life.” Disability and Society 12, no. 3: 395–405. Schofield, R. 2003. Mystery or Magic: Biblical Replies to the Heterodox. Blantyre: Kachere Series. Schuelka, M.J. 2013. “A Faith in Humanness: Disability, Religion and Development.” Disability and Society 28, no. 4: 500–513. Stiker, H.J. 1999. A History of Disability. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan. Stone-Macdonald, A. 2012. “Cultural Beliefs About Disability in Practice: Experiences at a Special School in Tanzania.” International Journal of Disability, Development and Education 59, no. 4: 393–407. Vengeyi, O. 2016. The Interpretation of Biblical Texts on Disability: Then and Now. In Disability in Africa: A Resource Book for Theology and Religious Studies, edited by S. Kabue, J. Amanze and C. Landman, 136–164. Nairobi: Action Publishers. Wenham, G. 1981. The Book of Leviticus. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans. World Health Organization and World Bank. 2011. World Report on Disability. WHO and World Bank.

8

African Pentecostals ministering “to

and with” persons with disabilities

Introduction Besides the impact of the missionary churches in Zimbabwe, Pentecostalism has increased the growth of Christianity. The growth of Pentecostalism is noticeable in many nations in southern Africa (Chimuka, 2014). As discussed extensively in Chapter One, Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe are attracting the majority of people because of the claims of providing divine solutions to the suffering of the people. Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe can be cate­ gorised in three broad sections: the Classical Pentecostals, Neo-Pentecostals and Charismatic Pentecostals. Given the Pentecostal doctrine of speaking in tongues, divine healing, prosperity gospel, and deliverance it is critical to understand how these distinctive traits engage with disability. As put by Machingura and Masengwe (2014), the claims for divine healing for persons with disabilities have in some way(s) marketed their churches to have more adherents.

Classical Pentecostalism ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities As discussed in Chapter One, there are a number of Classical Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe. Classical Pentecostals in Zimbabwe have the same style of leadership but only differ in governance and leadership styles. To avoid generalisations towards how Classical Pentecostals are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe, this chapter selects a few Classical Pentecostals with the largest members. Case of Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe The perception of the Apostolic Faith in Zimbabwe about persons with dis­ abilities is critical because the church is regarded as the mother of Pentecost­ alism in Zimbabwe (Musoni, 2013). The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe has membership of over 2.3 million (Machingura and Chivasa, 2016). As a church, it believes in the four-square gospel propounded during the formation DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-8

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of the movement. The four-square gospel states that Jesus saves, Jesus heals, Jesus baptises with the Holy Spirit and Jesus is coming again (Dayton, 1987). The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe uses “altar calls” as a strategy to heal persons with disabilities. What is interesting with this finding is that the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe taps into their distinctive trait to deal with disability. This agrees with Anderson (2004) who argues that Classical Pentecostals use laying on of hands as a conduit for divine healing. Although divine healing is the starting point, in cases where healing does not happen spontaneously, it may happen gradually at times with the use of medicine (Cartledge, 2010). In the modern context, it is important to note that Classical Pentecostal’s believers are divided when it comes to divine healing and scien­ tific medicines. For instance, fundamentalist members of Apostolic Faith Mis­ sion in Zimbabwe do not believe in scientific medicines, but only rely on divine healing. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe believes that divine healing is one way of ministering to persons with disabilities. It is possible to suggest that the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe demonstrates their love to persons with disabilities by expecting the hand of God upon them. Healing for persons with disabilities is necessary because God promised this to happen. When inter­ preting the Bible, Pentecostals take a literal approach. The way Pentecostals passionately expect miracles and divine healing shows another side of them expressing love, security and hope for persons with disabilities. The hope for persons with disabilities is through healing and restoration. Pentecostals believe that disability is a sickness. The coming of Jesus Christ proved that there is no sickness which God does not cure. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe believes that divine healing for all manner of sickness happens through prayer, fasting and the use of spiritual gifts. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe has a passion for seeing the healing of persons with disabilities. It could be argued that this desire proves the divine interven­ tion of God in the lives of persons with disabilities as well as restoring them to normalcy. The problem is that this approach towards ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities is making them useless. For instance, regardless of how persons with disabilities achieve academically, financially, socially and even politically, when they come to church, they are viewed as needing the intervention of God. It is possible that persons with disabilities have more problems in the church than they have outside the church. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe’s approach of ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities in the context of divine healing or the spiritual realm is a barrier to persons with disabilities. To date there are a few persons with disabilities ordained by the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zim­ babwe. Even though it is not clear why there are few ministers with disabilities joining the pastoral ministry in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe, it could not be wrong to say they feel unsafe in the church. For instance, one participant during the empirical study by Machingura and Madzokere (2020:68) indicated that:

94 African Pentecostals One of the legendary Evangelists in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zim­ babwe, Pastor Chitauro used to be prominent at conferences and church gatherings because of healing miracles that he performed. Things changed for the worst when he experienced a stroke and became disabled and lived with some disability. Yet this is somebody who used to pray and persons with disabilities would experience divine healing. However, from that day, no one (even the leadership and his local assembly) wanted to be asso­ ciated with him until his death. The trend in Pentecostal churches is that preachers change their sermons whenever they see persons living with disabilities in their gatherings because of their perception of disability. You rarely find messages that encourage to empower persons living with disabilities. According to this finding, we can infer that African Pentecostal preachers are socialised to certain messages whenever they see persons with disabilities in their churches. This study raises the possibility that performing miracles on persons with disabilities satisfies the preacher that they are called to ministry. It may be the case, therefore, that the only theology for ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities is about doing something spiritual to assist them. The most obvious finding was that the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zim­ babwe does not have a disability policy. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zim­ babwe celebrated one hundred years of existence. Its constitution does not have a section which deals with persons with disabilities. Also, the Apostolic Faith Mission church buildings do not have ramps to cater for persons with disabilities needing to access the church. This shows that Classical Pentecostals are not taking initiatives about issues of disability. One of the questions to ask is whether the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zim­ babwe believes in helping the vulnerable at all. It is interesting to note that the constitutions of the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe take care of widows and orphans. The church has a village called Manhinga which houses orphans. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe should be applauded for taking a stance towards the vulnerable in the society. Churches have a divine duty of taking care of the marginalised. Machingura’s (2018: 211) summary was cor­ rect as he noted that “societal interpretation of scriptures in Judaism, Chris­ tianity and Islam focused on disabled women, widows and children.” The experience that the church has had in setting up the Manhinga village is a good stepping-stone towards understanding what it takes to set up a similar struc­ ture for persons with disabilities. Orphans have potential to work and learn, unlike those with some disability conditions. As such, persons with disabilities are a priority and need urgency in thinking about initiatives to meet their needs. Contrary to using a spiritual approach in dealing with persons with dis­ abilities, it seems some pastors from the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe are slowly coming on board regarding disability issues. A notable example is

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Pastor Togarasei Mapingure, who established an organisation to help persons with disabilities. This project did not become popular in the church because of the lack of financial and leadership support. Further studies need to be con­ ducted concerning what motivated pastor Togarasei Mapingure, because most of the pastors draw meaning about disability from scriptures. In an interview, one pastor opined that: “we are a Pentecostal church, we believe in miracles, in this church the blind, lame and deaf used to heal. Where is that God, I tell you today such anointing is still available” (Sande, 2019:3). The Bible, miracles and direction given by the Holy Spirit are pillars which decide the fate of persons with disabilities. Apostolic Faith Mission pastors are quick to use scriptures which show how disciples healed persons with disabilities, like the story in the book of Acts 3:2 where apostles healed a blind man. Interpreting disability through the lenses of divine healing tends to denigrate persons with disabilities. The problem lies in how leadership is trained in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe. Living Waters Theological Seminary is the training institution of the church. The institution was set up in 1974, offering a diploma in theology. Document analysis of the Living Waters Theological Seminary Curriculum shows that there are no disability studies. Besides the Pentecostal theology viewing persons with disabilities as objects for healing, the reason is that there is not much literature about the church’s position on disability in Zimbabwe. To date, disability studies is a growing discipline and this book contributes towards how churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. The failure of Bible students to learn about how the Bible is ambivalent to issues of disability is setting them to fail when called upon to minister to per­ sons with disabilities. The Living Waters Theological Seminary has no Braille literature. All the lecture rooms and recently renovated student dormitories have no ramps. The Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe’s liturgy includes a time of giving testimonies about how God is working in the lives of the believers. The lea­ dership of the church (which includes pastors, elders and deacons) describe disability as the work of the devil. Sermonic analysis shows that believers must live victoriously, breaking poverty and stubborn spiritual vices (Sande, 2017). Pastors, during conferences, do altar calls for healing persons with disabilities. Charismatic pastors desire to at least heal one person with disabilities to show that God called them to ministry and anointed them. Wanting to serve God is not wrong but “the mainstream thinking in the Pentecostal circles in Zim­ babwe have turned a blind eye to the issues of stigma to the persons with disabilities” (Mutswanga, Makoni and Chivasa, 2015:171). Disability is portrayed as caused by the devil. Satan and demons attack believers with all kinds of misfortunes like disability, barrenness and poverty. However, through prayer and anointing God grants victory to believers. One reputable pastor said with conviction that “we are a Pentecostal church, we believe in miracles, in this church the blind, lame and deaf used to be healed. Where is that God, I tell you today such anointing is still available” (Sande, 2019:4). The power of God should be demonstrated on persons with

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disabilities. The church has many legends about the restoration of persons with disabilities. Case of Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa Zimbabwe Assemblies of God is the second largest church commanding membership of over one million (Machingura and Chivasa, 2016). Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa stands out as far as ministering “with” persons with disabilities. Although Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa is a Classical Pen­ tecostal church, unlike the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe, it has gone significantly further in ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa has established homes for persons with disabilities in diverse communities. There is appreciation for persons with dis­ abilities in Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa. In other words, Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa affirms that persons with disabilities are created in the image of God. Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa has a Disabled Helping Hand associa­ tion as a ministry. The Disabled Helping Hand association was established in June 1992 by Archbishop Ezekiel Handinawangu Guti. The association defines disability broadly as persons with physical conditions, and those affected by cerebral palsy, convulsive disorders, polio myelitis, seizures and convulsive disorders. The theology undergirding the formation of the Disabled Helping Hand association is guided by the action done by David when he made it a personal agenda to help Mephibosheth. According to 2 Samuel 9, Mephi­ bosheth was lame, needing help to live his life. David made sure that Mephibosheth received food and shelter from the king. What is interesting is that the Disabled Helping Hand association preaches the gospel targeting persons with disabilities and the disabled. There are legendary stories associated with the formation of the Disabled Helping Hand association, but the popular one is that archbishop Ezekiel Handinawangu Guti had a burden to win souls for Christ, especially people who are neglected. Archbishop Guti believes that the body of Christ is the rightful place where persons with disabilities should be found. The vision and mission for the Dis­ abled Helping Hand association is broad. For instance, the association looks to not only minister spiritually to the persons with disabilities but to raise an awareness about HIV and AIDS. The funding for the Disabled Helping Hand association comes from the donations made by members of the church. Besides members of the church, Archbishop Guti teaches and encourages persons with disabilities to engage in income generating projects and individual or self-help projects. The Disabled Helping Hand association received land from Buhera Rural District Council. The land is situated at Mukondi School, about ten kilometres from Mur­ ambinda Growth Point just along Nyazura Road. The association named the centre Ezekiel Guti Disabled Village, and it is under construction. The con­ struction includes building a multi-purpose hall, houses, shop and staff houses.

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The association believes in equipping the “total person” physically and spiri­ tually. Thus, persons with disabilities from Ezekiel Guti Disabled village do business at Murambinda Growth Point. For instance, persons with disabilities own cloakrooms and run typing services. The case of the late Evangelist Ezekiel Junior Guti is exceptional. He went across the entire world preaching the gospel regardless of his disability. Ezekiel Junior could not walk and talk without helpers. Obviously, the immediate reaction is that Evangelist Ezekiel Junior Guti got this exposure and attention because he was the son of archbishop Ezekiel Handinawangu Guti who is the founder of the church. Nevertheless, Ezekiel Junior Guti and his father demonstrated that everyone could do the work of God. The example of Eze­ kiel Junior Guti shows that it is possible to put persons with disabilities in the limelight of ministry. Ministering alongside persons with disabilities gives opportunities to learn about gifts and theology developed from their lived experiences. Members of the church are encouraged to visit the Ezekiel Guti Disabled Village. Positive feedback comes from those who have visited the place. These words have encouraged the administration of the association. Looking ahead, the association has plans to establish similar associations in other nations where Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa is established. The administration employs three pastors with disabilities working full time. These pastors with disabilities hold a theological qualification from Africa Mount for Christ Col­ lege. They trained for two years, receiving a Diploma in Bible and Leadership. Their duties include travel to unusual places to raise awareness concerning the plight of persons with disabilities and give information about HIV and AIDS. While there are more strides concerning the inclusion of persons with dis­ abilities in the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa church, there is need to continue raising awareness about the meaning and source of disability. At least Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa is laudable for these initiatives targeting persons with disabilities. However, there is need for more education and dis­ course about disability. For instance, for the village to use the label “Disabled” is derogatory. The language that people use can either include or exclude/dis­ criminate persons with disabilities. Declarations of divine healing and miracles are prominent in Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa and all Classical Pen­ tecostals. According to Hauerwas (2004), persons with disabilities do not need divine healing, but they need redemption from the barriers set by the church which hinder them. Persons without disabilities carry barriers which make persons with disabilities feel unwelcome (Yong, 2009). In an empirical study conducted by Clement Makamure (2017:112), pastors in Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa need more awareness and education about disability. Pastor Utedzi commented that: You would agree with me that churches believe that disability is related to evil spirits. You hear most of the churches advertising that if you come to their church people with disability will be healed, this is not right because

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African Pentecostals people need to understand the condition of people with disability … in ZAOGA plans are underway to engage church leaders in Zimbabwe and tell them that people with disability are not charitable cases.

Case of Neo-Pentecostals The Neo-Pentecostals’ approaches to disabilities is vigorously enhanced by radical faith. As discussed in Chapter One, Neo-Pentecostals claim accelerated levels of miracles. Neo-Pentecostals do not address disability directly; they claim that they prevent disability before it happens. Accordingly, they have a way of defining disability. The Neo-Pentecostal prophets mirror the medical definitions. According to Jackson, the traits of “medical model of disability are that firstly, a person’s ‘impairment’ can be diagnosed, cured, or at least reha­ bilitated, by modern medicine and/or medical technology, and secondly, such interventions will be provided by all-knowing professionals” (Jackson, 2018:3). This definition has interventions as an underlying principle. For instance, dia­ betes can be cured by Neo-Pentecostals by preventing factors that cause it. Prophet Emmanuel Makandiwa claims to perform miracle weight loss: “the prophet commands fat to burn and people instantly lose weight” (Gunda and Machingura, 2018:23). Indirectly, the Neo-Pentecostals claim to cure obesity is preventing disability in the long run. The problem arises when persons with disabilities are not healed. According to Wilkes (1980), persons with dis­ abilities’ lack of faith attracts the imputation of wholeness. It is difficult to justify why the lack of faith should result in disability.

Key biblical texts on disability by African Pentecostals The way Pentecostal churches minister “to and with” persons with disabilities, “needs to be related or compared with the Bible as the Bible represents the different cultures behind and inside the texts” (Machingura, 2018: 214). Unlike the African Initiated churches in Zimbabwe, which are known specifically to use the Hebrew Scriptures, the African Pentecostals use both Testaments with an emphasis that the Hebrew Scriptures are fulfilled in the New Testament. The New Testament brings a holistic picture of their practices which include but are not limited to speaking in tongues, miracles, signs and wonders and the exorcisms. Jesus’s approach to ministry is without equal and the Pentecostals want to imitate him and do more miracles than he did. According to John 14:12, the disciples of Jesus were promised thus: “truly, truly, I say to you, he who believes in me will also do the works that I do; and greater works than these will he do, because I go to the Father.” Besides, Jesus’s promises and demonstration of the Kingdom of God, African Pentecostals are motivated by the book of Acts of Apostles to do miracles just like them. African Pentecostals get more of their perceptions about disability from the New Testament. However, the New Testament is not hugely different from how the Hebrew Scriptures perceive disability. In fact, the New Testament

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presents a point of departure about disability, attempting to correct the forms of disabilities. Close analysis of disability in the New Testament shows a cause-and-effect link between disability and sin. For instance, Mark 1:40–44 says: And a leper came to him beseeching him, and kneeling said to him, “If you will, you can make me clean.” Moved with pity, he stretched out his hand and touched him, and said to him, “I will; be clean.” And immediately the leprosy left him, and he was made clean. And he sternly charged him, and sent him away at once, and said to him, “See that you say nothing to anyone; but go, show yourself to the priest, and offer for your cleansing what Moses commanded, for a proof to the people.” The cause-and-effect in this narration is that disability was caused by sin causing the man to be unclean and Jesus had to heal him to be restored into the community of believers. Both parents and religious leaders during the ministry of Jesus felt shame for persons with disabilities. John 9:1–9 shows this by saying: As Jesus passed by, He saw a man who had been blind from birth. And His disciples asked Him, “Rabbi, who sinned, this man or his parents, that he would be born blind?” Jesus answered, “It was neither that this man sinned, nor his parents; but it was so that the works of God might be displayed in him. We must carry out the works of Him who sent Me as long as it is day; night is coming, when no one can work. While I am in the world, I am the Light of the world.” When He had said this, He spit on the ground, and made mud from the saliva, and applied the mud to his eyes, and said to him, “Go, wash in the pool of Siloam” (which is trans­ lated, Sent). So, he left and washed, and came back seeing. So, the neigh­ bours, and those who previously saw him as a beggar, were saying, “Is this not the one who used to sit and beg?” Others were saying, “This is he,” still others were saying, “No, but he is like him.” The man himself kept saying, “I am the one.” The question raised by the disciples wanting to know “who sinned, this man or his parents” stands for the societal position about disability. The question already diagnosed the problem as sin, and the disciples wanted to know who is responsible for the sin. God’s righteousness is illustrated throughout the scrip­ tures, including the Deuteronomistic doctrine that persons who commit immoral deeds are punished for their wrongs (Nsengiyumwa, 2016). I do not think the disciples were going to stop at knowing who sinned, but wanted to make sure the parents got their public shame. The story illustrates that the blind were excluded from the place of worship. Accordingly, this is testified in the Qumran documents which explained that the blind and the deaf were not allowed in the congregation (Guijarro, 2000).

100 African Pentecostals Jesus’s model of allowing the blind into the place of worship was first to heal them. Healing was an opportunity for someone to be restored and inte­ grated into the community. Jesus’s miracles of healing people offered them opportunities to join the broader society. Accordingly, the story of the blind Bartimaeus in Mark 10:46–52 shows that as soon as he was healed, he rushed to join the procession, and everyone followed Jesus without a problem. Kabue (2016) argues that the beggar, blind Bartimaeus, had to be transformed first before following Jesus and the crowd. Pentecostals seem to have emphasised more the healing of persons with dis­ abilities, but healing should not stick out as a condition for including persons with disabilities in the church. It is important to stress that Jesus did not heal every person with disabilities during his life and ministry. Thus, the impression that Jesus healed persons with disabilities to restore them to society does not hold much water. The theological reality of the story in John 5:7 demonstrates that society was cruel to persons with disabilities (Jarvis and Johnson, 2015). How is it possible that persons with disabilities would lament that “Sir, I have no man to put me into the pool when the water is troubled, and while I am going another steps down before me” – society must not neglect persons with disabilities. Theologians have a duty to reinterpret scriptures which acutely stereotype persons with disabilities (Gillibrand, 2010). It is high time to start teaching that not all disability comes from Satan or demons. Most New Testament passages that talk about persons with disabilities associ­ ate their conditions with sin (Melcher, 1998). Churches have mostly taught that disability is associated with the natural evil (Reinders, 2008). Such association of disability with sin has negatively impacted how the church relates with persons with disabilities (Kabue, 2016). Believers feel pity for persons with disabilities because of their condition. In Pentecostal churches, believers would like to fight and remove sin or evil that is bedevilling persons with disabilities. The New Testament should be read from a redemptive Christology position showing the blameless, undefiled and sinless nature of Christ (Vondey and Mittelstadt, 2013). Believers, including persons with disabilities, experience the healing and compassion which comes from Christ. The inauguration to the ministry of Jesus opens the notion that persons with disabilities should be healed. According to Luke 4:18: the Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to preach good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty those who are oppressed. Without going into deep challenges of programmatic “Special L” (the infor­ mation unique to Luke) that Jesus was simply reciting the statement in Isaiah 61:1–2 and 58:6, it is good to relate Jesus’s statement to disability. According to Bacon and Morris (2011), the statement shows that healing persons with disabilities is a proof that the kingdom of God is realised in the believers’ lives.

African Pentecostals 101 Besides the scriptures which negatively portray persons with disabilities, the other problem is judging what believers think persons with disabilities need when they come to the house of the Lord. The problem of judging is complex. In Jesus’s time, he had to warn people not to judge others. In the book of Mathew 7:1–2 Jesus said “judge not, that you be not judged. For with the judgment, you pronounce you will be judged, and the measure you give will be the measure you get.” African Pentecostals are quick to judge persons with disabilities, because of the experiences of persons with disabilities in the Bible. The challenge of judgement is that it reduces persons to a status of being less human than others. Therefore, judging persons with disabilities makes them less valuable. Judging persons with disabilities opens a door for abuse and injustice. Jesus’s teachings about judgement explains that by judging others, one is elevating oneself more than one ought to.

Conclusion This chapter explored how African Pentecostals are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. African Pentecostals’ theology, doctrines and prac­ tices give meaning to the discourse of disability. New Testament biblical texts about persons with disabilities are frameworks used to construct disability theology in African Pentecostalism. There is no single clear disability theology used by African Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe. For instance, the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe focuses on healing persons with disabilities. There is no mention of a disability policy in their constitution, neither do their buildings have ramps, nor does their theological curriculum offer disability studies. Besides the Pentecostal theology of viewing persons with disabilities as objects for healing, there is not much literature about disability studies, which is a growing discipline and this book contributes towards how churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. However, this approach is quite different from that of Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa, a similar Classical Pentecostal church in Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa has developed a ministry targeting persons with disabilities. The Dis­ abled Helping Hand association has a vision and mission to minister to per­ sons with disabilities. So, the Disabled Helping Hand association has land being used to empower persons with disabilities and employs persons with disabilities to stir the association to achieve its goals through lived experiences. Therefore, this is not only an example of ministering “to” but ministering “with” when power to lead projects is given to the persons with disabilities. More empirical studies are needed to understand how distinct groups of Pentecostals are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities.

References Anderson, H.A. 2004. An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Chariamatic Christianity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

102 African Pentecostals Bacon, H.W. and Morris, W. (eds). 2011. Transforming Exclusion: Engaging Faith Perspectives. London: T. & T. Clark International. Cartledge, M.J. 2010. Testimony in the Spirit. Farnham: Ashgate. Chimuka, T.A. 2014. Reflections on the Morality of Some Prophetic Acts in Zim­ babwe’s Pentecostal Movements. Prophets, Profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe. Bamberg: University Press. Dayton, D.W. 1987. Theological Roots of Pentecostalism. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson. Gillibrand, J. 2010. Disabled Church – Disabled Society: The Implications of Autism for Philosophy, Theology and Politics. London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers. Guijarro, S. 2000. “Healing Stories and Medical Anthropology: A Reading of Mark 10: 46–52.” Biblical Theology Bulletin 30, no. 3: 102–113. Gunda, M.R. and Machingura, F. 2018. “The ‘Man of God’: Understanding Biblical Influence on Contemporary Mega – Church Prophets in Zimbabwe.” In Prophets, Prophets and the Bible in Zimbabwe, Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo, 15–28. Bamberg: University of Bamberg. Hauerwas, S. 2004. “Timeful Friends: Living with the Handicapped.” Journal of Religion, Disability and Health 8, no. 3/4. 11–25, DOI: doi:10.1300/J095v08n03_02. Jackson, M.A. 2018. “Models of Disability and Human Rights: Informing the Improvement of Built Environment Accessibility for the People with Disabilities at Neighbourhood Scale.” Laws 7, no. 10: 2–21. Jarvis, C.A. and Johnson, E.E. 2015. Feasting on the Gospels: A Feasting on the Word Commentary. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Kabue, S. 2016. Disability: Post-modernity Challenges to the Theology. In Disability in Africa: A Resource Book for Theology and Religious Studies, edited by S. Kabue, J. Amanze and C. Landman, 213–230. Nairobi: Action Publishers. Machingura, F. 2018. “The “Unholy Trinity” Against Disabled People in Zimbabwe.” In The Routledge Handbook of Disability in Southern Africa, edited by Tsitsi Chataika, 211–223. Abingdon: Routledge. Machingura, F. and Chivasa, N. 2016. “Mainstreaming HIV and AIDS Programmes in the Ministry of the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe.” Alternation 23, no. 2: 10–30. Machingura, F. and Madzokere, N. 2020. “‘Do You Want to be Healed?’ – The Pen­ tecostal Churches’ Engagement with Persons Living with Disabilities.” In Religion and Social Marginalisation in Zimbabwe, edited by Lovemore Togarasei, David Bishau and Ezra Chitando, 59–74. Bamberg: University of Bamberg. Machingura, F. and Masengwe, G. 2014. Dealing with Stereotypes Against Persons Living and Working with Disabilities in Zimbabwe. Williamstown, MA: Piraeus. Makamure, C. 2017. “Religion and Disability”: A Reflection on the Role of Pentecostal Churches in Curbing Marginalisation of People with Disabilities in Zimbabwe.” Boleswa Journal of Theology, Religion and Philosophy 4, no. 3: 106–116. Melcher, S.J. 1998. “Visualizing the Perfect Cult: The Priestly Rationale for Exclusion.” Human Disability and the Service of God: Reassessing Religious Practice, 55–71. Musoni, P. 2013. “African Pentecostalism and Sustainable Development: A Study on the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa, Forward in Faith Church.” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention 2, no. 10: 75–82. Mutswanga, P., Makoni, E. and Chivasa, N. 2015. “An Analysis of Stories of People with Disabilities Who Experienced Stigma in Pentecostal Denominations in Zim­ babwe.” International Journal of Economic and Business Review 3, no. 2: 173–181. Nsengiyumwa, F. 2016. Jesus and His Healing Miracles: Insights for People with Dis­ abilities. In Disability in Africa: A Resource Book for Theology and Religious

African Pentecostals 103 Studies, edited by S. Kabue, J. Amanze and C. Landman, 111–124. Nairobi: Action Publishers. Reynolds, T.E. 2008. Vulnerable Communion: A Theology of Disability and Hospital­ ity. Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press. Sande, N. 2017. “The Impact of the Coalition of Pentecostalism and African Traditional Religion (ATR) Religious Artefacts in Zimbabwe: The Case of United Family International (UFI).” Journal of the Study of the Religions of Africa and Its Diaspora 3, no. 1: 46–59. Sande, N. 2019. “Pastoral Ministry and Persons with Disabilities: The Case of the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe.” African Journal of Disability 8: 1–8. Vondey, W. and Mittelstadt, M. (eds) 2013. The Theology of Amos Yong and the New Face of Pentecostal Scholarship: Passion for the Spirit. Leiden: Brill, 146–148. Wilkes, H. 1980. Creating a Caring Congregation: Guidelines for Ministry with the Handicapped. Nashville, TN: Abingdon. Yong, A. 2009. “Many Tongues, Many Senses: Pentecost, the Body Politic, and the Redemption of Disability.” Pneuma: The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies 31, no. 2: 167–188. https://doi.org/10.1163/027209609X12470371387688.

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Gendered ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities

Introduction Discourses about women must not be left out whenever there is discussion to empower the marginalised in society. On one hand, from all spheres, there is an insatiable desire to control, dominate and own women, and exclude them from power. On the other hand, women’s sexuality creates power struggles between men and women. Problems of women are shaped and mediated by conceptions of gender (Butler, 1990). These and other intrinsic factors con­ tribute to limiting the opportunity for women with disabilities to take part in religions spaces. While the earlier chapters presented African churches (mis­ sionary, African Initiated and Pentecostal) in ministering “to and with” per­ sons with disabilities, there is a gap in understanding the relationship between gender and disability in Zimbabwe. This gap is constructed against the back­ ground that African churches in Zimbabwe have more patriarchal leadership. Therefore, this chapter explores the gendered dimensions towards ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities.

Women with disabilities in Zimbabwe Women with disabilities endure endless challenges and violations of their rights. In Zimbabwe, women with disabilities experience multi-layered dis­ criminations (Rugoho and Siziba, 2014). The problem is that much of the oppression and suppression is not documented (Museva, 2012). Besides undo­ cumented oppression noted by Museva, the Southern African Development Community Gender Monitor (2013) argues that “women offer different per­ spectives and interests in the decision-making process, from their unique experiences which are often overlooked due to under-representation in political and decision making positions.” There has not been specific policy focus by the government to uplift women with disabilities from poverty and the general violation of their rights. Non­ governmental organisations (NGOs) and donors have also made little effort to improve the plight of women with disabilities. (Rugoho and Maphosa, 2018) DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-9

Gendered ministering 105 Cultural practices and myths exclude the participation of women with dis­ abilities in the socio-economic issues. Communities in Zimbabwe still believe that disability is caused by witchcraft (Chataika, 2013b). Disability is a curse for using witchcraft, a curse from gods and ancestors. From a social perspec­ tive, these perceptions put the lives of persons with disabilities in danger. Indirectly, cultural perspectives affect the socio-economic inclusion of women with disabilities. Low socio-economic empowerment affects the education of women with disabilities. Several women with disabilities do not complete even primary school education (Mangwaya, 2015). Such a status quo indicates that the government neglects women with disabilities. Fittingly, limited efforts by the government and non-governmental organisations affect women with dis­ abilities. Regardless of ratifying Article 24 of the Inclusive Education Act in 2013 (United Nations, 2006), to date, the government of Zimbabwe has no clear inclusive education policy (Chataika, 2016). Prior to 1998, the education of persons with disabilities was based on moral or religious drive rather than a right (Peresuh and Barcham, 1998). Most women with disabilities come from poor families (Mitra, Posarac and Vick, 2011). Being born in poor families puts many people at a disadvantage. At an early age, girls with disabilities experience injustices from their families (Mokomane, 2012). In Zimbabwe, stories have been reported of cases of chil­ dren with disabilities who were kept in confinement by their families because of shame or failure to supply their needs. Zimbabwe has a poverty prevalence rate of more than 70% in urban areas and up to 83% in rural areas. Such statistics show inevitably that women with disabilities are the worst affected, experiencing more poverty than women without disabilities. Women’s political activism is slowing increasing in Zimbabwe. There are notable voices of women involved in the democratic processes of Zimbabwe. Be this as it may, women with disabilities have problems to fulfil their desire for political participation (Chabaya, Rembe and Wadesango, 2009). The con­ stitution of Zimbabwe reserves a quota of the seats for women, but the reality is that no women with disabilities have served in parliament. The parties have not elected any women so they can take the quota reserved. Other factors that prevent women with disabilities from occupying the reserved seats include poverty, low levels of education and systemic discrimination. If women with disabilities are not involved in the decision-making institutions, then no one will advance agendas that meet their needs. The interests of women with dis­ abilities will only be taken seriously in democratic and political processes if they are involved (Chataika, 2013a).

Theological experiences of women with disabilities Purity theology Purity theology is discourses which focus on women’s bodies and how the Bible describes them. According to Michel Foucault the bodies of women are

106 Gendered ministering docile: “that may be restricted, used, transformed and improved” (Foucault, 1995:136). In Zimbabwe, women’s bodies are “constantly under surveillance and subjugated to regulations in order to monitor her and prevent her from committing sin or violating the traditional laws of the land” (Chisale, 2020:3). Both African culture and religious traditions perceive women through purity lenses from the development of the female body from puberty to maturity. Purity theology affects someone with female genitalia – sexuality of women is linked to the “concept of purity.” The teachings of purity theology disable women in the church. In the Bible, the book of Leviticus 12:1–8 prescribes the Levitical Code as: The Lord said to Moses, “Say to the people of Israel, if a woman con­ ceives, and bears a male child, then she shall be unclean seven days; as at the time of her menstruation, she shall be unclean. And on the eighth day the flesh of his foreskin shall be circumcised. Then she shall continue for thirty-three days in the blood of her purifying; she shall not touch any hallowed thing, nor come into the sanctuary, until the days of her purify­ ing are completed. But if she bears a female child, then she shall be unclean two weeks, as in her menstruation; and she shall continue in the blood of her purifying for sixty-six days. “And when the days of her pur­ ifying are completed, whether for a son or for a daughter, she shall bring to the priest at the door of the tent of meeting a lamb a year old for a burnt offering, and a young pigeon or a turtledove for a sin offering, and he shall offer it before the Lord, and make atonement for her; then she shall be clean from the flow of her blood. This is the law for her who bears a child, either male or female. And if she cannot afford a lamb, then she shall take two turtledoves or two young pigeons, one for a burnt offering and the other for a sin offering; and the priest shall make atonement for her, and she shall be clean.” This Levitical Code limits women’s access to places of worship. The Leviticus purity code is gendered; even breast feeding in public is offensive. Patriarchal notions make women feel ashamed to breastfeed in public. Further, the Levi­ ticus Code in Leviticus 15:1–33, describes bodily fluid (blood and semen) as unclean. Women’s menstrual cycle and fluid secreted during sexual intercourse are considered unclean. African Initiated churches do not allow menstruating women, after sexual intercourse and early days after childbirth. Although men secrete semen during sexual intercourse or wet dreams, they are not categorically considered unclean. Body theology and disability Body theology is defined as reflections about bodily experiences and encounters with God (Rogers, 1992). The body theology is critical when dealing with issues of women with disabilities. As discussed above, women with disabilities

Gendered ministering 107 are excluded more on purity theology than disability itself. The question is, what is the place of bodily experience when one meets God? The body plays a significant role in the context of disability (Isherwood and Stuart, 1988). Liturgical expression during services involves the use of the body. Since Vermeer (2014) argues that the role of disability theology is to find new ways of relating to persons with disabilities, it is essential to understand how the use of bodies gives meaning to disability. Bodies, including their anatomy and physiology are a carrier of stories, customs and values (Van Huyssteen, 2006). For instance, some Christian faiths involve people interacting, touching and embracing. Christian convictions are summed up by the way believers encounter themselves and others physically (Nelson, 1992). Hence, there is a link between body theology, disability and the church. The body is a subject of the revelation of God and how God communicates with individuals. The purity theology which affects women shows how society easily creates ableism. Ableism is “a system of convictions, procedures and practices that create a specific sort of self and body (the bodily standard) that is anticipated as the perfect and normal and along these lines fundamental and utterly human” (Chappell, 2015:44). Body theology authenticates ableists’ feelings that persons with disabilities lack qualities that completes a total human being. Bodies carries value, they are not a mere functional entity but a representation of individuality. Myths of asexuality of women with disabilities Talking about disability and sexuality have multi-layered challenges. It is evi­ dent that most African nations have not prioritised the sexual and reproductive health of women with disabilities. There are limited reproductive facilities for women with disabilities (Groce et al., 2009). Besides limited facilities, it is dif­ ficult for women with disabilities to access the sexual facilities and resources available (Swartz et al., 2009). The perception in general is that women with disabilities cannot take part in sexual and reproductive activities. Though women with disabilities have functioning genitals, they do not have ability to engage in sexual activities (Chikumbu, 2014). The sexuality of women with disabilities is perceived as repulsive. People have a negative attitude towards the sexuality and reproductive rights of women with disabilities. Women with disabilities are viewed as broken objects (Choruma, 2007). The problem is that some of the views are mythical, and they are also not for public discussion. Sexuality goes beyond sex, in simple terms sexuality is an expression of dressing, relationships, who one is, confidence and choices. Men and women with disabilities are perceived negatively as far as expressing their sexuality. On one hand, men with disabilities are viewed as weak and unattractive to women without disabilities. Similarly, men with disabilities are assumed to be inadequate, failing to measure up to standards of manhood. On the other hand, women with disabilities feel that their bodies with disabilities are not perfect and beautiful. Persons with disabilities have limited access to leisure

108 Gendered ministering and relationships. Without interaction, persons with disabilities may fail to flirt, make eye contact, wink and smile because of their conditions. In cases where marriage is accepted, men with disabilities are allowed to marry women without disabilities. The other problem is that women are often regarded as caregivers to men even if the men are without disabilities. Women with disabilities are viewed as not able to take care of men; instead it is them who need to be taken care of. In most families in Zimbabwe the “Christian marriage institution present not only the body of a woman but the status and resources as belonging to the husband” (Muguti and Sande, 2019:191). Persons with disabilities are overprotected by their parents and even their communities. The church has not prioritised the sexuality of persons with disabilities. It is possible that the Christian church is not able to deal with sexuality at all because it views sex as something only acceptable in marriage for the purpose of procreation. Persons with disabilities are afraid to come out or talk about their sexuality. The reality is that persons with disabilities are not asexual but normal people with feelings and in need of relationships. Sexual health and reproduction Globally, women with disabilities face numerous challenges to access sexual and reproductive health care (Boezaart, 2012). The United Nations Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities passed a law to protect the right of women with disabilities to access sexual and reproductive health care. In Zimbabwe, discrimination, stereotyping and isolation of women with dis­ abilities is unabated (Rugoho and Siziba, 2014). About 15% of the world population has disabilities and 19% of women with disabilities live in the developing world (United Nations, 2007). The problem of these statistics in developing nations is that women with disabilities are further excluded from economic empowerment (Rugoho and Siziba, 2014). Women with disabilities are often abused because they are considered weak (Rugoho and Maphosa, 2015). People feel it is easy to victimise women with disabilities (Shuttleworth, 2007). The family and cultural practices in Zimbabwe worsen the sexual rights of women. Societal negative attitudes of women with disabilities permeate to personnel who supply health and medical practitioners. Although Zimbabwe developed the National Reproductive Health Policy of Zimbabwe in 2006, it does not mention the sexual health needs of women with disabilities. Women against each other One of the problems comes from women themselves. For example, Wilhelm (1994) indicates that women without disabilities exclude women with dis­ abilities because they view them as different from them. It is common that women are not ready to uplift each other. “There is an adage that ‘women are enemies to themselves’ in fact, female leaders look down upon themselves, and

Gendered ministering 109 it consequently filters down to those they lead” (Sande, 2017:55–56). The rea­ sons that women do not support each other are many, but patriarchy is inevi­ tably part of the problem. According to Sande, “the challenge that hinders gender equality in leadership positions in AFM lies in the traditional belief that women should not teach in the church” (Sande, 2017:60). Women are socia­ lised to see men as leaders, hence they do not believe that women are capable of doing what men can do. While the church has not done much to include women in church leadership, the problem is also of women being against each other. In churches where women have voting rights to put people into leadership, women vote for men instead of fellow females.

Towards ministering women with disabilities Prioritising feminist disability theology Feminist disability theology is defined as reimagination of “disability through both feminist and theological prisms” (Schumm, 2010:132). This definition is succinct, but it is important to assert that the feminist disability theology is framed from works of different women theologians in the discipline of dis­ ability. The works by Eiesland (1994a), Block (2002) and Black (1996) are precursors for construction of feminist theology. The contribution of Eiesland is critical because she used her lived experience as a person with disability to theologise about women and disability. According to Eiesland (2002), God is disabled, hence he can understand the suffering and oppressions of persons with disabilities. Disability is not negative and trying to understand that posi­ tion is not meaningful to persons with disabilities (Eiesland, 2002). Perceptions about God should be made using multiple and diverse variations of the human form (Eiesland, 1998). Feminist disability theology does not only help to understand the perceptions that women with disabilities have about God but also informs us about their lived experiences. According to Chisale (2020:5) “all women’s bodies are disabled by society and religion based on their sexu­ ality more than the appearances of their physical bodies.” Broadly, all human beings have some form of disability (Kamba, 2013). The body ages and shows disability, so both ability and disability are temporary states (Stuart, 2000). To date, statistics show that persons with disabilities are minorities, but through ageing the numbers increase (Eiesland, 1994b). Pastoral ministry “to and with” women with disabilities Feminist disability theology does not only give us voices and lived experiences of women with disabilities, but an opportunity to offer meaning and pastoral ministry to women with disabilities. According to Black (1996), the pastoral care to women with disabilities should acknowledge the inclusive nature of God . In the same vein, Block (2002) argues for pastoral care for women with disabilities and that they can access God as part of all creation. Purity theology

110 Gendered ministering limits women’s opportunity to take part in ministry effectively, even to administer the sacraments (Sande and Maori, 2021). Women are the majority in churches and women theologians have been vocal, fighting for justice and equality in churches. Women are primarily the caregivers in African churches (Chisale, 2018). Obviously, periodically womens’ bodies are considered unclean and unfit for performing or taking part in religious rituals. Hence, to exclude women again because of the purity code is destroying the community. The starting point is that women should be ordained equally to men and allowed to work for God. Based on this, the feminist disability theology can deconstruct limitations that emphasise differences in physical bodies. Effective pastoral ministry to women with disabilities should “enable women to speak their lives authentically in a world where they are frequently ignored, belittled or misunderstood” (Chisale, 2020:8). The “disabled God” notion which is central to the feminist disability is the frame to dismantle exclusion and social construction which focuses on female bodies rather than the idea that God is disabled. The scars of Jesus in his body are evidence of a disabled God, an idea which is compatible with the lived experiences of women with disabilities. Jesus defies the purity codes by interacting with a haemorrhaging woman. According to Mark 5:25–34, And there was a woman who had had a flow of blood for twelve years, and who had suffered much under many physicians, and had spent all that she had, and was no better but rather grew worse. She had heard the reports about Jesus and came up behind him in the crowd and touched his garment. For she said, “If I touch even his garments, I shall be made well.” And immediately the haemorrhage ceased; and she felt in her body that she was healed of her disease. And Jesus, perceiving in himself that power had gone forth from him, immediately turned about in the crowd, and said, “Who touched my garments?” And his disciples said to him, “You see the crowd pressing around you, and yet you say, ‘Who touched me?’” And he looked around to see who had done it. But the woman, knowing what had been done to her, came in fear and trembling and fell down before him, and told him the whole truth. And he said to her, “Daughter, your faith has made you well; go in peace and be healed of your disease”. In the scripture above, Jesus demonstrates that he is accessible to all people. There is no one who should be excluded from the grace of God. The hae­ morrhaging woman defied the laws and touched Jesus, the most holy person. The New Testament ministry makes everyone access God’s love. The ministry of Jesus always put marginalised women at the centre. For instance, Jesus interacted with Mary Magdalene, a known prostitute of the time (Luke 8:1–3). The same picture is noticeable when Jesus interacted with the Samaritan woman, who was rejected by his society (John 4:4–42).

Gendered ministering 111

Conclusion This chapter explored gendered issues about disabilities. In general, women in African churches have negative challenges which include but are not limited to patriarchy, leadership, abuse and violence. Nevertheless, women with dis­ abilities are doubly exposed to challenges compared to their male counterparts. Thus, pastoral ministry to women with disabilities still needs more teaching for effective ministry. Women with disabilities are marginalised and excluded from economic empowerment. Women with disabilities experience harsher conditions than their male counterparts.

References Black, K. 1996. A Healing Homiletic: Preaching and Disability. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press. Block, J.W. 2002. Copious Hosting: A Theology of Access for People with Disabilities. New York: Continuum. Boezaart, T. 2012. “Protecting the Reproductive Rights of Children and Young Adults with Disabilities: The Roles and Responsibilities of the Family, the State and Judicial Decision-making.” Emory International Law Review 26: 69–85. Butler, J. 1990. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. New York: Routledge. Chabaya, O., Rembe, S. and Wadesango, N. 2009. “The Persistence of Gender Inequality in Zimbabwe: Factors that Impede the Advancement of Women into Leadership Positions in Primary Schools.” South African Journal of Education 29, no. 6: 235–251. Chappell, P. 2015. “Queering the Social Emergence of Disabled Sexual Identities: Linking Queer Theory with Disability Studies in the South African Context.” Agenda 29, no. 1: 54–62. Chataika, T. 2016. “African Perspectives on Article 24 of the CRPD.” In Disability Law and Policy: An Analysis of the UN Convention, edited by C. O’Mahony and G. Quinn, 113–135. London: Clarus Press. Chataika, T. 2013a. “Cultural and Religious Explanations of Disability and Promoting Inclusive Communities. In Search for Dignity: Conversations on Human Dignity, Theology and Disability, edited by J.M. Claassen, L. Swartz and L. Hansen, 117– 128. Cape Town: African Sun Media (Stellenbosch University). Chataika, T. 2013b. “Gender and Disability Mainstreaming Training Manual: Prepared for Disabled Women in Africa. Germany: GMZ and GIZ.” www.diwa.ws/index. php?option=com_phocadownload. Accessed 4 September 2021. Chikumbu, M. 2014. “Challenges Faced by Disabled Youth in Sexual Relationships.” Thesis. Connect College Zimbabwe. Chisale, S.S. 2018. “Domestic Abuse in Marriage and Self-silencing: Pastoral Care in a Context of Self-silencing.” HTS Teologiese Studies/ Theological Studies 74, no. 2. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v74i2.4784. Chisale, S.S. 2020. “The Purity Myth: A Feminist Disability Theology of Women’s Sexuality and Implication for Pastoral Care.” Scriptura 119: 1–11. Choruma, T. 2007. The Forgotten Tribe: People with Disabilities in Zimbabwe. Pro­ gression, London. Eiesland, N.L. 1994a. The Disabled God: Toward a Liberatory Theology of Disability. Nashville, TN: Abingdon Press.

112 Gendered ministering Eiesland, N.L. 1994b. Roundtable Discussion: Women with Disabilities – A Challenge to Feminist Theology, Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 10, no. 2: 114–117. Eiesland, N.L. 1998. “Things Not Seen: Women with Physical Disabilities.” In Liberat­ ing Faith Practices: Feminist Practical Theologies in Context, edited by D. Ackermann and R. Bons-Storm, 103–127. Leuven: Peeters. Eiesland, N.L. 2002. “Encountering the Disabled God.” The Other Side 38, no. 5: 10–15. Foucault, M. 1995. Discipline and Punish. The Birth of the Prison (A. Sheridan, Trans.). New York: Vintage Books, Random House (original work published 1975). Groce, N., Izutsu, T., Reier, S., Rinehart, W. and Temple, B. 2009. Promoting Sexual and Reproductive Health for Persons with Disabilities WHO/UNFPA Guidance Note. Geneva: World Health Organization and United Nations Population Fund. Isherwood, L. and Stuart, E. 1998. Introducing Body Theology. New York: A and C Black. Kamba, M.K. 2013. “Developing a Holistic Educational Programme Through Con­ textual Bible Study with People with Disabilities in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo: IMAN’ENDA as Case Study.” Diss. University of KwaZulu-Natal. Mangwaya, E. 2015. “Challenges Faced by Learners and Teachers in Special Classes in Secondary Schools: The Case of Dzivaresekwa District in Harare.” The International Journal of Humanities and Social Studies 3, no. 9: 151–154. Mitra, S., Posarac, A. and Vick, B. 2011. “Disability and Poverty in Developing Countries: A Snapshot from the World.” Health Survey. SP Discussion Paper. Mokomane, Z. 2012. “Role of Families in Social and Economic Empowerment of Individuals.” United Nations Expert Group Meeting on Promoting Empowerment of People in Achieving Poverty Eradication, Social Integration and Full Employment and Decent Work for All. New York: United Nations. Muguti, M. and Sande, N. 2019. “Dealing with Women’s Sexual Autonomy in Pente­ costalism in Zimbabwe.” In The Bible and Gender Troubles in Africa, edited by Joachim Kugler, Rosinah Gabaitse and Johanna Stibert, 185–201. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press. Museva, L. 2012. “The Level of Participation of Women with Disabilities in Economic Empowerment programmes in Gweru District.” Journal of Emerging Trends in Educational Research and Policy Studies 3, no. 6: 955–963. Nelson, J.B. 1992. Body Theology. Louisville, KY:Westminster/John Knox Press. Peresuh, M. and Barcham, L. 1998. “Special Education Provisions in Zimbabwe.” British Journal of Special Education 15, no. 4: 18–23. Rogers, J.B. 1992. Body Theology. Louisville, KY: John Knox Press. Rugoho, T. and Maphosa, F. 2015. “Gender-based Violence Amongst Women with Disabilities: A Case Study of Mwenezi District, Zimbabwe.” Gender Questions 6, no. 13: 12–27. Rugoho, T. and Maphosa, F. 2018. “Socio-Economic Barriers Faced by Women with Disabilities in Zimbabwe.” In The Routledge Handbook of Disability in Southern Africa, edited by Tsitsi Chataika, 246–246. London: Routledge. Rugoho, T. and Siziba, B. 2014. “Rejected People: Beggars with Disabilities in the City of Harare, Zimbabwe.” Developing Country Studies 4, no. 26: 51–56. Sande, N. 2017 “Faith and Equality: Rethinking Women in Leadership Positions in Pentecostalism.” Journal of Gender and Religion in Africa 22: 50–62. Sande, N. and Maori, B. 2021. “Pastoral Ministry from the Margins: Pastors” Wives in

Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe.” Studia Historae Ecclesiasticae 47, no. 2: 1–14.

Schumm, D.Y. 2010. “Reimaging Disability.” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion

26, no. 2: 132–137.

Gendered ministering 113 Shuttleworth, R. 2007. “Introduction to Special Issue: Critical Research and Policy Debates in Disability and Sexuality Studies.” Sexuality Research & Social Policy 4, no. 1: 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1525/srsp.2007.4.1.01. Southern African Development Community Gender Monitor2013. Tracking Progress on Implementation of the SADC Protocol on Gender and Development: Women in Politics and Decision-Making Positions. Gaborone: Southern African Development Community (SADC) Gender Unit. Stuart, E. 2000. “Disruptive Bodies: Disability, Embodiment and Sexuality.” In The Good News of the Body: Sexual Theology and Feminism. Studies in Theology and Sexuality, edited by L. Isherwood, 166–184. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press. Swartz, L., Eide, A.H., Schneider, M., Braathen, S.H., Basson, M., Ranchod, C. 2009. HIV/AIDS and Sexuality Amongst People with Disabilities in South Africa. Cape Town: Human Science Research Council Press. United Nations2006. The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and Optional Protocol. New York: United Nations. Retrieved from www.un.org/disabili ties/documents/convention/convoptprote.pdf on 27 September 2021. United Nations2007. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities GARes 61/ 106 UN Doc A/RES/61/106 (24 January 2007) and Optional Protocol to the Con­ vention on 1815 the Rights of Persons with Disabilities GA Res 61/106 UNDocA/ RES/61/106 (24 January 2007). New York: United Nations. Van Huyssteen, J.W. 2006. Alone in the World? Human Uniqueness in Science and Theology, the Gifford Lecture. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Co. Vermeer, D. 2014. “Catholic Communications, Sydney Archdiocese.” http://www.syd neycatholic.org/news/latest_news/2014/2014627_1055.shtml. Accessed 28 July 2021. Wilhelm, D. 1994. “About the Hostile Land in Me.” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 10, no. 2: 104–108.

10 Towards a theological response to ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities

Introduction Developing an appropriate disability theology is critical to the African church for ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. The challenge of Afri­ can churches is the ability to analyse how the African culture is continuing to dictate the pace in developing a disability theology. To consider persons with disabilities as normal people, the African churches demonstrate that persons with disabilities are favoured by God. Such proclamations enable persons with disabilities to be seen as perfect human beings and gain respect within com­ munities. People have wrong perceptions about “being normal.” Abraham (2007:138) was correct to argue that the notion that “perfection and beauty are ingrained in people’s psyche and sanctioned by culture tends to preclude per­ sons with disabilities.” Appropriate African disability theology should start from the Bible and blend with indigenous culture. To understand the promises of God about persons with disabilities, the church must dig deep into God’s word till it finds holistic promises which cater for the spiritual and specific needs (Galgalo et al., 2011). Kabue (2011:49) warns that “the discrimination, prejudices and exclusion have serious consequences on the lives of persons with disabilities.” He finally discourages the separate treatment in the realm of spiritual things meted out against people with disabilities. Based on the approaches and perceptions of African churches in Zimbabwe about disability, it is important to figure out an appropriate theological response which helps the church to deal with persons with disabilities differently and humanely. This book proposes the stewardship model of disability as a disability theology for ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities in African churches. The stewardship model of disability is hinged on the three-legged pillars of human dignity, recognition and compassion.

Towards an African theological response to disability Stewardship disability theology African churches in Zimbabwe should view themselves as stewards to persons with disabilities. Stewardship is defined as a guiding principle where believers DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-10

Towards a theological response 115 manage and distribute God’s resources for the benefit of God’s creation. In the context of Zimbabwe where persons with disabilities are excluded, there is urgency to address the plight of persons with disabilities. An African theolo­ gical response to disability should start by being cognisant of the models of disabilities developed in the West as key pillars for construction of African theological solutions to the challenges of persons with disabilities. Combining disability theories, disability theology and the notorious African indigenous culture have potential to provide strategies that alleviate the plight of persons with disabilities. Thus, this book suggests a stewardship model of disability. The stewardship model of disability is managing the lives of persons with dis­ abilities, applying love-harmony’s law and seeking the truth of truth. The stewardship model of disability pursues the peace and happiness of persons with disabilities. To be a steward of persons with disabilities is to put them first and oneself second. The stewardship model of disability requires learning to respect persons with disabilities and aiming to manage their lives well. The model uses two underpinning frameworks: human dignity and compassion. Human dignity of persons with disabilities One form of showing human dignity is including persons with disabilities in all church activities, programs, even missional approaches. Stewarding persons with disabilities is accepting them first, then creating a safe space for them. Inclusion of persons with disabilities is holistic, offering “safety, support and a sense of belonging” (Paterson, Specht and Duchon, 2013:136). African churches can affirm the theological concepts of “one body with many parts” as including persons with disabilities. Paul in 1 Corinthians 12:12 states “for just as the body is one and has many members, and all the members of the body, though many, are one body, so it is with Christ.” Using Paul’s notions of one body in the context of disability may mean that the body of Christ is made up of dif­ ferent members both persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities. Theologically, as bodies united in Christ there is equality between persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities. Treating persons with disabilities as human beings calls for the African church to theologically accept that the human species has different bodies. Accepting different bodies united in Christ easily enables the church to provide psycho-social support to persons with disabilities. It is important and wise for the church to go beyond thinking that persons with disabilities need prayer, miracles and healing, but they also need human dignity. Thinking about the dignity of persons with disabilities resonates with the moral model of disability which advocates that people are responsible for their disability. The African church should enact an empowering model of disability by allowing the persons with disabilities to be part of religious worship and participate freely. The church has a duty to empower persons with disabilities to identify their giftings and decide the course of ministry in the church that they wish to pursue. Persons with disabilities are as equally gifted as persons

116 Towards a theological response without disabilities. Although ministering “to” persons with disabilities is cri­ tical, it has potential to overshadow ministering “with” persons with dis­ abilities. Ministering “with” persons with disabilities encourages worshipping together in the community of worship. Deeper assessment needs to be carried out on how issues of disabilities are taught within theological seminaries. If theological institutions have no robust curriculum targeting how to minister to the vulnerable including persons with disabilities, there arises a challenge because African churches tend to put more value on what is said by their pastors and leadership than on reading or understanding the Bible on their own. It is easier for the pastorate to mis­ interpret the Bible while believers remain excited. Hermeneutic correctness and theological soundness are more prominent in the Western category of sys­ tematic theology, but African churches learn by heart, orality and spiritual edification. In this case, African church leaders easily slip into accommodating cultural perspectives about persons with disabilities which define disability negatively. Accessing inclusive spaces for persons with disabilities is difficult (Reynolds, 2012). What needs to be removed are barriers which limit social adaptation of persons with disabilities. It is the failure to treat persons with disabilities with dignity which is more limiting than the disability itself. For instance, from a theological standpoint there is a hermeneutical defi­ ciency regarding African churches ministering “to and with” persons with dis­ abilities in Zimbabwe. To claim divine healings and removal of curses causing disability has not brought success in elucidating the plight of persons with disabilities. African churches are still ignorant or not ready to acknowledge that faith claims without the lived experiences of persons with disabilities is shaky ground to formulate theological reflections meaningful to persons with disabilities. Any theological reflection must be a combination of the experience of both individuals and community of believers in continued dialogue with Christian or religious traditions (Killen and De Beer, 1994). The African church should not be afraid to construct contemporary theological reflections with platforms to dialogues between pastorate, laity and persons with dis­ abilities. The church has no option but to use positive scriptures in their art and science of preaching and hermeneutical enterprises. Sound homiletics considers the feeling of the audience rather than oratory that can be preached. Sermonic discourses which have exclusionary hermeneutic practices do not aid in promoting the dignity of persons with disabilities. McClure (2007) observes that preaching using metaphors like the blind, deaf and lame has a negative influence on persons with disabilities. Most preachers in African churches get away with abusive and careless use of words in the name of “under the anointing of God.” While in some cases preachers could justify why they use harsh words to believers, for persons with disabilities, negative, derogatory and labelling words psychologically affect persons with disabilities. Abusive language creates a window for low esteem for persons with dis­ abilities. It is not fair to call persons with disabilities by their disability instead of their names. Some negative and derogatory language is embedded in

Towards a theological response 117 congregational hymns and songs used to express spiritual blindness or lame­ ness using metaphors for the conditions of persons with disabilities. The pro­ blem is that churches have become complacent and do not see how such songs impact persons with disabilities. For inclusive language, such content within songs needs editing. Persons with disabilities need to feel at home and com­ fortable in churches. Mentioning conditions of disability in religious expres­ sions and liturgy amplifies the differences between persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities. Furthermore, the socio-economic challenges make persons with disabilities stick out as always needing help. Accordingly, this then signifies that when persons with disabilities are equals in the body of Christ, there is change even in the metaphors used that exclude and label persons with disabilities. The focus is on human beings and not their differences in bodies. African churches ministering to God would mean serving and worship together with all people besides what defines them. The African churches must teach that all believers have a part to play to change negative attitudes towards persons with disabilities. The difficult part is how to impart ideas and communication that in-turn create a safe space for persons with disabilities. The Bible has made it easy to call each other brothers and sisters. Real brotherhood and sisterhood are demonstrated in the way believers value the human dignity of everyone including persons with disabilities. Definitions about persons with disabilities need revisiting to include the human dignity of persons with disabilities. From the definitions of disability extensively explored in Chapter Two, there is continuity and sustainability of definitions in the Zimbabwean political and religious landscape. For instance, President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa contextualised the definition of disability that: the reality is that no one plans to be born with a disability or desire to acquire a disability. Hence, everyone has an equal chance of becoming a person with some kind of disability at any time. Guided by the values of Ubuntu, Hunhu and the legislative obligations, both state and non-state actors have the collective obligation to do all which is possible for the fulfilment of the aspirations of this sector. (Chanthalangsy, 2021) Such conceptualisation by the head of state is encouraging because he can identify that disability is a human condition and to meet the needs of persons with dis­ abilities all stakeholders must include the Indigenous Knowledge System of Ubuntu, or Hunhu. The philosophy of Ubuntu aims to promote human dignity in society. In the same vein, revised theological African churches’ definition of dis­ ability must include the socio-cultural values. It is more appropriate to define disability as disability theology rather than specific conditions of persons with disabilities. Swinton succinctly defines disability theology as: [the] attempt by disabled and non-disabled Christians to understand and interpret the gospel of Jesus Christ, God, and humanity against the

118 Towards a theological response backdrop of the historical and contemporary experiences of people with disabilities. It has come to refer to a variety of perspectives and methods designed to give voice to the rich and diverse theological meanings of the human experience of disability. (Swinton, 2011:274) From a theological perspective, the definition by Swinton is rich in placing the interpretation of the experiences of persons with disabilities with the paradigm of God, Jesus Christ, the gospel and humanity. However, what is not elaborate is the sitz imlaben (context or environment of interpretation). Since percep­ tions of disabilities are heavily influenced by culture – either biblical or specific community. Thus, an effective theological definition must not leave the socio­ cultural paradigm. Otherwise there is no theology, or theology loses meaning without contextualised culture. This study proposes the stewardship disability theology as interpretation and reflections about persons with disabilities in light of God, Jesus and the indigenous culture in a humanely dignified and compassionate manner (Amanze, 2014). Weaving Ubuntu philosophy within stewardship disability theology should help to embrace and neutralise the marginalisation of persons with disabilities emanating from culture. No doubt culture has a strong negative impact on persons with disabilities. The central cog in Christian disability theology shows that God favours and is on the side of persons with disabilities because his image on the cross is of the “disabled God” (Amanze, 2014). Stewardship disability theology as an interpretation and reflection about persons with dis­ abilities in light of God, Jesus and the indigenous culture in a humanely dig­ nified and compassionate manner, is a form of doing “theology from below.” Thus, “theology from below” is building theology from the voices of the marginalised. Ubuntu philosophy elevates marginalised people to be equal participants in society. Stewardship disability theology uses the marginalised voices of persons with disabilities to construct theology and praxis. Steward­ ship disability theology envisions the church as a community where persons with disabilities are a necessity. In the words of Christiani (2014), disability theology must be for, with and of persons with disabilities. The Ubuntu philosophy thrives on African humanism. The moral ethos of Ubuntu manifests through the otherness of other human beings (Chataika, 2013). The role of Ubuntu is to show diversity in the meaning of being human (Eze, 2008). Such underpinnings of Ubuntu create value for embracing persons with disabilities. Using the mantra “I am because you are” has meaning to persons with disabilities. In the context of disability, the mantra is that “we are” – persons with disabilities “are” because “we are.” The African Ubuntu values indirectly involve persons with disabilities as people also of personhood, respect and worthiness of all human beings. The Ubuntu philosophy does not give room for the denigration and discrimination of persons with disabilities. According to the Ubuntu philosophy, the ability of people not to dehumanise or ill-treat others mirrors the very nature of the spirit-world. According to

Towards a theological response 119 Phiri (2016), the spirit-world propagates and instils cooperation, interconnection, partnering, participation, peace, joy and reconciliation. Stewardship disability theology views the church as an institute of God’s people all having disability starting from their wicked hearts which are healed by the grace of Christ dying on the cross. The soul should repeatedly invoke humane dignity, recognition and compassion as means of escaping the outward or physical disabilities. The church is conscious sin – both the Adamic sin people are born with and the sins of commissions. The continuum of sin which hovers on all human wickedness should abolish cultural perceptions that dis­ ability is caused by sin. All people are born under sin, making persons with disabilities part of the human race rather than the different other. The image of God is printed on all humanity, including persons with disabilities. Creation narratives show that everything that God created was good. Perpetuating the notion that in the beginning God created man and woman with disabilities is a failure to capture diversity of God’s creation. John the Evangelist noted that the lamb was slain and wounded before the foundations of the world. Disfigured bodies were part of God’s creation before the creation of man. Boldly, the Ecumenical Disabilities Advocates Network (2003) argues that without the experiences of persons with disabilities the church is falling short of the glory of God. Christian traditions like Pentecostals which empha­ sise healing persons with disabilities limits the accommodation of persons with disabilities. The image of God in believers has nothing to do with of our phy­ sical bodies. God’s image is one, but it is the human experiences of this world which differ. Believers do not need to add anything to God’s image to be hol­ istic. Yong’s (2009) theology is correct that the redemption of persons with disabilities is not in the physical healing as emphasised in Pentecostalism, but when churches remove the social, economic, political and religious barriers. Consequently, the plight of persons with disabilities in the church is not the physical healing of the bodies, but safe spaces for worshipping. The theological opportunity is moving from physical healing to investing in removing socio­ cultural barriers. The world has made notable milestones in providing facilities which make the lives of persons with disabilities easier. To improve the lives of persons with disabilities, for instance, there have been alternative uses of digital texts, hearing aids, sign language and braille. Therefore, the church should choose the battles for improving the lives of persons with disabilities wisely. Willing church leadership can invest in existing technologies as a way of contributing to the agenda for the rights of persons with disabilities. Believers are stewards for one another creating a conducive community and taking pride in sharing the needs of people. Indirectly, stewardship disability theology put the foun­ dation of the church as becoming responsible and upgrading their level of understanding disability. Pastors and religious clergy need training, skills and rethinking about how to deal with persons with disabilities. Apparently, the duty of pastors, clergy and church leadership should remove barriers and creating space for persons

120 Towards a theological response with disabilities. Accepting and mainstreaming persons with disabilities in influential positions like Pastorate, Eldership and Deaconship are milestones towards creating equal opportunities for persons with disabilities. The other way of doing this is to intentionally appoint persons with disabilities to dif­ ferent church committees and church leadership boards. It is not true to think that persons with disabilities are not spiritual or their disabilities limit or hinder them from being used by God. It is true that there is an opportunity to discover hidden possibilities and talents bundled within persons with dis­ abilities. Pastoral ministry to persons with disabilities should be treated as a special ministry which requires artistic interpretation of scriptures with a bias towards relating to the social, political and ideological challenges which affect persons with disabilities. Ideally, the church should endeavour to ordain pas­ tors with disabilities to full time ministry. Such an approach encourages being proactive towards creating a theology they can own as theirs. Most of the time, believers are comfortable in allowing persons with dis­ abilities to take part in certain levels or sections of the church but not effective leadership positions. Proper ministering “with” persons with disabilities requires intentional mainstreaming of persons with disabilities in influential leadership positions. If persons with disabilities are part of the top or influen­ tial leadership, then sharing their lived experiences brings unique solutions towards mitigating the challenges of persons with disabilities. Even though in churches it is not expected to talk about incriminating theological or spiritual abuse of persons with disabilities, African churches must rely on their conscience to be more sensitive to real needs of persons with disabilities. To take theological discourse about persons with disabilities further, more insights should come from persons with disabilities. The way persons with disabilities understand the Bible based on their culture and experience should be the foundation for theological reflections about disability. The challenges of persons with disabilities must be addressed from within. You cannot positively change negative attitudes or actions without the voices of the offended. Failure of persons with disabilities to be part of solutions to their challenges is allow­ ing persons without disabilities to continue to be devalued. Obviously, persons with disabilities are fewer than persons without disabilities, creating an imbalance. In a way, such a status quo disempowers persons with disabilities. Recognition motif Some experiences of persons with disabilities are difficult, making them con­ ditioned in their situations. As discussed above, the dignity of persons with disabilities comes when society acknowledges them as equal in humanity. A person with disabilities needs recognition and that can be facilitated through platforms which make them to participate in activities which the society views as important. Church state relations in Zimbabwe are ambivalent. On one hand, the state feels the church must remain doing spiritual work and not

Towards a theological response 121 participate in the democratisation processes. On the other hand, the church believes that it is mandated to use its prophetic voice to instil a moral con­ science in politicians. However, the secular world has gained strides in main­ streaming and giving special recognition(s) to marginalised people in society. For instance, there is a vigorous campaign to include women in all influential positions, education, sport and politics. However, religious institutions are yet to move with speed to implement gender equality. There are valuable lessons that the church can learn from successful stories of government dealings with the marginalised groups. In 2019, during the launch of the Zimbabwe National Disability Policy, the United Nations Resident Coordinator Ms. Maria Ribeiro advised that to reduce inequalities “we continue encouraging the scaling of disability-inclusive budgeting by government” (Chanthalangsy, 2021). Ms. Ribeiro’s advice is something to consider, especially on the aspect of budgeting for persons with disabilities. Recognition of persons with disabilities helps the church to develop policies towards their needs. To include a budget for persons with disabilities calls for a mental shift for African churches to take responsibility for persons with disabilities. The church budgets mostly focus on remunerations of the clergy, rentals (building fund) and orphanages. In the Neo-Pentecostal churches in Zim­ babwe, many of the church monies are channelled to the founder of the min­ istry. Further, the prosperity gospel which is peddled in Classical and NeoPentecostal churches negatively impacts on persons with disabilities. The Pen­ tecostal prosperity theology argues that God blesses those who obey and love him with material, health and financial blessings (Togarasei, 2010). The pros­ perity gospel does not only create wealth for the individual but for the church. Thus, persons with disabilities have limitations to realising wealth creation. Indirectly, the clergy in Pentecostal churches give attention to believers who give a lot of resources. The economic model of disability bridges the gap between poverty and how to give sustenance to persons with disabilities. Pentecostal churches should be aware that regardless of divine intervention from God to receiving material blessings, however, there is a place to work and develop businesses. Most of the persons with disabilities are poor and cannot work, meaning that all the blessing, if given, will come to an end. Also, within the prosperity theology, the conditions of triggering the blessing of God are not easy. Believers should act on faith and give tithes, seed offerings and free-will offerings. The teachings are that believers should give from what the Lord has already blessed them with, enabling persons with disabilities to participate like persons without disabilities. In this case, relying on divine provision is difficult for persons with disabilities. Pentecostal prosperity theology drives persons with disabilities to the margins economically. Not all divine provision results in success or mate­ rial wealth and when this happens to persons with disabilities it breeds hope­ lessness. For the Pentecostal prosperity theology not to be construed as weak concerning solving God’s providence for persons with disabilities, the theology

122 Towards a theological response should focus more on practical solutions to manipulation of the world’s economy. The African Initiated churches do not collect monies from their congregants. They do not collect tithes and offerings, a prominent practice in other church traditions in Zimbabwe. The question is, in what way(s) can the African Initiated churches budget for persons with disabilities? African Initiated chur­ ches should continue to theologically reflect and make some change in basic assumptions towards targeting to empower persons with disabilities within their shrines. Such a proposal cannot be carried out overnight, but the leaders should conduct an overhaul on their belief systems, traditions and sermons towards recognising the needs of persons with disabilities. The ability for recognition of persons with disabilities is bundled in the developing empathy for persons with disabilities. The church should be known for being doers of the word, not hearers only, as instructed by the book James 1:22–23: “but be doers of the word, and not hearers only, deceiving yourselves. For if anyone is a hearer of the word and not a doer, he is like a man who observes his natural face in a mirror.” Thus, the church cannot simply hear about the plight of persons with disabilities without proactively acting on economically empowering them. The church does not have a choice but to support persons with disabilities financially and with other economic benefits. African churches should help persons with disabilities not because they need basic needs such as food, clothes, tuition fees, accommodation, or medical help, but they should help persons in need. African churches have a mandate to identity practices which devalue persons with disabilities. For instance, giving to the needy should be done without labelling that the church wants to give to persons with disabilities. Such secrecy has potential to restore the dig­ nity of persons with disabilities. Organised help targeting persons with dis­ abilities, or even orphans and widows must be done without recognition. Theologically, Mathew the Evangelist was correct when he commanded that “but when you give alms, do not let your left hand know what your right hand is doing” (Mathew 6:3). Practising this suggestion by Mathew the Evangelist in the context of disability helps believers not to be egoistic and gain praise for themselves as they give to persons with disabilities and those in need. The reason for giving in the church is about valuing people’s humanity, including their dignity. The vulnerable in the church should not be reduced or equated to material value. Giving to the vulnerable is an opportunity to create value for the persons in need, including persons with disabilities. The church should continue to find proactive ways to demonstrate compassion to persons with disabilities. Perhaps the only time public announcement of giving to persons with disabilities is allowed is when the church plans dates for special collections reserved for specific projects about persons with disabilities. African churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities must recognise that persons with disabilities are not only those who come to their churches, so it is paramount for the churches to go where persons with

Towards a theological response 123 disabilities are found. Although churches do crusades and revivals to win the souls of the lost, it is important to note that the persons without disabilities have spiritual loss and recognition loss. Persons with disabilities need to be loved, recognised and acknowledged as an essential part of the community – mostly the believing community. The church should number persons with dis­ abilities and put them on top of their congregation membership. According to Paterson, embracing the inclusion of persons with disabilities is about con­ tinual adaptation to the changing needs of persons with disabilities (Paterson, Specht and Duchon, 2013). Paterson’s assertion is valuable as far as assisting the church not to rely on hegemonic discourses that describe disability. African churches have to continue to construct and reconstruct new disability theolo­ gies and practices that put the lived experiences of persons with disabilities at the centre. Hegemonic discourses of disability are windows opened for recon­ struction of equality and inclusion. The diversity of church traditions and the struggle for maintaining unique churches presents a barrier for uniform strategies for promoting equality and inclusion. The spirit of recognition is much needed in African churches to make a dif­ ference to the lives of persons with disabilities. Most missionary churches including Pentecostals have invested in establishing schools including uni­ versities. Inclusive education means all people have an opportunity to study regardless of whether one has a disability or not. However, it should be noted that integrating persons with disabilities in educational institutions is not just an ambition but a game changer in moulding the mindset that persons with disabilities should not be separated from persons without disabilities. Proper education for persons with disabilities unlocks their full potential and produc­ tive life. Thus, recognition in this aspect has to do with how people acknowl­ edge the potential to succeed in life for persons with disabilities. In a way, this removes the “us” and “them” dichotomy, creating a situation for positive inclusion. According to Reynolds (2012), effective inclusion of persons with disabilities is holistic, covering all aspects of life including but not limited to the spiritual, emotional and physical. The goal of recognition for persons with disabilities is to prioritise how to accommodate them and allow relationships to develop which result in communion and fellowship. Inclusion of persons with disabilities in religious institutions has potential to move beyond rhetoric if churches provide practical steps to recognise persons with disabilities, especially in leadership hierarchy and other influential structures. Compassion towards persons with disabilities Compassion towards persons with disabilities is a useful tool that can be used to understand the suffering of persons with disabilities. Empathising with per­ sons with disabilities opens a door of meaningful engagement with their experiences. Compassion calls for use of non-monetary value that believers can give to persons with disabilities. When people meet persons with disabilities, their immediate reaction is to view them as needing monetary help. According

124 Towards a theological response to Griffin, Peters and Smith (2007) persons with disabilities are viewed as people who do not contribute to society because they do not have financial freedom. Society has a propensity to respect people with money and pay little attention or devalue people who do not contribute financially to families and communities. For persons with disabilities to be affluent in societies and even in the church, the church must be prepared to invest in projects and tasks. Persons with disabilities are the last to climb up the ladder of society and the economy. The churches in Zimbabwe have remained resolute in encouraging believers to empower themselves and survive the economic decline. African churches in Zimbabwe can start developing life skills for persons with disabilities by getting involved in supporting them with education. Besides, mainstreaming persons with disabilities in mission schools, the other responsibility is to be helping with fees or give scholarships. Apart from pray­ ing, fasting and making claims for miracles, the church should come up with practical solutions that transform the lives of persons with disabilities. Eco­ nomic empowerment is a disabling barrier that eliminates persons with dis­ abilities from starting at an equal footing in life with their counterparts without disabilities. In this globalised world, persons with disabilities can use technology to offer competitive mainstreaming in learning. Conventional education is not the only way to offer competitive training and ability. Special schools for persons with disabilities do not only make them isolated, but also deprive them of time to be part of their families. Only the rich can send children with disabilities to special schools. As the saying goes that charity begins at home, while it is a noble thing for the church to start education initiatives attending to persons with disabilities, the church must also remove structural barriers within its places of worship. In most churches, there are architectural barriers which prevent access by persons with dis­ abilities. Thus, building plans should cater for the needs of persons with disabilities. Another aspect which requires compassion towards persons with disabilities is the issue of social justice in the abuse of women and girls with disabilities. The issue of sexuality and gender violence remains at the periphery of the church’s agenda. From a cultural perspective, people are afraid to marry girls or women with disabilities. The church should raise its voice loudest to denounce the abuse of girls and women with disabilities. Some of the predators who abuse girls and women with disabilities are found in the church. For a long time, the church has been viewed as innocent of sexual abuse but it is the worst institution which not only perpetuates sexual violence but also conceals it. The church has a duty to show compassion to the vulnerable instead of perpetuating the problem. Promoting social justice for persons with disabilities is a gesture of recog­ nising and honouring their dignity. The church as a non-profit organisation has a divine mandate to stand in solidarity with activists who promote social justice. By speaking aloud about the ills of the society, the church, therefore, makes persons with disabilities feel valuable. It is part of human rights to

Towards a theological response 125 make members of the church less inferior. The church’s social responsibility is accepting that persons with disabilities are vulnerable. One question to ask is in what way(s) can African churches use scriptures to demonstrate acts of compassion. The teaching by Paul in 1 Corinthians 15:54 that bodies are temporary and will change soon when people move to the next life can encourage believers not to over-elevate bodies. In fact, the notion that our bodies are declining is a source for eliciting compassion for persons with disabilities who seem to be experiencing the frailty of our bodies. Persons with disabilities are bold, living in a different world characterised by experiences of the perishability of our bodies. Living with disability is a characterisation of unique human experience. There are conditions which we are always going to experience. Just as Jesus warned that “the poor are always with you,” the same is true that persons with disabilities are always going to be there. The church will have to sacrifice its attitude and accept that we will always have persons with disabilities in our congregations. Creating a safe space for per­ sons with disabilities in churches in about being compassionate towards their spiritual, psychological and sociological needs. Charity is a by-product of a compassionate heart. It is a virtue needed when ministering to persons with disabilities. Ministering to persons with disabilities requires the grace to express pity and mercy. In other words, charitable deeds for persons with disabilities must be placed alongside a compassionate spirit to deal with issues of exclusions. It is fair to say that the church has been involved in charitable works but can do more towards persons with disabilities. Theologi­ cally, the church is mandated to prioritise the marginalised and the vulnerable. For instance, the early church in the book of Acts 6:1–7 shows the challenges neglecting the vulnerable. The resolution of the problem has shown that the marginalised Greek women ended up being recipients of contact help and care from the church. Always, the church needs to pay attention to the minorities in the community in case they are in a difficult situation. To serve persons with dis­ abilities, the church can learn about how the early church identified and dealt with the challenges of Greek widows. Although the charity model of disability shows that believers are ready to channel sentiments of sensitivity and acts of pity towards persons with disabilities, there is more to do than giving handovers to the needy. Charitable deeds need to be mixed with attempts to remove impeding barriers that prevent persons with disabilities from standing on their own. It is the social and environment barriers which disable persons with disabilities (Griffin, Peters and Smith, 2007). Disability is constructed through interpretation of social values and beliefs (Thomas and Loxley, 2001). There is a need to change the narrative that persons with disabilities are there to receive charity into ideas about how to include them in society and give them space to participate. All religions, including African traditional reli­ gions, should accept the diversity of humanity. There is no need to think about humanity in terms of monolithic diversity. It pays to embrace every believer as unique and impressive. Intentionally, persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities can slowly progress as interdependent through teamwork

126 Towards a theological response in the work of ministry. Such an approach can develop a socially inclusive community where persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities are an asset and there are no liabilities. It is of paramount importance that chur­ ches should move beyond communities of charities but prepare to include and work in solidarity with persons with disabilities. Solidarity with persons with disabilities means that the church should not remain aloof, only waiting for persons with disabilities to come to them. Going to fetch and meet the needs of persons with disabilities is a sign of the church descending from its lofty position and socialising with persons with disabilities. Reciprocal relationships between persons with disabilities and persons without disabilities open opportunities of addressing the challenges of persons with disabilities. Though compassion for persons with disabilities is ideal, it is hindered by stigma and culture. History and culture are sources for the social construct of disability. There are different perceptions about disability across multi-cultural contexts (Haihambo and Lightfoot, 2010).

Conclusion This chapter discussed the stewardship theology of persons with disabilities essential to promote the needs of persons with disabilities. The emerging themes within the stewardship theology are the issues of human dignity, com­ passion and recognition. Accordingly, the stewardship model of disability is a relevant conceptual framework because it embraces the idea that the church must be an agent of stewardship for people living with disability. More so, this model encompasses the fundamental reality that ministering “to and with” persons living with disabilities entails journeying with and learning from those of us who are already travelling on the path of living with a disability. The stewardship model of disability is a theology that emphasises the need for accompaniment, inclusion and critical solidarity with persons living with disability. It beckons Christians and non-Christians to embrace, respect, listen to and learn from those of us living with disability. In essence, the chapter offered rich resources on how to break the dividing walls between those who are living with disability and those who are not.

References Abraham, K. 2007. “Theological Reflections on Persons with Disability.” Voices from the Third World 30, no. 1: 116–127. Amanze, J.N. 2014. “Disability discourse: Imago Dei, Teaching Theology from a Dis­ ability Perspective.” In Christian Identity and Justice in a Globalised World from a Southern African Perspective, edited by H. Kroesbergen. South Africa: Christian Literature Fund. Chanthalangsy, P. 2021. “Zimbabwe Launches National Disability Policy.” Harare: United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation. https://en.unesco. org/news/zimbabwe-launches-national-disability-policy. Accessed 9 June 2021.

Towards a theological response 127 Chataika, T. 2013. “Cultural and Religious Explanations of Disability and Promoting Inclusive Communities.” In Search for Dignity: Conversations on Human Dignity, Theology and Disability, edited by J.M. Claassen, L. Swartz and L. Hansen, 117– 128. Cape Town: African Sun Media (Stellenbosch University). Christiani, T.K. 2014. “Doing Theology: Towards the Construction of Methods for Living with Disability.” Asia Journal of Theology 28, no. 1: 35. Ecumenical Disabilities Advocates Network. 2003. “A Church of All and for All: An Interim Statement.” Paper presented at the Meeting of World Council of Churches. Eze, M.O. 2008. “What is African Communitarianism? Against Consensus as a Reg­ ulative Ideal.” South African Journal of Philosophy 27, no. 4: 386–399. http://dx.doi. org/10.4314/sajpem.v27i4.31526. Accessed 9 April 2021. Galgalo, J., Kabue, S., Mombo, E. and Peter, C.B. eds. 2011. Disability, Society, and Theology: Voices from Africa. Limuru. Limuru: Zapf Chancery Publishers Africa. Griffin, P., Peters, M. and Smith, R. 2007. “Ableism Curriculum Design.” In Teaching for Diversity and Social Justice, edited by M. Adams, L. Bell and P. Griffin, 335–358. New York: Routledge. Haihambo, C. and Lightfoot, E. 2010. “Cultural Beliefs Regarding People with Dis­ abilities in Namibia: Implications for the Inclusion of People with Disabilities.” International Journal of Special Education 25, no. 3: 76–87. Kabue, S. 2011. “Persons with Disability in Church and Society. A Historical and Sociological Perspective.” In Disability, Society and Theology: Voices from Africa, edited by J. Galgalo, S. Kabue, E. Mombo and C.B. Peter, 3–24. Limuru: Zapf Chancery Publishers Africa. Killen, P.O.C. and De Beer, J. 1994. The Art of Theological Reflection. New York: Crossroad. McClure, J. 2007. Preaching Words. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press. Paterson, T. A., Specht, D. and Duchon, D. 2013. “Exploring Costs and Consequences of Religious Expression in Family Businesses.” Journal of Management, Spirituality and Religion 10, no. 2: 138–158. Phiri, M. 2016. “Constructing an African Theology of Disability: Conceptual Impera­ tives.” In Disability in Africa: A Resource Book for Theology and Religious Studies, edited by S. Kabue, J. Amanze and C. Landman, 267–287. Nairobi: Action Publishers. Reynolds, T.E. 2012. “Invoking Deep Access: Disability Beyond Inclusion in the Church.” Dialog 51, no. 3: 212–223. Swinton, J. 2011. ““Who is the God We Worship? Theologies of Disability: Challenges and New Possibilities.” International Journal of Practical Theology 14, no. 2: 273–307. Thomas, G. and Loxley, A. 2001. Deconstructing Special Education and Constructing Education. Buckingham: Open University Press. Togarasei, L. 2010. “Churches for the Rich? Pentecostalism and Elitism.” In Faith in the City: The Role and Place of Religion in Harare, edited by L. Togarasei and E. Chitando, 19–40. Uppsala: Swedish Science Press. Yong, A. 2009. “Disability and the Love of Wisdom: De-forming, Re-forming, and Performing Philosophy of Religion.” Ars Disputandi 9, no. 1: 54–71.

11 Conclusion

The discourse about disability is topical in all sectors of society. Top on the agenda is to map how persons with disabilities can be included in developing the nation and participating in churches. The chapters in this book presented perceptions about African churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. The book achieved its objectives which included: • • • • • •

To understand contemporary African Christianity in Zimbabwe; To conceptualise disability against the backdrop of the Indigenous Knowledge Systems perspective; To understand the lived experiences of persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe; To explore disability theologies in Zimbabwe; To explore how missionary churches, African Initiated churches and Pentecostal churches minister “to and with” persons with disabilities; To establish appropriate African disability theology.

Addressing contemporary African Christianity, this book showed that Chris­ tianity continues to thrive in Zimbabwe. The missionary churches introduced Christianity in Zimbabwe. Over a period of time, Christianity blended with the indigenous culture, forming the African Initiated churches. The third strand of Christianity in Zimbabwe was through the American Pentecostal movement which resulted in Classical, Neo-Pentecostalism and Charismatic movements. Thus, Christianity in Zimbabwe is heterogeneous in nature. It is these diverse traditions which continue to propel the growth of African Christianity. African Christianity has unique religious expressions, yearning for deep spirituality. Outstanding is how indigenous culture has remained glued to and woven with Christian doctrine and teaching. It is difficult in some instances to separate Christian doctrine and cultural norms and ethos. Accordingly, there is a line between indigenous culture and biblical culture, making Christianity a viable reli­ gion in Zimbabwe. This is compounded by the realisation that African traditional religion is accommodative of other religions. Statistics indicate that about 80% of the population follow forms of Chris­ tianity. Zimbabweans are keen adherents to religion. Religion and spirituality permeate every sphere of the lives of the people. Christian teachings and DOI: 10.4324/9781003256335-11

Conclusion 129 doctrines are central in politics, economics and society. African churches in Zimbabwe are competitive institutions in the democratisation processes of Zimbabwe. However, the role of African churches is ambivalent. Nevertheless, Christian moral values have had a lasting impact on reducing the spread of HIV in Zimbabwe. Further, the religion and spirituality are playing a role in the Coronavirus global pandemic. Inevitably, religion and spirituality are bringing interesting dimensions, especially propagating conspiracy theories on the Coronavirus. Religion and spirituality are believed to be a safe hub for the vulnerable. Thus, this book explored the notion that the church has the man­ date to meet the needs of every person, and the book proposes that persons with disabilities should be central to this agenda. Religion and spirituality are critical constructs for empowering persons with disabilities. The prediction by sociologist Max Weber that religion is going to decline in favour of modernity has proven to be false in Zimbabwe. Disability is notoriously difficult to define. To try to come to a consensus, scholars have wrestled with this term from an interdisciplinary perspective. Further, diverse models have been used to shed more light on issues about disabilities and how to understand them. This book gave an overview of the disability models defining disabilities. However, there is a paucity of informa­ tion when it comes to how persons with disabilities can be defined from an Indigenous Knowledge Systems perspective. Most, if not all, models of dis­ ability are propounded by Western scholarship. While these models give insightful information, as a point of departure, this book put forward that the Indigenous Knowledge Systems have alternative conceptual lenses for understanding disability in Zimbabwe. Contextualising issues of disability in Zimbabwe, this book questioned the nature of life’s experiences of persons with disabilities. There are several fac­ tors that influence the meaning and understanding of disability. What is more important apart from defining disability is questioning the issues that affect persons with disabilities in Zimbabwe. Broadly, culture, politics, social and economic factors impact on persons with disabilities. Specifically, persons with disabilities are subject to stigma, discrimination and exclusion. Findings in this study show that the nature of stigma and discrimination is complex. In most cases, persons without disabilities are intolerant of persons with disabilities. Persons with disabilities suffer from a double burden, on one hand the gov­ ernment has policies about disability on paper but there is no strategic rein­ forcement and implementation of these regulations and legislations. On the other hand, persons with disabilities and their families occupy the lower rungs of the economic ladder. Consequently, such a status quo results in poor edu­ cation and training of persons with disabilities to improve their lives. Since religion permeates the politics, social and economic space of people in Zim­ babwe, it was prudent to explore in depth the nature of disability theologies used by African churches to minister “to and with” persons with disabilities. Disability theologies are critical lenses to put on when looking to understand how religion and spirituality engage with disability. As such, theologies form

130 Conclusion the foundation and basis upon which to understand how selective African church traditions in Zimbabwe minister “to and with” persons with dis­ abilities. The book discussed disability theology from a broad perspective. In Zimbabwe, disability theology is created by Christianity, Judaism and the African traditional religion. Theologies should be contextual; thus, Ubuntu philosophy is a point of departure and a “competing worldview” to the Christian disability theology. Ubuntu philosophy not only impacts on the per­ ceptions but provides alternative means to meet the needs of persons with disabilities. To avoid generalisations about African churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, case studies were selected from missionary churches, African Initiated churches and Classical, Neo- and Charismatic Pentecostal churches. The missionary churches in Zimbabwe are influenced by Western theologies, leadership and the systematic interpretation of the scriptures. The missionary churches have a positive attitude towards persons with disabilities. The theologies in missionary churches propelled members of missionary chur­ ches to start institutions targeting persons with disabilities. At the top of the list, Jairos Jiri founded his institution to meet the needs of persons with dis­ abilities. There are lessons that other African churches can learn from the missionary churches’ approaches about ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. Thus, there is hope to improve the lived experiences of persons with disabilities if religion is situated at the centre of disability issues in Zim­ babwe. There is participation of persons with disabilities in religious spheres (Bruce, 2010). Most African churches should be prepared to go beyond their four walls to mobilise persons with disabilities. Lessons can be learnt from the Roman Catholic Trocaire Consortium which strategically intervened in the target areas. African churches should not rely on the persons with disabilities who come to their churches or those born with disabilities within their congregations. In terms of historical chronology, African Initiated churches are the secondgeneration Christian churches in Zimbabwe breaking out of missionary chur­ ches. Outstandingly, the African Initiated churches developed unique Chris­ tianity – one which is blended with indigenous culture. The African Initiated churches view disability as caused by sin. Through rituals and religious arte­ facts, African Initiated prophets claim to cure disability. Using prescribed small stones marinated with kubatirwa muteuro (prayer) scares the evil spirits asso­ ciated with disability. There is no space of ministering “with” persons with disabilities. In Sub-Saharan Africa, religion is transmitted orally (Magesa, 2014). The African indigenous culture does not have an authoritative or writ­ ten theology concerning disability, information about disability is handed down through the Indigenous Knowledge System. Paying particular attention to phrases, idioms, proverbs, festivals and even prayer gives information about attitudes and perception of ethnic people with disabilities (Ndlovu, 2016). Overall, most indigenous cultural beliefs about disability can be corrected. For instance, physical disability and mental health can be reversed through

Conclusion 131 traditional therapies. The starting point of disability in most of these cases is the idea that disability is either a punishment from ancestors or a result of sin (Sait et al., 2011). Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe has three major strands, namely, Classical, Neo and Charismatic. Polished Pentecostal beliefs about divine healings, signs and wonders, deliverance and exorcisms have resulted in mega-churches. Pen­ tecostals have ambivalent approaches about ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. Largely, disability is viewed badly, something that can be healed so that people can be like persons without disabilities. Pentecostalism claims miracles. Rarely is disability viewed positively; few Classical Pentecostal churches have improved on how to minister “with” persons with disabilities by creating a missional department which targets the blind. This study recommended that Pentecostal churches think about alternatives such as the holistic, material and psychosocial as means to ministering “to” persons with disabilities and refrain from endless chasing of divine healings, miracles, signs and wonders. African churches ministering “to and with” should make sure that persons with disabilities are not “crushed, abandoned, forsaken and destroyed. The so-called normal people need to be liberated from this sinful way of thinking that people with disability are not complete human beings” (Masango, 2019). The church has a duty to teach the so-called normal people that persons with disabilities are complete human beings. The view that persons with disabilities should endure suffering until they receive their redemption of the body through healing encourages persons with disabilities to endure their conditions. The problem is making persons with disabilities feel they need to be healed every time they come to a place of worship. While healing is a critical component within African churches it is imperative that the church rethinks the healing agenda. Instead, the church should be glad about the spiritual healing brought by salvation rather than the physical healings which may not happen to some people in this life. Similarly, it is a tough call to argue that persons with disabilities are suffering not by choice, but it is God causing it. Such thinking is challenging to reconcile with the teachings that God is kind and merciful, even forgiving and forgetting sins committed by parents. The findings from how African churches minister “to and with” persons with disabilities using selected church traditions revealed noteworthy insights towards developing an appropriate African disability theology. Hence, this study propounded the stewardship disability theology as “interpretation and reflections about persons with disabilities in light of God, Jesus and the indi­ genous culture in a humanely dignified and compassionate manner.” In pov­ erty-stricken contexts such as Zimbabwe, the stewardship disability theology is appropriate because it puts persons with disabilities at the centre as a margin­ alised special group. Stewardship disability theology is robust to the creation of worship space leading to spiritual experiences of persons with disabilities and appreciation of their issues (challenges) by intentionally meeting their needs. As a contribution to new knowledge about disability, especially giving a

132 Conclusion holistic perspective about how African churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities, the stewardship disability theology propounded in this book is both a “spiritual and material” resource which can help the church to transform the lives of persons with disabilities. Based on the cultural underpinning of Ubuntu philosophy, the stewardship disability theology demonstrates that the church is a living organism endowed with the ability to appropriate its resources to its marginalised stakeholders. Stewardship disability theology encourages pastoral ministry to persons with disabilities to rely on biblical interpretations which does not discriminate but aims for inclusion in public worship. The Ubuntu mantra, “I am because you are,” denoting interdependence of Africans in societies, reinforces good prac­ tices which would help the inclusion of persons with disabilities into the church’s programs, activities and missional activities. Thus, appropriate dis­ ability theology should reconstruct our understanding that humanity is created in the likeness and image of God. The findings by Yong (2007) that there is connection between Christology, theology and disability should be considered. African churches must not only take this connection seriously but must spend more time deconstructing cultural issues which enhance negative perceptions about disabilities. There is no doubt that disability theology should be skewed towards liberating persons with disabilities, especially justifying the need to minister “to and with” persons with disabilities. Further, African disability theology needs to go beyond local culture but be inclusive of the broader global community. Accordingly, there are critical secular insights about persons with disabilities which can help the African church to become a safe space for persons with disabilities. The church and the secular world should feed from each other on issues to develop humanity. It would be folly to disregard the strides that other global institutions have made towards empowering persons with disabilities. Communities must shift the way they talk about disability, to a construct positive image of persons with disabilities (Stone-Macdonald, 2014). Findings by Mamboleo (2011) showed that many African countries are passing legislation which aims to improve the lives of persons with disabilities. Thus, African churches in Zimbabwe must take advantage of the agenda of African nations to deal with issues of dis­ ability. Zimbabwe is a signatory to the world’s disability conventions (United Nations, 2006), and in 2013, Zimbabwe was one of the first nations to ratify the United Nations Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Furthermore, Zimbabwe is one of the signatories to the Salamanca Conven­ tions of 1994, which passed a resolution that there should be inclusive educa­ tion for persons with disabilities and all discriminatory attitudes must be combatted (Jenjekwa, Rutoro and Runyowa, 2013). In 2021, the current Pre­ sident of Zimbabwe, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa outlined the agenda for the launch of the National Disability policy in Zimbabwe as to set “stan­ dards for the inclusion of Persons with Disabilities in all facets of life, thereby serving as an overarching policy framework on disability across all sectors, including the public private and development sectors” (Chanthalangsy, 2021).

Conclusion 133 Proper theology should be inclusive of persons with disabilities to be part of the image of God. Allowing the thought of persons with disabilities as created in the image of God opens opportunities to ministering with persons with disabilities for participation together in worship. Longchar (2011) notes that the two weaknesses of African churches towards persons with disabilities are that disability is the work of sin and the denial of accepting persons with disabilities as representing the image of God. In brief, some of the African churches do not affirm people with disabilities. They are bound by cultural norms which affect their theological interpreta­ tion of disabilities. There is more work needed to meet the suggestion of Reynolds, who argues that churches need to change their mindset in the way they perceive persons with disabilities (Reynolds, 2012). Building on Reynolds, this book suggests that African churches ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities should prioritise on the agenda for participation in the community of believers.

Future study The book attempted to bring together how African churches in Zimbabwe minister “to and with” persons with disabilities. A few limitations of this book can be considered for developing further issues of disabilities in Zimbabwe. According to O’Reilly and Kiyimba (2015), qualitative studies have limitations. No single book is sufficient to incorporate and thoroughly investigate the lived experiences of persons with disabilities as well as demonstrate how all African churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. For instance, besides Pentecostal theology viewing persons with disabilities as objects for healing, the reason is that there is not much literature about the church and disability in Zimbabwe. To date, disability studies is a growing discipline and this book contributes towards how churches are ministering “to and with” persons with disabilities. This book adds to and complements Western and Asian books available and used in the African continent. Similarly, disability studies, particularly within the church in Africa, has not yet received adequate scholarly attention. •

•

The book showed that most African churches lack the skills and compe­ tency to minister “to and with” persons with disabilities. It is under­ standable because there are diverse forms of disabilities which need different skills to meet their needs. There is a plethora of information about disability from Western education as well as the medical fraternity. African communities perceive disability negatively (Stone-Macdonald, 2014). Therefore, this book stimulates new proactive areas of research about disabilities, for instance, there is not much research about African churches in Zimbabwe dialoguing about disability. Further studies are needed to continue developing disability theologies which are comprehensive enough to evoke human rights for persons with

134 Conclusion

•

disabilities. One area that needs urgency is bringing churches to the drawing board when countries formulate policies that support persons with disabilities. Although there are many theoretical frameworks about disabilities, however, there are several unanswered questions. One critical question to ask is how the variation of forms of disabilities can be accommodated within African churches. Further, issues of methodologies to study disability in Africa need revi­ siting. Africa has a pluralistic culture requiring robust interdisciplinary methodologies. Special methodologies are needed not only to gather data from fieldwork but also to analyse African churches’ sermonic discourses, including mass communication, evangelistic campaigns and contemporary technologies. The philosophical discussion, theoretical perspective and methods of inquiry in Africa should not only rethink the hegemonic tendencies of Western methodologies but interrogate complex epistemic assemblages and prompt pursuits of novel heuristic terrains.

References Bruce, P. 2010. “Constructions of Disability (Ancient and Modern): The Impact of Religious Beliefs on the Experience of Disability.” Neotestamentica, 253–281. Chanthalangsy, P. 2021. “Zimbabwe Launches National Disability Policy Harare: United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation.” https://en. unesco.org/news/zimbabwe-launches-national-disability-policy. Accessed 2 October 2021. Jenjekwa, V., Rutoro, E. and Runyowa, J. 2013. “Inclusive Education and the Primary School Teacher Education Curriculum in Zimbabwe: The Need for a Paradigm Shift.” The International Journal of Humanities and Social Studies 3: 21–28. Longchar, W.A. 2011. “Sin, Suffering and Disability in God’s World.” In Disability, Society and Theology: Voices from Africa, edited by J. Galgalo, S. Kabue, E. Mombo and C.B. Peter, 47–58. Limuru: Zapf Chancery Publishers Africa. Magesa, L. 2014. African Religion: The Moral Traditions of Abundant Life. New York: Orbis Books. Mamboleo, G. 2011. Predictors of Attitudes Toward Disability and Employment Policy Concerns Among Undergraduate Students at the University of Nairobi. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona. Masango, M.J. 2019. “Neglect of People with Disability by the African Church.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 75, no. 4: 1–14. Ndlovu, H.L. 2016. “African Beliefs Concerning People with Disabilities: Implications for Theological Education.” Journal of Disability and Religion 20, no. 1–2: 29–39. O’Reilly, M. and Kiyimba, N. 2015. Advanced Qualitative Research: A Guide to Using Theory. London: Sage. Reynolds, T.E. 2012. “Theology and Disability: Changing the Conversation.” Journal of Religion, Disability and Health 16: 33–48. Sait, W., Lorenzo, T., Steyn, M. and Van Zyl, M. 2011. “Sexuality, Gender and Dis­ ability in South Africa.” In African Sexuality: A Reader, edited by S. Tamale, 502– 520. Nairobi: Pambazuka Press.

Conclusion 135 Stone-Macdonald, A. 2014. “Cultural Beliefs and Attitudes about Disability in East Africa.” Review of Disability Studies: An International Journal 8, no. 1: 1–19. United Nations. 2006. Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. New York: United Nations. Yong, A. 2007. Theology and Down syndrome: Reimagining Disability in Late Modernity. Waco, TX: Baylor University Press.

Index

The index is based on significant terms used in the book. Page numbers refer to explanations or significant information. 21st century’s existential challenges 40 abnormality 31 accommodating persons with disabilities 30, 90 Adam and Eve, 92 African Christianity 7, 134 African cosmology 41, 52 African humanism 124 African Indigenous System 39–40 African Indigenous Thought 39, 42–52, 88 African Initiated churches 9–12, 88–96 African Pentecostals 11, 14–15, 98, 104 African Pentecostalism 12, 15 African spirituality 39–52 African Traditional Religions 15–17 Afrocentricity 39 Albinism 44, 59, 81 altar calls 69, 99 angry gods 91 anthropological 31, 68 Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe 15, 84, 98, 102, 107 appropriate theological response 120 baptism and Holy Communion 73–74 barriers 29–33 basket case of Africa 24, 62 bewitched 90 Bible is ambivalent to issues of disability 101 breadbasket of Africa 24, 34, 62 Brokenness, weakness, and vulnerability 71

capitalism 12 categories of disability 44 charisma, 13, 81 charismatic 7, 14, 98 children 16, 43, 46–48 children with disabilities 43–47 Christ as disabled 70 Christian disability theology 52, 124, 136 Christian liturgy 96 Christianity 7–9 Christocentric 11 church leadership 69, 115, 125–126 Church of England 9 Classical Pentecostalism 7, 12–13, 98 communalism and unity 49 communion in prayer 73 compassion 84, 95, 106, 120–121, 129–137 concept of perfection 94 condition termed normal 31 conflating disability and suffering 72 conspiracy theories on Coronavirus 135 contemporary African Christianity 134 contemporary society 48, 68 COVID-19 restrictions 25 Crucifixion 73 cultural categories 42 cultural hermeneutics 52 cultural relativism 94 culture 10–11, 16–17, 33, 94, 98 decoloniality 9, 41, 52 defining disability 26–31, 67, 72 deliverance and exorcisms 137 Deliverance theology 15 Demons 101 demonstration of power 14

Index 137 derogatory language 69

devil 16

dignity and joy 74

disability as a complex phenomenon 92

disability policy 63, 100, 107, 127, 138

disability studies in Zimbabwe 88

disability theologies, 121

disability theology 52, 67–75, 113,

115–116

disabled 29–30 disabled women 100

disadvantaged and vulnerable 69

disease 15, 25, 72, 93–94, 116

diseases and disability 72

dismantling social, economic, and

political injustices 70

divine claims 13

divine healing 15, 70, 88, 98–103, 122,

137

divine interpretation 92

Ecclesiology of disability 73

economic empowerment 130

economic impairment 95

economic model of disability 31–32, 78,

127

education 9, 40, 48, 58–64, 77–86, 103,

111, 127–130, 135, 138–139

emancipation 39, 63, 70

emancipation of persons with disabilities

39, 70

embodiment of power in weakness 71

emergence of Christianity 40

Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa 23

empower persons with disabilities 32

empower the marginalised in society 110

empowerment 12, 43, 58, 61, 69, 82–83,

111, 114, 130

entrapment of beliefs about disability 30

epistemology 39

equality 51, 59–60, 71, 74, 115–116, 121,

129

equality and justice 74

ethics 13,

ethics and taboos 96

ethnic groups 9, 42, 50

evil 9, 14–15, 43, 45–46, 71, 89–90, 101,

103, 106, 136

evil spirits 15, 89–90, 103, 136

evil spirits associated with disability 136

exclusion 45, 58, 59, 61, 63, 70, 94, 116,

120, 122, 131, 135

exclusionary hermeneutic practices 122

Exodus 91, 93

faith 7, 9, 13, 15, 16, 27, 79

faith and prayer 15

faith organisations 59

formidable theology of disability 52

gendering of disability 47

Genesis 51, 93

Global North 7, 16

Global South 7, 16, 58, 62

God as a healer 90

gospreneurship 16

governance 23–24, 98

growth of Christianity 98

growth of African 134

healing 13, 15, 31, 41, 49, 59, 70, 72–73,

80, 88, 90, 96, 98–107, 121–125,

137–139

Hebrew Scriptures 11, 90–96, 104

hermeneutic of suspicion 68

history of Zimbabwe 22

HIV and AIDS 62, 102–103 holistic access 73

Holy Communion 73–74 Holy Spirit 10, 14–16, 99, 101

host of evil spirits 89

human consciousness 49

human dignity, 110

human life 34, 68

human life and disability 30

human logic 9

idioms and proverbs 47

idioms, proverbs, and actions of the

persons with disabilities 45

ill-treating persons with disabilities in

society 49

image of God 51–52, 92–95, 102, 125,

138–139

impairment 26, 28–32, 42–45, 60, 68, 80,

82, 89–90, 94–95, 104

inclusion and critical solidarity 132

indigenisation of Christianity in Africa

88

indigenous 10, 12,

indigenous cultural beliefs about

disability 136

indigenous culture 17, 39–41, 52, 78, 88,

90–91, 96, 120–121, 124, 134, 136, 137

Indigenous Knowledge 40

Indigenous Knowledge Systems 35, 39–42,

52, 91, 123, 134–136

indigenous traditions 40, 52

infectious diseases 25

138 Index institutional barriers 30

interdependence of Africans 138

Jairos Jiri 85–86, 136

Jesus Christ 11, 73–74, 99, 123–124

Jesus on the cross 70

Jesus saves, Jesus heals, Jesus baptises 99

Jewish rituals 94

Judeo-Christian 15, 26–27, 49–52, 91

Judeo-Christian thought 49

leadership 12, 62, 69, 78, 85, 95, 98,

100–103, 110, 115, 122, 125–126, 129,

136

leadership role of women 11

leadership, abuse, and violence 117

levels of spirituality 72

liberation praxis 75

Liberation theology 70–72

limits model of disability 30–31

liturgy 96, 101, 123

Living Waters Theological Seminary 101

Living Waters Theological Seminary

Curriculum 101

mainline churches 8–9, 11, 14

Mamhepo (malevolent spirits) 44, 90

marginalisation 59, 72, 92, 124

marginalisation of persons with

disabilities 45, 59, 124

mental illness 44, 49

miracles 13–15, 90, 99–106, 121, 130,

137

miracles and divine healing 99

miracles on persons with disabilities 100

Missionary Christianity 7–9

missionary churches 7–11, 17, 77, 85, 88,

90, 98, 129, 134, 136

Moses 11, 93, 95, 105, 112

mudzimu (benevolent spirit) 90

myths, sin and curses 92

Neo-Pentecostalism 7, 13–17, 134

New Testament 12, 51, 92, 104–107, 116

ngano (folktales) 41

Ngozi (avenging spirit) 17, 44, 90

Notions of culture 42

Orphans 78, 100, 128

patriarchal lenses 95

patriarchal structures 12

patriarchy 12, 115, 117

Paul 11, 12, 71, 121, 131

Paul Mwazha 1

Paul’s insights of suffering 121

Paul’s notions of one body 121

Pauline, Petrine and Johannine theologies

12

Pentecostal Christianity 14

Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe 12, 17, 98,

137

Personhood 12, 49–52, 124

persons with disabilities as divine 90

philanthropy 91

physical disability 26–29, 59, 69, 95, 125,

136

physical disability and mental health 136

pillars of human dignity, recognition, and

compassion 120

political agendas and contestations 22

political challenges 62

political context 17

political correctness 42

political mileage 10

political stability 12, 61

positive experiences of persons with

disabilities 69

positive picture about disability 91

poverty 12–13, 16, 62–64, 101, 110–111,

127, 137

power 10, 13–14, 23, 31, 34, 42–43, 49,

59, 71, 73–74, 89, 93, 101, 107, 110, 116

power of God 74, 93, 101

power struggles 42, 110

prayer 16, 84, 101, 136

Prayer vigils, fasting(s) and prosperity

declarations 16

prejudices and exclusion 120

prophets 10–11, 13, 16, 79, 88–90, 93,

104, 136

prosperity theology 15–16, 127

protest theology 14

punishment 27, 33, 43, 90, 92–94, 137

punishment by the divine gods or God 27

punishment from ancestors 137

punishment from Mwari (Supreme Being)

43

radical faith 104

Recognition of persons with disabilities, 63, 127–128 religious rituals 89, 116

religious worship 12, 90–91, 121

resurrection motif 71

rituals 74, 77, 89, 94, 116, 136

rituals and religious artefacts 136

Robert Gabriel Mugabe 9

Index 139 sacramental ecclesiology of disability 74

sacramental love of Jesus 73

sacraments 73–75, 116

Satan 15, 101, 106

scripted religions 39

sexual taboos 44

Shona-Ndebele philosophy 44

sicknesses and diseases 15

sin offering 112

sinless nature of Christ 106

social exclusion and oppression 45

social model of disability 29–30, 34, 42,

94

socio-economic 8, 10, 17, 22, 25, 32, 111,

123

socio-economic empowerment 111

sociolinguistic and physical worldviews

52

sources of disabilities 28, 103

source of disability is evil spirits 89

source of disability is spiritual 43, 46

speaking in tongues 14, 98, 104

Spirit of poverty 12

spiritual and material’ resource, 124

spiritual blindness 123

spiritual experiences 137

spiritual gifts 12, 14, 99

spiritual healing 137

spiritual realm 43, 99

spiritual solutions 89

spirituality 10, 14, 39, 41, 52, 72, 91, 94,

134–135

status quo 9, 10–11, 90–91, 111, 126, 135

status quo disempowers persons with

disabilities 126

Stewardship disability theology 124–125, 137–138 stewardship model of disability 1,

120–121, 132

stigma and culture 132

stigma and marginalisation 72, 90

stigma and discrimination 135

sub-Saharan Africa 15, 39, 136

systemic discrimination 111

taboo 27, 41, 44, 46–48, 54, 91, 96

taboo and generational curses 91

the African personhood 49

theological response 49, 64, 70, 120–132

theology of suffering 67, 72–73

theology of the cross 72–73

totems, ethnicity 50

toxic politics 14

traditional taboos 44

traditional therapies 137

transform people’s attitudes 31

transformative empowerment 83

transformative unity 74

triumphalist theologies 29, 71

Ubuntu

Ubuntu philosophy 33, 52, 136, 138

Ubuntu, Hunhu 49, 123–124

Uncleanness 94

vulnerable 48, 57, 61, 69–71, 74,

78–79, 83–85, 100, 122, 128, 130–131,

135

vulnerable and marginalised 60

vulnerability and dependence 70

Western Christianity 86

Western epistemologies 40

Western theologies 136

wholeness 50, 74, 104

widows 100, 128, 131

witchcraft 15, 33, 43, 44, 46, 77, 89, 96,

111

women in African Initiated churches

12

women with disabilities 63, 95, 110–117,

130

Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa

102–103, 107

Zimbabwe Council of Churches 9,

84–85

zviera (taboos) 41, 44

zvirahwe (riddles) 41