Aeschylus: Persians: Duckworth Companions to Greek and Roman Trag 9781472539601, 9780715632864

Aeschylus' Persians is the earliest extant Greek tragedy and sole surviving historical tragedy. Produced in 472 BC,

248 34 6MB

English Pages [218] Year 2006

Report DMCA / Copyright

DOWNLOAD PDF FILE

Recommend Papers

Aeschylus: Persians: Duckworth Companions to Greek and Roman Trag
 9781472539601, 9780715632864

  • 0 0 0
  • Like this paper and download? You can publish your own PDF file online for free in a few minutes! Sign Up
File loading please wait...
Citation preview

Preface I f i r s t r e a d t h e Persians t w e n t y y e a r s a g o a n d s o m e o f m y intuitions about t h eplay have held firm over t h eyears: t h e Persians i s m o r e a t r a g e d y o f d e f e a t t h a n a c e l e b r a t i o n o f victory; a crucial condition for i t s conception is t h e nascent A t h e n i a n e m p i r e ; its i n t e g r a t i o n o f p o e t r y a n d spectacle, w o r d and image, reveal a playwright a t the height of his powers. A s the earliest extant tragedy and first product of western culture t o d e a l w i t h e a s t e r n d e s p o t i s m a n d i m p e r i a l i s m , t h e Persians is also a n i n v a l u a b l e h i s t o r i c a l d o c u m e n t . It is m ypleasure t o acknowledge those w h o have taught, helped, a n d supported m e i n t h i s project. P r i d e o f place belongs to F r o m a Z e i t l i n a n d J o s h Ober. I could not h a v e been blessed w i t h better teachers, critics, a n d friends. S i m o n Goldhill, K u r t Raaflaub, Deborah Boedeker, David Konstan, Victoria Wohl, J o n H e s k , André L a r d i n o i s , a n d m y c o l l e a g u e s a t V i c t o r i a University o f Wellington, Matthew Trundle a n d Arthur Pomeroy, have a l l helped to i m p r o v e this book. T h e D u c k w o r t h t e a m - T h o m a s H a r r i s o n , D e b o r a h B l a k e , a n d t h e press's anonymous reader - have m ypraise a n dgratitude for their w o r k . I w o u l d also like to t h a n k the students a t P r i n c e t o n a n d V i c t o r i a U n i v e r s i t i e s w h o r e a d t h e Persians w i t h m e a n d h e l p e d m e t o see t h e p l a y w i t h f r e s h eyes. T h a n k s also t o S a r a h McMillan, w h o helped w i t h the maps. I dedicate t h i s book to m y parents, w h o gave m e t h e gifts o f life a n d love.

7

1

T h e Persians, H i s t o r y , a n d Historical D r a m a P r e s e n t e d a t A t h e n s i n 4 7 2 B C , t h e Persians i s t h e e a r l i e s t surviving tragedy and the only extant tragedy based o n recent events, t h efailure o f the Persian k i n g Xerxes' land a n d sea invasion of Greece i n 480/79. T h e central interpretive problem of t h e play is w h e t h e r i t is a tragedy i n t h e canonical sense - a n enactment that can arouse sympathetic emotions such as pity a n d fear i n t h e audience - or a depiction o f P e r s i a n defeat a n d l a m e n t t h a t celebrates G r e e k m i l i t a r y a n d c u l t u r a l superiority, i n d u c i n g Schadenfreude a t t h e spectacle o f P e r s i a n pain. T h i s chapter is a p r e l i m i n a r y to a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e play. I t o u t l i n e s t h e Persians a n d l o c a t e s t h e p l a y i n i t s o r i g i n a l p e r f o r m a t i v e context before briefly discussing Aeschylus' life a n d career. T h e n i t sketches t h econflict between t h e G r e e k city-states and the Persian empire for control of the Aegean and discusses poetic t r e a t m e n t s o f the P e r s i a n W a r s before t h e Persians. T h e m a i n p o i n t o f t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s t h a t a l t h o u g h there w e r e f u n d a m e n t a l differences b e t w e e n t h e enemies A t h ens a n d Persia, there w e r e also factors t h a t could induce a n A t h e n i a n audience to identify w i t h the depiction of Salamis as a defeat a n d w i t h t h e tragedy o f a f a l l e n empire. T h i s b o o k d i s c u s s e s t h e Persians i n s e q u e n c e ; b u t i t m a y prove helpful for the reader t ohave a s u m m a r y of the play i n m i n d d u r i n g this chapter. The

Persians

Parodos ( c h o r a l e n t r y s o n g , 1 - 1 5 4 ) : f u n c t i o n s a s a p r o l o g u e . A chorus o f P e r s i a n elders, caretakers o f the k i n g d o m i n Xerxes' 11

Aeschylus: Persians absence, fears t h ew o r s t for t h e k i n g a n dhis a r m y ' s h o m e c o m i n g (nostos): A s i a ' s m i g h t h a s g o n e t o G r e e c e , b u t t h e c h o r u s h a s no w o r d of its fate. T h e elders catalogue the leaders a n d ethnic contingents t h a t left 'to p u t t h e y o k e o f s l a v e r y o n Greece' a n d describe t h e h e i g h t e n i n g a n x i e t y a n d l o n g i n g o f parents a n d w i v e s as t i m e passes. T r y i n g t o assuage i t s fears, t h e chorus tells h o w the a r m y m a r c h e d across t h e Hellespont over bridges b u i l t f o rt h e i n v a s i o n , ' p u t t i n g a y o k e o n t h e neck o f t h e sea'. T h e elders stress t h eferocity of t h e i r godlike k i n g , t h e invincib i l i t y o f his 'divine flock', a n d Persia's d i v i n e dispensation o f military supremacy on land. Xerxes' generation broke w i t h this t r a d i t i o n b y casting its gaze u p o n t h e sea. T h e chorus w o n d e r s w h a t m o r t a l c a n e s c a p e d i v i n e d e c e i t a n d t h e n e t s o f Ate, t h e spirit o f destructive delusion, w h i c h seduces h u m a n s i n t o t h e i r r u i n . A n x i o u s again, t h e elders i m a g i n e w o m e n p e r f o r m i n g a n t i p h o n a l l a m e n t s a n d t e a r i n g t h e i r robes a t t h e n e w s o f defeat before resolving to sit i n council to discuss t h e progress of t h e w a r . First Episode, I ( 1 5 5 - 2 5 5 ) . T h e Q u e e n , X e r x e s ' m o t h e r a n d the late k i n g D a r i u s ' wife, enters o na chariot. T h e elders fall t o t h e i r knees a n d bow before her i n a f o r m a l greeting. T h e Q u e e n fears t h a t D a r i u s ' d i v i n e l y w o n p r o s p e r i t y a n d h e r son's life a r e i n peril. H e r fears a r e t h eresult of last night's d r e a m a n d this m o r n i n g ' s b i r d o m e n - clear portents o f defeat - w h i c h s h e describes. T h e chorus advises t h e Q u e e n t o sacrifice t o t h e gods and t o Darius, w h oappeared i n h e r dream, t o prevent t h e f u l f i l m e n t of her visions a n d expresses confidence t h a t a l l w i l l t u r n out well. After a n exchange about t h ea i m of the invasion and t h e nature o fAthens, a messenger runs o n stage t o a n n o u n c e t h e disaster: t h e r u i n o f Persia's p r o s p e r i t y a n d loss o f t h e f l o w e r o f i t s m e n i n t o t a l defeat. C h o r u s a n d m e s s e n g e r l a m e n t t h e b a d n e w s (256-89), d i v i d i n g t h efirst a n d second p a r t s o f t h e episode. First Episode, I I ( 2 9 0 - 5 3 1 ) . T h e Q u e e n r e g a i n s h e r v o i c e a n d questions the messenger, w h o informs her that Xerxes survived b u t t h a t a host o f leaders, w h o m h e lists, died ingloriously. N u m b e r i n g t h e P e r s i a n fleet a t m o r e t h a n t h r e e t i m e s t h e size of t h e G r e e k fleet, h e recounts h o w X e r x e s w a s t r i c k e d i n t o b e l i e v i n g t h e G r e e k fleet s t a t i o n e d o n S a l a m i s w o u l d flee a t night, a n d blockaded t h e island t o destroy i t i n flight. T h e 12

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama G r e e k s e m e r g e d a t d a y b r e a k t o f i g h t a n d a t t a c k e d X e r x e s ' fleet. U n a b l e t o m a n o e u v r e , t h e P e r s i a n fleet w a s e n c i r c l e d a n d destroyed. T h e messenger t h e n tells of the massacre ofXerxes' noblest w a r r i o r s o n a n adjacent island. Xerxes, w h o watched f r o m a conspicuous place, t o r e h i s robes a t t h e disaster ( a m o m e n t i n h i s m o t h e r ' s d r e a m ) a n d o r d e r e d t h e a r m y t o flee. Finally, the messenger recounts the Persians' h a r r o w i n g m a r c h f r o m Greece to Thrace a n d announces the i m m i n e n t r e t u r n o f a s m a l l r e m n a n t . A f t e r t h e messenger exits, t h e Q u e e n recognizes t h e t r u t h o f h e r d r e a m . Criticizing t h e elders, s h e nonetheless v o w s t o m a k e t h e sacrifices t h e y e a r l i e r advised. Before she exits, the Q u e e n orders the chorus to comfort X e r x e s a n d escort h i m to t h e palace i f he r e t u r n s i n h e r absence. First Stasimon ( 5 3 2 - 9 7 ) . A l o n e i n t h e o r c h e s t r a , t h e e l d e r s b l a m e Zeus for t h e disaster a n d describe t h e l u x u r i a n t m o u r n ing of P e r s i a n w o m e n . T h e chorus sings a l a m e n t , alternately b l a m i n g X e r x e s a n d ships for defeat a n d c o n t r a s t i n g t h e deleterious young king w i t h h i s benign father. I m a g i n i n g sea creatures m a u l i n g P e r s i a n corpses a n d p i c t u r i n g t h e grief o f elderly a n d childless parents, t h e elders foresee t h e d i s s o l u t i o n of t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e as a r e s u l t o f t h e n a v a l defeat. Second Episode, I ( 5 9 8 - 6 2 2 ) : T h e Q u e e n r e t u r n s a l o n e o n foot, c a r r y i n g r i t u a l offerings. H u m b l e d a n d f r i g h t e n e d , s h e orders t h echorus t o raise D a r i u s ' ghost b y singing a h y m n w h i l e she pours offerings. Hymn ( 6 2 3 - 8 0 ) : T h e e l d e r s a p p e a l t o t h e g o d s o f t h e u n d e r w o r l d t o release D a r i u s ' soul, praise D a r i u s as a god for his w i s d o m a n d benevolence, a n d l a m e n t t h e death o f Persia's y o u t h . I n a n e p o d e , t h e y b e w a i l t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e fleet. T h e h y m n divides t h e second episode into t w o parts. Second Episode, I I ( 6 8 1 - 8 4 2 ) : D a r i u s ' g h o s t a p p e a r s , b u t t h e chorus cannot bear to i n f o r m h i m of the disaster. H e learns the n e w s f r o m the Queen. D a r i u s recognizes t h a t the disaster fulfils a p r o p h e c y a n d c o n d e m n s h i s son's 'disease o f m i n d ' f o r t r e a t i n g the Hellespont as a 'slave i n chains' a n d for seeking t o 'domin a t e a l l t h e gods'. H e t h e n d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t X e r x e s ' i s t h e worst disaster i n the history of the Persian kingship. I n response to the elders' desire for vengeance, D a r i u s orders t h e m not to i n v a d e Greece. A s proof, h e prophesies i m p e n d i n g defeat 13

Aeschylus: Persians for Persia's forces a t P l a t a e a as p a y m e n t f o r l o o t i n g s t a t u e s a n d destroying Greek temples a n d altars. D a r i u s advises the chorus to rehabilitate Xerxes and instructs the Queen t o meet h i m w i t h a n e w robe: h e w i l l r e t u r n i n rags. D a r i u s r e t u r n s to t h e u n d e r w o r l d . T h e Q u e e n exits, v o w i n g to r e t u r n w i t h a n e w robe, but never returns. Second Stasimon ( 8 5 2 - 9 0 7 ) : T h e c h o r u s p r a i s e s D a r i u s a n d enumerates the Aegean empire h e conquered and ruled. T h e Persians have suffered a divinely inspired reversal of fortune: t h e y lost these cities i n n a v a l fighting. Kommos ( 9 0 8 - 1 0 6 5 ) : X e r x e s r e t u r n s a l o n e i n r a g s . T h e e l d e r s greet h i m w i t h a l a m e n t for Asia's fall. K i n g a n d chorus p e r f o r m a r i t u a l l a m e n t before X e r x e s seizes c o n t r o l o f t h e elders a n d orders t h e m to m u t i l a t e themselves i n m o u r n i n g . Exodos ( 1 0 6 6 - 1 0 7 7 ) : X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s l a m e n t i n a n epode a s t h e y e x i t to t h e palace. Performance, playwright and producer I n fifth-century A t h e n s a l l d r a m a —tragedy, comedy, and satyrplay - w a s p e r f o r m e d a t festivals for D i o n y s u s , god o f w i n e , life-giving liquids, masks, and madness, w h o was worshipped particularly t h r o u g h dance.1 T h e largest and most prestigious of these festivals was the City Dionysia.2 H e l d a t the onset of spring and celebrating the arrival of Dionysus to Athens from Eleutherae i n Boeotia, the festival m a r k e d the advent of the sailing season and attracted visitors from all over the Greekspeaking w o r l d . T h e C i t y D i o n y s i a came to be associated w i t h A t h e n i a n n a v a l p o w e r , f r e e d o m , a n d e m p i r e . 3 T h e Persians, t h e earliest e x t a n t m e d i t a t i o n o n these subjects, h a s a n a f f i n i t y w i t h t h e occasion o f its performance. Aeschylus presented four plays a t the City Dionysia i n 472: t h r e e t r a g e d i e s , Phineus, Persians, Glaucus of Potniae, a n d a s a t y r - p l a y , Prometheus Fire-Kindler (Hypothesis t o t h e Persians). O n l y t h e Persians s u r v i v e s i n t a c t ; w e p o s s e s s f r a g m e n t s from the other three. Aeschylus tended to present his dramatic vision i n tetralogies, a continuous n a r r a t i v e i n three tragedies, followed by a related satyr-play.4 Aeschylus' dramaturgy mixed t h e c o n c i s i o n o f d r a m a w i t h t h e e x p a n s i v e n e s s o f epic; h i s t r a g i c 14

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

t r i l o g i e s s e g u e d i n t o b u r l e s q u e a n d s e l f - p a r o d y . W h i l e t h e Persians d i d n o t f o r m a t e t r a l o g y w i t h i t s c o m p a n i o n p l a y s , s o m e argue that i t shared unifying thematic links w i t h them.5 A n attractive hypothesis, i t i s unconvincing o n t h e evidence w e p o s s e s s . 6 A s i t s t a n d s , t h e Persians i s b o t h t h e s o l e s u r v i v i n g historical tragedy a n d t h e only self-contained tragedy i n A e s c h y l u s ' e x t a n t oeuvre. T h e s e f o u r p l a y s ( n o t t h e Persians a l o n e ) w o n f i r s t p r i z e i n competition w i t h t w o other tragedians.7 Aeschylus was victorious t h i r t e e n t i m e s i n his career, w h i c h spanned t h eyears 4 9 9 to 4 5 6 . 8 H e w a s n o t a n i n s t a n t success i n t h e t h e a t r e : h e w o n h i s f i r s t v i c t o r y i n 4 8 4 . T h e Persians i s a w o r k o f h i s p r i m e . 9 T h e scion o f a n established a n d w e a l t h y family, Aeschylus son of E u p h o r i o n hailed from Eleusis, renowned for the Mysteries o f D e m e t e r a n d K o r e . 1 0 L i k e a l l A t h e n i a n s o f h i s generation, Aeschylus h a d first-hand experience o fwar. H ei s reputed t o have fought i n t h e defensive battles against t h e Persians o n m a i n l a n d Greece - M a r a t h o n (490), S a l a m i s (480), a n d Plataea ( 4 7 9 ) - t h a t f o r m t h e s p i n e o f t h e Persians (Life of Aeschylus 4 ) . I o n o fChios, a fifth-century poet a n d raconteur, claims t h a t A e s c h y l u s w a s p r e s e n t a t S a l a m i s (FGrH 3 9 2 F 7 ) . Aeschylus died i n Gela, Sicily i n 456. T h e epitaph attributed to h i s grave makes n o mention o f h i s dramatic artistry b u t m e m o r i a l i z e s h i s i n f a n t r y service a t M a r a t h o n : 'the h a l l o w e d field o f M a r a t h o n could tell o f his celebrated valour a n d t h e deep-haired Mede w h o k n o w s it'.11 T h e biographies of the a n cient Greek poets a r enotoriously u n t r u s t w o r t h y . 1 2 T h e story of A e s c h y l u s ' d e a t h is a case i n p o i n t : a n eagle s n a t c h e d u p a t u r t l e and tried t o break i t o n h i sbald head, m i s t a k i n g i tfor a rock (Life of Aeschylus 1 0 ) . T h e remains o f Aeschylus' poetry (six plays o f some 90, a r o u n d 5 0 0 f r a g m e n t s , a n d t h e d i s p u t e d Prometheus Bound), s h o w t h a t h i s style r a n g e d f r o m s i m p l e b e a u t y t o dense obscurity. A n c i e n t critics noted h i s grandiloquent language a n d religious sensibility. Aeschylus depicted w a r as a crucible o f personal a n dcommunal virtue; b u th ewas equally inclined t o treat warfare as boastful i m p i e t y a n d c o m m u n a l agony. H i s poetry combined aristocratic loftiness w i t h democratic patriotism, religious majesty w i t h a nearthy aesthetic. 15

Aeschylus: Persians A e s c h y l u s w a s a t h e a t r i c a l colossus: h e composed t h e poetry, lyrics, a n dmusic for his plays; h e choreographed t h e choral dances a n d m a y have designed t h e costumes.13 H e probably acted the leading parts, playing, for instance, the Messenger, D a r i u s , a n d X e r x e s i n t h e Persians, w h i l e a m a l e a c t o r p l a y e d t h e Q u e e n , a l t h o u g h t h e Life of Aeschylus r e p o r t s t h a t h e u s e d t w o professional actors (14-15).14 L i k e a l l extant Aeschylean t r a g e d i e s a p a r t f r o m t h e Oresteia, t h e Persians u s e s t w o s p e a k i n g actors. A r i s t o t l e credits Aeschylus w i t h t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f a second actor - before t h i s tragedians used o n e (Aristotle Poetics 1 4 4 9 a l 5 - 1 9 ) . T w e l v e A t h e n i a n c i t i z e n s r e c r u i t e d f o r their talent played the chorus. T h e c h i e f m a g i s t r a t e o f A t h e n s , t h e A r c h o n E p o n y m o u s (socalled because t h e year w a s n a m e d after h i m ) assigned a p r o d u c e r (choregos) t o e a c h o f t h e t r a g e d i a n s w h o s e p l a y s w e r e selected for performance a t t h e C i t y D i o n y s i a . T h e producer paid for the upkeep of the chorus while they learned their lines, lyrics, melodies, a n d dances. H e also provided a venue f o r rehearsal and paid for the chorus' costumes; i f the p l a y w r i g h t w o n , he t o o k t h e credit, feted t h e chorus a n d actors, a n d erected a m o n u m e n t c o m m e m o r a t i n g h i s v i c t o r y . 1 5 T h e Persians' p r o ducer w a s a y o u n g m a n , Pericles s o n o f X a n t h i p p u s . 1 6 Xanthippus h a dmarried into t h e most prominent family o f A t h e n s , t h e A l c m a e o n i d a e ('the f a m i l y o f A l c m a e o n ' ) . 1 7 O s t r a cized i n 484, X a n t h i p p u s w a s recalled prior t o t h e P e r s i a n i n v a s i o n a n d elected general i n 480/79. H e spearheaded t h e A t h e n i a n counter-offensive against the Persians i n 479/78. Technically Pericles h a d n o control over the plays h e produced; t h e p l a y w r i g h t w a s assigned to h i m . B u t he h a d personal m o t i v e s f o r f i n a n c i n g t h e Persians. T h e p l a y ' s f o c u s o n X e r x e s ' bridges a n d cables (65-72, 112-13, 130-2, 719-26, 734-6, 745-51) w o u l d recall his father's generalship. T h e A t h e n i a n s brought h o m e t h e cables f r o m X e r x e s ' bridges over t h e H e l l e s p o n t u n d e r X a n t h i p p u s ' c o m m a n d (Herodotus 9.121). Moreover, the matern a l side o f Pericles' f a m i l y h a d been branded P e r s i a n supporters ('medizers') after t h e battle o f M a r a t h o n i n 4 9 0 ( 6 . 1 1 5 , 1 2 1 - 3 1 ) . 1 8 P e r i c l e s ' i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h t h e Persians m i g h t counter such charges; a victory w o u l d help l a u n c h h i s o w n political career. H i s ability t o influence t h ed r a m a , however, 16

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

w a s l i m i t e d . T h e Persians i s s i l e n t a b o u t t h e b a t t l e s a t w h i c h X a n t h i p p u s w a sgeneral, although i t implies t h e m (205-10, 876-903). Pericles dominated A t h e n i a n democratic a n d imperialist p o l i t i c s i n t h e g e n e r a t i o n a f t e r t h e Persians, l e a d i n g A t h e n s t o the peak of its power and prosperity and embroiling the city i n a w a r w i t h Sparta and its allies. G i v e n his i n v o l v e m e n t w i t h the Persians, i t i s w o r t h n o t i n g t h a t P e r i c l e s w o u l d c o m e t o p l a y Darius' role i n his lifetime: the 'father' a n d exponent of empire as p a t r i m o n y , w h o s e p r o s p e r i t y a n d h a p p i n e s s w o u l d p r o v e t o be u n s u r p a s s a b l e , a n d w h o s e 'son', m o s t n o t o r i o u s l y h i s n e p h e w and w a r d Alcibiades son of Clinias, w o u l d forget his commands, r u i n i n g the empire he consolidated, ornamented, and defended i n a failed invasion of Syracuse i n 415-13. T h e comedian Eupolis raised Pericles' ghost (and those of other A t h e n i a n 'fathers') i n h i s c o m e d y Villages j u s t a s A e s c h y l u s r a i s e d D a r i u s ' g h o s t i n t h e Persians.19 Persian empire and Greek freedom T h a t m a i n l a n d Greeks could t h w a r t t h e Persian empire i n 480/79 w a s n o t h i n g short o f a miracle. U n d e r t h e successive rule o f C y r u s s o no f Cambyses (559-530), Cambyses s o n o f Cyrus (530-523), a n d D a r i u s son o f Hystaspes (522-486) t h e Persians h a d amassed the largest empire o n the globe.20 While the Persians were building their empire, Athens was ruled by a native tyrannical family, w h i c h monopolized political power outside o f l a w a n d custom. T h e founder o f the line, Pisistratus, came to power i n 560 and ruled intermittently until his death i n 527, w h e n his eldest son H i p p i a s succeeded h i m . 2 1 I n 514, the lovers H a r m o d i u s and A r i s t o g i t o n m u r d e r e d Hippias' brother H i p p a r c h u s i n a botched plot t o decapitate t h e ruling family a n d t o vindicate their freedom a n ddignity as citizens - they aimed to kill Hippias.22 Nevertheless, the A t h e nians remembered Hipparchus as 'tyrant', imagining t h e origins of their political order i n this act of 'tyrant-slaying'.23 T h e d e m o s ('people') f o u n d e d i t s p o w e r i n t h e m u r d e r o f a t y r a n t a n d d i s t r i b u t i o n o f h i s p o w e r t o a f r e e c i t i z e n b o d y . T h e Persians is a r g u a b l y a n a r r a t i v e o f t h i s type. T h e play depicts t h e A t h e 17

Aeschylus: Persians n i a n empire as a n acquisition f r o m a defeated t y r a n t , Xerxes. H e inherited i t from Darius, w h o w o n i t by conquest (852-907). T h e Pisistratidae w e r e so deeply entrenched i n A t h e n i a n society t h a t the A t h e n i a n s needed t h e m i l i t a r y assistance o f S p a r t a t o expel t h e m f r o m A t h e n s ( H e r o d o t u s 5.62-5; 6.123). Aristocratic factions vied t o fill the void. A t h e n i a n democracy w a s the fruit o f this conflict. I n 508, Clisthenes, a n A l c m a e o n i d contending for power w i t h a r i v a l aristocrat, Isagoras, w h o w a s A r c h o n Eponymous, appealed t oordinary citizens for support. These citizens voted t o empower themselves t o override t h e Archon Eponymous a n dinstitute a new tribal organization. The a i m of this organization was t o integrate the population and t o w e a k e n t h elocal a n dclan affiliations that h a d fragmented Athens' territory, Attica, into viciously competitive groups.24 Political power w a sdistributed among t h e citizen body b y a principle of numerical equality; the majority ruled. T h i s p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y , isonomia ( l i t e r a l l y , ' e q u a l i t y o f t h e l a w ' ) , w a s antithetical t o monarchy, i n w h i c h a single household a n d f a m i l y (oikos) m o n o p o l i z e d p o l i t i c a l p o w e r . 2 5 A t h e n s ' c o l l e c t i v i t y a n d c o h e s i v e n e s s p r o v e d i n v a l u a b l e a g a i n s t P e r s i a . T h e Persians recalls t h e t r i u m p h o f t h i s collective spirit over the desire o f a m o n a r c h , X e r x e s , to conquer a n d r u l e A t h e n s a n d Greece. A t h e n s came i n t o direct contact w i t h t h e P e r s i a n empire principally because its oligarchic neighbours and Sparta w e r e hostile to the city's nascent democracy. S u r r o u n d e d by enemies, A t h e n s s o u g h t a n a l l i a n c e w i t h P e r s i a c. 5 0 7 / 0 6 ( H e r o d o t u s 5.73.1). A r t a p h r e n e s , D a r i u s ' p a t e r n a l half-brother w h o a d m i n istered W e s t e r n Anatolia from Sardis i n Lydia, demanded that A t h e n s ' envoys offer e a r t h a n d water, symbols w h i c h opened a l i n e o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d acted a s a p r o m i s e t o accede t o t h e king's future demands.26 T h e envoys made the offering on their o w n a n d faced charges w h e n t h e y r e t u r n e d to A t h e n s (5.73.3). B u t i t w a s too late t o repudiate t h e gift. A t h e n s w a s caught i n the net of the Persian empire. E x i l e s f r o m t h e G r e e k w o r l d flocked t o t h e P e r s i a n s s e e k i n g restoration t o their homelands as their agents. Exiled from A t h e n s i n 510, t h e t y r a n t Hippias petitioned A r t a p h r e n e s t o r e t u r n h i m t o p o w e r c. 5 0 1 / 0 0 ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 9 6 . 1 ) . A r t a p h r e n e s granted h i s plea a n d ordered t h e A t h e n i a n s t o restore h i m 18

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

(5.96.2). T h e A t h e n i a n s rejected h i s u l t i m a t u m a n d 'decided to become openly hostile t o the Persians' (ibid.). T h e i r h o s t i l i t y soon became apparent. I n 499, Greeks living under Persian rule in Western Anatolia revolted from Persia.27 Starting i n Miletus (5.28-38), t h e r e v o l t s p r e a d f r o m B y z a n t i u m t o C y p r u s (5.103¬ 4). O u r sole source, H e r o d o t u s , c l a i m s t h a t t h e Persian-installed tyrant of Miletus, Histiaeus, and his nephew and son-in-law, Aristagoras, plotted to carve out a n a v a l empire u n d e r t h e aegis o f the P e r s i a n e m p i r e as compensation for salvaging Darius' invasion of Scythia (modern U k r a i n e ) over a decade earlier (4.136-42; 7.10g, 52.1).28 D a r i u s ' generals Megabazus a n d his son Megabates foiled t h e i r bid (5.23-36, 106.6; 6.2.1). A r i s t a g o r a s renounced h i s t y r a n n y a n d acted t o depose Persian-backed t y r a n t s ' i n a l l I o n i a ' (5.37.2-38). T h e M i l e s i a n t y r a n t s enlisted the support of ordinary citizens, w h o y e a r n e d f o r a n e g a l i t a r i a n p o l i t i c a l o r d e r (isonomia), t o i g n i t e a full-scale revolt. After failing to secure Sparta's aid, Aristagoras sought A t h ens' help (5.49-55.1). A p p e a l i n g t o t h e i r c o m m o n ancestry a s Ionians a n d piquing the demos' desire for the w e a l t h of the Persian empire, Aristagoras induced the Athenians to join the revolt. T h e y sent 20 shiploads o f m e n to M i l e t u s (5.97). Herodot u s b o r r o w s f r o m H o m e r to describe t h i s f a t e f u l m o m e n t : 'these ships were the beginning of woes for both Greeks and barbarians' (5.97.3).29 T h e r e v o l t s t a r t e d successfully. A t h e n i a n s a n d I o n i a n s capt u r e d t h e t o w n o f S a r d i s a n d set fire to a house. T h e fire s p r e a d t h r o u g h the cane a n d reed rooftops of the city a n d destroyed a t e m p l e o f t h e L y d i a n g r e a t - m o t h e r goddess, Cybebe (5.100¬ 2.1).30 Soon afterwards, however, the Persians intercepted and killed m a n y o f the invaders a t Ephesus (5.102.2-3). A t h e n s abandoned the revolt (5.103). B y 494, t h e Persians h a d quelled t h e revolts a n d held M i l e t u s u n d e r siege. A P e r s i a n n a v y m a n n e d b y P h o e n i c i a n s a n d E g y p t i a n s , a m o n g o t h e r s , p r e p a r e d t o face a m a i n l y I o n i a n n a v y off the island of Lade (6.6-13). R u l e d by single families for over t w o generations, the Ionians lacked leadership. T h e fleet fled t h e s c e n e o f b a t t l e ( 6 . 1 4 - 1 6 ) . T h e P e r s i a n s u n d e r m i n e d M i l e t u s ' fortifications a n d o v e r w h e l m e d t h e city, enslaving 19

Aeschylus: Persians w o m e n and children, and sacking and burning the temple and oracle o f Apollo a t D i d y m a (6.18-21). 'Miletus', Herodotus writes, 'was emptied of M i l e s i a n s ' (6.22.1). T h e image of Persia a n d A s i a ' e m p t i e d o f m e n ' a n d ' e m p t i e d o u t ' h a u n t s t h e Persians (114-39, 548-9, 718, 730, 759-61). O n e of m a n y ironic reversals of h i s t o r y i n the play, i t both recalls a n d reciprocates P e r s i a n atrocities against Ionians, including A t h e n s , w h i c h w a s evacuated and sacked i n 480/79. F r o m the P e r s i a n perspective, the b u r n i n g of Cybebe's t e m ple w a s a n egregious breach of faith - the A t h e n i a n s h a d given earth and water to Darius. Persian dignity required brutal and exact vengeance ( H e r o d o t u s 5.102.1; 7.8b2-3, 11.2). I o n i a n s w e r e treated as a people w h o rejected the G r e a t K i n g , representative o f t h e P e r s i a n god A h u r a m a z d a o n earth. L i k e other rebels, t h e y w o r s h i p p e d 'demons' a n d t h e i r temples w e r e destroyed.31 T h e b u r n i n g o f Sardis offered t h e Persians a n i r o n c l a d e x c u s e f o r i n v a d i n g m a i n l a n d G r e e c e ( A r i s t o t l e Posterior Analytics 9 4 a 3 6 - b 8 ) . I n 493, t h e Persians attacked cities i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a t h a t h a d revolted. According to Herodotus, t h e y collected t h e m o s t handsome boys a n d m a d e t h e m eunuchs, sending t h e m to the k i n g along w i t h t h e m o s t b e a u t i f u l girls before t h e y b u r n e d t h e i r cities a n d temples (6.31.2-32). O v e r the n e x t t w o years, the Persians regained the territories lost d u r i n g the revolt and added others i n the Aegean (6.31-45). O n e question remained: w h e n would Persia punish Athens? Historical tragedy as prophecy: Phrynichus' C a p t u r e of M i l e t u s P h r y n i c h u s ' Capture of Miletus, t h e f i r s t t r a g e d y o f w h i c h w e h a v e a n y definite i n f o r m a t i o n , m a y h a v e posed t h i s v e r y question.32 T h e play's date i s u n k n o w n , but the period 493-491 i s most likely.33 N o t a w o r d of it survives. Herodotus reports that d u r i n g the performance of the play 'the theatre fell into tears a n d t h e y f i n e d h i m 1,000 d r a c h m a e for r e m i n d i n g t h e m o f t h e i r o w n w o e s (oikeia kaka) a n d o r d e r e d n o o n e e v e r t o p e r f o r m t h i s d r a m a ' (6.21.2). M a n y interpret Herodotus' phrase 'their o w n woes' to m e a n 20

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

'the woes they caused' and argue t h a t P h r y n i c h u s reproached A t h e n s for abandoning the I o n i a n revolt. T h e architect of A t h e n i a n naval power, Themistocles, was A r c h o n Eponymous i n 493/92 a n d m a y have begun fortifying a m o r e easily defensible harbour at Piraeus i n anticipation o f a Persian invasion.34 P h r y n i c h u s , t h e a r g u m e n t goes, s u p p o r t e d T h e m i s t o c l e s . 3 5 T h e shame of his reproach angered the Athenians. Hence they fined h i m and banned the play. It isimpossible to determine Phrynichus' intentions i n composing t h e play. W e c a n only analyse t h e play's reception. R e m i n d i n g t h e A t h e n i a n s o f 'their o w n woes' is unlikely t o mean that Phrynichus reproached Athens f o r betraying M i l e t u s . I n H e r o d o t u s , t h e p h r a s e 'one's o w n w o e s ' refers t o p a i n o c c a s i o n e d b y t h e s u f f e r i n g o f 'one's o w n people' (e.g. 1.45.2; 3.14.8-14). P h r y n i c h u s r e m i n d e d t h e A t h e n i a n s o f ' t h e i r own woes' because h e dramatized t h e t r a u m a o f 'their o w n people' - I o n i a n s , M i l e s i a n s , colonists, allies - forcing t h e audience to relive t h e p a i n o f M i l e t u s ' fall. The tragedy probably featured choral laments for Miletus' suffering.36 T h e extant tragedy dealing w i t h the capture of a c i t y , E u r i p i d e s ' Trojan Women, l a m e n t s t h e f a l l o f T r o y i n a v a r i e t y o f registers.37 T h e prologue establishes t h a t t h e gods w i l l p u n i s h t h e G r e e k s w h o d e s t r o y e d T r o y ( E u r i p i d e s Trojan Women 4 8 - 9 7 ) . C a s s a n d r a f o r e s e e s r e c i p r o c a l v e n g e a n c e a g a i n s t A g a m e m n o n a n d h i s h o u s e ( 3 5 3 - 4 6 1 ; cf. 1 1 0 0 - 1 7 ) , p r e dicts Odysseus' sufferings (431-44), a n d denies glory t o t h e G r e e k s ( 3 7 5 - 4 0 5 ) . T h e Capture of Miletus m a y h a v e e n v i s i o n e d divine and h u m a n punishment of the Persians. I n ancient G r e e k culture, m e m o r y o f t h e past is a w a r r a n t for k n o w l e d g e o f the future. Hesiod's poet has a u t h o r i t y a n d inspir a t i o n f r o m t h e M u s e s t o sing ' w h a t w i l l be a n d w a s before' (Theogony 2 9 - 3 4 ; cf. 3 5 - 4 9 ; H o m e r Iliad 1 . 7 0 ) . A e s c h y l u s ' C a s sandra demonstrates her prophetic power by revealing the past (Agamemnon 1 0 9 0 - 9 ) . T h u c y d i d e s o f f e r s h i s History t o r e a d e r s who will w a n t t ok n o w the past and the future inferable from i t , g i v e n t h e c o n s t a n c y o f h u m a n n a t u r e ( 1 . 2 2 . 4 ) . T h e Capture of Miletus w a s h i s t o r i c a l t r a g e d y ; b u t r e - e n a c t m e n t o f t h e e v e n t f o r m u l a t e d a p r o p h e c y . W h i l e w a t c h i n g t h e Capture of Miletus, t h e spectators witnessed a n image of A t h e n s ' i m p e n d i n g de21

Aeschylus: Persians struction. T h e A t h e n i a n s h a d every reason t o consider t h e m selves i m m i n e n t targets o f P e r s i a n reprisal. W i t h t h e exception of S a m o s (Herodotus 6.25.2), t h e Persians e m p t i e d out, sacked, a n d b u r n e d t h e cities t h a t h a d revolted, destroying t h e i r t e m ples. T h e Capture of Miletus m a r k s a c r i t i c a l m o m e n t i n t h e h i s t o r y o f tragedy. A n c i e n t theorists define t h e subject o f trage d y a s ' o t h e r p e o p l e ' s s u f f e r i n g s ' (allotria pathe).38 T r a g i c practice conforms t o this: spectators witness the sufferings of those d i s t a n t i n t i m e , place, o r affection. S u c h distance i s required for pity as a n e m o t i o n of tragic spectatorship. P i t y requires the sufferer to be 'other' t h a n the v i e w e r a n d to be i n some sense u n w o r t h y of suffering.39 W e p i t y i n others w h a t w e fear for ourselves and our o w n . 4 0 Phrynichus' assault u p o n the sense of security required for the e n j o y m e n t of others' pains resulted i n the institution of a boundary between self and other i n tragic performance. Henceforth t h e subjects o f tragedy w e r e m y t h i c a l figures remote i n t i m e a n d place or rarely, v i c t i m s o f the audience's violence as i n Phrynichus' subsequent tragedy t h e Phoenician Women a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians. H i s t o r i c a l d r a m a risked alienating its spectators by dramatizing or implying events too painful for t h e m to engage w i t h emotionally and i n t e l l e c t u a l l y . 4 1 T h e Persians o m i t s H e r o d o t u s ' ' o r i g i n o f w o e s for Greeks a n d barbarians' (5.97.3) a n d t h e b u r n i n g of Cybebe's t e m p l e . T h e p l a y s t a g e s ' s o m e o n e e l s e ' s s u f f e r i n g ' (allotrion pathos) w h o s e o b v e r s e i s a G r e e k / A t h e n i a n v i c t o r y . I f t h e Capture of Miletus c o n t a i n e d t w o v i s i o n s - i m p e n d i n g Persian destruction of A t h e n s and reciprocal p u n i s h m e n t of the Persians - Phrynichus could hardly have imagined the deferral of both u n t i l a single m o m e n t , Xerxes' invasion of A t h e n s i n 480/79. The empire strikes back: Marathon and Xerxes' invasion I n 4 9 0 , H i p p i a s d i r e c t e d a P e r s i a n / G r e e k fleet t o M a r a t h o n , w h e r e s o m e 9,000 A t h e n i a n a n d 1,000 P l a t a e a n h o p l i t e s m e t and defeated t h e m (Herodotus 6.105-118).42 T h e victory legitimated the A t h e n i a n democratic order a thome and throughout 22

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

Greece. A t h e n s alone faced t h e '46 peoples o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e ' a n d p r e v a i l e d i n a k i n d o f d u e l ( 9 . 2 7 . 5 ) . I n t h e Persians, M a r a t h o n is the precedent the battle of Salamis repeats o n a l a r g e r scale. W h e n X e r x e s succeeded D a r i u s i n 486, he i n h e r i t e d a p l a n to invade m a i n l a n d Greece a n d to incorporate i t into the P e r s i a n e m p i r e ( H e r o d o t u s 7.1-4). A c c o r d i n g t o H e r o d o t u s , X e r x e s ' s w o r n aims were to bridge the Hellespont, to capture and b u r n A t h e n s as r e t r i b u t i o n for t h e b u r n i n g o f Cybebe's t e m p l e a n d sacred grove, a n d t o avenge his father's defeat a t M a r a t h o n (7.8bl-3; 8.102.3). H e w a n t e d to m a i n t a i n t h e s t a n d a r d o f conquest established by h i s predecessors (7.8a, 11.2) a n d i n t e n d e d to r e i n s t a t e t h e P i s i s t r a t i d a e a t A t h e n s (7.6; 8.52.2). H e contemplated bringing the Peloponnese under his power, holding an empire over Asia and Europe, and dreamed of u n i t i n g all lands under his rule: his empire w o u l d be differentiated only f r o m t h e h e a v e n s ( 7 . 8 g l - 2 ; cf. 8 . 1 0 0 . 3 , 1 0 1 . 2 - 3 ) . I n the Persians, D a r i u s c o n d e m n s X e r x e s ' a c t s a s ' v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e ' (hybris); b u t t h e play includes h i s desire t o avenge D a r i u s ' defeat a t M a r a t h o n (473-7), t o rule E u r o p e a n d A s i a (181-99), a n d t o m a i n t a i n D a r i u s ' standard of conquest (753-8). Interpreters of t h e Persians o f t e n s t r e s s t h e f i r s t e x p l a n a t i o n ; b u t a l l t h r e e should be t a k e n into account. H e r o d o t u s calculates t h a t X e r x e s invaded Greece w i t h 5,283,220 people, h a l f o f t h e m m i l i t a r y p e r s o n n e l (7.184-7.1).43 A f a v o u r i t e H e r o d o t e a n topos - w h i c h t h e Persians d o e s n o t u s e - i s t h a t t h e y d r a n k r i v e r s d r y (e.g. 7 . 4 3 . 1 ) . S u c h n u m b e r s a r e impossible, but the actual figures are elusive.44 T h i s exaggerat i o n u n d e r w r i t e s t h e G r e e k b e l i e f , c e n t r a l t o t h e Persians, t h a t a m e r e q u a n t i t y o f m e n w a s n o m a t c h for t h e q u a l i t y o f free Greeks defending t h e i r l a n d (7.101-4, 208-10). Xerxes' massive forces w e r e a l i a b i l i t y i n t h e n a r r o w battle-zones t h e G r e e k s devised for t h e m (7.211.2; 8.16.2). T h e Greeks considered Xerxes' invasion as m u c h a pageant of power as a m i l i t a r y operation. Placing h i m s e l f a t its centre, X e r x e s assembled a m o v i n g catalogue o f t h e peoples o f his empire (Herodotus 7.21, 40-1, 61-100), m a r c h i n g i t from Sardis t o G r e e c e i n M a y 4 8 0 . H i s fleet s a i l e d i n t a n d e m w i t h h i s a r m y . Xerxes transformed nature to display his irresistible power. H e 23

Aeschylus: Persians h a d a c a n a l c u t b e h i n d M o u n t A t h o s t o p r o t e c t t h e fleet f r o m storms t h a t descended from the m o u n t a i n and h a d damaged a P e r s i a n fleet i n 4 9 2 ( 7 . 2 1 - 4 , 3 7 ) . H e h a d t w o b r i d g e s b u i l t a c r o s s the Hellespont. Constructed from 674 triremes a n d 50-oared g a l l e y s , t h e b r i d g e s s p a n n e d r o u g h l y 1.5 k i l o m e t r e s f r o m A b y dus o n t h e A s i a n side t o a p r o m o n t o r y b e t w e e n S e s t u s a n d M a d y t u s o n t h e E u r o p e a n side; m e n a n d a n i m a l s crossed t h e m ( 7 . 3 3 - 6 ) . T h e Persians m a k e s t h e ' y o k i n g ' o f t h e H e l l e s p o n t a s y m b o l o f X e r x e s ' ' v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e ' (hybris), a n d ' d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n ' (ate): h i s d e s i r e t o r u l e a n e m p i r e e m b r a c i n g t w o continents i n violation of nature, divinity, and the freedom that i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e G r e e k polis. Xerxes' a r m y a n d n a v y broke t h r o u g h G r e e k defences a t T h e r m o p y l a e a n d A r t e m i s i u m i n l a t e A u g u s t 4 8 0 . T h e Persians ignores these battles. W e h a v e a copy o f a n i n s c r i p t i o n o f a decree proposed by Themistocles t h a t m a n d a t e s t h e evacuation o f A t h e n s : w o m e n a n d c h i l d r e n w e r e t o go t o T r o e z e n , o l d m e n a n d p r o p e r t y t o S a l a m i s ; a l l o t h e r s w e r e t o m a n t h e fleet a t A r t e m i s i u m . T h e decree's a u t h e n t i c i t y i s debated.45 H e r o d o t u s places the evacuation after A r t e m i s i u m . According to h i m , the Athenians sent their children a n d dependents t o Troezen, Aegina, a n d S a l a m i s (8.41.1). Xerxes' a r m y carved a path of destruction from Euboea t o Athens, looting and burning the land, homes, and temples of r e s i s t i n g c o m m u n i t i e s ; t h e p e o p l e fled t o t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d t o safe r e g i o n s ( H e r o d o t u s 8.23, 32-9, 50.2). E n t e r i n g a n A t t i c a 'emptied o f men', t h e Persians destroyed fields a n d houses, demolished t h e city wall, damaged mines, destroyed public buildings, and besieged the Acropolis, w h i c h they looted. T h e y set fire t o sanctuaries, l e v e l l e d a l t a r s , t o p p l e d t e m p l e s , stole statues, a n d m u r d e r e d suppliants (8.51-5, 6 5 , 142.3; T h u c y d i d e s 1.89.3; 2 . 1 6 ) . 4 6 I n t h e f o l l o w i n g year, after X e r x e s h a d left Greece, X e r x e s ' cousin a n d brother-in-law M a r d o n i u s forced a second evacuation, levelling a n y t h i n g still u p r i g h t (9.13.2-3). A t h e n i a n s rarely spoke o fthis i n t h e fifth century; interpreters o f the Persians o f t e n i g n o r e i t . A e s c h y l u s k e e p s t h e m e m o r y o f t h i s a t r o c i t y a l i v e i n t h e Persians; h i s m y t h i c a l t r a g e d i e s p r o j e c t i t onto others' suffering.47 Readers consider t h e Persian W a r s 24

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

tragic only from the Persian perspective.48 B u t i n 472, they were still tragic f r o m t h e A t h e n i a n perspective. S a l a m i s w a s a vict o r y predicated u p o n a defeat. Xerxes accomplished his vow: h ebridged the Hellespont, m a r c h e d a n a r m y i n t o Greece, b u r n e d A t h e n s ' temples, a n d sacked the city. T h e equivalence of the Great King's w o r d and act w a s c e n t r a l t o t h e ideology o f h i s k i n g s h i p . B u t X e r x e s ' vengeance w o u l d prove costly. The empire strikes out: Salamis, Plataea and Mycale A t h e n s w a s lost. T h e Peloponnesians o n S a l a m i s w a n t e d t o fight for their o w n land, retreating to the I s t h m u s of C o r i n t h to face t h e P e r s i a n fleet ( H e r o d o t u s 8.49, 70.2). T h e i r g e n e r a l s ordered escape (8.56). T h e m i s t o c l e s failed t o convince a n ass e m b l y o f generals to m o u n t a n a v a l defence a t S a l a m i s (8.60ab). S e n s i n g t h a t t h e m o m e n t for b a t t l e a t S a l a m i s w a s s l i p p i n g away, Themistocles sent h i s slave Sicinnus t o t h e Persian generals t o r e p o r t t h a t h e w a s o n t h e k i n g ' s side, t h a t t h e G r e e k s w e r e p r e p a r i n g t o flee S a l a m i s t h a t night, a n d t h a t Persian collaborators and resisters were more likely to fight a naval battle between themselves t h a n to unite against Xerxes ( 8 . 7 5 ) . T h e Persians n a m e s ' a G r e e k m a n f r o m t h e a r m y o f t h e A t h e n i a n s ' w h o deceives X e r x e s r a t h e r t h a n h i s g e n e r a l s (355¬ 71). P l u t a r c h identifies S i c i n n u s as a P e r s i a n w a r captive w h o l o o k e d a f t e r T h e m i s t o c l e s ' s o n s (Life of Themistocles 1 2 . 3 ) . B a r r y Strauss suggests t h a t h e was a Greek from P h r y g i a . 4 9 H i s t o r i a n s h a v e doubted t h i s e n t i r e story.50 S i c i n n u s w a s rewarded w i t h w e a l t h and citizenship a t Thespiae i n Boeotia (Herodotus 8.75.1). T h i s suggests h e played some role i n t h e deception o f t h e Persians. A e s c h y l u s calls h i m G r e e k because o f his citizenship o r subsumes h i s identity under that o f his master a n d the m a s t e r - m i n d of the plot, Themistocles. Based i n P h a l e r u m , the Persians decided t o blockade t h e Greeks on Salamis and to crush t h e m i n flight. T h e y spent the night occupying the island of Psyttalia (modern Lipsokoutali) i n t h e middle o f the passage between Attica a n d Salamis, b l o c k i n g lanes o f escape, a n d a w a i t i n g t h e G r e e k f l i g h t ( H e r o 25

Aeschylus: Persians dotus 8.76). T h e G r e e k s h a d no choice b u t to fight t h e i r w a y o u t (8.78-82). M a i n t a i n i n g good order, t h e y cut t h r o u g h t h e disord e r l y P e r s i a n fleet, w h o s e n u m b e r s w e r e a l e t h a l l i a b i l i t y , driving i t out of the water and slaughtering the Persians o n P s y t t a l i a (esp. 8.86, 9 5 ; 4 3 5 - 6 4 ) . N o t u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e e x t e n t of t h e damage they h a d inflicted, t h e Greeks prepared f o r another battle (8.96.1, 108.1). According t o Herodotus, Xerxes feared that t h e Greeks w o u l d destroy t h e bridges over t h e Hellespont, trapping h i s f o r c e s i n E u r o p e ( 8 . 9 7 ) . H e t h e r e f o r e o r d e r e d t h e fleet t o r e t r e a t t h e n i g h t a f t e r t h e b a t t l e ( 8 . 9 7 , 1 0 7 ) . I n t h e Persians, X e r x e s o r d e r s t h e l a n d f o r c e s ' i m m e d i a t e flight; t h e s h i p s e s c a p e s e p a r a t e l y (468-70, 480-1). H e r o d o t u s claims t h a t X e r x e s left 300,000 troops u n d e r M a r d o n i u s ' c o m m a n d t o fight a decisive l a n d battle a n d to attack the Peloponnese (8.100-3, 113; 9.32.2). M a r c h i n g w i t h t h e rest o f h i s l a n d forces t o t h e H e l l e s p o n t i n 45 days (half t h e t i m e o f t h e m a r c h to Greece), X e r x e s r e t u r n e d to A s i a . T h e n a v y r e t u r n e d w i t h the a r m y a n d ferried i t across the Hellespont; the bridges w e r e d o w n (8.115-20, 126; 130.1; 9 . 1 1 4 . 1 ) . T h e Persians d e p i c t s t h e b r i d g e s a s X e r x e s ' s a l v a t i o n (735-6) a n d r e t u r n s h i m to Susa after Salamis. Herodotus keeps Xerxes i n Sardis u n t i l the battle of Mycale i n the s u m m e r of 479 (9.107.3), even t h o u g h h e also claims Persians l a m e n t e d f r o m the news of S a l a m i s u n t i l Xerxes' r e t u r n (8.99.2-100.1). M a r d o n i u s unsuccessfully pressured A t h e n s t o join Persia ( H e r o d o t u s 8.140-4; 9.3-4). U n d e r i n t e n s e p r o d d i n g f r o m A t h ens a n d M e g a r a , S p a r t a finally sent a n a r m y a n d mobilized its a l l i e s t o face M a r d o n i u s ' a r m y ( 9 . 6 - 1 1 , 2 8 - 3 0 ) , w h i c h w a s a u g m e n t e d w i t h G r e e k conscripts (9.31-2). T h e armies massed o n e i t h e r side o f t h e A s o p u s R i v e r i n Boeotia. T h e decisive f i g h t i n g at Plataea pit lightly armoured Persian cavalry a n d archers against h e a v i l y a r m o u r e d S p a r t a n hoplites (9.62.3). W h e n M a r d o n i u s f e l l , t h e P e r s i a n s fled ( 9 . 6 3 ) . T h e r e s t o f t h e a r m y f e l l apart (9.68), escaping into a palisade fort built before t h e camp a i g n (9.15, 65). T h e Greeks chased a n d killed t h e m i n flight; the A t h e n i a n s besieged the fort a n d the Greeks continued the s l a u g h t e r o n a h u g e scale (9.68-70). T h e d e f e a t a t S a l a m i s d e s t r o y e d t h e P e r s i a n fleet's f i g h t i n g capacity and cancelled Persia's n u m e r i c a l advantage; Plataea 26

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

slaughtered t h e Persian a r m y a n d drove t h e r e m n a n t from Greece. A f u r t h e r P e r s i a n defeat a tM y c a l e i n M i l e s i a n t e r r i t o r y caused Greeks i nW e s t e r n Anatolia and the islands t o revolt f r o m P e r s i a n r u l e (Herodotus 8.130-3; 9.90-106.1). T h e G r e e k s were n o w o n the offensive. Simonides: the kosmos

of song and of virtue

T h e Greeks i m m e d i a t e l y celebrated their achievement. T h e p o e t S i m o n i d e s o f C e o s (c. 5 5 6 - 4 6 8 ) p l a y e d a m a j o r r o l e i n t h e project. M o s t o f t h e epigrams c o m m e m o r a t i n g t h e P e r s i a n W a r dead w e r e a t t r i b u t e d t o h i m . M a n y a r e later forgeries, b u t one t h e m e stands out: the heroization of the w a r dead by compensati n g t h e m w i t h i m m o r t a l g l o r y (kleos).51 T h e e p i g r a m s c e l e b r a t e t h e eternal fame of Greeks w h o died for the freedom of Greece.52 Simonides composed poems o n the battles of A r t e m i s i u m and S a l a m i s w h i c h p r o b a b l y p r e d a t e d t h e Persians.53 T h e p o e m o n Salamis glorified t h e n a v a l victory and Themistocles' intellig e n c e ( P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 5 . 2 ) . T h e p o e m o n A r t e m i s i u m stressed the aid of the N o r t h W i n d , Boreas, a kinsm a n by marriage of the mythical A t h e n i a nking Erechtheus. T h e Athenians claimed to have invoked Boreas to destroy the Persians m o o r e d o n t h e coast o f M a g n e s i a i n 4 8 0 a n d t o w r e c k t h e P e r s i a n fleet off M o u n t A t h o s i n 492 ( H e r o d o t u s 7.188-92).54 U n l i k e t h e Persians, t h e s e p o e m s f o c u s e d o n n a m e d G r e e k s a n d G r e e c e ' s m a g i c a l a n d d i v i n e defence m e c h a n i s m s . Papyri from Egypt have yielded fragments o f Simonides' Plataea, a p o e m o n t h e b a t t l e w r i t t e n i n e l e g i a c c o u p l e t s . 5 5 T h e date, place a n d occasion o f t h e poem's first performance a r e debated.56 T h e p o e m focuses o n S p a r t a , describing itself a s a r e m e m b r a n c e '[of m e n w h o ] w a r d e d o f f [the d a y o f slavery] f r o m S p a r t a [ a n d G r e e c e ] ' ( f r . 1 1 . 2 4 - 6 ) . 5 7 I t a t t r i b u t e s ' v i r t u e ' (arete) and ' i m m o r t a l g l o r y a m o n g m e n ' t o t h e S p a r t a n s ( f r . 1 1 . 2 7 - 8 ) a n d narrates the S p a r t a n a r m y ' s m a r c h t o Plataea accompanied by the demigods Castor and Pollux and the hero Menelaus (fr. 1 1 . 2 9 - 3 1 ) . ' P a u s a n i a s t h e s o n o f d i v i n e C l e o m b r o t u s , b e s t b y f a r ' ( f r . 1 1 . 3 3 - 4 ) l e a d s t h e m . U n l i k e t h e Persians, t h e Plataea n a m e d h i s t o r i c a l G r e e k s . S p a r t a n g e n e r a l o f t h e G r e e k forces at Plataea, Pausanias w a s accused of t r y i n g to betray Greece to 27

Aeschylus: Persians Xerxes i n 478/77. E i t h e r this story was not yet current w h e n the Plataea w a s p e r f o r m e d , o r i t d i d n o t a f f e c t h i s f a m e . 5 8 T h e poem begins w i t h a h y m n t o Achilles. Achilles a n d Pausanias are the n a m e d w a r r i o r s t h r o u g h w h o m the u n n a m e d G r e e k s r e t a i n t h e i r ' n a m e s ' , t h e i r kleos.59 T h e p o e m r e n e w s t h e f a m e o f t h e epic heroes by b e s t o w i n g i t u p o n soldiers w h o died a t P l a t a e a . 6 0 T h i s p e r f o r m a n c e i s t h e a n t i t h e s i s o f t h e Persians, w h i c h l a m e n t s u n b u r i e d P e r s i a n corpses, b e w a i l i n g t h e ignom i n y o f t h e i r d e a t h s . T h e Persians i m p l i e s kleos f o r t h e v i c t o r s a n d a s s u m e s p e r f o r m a n c e s s u c h a s t h e Plataea; b u t h e r o i z a t i o n is n o t its f u n c t i o n . T h e p l a y does n o t recall t h e G r e e k dead. S i m o n i d e s bills h i m s e l f as a n e w H o m e r , w h o conferred i m m o r t a l g l o r y o n t h e D a n a a n s for s a c k i n g T r o y a n d r e t u r n i n g h o m e (fr. 11.13-18). W h i l e S i m o n i d e s t r e a t e d t h e defence a t P l a t a e a a s a r e n e w a l o f t h e f a m e o f e p i c h e r o e s , t h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e fighting a new Trojan W a r on the Hellespont and throughout the Aegean.61 A new Trojan War: from Sestus to Eion I n late 479, the A t h e n i a n s a n d their n e w l y w o n allies besieged Sestus, the centre of Persian rule o n the Hellespont (Herodotus 9 . 1 1 4 . 2 - 1 1 8 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 8 9 . 2 ) . A f t e r t h e P e r s i a n g o v e r n o r A r t a y c t e s a n d h i s m e n escaped, t h e i n h a b i t a n t s opened t h e gates to the Athenians, w h o took control of the t o w n (Herodotus 9.118). T h e A t h e n i a n s h u n t e d a n d captured Artayctes, r e t u r n i n g h i m a n d his son t o Sestus (9.119.2). A r t a y c t e s h a d persuaded Xerxes t o give h i m the temple and sacred land of the G r e e k hero Protesilaus - the first G r e e k t o die i n the T r o j a n W a r ( H o m e r Iliad 2 . 6 9 5 - 7 1 0 ) - t o l o o t a n d d e s e c r a t e a s a w a r n i n g against i n v a d i n g A s i a (Herodotus 9.116.3). Encouraged by the citizens of Elaeus, a n A t h e n i a n colony, X a n t h i p p u s nailed A r t a y c t e s to a p l a n k a n d stoned his son to death before his eyes near w h e r e t h e Persians secured t h e i r bridges t o E u r o p e ( 9 . 1 2 0 . 4 ; cf. 7 . 3 3 ) . 6 2 A r t a y c t e s ' c r u c i f i e d b o d y m a r k e d the boundary of Europe and w a r n e d the Persians against furt h e r invasion. I t w a s a measure of A t h e n s ' implacable rage. H e r o d o t u s c o n t r a s t s t h i s e v e n t w i t h t h e m o r e r e s t r a i n e d post u r e o ft h e S p a r t a n Pausanias, w h o refuses such reciprocal v i o l e n c e a s ' c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f b a r b a r i a n s ' ( 9 . 7 9 . 1 ; cf. 7 . 2 3 8 ) . T h e 28

L The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

Athenians returned home with plunder from Mycale and the cables f r o m X e r x e s ' bridges to dedicate to t h e gods (9.121), t h e first spoils a n d a banner u n d e r w h i c h a n e w T r o j a n W a r w o u l d be w a g e d ; a n d t h e y s y m b o l i z e d A t h e n s ' h e g e m o n y i n i t . 6 3 A r tayctes w a s t h e first P e r s i a n to die i n t h i s n e w T r o j a n W a r , j u s t as t h e h e r o w h o s e t e m p l e h e v i o l a t e d , P r o t e s i l a u s , h a d been t h e first G r e e k to die i n H o m e r ' s T r o j a n W a r . I n the following spring, a G r e e k fleet a n d 'a n u m b e r of other allies' assembled under Pausanias' leadership (Thucydides 1.94.1). S a i l i n g f r o m C y p r u s t o B y z a n t i u m , w h i c h t h e y t o o k b y siege, t h e G r e e k s l i b e r a t e d W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a f r o m P e r s i a n g a r r i s o n s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.94.2; D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 4 4 ) . Success d i v i d e d the Greeks. T h e A t h e n i a n s took the hegemony from the Spart a n s , w h o r e t u r n e d h o m e w i t h t h e i r a l l i e s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.95). A c c o r d i n g t o T h u c y d i d e s , P a u s a n i a s ' hybris t o w a r d t h e I o n i a n s p r o m p t e d t h e m t o beg t h e A t h e n i a n s t o replace h i m o n t h e grounds of kinship: his leadership 'seemed m o r e a n i m i t a t i o n of t y r a n n y t h a n a generalship' (1.95.3).64 According to Herodotus, the A t h e n i a n s desired the naval hegemony against Xerxes but Sparta's allies rebuffed t h e m ; once Greece w a s secure a n d t h e counter-offensive began, 'they t o o k i t f r o m t h e S p a r t a n s , offeri n g P a u s a n i a s ' hybris a s a p r e t e x t ' ( 8 . 3 . 2 ; c f . [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 3 . 4 ) . T h e P e r s i a n w i t h d r a w a l f r o m t h e A e g e a n left a v a c u u m o f power. T h e Greeks t h o u g h t t h a t Xerxes' desire w a s to rule 'all G r e e c e ' ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 5 7 . 1 ; cf. 1 3 8 . 1 ) . T h e G r e e k l e a d e r s w h o vanquished h i m acquired t h i s desire as a spoil o f victory. Pausanias was the first victim of this syndrome: h e 'had the desire t o b e t y r a n t o f a l l Greece' ( H e r o d o t u s 5.32; T h u c y d i d e s 1.128.3). T r y i n g t o b e t r a y Greece t o t h e P e r s i a n s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 2 8 - 3 0 ; cf. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 3 2 ) , P a u s a n i a s w o r e t h e c l o t h e s , u s e d t h e bodyguard, a n d a t e t h e feasts o f a P e r s i a n (Thucydides 1.130.1; D i o d o r u s 11.44.5, 46.3). I n the G r e e k i m a g i n a t i o n , the ideal r e w a r d for victory over the Great K i n g w a s to become the Great K i n g . Alexander the Great fulfilled this conflicted and long-standing desire after h e defeated D a r i u s I I I i n 331/30.65 T h e Greek response t othe w e a l t h and power of eastern monarchs was simultaneous aversion and desire.66 T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f Pausanias i n t o a P e r s i a n t y r a n t is t h e 29

Aeschylus: Persians founding m y t h o f the A t h e n i a n empire. I t justifies Athens' annexation of Persia's Aegean empire as a n act of defeating P a u s a n i a s ' hybris, w h i c h i s t h e r e c r u d e s c e n c e o f X e r x e s ' hybris, 'the desire t or u l e a l l Hellas'. I t diverts a t t e n t i o n f r o m A t h e n s ' assessment of Persia's f o r m e r subjects to pay a n a n n u a l t r i b u t e of 460 silver talents.67 Such a n i n d e m n i t y was as typically Persian as the stereotypes Pausanias allegedly enacted. T h e payment of tribute was a m a r k of subordination based upon force; i t w a s a f o r m o f p o l i t i c a l s l a v e r y ( H e r o d o t u s 1.6.2-3; 7 . 1 0 8 . 1 ; A e s c h y l u s Persians 5 8 4 - 9 0 ) . 6 8 A p e r m a n e n t i n d e m n i t y for defeat o r t h e a d m i s s i o n o f defeat deferred a n n i h i l a t i o n w h a t H o m e r t e r m e d 'the pitiless day' - the m o m e n t w h e n a n a r m y destroys a c o m m u n i t y , enslaving its w o m e n and children a n d k i l l i n g i t s m e n ( H o m e r Odyssey 8 . 5 2 1 - 3 1 ; Iliad 9 . 5 9 0 - 6 ) . 6 9 Such a narrangement was unprecedented i n Greek relations. Indemnification w a s t h e basis f o r t h e A t h e n i a n empire. Herodotus claims t h a t m a n y Ionians i n the P e r s i a n fleet fought w i t h v a l o u r 'to g e t gifts f r o m t h e k i n g ' (8.10.3, 85.1), despite a t t e m p t s t o w i n t h e m over t o t h e G r e e k side o r t o attract P e r s i a n s u s p i c i o n ( 8 . 1 9 - 2 2 ) . T h e Persians' c h o r u s a s s e r t s t h a t Ionia provided 'the indefatigable strength of a r m o u r e d m e n and allies of a l l sorts' (901-2). A n A t h e n i a n envoy i n Thucydides frankly expresses A t h e n i a n feeling t o w a r d the Ionians: 'They attacked us, t h e i r mother-city, w i t h t h e M e d e , a n d t h e y did not have the heart, as w e did, to destroy t h e i r property by abandoning their city. T h e y were w i l l i n g t o endure their o w n slavery a n d t o impose the s a m e u p o n us' (6.82.4). H i s t o r i a n s believe t h a t this idea of the Ionians developed later; i tis not attested u n t i l Thucydides' account of the Sicilian expedition.70 B u t the Athenians are likely to have harboured this resentment while their city still reeked and smouldered from the Persian sack.71 T h e Persians could n o t have m o u n t e d a n invasion o f such magnitude without m e n from Thrace, Western Anatolia, t h e Hellespont, Caria, a n d t h e islands t o r o w t h e i r ships; t h e y m a n n e d s o m e 507 t r i r e m e s ( H e r o d o t u s 7.93-5, 185). A f t e r Sala¬ mis, Themistocles exacted indemnities from islands that provided r o w e r s a n d ships t o X e r x e s ' fleet, besieging A n d r o s a n d e x t o r t i n g m o n e y f r o m Paros a n d C a r y s t u s . H e r o d o t u s suggests t h a t 'others gave a n d n o t these alone' (8.111-12).72 30

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama Themistocles sailed as far as Iasysus o n Rhodes to exact penalties.73 A decade earlier, M i l t i a d e s led 7 0 ships t o e x t o r t 100 talents from Paros for lending a t r i r e m e to the Persian invasion at M a r a t h o n (Herodotus 6.132-6; H e r o d o t u s explains t h i s as a private matter). Athens appropriated the rowers, tribute, and ship-building capacity of Greeks f o r m e r l y under Persian rule to prevent another Persian invasion. The Greeks burned t h e I o n i a n fleet a f t e r M y c a l e ( 9 . 1 0 6 . 1 ) . T o a l l o w t h e s e c i t i e s t o possess ships w h i c h t h e Persians could use i n a n o t h e r i n v a s i o n was too great a risk. T h e purpose o fAthens' empire, according t o Thucydides, 'was to avenge themselves for w h a t they had suffered by ravaging the l a n d of the king' (1.96.1). B u t i t w a s far easier to exact compensation f r o m X e r x e s by d i v e r t i n g resources f r o m subjects w h o s e c o m p l i a n c e h e c o u l d n o l o n g e r c o m p e l (cf. 5 8 4 - 9 4 ) . T h e A t h e n i a n empire originated as a scheme for security, compensation, vengeance, and the exploitation of the resources of the A e g e a n based u p o n n a v a l dominance.74 T h e 'allies' could n o better defend themselves against A t h e n s i n 478/77 t h a n they could a tthe height of the A t h e n i a n empire i n 432. T h e y had no choice: t h e y p a i d t r i b u t e e i t h e r t o A t h e n s or t o P e r s i a . T h e A t h e n i a n s introduced t e n 'treasurers o f Greece' to h a n dle t h e t r i b u t e a n d stored i t o n t h e island of Delos (Thucydides 1 . 9 6 . 2 ; cf. D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 4 7 . 1 ) . F o r t h i s r e a s o n , s c h o l a r s t e r m t h i s p h a s e o f A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m t h e ' D e l i a n League'. T h e choice o f D e l o s f u l f i l l e d m u l t i p l e objectives. T h e i s l a n d w a s safe: t h e Persians declared i t sacrosanct i n 490 (Herodotus 6.97). T h e birthplace of Apollo and A r t e m i s , Delos was a nancient centre of I o n i a n w o r s h i p and culture. A t h e n s adopted D e l i a n Apollo as its patron against the Persians.75 Athens had no standing temples to serve asfocal point for the organization. F o u r treasuries and a n u m b e r of other m o n u m e n t a l buildings sprouted on Delos i n the period 480-450.76 B y 454, the treasury was moved t o A t h e n s and the A t h e n i a n s began to dedicate one-sixtieth of the t r i b u t e to t h e i r city goddess A t h e n a . 7 7 A t h e n s dictated w h i c h cities paid t r i b u t e a n d w h i c h h a d s h i p s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 6 . 1 ) . C i t y - s t a t e s m a i n t a i n i n g fleets i n stead o f paying tribute were probably few: Samos, Chios, Lesbos, T h a s o s , N a x o s , a n d p e r h a p s s o m e o t h e r s , s u c h as T e n o s 31

Aeschylus: Persians a n d L e m n o s . 7 8 T h e y h a d f o u g h t o n t h e G r e e k side a t S a l a m i s or w e r e enrolled i n t h e G r e e k alliance after M y c a l e . T h e s e cities h a d t h e c r e d i b i l i t y t o m a i n t a i n a fleet: t h e y r i s k e d P e r s i a n r e p r i s a l t o fight o n t h e G r e e k s i d e . T h u c y d i d e s c l a i m s t h a t m a n y a l l i e s i n i t i a l l y m a i n t a i n e d fleets, b u t t h e y g r a d u a l l y l o s t t h e h e a r t f o r w a r a n d chose t o become t r i b u t e - p a y i n g subjects, f o r f e i t i n g t h e i r o w n p o w e r w h i l e a u g m e n t i n g A t h e n s ' ( 1 . 9 9 ; cf. P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 1 1 ) . T h i s s e e m s t o b e a s e l f - j u s t i f y i n g m y t h . N a x o s , T h a s o s , S a m o s , a n d p r o b a b l y T e n o s a n d L e m n o s l o s t fleets f r o m c. 4 6 5 t o 440 (Thucydides 1.98.4,100.2-101; 115.2-117); evidence for others is lacking. T h a t t h e i r status slipped f r o m ship-providers to tribute-payers confirms that tribute payment is a penalty. T h u c y d i d e s , as H e r o d o t u s before h i m (6.11-32; 4.133-42) i n s i s t s o n t h e stereotype t h a t t h e ' I o n i a n ' chooses s l a v e r y over freedom. S i m i l a r m y t h - m a k i n g is a p p a r e n t i n Thucydides' c l a i m t h a t the allies were autonomous and conducted policy i n assemblies i n w h i c h e a c h a l l y h a d a n e q u a l v o t e ( 1 . 9 7 ; 3 . 9 - 1 4 ; cf. 6 . 7 6 . 3 - 4 ; Diodorus 11.47.1).79 T h e r e i sno independent evidence for such assemblies and they are inherently unlikely. E v e n i f they did exist, they did not prevent A t h e n s f r o m d o m i n a t i n g the ' D e l i a n League' i n its o w n interests. A s a general rule, tribute-payers do n o t get votes; a n d i n a n y case, s u c h p o l i t i c a l v a l u e s p l a y e d a d i s t a n t s e c o n d t o A t h e n s ' s e c u r i t y a n d c o m p e n s a t i o n . T h e Persians d o e s n o t c a l l m e m b e r s o f t h e A t h e n i a n e m p i r e ' f r e e ' . T h e i r status is ambiguous: Cyrus and D a r i u s conquered and ruled t h e m ; Xerxes lost t h e m i n n a v a l fighting (770-1, 852-907). T h e first league action i n 476 a i m e d t o secure and enrich A t h e n s : t h e siege o f E i o n , a P e r s i a n s t r o n g h o l d o n t h e S t r y m o n River and westernmost point of Persian penetration i n Europe at the t i m e . E i o n served as a supply depot o n the l a n d route f r o m A s i a t o Greece ( H e r o d o t u s 7.25.2, 113). T h e A t h e n i a n s uprooted the T h r a c i a n population w h i c h supplied the fortress w i t h f o o d ( P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 7 . 2 ) , b r i n g i n g i t s i n h a b i t a n t s to the brink of starvation. T a k i n g control of Eion, the Athenians sold i t s p o p u l a t i o n i n t o s l a v e r y ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.98.1). P l u t a r c h adds that they colonized the territory, w h i c h controlled silver a n d t i m b e r r e s o u r c e s ( P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 7 . 3 , 8 . 2 . ) . A scholium t o Aeschines reports t h a t this colonization effort ended i n disaster.80 32

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama A t h e n s ' c o m m e m o r a t i o n o f E i o n ignores t h e 'allies'. T h e city monopolized the glory of victory because i t h a d a monopoly o n power. T h e Athenians inscribed epigrams commemorating the siege o n t h r e e h e r m s , squared p i l l a r s r e p r e s e n t i n g phallic H e r mes.81 T h e first argues t h a t A t h e n i a n hegemony enjoys H o m e r i c v a l i d a t i o n (3-4). Since H o m e r depicted the A t h e n i a n M e n e s t h e u s as a leader, ' a l l A t h e n i a n s are leaders b o t h i n w a r a n d i n m a n l i n e s s ' ( 5 - 6 ; Iliad 2 . 5 5 3 - 4 ) . W h a t i s t r u e o f a s i n g l e A t h e n i a n i nthe distant past is true of all Athenians i n the present; a n d i f t h e e p i g r a m i s a successful c o m m u n i c a t i o n , i t w i l l r e m a i n t r u e i n t h e f u t u r e , for t h e siege is a m o d e l for f u t u r e generations t o e m u l a t e (13-14). T h e epigrams are examples of t h e A t h e n i a n v a l u e o f e q u a l i t y , w h i c h a l s o g o v e r n s t h e Persians' depiction o f t h e P e r s i a n defeat: n e i t h e r n a m e s a l i v i n g A t h e nian. T h e name o f the A t h e n i a n s subsumes those o f t h e generals. T h e demos, composed of equal and interchangeable m e m b e r s , w i n s t h e glory of v i c t o r y a n d offers t h e epigrams as a 'wage' or 'reward' to its generals (11-12). T h e e p i g r a m s h e r a l d t h e d i s c o v e r y o f a n e w k i n d o f siege, which brings 'burning hunger a n dchill Ares' t o t h e enemy (8-10). T h e y p r o c l a i m A t h e n s ' leadership o f a n e w T r o j a n W a r a n d boast o f s u r p a s s i n g t h e t e n - y e a r siege o f T r o y : A t h e n s reduced the e n e m y to starvation. After Sestus, B y z a n t i u m , and E i o n , A t h e n s p r o c l a i m s itself a siege p o w e r b o t h a s a m a r k o f glory i n the G r e e k t r a d i t i o n a n d as a r e m i n d e r to the 'allies' of its source o f p o w e r over t h e m . Aeschylus' Persians s i m i l a r l y boast o f t h e i r siege prowess (102-7, 858-79). Phrynichus' P h o e n i c i a n Women Aeschylus' Persians

and

A r o u n d the t i m e of the E i o n campaign (476), P h r y n i c h u s presented a tragedy w i t h the hero of Salamis, Themistocles, as p r o d u c e r ; i t w a s p r o b a b l y t h e Phoenician Women.82 B a s i n g i t s authority on Glaucus of R h e g i u m , a fifth- and fourth-century s c h o l a r w h o w r o t e o n t h e p l o t s o f A e s c h y l u s , t h e Hypothesis t o t h e Persians c l a i m s t h a t A e s c h y l u s m o d e l l e d h i s Persians o n t h i s p l a y . 8 3 T h e Hypothesis r e l a t e s t h a t t h e Phoenician Women w a s s e t a t S u s a , l i k e t h e Persians, b u t t h a t t h e p r o l o g u e f e a t u r e d a 33

Aeschylus: Persians eunuch preparing the seats of Persia's i m p e r i a l councillors and n a r r a t i n g X e r x e s ' d e f e a t . A t i t s o u t s e t , t h e Phoenician Women focused o n t h e radical difference b e t w e e n t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e a n d t h e G r e e k polis o f c i t i z e n - w a r r i o r s , s y m b o l i z e d b y t h e eunuch.84 T h e eunuch figures the lack of manliness that eastern d e s p o t i s m i m p o s e s o n i t s subjects. T h e sole ' m a n ' i n h i s r e a l m , the Great K i n g mistrusts m e n . 8 5 P h r y n i c h u s exhibited Persia's i n h u m a n practices; A e s c h y l u s stages a r i t u a l o f greeting w h i c h implies t h a t t h ePersian royal family was considered divine ( 1 5 0 - 8 ; cf. 5 8 8 - 9 0 ) . T h e Phoenician Women p r o b a b l y h a d t w o c h o r u s e s : t h e i m perial councillors and Phoenician w o m e n , w h o come from Sidon and Aradus t o lament t h edeaths o ftheir m e n (Phrynichus TrGF 1 F 9 ) . P r e s u m a b l y t h e c o u n c i l l o r s e n t e r e d f i r s t ; w e d o n o t k n o w w h e n t h e w o m e n entered, o r w h e t h e r they formed a semi-chorus or a separate chorus. T h e t w o choral groups w o u l d have allowed t h e distinct lyrical expression o f private a n d public grief over the disaster, perhaps i n counterpoint. P h r y n i c h u s focused o n t h e P h o e n i c i a n n a v a l defeat, spotlighting Athens' domination of the Aegean. Phoenicians formed t h e backbone o f t h e P e r s i a n n a v y a n d faced t h e A t h e n i a n s a t S a l a m i s (8.85.1; D i o d o r u s 11.18.1); t h e y play a m i n o r role i n t h e Persians ( 4 0 9 - 1 1 , 9 6 3 - 6 ) , w h o s e c a t a l o g u e l i s t s o n l y E g y p t i a n sailors (35-40). P h r y n i c h u s ' focus o n P h o e n i c i a n s m i g h t b e rel a t e d t o t h e f a i l u r e o f h i s Capture of Miletus. T h e P h o e n i c i a n n a v y was i n s t r u m e n t a l i n Miletus' capture and i n the ensuing violence a g a i n s t G r e e k s i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a a n d t h e A e g e a n . H i s Phoenician Women m i g h t h a v e s t r e s s e d t h e r e v e r s a l o f P h o e n i c i a n aggression a t Salamis to vindicate his earlier drama. S o m e s u g g e s t t h a t t h e Phoenician Women i n t r o d u c e d a seco n d c a t a s t r o p h e , t h e d e f e a t a t M y c a l e . 8 6 I f so, t h e c h o r u s o f imperial councillors w o u l d have lamented it. Phoenicians played n o role i nt h i s l a n d defeat (Herodotus 9.96.1); t h e i r w o m e n w o u l d not convincingly l a m e n t i t . Accuracy i s not req u i r e d o f h i s t o r i c a l d r a m a . B u t e r r o r s t e n d to be t a n g e n t i a l a n d t o h a v e d r a m a t i c f o r c e . T h e Persians' c h o r u s o f c a r e t a k e r s obviates such problems: a blow t o any part of the empire i sa blow to it. T h a t T h e m i s t o c l e s p r o d u c e d t h e Phoenician Women h a s 34

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical

Drama

t e m p t e d h i s t o r i a n s t o s e e a p a r a l l e l i n t h e Persians' d u o o f Aeschylus and Pericles and to argue that the a i m of both plays w a s t oglorify Themistocles and to bolster his sagging political fortunes after Salamis.87 A s architect of A t h e n i a n naval power, g e n e r a l o f t h e A t h e n i a n fleet a t S a l a m i s , a n d t r i c k s t e r w h o ensured t h e naval battle, Themistocles m i g h t hope t o gain p o l i t i c a l c a p i t a l b y f i n a n c i n g t h e Phoenician Women. H o w e v e r , h e w o n l i t t l e f r o m i t o r f r o m t h e Persians - h e w a s o s t r a c i z e d s o m e t i m e between 474/3 a n d 471/0 a n d later convicted o f m e d i s m in absentia.88 I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o s e e h o w s t a g i n g o t h e r s ' laments and explaining their sorrows could directly glorify a p o l i t i c i a n a n d g e n e r a l . T h e Persians d e p i c t s S a l a m i s a s a P e r sian defeat a n d a collective G r e e k victory, not as a general's victory. A n y suggestion to the contrary w o u l d damage T h e m i s tocles m o r e t h a n help h i m . Pour

encourager

les

autres

T h e A t h e n i a n onslaught continued after Eion. I n 475, they captured the island of Scyros, sold the native population into s l a v e r y , a n d c o l o n i z e d i t ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 8 . 2 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 8 . 3 ; D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 6 0 . 2 ) . A t h e n s u s e d t h i s o c c a s i o n t o create another s y m b o l o f dominance. W h e n the Spartans established h e g e m o n y i n t h e Peloponnese, t h e y m a r k e d t h e occasion by 'retrieving' the bones of Orestes from Tegea i n Arcadia and ' r e t u r n i n g ' t h e m to S p a r t a (Herodotus 1.66-8).89 C i m o n , w h o led t h e i n v a s i o n o f Scyros, 'discovered' t h e bones o f Theseus o n the island and 'returned' t h e m t o Athens.90 T h e Athenians built a t e m p l e to house the bones, decorating i t w i t h images o f Theseus as a n a g e n t o f c i v i l i z a t i o n , h u m a n i t y , vengeance, a n d salvat i o n . 9 1 O u t o f t h e ashes o f t h e P e r s i a n sack, t h e A t h e n i a n s r e f o u n d e d t h e i r polis a s m a s t e r o f t h e A e g e a n . 9 2 T h e s e u s , s o n o f the m o r t a l Aegeus, eponymous hero of the Aegean, and Poseidon, g o d o f t h e sea, personified A t h e n s ' d o m i n a t i o n o f t h e Aegean.93 A t h e n s ' sieges d i d n o t f r i g h t e n a l l i n t o s u b m i s s i o n ; n o r d i d t h e city differentiate between w i l l i n g a n d forced collaboration w i t h t h e Persians i n exacting penalties. T h e Persians h a d forced Carystus, a t o w n i n s o u t h e r n Euboea, to j o i n t h e m after 35

Aeschylus: Persians besieging i t a n d destroying its crops i n 490 (Herodotus 6.99.2). Eager to avoid trouble i n 480, Carystus contributed one t r i r e m e t o X e r x e s ' fleet ( 8 . 6 6 . 2 ) . T h e m i s t o c l e s e x t o r t e d m o n e y f r o m Carystus after S a l a m i s a n d ravaged i t s l a n d (8.121.1), b u t Carystus w o u l d not pay tribute w i t h o u t a fight, and Athens w e n t t o w a r w i t h t h e t o w n t o force i t i n t o t h e e m p i r e ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 8 . 3 ) . 9 4 T h u c y d i d e s p l a c e s t h i s w a r b e t w e e n c. 4 7 5 a n d c. 4 6 5 , a f t e r t h e c a p t u r e o f S c y r o s a n d b e f o r e A t h e n s c r u s h e d N a x o s ' r e v o l t (1.98.3-4).95 T h e date o f N a x o s ' r e v o l t is u n k n o w n , but according to Thucydides, the A t h e n i a n s besieged the island a n d ' t h i s w a s t h e f i r s t a l l i e d polis t o b e e n s l a v e d c o n t r a r y t o c u s t o m ' ( 1 . 9 8 . 4 ) . N a x o s w a s t h e f i r s t s h i p - c o n t r i b u t i n g polis t o fall into tribute-paying status. T h e island joined the vast maj o r i t y o f A t h e n s ' 'allies'. T h e P e r s i a n s m a d e a n a t t e m p t t o l a u n c h a fleet i n t o t h e Aegean sometime between 469 and 466. C i m o n , campaigning to force C a r i a n cities i n t o t h e e m p i r e , sailed w i t h 2 0 0 t r i r e m e s t o t h e E u r y m e d o n R i v e r i n P a m p h y l i a , w h e r e a P h o e n i c i a n fleet awaited reinforcements w i t h a n i n f a n t r y force.96 T h e A t h e n i a n s attacked t h ePhoenician ships i n t h em o u t h of the river, destroying t h e b u l k of t h e m a n d seizing t h e rest before r o u t i n g t h e i n f a n t r y a n d c a p t u r i n g a large cache o f booty. S h o r t l y afterw a r d s , t h e A t h e n i a n fleet i n t e r c e p t e d r e i n f o r c e m e n t s c o m i n g from Cyprus a n ddefeated t h e m o n t h ewater. T h e Persians could no longer m a i n t a i n a n a v a l presence i n the Aegean. Athens 472 Xerxes' invasion refashioned t h esymbolic universe i n w h i c h the Athenians lived. M y t h i c a l narratives gained new resonance as f i g u r a t i o n s o f t h e i n v a s i o n . 9 7 T h e t r a u m a o f 4 8 0 / 7 9 a n d s u b s e q u e n t v i c t o r i e s u n i t e d A t h e n i a n s a n d b e c a m e core elements o f their communal identity. Athens' institutions expressed a civic f o r m o f life, w e r e m e c h a n i s m s o f defence a g a i n s t Persia, and had enabled the city to take the leading role i n the Aegean. Salamis transformed Athens' democracy. T h e entire c i t i z e n b o d y faced t h e P e r s i a n s a t sea: a l l A t h e n i a n s w e r e t h e heroes of Salamis.98 T h e i r performance justified their political power a t A t h e n s a n d t h r o u g h o u t Greece.99 T h e basic values o f 36

1. The P e r s i a n s , History, and Historical Drama A t h e n i a n society - freedom, citizenship, free speech, equality, collectivity - had proved themselves superior literally under fire. B a r b a r i a n 'slavery', subjection to the P e r s i a n k i n g , stratification based on b i r t h and ethnic identity, and subordination t o t h e d e s i r e s o f t h e r o y a l oikos w e r e n o w i n t h e e y e s o f t h e A t h e n i a n s i r r e f u t a b l y i n f e r i o r t o t h e i r o w n socio-political organization. A n d yet b o t h A t h e n s a n d Persia relied u p o n n u m e r i c a l superiority for their power and required large amounts of money to maintain their domination. Both extorted money from commun i t i e s a s a c o n t r a c t u a l d e f e r r a l o f p u n i t i v e siege. Indeed, A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m w a s as old as t h e democracy, w h i c h planted colonies (cleruchies) i n defeated c o m m u n i t i e s such as C h a l c i s b e f o r e t h e y e a r 5 0 0 ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 7 7 - 8 ; cf. S a l a m i s , M L 2 14 = F o r n a r a 44), p r o v i d i n g l a n d t o citizens a n d establishing garrisons. B y 472, A t h e n s satisfied the criteria for empire: i t p e r m a n e n t l y exploited Persia's f o r m e r subjects b y exacting tribute from t h e m ; i t prosecuted yearly wars t o increase o r m a i n t a i n its holdings; i t sold defeated populations i n t o slavery and/or took t h e i r land.100 A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m grew increasi n g l y complex, self-conscious, a n d autocratic over t i m e ; t h e empire was nascent i n 472.101 B y this time, however, Athens' n a v a l power h a d become a means for indefinite expansion. T h i s is a factor i n assessing t h e play's depiction of Persia's disastrous naval imperialism, i t sfictionalization o fthe fall o f Persia's e m p i r e , a n d t h e d e a t h o f a l l A s i a n s o f m i l i t a r y age. T h e defence at Salamis t u r n e d rapidly into aggressive i m p e r i a l i s m . T h o u g h profitable, its d y n a m i s m could - and did - drive i t t o r u i n i n m u c h t h e s a m e w a y a s A e s c h y l u s i m a g i n e s i n t h e Persians. Athens' u l t i m a t e form of control was the power t o induce starvation. Athenian culture transformed this power into moral leadership; a n d tragedy w a s t h e pre-eminent voice of t h i s leadership. Aeschylus' immediate a i m i n 472 was to w i n first prize i n the tragic competition; b u t h e also hoped t o establish his d r a m a as a voice o f A t h e n s ' m o r a l hegemony. H e exhibited a tragedy w h i c h not only affirmed A t h e n i a n military power, but its justice, virtue, and w i s d o m by stressing the limits of h u m a n power i n the cosmos and b y depicting the fulfilment of insatiable imperialism i n insatiable lament. 37

Aeschylus: Persians T o r e t u r n t o o u r i n i t i a l p r o b l e m : d o e s t h e Persians d e p i c t t h e disaster o f Persia's e m p i r e a s a spectacle t o d e l i g h t t h e victors, or does i t f a s h i o n a negative e x a m p l e for t h e nascent A t h e n i a n empire? T h e following chapters w i l l show h o w the play achieves both.

38

2

Fear 'The departed' T h e c h o r u s ' f i r s t l i n e s o f t h e Persians, ' W e a r e c a l l e d t h e t r u s t e d of t h e P e r s i a n s w h o departed for t h e l a n d o f Greece' (1-2) allude t o t h e e u n u c h ' s f i r s t l i n e o f t h e Phoenician Women, ' t h e s e a r e ... o f t h e P e r s i a n s w h o w e n t l o n g a g o ' . T h e Persians u s e s t h e p a r t i c i p l e (oichomenon), w h i c h m e a n s ' d e p a r t ' , 'be g o n e ' , o r ' d i e ' to indicate t h e Persians' absence.1 T h e w o r d conveys t o t h e audience t h e feared r e a l i t y t h a t t h e forces h a v e perished. T h e Persians p l a y s o n t h e m e a n i n g o f t h i s v e r b , r e p e a t i n g i t i n t h i s o m i n o u s sense (13, 60, 178) u n t i l t h e messenger announces t h e c a t a s t r o p h e : ' t h e flower o f t h e P e r s i a n s i s g o n e (oichetai), f a l l e n i n battle' (252). After that, t h e verb signifies t h e l a m e n t e d P e r s i a n dead (546, 916). T h i s slight verbal shift signals Aeschylus' change of dramatic emphasis. P h r y n i c h u s ' e u n u c h n a r r a t e d Xerxes' defeat i n t h e p r o l o g u e ; t h e r e m a i n d e r o f t h e p l a y l a m e n t e d t h i s pathos a n d p e r h a p s i n t r o d u c e d a n e w pathos t o m o u r n . T h e Persians' d r a m a t i c c o n c e p t i o n d i f f e r s . A e s c h y l u s d e f e r s t h e pathos b y e x p l o r i n g i t a s a n object o f fear. T h e d r a m a t i c characters experience, interpret, a n dseek t o avert t h e realization o f p r e m o n i t i o n s , a d r e a m , a b i r d o m e n , a n d a n h i s t o r i c a l precedent w h i c h represent Xerxes' defeat w i t h increasing clarity a n d o b j e c t i v i t y . I n a d d i t i o n , A e s c h y l u s p r e - e n a c t s t h e pathos a s a particular version of a u n i v e r s a l sequence of action, suffering, a n d e m o t i o n a l r e s p o n s e : v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e (hybris), d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n (ate), a n d l a m e n t . T r y i n g t o a l l e v i a t e t h e i r p r e m o n i tions o f disaster, t h eelders contribute t o i t sfulfilment b y symbolically enacting its causes a n d l a m e n t i n g its outcome i n the song a n d dance o f the parodos.

39

Aeschylus: Persians Counting power: the catalogue of the parodos T h e elders enter reciting anapaests, expressing foreboding a b o u t X e r x e s ' a n d t h e a r m y ' s h o m e c o m i n g (nostos). X e r x e s mobilized his entire empire, but no one has arrived w i t h news of the i n v a s i o n (8-15). T h e chorus catalogues the leaders a n d the countless m e n w h o invaded - o n horseback, ship, a n d o n foot - to assuage its a n x i e t y . O u t l i n i n g t h e size o f Persia's i n v a d i n g f o r c e , t h e e l d e r s d e p i c t t h e s c a l e o f P e r s i a ' s pathos, w h i c h i s a l s o t h e reversal of t h e i r confidence i n the power of m a t e r i a l a n d n u m e r i c a l superiority. T h e catalogue i s a balance sheet o f Xerxes' power recited as a remedy against foreboding. T h e chorus displays t h e subconscious process b y w h i c h countable resources - gold, m e n , m a t e r i e l - produce t h e delusion o f i n v u l nerability, the prelude to enormous suffering. K e y t e r m s are t h e adjective ' m u c h ' or ' m a n y ' (25, 46) a n d t h e p r e f i x poly- ( ' m u c h ' : 3 , 9 , 3 3 , 4 5 - 6 , 5 3 ) . 2 P e r s i a a n d i t s s u b j e c t c i t i e s S a r d i s a n d B a b y l o n a r e p l a c e s o f ' m u c h g o l d ' ( 3 , 9, 4 5 , 5 3 ) . N u m e r i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y is a source o f confidence: E g y p t i a n sailors defy c o u n t i n g (40); L y d i a sends a 'crowd' (41-2); B a b y l o n a mass of conscripts (53-4). I n a nexaggeration t h a t rivals Herodotus', w h o c o u n t e d 2,641,610 soldiers a m o n g X e r x e s ' forces (7.185.3), t h e chorus claims 'the entire m i g h t o f A s i a ' (11) i n v a d e d G r e e c e (cf. 5 7 - 8 , 1 2 6 - 3 1 ) . P e r s i a ' s c h i e f t a i n s p o s s e s s courage a n d t h e ability t o i n s p i r e fear (26-9), b u t a s t h e catalogue progresses, courage recedes; n u m b e r s o f m e n a n d o f chariots, useless i n battle, become p r o m i n e n t (45-8). These are elements of a military pageant, a nexpensive display of power aimed a t frightening the Greeks into submission. Such posturi n g - a k i n d o f hybris - p r o v e s f a t a l t o t h e P e r s i a n s . 3 T h e catalogue evokes a massive presence, m a k i n g the absence o f t h e m e n palpable. I t s seventeen personal n a m e s create a Persian- and foreign-sounding atmosphere. Recalling the Hom e r i c ' C a t a l o g u e o f Ships', i t e n d o w s t h e i n v a s i o n w i t h epic grandeur.4 T h e leaders are not m e r e l y generals but 'chieftains of t h e Persians, k i n g s subject to t h e G r e a t K i n g ' (23-4), r u l e r s (36-7), a n d ' c a p t a i n k i n g s ' (44). T h e epic effect s u g g e s t s t h e t h e m e o f a ' N e w T r o j a n W a r ' , w h i c h reflects u p o n Greeks 40

2. Fear p r i m a r i l y t h r o u g h the Persians, w h o are depicted i n H o m e r i c terms. T h e chorus lists five peoples o f t h e empire: Persians (21-32), E g y p t i a n s (33-9), L y d i a n s (41-8), M y s i a n s (49-52), a n d Babylon i a n s (52-5), adding the 'dagger-wielding people o f a l l A s i a ' (56-9).5 T h e Greeks of W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a are included under the L y d i a n s (42). A p a r t f r o m the Persians, t h i s list o m i t s f i g h t i n g peoples o f t h e e m p i r e - Medes, Sacae, Bactrians, a n d I n d i a n s (Herodotus 8.113). I t is a s m a l l selection: H e r o d o t u s lists 46 i n v a d i n g p e o p l e s a m o n g X e r x e s ' l a n d f o r c e s a l o n e ( 7 . 6 1 - 8 0 ; cf. 9.27.5). I n c l u d i n g these p a r t i c u l a r peoples underscores t h e P e r s i a n confusion of w e a l t h and military power. T h e chorus touts a 'crowd o f delicate-living L y d i a n s ' (41), t h e first people to coin a n d use m o n e y a n d to engage i n r e t a i l trade; the Greeks considered t h i s l i f e s t y l e 'soft'.6 T h e chorus' depiction o f M y s i a n s ' r u s h i n g to p u t t h e y o k e o f slavery o n Hellas' (49-52) is n e a r l y absurd: the M y s i a n s w e r e not a w a r l i k e people.7 Indeed, the chorus lists peoples w h o paid t h e largest tributes, n o t those w h o contributed t h e m o s t effective soldiers.8 B a b y l o n a n d A s s y r i a t o g e t h e r p a i d 1,000 t a l e n t s a n d 5 0 0 c a s t r a t e d boys ( H e r o d o t u s 3.92.1). E g y p t w a s i n a group t h a t paid 700 talents i n a d d i t i o n to g r a i n a n d revenue f r o m fish (3.91.2-3). L y d i a a n d M y s i a w e r e i n a district t h a t paid 500 talents (3.90.1). T h e chorus exhibits the conflation of quantity and quality at the heart of tribute-collecting imperialism.9 T h e relationship between imperial power a n d p a y i n g subjects is m u t u a l l y e n e r v a t i n g . H e r o d o t u s conc l u d e s h i s Histories w i t h a p a r a b l e a b o u t t h e t e n d e n c y o f e m p i r e t o w e a k e n i t s p r a c t i t i o n e r s as t h e y adopt t h e l u x u r i o u s c u l t u r e s of t h e peoples t h e y conquer (9.122). T h e catalogue is a dramatic fiction. T h e c o m m a n d e r s the chorus assigns to a contingent did not actually lead it. O n l y five n a m e s i n the catalogue - A r t a p h r e n e s (21), Megabates (22), A r t e m b a r e s (30), A r s a m e s (36), a n d A r i o m a r d u s (37) - are b o r n e by k n o w n P e r s i a n s a n d k i n d r e d peoples; A r t e m b a r e s a n d Megabates were not involved i n this invasion. Since transliteration from Persian into Greek was highly variable, other names m a y be a p p r o x i m a t i o n s . 1 0 Herodotus lists M a r d o n i u s and five other commanders of the 41

Aeschylus:

Persians

l a n d forces. T h e s e i n c l u d e X e r x e s ' cousins, T r i t a n t a e c h m e s a n d Smerdomenes, a n d his full brother Masistes (7.82, 121.2). A n other o fXerxes' full brothers, Achaemenes, h i s half-brother Ariabignes, w h o died a t S a l a m i s (8.89.1), a n d his second cousin, Megabazus son of Megabates, were among the commanders of t h e f l e e t ( 7 . 9 7 , 2 3 6 . 1 ) . T h e Persians n a m e s n o n e o f t h e s e m e n . The play shows n oawareness that Xerxes' k i n comprised the m i l i t a r y c o m m a n d o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e . T h e Persians f o c u s e s on the triangle of father, mother, and son. T h e play presents Xerxes as a son and king, eliding his other k i n relationships, including his marriage.11 Xerxes 'empties' A s i a of its men, mobilizing his entire empire a n d losing i t i n defeat. T h e e m o t i o n a l correlate to Asia's e m p t i ness i sanxiety a n d longing for 'the flower' a n d 'youth' of m e n — i n t h e l a n d itself (61-2), a m o n g w i v e s a n d parents (62-3, 132-9, 5 4 1 - 5 ; cf. 5 7 9 - 8 3 ) , t h e c i t y ( 5 1 1 - 1 2 ) , a n d f i n a l l y , b e t w e e n X e r x e s and the chorus (955-1001). T h e chorus ends the catalogue o n this ominous note. 'The wave of the sea is invincible': hybris and ate The chorus concludes its procession i n t o a n d a r o u n d t h e orchest r a a n d b e g i n s t o s i n g i n I o n i c a minore m e t r e - t h e c a d e n c e o f the P e r s i a n voice i n t h eplay.12 I n t h e anapaestic prelude, M y s i a n s r u s h e d 'to p u t t h e y o k e o f slavery o n Greece' (50). T h e elders n o w describe h o w t h e ' r o y a l city-sacking a r m y ' crossed into Europe over the Hellespont, 'putting a yoke on the neck of t h e sea' (72). T h e y depict X e r x e s ' a r m y a s a n i n v i n c i b l e force: a 'divine flock' (75), a 'great s t r e a m o f m e n ' w h i c h 'no one has t h e courage t o keep o u t w i t h s t r o n g defences' (87-9). I n short, t h e chorus boasts, 'the a r m y o f t h e Persians i s irresistible a n d its people i s valorous a t heart' (91-2). E n e r g i z e d b y m u s i c a n d d a n c e , t h e c h o r u s s i n g s o f t h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m hybris, t h e a r r o g a n c e o f i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y , t o ate, d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n , a s i t n a r rates t h e Persian army's passage from A s i a t o Europe.13 T o e n s l a v e f r e e p e o p l e s a n d s a c k t h e i r c i t i e s i s hybris; t o e n s l a v e t h e s e a , d i v i n i t y e m b o d i e d i n n a t u r e , i s ate. X e r x e s i s t h e focal point o f t h e song. T h e 'impetuous 42

2. Fear (thourios) l e a d e r o f p o p u l o u s A s i a ' ( 7 3 ; cf. 7 1 8 , 7 5 4 ) , h e b e a r s a H o m e r i c e p i t h e t o f A r e s (Iliad 5 . 3 0 , 3 5 , 3 5 5 ) . H i s y o u t h f u l , r a s h , a n d v i o l e n t s p i r i t does n o t so m u c h d e s i r e b a t t l e as t o t e r r i f y t h e Greeks i n t o submission. A 'godlike m a n o f a race b o r n f r o m gold' (79-80), X e r x e s i s also a n e a r t h b o r n monster, a chaotic r i v a l to t h e gods o f t h e sky. L i k e T y p h o , w h o h a s a h u n d r e d snakeheads, Xerxes has the d a r k l y evil look of a 'murderous snake' and ' m a n y hands and m a n y sailors' (81-3).14 H e personifies his a r m y a s a chaotic force s e e k i n g to enslave Greece, ' y o k i n g ' t h e Hellespont and the continents it divides under his rule. Xerxes appears 'driving a n A s s y r i a n chariot' (84). A prophecy which Herodotus reports the Delphic Oracle delivered t o the A t h e n i a n s contains a version of this phrase. Apollo w a r n e d the A t h e n i a n s t o 'flee t o t h e e n d s o f t h e e a r t h ' i n t h e face o f X e r x e s ' invasion, for 'Fire and sharp Ares w i l l bring i t down, d r i v i n g a n A s s y r i a n - m a d e c h a r i o t ' ( 7 . 1 4 0 . 2 ) . T h e Persians' u s e o f t h e phrase 'driving a n A s s y r i a n chariot' suggests t h a t this prophecy circulated sometime between 481/80, its date i n Herodotus, and 473/72.15 'They learned to look to the sea' T h e elders are supremely confident about P e r s i a n l a n d power. T h e y describe Persia's i n v i n c i b i l i t y i n w a r s t h a t destroy city walls, feature cavalry battles, and drive populations from their homes as a n ancient, divine dispensation (102-7). T h e y fear t h a t X e r x e s ' n a v a l a m b i t i o n s d e v i a t e f r o m t h i s t r a d i t i o n (108¬ 13) a n d sense t h a t X e r x e s ' desire t o c o n t r o l t h e sea c o u l d b e a d i v i n e t r a p . 1 6 T h e ' c u n n i n g - m i n d e d deceit o f god' t e m p t s m o r t a l s t o t h e i r r u i n ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 ) . 1 7 T h e p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f t h i s deceit, Ate, i s l i k e a h u n t i n g d o g , e n t i c i n g m o r t a l s i n t o h e r c o r d o n e d - o f f zone a n d t h e n trapping t h e m i n inescapable nets. T h e k e y w o r d o f t h i s epode i s ' m o r t a l ' (94, 99, 100). W h e t h e r X e r x e s is a god, godlike, or m o r t a l is a c e n t r a l a m b i g u i t y o f t h e p a r o d o s . T h e c h o r u s h o p e s t h a t t h e a n c i e n t ' d i v i n i t y ' (daimon) overseeing Persia's success i n b a t t l e h o l d s f i r m , a n d t h a t X e r x e s can prove his godhood t h r o u g h conquest (155-8). T h i s hope i s p a r t a n d p a r c e l o f t h e hybris a n d ate t h a t a f f l i c t n o t o n l y X e r x e s , b u t a l l Persia: t h e delusion t h a t t h e k i n g is 'divine'. T h e chorus 43

Aeschylus: Persians is t o r n b e t w e e n P e r s i a n conventions a n d a n x i e t y t h a t t h e k i n g is, after a l l , a m e r e m o r t a l . T h e elders' language betrays t h e m . X e r x e s y o k e d the neck o f t h e s e a (65-72), b u t r e f e r r i n g t o Persia's m i l i t a r y force, t h e chorus declares 'the w a v e o fthe sea i s invincible' (90). T h e moral/religious t r u t h o f the song a n d of the d r a m a slips t h r o u g h the water imagery used to express Persian military supremacy: the seais n oman's slave.18 I n the naval battle a t Salamis, the 'stream' o f t h e Persian navy a t first withstands t h e Greek attack, but t h e n overwhelms itself i n the narrows around the island (412-16) and 'a great sea of woes' breaks over the Persians a n d b a r b a r i a n race (433-4). A similar, t h o u g h m o r e gruesome, i n v e r s i o n takes place w i t h t h e idea o f n u m e r i c a l superiority. T h e p a r o d o s a r o u s e s m e m o r i e s o f a pathos t h a t i s p a r a l l e l t o the o n e unfolding i n t h e drama: t h e evacuation a n dsack of Athens. T h e chorus' description of the 'city-sacking a r m y of the king' (65-6), its depiction o f X e r x e s 'driving a n A s s y r i a n chariot' (84), i t s p o r t r a y a l o f t h e P e r s i a n a r m y as a unstoppable force (87-92), a n d its a f f i r m a t i o n o f Persia's divine dispensation t o penetrate city w a l l s a n d 'drive out cities' (102-7) m a y seem t o be boasts, b u t t h e y w e r e r e a l i z e d i n X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , a n d a r e calculated to revive the audience's emotions of t h a t experience. A l t h o u g h t h e Persians f o c u s e s o n ' s o m e o n e e l s e ' s s u f f e r i n g ' , t h e p l a y does n o t e n t i r e l y forget A t h e n s ' ' o w n suffering'. Moreover, t h e parodos frames t h e antithesis between t h e Persian past a n d present, n a t u r a l a n d learned behaviour, l a n d and naval power, i n a w a y that resonates w i t h A t h e n i a n hist o r y . 1 9 A t h e n s became a n a v a l p o w e r o n l y i n t h e decade before t h e p l a y . F o r T h u c y d i d e s , t h e A t h e n i a n s b e c a m e a ' n a v a l people' i n response t o X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n (1.18.2). H e r o d o t u s pushes the t i m e back slightly i nthe 480s, w h e n A t h e n s a n d A e g i n a w e r e a t w a r (7.144.2). After t w o generations of A t h e n i a n n a v a l supremacy, t h e Syracusan Hermocrates roused h i s m e n t o b a t t l e i n 4 1 3 b y a s s e r t i n g t h a t A t h e n i a n c o n t r o l o f t h e sea w a s neither 'ancestral' n o r 'timeless'. T h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e more land-lubbers t h a n the Syracusans: 'they w e r e forced to become a n a v a l people by t h e Medes' (Thucydides 7.21.3).20

44

2. Fear 'My heart is torn with fear': the harvest of tears Shifting to lyric trochaic metre (lecythia), the chorus returns to the keynote of fear (114-19),21 i m a g i n i n g that the w o m e n of S u s a w i l l l a m e n t i n a c i t y ' e m p t i e d o f m e n ' (kenandron, 1 1 9 ) a n d t h a t t h e w o m e n o f C i s s i a w i l l s h o u t oa!, a P e r s i a n e x c l a m a t i o n of woe, a n d t e a r t h e i r l i n e n robes i n response (120-5). T h e elders raise the audience's expectation t h a t choruses of w o m e n m a y perform laments i n the drama, an expectation aroused perhaps b y t h e c h o r u s e s ( o r s e m i - c h o r u s e s ) o f t h e Phoenician Women. But t h e elders themselves p e r f o r m a series o f l a m e n t s : i n t a n d e m w i t h a s p e a k i n g actor (256-89), solo (548-83), a n d i n concert w i t h a s i n g i n g actor, X e r x e s (932-1077). T h e chorus d e s c r i b e s w o m e n ' s l a m e n t s ( 1 3 3 - 9 , 5 3 7 - 4 5 ) , b u t i t w i l l s h o u t oa\ a n d other exclamations of grief (570, 573, 578, 581). T h e chorus' description o f its fear, ' m y h e a r t w e a r i n g a black tunic, is t o r n w i t h fear' (114-15) introduces t h e focal v e r b a l a n d v i s u a l i m a g e o f t h e d r a m a - t h e t e a r i n g o f clothes i n grief, sorrow, and shame.22 T h e image originates i n the chorus' heart as a seal o f s i n c e r i t y , a n i n t e r i o r s e n s a t i o n w h i c h t h e d r a m a w i l l g r a d u a l l y externalize a s a grievous spectacle for t h e audience t o w i t n e s s . T h e G r e e k w o r d ' t u n i c ' (chiton) w a s a l o a n - w o r d from Phoenicia. The Greeks borrowed other words meaning 'linen' from the East. L i n e n i s the m a t e r i a l of Xerxes' bridge cables, t h e chest p r o t e c t i o n o f e a s t e r n w a r r i o r s , ships' sails a n d tackle, robes, veils, a n d t h e I o n i a n t u n i c . 2 3 L i n e n cables h o l d t h e h u l l o f a t r i r e m e together like a 'girdle'.24 L i n e n is t h e fabric t h a t is t o r n i n t h i s p l a y a b o u t t h e s h a t t e r i n g o f a f l e e t , t h e h a c k i n g t o pieces o f m e n , a n d t h e s e l f - m u t i l a t i n g l a m e n t i t causes i n Persia. The final strophic/antistrophic pair, sung i n the play's m e t r e of l a m e n t , lyric iambic, s u m m a r i z e s the parodos. I t establishes an inverse relationship between Xerxes' 'yoking' of A s i a and E u r o p e to p u t the 'yoke o f slavery' o n Greece a n d the m a r r i a g e 'yoke'.25 T h e bridges enabled Xerxes t o 'empty Asia', leading soldiers a n d h o r s e m e n i n t o b a t t l e 'like a s w a r m o f bees' (126-9). I n response to t h e emptiness, P e r s i a n w i v e s 'fill t h e i r beds w i t h t e a r s ' ( 1 3 3 - 4 ) , a n d ' e a c h a n d e v e r y P e r s i a n w o m a n ... i s l e f t yoked alone w i t h longing for her husband' (135-9). T h e Queen's 45

Aeschylus: Persians dream will play o nt h eyokes o fempire a n dmarriage. T h e i m a g e o f t h e y o k e f i g u r e s t h e hybris a n d ate o f i m p e r i a l i s m . I t represents the desire t oenslave a n d exploit t h r o u g h conquest which transgresses fundamental boundaries. T h e shattering of t h i s y o k e d e s t r o y s t h e m a n p o w e r o f A s i a , i t s hebe ( V i t a l y o u t h ' ) , the capacity of Persia to reproduce itself t h r o u g h marriage and i n h e r i t a n c e , a n d P e r s i a ' s ' h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y ' (olbos), c a u s ing insatiable l a m e n t i n Persia. H y b r i s , ate, lament T h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e p a r o d o s i s t h a t o f t h e t r a g e d y : hybris ( 6 5 - 1 0 7 ) , ate ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 , 1 0 8 - 1 3 ) , a n d l a m e n t ( 1 1 4 - 2 5 ) . S p e l l b o u n d by t h e g l e a m o f gold, t h e fearsome appearance o f m e n a n d materiel, a n d the 'divinity' of t h e i r k i n g , the elders h y m n the hybris o f P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m . 2 6 T h e y d o n o t u s e t h e w o r d hybris - l i k e a n o t h e r k e y i d e a o f t h e p l a y , f r e e d o m (eleutheria), w h o s e r o o t a p p e a r s o n l y t h r e e t i m e s ( t w i c e a t 4 0 3 , 5 9 3 ) , hybris occurs j u s t t w i c e i n t h e play (808, 821). T h e elders a r e n o t conscious o f t h e i r s t a t e o f m i n d a n d do n o t see t h e i n v a s i o n a s hybris; r a t h e r , t h e y i n t u i t i v e l y g r a s p t h a t t h e i n v a s i o n e n t a i l s ate ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 ) , w h i c h i m p l i e s hybris. T h e e l d e r s r e c r e a t e t h e i n v a s i o n a s a spectacle o f i n v i n c i b i l i t y t o alleviate t h e i r fear, singing and dancing the sequence of action by w h i c h a n empire strives b e y o n d its l i m i t s a n d l a m e n t s its losses.27 D a r i u s w i l l m a k e this p a t t e r n explicit (821-2). P r i o r to this, the d r a m a presents i t as a recurrent pattern for the audience to contemplate. The parodos establishes the t e r m s for the reversal of Persia's i m p e r i a l i s m . Countless n u m b e r s o f sailors, ships, chariots, horsemen, and archers w i l l be reduced to nothing; their pains a n d corpses w i l l defy c o u n t i n g (429-32). R a t h e r t h a n i n s p i r e f e a r (27, 4 8 ) , t h e y w i l l e x p e r i e n c e i t i n t h e face of t h e G r e e k fleet (386-93). T h e Persians, ' a n invincible w a v e o f the sea' w i l l become sea-tossed corpses c r a s h i n g a g a i n s t t h e shores o f Sala¬ mis (274-7, 302-30, 419-21, 962-6, 974-7). T h e i r a r m a d a w i l l become f r a g m e n t s o f w o o d , used t o club a n d slice t h e m l i k e f i s h (408-28). T h e i r chieftain-kings a n d captain-kings (23-4, 44) w i l l be b u t c h e r e d l i k e m e a t (441-64). W e a l t h e x p e n d e d t o e n s l a v e the Hellespont a n d Greece w i l l destroy Persia's happiness i n 46

2. Fear prosperity (249-52) and purchase the l u x u r i a n t l a m e n t of Pers i a n w i v e s ( 5 3 7 - 4 5 ) . T h e y o k e w i l l be s h a t t e r e d ; t h e e m p i r e w i l l crumble (181-99, 584-94, 852-907). A n d finally, 'the godlike m a n o f a race b o r n f r o m gold' a n d shepherd o f 'a d i v i n e herd', Xerxes, w i l l appear i n rags as a fallen m o r t a l t o re-enact and b e w a i l his disaster (73-80, 181-99, 832-51, 908-1037). 'At the tomb of Darius'? The elders r e t u r n t oreciting anapaests, e x h o r t i n g themselves to consider t h e progress o f t h e w a r ' s i t t i n g a t / i n t h i s a n c i e n t b u i l d i n g ' ( 1 4 0 - 3 ) . T h e w o r d t r a n s l a t e d ' b u i l d i n g ' (stegos) i s a m biguous: it could m e a n a roofed structure or a containing vessel s u c h a s a n u r n o r a t o m b . T h e Hypothesis t o t h e Persians s e t s the play a t Darius' tomb. T h e most economical hypothesis concerning the play's setting integrates this roofed structure a n d D a r i u s ' tomb, m a k i n g i t either adjacent t o o r coextensive w i t h it.28 T h e difficult problem i s w h e t h e r the t o m b and t h e stegos a r e t h e s a m e s t r u c t u r e . 2 9 S o m e b e l i e v e t h e e p i t h e t ' a n c i e n t ' (archaion) a p p l i e d t o t h e stegos c a n n o t a p p l y t o D a r i u s ' t o m b , since he died i n 486, six years before t h e d r a m a t i c date o f the play (but f o u r t e e n years before its performance).30 I f the c h o r u s ' f e a r o f D a r i u s c a n b e ' o l d ' (archaios, 6 9 4 - 6 ) a n d ' a n c i e n t ' (palaion, 7 0 3 ) , h o w e v e r , t h e n p e r h a p s a n y t h i n g a s s o c i a t e d w i t h h i m m i g h t b e considered 'old', o r 'reverend'. D a r i u s i s t h e 'anc i e n t r u l e r ' ( 6 5 7 - 8 ; cf. 8 5 6 ) e v e n t h o u g h , f r o m t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f t h e p l a y , h i s r u l e e n d e d o n l y s i x y e a r s a g o . T h e e p i t h e t archaios need not r u l e out a reference t o D a r i u s ' tomb. T h e simplest s o l u t i o n i s t o p o s i t a t e m p o r a r y w o o d e n s t r u c t u r e (skene) a s a combined tomb/council chamber. I t r e m a i n s possible t h a t t h e skene r e p r e s e n t s a c o u n c i l c h a m b e r a n d D a r i u s ' t o m b i s a s e p a r a t e f e a t u r e o f t h e s t a g e s p a c e , t h o u g h a s w e s h a l l see, t h i s c o m p l i c a t e s t h e s t a g i n g o f D a r i u s ' a r r i v a l . O n e t h i n g i s c e r t a i n : t h e skene d o e s n o t r e p r e s e n t t h e r o y a l p a l a c e , a s i t d o e s i t i n t h e Agamemnon a n d Libation Bearers.31 T h e p a l a c e i s o f f s t a g e i n t h e Persians ( 1 5 9 - 6 0 , 228-30, 524-31, 832-4, 849-50, 1038, 1068, 1076-7). O t h e r s t h i n k t h a t t h e stegos i s a n i m a g i n e d c o u n c i l c h a m ber.32 T h e chorus' reference t o 'this ancient building' cues the audience t o i m a g i n e its existence; i t i s not physically present. 47

Aeschylus: Persians M o r e o v e r , t h e a r g u m e n t goes, t h e t h e a t r e h a d n o t e m p o r a r y w o o d e n b u i l d i n g (skene) t o f u n c t i o n a s a b a c k d r o p t o t h e a c t i n g s p a c e u n t i l A e s c h y l u s ' Oresteia o f 4 5 8 . 3 3 B u t w h y w o u l d t h e c h o r u s s a y ' s i t t i n g i n / a t t h i s (tod) a n c i e n t b u i l d i n g ' u n l e s s a b u i l d i n g w e r e there?34 'Let u s t a k e good a n d deep-counselling t h o u g h t ' (141-3) suffices t o convey t h e i n t e n t i o n t o deliberate. A s i t is, t h e chorus' w o r d s o n l y indicate a n i n t e n t i o n to sit a n d deliberate. T h e y do n o t e n t e r t h e b u i l d i n g t o sit i n council; t h e Queen's entrance interrupts t h e m . T h e council chamber/tomb r e m a i n s before the eyes of the audience t h r o u g h o u t t h e play: t h i s is w h e r e a l l t h e stage action t a k e s place. T h e r e i s n o need t o posit changes o f scene i n t h e Persians, a s a c t u a l l y h a p p e n s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, w h e r e t h e scene changes f r o m t h e Delphic Oracle t o t h e A t h e n i a n Acropolis and Areopagus a t the base of the Acropolis.35 The bow and the spear: a clash of cultures T h e elders w a n t to consider the question 'whether the d r a w o f the bow i s the w i n n e r o rthe m i g h t of spear-tipped lance has w o n ' (147-9). Since they have no i n f o r m a t i o n for such a council, some have viewed this motivation as a result of Aeschylus' i m i t a t i o n o f t h e Phoenician Women, w h i c h o p e n e d w i t h a c o u n cil scene.36 Aeschylus alludes t o P h r y n i c h u s ' d r a m a ; b u t h e m a k e s s o m e t h i n g different o f t h e council scene. T h e elders deliberate a t the w r o n g time; the Queen's entrance interrupts t h e m before t h e y begin. S u c h m i s t i m i n g is characteristic o f the Persians' s t a g i n g . M o r e o v e r , t h e c h o r u s e x p e c t s a c o n f r o n t a t i o n of l a n d forces - b o w a n d spear - b u t a n a v a l b a t t l e is decisive. T h r o u g h o u t t h e parodos, t h e chorus stressed Persia's bowm e n (26, 30, 55, 85-6). T h e spear a n d t h e bow are m e t o n y m s w h i c h simplify the national characters of Greeks and barbarians. T h e y symbolize t h e q u a l i t y a n d courage o f free m e n a n d t h e q u a n t i t y a n d c o w a r d i c e o f P e r s i a n s u b j e c t s (cf. H e r o d o t u s 7.226). A r c h e r s fight f r o m afar, h e s i t a n t t o r i s k t h e i r lives i n battle, b u t eager to kill. T h i s defines the G r e e k v i e w o f barbarian warfare; Salamis and Psyttalia will exemplify it. Greek h o p l i t e s , b y c o n t r a s t , f i g h t face-to-face, p r o t e c t e d b y b r o n z e a r m o u r . 3 7 T h e y value their persons - w h i c h are their o w n and 48

2. Fear not a master's - b u t r i s k t h e i r lives as the price of inflicting death. W h e n h e brings n e w s of the disaster, the messenger declares ' m a n y missiles a l l m i x e d together came futilely f r o m A s i a to t h e l a n d o f Zeus, t h e l a n d o f Greece' (268-71). T h e y w e r e u s e l e s s i n t h e n a v a l b a t t l e ( 2 7 8 - 9 ) . I n t h e kommos, X e r x e s exhibits his nearly empty quiver: multitudes of arrows, men, and m o n e y are ineffective against valorous Greeks (1019-25). T h i s a n t i t h e s i s does n o t t e l l t h e full story. A t h e n i a n s w i e l d the bow a t Psyttalia (459-61); the M y s i a n leaders T h a r y b i s and M a r d o n a r e ' a n v i l s o f t h e s p e a r ' ( 5 1 - 2 ; cf. 3 2 0 - 1 ) . D a r i u s 'acq u i r e d great w e a l t h for his c h i l d r e n w i t h the point o f a spear' (754-5).38 Dadaces falls from his ship under the blow of a spear ( 3 0 4 - 5 ) , b u t t h e c o n s p i c u o u s s p e a r i n t h e Persians i s t h a t o f S p a r t a n hoplites - the ' D o r i a n spear' - w h i c h l u r k s m e n a c i n g l y i n the future of the d r a m a (816-17). T h e bow and the spear symbolize a c u l t u r a l difference between Greeks a n d Persians. 'A light like the eyes of the gods': conquest, wealth and olbos The Queen's entrance sets a p a t t e r n for the play's stage action. E a c h e n t r y i n t e r r u p t s a n action, defers a n exit, o r displaces a n o t h e r e n t r y . 3 9 T h e m i s t i m i n g o f t h e play's staging is symptom a t i c o f Persia's m i s f o r t u n e . T h e P e r s i a n s are u n a b l e t o act a t t h e r i g h t t i m e o r i n the r i g h t measure. I n H o m e r , effective performance i n the proper sequence and a t the appropriate t i m e i s t e r m e d ' i n o r d e r ' (kata kosmon).40 T h e s t a g i n g o f t h e p l a y v i s u a l i z e s t h e P e r s i a n f a i l u r e t o a c t kata kosmon. T h e c o n c e p t becomes i n c r e a s i n g l y i m p o r t a n t a s t h e P e r s i a n forces d i s p l a y g o o d o r d e r (kosmos) a t t h e w r o n g t i m e a n d d i s s o l v e i n t o d i s o r d e r l y (akosmos) flight i n t h e h e a t o f b a t t l e ( 3 7 4 , 4 2 2 , 4 7 0 , 4 8 1 ) . The play will pivot on an attempt to provide Xerxes w i t h a new r o y a l r o b e (kosmos, 8 3 3 , 8 4 9 ) t o r e p l a c e s y m b o l i c a l l y t h e l o s s o f h i s ' a r r a y (kosmos) o f m e n ' a n d e m p i r e ( 9 2 0 ) . T h e n a r r a t i v e a n d s t a g i n g o f t h e p l a y t r e a t t h e l a c k o f kosmos i n t h e f u l l s e n s e o f the w o r d as endemic to the Persians. The Queen enters o n a chariot, a visible correlate t o t h e verbal image o f X e r x e s o n a n A s s y r i a n chariot (81-6). ' A light e q u a l t o t h e eyes o f t h e gods' (150), she a r r i v e s f r o m h e r palace, 49

Aeschylus: Persians 'furnished i n gold' (159). Xerxes, by contrast, has the d a r k look of a snake o n his chariot (81-2). I ti s difficult t otell w h e n she began t o enter.41 S h e is a w a r e t h a t t h e chorus sang ' m y h e a r t is t o r n w i t h fear' (160; 114-15), a n d m a y be v i s i b l e t o t h e audience a t t h i s p o i n t . I n a n i d e a l s t a g i n g , t h e a u d i e n c e w o u l d see h e r chariot a s t h e chorus describes X e r x e s o n h i s chariot. A n 'ornam e n t o f s u p e r - r i c h l u x u r y ' ( [ A e s c h y l u s ] Prometheus Bound 4 6 5 - 6 ) , t h e c h a r i o t i s a s y m b o l o f hybris - m i l i t a r y p o s t u r i n g w h i c h threatens conquest a n d t h e dispossession o fthe v a n q u i s h e d ( 4 1 - 8 , 8 1 - 1 0 7 , 1 8 1 - 9 9 ; c f . A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 750-974). I t represents v i s u a l l y t h e t h e m e o f t h i s scene: t h e expenditure of w e a l t h t o achieve conquest as a condition for ' h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y ' (olbos). T h e p a r o d o s a n d t h i s s c e n e j u x t a p o s e t w o sides o f P e r s i a n c u l t u r e : v i o l e n t acts o f enslavem e n t a n dcity-sacking and bedazzled servitude t o t h e royal oikos. T h e elders state t h e i r i n t e n t i o n t o b o w i n obeisance a n d address the Q u e e n i n a f o r m a l greeting (151-4). F o r the Greeks, proskynesis, a P e r s i a n s o c i a l r i t u a l b y w h i c h i n f e r i o r s b o w f r o m t h e i r k n e e s t o greet s u p e r i o r s , d e f i n e d P e r s i a a s a s l a v e society.42 Since all mortals were inferior t o t h e Persian king, proskynesis w a s r e q u i r e d i n h i s p r e s e n c e ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 3 6 . 1 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 2 7 ) . T h e G r e e k s r e s e r v e d t h i s gesture for gods - hence t h e i r belief t h a t t h e P e r s i a n k i n g w a s considered divine.43 Greeting the Queen as wife and m o t h e r of a god - u n l e s s X e r x e s fails - t h e c h o r u s sees t h e i n v a s i o n a s a t e s t o f X e r x e s ' d i v i n i t y ( 1 5 5 - 8 ) . T h e Persians p o s i t i o n s X e r x e s a t three thresholds: a y o u t h on the verge of manhood, a son trying to emulate and avenge his father, and a m o r t a l seeking divinity. T h e chorus addresses t h e Q u e e n i n trochaic tetrameters. A r i s t o t l e describes t h i s m e t r e a s characteristic o f p r i m i t i v e drama, whose poetry w a s m o r e danceable a n d suitable to satyrp l a y (Poetics 1 4 4 9 a 2 1 - 2 3 ) . 4 4 I t s u s e h e r e i n d i c a t e s e m o t i o n a l excitement as t h e chorus bows before t h e Queen. T h e Q u e e n responds i n the same metre to indicate her e m o t i o n a l distress (her language is barely coherent). She establishes s y m p a t h y w i t h the chorus (161). T h e chorus depicted Xerxes' i n v a s i o n f r o m m u l t i p l e perspectives - t h e P e r s i a n t r a d i t i o n o f l a n d conquest, t h e w i v e s a n d m o t h e r s o f P e r s i a n soldiers, t h e e a r t h o f 50

2. Fear A s i a , t h e cosmos i n w h i c h gods m a i n t a i n s u p r e m a c y over m o r t a l s t h r o u g h deceit. T h e Q u e e n offers a single perspective, t h a t o f t h e r o y a l oikos.45 T h e Q u e e n expresses h e r fear as a proverb 'that "great W e a l t h (Ploutos) l i f t i n g a c l o u d o f d u s t f r o m t h e g r o u n d , o v e r t u r n w i t h i t s f o o t t h e p r o s p e r o u s h a p p i n e s s " (olbos) D a r i u s w o n n o t w i t h o u t o n e o f t h e gods' (161-4). T h i s p r o v e r b i s n o t o t h e r w i s e attested a n d its m e a n i n g is debated.46 I t s obscurity arises f r o m a m i x t u r e of metaphors: W e a l t h is a n a r m y raising a cloud o f d u s t a n d a f i g u r e w h i c h o v e r t u r n s olbos ' w i t h i t s f o o t ' . 4 7 G r o e n e b o o m s u g g e s t s t h a t Ploutos i s a h o r s e d r i v i n g a c h a r i o t c o n t a i n i n g olbos, w h i c h i s o v e r t u r n e d . 4 8 T h i s f i t s t h e v i s u a l m e a n i n g o f t h e c h a r i o t o n t h e stage. T h o u g h i t can b e specifically connected to h o r s e m e n a n d chariots, a cloud o f dust is a n index o f a n a r m y o n t h e move, as s m o k e is a n index of fire.49 T h e Q u e e n fears t h a t Xerxes' expenditure of w e a l t h i n a failed bid t o c o n q u e r G r e e c e w i l l s u b v e r t t h e olbos D a r i u s a c q u i r e d b y divine favour. Olbos i s a c e n t r a l c o n c e p t o f t h e Persians. T h e t r a g e d y d r a m a t i z e s P e r s i a ' s l o s s o f olbos i n a f a i l e d i n v a s i o n . Olbos i s a q u a l i t y o f ploutos c o n n o t i n g h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y , d i v i n e favour, good fortune, good repute, a n d the capacity to t r a n s m i t t h e s e t o t h e n e x t g e n e r a t i o n . I n H o m e r ploutos a n d olbos a r e s o m e t i m e s p a i r e d , b u t olbos a p p e a r s i n c o n t e x t s i n w h i c h a w e a l t h y m a n w i n s h o n o u r f r o m h i s people, m a k e s a good m a r riage, h a s f i n e sons, a n d p e r p e t u a t e s h i s legacy.50 Olbos i s n o t o r i o u s l y i m p e r m a n e n t . O n e w a y o f d e a l i n g w i t h its i n s t a b i l i t y i sto c l a i m t h a t i t bears no r e l a t i o n to a person's m o r a l w o r t h : ' Z e u s g i v e s olbos t o m o r t a l s , b o t h t o t h e g o o d a n d t o t h e b a d , h o w e v e r h e w i s h e s t o e a c h ' (Odyssey 6 . 1 8 6 - 9 ) . 5 1 A n o t h e r i s t o seek m o r a l - r e l i g i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n s for i t s possess i o n o r l a c k ( H e s i o d Works and Days 2 8 0 - 5 ) . 5 2 T h a t olbos i s a p e r m a n e n t a t t r i b u t e o f t h e dead is a c e n t r a l tenet o f t h e Eleusi n i a n M y s t e r i e s ( H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 2 ) . I n h i s confrontation o f S o l o n a n d Croesus, H e r o d o t u s depicts t h i s idea a s e s s e n t i a l t o t h e i d e o l o g y o f t h e G r e e k polis i n c o n t r a s t t o t h a t o f e a s t e r n d e s p o t i s m , w h i c h c o n f l a t e s olbos w i t h s u c h t e m p o r a r y goods a s w e a l t h a n d p o w e r (1.30-3).53 T h e Q u e e n is i n a double bind. She realizes t h a t ' w h e n w e a l t h 51

Aeschylus: Persians l a c k s m a n h o o d (anandron)' i t f a i l s t o c o m m a n d t h e m a s s e s ' f e a r a n d respect; i t i s not h o n o u r a b l e (166).54 T h e Q u e e n reveals later i n the d r a m a t h a t X e r x e s invaded Greece for this reason. He endured taunts that Darius' conquests provided w e a l t h for h i s c h i l d r e n , b u t t h a t h e f a i l e d t o a d d t o h i s p a t e r n a l olbos b e c a u s e o f l a c k o f m a n l i n e s s ' (anandria, 7 5 3 - 8 ) . A t t h e s a m e t i m e , she understands t h a t i t is impossible to realize social a n d political power w i t h o u t a sufficient q u a n t i t y o f w e a l t h : 'for those w h o lack w e a l t h t h e l i g h t does n o t s h i n e to t h e e x t e n t o f t h e i r strength' (167). Xerxes' chariot a n d serpentine gaze a n d the Queen's chariot and divine radiance converge a tthis point. T h e y are t h e o r i g i n a n d final product of a process o f conquest, dispossession of others' w e a l t h , a n d l e g i t i m a t i o n o f t h a t w e a l t h a s p o w e r a n d b l e s s e d n e s s (olbos).55 W e a l t h d e r i v e d f r o m c o n q u e s t h a s t h e ' h o n o u r ' (time) r e q u i r e d f o r i t s r e a l i z a t i o n a s socio-political power; but i t m u s t be reinvested t o r e n e w a n d e x t e n d t h a t p o w e r . C o n q u e s t , w e a l t h , a n d olbos f o r m a p o t e n t i a l l y endless cycle. T h e Q u e e n w o r r i e s t h a t X e r x e s ' defeat m a y end it. T h e r e a l object o f t h e Queen's fear i s t h e u n t i m e l y d e a t h o f h e r s o n , w h o m s h e c a l l s t h e 'eye', t h e s o u r c e o f h e r h o u s e h o l d ' s l i g h t a n d life, its best a n d m o s t v i t a l part, t h e m e t a p h o r i c a l root o r b u d f r o m w h i c h a f a m i l y r e p r o d u c e s i t s e l f . 5 6 T h e Persians treats X e r x e s as a y o u t h w i t h no children, t h e o n l y son of D a r i u s a n d t h e Q u e e n ( D a r i u s h a s o t h e r sons, p r e s u m a b l y b y o t h e r w o m e n , 717, 754). X e r x e s i s t h e 'eye o f t h e house', w h i c h t h e Q u e e n glosses a s 'the presence o f t h e master' (168-9).57 I f X e r x e s d i e s , t h e r o y a l oikos w i l l b e u n a b l e t o r e p l i c a t e i t s e l f . 5 8 T h e m a s t e r (despotes) w i l l b e a b s e n t ; t h e oikos w i l l b e b l i n d e d , f a l l into darkness, die.59 T h i s i sthe u l t i m a t e tragedy i n the Greek u n i v e r s e ; b u t i t w i l l n o t b e f a l l t h e P e r s i a n r o y a l oikos. T h e ' e y e ' of t h e h o u s e w i l l s u r v i v e , b u t o n l y a t t h e cost of X e r x e s ' 'eye', t h e b e s t a n d m o s t t r u s t e d s e g m e n t o f h i s k i n g d o m ( 4 4 1 - 4 , 955¬ 1001). T h a t t h e 'eye' o f t h e h o u s e i s i t s source o f l i g h t a n d life becomes clear after the messenger announces Xerxes' s u r v i v a l (299). T h e Q u e e n rejoices i n t h e n e w s a s a great 'light' a n d a 'bright day after a black night' for the r o y a l household (300-1). W h i l e t h e l i g h t o f t h e r o y a l oikos s h i n e s , ' m u r k y g r i e f ( 5 3 5 - 6 ) 52

2. Fear and a 'Stygian mist' (669-70) descend o n Persia. T h e light e m a n a t i n g f r o m the w e a l t h of the r o y a l house, personified by t h e 'eye o f t h e house', X e r x e s , i s t h e ' e v i l eye': t h e gaze t h a t causes blight, death, and barrenness.60 Xerxes' malevolent, dark-blue look (81-2) also emanates f r o m his 'dark-eyed ships' (559) - t h e h u l l s o f t r i r e m e s w e r e d e c o r a t e d w i t h m a r b l e circles, painted as eyes.61 B o t h w i l l be averted a t S a l a m i s b y G r e e k ships and by the light of the sun. T h e w h i t e horses carrying the c h a r i o t of t h e day i n t o t h e s k y w i l l s h i n e u p o n t h e G r e e k defence against Xerxes' A s s y r i a n chariot (386-7). The land of the Ionians Changing to iambic trimeter, the m a i n spoken metre of drama, t h e Q u e e n confides t h a t s h e h a s experienced m a n y d r e a m s 'from the t i m e m y son raised a n a r m y and departed, w a n t i n g to s a c k t h e l a n d o f t h e I o n i a n s ' ( 1 7 7 - 8 ) . T h e Persians e x p l o i t s i t s depiction of P e r s i a n speech to create solidarity a m o n g Ionians. N e a r E a s t e r n peoples called a l l Greeks 'Ionians'; Persians c a l l e d t h e m a n d t h e i r l a n d Yaund.62 B u t a c c u r a c y i s n o t t h e principle governing the use of ethnic t e r m s i n the drama. T h e P e r s i a n s c a l l t h e m s e l v e s , t h e i r l a n d , race, language, a n d a r m y 'barbarian(s)', the Greek w o r d for non-Greeks.63 Persians i n the play distinguish between I o n i a n and D o r i a n (183, 816), but sometimes fail t o distinguish themselves from the Medes, a different I r a n i a n people w i t h w h o m the Greeks conflated t h e m (236, 7 9 1 ) . 6 4 D a r i u s , a P e r s i a n , t r a c e s t h e o r i g i n s o f h i s k i n g s h i p to a n e p o n y m o u s ancestor o f t h e M e d e s , M e d u s (765). W h e n the Q u e e n refers t o t h e 'land o fthe Ionians', s h e speaks i n a n o n - G r e e k w a y ; b u t a reference to ethnic I o n i a n s is irrepressible.65 T h e lyrical portions of the play w h i c h attribute responsibility t o 'Greeks' for t h e P e r s i a n defeat a t S a l a m i s exclusively u s e t h e t e r m Tonian(s)' (560-4, 950-4, 1011-13, 1025). T h e p l a y u n d e r w r i t e s I o n i a n n a v a l s u p r e m a c y e v e n as i t implicitly r e m e m b e r s a h i s t o r y of I o n i a n p a i n a n d considers the liabilities of n a v a l supremacy: Cyrus' conquest of I o n i a (770-1), t h e s u f f e r i n g s o f c i t y - s t a t e s i n v o l v e d i n t h e I o n i a n r e v o l t (852¬ 907), t h e sack o f A t h e n s (807-14), a n d t h e disaster o f X e r x e s ' n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . T h e p l a y ' s u s e o f I o n i c a minore m e t r e a n d 53

Aeschylus: Persians its h i g h incidence of Ionic forms suggest a tragic intersection b e t w e e n the 'delicately l i v i n g Ionians', whose cities a n d temples the Persians destroyed, and 'Ionian Ares', the A t h e n i a n sailors w h o 'cut', 'reaped', a n d ' h a r v e s t e d ' t h e P e r s i a n s ( 9 5 0 - 4 ) , j u s t a s the Persians destroyed Athens' l a n d a n d city.66 T o be called ' I o n i a n ' i s t o b e addressed a s a P e r s i a n subject. H e r o d o t u s t h o u g h t t h a t ' T h e r e s t o f t h e I o n i a n s a n d t h e A t h e n i a n s flee t h e name, because they do not w a n t t obe called Ionians and even now m a n y of t h e m seem t o m e t obe ashamed b y the name' ( 1 . 1 4 3 . 2 - 3 ; cf. 4 . 1 4 2 ) . I n t h e Persians, t h e n a m e o f t h e I o n i a n s unites pride of victory and l a m e n t for a history of pain. The yoke shattered: the Queen's dream T h e Queen asks t h echorus t o advise h e ro n a remedy for a d r e a m she h a d last n i g h t a n d a b i r d o m e n she w i t n e s s e d t h i s m o r n i n g , c a l l i n g o n t h e ' t r u s t e d o l d m e n ' t o be h e r advisors; t h e y readily agree (170-5). T h e elders are indeed 'called t h e trusted' as t h e y c l a i m i n t h e p a r o d o s ( 2 , 171). T h e y s u p p r e s s t h e i r premonitions of disaster to hearten the Queen. I n cultures t h a t lack freedom, the function of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a n d speech i s t o gratify the sovereign. W h e n the elders i m a g i n e the fall of the P e r s i a n e m p i r e a s a r e s u l t o f t h e king's loss o f d o m i n a t i n g force, the people speak freely (584-94). Herodotus develops t h i s aspect of P e r s i a n despotism: t h e r i s k of free speech to X e r x e s is decapit a t i o n . 6 7 T h e Persians i s m i l d e r . T h e w i s d o m o f f r i g h t e n i n g t h e Q u e e n a t this stage is debatable; a n d the Q u e e n expects frankness f r o m the chorus (520). T h e Queen dreamed of t w o large and beautiful w o m e n , both w e l l dressed, one i n Persian, the other i n D o r i a n clothing - the Ionian tunic is similar t othe Persian (181-5).68 M o s t take the w o m e n to represent Greece a n d Persia, but some consider t h e m personifications o fEurope and Asia, w h i l e others t h i n k they represent m a i n l a n d and eastern Greeks.69 Greece and Persia are the central referents: they wear D o r i a n and Persian clothi n g , are 'sisters o f t h e s a m e race', a n d f i g h t one a n o t h e r ; Greece (not Europe) shatters Xerxes' yoke a tSalamis. T h e w o m e n are 'sisters o f t h e s a m e race' (185-6) t h r o u g h Perseus, son o f D a n a e fathered by Zeus i n a golden shower. Perseus' son Perses is the 54

2. Fear eponymous ancestor of the Persians. Persians express this view i n t h e play (79-80, 145-6); t h e historical Persians adopted t h i s m y t h aspropaganda.70 T h e Q u e e n tempers Persian foreignness, m a k i n g conflict w i t h Greece conform t oa n expectation o f trage d y - v i o l e n c e a m o n g k i n ( A r i s t o t l e Poetics 1 4 5 3 b l 5 - 2 6 ) . 7 1 T h a t she t e r m s t h e struggle between t h e t w o w o m e n 'internecine s t r i f e ' o r ' c i v i l w a r ' (stasis) r e i n f o r c e s t h e b o n d b e t w e e n t h e peoples (188-9). T h e difference between t h e m i s c u l t u r a l a n d behavioural: they wear different clothing; they have been allotted different lands (186-7). O n e i s proud t obear the yoke; the other w i l l not endure i t (192-6). W h e n X e r x e s l e a r n s o f t h e i r stasis, h e t r i e s t o c o n t r o l a n d mollify t h e m : p u t t i n g a y o k e u p o n t h e i r necks, he fastens t h e m to h i s chariot (189-92). T h e w o m a n i n P e r s i a n c l o t h i n g p r o u d l y obeys; t h e o t h e r bucks, t e a r s t h e h a r n e s s t o pieces, s h a k e s o f f the bit, a n d shatters t h e yoke t h r o u g h t h e middle (192-6). X e r x e s falls a n d h i s father stands beside h i m , p i t y i n g h i m (197-8). W h e n X e r x e s sees h i s father, h e t e a r s h i s robes (198-9). T h e dream figures Xerxes' invasion of Greece as a n act of civilization - t a m i n g a w i l d horse and healing i n t e r n a l strife. F r o m t h e G r e e k perspective, i t i s a n act o f enslavement, a n attempt t oexploit their lives and labours and t odeprive t h e m o f t h e i r h u m a n i t y . I n t h e Prometheus Bound, P r o m e t h e u s b o a s t s T w a s t h e f i r s t t o y o k e w i l d b e a s t s ... a s s l a v e s ... s o t h a t t h e y m i g h t b e successors o f m o r t a l bodies' g r e a t e s t t o i l s ' (462¬ 5). T h e G r e e k s w i l l n o t e n d u r e t h i s e x p l o i t a t i o n . I n d o m i t a b l e , they shatter Xerxes' yoke of slavery. T h e Queen's d r e a m elides a n y sense o f geographical, historical, or religious t r a n s g r e s s i o n t h a t m a d e t h e chorus a n x i o u s . I t is a m o t h e r ' s d r e a m , t h e v i s i o n o f a son's perverse m a r r i a g e , a n attempt t o m a r r y t w o w o m e n simultaneously.72 T h e chorus indicated this d i m e n s i o n of Xerxes' 'yoke' across the Hellespont i n the parodos - i t left P e r s i a n w i v e s 'yoked alone' (126-39). A tale Herodotus tells transfers Xerxes' yoking of t w o continents to h i s desire for t w o w o m e n - h i s brother's w i f e a n d d a u g h t e r . X e r x e s d e s i r e d h i s b r o t h e r ' s w i f e , so h e m a r r i e d h i s s o n D a r i u s to h i s brother's d a u g h t e r h o p i n g t o get h e r m o t h e r - a k i n d o f double m a r r i a g e t h a t goes a w r y , for X e r x e s falls i n love w i t h h i s son's wife. X e r x e s ' w i f e finds o u t a n d m u t i l a t e s h i s brother's 55

Aeschylus: Persians wife, b l a m i n g h e r f o rXerxes' love-affair w i t h Darius' wife. Xerxes ultimatelyhas to have his brother killed (9.108-13).73 T h e Queen's prophetic d r e a m prefigures events i n the dramatic n a r r a t i v e i n a different register. I nthe dream, Xerxes tears his robes as a response to his father's pity: h el a m e n t s his failure i n h i s father's eyes (197-9). I n t h e messenger's n a r r a t i v e , Xerxes tears his clothes out of grief at the depth of the disaster h e witnesses (465-8). N o r does t h e d r e a m e n v i s i o n events a s they w i l l be staged i n the play. L i k e the chorus' vision of t w o female choruses i n a n t i p h o n a l l a m e n t (114-25), t h e Queen's d r e a m contains a n element t h e d r a m a leaves unfulfilled. D a r i u s shows little p i t y for his son. H e censures his a i m s and actions as a 'disease o f t h e m i n d ' (744-51), a defiance o f h i s commands (782-3), a n d the w o r s t disaster i n Persian h i s t o r y (759-64, 784-6). D a r i u s envisions Xerxes' r e t u r n i n rags (832-8), ordering the chorus t o educate h i m (829-31) and the Q u e e n t o palliate his grief a n d s h a m e (832-8, 845-51). T o this extent, h e shows pity. I n the staged play, the chorus substitutes for the father i n the dream, instilling shame i n Xerxes (913-6, 932-4) and p i t y i n g h i m (1030-2). The bird omen A f t e r h e r d r e a m , t h e Q u e e n tries t o m a k e apotropaic sacrifice o f a peíanos, a p o r r i d g e - l i k e s u b s t a n c e c o n s i s t i n g o f h o n e y , o i l , a n d m e a l ( 2 0 0 - 4 ) . A peíanos c a n b e b u r n e d a n d o f f e r e d t o t h e gods o f t h e s k y o r p o u r e d t o t h e gods o f t h e e a r t h . 7 4 H o p i n g t o c o m m u n i c a t e w i t h t h e gods above, t h e Q u e e n is u n a b l e to m a k e t h e offering. A b i r d o m e n pre-empts i t : a h a w k chases a n eagle to t h e a l t a r o f Apollo, p l u c k i n g t h e eagle's h e a d w i t h its talons; t h e eagle cowers, a l l o w i n g t h e h a w k t o m a u l i t (205-10). T h e o m e n defers t h e Queen's peZcmos-offering u n t i l after n e w s o f defeat, w h e n i t i s directed t o t h e gods o f t h e u n d e r w o r l d t o release D a r i u s ' soul (524-6, 606-21). T h e f i n a l peZcmos-offering of the drama, t h e blood o fPersian w a r r i o r s a t Plataea, i s a p a y m e n t for the Persian destruction of Greek temples, altars, and looting of statues (807-20). T h e o m e n r e p r e s e n t s X e r x e s ' flight f r o m G r e e c e a n d h i s inability to defend himself from counter-aggression. Herodotus 56

2. Fear reports t h a t a n o m e n appeared t o X e r x e s a s h e crossed t h e Hellespont: a horse gave b i r t h t oa hare. T h e o m e n symbolized the entire invasion: 'Xerxes was destined to drive an a r m y upon Greece w i t h the greatest pride, pomp, a n d circumstance, b u t l a t e r r u n n i n g for h i s life, h e w a s destined to a r r i v e a t t h e s a m e p l a c e ' ( 7 . 5 7 . 1 ) . T h e Persians' o m e n f i g u r e s t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n X e r x e s as depicted i n t h eparodos - the hybristic a n d g o d - l i k e l e a d e r o f a ' d i v i n e h e r d ' - a n d i n t h e kommos, a d e f e a t e d king i n rags leading a self-mutilating lament. T h e G r e e k s considered t h e eagle e m b l e m a t i c o f t h e P e r s i a n empire.75 T h e h a w k o r falcon, sometimes associated w i t h Apollo, m a u l s t h e eagle a t Apollo's altar. O n e o f Apollo's names, P h o e b u s , h a s a s o u n d s i m i l a r t o t h e w o r d f o r f e a r , phobos. T h e t w o words create a jingle i n the Queen's description (206). B u t m o r e t h a n sound-play i s involved. P y t h i a n Apollo received tithes f r o m t h e spoils of a l l t h e G r e e k victories over t h e Persians.76 A n d A t h e n s organized its empire around D e l i a n Apollo. The omen h a sa meaning beyond the drama, symbolizing Del i a n Apollo's 'ravaging' t h e P e r s i a n eagle j u s t a st h e A t h e n i a n s sought vengeance 'by r a v a g i n g t h e l a n d of t h e k i n g ' (Thucydides 1.96.1). T h e o m e n refers specifically t o X e r x e s ' f l i g h t f r o m Greece, b u t i t also figures t h e counter-offensive after M y c a l e : Xerxes 'cowered' w h i l e A t h e n s annexed his Aegean empire. T h e Q u e e n ' s d r e a m i s a mise en abyme - a p a r t o f a w o r k o f a r t w h i c h depicts t h e w h o l e i n m i n i a t u r e . 7 7 I t depicts t h e essence o f t h e n a r r a t i v e a n d plays o n possibilities for its d r a m a t i c enactment. T h e o m e n figures Xerxes' flight and homecoming but also leads beyond the w o r k o f art to the w o r k o f empire. I s o n o m i a and accountability T h e Q u e e n i n f o r m s t h e c h o r u s t h a t X e r x e s ' success w o u l d m a k e h i m a 'man t o be admired', but failure and survival m e a n 'he r u l e s t h i s l a n d j u s t t h e s a m e - h e i s n o t a c c o u n t a b l e t o t h e polis' (211-14). Xerxes w i l l monopolize the glory of victory and become a god, b u t h e i s u n a c c o u n t a b l e for defeat ( H e r o d o t u s 8.102-3). H e r o d o t u s a s s o c i a t e s isonomia w i t h f o u r p r a c t i c e s : r e f e r r a l o f decisions t o a n assembly of citizens, m a j o r i t y rule, selection of offices b y lot, a n d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y f o r office-holders (3.80.6). T h e 57

Aeschylus: Persians Persians i m p l i c a t e s P e r s i a ' s l a c k o f isonomia i n t h e t r a g e d y . O n e m a n - X e r x e s - rules A s i a a s h i s household slaves; h e s u r v i v e s a n d r e m a i n s k i n g , w h i l e a l l m e n o f m i l i t a r y age i n h i s e m p i r e p e r i s h b e c a u s e o f h i s v i o l e n t a r r o g a n c e (hybris) a n d d e l u s i o n s o f d i v i n i t y (ate). D a r i u s w i l l e x p l a i n t h a t Z e u s p u n ishes h u m a n s for 'excessively arrogant intentions' (827-8), a n d Xerxes w i l l have to account for the m e n he abandoned i n Greece (908-1007). B u t t h efinal lament o fthe play dramatizes t h e Queen's m e a n i n g : X e r x e s t a k e s c o n t r o l o f t h e elders a n d scores his defeat, s h a m e , a n d s o r r o w onto t h e i r bodies. I n t h i s regard, P e r s i a i s a n t i t h e t i c a l to A t h e n s , w h e r e successful leaders faced the w r a t h o fthe demos for failures real o r imagined.78 T h e A t h e n i a n s had t o recall X a n t h i p p u s and Aristides f r o m ostracism to lead t h e m against the Persians; they ostracized T h e m i s t o c l e s e i t h e r b e f o r e o r w i t h i n t w o y e a r s a f t e r t h e Persians. R e t u r n i n g t o trochaic t e t r a m e t e r s , t h e elders prescribe apotropaic a n d p r o p i t i a t o r y sacrifices t o t h e gods (215-19) a n d liquid offerings to the E a r t h , to the dead, and to D a r i u s to b r i n g success t o l i g h t b u t t o keep disaster i n t h e d a r k n e s s (219-23). T h e chorus adopts a n optimistic tone (224-5), delighting t h e Queen: she v i e w s t h e chorus' advice as a good o m e n 'for m y child a n d m y house' (226-7), i g n o r i n g the chorus' reference to 'the city and a l l your nearest and dearest' (219). T h e prospect of a r i t u a l solution briefly relieves the Queen and chorus of their premonition and anxiety. Cue for disaster: Marathon Before t h e Q u e e n exits, she asks t h e chorus about t h e a i m s o f the invasion and nature of A t h e n s (230-45). Queen and chorus conduct a dialogue i n single lines of verse, s t i c h o m y t h i a ('talking i n lines'), w h i c h often builds t o w a r d a climax. T h e Q u e e n establishes herself i n t h e role she w i l l play i n the n e x t h a l f o f the episode: questioner. H e r questions conclude w i t h a m e n t i o n of the last bad o m e n for the invasion, the defeat of D a r i u s ' 'large a n d b e a u t i f u l a r m y ' (244) a t M a r a t h o n , t h e messenger's cue t o arrive and announce the disaster a t Salamis. Often considered a n excuse t o praise A t h e n s , t h escene i s a k i n t o t h e 'Teichos c o p i a ' i n Iliad 3 . 1 3 9 - 2 4 4 : a n o n - G r e e k a d v e r s a r y c o m e s t o 58

2. Fear k n o w the Athenians, w h o stand for the Greeks, later t h a n our s e n s e o f n a r r a t i v e l o g i c p e r m i t s . E v e n so, t h e t i m i n g o f t h i s scene is o u t - o f - k i l t e r , as a r e t h e chorus' c o u n c i l a n d t h e Q u e e n ' s apotropaic sacrifices. The Q u e e n asks about A t h e n s ' location (230-1). T h e chorus' answer, Tar a w a y at the settings of the w a n i n g sun' (232) locates A t h e n s i n t h e g l o o m o f Hades, a place o f darkness a n d death, s e t t i n g u p t h e i m a g e s o f corpses l i t t e r i n g t h e sea a n d shore a r o u n d S a l a m i s . A t h e n s w i l l be a l a n d o f d e a t h for t h e Persians. Since Greeks imagined their opposition to Persians i n terms of sun and moon, the description of Athens' location m a y seem favourable to the Persians. I n Herodotus, just after X e r x e s leaves S a r d i s for t h e H e l l e s p o n t , t h e r e is a solar eclipse. H i s magi i n t e r p r e t i t a s a f a v o u r a b l e o m e n : i t p r e d i c t s t h e ' a b a n d o n m e n t ' (eclipse) o f t h e G r e e k city-states, since t h e s u n w a s t h e G r e e k s ' p r e d i c t o r a n d t h e m o o n t h e P e r s i a n s ' (7.37.2¬ 3).79 T h e p e r i s h i n g s u n m a y prefigure the defeat o f the Greeks f r o m the P e r s i a n perspective. S u c h confidence m a y e x p l a i n t h e Queen's n e x t question w h y X e r x e s 'desires' t o capture A t h e n s (223). T h e v e r b 'capture' applies to a n i m a l s a n d suggests the P e r s i a n practice of f o r m i n g h u m a n d r a g n e t s t o ' h u n t ' t h e p e o p l e o f a polis ( H e r o d o t u s 6 . 3 1 ) . 8 0 T h e i m a g e o f t h e i n v a s i o n as a h u n t d o v e t a i l s w i t h t h e chorus' e a r l i e r w o r r y t h a t X e r x e s m a y be u n a b l e t o escape t h e h u n t i n g n e t s o f Ate ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 ) . T h e G r e a t K i n g , w h o d e p i c t e d h i m s e l f as a h u n t e r , w i l l be c a u g h t i n t h e nets o f a s u p e r i o r h u n t e r - w h o t u r n s o u t t o be a f i s h e r m a n . 8 1 The chorus' answer, 'all Greece w o u l d become the king's subject' i f X e r x e s captures A t h e n s (233-4), expresses a n A t h e n o centric v i e w o f t h e i n v a s i o n . A t h e n s is a synecdoche for Greece. H e r o d o t u s describes X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n as n o m i n a l l y directed a t A t h e n s b u t a i m e d at subjugating ' a l l Greece' (7.138.1). A t h e n s is t h e k e y t o t h e P e r s i a n c o n q u e s t . T h e c i t y ' h e l d t h e b a l a n c e ' i n t h e w a r : w h i c h e v e r side i t j o i n e d w a s l i k e l y to w i n (7.139.5). Herodotus believes the A t h e n i a n s deserve the title 'saviours of Greece' (ibid.).82 G i v e n t h e P e r s i a n s t r e s s o n c o u n t a b l e objects, i t w o u l d be surprising i fthe Queen did not ask about quantities of m e n and m o n e y . T h e chorus a n s w e r s t h e Queen's q u e s t i o n about t h e size 59

Aeschylus: Persians of A t h e n s ' a r m y (235) i n t e r m s of its quality (236), but this description a n d a r e m i n d e r o f t h e q u a n t i t y o f 'woes' A t h e n s ' a r m y inflicted a t M a r a t h o n m a k e n o impression o n her. T h e Queen's question about w h e t h e r A t h e n s has 'sufficient w e a l t h f o r i t s h o m e s ' ( 2 3 7 ) , r e i n f o r c e s h e r f i x a t i o n o n t h e oikos a s o p p o s e d t o t h e polis a n d d i f f e r e n t i a t e s t h e p r i v a t e v a l u e o f Persia's w e a l t h from the public value of Athens'. According t o tradition, Themistocles persuaded the A t h e n i a n s to use a surplus f r o m t h e i r silver m i n e s to b u i l d a fleet of t r i r e m e s i n the period 483-480 rather t h a n distribute ten drachmae t o each m a l e c i t i z e n a s f i r s t p l a n n e d ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 4 4 . 1 - 2 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 4 . 3 ; [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 2 . 7 ) . A t h e n s ' silver is collective w e a l t h , t h e m a t e r i a l e m b o d i m e n t o f shared values and interests; Persian gold i s private, l u x u r y wealth, expended to buy Xerxes' i m m o r t a l i t y . 8 3Athens' 'fount of silver, a t r e a s u r e t r o v e o f t h e soil', contrasts w i t h P e r s i a n gold a n d t r i b u t e e x t o r t e d b y force (238, 584-90) a n d suggests Xerxes' i m p e r i a l i s t greed: he desired A t h e n s ' 'fount o f silver' b u t discovered 'a fount of woes for his nearest and dearest' (743). Recalling the description of the Persian a r m y as a 'divine herd' (73), the Q u e e n asks, w i t h reference t o t h e A t h e n i a n s , ' w h a t s h e p h e r d i s s e t o v e r t h e m a n d w h o i s m a s t e r (despotes) over t h e army'? (241). T h e chorus' answer, 'they a r e called n e i t h e r t h e slaves n o r t h e subjects o f a n y m a n ' (242), concent r a t e s t h e t h r u s t o f t h e s c e n e , t h e d e s p o t i c g r i p o f t h e r o y a l oikos on Persia and the consequent inability of Persians to hold the k i n g accountable a n d t o live as free m e n a n d citizens. T h e Greeks live and fight w i t h no master above t h e m to monopolize the material and symbolic rewards of their lives and labours. T h e y fight because they have a stake i n the battle: their families, h e r i t a g e , glory, h o n o u r , p r o f i t , f r e e d o m (402-5; cf. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 7 8 ; H i p p o c r a t e s , Airs, Waters, Places 1 6 , 2 3 ) . T h e Persians, by contrast, fight as slaves of the Great K i n g (Herodotus 7.135.3), w h o takes credit f o rvictory, b u t diverts responsibility for defeat onto others (8.102). F o r t h i s reason, h e n c h m e n m u s t drive his soldiers i n t o battle under the w h i p ( 7 . 5 6 . 1 , 1 0 3 . 4 , 2 2 3 . 3 ; X e n o p h o n Anabasis 3 . 4 . 2 6 ) . 8 4 T h a t w a r r i o r s w o u l d r e m a i n t o face t h e e n e m y w i t h o u t c o m pulsion confounds the Q u e e n (243). T h e chorus r e m i n d s her 60

2. Fear t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s destroyed D a r i u s ' 'great a n d b e a u t i f u l a r m y ' (244) . T h e second reference to M a r a t h o n disturbs her: 'you say terrible t h i n g s for t h e parents o f those w h o are gone to consider' (245) . W i t h these words, the chorus announces the a r r i v a l of the messenger, w h o s e ' P e r s i a n r u n n i n g ' indicates 'he b r i n g s s o m e clear outcome, good or bad to hear' (246-9).85

61

3 Pathos 'A multitude of woes' T h e m e s s e n g e r a n n o u n c e s t h e pathos a s a r e a l i z a t i o n o f t h e c h o r u s ' a n d Q u e e n ' s f e a r s . T h e ' f l o w e r ' (anthos) o f P e r s i a n m e n w h i c h t h e chorus o m i n o u s l y described a s 'departed' (60) is n o w ' d e p a r t e d , f a l l e n i n b a t t l e ' ( 2 5 2 ) . P e r s i a ' s olbos i s r u i n e d i n a 'single blow' (251-2; 163-4). T h e defeat is total: 'the entire a r m y of the barbarians has been destroyed' (255). T h e swiftness and completeness o fthe reversal belie t h efive generations o f conquest that built the Persian empire (759-86).1 I f any narrative prior to Thucydides' account of the A t h e n i a n invasion of Sicily i n 415-413 (7.61-87) makes palpable the catastrophic reversal and total defeat of a n imperialist invasion, i t i s the m e s s e n g e r - s p e e c h o f t h e Persians. T h e p o i n t o f t h e m e s s e n ger's g r u e s o m e d e t a i l i s not so m u c h 'to r e v e l i n t h e destruction of the Persians', as t orecall the merciless and divinely sanctioned violence that defenders of their homeland inflict on invaders, and to stress the multiplier-effect distance f r o m one's o w n l a n d exerts o n a failed i n v a s i o n . 2 Invaders a i m t o 'enslave' a c o m m u n i t y and subject i t to unspeakable degradation. Defenders therefore fight w i t h o u t restraint, righteously slaughtering t h e m ; survivors m u s t abandon their dead. T h e pathos o f t h e Persians i s a s t o r y o f i n t e r l o c k i n g m i l i t a r y disaster a n d glorious defence, b o t h a m e m o r y o f t h e Greeks' 'day o f freedom' a n d a n e x e m p l u m o f a n i n v a s i o n gone disastrously wrong. T h e messenger decries his role as the first to announce the catastrophe, b u t declares i t 'necessary t o unfold t h e entire s u f f e r i n g ' (pathos, 2 5 3 - 5 ) . T h e m e t a p h o r d e r i v e s f r o m p a p y r u s rolls, w h i c h were unfolded t o read.3 According t o Herodotus,

62

3. Pathos a m a n u e n s e s accompanied X e r x e s t o record t h e peoples o f his i n v a d i n g force a n d t h e n a m e , p a t r o n y m i c , c i t y - s t a t e , a n d capt a i n o fsailors w h o excelled a t S a l a m i s (7.100.1; 8.90.4). T h e Persians' m e s s e n g e r l i s t s d e t a i l s - n a m e s , m i l i t a r y t i t l e s , a n d n a t i o n a l o r i g i n s - as i f d e r i v e d f r o m w r i t t e n records. A r o u n d t h e t i m e o f t h e Persians, t h e A t h e n i a n s b e g a n t o i n s c r i b e l i s t s o f their w a r dead by tribe, including military title or function, and, i f n o n - A t h e n i a n s , place o f origin, t o preserve t h e i r n a m e s a n d ' i m m o r t a l glory'.4 P e r s i a n deaths, however, a r e n o t glorious: t h e y are a 'disgrace t o t h e Persians' (332). I n v a d i n g Greece w i t h m e n a n d resources beyond count, X e r x e s draws d o w n 'a m u l t i tude of pains' (477) and 'a m u l t i t u d e of woes' (429) u p o n his people: 'never o n a single d a y h a s a m u l t i t u d e o f so great a n u m b e r o f m e n died' (431-2). T e n days w o u l d n o t suffice for t h e messenger to tell the entire tale (429-30).5 'How I lament when I remember Athens' The chorus laments i n response t o t h emessenger's a n nouncement, performing t h e role i t envisioned f o r Persian w o m e n (114-25). F o r Herodotus, n e w s o f t h e n a v a l defeat interrupts P e r s i a n celebration over the capture of A t h e n s (8.99). T h e Persians break into 'boundless lament' a n d 'tear t h e i r tunics' (8.99). X e r x e s ' a r r i v a l stops t h e i r l a m e n t , w h i c h t h e y p e r f o r m o u t o f fear f o r h i m r a t h e r t h a n for g r i e f o v e r t h e ships (8.99.2¬ 1 0 0 . 1 ) . H e r o d o t u s c o r r e c t s t h e Persians, w h i c h s t a g e s i t s m o s t intense l a m e n t a t Xerxes' h o m e c o m i n g a n d stresses Persia's anguish over ships (548-64, 678-80, 950-4, 1008-37, 1074-5). I n t h e i n i t i a l l a m e n t o f t h e Persians, n e i t h e r t h e m e s s e n g e r n o r t h e c h o r u s m e n t i o n s X e r x e s . A t t h e m o m e n t o f pathos, A e s c h y l u s ' P e r s i a n s a r e m e m b e r s o f a polis r a t h e r t h a n s l a v e s o f a king. T h i s continues u n t i l Xerxes re-establishes control i n the kommos. Chorus a n d messenger perform a n epirrhematic lament w h i c h divides t h e first episode i n t o t w o 'acts'.6 T h e m e s s e n g e r speaks i niambic t r i m e t e r s ; the chorus sings i n lyric iambics. T h e y respond t o one another, b u i l d i n g o n each others' words, a n d g r o w i n g i n s y m p a t h y a s t h e exchange develops. T h e y first register t h e shock o f t o t a l defeat (256-61).7 A s is t h e convention, 63

Aeschylus:

Persians

the messenger affirms t h a t h e w a s a n eye-witness (266-7). Dramatic convention a n d extra-dramatic reality merge i f Aeschylus played the role of messenger: h ewas witness to the disaster. T h e second strophe a n d a n t i s t r o p h e focus o n Persia's deluded n u m e r i c a l superiority a n d lack o f order. T h e chorus bewails the ineffectiveness of 'the m a n y arrows a l l m i x e d together' t h a t w e n t to Greece (268-71). T h e messenger describes t h e c a r n a g e i n t e r m s o f P e r s i a n n u m b e r s (plethos): t h e c o r p s e s o f t h e m e n X e r x e s e m p t i e d f r o m P e r s i a f i l l (plethousi) t h e s h o r e s o f S a l a m i s ( 2 7 2 - 3 ; cf. 4 1 9 - 2 1 ) , j u s t a s P e r s i a n w i v e s f i l l e d their e m p t y beds w i t h tears i n longing for t h e i r husbands (133-4). T h e principle o f reciprocity, action balanced a n d redeemed b y suffering, operates both a t the level of verbal i m a g e r y and as a l a w of cosmic order i n the play. T h e chorus seeks t o impose r i t u a l order o n t h e horrific spectacle b y i m a g i n i n g P e r s i a n corpses i n a sea-tossed f u n e r a l procession (274-7).8 T h e p a i r focuses o n t h e causes of t h e catastrophe. T h e chorus implicates t h e gods (280-3), w h i l e t h e messenger singles o u t S a l a m i s a n d A t h e n s : ' O n a m e o f S a l a m i s , g r e a t e s t object o f hatred to m y ears. Alas, h o w I l a m e n t w h e n I r e m e m b e r A t h e n s ' (284-5). T h e chorus elaborates t h e messenger's l a m e n t , declari n g A t h e n s 'detested' to its enemies a n d recalling h o w 'it m a d e m a n y P e r s i a n w o m e n bereft o f c h i l d r e n a n d o f h u s b a n d s ' (286¬ 9). T h e l a m e n t , l i k e t h e s t i c h o m y t h i a p r i o r to t h e messenger's entrance, concludes o n a n A t h e n i a n note, m e r g i n g past a n d present, M a r a t h o n and Salamis, i n a single m o m e n t of Persian pain. T h e Persians confront the audience w i t h their anguish a n d hatred. Does the audience reciprocate this hatred?9 Does i t s u r m o u n t e n m i t y and feel pride t h a t the 'name of Salamis' 'divine Salamis' according t o t h e Delphic Oracle (Herodotus 7.141.4) - conveys such intense a n i m o s i t y to t h e Persians? Does the Persian m e m o r y of Athens induce the audience t o r e m e m b e r P e r s i a , b o t h f o r t h e pathos i t i n f l i c t e d o n t h e m , a n d b e c a u s e Xerxes' disastrous i n v a s i o n of Greece is the product of delusions t h a t are t h e v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f h u m a n n a t u r e ? 1 0 T h i s is t h e riddle o f t h e Persians.

64

3. Pathos Counting the dead who count: the messenger's catalogue The Q u e e n speaks i n iambic t r i m e t e r s , e x p l a i n i n g her silence d u r i n g t h e l a m e n t : s h e w a s ' s t r u c k o u t o f h e r s e n s e s ' (ekpeplegmene, 2 9 0 - 1 ) . T h e p l a y e x p l o r e s t h e s y m p a t h e t i c r e l a t i o n s h i p a m o n g t h e ' b l o w ' (plege) e n d u r e d b y t h e fleet, t h e ' b l o w ' t o Persia's happiness i n prosperity (251), a n d the 'blow' both inflict on the Persians, giving i t visual expression i n the dance of the kommos, a s X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s r e c r e a t e t h e ' b l o w ' d e a l t t o Persia (1008-15, 1046-55). T h e Queen's body registers Persia's p a i n i n t h e p l a y , r e f l e c t i n g t h e shock, grief, a n d h u m b l i n g effect of t h e defeat. Picking u p t h e messenger's image o f a papyrus roll, t h e Q u e e n o r d e r s h i m t o u n f o l d ' t h e e n t i r e d i s a s t e r (pathos)', e v e n t h o u g h he laments (294-5). R e t u r n i n g to the role of questioner, she tries t o shape the n a r r a t i v e according to her d e m a n d s for knowledge. T h e most i m p o r t a n t matter for h e r i s w h e t h e r Xerxes survived the catastrophe. She tactfully pursues this line of i n q u i r y (296-8). T h e messenger understands h e r question and answers that 'Xerxes himself lives and looks upon the light' (299). T h e Queen's fears a b o u t t h e 'eye o f t h e house' a r e ass u a g e d ( 3 0 0 - 1 ; 1 6 8 - 9 ) . T h e r o y a l oikos w i l l n o t e n d u r e t h e darkness t h a t descends i n the absence of a m a l e heir. The Q u e e n cannot exercise complete control over t h e n a r r a tive. T h e messenger rapidly lists t h e leaders w h o died a t Salamis, giving name, ethnic, title, and a description of the u n b u r i e d corpse o r m a n n e r o f death (302-30). T h e messenger offers a selection; a f u l l account o f P e r s i a n 'sufferings' is impossible (329-30). The chorus' list of Xerxes' m i l i t a r y leaders (21-59) i s n o w a list o f the dead. T h e five names repeated f r o m t h e chorus' catalogue - A r t e m b a r e s (30, 302), A r s a m e s (36, 308), A r c t e u s (44, 3 1 2 ) , A r i o m a r d u s (37, 3 2 1 ) , a n d T h a r y b i s ( 5 1 , 3 2 3 ) - c r e a t e continuity.11 T h i r t e e n n e w names give a sense of o v e r w h e l m i n g losses, a s d o d e a t h s o f m e n f r o m peoples n o t n a m e d i n t h e parodos, such as Bactrians (306, 318) a n d Cilicians (326-8). A s i n t h e chorus' catalogue, accuracy is not t h e a i m . I t i s u n l i k e l y that Bactrians died o r were 'wiped out' a t Salamis (732).12 65

Aeschylus: Persians Indeed, t h e messenger's catalogue i s n o t entirely consistent w i t h the chorus'. T h a r y b i s c o m m a n d s M y s i a n i n f a n t r y i n the parodos (51-2), b u t t h e m e s s e n g e r ' s T h a r y b i s h a i l s f r o m elsew h e r e and commands 250 ships (323-5). L i k e w i s e A r i o m a r d u s : a leader o fE g y p t i a n Thebes i n t h e parodos, h i s d e a t h 'gives grief to Sardis' (321-2) as i f he w e r e L y d i a n . E l a b o r a t i n g t h e e p i r r h e m a t i c l a m e n t , t h e messenger offers vignettes of u n b u r i e d corpses crashing against t h e shores o f S a l a m i s (303, 307, 309-10). H o w does a n i n v a d i n g n a v y r e t r i e v e its dead i n alien and hostile territory? T h i s isa problem inhere n t i n n a v a l power: a b a n d o n i n g t h e dead i s t h e price o f defeat. I n t h e i r p u b l i c f u n e r a l s , w h i c h f e a t u r e d o n e b i e r f o r t h e crem a t e d r e m a i n s o feach tribe, t h e A t h e n i a n s provided a n eleventh bier for the 'invisible' dead (Thucydides 2.34.3), those w h o s e corpses w e r e irretrievable. These descriptions advance a further theme: A t h e n s i s a h a r d l a n d w h i c h produces 'hard' m e n . 1 3 A r t e m b a r e s ' corpse s t r i k e s t h e ' r u g g e d ' c o a s t o f S a l a m i s ( 3 0 3 ; cf. 9 6 3 - 6 ) ; o t h e r s 'knock u p against t h e m i g h t y land' (308-10). Artabes' corpse i s 'a r e s i d e n t a l i e n o f t h e h a r d e a r t h ' ( 3 1 9 ) . A single leader, t h e Cilician Syennesis, w h o m H e r o d o t u s lists a m o n g the most celebrated non-generals of the Persian forces (7.98), f o u g h t courageously a n d 'died g l o r i o u s l y ' (326-8). H e i s the exception. T h e messenger catalogues P e r s i a n ignom i n y . T h e Queen's reaction m a k e s this explicit (331-2). The deceit of a Greek man and the envy of the gods: hybris and ate The Queen assumes that the Greeks had a numerical advantage i fthey challenged the Persians to battle (333-6). According to the messenger, whose assertion that h e k n o w s the Persian tally w e l l m a y declare Aeschylus' presence, the Persians h a d 1,000 t r i r e m e s , o f w h i c h 2 0 7 w e r e b u i l t for speed, w h i l e t h e Greeks h a d 300 triremes, a n d only t e n built for speed (339-43).14 H e r o d o t u s n u m b e r s t h e P e r s i a n fleet a t 1,207 s h i p s ( 7 . 8 9 . 1 , 1 8 4 . 1 ) a n d t h e G r e e k fleet a t 3 8 0 s h i p s ( 8 . 1 1 . 3 , 8 2 ) . I f n u m b e r s w e r e decisive, t h e messenger declares, t h e b a r b a r i a n fleet w o u l d h a v e w o n ( 3 3 7 - 8 ) . O n t h i s f a t e f u l d a y , t h e P e r s i a n fleet 66

3. Pathos s a n k u n d e r i t s size a n d w e i g h t ( 3 4 5 - 6 ) . 1 5 Persia's excessive n u m e r i c a l superiority w a s self-defeating. W i t h o u t p r o m p t i n g , t h e messenger declares t h a t 'the gods saved t h e goddess Pallas' city' (347) - A t h e n s . Readers h a v e tried t o explain w h y the play refers only here t o A t h e n a . 1 6 T h e city's s a l v a t i o n c o u l d n o t b e a t t r i b u t e d t o civic gods. T h e y p r o v e r b i a l l y a b a n d o n e d a c a p t u r e d c i t y ( A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes, 2 1 6 - 1 8 ) . 1 7 A t h e n a e v a c u a t e d t h e c i t y b e f o r e t h e P e r s i a n s s a c k e d i t ( H e r o d o t u s 8 . 4 1 . 2 - 3 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 0 . 1 ) . T h e Queen interprets the messenger's declaration t o m e a n t h a t A t h e n s r e m a i n s un-sacked (348). T h e messenger's reply, 'a d e f e n c e (herkos) c o m p o s e d o f m e n i s s e c u r e ' ( 3 4 9 ) , r e s p o n d s t o t h e chorus' boast i n t h e parodos t h a t i t is impossible to keep o u t t h e P e r s i a n s ' w i t h m i g h t y d e f e n c e s (herkesinf ( 8 7 - 9 ) . 1 8 T h e Persians o m i t s t h e ' w o o d e n w a l l ' w h i c h t h e D e l p h i c O r a c l e p r o p h e s i e d Z e u s ' g r a n t s t o T r i t o g e n i a (sc. A t h e n a ) a l o n e t o b e un-sacked' (Herodotus 7.141.3), a n d w h i c h Themistocles interpreted as t h e A t h e n i a n fleet (7.143). N o r does t h e messenger e q u a t e A t h e n s ' fleet a n d t h e polis, a s H e r o d o t u s ' T h e m i s t o c l e s d o e s ( 8 . 6 1 ) . A polis c o n s i s t s o f t e r r i t o r y , a c i t y w a l l , b u i l d i n g s , institutions, cults a n drituals, narratives, male citizens a n d t h e i r dependents. I t i s also a c o m m u n a l spirit a n d ethos. T h e P e r s i a n s r a n s a c k e d a n d b u r n e d t h e m a t e r i a l o f t h e polis, b u t they did not impose political rule. T h e y destroyed things, not people or i n s t i t u t i o n s . T h e A t h e n i a n idea t h a t persons are m o r e valuable than immoveable property was born at this moment ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.143.5 a t t r i b u t e s i t t o Pericles). T h e m e s s e n g e r ' s r e p l y d e f i n e s t h e polis i n n o n - m a t e r i a l a n d u n q u a n t i f i a b l e t e r m s . T h i s i s a n t i t h e t i c a l t o t h e P e r s i a n m i n d s e t , w h i c h conceives o f r e a l i t y ( a n d p o w e r ) m a t e r i a l l y a n d q u a n t i t a t i v e l y . T h e Q u e e n n o w suspects t h a t Xerxes, 'exulting i n his n u m b e r of ships', s t a r t e d t h e b a t t l e (350-2). X e r x e s ' excess o f m e n a n d materiel was intended t o induce submission w i t h o u t a fight. H e r o d o t u s m a k e s t h i s explicit (7.8g3, 101.2, 146-7, 210, 212; 8 . 6 . 2 , 1 0 . 1 ) . I n t h e Persians, w h e n ' a G r e e k m a n f r o m t h e a r m y of t h e A t h e n i a n s ' tells X e r x e s t h a t t h e G r e e k s w i l l escape u n d e r cover o f darkness (355-60), h e lures h i m i n t o a r r a y i n g h i s m a s s i v e fleet i n t h e n a r r o w s a r o u n d S a l a m i s ( 3 6 3 - 7 0 ) , t u r n i n g his numerical advantage into a liability. A t this moment, 67

Aeschylus:

Persians

X e r x e s ' hybris — h i s c o n f i d e n c e t h a t n u m e r i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y a l o n e w i l l a t t a i n v i c t o r y - t u r n s t o ate, d i s a s t r o u s d e l u s i o n . G r e e k / A t h e n i a n ' c u n n i n g - i n t e l l i g e n c e ' (metis), t h e c a p a c i t y to v i c t i m i z e t h e p h y s i c a l l y s t r o n g e r t h r o u g h deceit a n d disguise and to dominate by mastering the opportunities of the moment, i s t h e c a t a l y s t f o r t h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . 1 9 ' T r i c k e r y ' (dolos) i s a f u n d a m e n t a l e l e m e n t o f métis. D i v i n e p o w e r s , e n v i o u s o f a m o r t a l seeking divinity, also conspire against Xerxes: 'a spirit of vengeance o r evil d i v i n i t y ' (354), ' t h e c u n n i n g - m i n d e d (dolomêtis) d e c e i t o f g o d ' ( 9 3 ) , a n d ' t h e e n v y o f t h e g o d s ' ( 3 6 1 - 2 ) , abet 'the Greek m a n ' i n l u r i n g Xerxes i n t o disaster. So the rich and powerful i n general and Xerxes i n particular come to r u i n in the Greek imagination.20 Xerxes compounds his blindness w i t h cruelty, threatening his a d m i r a l s w i t h decapitation i f t h e G r e e k s escape (369-71).21 Y e t h i s fleet r e s p o n d s w i t h g o o d o r d e r a n d a n o b e d i e n t s p i r i t (374-6). W h e n n i g h t falls, every sailor i s 'lord o f t h e oar' a n d e v e r y m a r i n e 'master of his a r m s ' (378-9). T h e ships s a i l to t h e i r stations, staying a t oar throughout the night (380-3).22 H e r o d o t u s s t r e s s e s d i v i s i o n i n t h e G r e e k r a n k s ; t h e Persians o m i t s i t . N o r does t h e p l a y indicate t h a t t h e ' G r e e k m a n ' w a s a slave o r n a m e T h e m i s t o c l e s . R a t h e r , t h e m e s s e n g e r focuses o n the d r a m a o f Xerxes' deception a n d the process b y w h i c h the Persians recognize t h a t t h e Greeks a r e resolved t o fight r a t h e r t h a n t o flee, r e v e r s i n g t h e i r e x p e c t a t i o n a n d f r u s t r a t ing t h e i r a i m s . T h e n i g h t is t h e t i m e o f X e r x e s ' d e l u s i o n (357, 364-5, 377-83). D a y l i g h t i l l u m i n a t e s t h et r u t h and heralds t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e G r e e k fleet t o f i g h t ' w i t h c o n f i d e n t courage' (384-94). 'O sons of the Hellenes, go, free your fatherland': Salamis The barbarians were orderly w h e n they thought t h e enemy w o u l d flee. T h i s i s a G r e e k s t e r e o t y p e o f t h e b a r b a r i a n : b r u t a l w h e n h e s e n s e s h e c a n k i l l w i t h o u t r i s k (cf. t h e a r c h e r ) , c o w a r d l y w h e n h e faces a n a r m y i n r a n k . 2 3 H e a r i n g t h e G r e e k b a t t l e s o n g b u t u n a b l e t o s e e t h e G r e e k fleet - a n A e s c h y l e a n f o r m u l a for fear - t h e y experience b l i n d i n g t e r r o r . 2 4 T h e song, a 68

3. Pathos paean, w a s s u n g after t h e battle sacrifice a n d p r i o r to t h e blare of the t r u m p e t ; i f w o m e n were present, they shrieked i n r e s p o n s e t o i t . 2 5 I n t h e Persians, t h e p a e a n r e s o u n d s s h r i l l y o f f t h e rocks; its echo substitutes for t h e s h r i e k o f w o m e n a n d causes t h e b a r b a r i a n s to lose t h e i r w i t s (388-92). I n H e r o d o t u s , X e r x e s ' uncle A r t a b a n u s w a r n s h i m t h a t e n v i o u s gods ' s t r i k e fear' i n t o massive armies, a l l o w i n g t h e m to be 'destroyed u n w o r t h i l y ' by s m a l l e r forces (7.10e). T h i s is h o w t h e n a v a l disaster u n f o l d s i n t h e Persians ( b u t n o t i n H e r o d o t u s ) . A t r u m p e t blare signals t h eGreek attack. T h e messenger u s e s s y n a e s t h e t i c i m a g e r y t o describe i t s effect: i t ' s e t t h e i r w h o l e side ablaze w i t h its blare' (395). T h e appearance o f t h e G r e e k fleet i s a c o s m i c e v e n t , l i k e t h e r i s i n g o f t h e s u n . T h e s u n 'sets t h e e a r t h a b l a z e w i t h i t s b e a m s ' ( 3 6 4 ; cf. 5 0 4 ) a s t h e t r u m p e t sets t h e Greeks ablaze; like the day, ' b r i l l i a n t t o t h e s i g h t ' ( 3 8 7 ) t h e fleet a p p e a r s ' c o n s p i c u o u s t o t h e s i g h t ' ( 3 9 8 ) . T h e messenger describes the r h y t h m i c beat o f t h e Greeks' oars, w h i c h sound out the depths of the sea and t h r e a t e n the 'depth' of the i m p e n d i n g P e r s i a n disaster (465, 712). T h e n he describes t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e G r e e k fleet, t h e r i g h t flank f o l l o w e d b y t h e r e s t o f t h e l i n e . H e e m p h a s i z e s t h e g o o d o r d e r (kosmos) a n d d i s c i p l i n e o f t h e G r e e k s ( 3 9 6 - 4 0 1 ) . I n t h e Persians, t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f t h e G r e e k fleet i s i t s e l f a n e p i p h a n y , o b v i a t i n g t h e divine signs and epiphanies f o u n d i n the later t r a d i t i o n . 2 6 T h e r i s i n g s u n heralds the Greeks' 'day o f freedom'. A H o meric phrase, 'day of freedom' appears i n negative contexts i n t h e Iliad: w a r r i o r s ' s t r i p ' i t f r o m t h e f e m a l e s o f t h e d e f e a t e d (6.455; 16.831; 20.193). A f t e r X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , t h e 'day o f freed o m ' appears i n positive contexts.27 T h o u g h not called the 'day o f f r e e d o m ' i n t h e Persians, t h e d a y o f t h e b a t t l e o f S a l a m i s appears o n a chariot d r i v e n b y w h i t e horses (386-7) t o defeat Xerxes, w h o desires to enslave Greece by y o k i n g i t to his chariot ( 1 8 9 - 9 2 ) . F r e e d o m (eleutheria) i s i t s e l f a k i n d o f l i f e - g i v i n g l i g h t w h i c h e n a b l e s a c o m m u n i t y t o flourish, g r o w t o f u l l n e s s , a n d r e p r o d u c e i t s e l f , b o t h p h y s i c a l l y a n d t h r o u g h kleos.28 Herodotus' Themistocles delivers a battle exhortation to the m a r i n e s before t h e y e m b a r k u p o n t h e i r ships. L i s t i n g good a n d bad qualities ' i n the nature and constitution of m e n ' h e adjures the m e n t o chose the better over the worse (8.83.1-2). I n t h e 69

Aeschylus: Persians Persians, t h e r e i s n o g e n e r a l ' s s p e e c h . R a t h e r , t h e e n t i r e f l e e t speaks w i t h a single voice as i t r o w s i n t o battle (402-5): O s o n s o f t h e H e l l e n e s , go, f r e e y o u r f a t h e r l a n d , f r e e y o u r c h i l d r e n a n d w i v e s a n d t h e seats o f y o u r fathers' gods a n d the graves of your ancestors. N o w isthe contest for everything!

A l t h o u g h the root of the w o r d appears only three times i n the Persians, f r e e d o m i s a k e y w o r d o f t h e p l a y ; i t i s t h e s t a k e s o f t h e P e r s i a n W a r s for the Greeks, w h o fight for socio-political life and light, t o protect their families and t o live w i t h i n the laws a n d customs o f t h e i r fathers a n d t h e i r gods. T h e G r e e k s fight to prevent a 'master' from exploiting their lives and labours b y imposing a surrogate ruler upon them, extorting tribute, a n d d e m a n d i n g t r o o p s a n d s h i p s . F o r a polis t o w e a r t h e ' y o k e o f slavery' is its death. R e d u c e d to ash, its w e a l t h pillaged, its m e n slaughtered, its w o m e n and children carried off into slavery, t h e polis i s d e r a c i n a t e d . 2 9 T h e p a r a d o x o f S a l a m i s i s t h a t A t h ens suffered the 'yoke o f slavery', but its people a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s emerged unscathed a n dempowered. T h i s i s reflected i n t h e Queen's dream: the w o m a n w h o represents Greece shatters the yoke only after i t has been placed o n her neck (189-96). T h e battle exhortation applies more strictly to the Athenians t h a n t o t h e other Greeks i n t h e fleet. A t t h e t i m e o f its utterance, t h e Persians occupied a n d were destroying their f a t h e r l a n d , t h e seats o f t h e i r gods, a n d t h e g r a v e s o f t h e i r ancestors; their wives and children were deposited i n Troezen, o n A e g i n a , a n d o n S a l a m i s . T h e loss, d e s t r u c t i o n , a n d r e c o v e r y o f t h e i r polis l e n t t h e A t h e n i a n s a n a u t h o r i t a t i v e v o i c e o n w h a t c o n s t i t u t e s a polis a n d o n w h a t i t m e a n t t o b e G r e e k ( s e e e s p . Herodotus 8.144). T h e messenger's account of S a l a m i s i s but one example of the A t h e n i a n capacity t o articulate the values of Greek culture to a Panhellenic audience. T h e messenger's first answer to the Queen's question about the beginning of the battle stressed divine agency: 'a spirit of vengeance o r malicious divinity appearing from somewhere' induced Xerxes t o a r r a y his fleet i nthe n a r r o w s (353-4). H i s second answer involves h u m a n agency: 'a Greek ship started the ramming, and shattered the entire high stern of a Phoenician ship' (409-11). According t o Herodotus, t h e Greek ships 70

3. Pathos were backing water and r u n n i n g aground, but A m i n i a s of Pallene launched his ship a n d r a m m e d a ne n e m y vessel. H e could not extricate his ship, and other Greek ships coming to his aid joined t h e fray (8.84.1). T h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e arrayed against the Phoenicians a t S a l a m i s (8.85.1; Diodorus 11.18.1). T h e y w o u l d have t a k e n the messenger's narrative of the r a m m i n g of a Phoenician vessel as their action. I n t h e b e g i n n i n g , t h e 'flow' or 'flood' o f t h e P e r s i a n n a v y holds f i r m against the G r e e k attack (412-13; Diodorus 11.18.4). I n the end, its sheer size defeats i t . P e r s i a n ships m a s s i n a n a r r o w space a n d a r e u n a b l e t o m a n o e u v r e ; t h e y s t r i k e each other, shearing off each other's oars (413-16). Herodotus says t h a t Persian ships stationed i n the rear tried t o move t o the front r a n k s to impress Xerxes, but crashed into ships fleeing from the f r o n t ( 8 . 8 9 . 2 ) . I n t h e Persians, G r e e k s h i p s ' n o t u n s k i l f u l l y ' encircle t h e tangled m a s s of P e r s i a n ships, s t r i k i n g a n d upendi n g t h e m (417-19). T h e sea d i s a p p e a r s b e n e a t h t h e w r e c k a g e o f ships and carnage of m e n (419-20). T h e shores a n d rocks j u t t i n g u p f r o m t h e sea's surface catch corpses f r o m t h e c h o p p y seas ( 4 2 1 ) . T h e P e r s i a n s h i p s f l e e i n d i s a r r a y (akosmôs), r e v e r s i n g their orderly advance to a w a i t the Greek flight (422-3; 374-83). It w a s a Greek commonplace that barbarians could n o t s w i m . 3 0 T h e i n a b i l i t y t o s w i m (nein) s i g n a l l e d a l a c k o f m e n t a l c a p a c i t y (noeih). U n l i k e H e r o d o t u s , t h e Persians d o e s n o t s t r e s s t h i s lack.31 R a t h e r , t h e play depicts t h e barbarians as slaughtered w h i l e seeking t h e safety o f l a n d . T h e G r e e k s 'keep striking t h e m , keep slicing t h e m i n half w i t h fragments of oars a n d shattered bits of wreckage like t u n a or a h a u l offish' (424-6; cf. 9 7 4 - 7 ) - a m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f t h e i r ' c u n n i n g i n t e l l i g e n c e ' (métis).32 T h e s l a u g h t e r a t S a l a m i s r e a l i z e s t h e i m a g e o f X e r x e s ' atê i n a n u n e x p e c t e d w a y - h i s m e n a r e c a u g h t i n f i s h i n g r a t h e r t h a n i n h u n t i n g nets (93-101).33 So long as the s u n shines, the P e r s i a n s s u f f e r h o r r o r s a n d t h e i r w a i l i n g h o l d s t h e sea, ' u n t i l t h e d a r k eye of t h e n i g h t takes i t a w a y ' (426-8). T h e t r a n s i t i o n f r o m d a yt o night, crucial t o t h e Persians' deluded hope for victory, finally ends their torment. T h e m e s s e n g e r quantifies t h e debacle: 'never o n a single day h a s a m u l t i t u d e (plêthos) o f s o g r e a t a n u m b e r o f m e n d i e d ' (431-2). T h e Queen, silent d u r i n g the long n a r r a t i v e , uses the 71

Aeschylus:

Persians

a p p r o p r i a t e m e t a p h o r t o describe t h e defeat: 'a great s e a o f sufferings h a s burst forth upon t h ePersians a n d t h e entire b a r b a r i a n race' (433-4). T h e s e a defies q u a n t i f i c a t i o n , h u m a n control, and the imperialist urge. Xerxes sought t oput a yoke on its neck, to u n i t e E u r o p e a n d A s i a physically a n d politically under a yoke of slavery. T h e battle of Salamis shattered that y o k e a s i t s h a t t e r e d X e r x e s ' fleet. Psyttalia: quantity vs. value The messenger tells of a disaster after S a l a m i s t h a t 'counterbalanced t h e scale t w i c e a s m u c h ' (436-7) a s S a l a m i s . H e does not n a m e the place of the disaster, Psyttalia, or its agents, the Athenians.34 T h e defeat a t P s y t t a l i a recapitulates t h e Greek/barbarian distinction of quality t oquantity within the Persian ranks. T h e value of the Persian nobility slaughtered on t h e i s l a n d i s twice t h a t of t h e largest n u m b e r of corpses ever produced o n a single day.35 The m e s s e n g e r says t h a t X e r x e s sent t h e force to t h e i s l a n d to save P e r s i a n s a n d t o k i l l G r e e k s e m e r g i n g f r o m w r e c k e d s h i p s ( 4 5 0 - 3 ; cf. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 7 6 . 2 - 3 ) . 3 6 H e s t r e s s e s X e r x e s ' c r u elty: these G r e e k s w o u l d b e 'easy t o k i l l ' (450-2). P s y t t a l i a r e a f f i r m s X e r x e s ' flawed k n o w l e d g e o f t h e f u t u r e a n d h i s d i s a s t r o u s m o r a l / i n t e l l e c t u a l b l i n d n e s s ( 4 5 4 ; cf. 3 7 3 ) . A t h e n i a n s gird t h e i r bodies i n 'finely crafted bronze' a n d leap f r o m their ships after the n a v a l victory, encircling the Persians on t h e island (454-9). Herodotus places t h e attack d u r i n g t h e mêlée o f t h e n a v a l b a t t l e ( 8 . 9 5 ) . S u r r o u n d e d a n d i m m o b i l i z e d , Aeschylus' Persians are struck by stones and arrows, and finally butchered like meat (457-64).37 T h e i r deaths complement those of t h e s a i l o r s , w h o a r e e n c i r c l e d , c l u b b e d , c a u g h t , a n d filleted l i k e t u n a (424-6). T h e b a r b a r i a n invaders fall below slaves i n t h e c h a i n of being: t h e y are k i l l e d a n d p r e p a r e d a s food. Aeschylus and Herodotus agree that every Persian sent t o the island w a s slaughtered (464; 8.95).38 F o r Aeschylus, Psyttalia annihilates the Persian nobility (441-4). T h e stratification of P e r s i a n society contrasts w i t h A t h e n i a n e q u a l i t y - a l l citiz e n s b e l o n g e q u a l l y t o t h e polis a n d m e r i t e q u a l m a t e r i a l a n d symbolic rewards for t h e i r labour. T h e P s y t t a l i a episode devel72

3. Pathos ops t h i s t h e m e . A t h e n i a n lower-class s t o n e - t h r o w e r s a n d archers encircle a n d i m m o b i l i z e t h e P e r s i a n n o b i l i t y ; middle/upper-class hoplites h a c k t h e m to pieces (457-64). A t h ens' e a r l y depictions o f democracy a s a m o r a l force project class solidarity. T h e A t h e n i a n s m e m o r i a l i z e d t h e i r first hoplite vict o r y c. 5 0 6 o v e r t h e w e a l t h y ' k n i g h t s ' (hippobotai) o f C h a l c i s , whose l a n d t h e y seized a n d settled, a n d Boeotians, w h o m t h e y ransomed, w i t h a bronze statue of a four-horse chariot, e m b l e m of horse-loving aristocrats ( H e r o d o t u s 5.77-8). A n e p i g r a m a t the base of the statue proclaims that A t h e n i a n hoplites 'exting u i s h e d ' t h e f i e r y g l e a m o f t h e i r a d v e r s a r i e s ' hybris, ' b r e a k i n g ' t h e m i n b a t t l e ( 5 . 7 7 . 4 ) . Hybris i s d e v i a n t b e h a v i o u r i n d u c e d b y wealth, y o u t h , a n dstatus.39 A t h e n s represented i t s uses o f m i l i t a r y f o r c e a s m o r a l a c t i o n a g a i n s t s u c h hybris. Psyttalia glorifies A t h e n i a n light-armed troops and hoplites for t h e i r role i n t h e defeat of t h e Persians. H e r o d o t u s uses the battle more particularly to praise the achievement of Aristides and Athens' hoplites, w h o had been stationed on Salamis but did not r o w i n t h e fleet (8.76.3, 95).40 Aeschylus' hoplites m a y have rowed, served as marines, or been spectators o n Salamis - i t is impossible t o tell.41 Aeschylus invokes t h e A t h e n i a n hoplite t r a d i t i o n b y associating P s y t t a l i a w i t h t h e god P a n (447-9), w h o w a sworshipped a t A t h e n s after M a r a t h o n (6.105.2-3).42 Y e t i t i s m i s t a k e n t o read t h e episode as a n a t t e m p t t o h o n o u r A r i s t i d e s a n d A t h e n i a n h o p l i t e s a t t h e expense of Themistocles and the navy.43 Psyttalia complements and duplicates the n a v a l victory as a victory on land - where the Persians were allegedly invincible.44 A t h e n i a n hoplites and light-armed troops inflict twice as m u c h h a r m o n t h e P e r s i a n s a s t h e s a i l o r s do. P s y t t a l i a exaggerates the infantry's role; b u t i t also foregrounds the agony of Persia's nobility.45 T h e audience m i g h t take this as a horrifying d i m e n s i o n of w a r i n general.46 I t m i g h t also v i e w the slaughter of the P e r s i a n n o b i l i t y a function of n a v a l invasion. T h e destruct i o n o f A t h e n s ' best citizens w a s associated w i t h the conduct of n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . 4 7 T h e Queen blames the navy, composed of lower-class non-Persians, for the defeat o f the upper-class Persian i n f a n t r y (728). T h e play's o m i n o u s t r e a t m e n t of the w o r d a n d c o n c e p t o f plethos, ' n u m b e r ' , m a y a l s o a d d r e s s A t h e n i a n 73

Aeschylus: Persians concerns about the conduct of democracy a n d i m p e r i a l i s m . I n A t h e n i a n p o l i t i c a l a n d l e g a l d i s c o u r s e , t h e w o r d plethos r e f e r s t o t h e r u l i n g m a j o r i t y . 4 8 T h e Persians d e p i c t s t h e i n v e s t m e n t o f a plethos o f m e n a n d s h i p s i n a s e a - b o r n e i n v a s i o n a s a f o r m u l a f o r a plethos o f w o e s . U n l i k e l a t e r t r e a t m e n t s o f S a l a m i s , t h e Persians i s s i l e n t a b o u t t h e s i z e o f t h e A t h e n i a n n a v y , w h i c h c o m p r i s e d n e a r l y t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e G r e e k fleet ( e . g . T h u c y d i d e s 1.74.1). T h e p l a y stresses Persia's c a t a s t r o p h i c n u m e r i c a l superiority, b u t t h i s i s also a feature o f n a v a l w a r f a r e for t h e audience to consider. The flight from Salamis to Thrace X e r x e s is a spectator a n d a spectacle a t t h e battle, occupying a conspicuous seat (465-8).49 According t o Herodotus, his gaze impelled his sailors to fight w i t h greater zeal a t Salamis t h a n t h e y h a d fought at A r t e m i s i u m d u r i n g his absence (8.86). I n the Persians, h e s e e s t h e ' d e p t h o f w o e s ' , a n d i m i t a t e s t h e s h a t t e r i n g o f h i s fleet a n d w a i l i n g o f h i s s a i l o r s , ' t e a r i n g h i s r o b e s a n d w a i l i n g shrilly' (465-8). Rapidly relaying orders to his i n f a n t r y t o flee, ' h e w e n t i n d i s o r d e r l y flight' ( 4 6 9 - 7 0 ) . A t this m o m e n t , Xerxes realizes his mother's dream. Darius' p i t y i n t h e d r e a m s e e m s t o be a f u n c t i o n o f X e r x e s ' s i m i l a r i t y t o h i m : b o t h suffered defeat a t A t h e n s . T h e Q u e e n treats t h e i r defeats a s parallel, r e t u r n i n g t h e episode t o t h e cue for its beginning, the battle of M a r a t h o n . Xerxes' attempt t o avenge his father's defeat t u r n e d out to be 'bitter': he w a s not content w i t h Persian deaths a t M a r a t h o n (473-7). Salamis repeats the e a r l i e r P e r s i a n defeat o n a l a r g e r scale; i t r e n e w s t h e g l o r y o f A t h e n i a n v a l o u r against P e r s i a n aggression. 'Celebrated A t h ens' (473), t h e defender o f G r e e k freedom, foiled X e r x e s ' a t t e m p t to avenge his father's defeat a t M a r a t h o n . T h e messenger-scene follows a recurrent pattern. T h e Queen r e q u e s t s specific i n f o r m a t i o n ; t h e m e s s e n g e r a n s w e r s h e r question, b u t adds a cascade o f l a m e n t a b l e news. T h e Q u e e n n o w asks for the location of the s u r v i v i n g ships (478-9). T h e messenger r e p l i e s t h a t t h e s h i p s ' c a p t a i n s 'set s a i l . . . i n n o w e l l - o r d e r e d (ouk eukosmon) flight' ( 4 8 0 - 1 ) . T h e n h e l a u n c h e s i n t o a n a c c o u n t o f t h e l a n d forces' m a r c h h o m e . 74

3. Pathos Describing t h e P e r s i a n route home, t h e messenger catalogues G r e e k territories w h i c h collaborated w i t h the Persians (482-3; H e r o d o t u s 7.132.1; 8.31; 9.31.5). T h e k i n g of Macedonia, A l e x a n d e r I , w a s a medizing Greek, t h o u g h Herodotus depicts h i m as a clever double-dealer.50 I n Boeotia, the h e a r t of G r e e k collaboration, t h e Persians die of t h i r s t a n d f r o m a condition t h a t has dropped out of the text (482-4). Phocis resisted a t first, and t h e Persians sacked their towns, b u t a t t h e battle o f P l a t a e a 1,000 P h o c i a n s f o u g h t o n t h e P e r s i a n side. T h e i r n a m e was not inscribed on the 'Serpent C o l u m n ' commemorating the 3 1 poleis t h a t ' f o u g h t t h e w a r ' a g a i n s t t h e P e r s i a n s . 5 1 T h e c i t i e s of Thessaly, w h e r e the Persians wintered i n 480/79 (Herodotus 8.113, 129.3), w e l c o m e d t h e P e r s i a n a r m y o n i t s h o m e w a r d march, but 'the most died here of t h i r s t and hunger' (488-91). M e d i z i n g G r e e k poleis w e r e d e a d l y t o t h e r e t r e a t i n g P e r s i a n s . T h e Persians s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e l a n d o f G r e e c e i t s e l f h a r m e d the Persians, irrespective o f i n d i v i d u a l cities' actions. I n t h i s way, the play introduces the theme of poverty as preserving Greek freedom. D a r i u s reiterates this point: G r e e k soil cannot support a large i n v a d i n g a r m y (792-4).52 P o v e r t y w a s second n a t u r e t o t h e G r e e k s , w h o i m p o r t e d ' v i r t u e / c o u r a g e ' (arete) t o combat poverty and despotism w i t h wisdom and law (Herodot u s 7 . 1 0 2 . 1 ; cf. A r i s t o p h a n e s Wealth 5 5 7 - 6 4 ) . T h e c o l l e c t i v e a n d l a w - g o v e r n e d n a t u r e o f G r e e k societies s t e m s f r o m t h e i r poverty a n dcontrasts w i t h t h e vast surplus a n d unchallenged power of the Persian king. E d o n i a n t e r r i t o r y i n Thrace was a hot-spot of Greco-Persian conflict. D a r i u s r e w a r d e d H i s t i a e u s o f M i l e t u s w i t h a colony a t M y r c i n u s , w h i c h controlled timber, precious metals, and m a n power; M e g a b a z u s t h w a r t e d t h i s p l a n ( H e r o d o t u s 5.11.2, 23-4; 1 2 4 . 2 ; 7 . 1 1 2 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 4 . 1 0 8 . 1 ) . T h e c l i m a x o f t h e n a r r a tive of retreat takes place here a t the S t r y m o n River, w h i c h divides M a c e d o n i a f r o m T h r a c e (495-7). W h e n t h e r i v e r freezes d u r i n g a n unseasonably cold night, the P e r s i a n r e m n a n t t h i n k s it has achieved miraculous salvation. E v e n those w h o 'thought t h e gods o f n o account' h e a p prayers u p o n t h e m , a n d 'bow i n obeisance t o E a r t h and Heaven' (497-9). Those w h o began t o cross before t h e s u n m e l t e d t h e ice m a d e i t t o t h e o t h e r side; b u t as a f t e r n o o n w o r e o n , t h e s u n m e l t e d t h e ice ( 5 0 0 - 5 ) , a n d t h e 75

Aeschylus:

Persians

Persians 'fell u p o n one another'; t h e quickest to die w e r e luckiest (506-7). S a l v a t i o n t u r n s to disaster: t h e m e n l e t h a l l y c r o w d one another i n t h e river, just as Persian ships crowded o n e another a t Salamis, and sink to their deaths. N i g h t is the t i m e w h e n events delude t h ePersians into t h i n k i n g their hopes w i l l be achieved; the sun i l l u m i n a t e s the t r u t h and destroys them. The Persians' treatment of the river's freezing as proof of t h e gods' existence a n d t h e i r p r a y e r s a n d p r o s t r a t i o n b e fore the e a r t h and sky r a t h e r t h a n before the k i n g ironically highlight t h e deadly consequences o f t h e delusion that Xerxes is divine.53 S a l a m i s a n d P s y t t a l i a r e q u i r e d h u m a n agency. T h e disaster at t h e S t r y m o n is d i v i n e deception u n m e d i a t e d by m o r t a l s . T h e f o r m a t i o n o f a b r i d g e o f ice across t h e S t r y m o n r e - e n a c t s a n d reciprocates Xerxes' bridging o fthe Hellespont.54 D a r i u s describes X e r x e s ' a t t e m p t t o b i n d 'the sacred f l o w i n g H e l l e s p o n t ' as a 'disease o f t h e m i n d ' (745-50). T o stop t h e f l o w o f t h e Hellespont i s a crime against t h e cosmos - matter, t i m e , change, differentiation - t u r n i n g w a t e r i n t o land. T h e m y s t e r i ous forces o f n a t u r e exact v e n g e a n c e for X e r x e s ' d e f o r m a t i o n o f the landscape to link the continents, fashion symbols of power, unite Europe and A s i a under his rule, and achieve t r a n s i t i o n from mortality t o divinity. Herodotus a n d Simonides i n h i s Artemisium t r e a t n a t u r a l p h e n o m e n a a s G r e e k d e f e n c e m e c h a n i s m s against the Persians.55 I n Aeschylus, t h e cosmic order vindicates itself. G r e e k soil and the S t r y m o n R i v e r p u n i s h the Persians w i t h t h e t w o worst forms o fdeath, starvation a n d d r o w n i n g ( H o m e r Odyssey 1 2 . 3 4 0 - 5 1 ) . Xerxes ordered a bridge constructed over the S t r y m o n w h i c h t h e i n v a d i n g force used ( H e r o d o t u s 7.24, 114.1); t h e r e t r e a t i n g Persians probably crossed i t (8.115, 126). A n a l t e r n a t i v e t r a d i tion, w h i c h H e r o d o t u s rejects, suggests t h a t t h e Persians encountered difficulty here. Xerxes marched as far asthe Strym o n b u t did n o t cross i t . H e sailed f r o m E i o n to t h e H e l l e s p o n t ( 8 . 1 1 8 - 2 0 ) . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e n a r r a t i v e i n t h e Persians derives f r o m such a t r a d i t i o n , b u t i t is m o r e l i k e l y a m o r a l i z i n g fiction. The Persians controlled t h e S t r y m o n until t h e Athenians captured E i o n i n 476. According to a commentator to Aeschines' 76

3. Pathos On the False Embassy, T h r a c i a n s s l a u g h t e r e d A t h e n i a n c o l o nists there.56 A parallel A t h e n i a n disaster m a y lie below the surface o f this n a r r a t i v e . T h e S t r y m o n f o r m s a significant a n d o m i n o u s b o u n d a r y between Greece a n d Thrace. I t belongs neither to Greeks nor to Persians. Xerxes' arrival? T h e messenger concludes t h e longest series of speeches delivered b y a single character i n extant tragedy by preparing the Queen, chorus, and audience for the arrival of a s m a l l Persian r e m n a n t (cf. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 1 1 5 . 1 ) a n d f o r t h e l a m e n t o f t h e polls (508-12). T h e messenger's final w o r d s assert the t r u t h o f his narrative and reiterate t h a t i t was a selection of the Persians' 'god-inflicted' woes (513-14). A s t h e messenger exits, t h e chorus bewails the divinity w h o brought 'hard suffering', 'leaping w i t h b o t h y o u r feet u p o n t h e e n t i r e r a c e o f P e r s i a n s ' ( 5 1 5 - 1 6 ; cf. 9 1 1 - 1 2 ) . T h e daimon t r a m p l e d t h e P e r s i a n s , w h o t r a m p l e d t h e Hellespont, t h e S t r y m o n , Greece, a n d A t h e n s . 5 7 T h e Q u e e n recognizes t h a t the disaster fulfils her dream, a n d rebukes the elders for their interpretation (518-20). E v e n so, s h e r e s o l v e s t o p e r f o r m t h e r i t e s t h e y e a r l i e r a d v i s e d . T h o u g h too late, they m a y somehow i m p r o v e t h e Persians' prospects (521-6). S h e is also concerned t h a t t h e chorus r e m a i n faithful advisors i n the a f t e r m a t h of the disaster (527-8). T h e Q u e e n n o w considers Xerxes' arrival. A s s u m i n g the role she w i l l p l a y i n t h e n e x t episode - chorus leader - she orders t h e chorus t o 'console h i m a n d send h i m i n t o t h e house' if h e r e t u r n s so t h a t h e does n o t m u l t i p l y h i s w o e s ( 5 2 9 - 3 1 ) . X e r x e s ' h o m e c o m i n g does n o t h a p p e n w h e n first expected. T h e Queen's r e t u r n pre-empts it; D a r i u s arrives f r o m Hades before X e r x e s r e t u r n s f r o m a f i g u r a l Hades, A t h e n s . T h i s 'false p r e p a r a t i o n ' has prompted m u c h discussion.58 B u t i tis a red herring. T h e deferral of Xerxes' entrance is part of a n ensemble of pre-empted, delayed, a n d unexpected stage events. T h e chorus' deliberations a r e t o olate; t h e Queen's entrance interrupts them. T h e bird o m e n pre-empts the Queen's apotropaic rites; t h e messenger's entrance defers t h e Queen's exit a n d renders apotropaic rites g r a t u i t o u s . T h e Queen's concern is for h e r son. 77

Aeschylus: Persians Before exiting, she arranges for the chorus t o soothe h i m a n d escort h i m to t h e palace.59 T h i s i sdeferred u n t i l t h e e n d o f t h e play; b u t i t does n o t h a p p e n o n t h e Queen's t e r m s . X e r x e s w i l l r e t u r n i n rags to m u l t i p l y his woes by re-enacting the Persians' suffering i n l a m e n t . A n d he w i l l regain control of the chorus a n d c o m m a n d t h e elders to escort h i m to t h e palace (1038-77). From Salamis to the end of empire: lament Alone i n the orchestra, the chorus performs the first stasimon. A n anapaestic prelude restates the narrative as a lament. T h e c h o r u s ceases t o s p e a k v a g u e l y o f ' d i v i n i t y ' o r 'god' a s t h e c a u s e of P e r s i a n suffering a n d blames 'Zeus t h e k i n g ' for destroying 'the a r m y of the boastful and m u l t i t u d i n o u s Persians' and for obscuring Persia i n mists of'gloomy lament' (532-6). Darkness - the m a t r i x of Xerxes' hopes a t Salamis and Persian joy a t the S t r y m o n - n o w settles o n Persia, obscuring the g l e a m of its w e a l t h , p o w e r , a n d hybris u n d e r m i s t s o f t e a r s . T h e e l d e r s describe w o m e n ' s tender h a n d s r e n d i n g t h e i r veils, t h e i r breasts drenched w i t h tears i n g r i e f (537-40). T h e y focus o n 'delicately l a m e n t i n g ' brides w h o long t o see t h e i r ' n e w l y w e d h u s b a n d s ' (artizugia, ' r e c e n t y o k i n g ' , 5 4 1 - 2 ) . T h e w o r d r e c a l l s Xerxes' 'yoke' o nthe Hellespont as a perverse marriage and hints a t the theme of a new Trojan War. Protesilaus was a newlywed, leaving a half-built house and a bride tearing her c h e e k s i n m o u r n i n g ( H o m e r Iliad 2 . 6 9 5 - 7 1 0 ) . T h e m e s s e n g e r s t a t e d t h a t t h e polis w o u l d l a m e n t ' l o n g i n g f o r t h e d e a r e s t y o u t h (hebe) o f t h e l a n d ' ( 5 1 1 - 1 2 ) . T h e w o r d hebe d e s i g n a t e s m e n o f m i l i t a r y a g e . M o r e g e n e r a l l y , hebe i s a s t a t e of physical and sexual m a t u r i t y , a benchmark o r 'measure' of h u m a n life, w h e n t h e body reaches i t s p e a k o f v i g o u r a n d desirability.60 I t is t h e t i m e w h e n m e n become w a r r i o r s a n d fathers a n d w o m e n a r e r e a d y f o r m a r r i a g e a n d c h i l d - b e a r i n g . 6 1 Hebe i s t h e object o f t w o k i n d s o f l a m e n t : for i t s evanescence, a s y o u t h y i e l d s t o o l d age, a n d f o r i t s l o s s i n b a t t l e . 6 2 P e r s i a n w o m e n c o m b i n e these: l o n g i n g for 'exquisitely cushioned m a r r i a g e beds, t h e pleasu r e o f l u x u r i a n t y o u t h (hebe)' ( 5 4 2 - 4 ) , t h e y m o u r n t h e i r h u s b a n d s ' d e a t h s i n b a t t l e a s t h e l o s s o f t h e i r o w n hebe.63 78

3. Pathos T h e chorus eroticizes P e r s i a n w o m e n i nlament. T h e keyw o r d f o r t h e i r d e l i c a t e l u x u r y i s habros, w h i c h f o r m s s u c h compounds as ' l u x u r i a n t i n lament' (135) and 'delicately lam e n t i n g ' ( 5 4 1 ; cf. 5 4 3 ) . 6 4 P e r s i a ' s f e m i n i n e l u x u r y i s t h e o b v e r s e of its i m p e r i a l i s m , as t h e Queen's entrance displayed. T h e desire f o rw e a l t h a n d empire h a s n o point o f satisfaction. Xerxes' expenditure o f w e a l t h t o conquer Greece purchases female laments that are superlatively 'unsatisfiable' (545). L a m e n t i s t h e f i n a l a c t o f i m p e r i a l i s t l u x u r i a n c e i n t h e Persians. Recalling t h e first l i n e of t h e play, t h e elders decide to h o n o u r t h e f a t e o f ' t h e d e p a r t e d ' ( 5 4 6 - 7 ; cf. 1 , 6 0 , 1 7 8 , 2 5 2 ) . T h e y s i n g a lament i n lyric iambic metre. Describing the land of Asia as ' e m p t i e d o u t ' a n d g r i e v i n g (548-9; cf. 119), t h e y r e d u c e t h e d r a m a t i c n a r r a t i v e to its essence a n d p u n c t u a t e i t w i t h exclam a t i o n s o f a n g u i s h . T h e s t o r y has a single subject: X e r x e s . H e led, d e s t r o y e d (or lost), a n d f o o l i s h l y m a n a g e d t h e b a t t l e a t sea (550-4). T h e chorus reiterates the messenger's stress o n Xerxes' moral/intellectual failure (361-2, 373, 454). T h e chorus b l a m e s X e r x e s ' y e a r n i n g for n a v a l e m p i r e , cont r a s t i n g his calamitous desire w i t h D a r i u s ' benign leadership of archer-citizens (555-7). T h e chorus made a s i m i l a r distinction i n the parodos (102-13). D a r i u s wielded power w i t h i n the l i m i t s o f t h e P e r s i a n t r a d i t i o n . X e r x e s t r i e d t o c o n t r o l t h e sea. T h e a n t i s t r o p h e i d e n t i f i e s t h e disaster a s specific t o n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m (558-63). S h i p s replace X e r x e s as t h e subject w h i c h led a n d destroyed/lost, s h a r i n g b l a m e w i t h the reckless y o u n g king. B o t h Xerxes and ships have a m a l i g n a n t 'dark-blue' look (559; 81-2) a n d bear a n equivalent e m o t i o n a l charge i n this lament. T h e disaster o f t h e Persians' l e a r n i n g 'to cast t h e i r gaze u p o n t h e h a l l o w e d f i e l d o f t h e sea' ( 1 0 8 - 1 3 ) h a s m u l t i p l e , c o n t r a d i c tory meanings. I t reinforces Athens' n a v a l supremacy i n the Aegean. T h a t the chorus uses the t e r m Tonians' for 'Greeks' here (563) a n d subsequently i n its l a m e n t s (950-4, 1011-13, 1025) i n s t e a d o f 'Greeks', a s t h e m e s s e n g e r does, signals t h i s tendency of t h e d r a m a . B u t i t also expresses a general w a r n i n g against n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m and associates i t w i t h the violation of sacred space.65 T o defend one's h o m e l a n d a g a i n s t a b a r b a r i a n i n v a d e r a s A t h e n s d i d a t S a l a m i s d i f f e r s f r o m l a u n c h i n g fleets 79

Aeschylus: Persians as a siege p o w e r - t h e A t h e n i a n m o d u s o p e r a n d i after S a l a m i s . 'Others' pains' - even w h e n inflicted by the audience - are the sole source o f tragic w i s d o m . H i s t o r y a s s u m e s t h e f o r m o f m y t h i n t r a g e d y because w h a t i s a l i e n s o m e h o w becomes one's o w n and the particular gains a general resonance.66 Persian laments for the disaster thus sound t h eperils o f n a v a l p o w e r , w h i c h w a s n o t o r i o u s l y i m p e r m a n e n t , a n d associated w i t h greed, i n v a s i o n , a n d t h e destabilization o f t r a d i t i o n . 6 7 I n a period o f t h r e e decades, I o n i a n s , Phoenicians, a n d A t h e n i ans dominated the Aegean. T h e i r stories are cautionary tales. T h e f i r s t G r e e k n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s t , P o l y c r a t e s o f S a m o s ( r u l e d c. 540 t o 522) ended u p crucified and decapitated, enticed t o his death b y w h a t h e t h o u g h t w e r e chests o f gold (Herodotus 3.122-5). T h e M i l e s i a n t y r a n t s ' bid for n a v a l e m p i r e ended i n disaster - Histiaeus too w a s decapitated (6.30). Herodotus lam e n t s the ships A t h e n s sent t o M i l e t u s as 'the beginning of woes f o r both Greeks a n d barbarians' (5.97.3). P h r y n i c h u s ' Phoenician Women b e w a i l e d t h e e n d o f P h o e n i c i a n n a v a l power. Ships enabled t h e Persians t o prosecute a large-scale i n v a sion w h i c h r i s k e d a n d i n c u r r e d t o t a l defeat. T h e y w o u l d s i m i l a r l y seduce t h e A t h e n i a n s . T h e fourth-century orator Isocrates exaggerates w h e n h e lists t h e A t h e n i a n loss o f 2 0 0 ships i n Egypt i n 454, 150 ships i n Cyprus, 10,000 hoplites i n Drabescus i n 464, 40,000 m e n and 140 ships i n Sicily i n 413.68 ' W h o could count', h e realistically adds, 'ships lost by tens a n d f i v e s a n d m o r e , a n d m e n d y i n g b y t h e 1 , 0 0 0 a n d 2 , 0 0 0 ' ? (On the Peace 8 . 8 6 - 7 ) . N a v a l p o w e r w a s e x p e n s i v e a n d u n s u s t a i n a b l e w i t h o u t tribute-collecting imperialism; i t expended h u m a n lives m o r e prodigiously t h a n l a n d power. E v e n a modest fleet of 60 triremes gambled some 12,000 lives, more t h a n A t h e n s risked a t either M a r a t h o n o r Plataea. Thucydides' Pericles asserts, ' k n o w t h a t the city has the greatest reputation for not yielding t o disasters a n d f o rexpending t h e most lives a n d e f f o r t s i n w a r ' ( 2 . 6 4 . 3 ) . T h e Persians d e p i c t s s u c h c a r n a g e a s a Persian problem; a n du n l i k e Pericles' A t h e n i a n s , Aeschylus' Persians yield t o unbridled l a m e n t after t h e disaster. S u c h laments are radically other, it is true; but they are inescapably h u m a n , a n d l i n k e d specifically to n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . A s A t h e 80

3. Pathos n i a n deaths i n w a r escalated, t h e tragic t h e a t r e became a n o u t l e t for t h e expression o f c o m m u n a l grief, misrecognized as 'others' woes'. The chorus' l a m e n t ends w h e r e the messenger's narrative did, w i t h X e r x e s ' escape t h r o u g h T h r a c e ( 5 6 4 - 7 ) . M o d u l a t i n g t o lyric dactylic metre, t h e elders go beyond t h e messenger's speech. T h e i r vision borders o n fantasy a n d prophecy. U t t e r i n g the exclamations of woe they feared the city w o u l d hear i n the parodos (114-19), they direct themselves t o l a m e n t t h e Persians' 'heaven-sent woes' (571-5) a n d i m a g i n e P e r s i a n corpses 'horribly m a n g l e d ' by fish, 'the voiceless c h i l d r e n o f t h e undefiled one' (576-8). T h i s k e n n i n g expresses t h e G r e e k idea t h a t the sea is i m m u n e t oreligious pollution and that t operish a t sea i s a k i n d o f n o t h i n g n e s s , t o e n t e r t h e food c h a i n a n d t o disappear w i t h o u t a trace.69 T h e messenger described Persians caught, killed, a n d prepared as food (424-6, 462-4). T h e chorus completes his vision: fish devour the Persians, a m o m e n t Herod o t u s a l s o i n c l u d e s i n h i s Histories ( 6 . 4 4 . 3 ) . R e t u r n i n g t o a k e y n o t e of the anapaestic prelude, the chorus m o u r n s for P e r s i a n households, w h i c h 'stripped o f i t s m a n grieves', a n d tells o f 'elderly, childless parents l a m e n t i n g heaven-sent woes' (579-83). T h e r e t u r n t o t h e p r e l u d e o f t h e ode signals a n e w b e g i n n i n g . The chorus becomes prophetic: Persia's A s i a n empire w i l l c r u m ble because o f defeat at S a l a m i s . Subjects w i l l no longer tolerate P e r s i a n r u l e , p a y t r i b u t e u n d e r 'despotic necessity', or be r u l e d a n d bow d o w n before t h e k i n g (584-90). T h e elders performed proskynesis b e f o r e t h e Q u e e n ; b u t t h e y w i l l n o t b o w b e f o r e t h e Q u e e n o r X e r x e s after t h e defeat. T h e rest o f t h e e m p i r e w i l l follow. F r e e speech figures t h e fall o f empire: 'the people h a s been s e tloose t o speak freely, for t h e y o k e o f p o w e r has been loosened' (591-4). T h e image o f the yoke i s a vehicle for telling the story o f the play: Xerxes yoked t h e Hellespont (65-72, 721-30, 744-51) a n d sought to p u t the 'yoke' of slavery o n Greece (50, 1 9 0 - 2 ) . S a l a m i s s h a t t e r e d t h e y o k e o f P e r s i a n s l a v e r y , destroying the 'yoke' of Persian marriages and r e m o v i n g the 'yoke' o f silence f r o m t h e people. T h e failed a t t e m p t to conquer m a i n l a n d Greece threatens the P e r s i a n empire a t its heart.70 W e w i l l see r e s u l t o f t h i s w h e n t h e e l d e r s s p e a k f r e e l y t o X e r x e s upon his r e t u r n (918-1001). 81

Aeschylus:

Persians

Persian power a n d g r a n d e u r lie o n the bloody fields of Ajax's island, S a l a m i s (595-7). These last w o r d s of the l a m e n t echo a Greek m e m o r i a l for the dead a t Salamis: 'but n o w the island of S a l a m i s h o l d s u s ' (FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X I ) . T h e P e r s i a n pathos ends w h e r e i t began, o n the 'island of Ajax' (307, 368), separated from Attica a tits narrowest point by a fraction over a kilometre. H o m e r d e s i g n a t e d A j a x ' t h e b u l w a r k (herkos) o f t h e A c h a e a n s ' (Iliad 3 . 2 2 9 ; 6 . 5 ; 7 . 2 1 1 ) , t h e w o r d f o r A t h e n s ' d e f e n d e r s i n t h e Persians ( 3 4 9 ) . A j a x i s a n a p t h e r o f o r t h e b a t t l e . T h e d e f e n d e r w h o wears a gigantic shield, h e i s unable t o w i t h s t a n d t h e Trojan onslaught b y himself. H ewithdraws, enabling Hector a n d t h e T r o j a n s t o s e t f i r e t o t h e A c h a e a n s h i p s ( H o m e r Iliad 16.101-24). So too t h e A t h e n i a n s w i t h d r e w a n d t h e P e r s i a n s set fire to Athens. Remembering the victory a tSalamis from the perspective of the Persian disaster allows t h e Athenians t o celebrate t h e greatest victory i n their history and t olament their greatest defeat. T o u n d e r s t a n d t h e Persian, a n d b y i m p l i c a t i o n , t h e A t h e n i a n , pathos, t h e p l a y r a i s e s t h e g h o s t o f D a r i u s . B u t h e bears little resemblance t othe historical Darius. I s Darius a figment of the barbarian i m a g i n a t i o n o ra m a s k for the playwright's o w n message? T h i s i s t h equestion t h enext t w o chapters will attempt to answer.

82

4

A T r a g e d y of Succession 'Everything is full of fear' T h e Q u e e n enters embodying the abjection of A s i a and its hope for t h e p r o p i t i a t i o n o f t h e gods responsible for t h e disaster. A s i n h e r f i r s t e n t r a n c e , she i s a f r a i d . N o w , h o w e v e r , she sees t h e w o r l d t h r o u g h the filter of her reversal of fortune. F o r those w h o suffer 'a w a v e o f woes', s h e says, ' e v e r y t h i n g i s l i k e l y t o cause fear' (599-600). B y contrast, those w h o enjoy continuous good fortune 'trust that the same w i n d of fortune will always blow' (601-2). T h e Q u e e n locates h e r s e l f a m o n g t h eformer: 'everyt h i n g i s full o f fear' (603). D e p i c t i n g t h e h u m a n condition as a perilous voyage contingent upon invisible powers, t h e Queen again formulates the appropriate response to the Persian m a r i t i m e d i s a s t e r (cf. 4 3 3 - 4 ) . H e r a p p r e c i a t i o n o f t h e m u t a b i l i t y o f fortune and expectation of further misfortune differ m a r k e d l y f r o m the chorus' expression of invincibility i n the parodos.1 T h e Queen's physical appearance attests to Persia's reversal of f o r t u n e . S h e first e n t e r e d o n a c h a r i o t a n d w a s t h e object o f t h e c h o r u s ' proskynésis a n d f o r m a l a d d r e s s ( 1 5 0 - 8 ) . N o w s h e enters unannounced; her chariot a n d 'finery' are gone (607-8).2 T h e Q u e e n sees, h e a r s , a n d feels a spectacle o f i n n e r p a i n . Visions of divine hostility and menacing sounds - like the Greek p a e a n t h a t t e r r i f i e d t h e P e r s i a n fleet - a s s a u l t h e r ( 6 0 4 - 5 ; c f . 3 8 8 - 9 2 ) . A s t o n i s h m e n t (ekpléxis) c a u s e d b y s u f f e r i n g ' s t r i k e s o u t ' h e r s e n s e s ( 6 0 6 ; cf. 2 9 0 - 1 ) . T h e Q u e e n ' s b o d y a n d m i n d r e g i s t e r t h e ' b l o w ' t o P e r s i a ' s olbos d e l i v e r e d a t S a l a m i s ( 2 5 1 - 2 ) . T h e Q u e e n p r o p o s e d t o r e t u r n w i t h a peíanos a s a g i f t t o t h e e a r t h a n d the dead (521-6). N o w s h earrives carrying ingredie n t s t h a t m a y q u a l i f y a s peíanos, b u t l a c k m e a l , t h e s t a p l e o f this porridge-like substance: milk, honey, spring water, wine,

83

Aeschylus:

Persians

o l i v e o i l , a n d flowers.3 T h e Q u e e n e n d o w s t h e s e o b j e c t s w i t h magical properties b y n a m i n g t h e m i n kennings (611-18).4 These kennings t u r n simple produce into remedies for disaster, p r e f i g u r i n g t h e i n t e n d e d effect of D a r i u s ' a p p e a r a n c e , a 'cure f o r woes' (631-2). T h e ' u n y o k e d cow' (literally, 'pure') is innocent o f X e r x e s ' t r a n s g r e s s i v e ' y o k e ' . 5 T h e ' b l o s s o m - w o r k i n g bee' is a f o i l for t h e i n v a d i n g a r m y , w h i c h w a s c o m p a r e d t o 'a s w a r m o f bees' (128-9). T h e garlands recall a n d reverse t h e loss o f 'the flower of t h e Persians' (59-62, 250-2, 925-7), w h o r e m a i n unburied, never to r e t u r n to the earth, the m o t h e r w h o bore and laments t h e m . 6 Food a n d d r i n k offerings counter Persian deaths b y thirst and s t a r v a t i o n (482-4, 490-1). T h e k e n n i n g s also allude to A t h e n s ' destruction a n d r e b i r t h f r o m P e r s i a n fire. T h e 'wild mother' (614) suggests the ' m o u n t a i n mother' Cybebe, whose temple a t Sardis t h e A t h e n i a n s a n d Ionians burned.7 T h e description of the olive as'forever t e e m i n g w i t h life i n its leaves' (616-17) m a y refer t o a t r a d i t i o n t h a t X e r x e s sent A t h e n i a n s t o sacrifice o n t h e Acropolis after h e burned it. T h e y reported that the olive w h i c h A t h e n a produced to w i n patronage of A t h e n s , t h o u g h burned, h a d shot u p overn i g h t (Herodotus 8.55). T h i s olive symbolized t h e free c o m m u n i t y of A t h e n s a n d its capacity to reproduce itself f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l a u t o c h t h o n o u s l i n e ( E u r i p i d e s Ion 1 4 3 3 - 6 ; cf. Trojan Women 7 9 9 - 8 0 3 ) . T h e Q u e e n figures t h e r e s t o r a t i v e p o w e r o f h e r offerings i n a riddling language w h i c h h i n t s a t t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos a n d t h e i r c a p a c i t i e s f o r r e g e n e r a t i o n . 8 T h e dominant trope of these riddles is personification. T h e life-giving mother and the pure virgin, Demeter and Kore,a r e present i n t h e language. T h e pair i s also p r o m i n e n t i n t h e fourth-century comedian Antiphanes' parody of such kennings (Aphrodisius, f r . 5 5 . 3 , 9 [ K - A ] ) , w h i c h i n c l u d e s t h r e e o f t h e s e items: 'streams o f t h e buzzing bee' (honey, 7),'sweat o f B r o m i u s ' fount' (wine, 12), a n d 'dewy drops of t h e n y m p h s ' (spring water, 13). T h e Queen's offerings are foils for t h e chariot, a s y m b o l o f w e a l t h w o n b yconquest a n d dispossession of the vanquished; t h e y s u g g e s t olbos d e r i v e d f r o m t h e e a r t h . I n i t s r e l i g i o u s f o r m , olbos i s a r e l a t i o n t o t h e e a r t h : t h o s e w h o a r e ' b l e s s e d ' (olbioi) are favoured b y Gaea, Demeter, and K o r e . 9 T h e derivation of 84

4. A Tragedy of Succession olbos f r o m c o n q u e s t i s a t t h e h e a r t o f t h e P e r s i a n d i s a s t e r . T h e second episode r e t u r n s to t h e e a r t h a n d t h e dead f a t h e r b u r i e d i n i t a s a r e m e d y . T h i s act o f r e m e d i a t i o n h a s special resonance for the A t h e n i a n s , whose l a n d a n d ancestral t o m b s w e r e destroyed i n 480/79.10 T h e raising of D a r i u s ' ghost comes as a surprise. T h e Q u e e n withholds t h e purpose o fher offerings u n t i l t h e end o f her speech. She enters c a r r y i n g 'propitiatory libations to t h e f a t h e r of t h e child, soothing to t h e dead' (609-10). A f t e r h e r k e n n i n g s , s h e o r d e r s t h e c h o r u s t o i n v o k e ' t h e d i v i n i t y (daimon) D a r i u s ' w i t h h y m n s w h i l e she pours 'these h o n o u r s t o t h e gods o f t h e lower world' (619-22). T h e kennings t r a n s f o r m propitiatory offerings t o t h edead into ingredients o fa necromantic rite. T h e y also signal a change i n t h e Queen's d r a m a t i c role. A seeker o f advice a n d questioner i n t h e first episode, t h e Q u e e n assumes t h e role o fchorus leader, c o m m a n d i n g t h e chorus' performance and d e t e r m i n i n g the stage action.11 Aristotle theorized tragedy's origin from 'the chorus leaders of the d i t h y r a m b ' (Poetics 1 4 4 9 a 9 - 1 4 ) ; a n a c t o r i n t h e r o l e o f c h o r u s l e a d e r i s essential t oAeschylean drama. This is the position of power, a u t h o r i t y , a n d risk; t h e chorus leader acts as a director o n s t a g e . I n t h e Persians, t h e r o l e e v o l v e s a s i t p a s s e s f r o m t h e messenger, t o t h e Queen, t o D a r i u s , a n d finally t o Xerxes himself, w h o regains despotic c o n t r o l o f t h e k i n g d o m asa leader of choral lament.12 Before o u r eyes, t h e Q u e e n a n d t h e c h o r u s raise D a r i u s f r o m t h e d e a d . N e c r o m a n c y i s a n o c t u r n a l r i t e par excellence; c o n ducted i n d a y l i g h t by d r a m a t i c necessity, i t nevertheless stages the inversion of day/night, light/darkness that was integralt o the messenger's narrative.13 Darius' tomb T h e elders accept t h e i r role i n a n anapaestic prelude, w h i c h covers m o v e m e n t into position a t D a r i u s ' t o m b t op e r f o r m the rites and sing the h y m n (623-32). Precisely h o w the t o m b was represented a n d w h e r e i t w a s located w i t h i n t h e theatrical space are u n k n o w n . T h e m o s t i n g e n i o u s t h e o r y is t h a t o f N i c h o las H a m m o n d , w h o argues t h a t a rock outcrop o n the eastern 85

Aeschylus:

Persians

edge o f t h e orchestra, w h i c h w a s r e m o v e d s o m e t i m e b e t w e e n 463 a n d 458, f u n c t i o n e d as a n elevated acting space a n d w a s o u t f i t t e d t o s e r v e a s D a r i u s ' t o m b i n t h e Persians.14 A . W . Pickard-Cambridge a n d Oliver T a p l i n also locate t h e t o m b o n t h e side o f t h e orchestra ( t h o u g h n o t o n t h e outcrop).15 P e t e r A r n o t t believes t h a t a n altar o n a n elevated stage functioned as Darius' t o m b . 1 6 I ti s difficult t o see h o w the ghost-raising w a s staged i f t h i s w a s t h e a r r a n g e m e n t , since t h e a l t a r w o u l d not have been large enough to conceal D a r i u s or his m o v e m e n t into position for t h e scene.17 D a v i d W i l e s asserts t h a t T n p e r f o r m ance t e r m s the climax of the play demands use of the strongest point' and argues t h a t the t o m b was located a t the altar i n the c e n t r e o f t h e o r c h e s t r a , t h e thymelè; b u t t h i s g i v e s D a r i u s a n a n t i - c l i m a c t i c e n t r a n c e 'as a d i s e m b o d i e d s p i r i t . . . t o t h e o r c h e s t r a f r o m t h e t e r r a c e b e h i n d ' . 1 8 P o s i t i n g a skènè a s b o t h a t o m b and council chamber is the most elegant hypothesis, though i t is b y n o m e a n s certain. I t has t h e advantage o f m a k i n g t h e t o m b t h e v i s u a l focus o f t h e t h e a t r i c a l space a n d o f offering a mechan i s m for concealing Darius' body and screening his emergence to the top of the structure. B u t basic uncertainties about t h e t h e a t r e i n 4 7 2 - w h e t h e r i t f e a t u r e d a skènè, w h e t h e r a n a c t i n g s p a c e w a s e l e v a t e d a b o v e t h e d a n c i n g s p a c e (orchèstra) — m a k e any hypothesis tenuous. The power of lament: the chorus' hymn Addressing the divinities responsible for releasing the dead t o the w o r l d o fthe living, t h e elders explain t h e i r d e m a n d for Darius' r e t u r n : 'if he k n o w s some further cure of our woes, h e alone o f mortals m i g h t speak their fulfilment' (627-32). T h e chorus classifies D a r i u s as a m o r t a l ; t h a t h e i s dead i n H a d e s and m u s t r e t u r n confirms i t (688-93).19 References to his divinity are part of the ideology of Persian kingship and the rhetoric of t h e disaster. D a r i u s lived 'a f o r t u n a t e life l i k e a god a m o n g t h e P e r s i a n s ' ( 7 1 1 ) . ' S u r p a s s i n g a l l m o r t a l s i n olbos' ( 7 0 9 ) , h e e m b o d i e s t h e olbos X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n r u i n e d a n d w h i c h p l a y s a n ambiguous role i n the etiology o f the disaster. T h e h y m n isrhythmically varied, but the first line, containi n g f o u r I o n i c a minore m e t r a , e s t a b l i s h e s i t s c a d e n c e , w h i c h 86

4. A Tragedy of Succession grows increasingly Ionic before concluding w i t h a n iambic a n d d a c t y l i c e p o d e . 2 0 T h e m e t r e o f hybris a n d ate i n t h e p a r o d o s , I o n i c a minore n o w c o n v e y s t h e m a g i c a l p o w e r o f P e r s i a n language a n d s o r r o w t o a w a k e n t h e dead; i t i s t h e r h y t h m o f Persia's r e v e r s a l o f f o r t u n e , p a i n , loss, a n d l o n g i n g . I t h a s t h e p o w e r to c o m m u n i c a t e across t h e g u l f t h a t separates living a n d dead, G r e e k a n d Persian, e v o k i n g joint P e r s i a n / I o n i a n suffering.21 T h e elders seek t o establish c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h D a r i u s , a s k i n g 'the blessed godlike k i n g ' i f he can hear t h e m . Dolefulness and variations of pitch and v o l u m e are required for the living t o reach the dead. A n exotic q u a l i t y helps: the chorus describes its utterances a s 'barbarian' (634-9).22 T h e a n t i s t r o p h e beseeches chthonic p o w e r s to g r a n t D a r i u s ' release. A m p l i f y i n g t h e i r praise, t h e elders c a l l D a r i u s 'god o f t h e P e r s i a n s b o r n i n Susa', u n i q u e a m o n g those b u r i e d i n P e r s i a n soil (640-6). M a k i n g h e a v y use o f anaphora, t h e second strophe elaborates the h y m n ' s opening. T h e elders proclaim love for D a r i u s , his t o m b , a n d his character, before directly appealing to Hades to escort 'the d i v i n e m a s t e r D a r i a n ' t o t h e l i v i n g (647-51). 'Darian' approximates Darius' Persian name, enhancing the exotic sound of the h y m n and intensifying the personal bond between chorus a n d king. T h e antistrophe reiterates the desire for D a r i u s ' r e t u r n i n t e r m s of his difference f r o m X e r x e s (652-6). D a r i u s ' p r u d e n t a n dsuccessful leadership contrasts w i t h X e r x e s ' d e s t r u c t i v e m a r i t i m e a m b i t i o n s (cf. 5 5 5 - 7 ) . A d o l e f u l e x c l a m a t i o n , ee, f o l l o w s D a r i u s ' n a m e a t t h e e n d o f t h e second strophe a n d concludes t h e a n t i s t r o p h e ( 6 5 1 , 656). T h e concluding refrain of the third strophic/antistrophic pair punctuates the c o m m a n d for the 'harmless father D a r i a n ' to arrive w i t h t h e e x c l a m a t i o n ' o f ( 6 6 3 - 4 , 6 7 1 - 2 ) . 2 3 I n t h e first s t a s i m o n t h e e x c l a m a t i o n s popoi a n d totoi f o l l o w e d X e r x e s ' a n d ' s h i p s ' ( 5 5 0 - 1 , 560-1); s i m i l a r cries p u n c t u a t e d t h e chorus' l a m e n t for t h e dead w h o w o u l d never r e t u r n (568-81). I n t h i s h y m n , t h e chorus attaches t h e p a i n of t h e disaster to D a r i u s ' n a m e to compel h i s presence. T h e h y m n r e a c h e s i t s i n c a n t a t o r y p e a k i n t h e t h i r d stro¬ phe/antistrophe. T h e chorus repeatedly calls u p o n D a r i u s t o a r r i v e a n d a p p e a r , i n v o k i n g h i m w i t h t h e e x o t i c t i t l e 'batten, a n c i e n t batten' ( 6 5 7 - 8 ) , e i t h e r a P h r y g i a n r o y a l t i t l e o r a t i t l e d e r i v e d f r o m a B a b y l o n i a n w o r d f o r r o y a l d e c r e e , palu, t h e 87

Aeschylus: Persians source of the P h o e n i c i a n honorific B a ' a l . 2 4 T h e chorus defines expectations for Darius' v i s u a l appearance, c o m m a n d i n g h i m to appear o n h i s funeral mound's o r tomb's 'highest pinnacle' w e a r i n g t h e P e r s i a n 'crocus-dyed slipper' a n d r e v e a l i n g t h e 'tip of y o u r r o y a l t i a r a ' (659-61), t h e h a t w h i c h o n l y t h e P e r s i a n k i n g could wear upright.25 Darius' ornate and intact royal costume w i l l contrast w i t h Xerxes' rags.26 T h e elders state t h e i r reason for c o m m a n d i n g D a r i u s ' presence: t o h e a r ' s t r a n g e a n d n e w woes' (665). I r o n i c a l l y r e d u c i n g t h e difference b e t w e e n t h e place w h e r e D a r i u s i s a n d t h e place w h e r e t h e y order h i m to appear, t h e chorus describes P e r s i a as a k i n d o f Hades: 'the m i s t o f t h e Styx hovers, for n o w the entire y o u t h of our land has perished' (669-70). The text o f t h e epode i s corrupt, b u t t h e chorus r e m i n d s Darius of lavish laments for h i m a t his death. H i s appearance w i l l repay t h i s favour. A s M a r a t h o n w a s t h e cue for t h e messenger's a r r i v a l , S a l a m i s i s t h e cue for D a r i u s ' . T h e elders e n d t h e h y m n o n t h e k e y n o t e o f t h e n a v a l defeat: 'for a l l t h e t r i r e m e s i n t h i s l a n d h a v e p e r i s h e d ; t h e ships a r e n o ships, n o ships' (673¬ 80). T h e loss of t h e fleet is t h e p a i n f u l b l o w t o P e r s i a . A g a i n , t h i s stress highlights the A t h e n i a n achievement even as i t underscores t h e evanescence o f n a v a l p o w e r . W h e n D a r i u s emerges from Hades, h e tells the elders t h a t the Queen's libations made h i m afraid (684-5) and t h a t t h e i r wailing 'with soul-attracting laments, invoked m e pitiably' (686-8). T h e h y m n arouses t h e canonical emotions o f tragic performance, p i t y a n d fear; song, music, a n d m o v e m e n t w o r k a k i n d of magic.27 T h e Queen's d r e a m focalized pity for Xerxes t h r o u g h D a r i u s (198). I n t h e staged d r a m a , D a r i u s pities t h e polis r a t h e r t h a n h i s s o n , e n g a g i n g t h e a u d i e n c e ' s e m o t i o n s w i t h t h e polis a s t h e v i c t i m o f d i s a s t e r . P e r f o r m i n g a l a m e n t w h i c h ' l e a d s s o u l s ' f r o m H a d e s , t h e Persians l u r e s a g h o s t t o t h e world of the living and a Greek audience into a Persian tragedy. Darius' entrance The staging o f D a r i u s ' a r r i v a l is impossible to d e t e r m i n e . Oliver T a p l i n suggests t h a t h e m a y emerge t h r o u g h a n u n d e r g r o u n d p a s s a g e . 2 8 M a e S m e t h u r s t c o n j e c t u r e s t h a t h e a r i s e s f r o m be88

4. A Tragedy of Succession h i n d a moveable prop representing his tomb.29 Others suggest t h a t h e s u r m o u n t s a n object s u c h a s a m o u n d or r o c k decorated as a t o m b . 3 0 S o m e h a v e u s e d v a s e p a i n t i n g t o s u p p o r t t h e i r positions, b u t these paintings d o not inspire confidence a s precise renditions of a m o m e n t i n a tragedy.31 A wooden struct u r e is a s i m p l e r a n d m o r e economical t h e a t r i c a l device t h a n a n u n d e r g r o u n d passage or a specialized prop. D e p i c t e d a s a god, D a r i u s m a y h a v e a p p e a r e d o n t o p o f a skene w h i c h r e p r e s e n t e d h i s t o m b ; t h e l a t e r t h e a t r e w o u l d s t a g e t h i s a r r i v a l a s a deus ex machina.32 Premonition, dream, omen, oracle: the fulfilment of tragedy D a r i u s ' e m e r g e n c e i n t o t h e l i g h t e x t e n d s t h e scope o f t h e d r a m a backwards and forwards i n time, f r o m the origin of the Persian/Median kingship six generations earlier to three generations after t h e P e r s i a n defeat a t Plataea. T h e s t i c h o m y t h i a between the Queen and Darius articulates the tragedy as a fulfilment of the chorus' premonition, the Queen's dream and bird omen, the precedent of M a r a t h o n , and prophecies k n o w n to D a r i u s (703-43). D a r i u s condemns his son (744-52), places his disaster i n the context of the history of the Persian kingship (759-86), a n d prophesies defeat a t P l a t a e a (800-20). F i n a l l y , h e d e s c r i b e s t h e t r a g e d y a s t h e s e q u e n c e o f hybris, ate a n d l a m e n t , n a m i n g Z e u s as t h e god w h o p u n i s h e d X e r x e s f o r h i s ' o v e r w e e n ing ambitions' (821-8), a n d attempts t o r e m e d y the disaster, ordering the chorus to educate Xerxes and the Queen to provide h i m w i t h a n e w kosmos ( 8 2 9 - 3 8 ) . T h e Persians i s c o n s t r u c t e d f r o m r e p e a t e d p a t t e r n s . 3 3 D a r i u s ' ghost arrives as the Q u e e n did i n the first episode spectacularly but fearfully to seek i n f o r m a t i o n f r o m the elders ( 6 8 1 - 2 ; cf. 1 7 0 - 2 ) . A w a r e o f l a m e n t i n P e r s i a - w a i l i n g , b r e a s t beating, scoring o f t h e e a r t h - he does not k n o w , as he asks i n p l a i n t i v e a l l i t e r a t i o n , ' w h a t p a i n p a i n s t h e polis'l ( 6 8 2 ) . 3 4 Darius knows the past and future, but h e is ignorant of the p r e s e n t . T h e first p a r t o f t h i s episode i s h i s r e c o g n i t i o n scene: he learns t h a t the P e r s i a n disaster fulfils prophecies w h i c h h e t h o u g h t w o u l d be r e a l i z e d i n t h e d i s t a n t f u t u r e (739-41). 89

Aeschylus:

Persians

T h e chorus' response t o Darius' question repeats and intensifies t h e spectacle o f fear a n d reverence a t t h e Queen's first entrance. I n three anaphoric a n d r h y m i n g lines, t h e elders express their i n a b i l i t y t olook a t o rto address D a r i u s because of t h e i r 'old fear' o f h i m (694-6). D a r i u s responds i n trochaic tetrameters, signalling his impatience as h e pleads w i t h t h e chorus to tell h i m the news (697-9). Awe-struck, the elders are unable to deliver bad news to their beloved k i n g (700-2). D a r i u s appeals t o his 'noble wife' t o stop h e r l a m e n t a n d t o t e l l h i m s o m e t h i n g 'clear' (703-6). H e u s e s m a x i m s t o coax h e r into divulging the news (706-8). D a r i u s ' sympathetic awareness s h o w s t h a t h e i s r e a d y for b a d n e w s . T r e a t i n g l a n d a n d sea a s s e p a r a t e spheres, h o w e v e r , h e i s u n p r e p a r e d for X e r x e s ' act — b r i d g i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t - t r a n s f o r m i n g sea i n t o l a n d a n d i n c u r r i n g d i s a s t e r o n b o t h l a n d a n d sea. T h e Queen, as t h e messenger before her, b l u n t l y states t h e catastrophe: 'the empire of the Persians h a s been nearly des t r o y e d ( l i t e r a l l y , ' s a c k e d ' ) ' ( 7 1 4 ) . T h e Persians r e c a l l s A t h e n s ' sack (65-72, 81-107, 177-8, 807-12) b u t t u r n s t h e tables o n t h e Persians, r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e i r defeat a s a m e t a p h o r i c a l 'sack' o f their empire.35 T h e reversal instantiates the principle of'action' (drama) a n d ' s u f f e r i n g ' (pathos): t h e P e r s i a n s a c k e r s a r e s a c k e d . T h a t t h e G r e e k w o r d f o r P e r s i a n s , Persai, i s t h e a o r i s t i n f i n i t i v e o f t h e v e r b 'to sack', e n h a n c e s t h e i d e a . 3 6 T h e Q u e e n p a i r s t h e 'sack' o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e w i t h X e r x e s ' ' e m p t y i n g out the entire p l a i n of the m a i n l a n d ' (718), developing Persia's pathos a s t h e a n a l o g u e a n d a n t i t h e s i s o f A t h e n s ' . T h e Q u e e n defines t h e m i l i t a r y disaster a n d object o f l a m e n t : 'the navy, being defeated, destroyed t h e i n f a n t r y ' (728). S u c h a r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e P e r s i a n fleet a n d a r m y b e c a m e c o n ventional wisdom. I n Herodotus, Queen Artemisia o f Halicarnassus advises Xerxes n o tt o r i s k a n a v a l battle a t S a l a m i s . G r e e k sailors, she contends, 'are better t h a n y o u r m e n at sea a s m e n are b e t t e r t h a n w o m e n ' ( 8 . 6 8 a l ) . 3 7 X e r x e s a l r e a d y h o l d s A t h e n s ; t o f i g h t a n a v a l b a t t l e for i t w o u l d be s u p e r f l u o u s . She advises the k i n g to m a r c h to the Peloponnese (8.68a2-b2). Q u o t i n g A e s c h y l u s ' Q u e e n , s h e c o n c l u d e s , T f e a r t h a t t h e fleet, being defeated, w i l l destroy t h e l a n d a r m y too' (8.68gl). H e r o dotus considers A r t e m i s i a ' s advice sound (7.99.3); m o d e r n 90

4. A Tragedy of Succession h i s t o r i a n s h a v e b e e n l e s s e n t h u s i a s t i c . 3 8 T h e Persians l o c a t e s the vulnerability of Xerxes' invasion i n the navy. Herodotus and T h u c y d i d e s f o l l o w s u i t ( H e r o d o t u s 7 . 1 3 9 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1.73.4¬ 74.1). E x p l a i n i n g X e r x e s ' defeat i n these t e r m s justifies A t h e n s ' title as 'saviours o f Greece' (Herodotus 7.139.5); b u t i t also identifies t h e n a v y as t h e enabling factor i n a t o t a l defeat w h i c h jeopardizes t h e socially s u p e r i o r l a n d forces. D a r i u s ' l a c k o f c o n c e r n f o r X e r x e s a n d h i s o w n oikos i s conspicuous; h e does n o t k n o w w h i c h o f h i s sons led t h e i n v a sion (717). T h e Queen steers t h e discussion t o w a r d Xerxes, i n f o r m i n g h i m t h a t , as one o f few s u r v i v o r s , h e crossed t h e bridge 'yoking the t w o lands' to safety (734-6). Herodotus insists t h a t t h e b r i d g e s w e r e d o w n ( 8 . 1 1 7 . 1 ) . T h e Persians t r e a t s t h e bridges both as Xerxes' destructive madness and as his means of salvation. Xerxes' salvation triggers D a r i u s ' recollection of prophecies of the disaster. H e t h o u g h t t i m e w o u l d delay t h e i r fulfilment (740-1), b u t i t came i n a n unpredictable i n s t a n t (739-40).39 D a r i u s blames Xerxes f o r accelerating their realization: h e attracted divine assistance (742). T h e dialogue isolates Xerxes' y o k i n g o f t h e H e l l e s p o n t a s a n act o f madness, t h e m o m e n t w h e n ' d i v i n i t y ' a b e t t e d h i s hybris a n d c a u s e d h i m t o l o s e h i s s e n s e s (719-25). T h e play stresses i n t e r p l a y b e t w e e n m a n a n d god i n realizing the catastrophe; now, however, the Greeks are h a r d l y i n t h e p i c t u r e . T h e gods' r o l e i n a b e t t i n g X e r x e s p r e d o m i n a t e s . 4 0 T h e Persians d o e s n o t s p e c i f y t h e s o u r c e o r c o n t e n t o f t h e s e p r o p h e c i e s . S o m e c o n j e c t u r e t h a t t h e Phineus ( a p r o p h e t , i n s o m e a c c o u n t s , b l i n d e d b y t h e g o d s ) , w h i c h p r e c e d e d t h e Persians, c o n t a i n e d t h e m . 4 1 T h e s e p r o p h e c i e s s e e m t o h a v e a d u a l message. T h e y p o r t e n d t h e 'sack' a n d 'evacuation' of t h e P e r s i a n empire (714, 718) a n d the king's 'salvation' (735-8).42 I n this regard, t h e y a r e p a r a l l e l a n d opposed t o t h et w o prophecies Herodotus claims the Delphic Oracle delivered to the Athenians before X e r x e s reached t h e city. B o t h prophesied t h e sack o f A t h e n s , b u t t h e second h i n t e d a t A t h e n s ' s a l v a t i o n t h r o u g h evacuation and n a v a l battle a t 'divine Salamis' (7.141.3). T h e s u r v i v i n g A t h e n i a n collective i s analogous a n d antithetical t o the surviving individual Xerxes. T h e Persians g r a d u a l l y d e p i c t s t h e P e r s i a n pathos o n t h e 91

Aeschylus: Persians m o d e l o f A t h e n s ' : evacuation, sack, s a l v a t i o n , f u l f i l m e n t o f a double prophecy. T h e bridge over t h e Hellespont i s Xerxes' d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n a n d m e a n s o f s a l v a t i o n ; t h e A t h e n i a n fleet enables the sack of A t h e n s and the salvation of the A t h e n i a n s a s a polis. S u c h e c h o e s d e v e l o p t h e P e r s i a n pathos a s r e c i p r o c a l vengeance for the t r a u m a they inflicted o n Athens. T h e y instant i a t e t h e p l a y ' s m a j o r t h e m e , t h a t a c t i o n (drama) n e c e s s i t a t e s r e c i p r o c a l s u f f e r i n g (pathos) t h a t i s n o l e s s v i o l e n t a n d p a i n f u l . T h e P e r s i a n pathos - t h e l o s s o f a fleet, a l l m e n o f m i l i t a r y a g e , t h e n o b i l i t y , a n d w i t h t h e m , olbos a n d e m p i r e - c o m p e n s a t e s f o r t h e A t h e n i a n pathos. A t t h e s a m e t i m e , t h e s y m m e t r y a n d o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n P e r s i a ' s a n d A t h e n s ' pathos a l s o e n a b l e s t h e a u d i e n c e t o experience a n effect c r u c i a l t o t r a g e d y : t o r e a l i z e t h e self i n the pain of the other.43 ' A disease of the mind' F o r D a r i u s , Xerxes' ignorance, y o u t h f u l audacity, a n d defiance of his commands a r e the cause of the disaster (744, 782-3). D a r i u s condemns Xerxes, accusing h i m o f h o p i n g 'to h o l d t h e s a c r e d flowing H e l l e s p o n t i n b o n d s l i k e a s l a v e ' ( 7 4 5 - 6 ) , c h a n g ing the shape of the Hellespont (747), a n d m a k i n g a p a t h for his great a r m y ' b y t h r o w i n g h a m m e r - b e a t e n shackles' o n t h e Hellespont (747-8). D a r i u s ' charge i s not t h a t Xerxes tried t o enslave a free people, o r t h a t h e challenged superior G r e e k s a i l o r s t o a n a v a l b a t t l e , a s w e m i g h t e x p e c t i f t h e Persians a i m e d s i m p l y to celebrate G r e e k superiority. Rather, he excoria t e s h i s s o n f o r t r y i n g t o d o m i n a t e a l l t h e gods, s i n g l i n g o u t P o s e i d o n , god o f sea ( 7 4 9 - 5 1 ) . 4 4 D a r i u s calls t h i s h i s son's 'dise a s e o f t h e m i n d ' ( 7 5 0 - 1 ) . I n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, t h e E r i n y e s d e c l a r e t h a t 'olbos ... c o m e s f r o m t h e h e a l t h o f t h e m i n d ' ( 5 3 5 - 7 ) . T h e Persians d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e c o n v e r s e : X e r x e s ' ' d i s e a s e o f t h e m i n d ' r u i n s P e r s i a ' s olbos. Herodotus relates t h a t Xerxes, enraged after a s t o r m destroyed his first bridges, ordered the Hellespont punished. H e imposed 300 lashes u p o n i t a n d cast a pair of shackles into its depths, fettering a n d stigmatizing h i s errant slave (7.35). Themistocles berates Xerxes for this as well as for destroying A t h e n s ' temples, citing these acts as proof t h a t m o r t a l s w e r e 92

4. A Tragedy of Succession n o t r e s p o n s i b l e f o r X e r x e s ' defeat: 'gods a n d heroes, w h o s e e n v y prevented one u n h o l y and transgressive m a n from being k i n g of E u r o p e a n d A s i a , accomplished this' (Herodotus 8.109.3). T h i s i s t h e t h r u s t o f D a r i u s ' c o n d e m n a t i o n i n t h e Persians. X e r x e s s o u g h t t o d o m i n a t e ' a l l t h e gods'. Z e u s p u n i s h e d h i s p r e s u m p t i o n ( 8 2 7 - 8 ) . M o s t scholars rule out reference to Xerxes' p u n i s h m e n t of the H e l l e s p o n t i n t h e Persians.45 Y e t h o w ' h a m m e r - b e a t e n s h a c k les' (747) can refer t o X e r x e s ' bridges, boats l a s h e d t o g e t h e r w i t h Phoenician w h i t e l i n e n and E g y p t i a n papyrus, anchored, a n d w i n c h e d t a u t , i s difficult t o see ( H e r o d o t u s 7.33-6; cf. 8.20).46 T h e s o l u t i o n i s t h a t 'shackles' are a m e t a p h o r for the bridges. N o t o n l y did t h e y 'yoke' the continents, t h e y 'chained' t h e sacred w a t e r d e m a r c a t i n g t h e m . 4 7 X e r x e s ' c r i m e i s expecti n g 'to h o l d t h e sacred f l o w i n g Hellespont like a slave i n chains', turning ever-flowing water into inert land, and marching a n a r m y over i t (745-8). A tragedy of succession D a r i u s fears t h a t his w e a l t h , w h i c h h etreats as its essential v a l u e - t h e l a b o u r (ponos) h e e x p e n d e d t o a c q u i r e i t - w i l l b e pillaged i n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f X e r x e s ' defeat (751-2). H i s fear dovetails w i t h t h e o m e n o f t h e h a w k m a u l i n g t h e eagle (205-10) and w i t h the chorus' vision of the end of tribute (584-90). D a r i u s is a m a t e r i a l i s t . T h e A t h e n i a n s defined t h e i r e m p i r e as i m m o r t a l g l o r y (kleos) — s y m b o l i c r a t h e r t h a n f i n a n c i a l c a p i t a l . 4 8 T h e y expressed t h e v a l u e o f e m p i r e ast h e r i s k a n d expenditure o f life a n d e f f o r t (ponos) t h a t e a r n e d kleos, g r a t i t u d e (charis), a n d e x p r e s s e d t h e i r v i r t u e a n d e x c e l l e n c e (arete) a s a c o m m u n i t y . 4 9 V i e w i n g i m p e r i a l i s m f r o m a P e r s i a n p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e Persians d e m y s t i f i e s i t a s a k i n d o f hybris a i m e d a t t h e a c c u m u l a t i o n o f m o n e y a n d p o w e r a n d t h e a p p e a r a n c e o f ' b l e s s e d n e s s ' (olbos) derived f r o m dispossessing others. According t o Herodotus, 'the Persians s a y D a r i u s w a sa m e r c h a n t , Cambyses a despot, a n d C y r u s a father' (3.89.3). D a r i u s established fixed tribute assessments from 20 districts, essentially t ofund a n augmented navy (Herodotus 3.89-96).50 Xerxes' defeat a n n u l s D a r i u s ' labour a n d u n d e r m i n e s t h e e m pire's economic foundations, w h i c h enable its d y n a m i s m a n d 93

Aeschylus:

Persians

g r o w t h . T r i b u t e supports conquest, w h i c h generates a d d i t i o n a l w e a l t h , e n a b l i n g conquest t o b e f u n d e d o n a n i n c r e a s i n g scale. T h e Q u e e n referred t o t h i s process (161-7): s h e feared t h a t wealth embodied i n a ninvading a r m y might subvert the quali t y o f w e a l t h t h a t g i v e s i t n o n - e c o n o m i c v a l u e , olbos. Y e t s h e also realized t h a t w e a l t h w i t h o u t the i m p r i m a t u r of conquest does n o t c o m m a n d respect. D a r i u s does n o t i m p l i c a t e P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m i n X e r x e s ' disaster. T h e Q u e e n m a k e s t h i s connection. S h e depicts t h e disaster as a t r a g e d y o f succession. X e r x e s sought to avenge h i s father (473-7) and t o a t t a i n his standard of conquest and enrichment. S h e insists that Xerxes 'learned these things associating w i t h b a d men', w h o ridiculed h i m for failing t o m e a s u r e u p t o h i s f a t h e r : D a r i u s ' a c q u i r e d w e a l t h (ploutos) b y t h e p o i n t o f t h e spear', b u t X e r x e s ' w i e l d e d t h e spear i n t h e h o u s e b e c a u s e o f l a c k o f m a n l i n e s s (anandria) a n d d i d n o t i n c r e a s e h i s p a t e r n a l olbos'.51 R e s p o n d i n g t o t h e s e r e p r o a c h e s , Xerxes planned the i n v a s i o n of Greece (753-8). Readers dismiss this as a mother's excuse for a son w h o c a n do n o w r o n g . 5 2 Herodotus, however, found this position plausible. Xerxes' u n cle A r t a b a n u s t e l l s h i m o n t h e eve o f t h e i n v a s i o n o f G r e e c e t h a t he has achieved a measure of w i s d o m , but t h a t 'the company of bad m e n trips y o u up'. S u c h m e n , h e claims, urge a n i n v a s i o n t h a t ' i n c r e a s e s hybris'. T h e y n e g l e c t t h e w i s d o m ' t h a t s a y s instructing the soul always to seek to have m o r e t h a n i t has i s w r o n g ' (7.16a). T h e constant yearning to acquire more isthe heart and soul o f a n c i e n t i m p e r i a l i s m ; D a r i u s c o n d e m n s i t ( 8 2 5 - 6 ) . T h e Persians s h o w s t h a t i t i s e n d e m i c t o e m p i r e . H o w d o e s t h e s o n o f a f a t h e r w h o s u r p a s s e d a l l m o r t a l s i n olbos ( 7 0 9 - 1 1 ) i n c r e a s e h i s i n h e r i t e d olbos? T h e Persians l o c a t e s X e r x e s i n a n o - w i n s i t u ation between avenging his father's failure a t M a r a t h o n and s u r p a s s i n g h i s success. A e s c h y l u s ' t r i l o g i e s t e n d t o e x p l o r e t h e w o r k i n g s o f a n i n h e r i t e d c u r s e ( e . g . Oedipus Trilogy, Oresteia).53 I n t h e Persians, t h e b l e s s i n g o f s u p e r l a t i v e p a t e r n a l olbos b e c o m e s a n i n h e r i t e d c u r s e . X e r x e s m u s t p r o v e h i s f i t n e s s for k i n g s h i p by conquest; t h i s is h o w D a r i u s a n d Persia's kings a c q u i r e olbos. A e s c h y l u s ' Q u e e n u n d e r s t a n d s t h i s . H e r o d o t u s ' A t o s s a voices t h i s v i e w o f P e r s i a n k i n g s h i p a n d empire: i m p e 94

4. A Tragedy of Succession r i a l p o w e r c a n n o t b e idle. I t m u s t b e e m p l o y e d t o a d d 'peoples' a n d 'power' t o itself (3.134.1). T h i s i s especially fitting for a young king w h o is 'master of much wealth': h e must demons t r a t e h i s v i r t u e 'so t h a t e v e n t h e P e r s i a n s w i l l k n o w t h a t t h e y are r u l e d by a m a n ' (3.134.2). T h e t r a g e d y focuses o n t h e i m p e r a t i v e for a son, a n d indeed, for a younger generation, to a t t a i n t h e standard of t h e i r fathers. T h i s i s encoded i n t h e Queen's d r e a m : X e r x e s tears his robes n o t because h e falls, b u t because h e sees h i s f a t h e r p i t y i n g h i m ( 1 9 7 - 9 ) . I n H e r o d o t u s , P e r s i a n ' t r a d i t i o n ' (nomos) m a n d a t e s Xerxes' i n v a s i o n o f Greece: f r o m t h e t i m e Persia t o o k t h e hegemony from t h e Medes, Persian kings pursued a n u n i n t e r r u p t e d p a t h o f conquest. F o l l o w i n g t h e g o dw h o l e d t h e m , t h e Persians acquired n u m e r o u s peoples u n d e r C y r u s , Cambyses, a n d D a r i u s (7.8a). H e r o d o t u s ' X e r x e s locates h i m self i n this t r a d i t i o n and measures his w o r t h according to it. I n t h e Persians, D a r i u s p l a c e s X e r x e s i n t h i s t r a d i t i o n a n d f i n d s h i m w a n t i n g (759-86).54 T h e Persians e n v i s i o n s t h a t o n c e e m p i r e b e c o m e s p a t r i m o n y , it a s s u m e s a life o f its o w n . I t cannot be lost, squandered, o r alienated; i t m u s t be increased. I t i s a possession o f t h e past, present, a n d future simultaneously: t h e present generation holds it, but i t belongs to the fathers w h o acquired i t a n d m u s t be b e q u e a t h e d t o sons a s a l a r g e r legacy. A t s o m e p o i n t , t h e p r o b l e m arises: h o w can t h e heirs of a n e m p i r e ensure t h a t t h e y do n o t fall b e l o w t h e s t a n d a r d o f t h e i r forebears, w h o acquired and augmented the empire by expending their lives and labour (ponos)?55 T h e Persians, H e r o d o t u s ' Histories, a n d T h u c y d i d e s ' History o f f e r s i m i l a r a n s w e r s : b y c a l a m i t o u s o v e r e x t e n s i o n o f t h e i r power a n dresources i n a n act o fi n v a s i o n intended t o emulate t h e greatness o f t h e fathers a n d t o increase their legacy.56 E m p i r e i s configured t o realize itself as a tragedy of succession. A blessing, e m p i r e e v e n t u a l l y t u r n s i n t o a curse b e c a u s e i t h a s n o p o i n t o f s a t i a t i o n . Hybris a n d i n s a t i a b i l i t y (koros) a r e e m b e d d e d i n i t , i n e v i t a b l y p r o d u c i n g ate a n d l a ment.57 For Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon, the story of a n empire is a tragedy w h i c h ends i nlament. T h e y followed A e s c h y l u s ' Persians. I n t h i s perspective, X e r x e s is a tragic figure trapped b e t w e e n 95

Aeschylus:

Persians

l a c k o f m a n l i n e s s ' (anandria), f a i l i n g t o m e a s u r e u p t o h i s f a t h e r , a n d hybris, s u r p a s s i n g h i s a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s . 5 8 C r i t i c s h a v e n o t e d t h a t t h e Persians d o e s n o t f e a t u r e a d e b a t e o r f a t e f u l m o m e n t o f c h o i c e . 5 9 T h e t r a g e d y o f t h e Persians i s n o t a m a t t e r of choice, b u t o f necessity. H e r o d o t u s ' n a r r a t i v e o f X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n features a s i m i l a r l a c k o f choice. A t first X e r x e s does not w a n t t o i n v a d e Greece; h e i s preoccupied w i t h E g y p t (7.5). U n d e r t h e influence o fM a r d o n i u s a n d Greek exiles, h e a n nounces his i n t e n t i o n t o invade, but t h e n changes his m i n d , deciding to follow A r t a b a n u s ' advice (7.5-13). A l a r g e a n d handsome man', however, appears t o Xerxes i n t w o dreams, threatening h i m w i t h a rapid and h u m b l i n g fall from power i f he fails t o invade (7.12-14). Xerxes persuades A r t a b a n u s t o w e a r h i s clothes, sit o n h i s t h r o n e , a n d sleep i n h i s bed a s a test of the dream's divinity (7.15-17). T h e d r e a m visits A r t a b a n u s a n d threatens h i m w i t h p u n i s h m e n t i f h e 'deters w h a t m u s t happen' a n d i s o nthe verge of b u r n i n g out his eyes w i t h h o t i r o n s w h e n h e a w a k e s a n d accedes t o t h e i n v a s i o n , i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e d r e a m to m e a n t h a t t h e gods are sending r u i n to t h e G r e e k s (7.17-18). X e r x e s has a t h i r d d r e a m - a clear o m e n o f f a i l u r e w h i c h t h e magi m i s i n t e r p r e t a s s i g n t h a t ' a l l m e n w i l l b e h i s slaves' (7.19), a b e t t i n g t h e d e l u s i o n i m p l a n t e d b y t h e gods. T h e Persians' p r o d u c e r P e r i c l e s w e n t o n t o b e c o m e t h e g r e a t est A t h e n i a n e x p o n e n t o f e m p i r e a s p a t r i m o n y ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.144.4; 2.36, 62.3). T h e g e n e r a t i o n t h a t succeeded h i m s o u g h t to r i v a l a n d surpass t h e i r fathers ( T h u c y d i d e s 6.17.7, 18.6-7), crippling t h e e m p i r e after t o t a l defeat i n a sea-borne i n v a s i o n of Syracuse.60 Pericles adjured the A t h e n i a n s never to fall short of t h e s t a n d a r d set b y t h e i r f a t h e r s a n d t o preserve t h e i r e m p i r e a t a l l costs. T h e s t r a t e g y h e a d o p t e d a g a i n s t S p a r t a a n d i t s allies w a s essentially t o re-enact S a l a m i s - to sacrifice h o m e s and l a n d t o t h e i n v a d i n g Peloponnesians (but n o tt h e city, w h i c h w a s fortified and connected t o the ports a t Piraeus b y long w a l l s ) a n d to protect t h e i r 'liquid' assets, t h e i r t r i b u t e a n d fleet.61 One basis for this strategy w a s the idea t h a t A t h e n s w a s a n i s l a n d ( T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 4 3 . 5 ; [ X e n o p h o n ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 . 1 3 - 1 6 ; c f . H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 7 4 ) . A l t h o u g h t h e l o n g walls were not completed u n t i l 456, this mode of t h i n k i n g dates to d i r e c t l y a f t e r t h e P e r s i a n W a r s ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.93). 96

4. A Tragedy of Succession According t o Thucydides, Pericles first told the A t h e n i a n s t h a t t h e y n o t o n l y r u l e d 'allies', b u t w e r e 'most s u p r e m e over t h e e n t i r e sea' i n 4 3 0 / 2 9 ( 2 . 6 2 . 1 - 2 ) . A p e r m a n e n t , t r i b u t e - c o l l e c t i n g n a v a l e m p i r e , h o w e v e r , i s predicated u p o n such a belief. I n Thucydides' narrative o f the final battle i n t h e harbour o f Syracuse, A t h e n i a n generals reproach admirals of retreating ships w i t h the question, 'Are they retreating because they t h i n k e n e m y l a n d m o r e t h e i r o w n n o w t h a n t h e sea, a c q u i r e d t h r o u g h n o l i t t l e pain'? (7.70.8). T h e A t h e n i a n s c a m e t o v i e w t h e sea a s property over w h i c h they exercised a u t h o r i t y . Aeschylus attributes such a delusion to the Persians. F e w w o u l d deny t h a t A t h e n i a n s o f Pericles' g e n e r a t i o n conducted the empire i n a m a n n e r comparable t othe Persians.62 H o w d o e s t h i s f a c t r e l a t e t o t h e Persians? M o s t a n a l y s t s c o n sider i t a coincidence, asserting t h a t A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m w a s too r u d i m e n t a r y i n 472 or denying t h a t the play has a visionary quality.63 B y this time, however, Athenians applied the figure of 'the M e d e ' to t h e i r o w n citizens. I f w e accept t h e r e s t o r a t i o n of a n o s t r a k o n f r o m the agora, somebody called Aristides 'the brother of Datis' (the Mede w h o led the Persians a t M a r a t h o n ) to exclude h i m from t h e citizen body.64 After t h e battle o f Salamis, Callias son of Cratias was tagged 'the Mede' or 'from the Medes' o n nearly 2 0 ostraka and sketched as a Persian archer o n one.65 A e s c h y l u s ' choice t o dress h i m s e l f a n d o t h e r A t h e n i a n s a s P e r s i a n s t o re-enact t h e i r defeat a n d loss o f empire a t a time w h e n Athens was forming its o w n empire should be seen as a f u n c t i o n o f ambivalence t o w a r d s t h e city's n e w role as both leader of a n anti-Persian alliance and heir to t h e P e r s i a n s i n t h e A e g e a n . T h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s a f i c t i o n alized fall of the Persian empire t o demonstrate h o w empire collapses t h r o u g h o v e r e x t e n s i o n a n d to a v e r t such a n outcome for A t h e n s ' i m p e r i a l i s m . Fathers and sons: a history of Persian imperialism D a r i u s ceases t o speak i n trochaic t e t r a m e t e r s a n d shifts t o iambic t r i m e t e r s (759), m a r k i n g t h e e n d o f his recognition scene. J u x t a p o s i n g t h e p r e s e n t w i t h t h e o r i g i n s o f Zeus-be97

Aeschylus: Persians stowed monarchy over a l l Asia, D a r i u s characterizes Xerxes' disaster as the worst i n Persian history, describing i t as the c o m p l e t e ' e m p t y i n g out' o f S u s a a n d ' a l w a y s t o be r e m e m b e r e d ' (759-64). D a r i u s ' denunciation refines the analogy and polarity b e t w e e n t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos. F o r t h e A t h e n i a n s , Salamis was 'always t obe remembered', because i t produced 'immortal glory.'66 A s the complete 'emptying out' of Athens, however, i t w a s also the w o r s t catastrophe i n A t h e n s ' h i s t o r y . 6 7 T h e Persians r e p r o d u c e s t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f S a l a m i s b y t r a n s p o s i n g a v e r s i o n o f t h e A t h e n i a n pathos t o S u s a . F r o m t h i s d i s tance, t h e P e r s i a n perspective focalizes G r e e k l i b e r a t i o n , grief for i t s costs, a n d t h e v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . D a r i u s d e s c r i b e s t h e f i r s t k i n g M e d u s a s hegemon stratou, 'leader o f t h e a r m y ' (765).68 T h e principle o f h e g e m o n y i n A t h e n i a n society w a s also m i l i t a r y . Citizens w i t h t h e m o s t political p o w e r w e r e generals, elected for yearly, renewable t e r m s . Sons t e n d e d t o follow t h e i r f a t h e r s i n t h e office.69 M i l i t a r y success legitimated the power of the demos asa whole; the demos was a c o l l e c t i v e hegemon stratou o f i t s e m p i r e . Herodotus relates that the Persian kings hailed from the clan of Achaemenes, a sub-group of the tribe Pasargadae, w h i c h h a d t h e highest status i n P e r s i a n society (1.125.3). T h e historical C y r u s and D a r i u s derived their e n t i t l e m e n t t o rule f r o m A c h a e m e n e s . 7 0 I n t h e Persians, t h e P e r s i a n k i n g s h i p b e g i n s w i t h Medus, eponymous ancestor o f the Medes, a different I r a n i a n people. T h i s w a s a t y p i c a l G r e e k conflation. E p i g r a m s c o m m e m o r a t i n g t h e defence against t h e Persians declare victory over 'the Mede'.71 T h e y also distinguish Medes f r o m Persians or claim to have vanquished the Persians.72 T h e Greek w o r d f o r c o l l a b o r a t i n g w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s i s medismos, ' t a k i n g t h e side o f t h e M e d e ' . T o t h e G r e e k ear, 'Mede' c o n n o t e d t h e barbarian invader.73 H e r o d o t u s narrates a succession o f M e d i a n k i n g s - Deioces, Phraortes, Cyaxares, and Astyages, w h o lost the kingship to his h a l f - P e r s i a n g r a n d s o n , C y r u s s o n o f C a m b y s e s (1.95-130; cf. 1.75.1).74 H e r o d o t u s stresses t h e d u a l n a t u r e o f C y r u s ' rise t o power — he 'liberated' the Persians and 'enslaved' the Medes.75 Aeschylus depicts the kingship of A s i a as continuously M e d i a n / P e r s i a n ; a figure such as Astyages does not f i th i s 98

4. A Tragedy of Succession conception of royal history. Similarly, h e treats kingship and e m p i r e a s o r i g i n a t i n g t o g e t h e r . H e t h e r e f o r e o m i t s a k i n g corresponding t o Deioces. H e r o d o t u s uses Deioces, t h e first M e d i a n king, to exemplify the incompatibility of kingship and equality and the inverse relationship between political order (eunomia) a n d p o l i t i c a l f r e e d o m ( 1 . 9 5 - 1 0 1 ) . 7 6 Aeschylus' Medus approximates to Phraortes, w h o began the c o n q u e s t o f t h e N e a r E a s t ( H e r o d o t u s 1.102). T h e n e x t k i n g corresponds t o his son, Cyaxares, w h o consolidated r u l e over t h e peoples o n t h e eastern side o f t h e H a l y s R i v e r (1.103.1-2). H e defeated the Assyrians, sacking A s h u r i n 614 a n d capturing N i n e v e h i n 612. According to Herodotus, Cyaxares avenged his father, w h o h a d died t r y i n g to take N i n e v e h (1.103.2). D a r i u s describes h i m a scompleting his father's w o r k (766). Herodotus refers t o a t r a d i t i o n of praise for Cyaxares (1.103.1). D a r i u s praises Medus' son for his self-control - 'the rudder of his m i n d controlled his spirit' (767). M e t a p h o r s f r o m seafaring figure i n praise w h i c h frames Xerxes' b l a m e w o r t h y naval ambitions (550-63). I n D a r i u s ' catalogue, C y r u s i s t h e second f a t h e r i n t h e sequence o f n a m e d fathers a n d a n o n y m o u s sons. H e is t h e ' t h i r d ' f r o m M e d u s ; his relationship to M e d u s ' son is unexplained. H i s e p i t h e t eudaimon ( ' b l e s s e d ' , ' h a v i n g a g o o d daimon', 7 6 8 ) a l i g n s h i m w i t h D a r i u s b u t c o n t r a s t s h i m w i t h X e r x e s , w h o s e daimon is malicious a n d shifts course o nh i m (158, 942-3), d e l u d i n g (472-3), t r a m p l i n g (515-16, 911-12), a n d c u t t i n g d o w n the Persians (920-1). A s D a r i u s w i l l explain, X e r x e s 'despised h i s p r e s e n t daimon' ( 8 2 5 - 6 ) . A f u n c t i o n o f a p e r s o n ' s m o r a l c h o i c e s , daimon i s c o n n e c t e d w i t h c h a r a c t e r . A s t h e p h i l o s o p h e r H e r a c l i t u s p r o c l a i m s , ' a m a n ' s c h a r a c t e r i s daimon' ( f r . 1 1 9 D - K ) . I n t h e Persians, h o w e v e r , c h a r a c t e r i s m o r e a f u n c t i o n o f o u t comes t h a n o f choices. C y r u s 'conquered a l l I o n i a b y force' (768-71). T h e p r e s u m p t i o n is t h a t t h e I o n i a n s resisted but lost. Herodotus' n a r r a t i v e of the Persian conquest of Ionia contains a similar premise (1.169.1; 7.51.1). Defence i s a l w a y s p r a i s e w o r t h y ; i n v a s i o n i s p r a i s e w o r t h y o n l y i f i t succeeds. D i v i n e f a v o u r a n d v i r t u e are e n t a i l m e n t s o f t h i s success. T h u s ' G o d d i d n o t h a t e ' C y r u s , ' b e c a u s e h e w a s w e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d a n d i n t e l l i g e n t ' (euphron, 99

Aeschylus:

Persians

772). C y r u s ' success recalls X e r x e s ' f a i l u r e : h e 'directed everyt h i n g f o o l i s h l y ' (dysphronos, 5 5 3 - 4 ) . E n s l a v i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t a n d s e e k i n g t o d o m i n a t e ' a l l t h e gods' (745-50), h e w a s n o t ' i n his r i g h t m i n d ' (725); h e suffered f r o m a 'disease o f t h e m i n d ' (750-1). T h e tyrant's s o nis a degenerate figure. Reared w i t h a n e n t i t l e m e n t t od oas h e pleases and the power t o satisfy a n y desire, his pleasure i s t o realize transgressive desires a n d h i s life unfolds a s a series o f destructive crimes. I n t h e t r a d i t i o n Herodotus followed, Cyrus' s o n Cambyses exemplifies this s t a g e . 7 7 I n t h e Persians, h o w e v e r , C a m b y s e s i s t h e d u t i f u l f o u r t h k i n g t o ' g o v e r n t h e a r m y ' ( 7 7 3 ) . T h e Persians d o e s n o t t r e a t succession a s degeneration.78 T h e e a r l y h i s t o r y o f t h e Persian kingship features t w o pairs o f named fathers a n d a n o n y m o u s sons. M e d u s ' son i s a n e x e m p l a r y son-king; C y r u s i s t h e p a r a d i g m a t i c f a t h e r - k i n g (cf. H e r o d o t u s 3 . 8 9 . 3 , q u o t e d above). X e r x e s is a n t i t h e t i c a l to both. H e is t h e o n l y n a m e d son and the only son to fail his father. T h e fifth k i n g M a r d u s prefigures X e r x e s ' place i n t h e d r a m a . B o t h a r e disgraces t o t h e i r f a t h e r l a n d a n d kingship (774-5, 9 3 2 - 4 ) a n d v i c t i m s o f ' t r i c k e r y ' (dolos, 3 6 1 - 2 , 7 7 5 - 7 ) . T h e Persians d o e s n o t s p e c i f y M a r d u s ' d i s g r a c e . I n H e r o d o t u s , M a r d u s bears t h e name Smerdis. H eis a pretender o fthe w r o n g e t h n i c g r o u p a n d c a s t e , a M e d e a n d a magus. H i s n a m e i s t h e same as Cambyses' brother - w h o m Cambyses h a d assassinated - Smerdis (3.30), a n d h e physically resembles h i m (3.61.2). I n the B e h i s t u n Inscription, D a r i u s names t h i s pret e n d e r G a u m a t a , a magus w h o t a k e s t h e n a m e a n d i d e n t i t y of Cambyses' m u r d e r e d brother, n a m e d Bardiya, and rules i n his place.79 I n Herodotus, t h e struggle t o r e m o v e t h e pretender Smerdis i spart of the larger conflict between Medes a n d Persians for d o m i n a t i o n (3.65, 73). I n the B e h i s t u n I n scription, D a r i u s declares that he restored the kingship to its rightful clan.80 Mardus' reign explains h o w Darius gained t h e kingship, restored its legitimacy, a n d re-established succession b e t w e e n father and son. A m e m b e r of the group of friends w h o m u r d e r e d t h e p r e t e n d e r , D a r i u s a t t a i n e d t h e k i n s h i p b y l o t ( 7 7 9 ; cf. H e r o d o t u s 3.80-6). Recent scholars h a v e been inclined t oi n 100

4. A Tragedy of Succession elude line 778, 'sixth w a s M a r a p h i s , seventh Artaphrenes' i n the text.81 Edith Hall claims that Maraphis' and Artaphrenes' kingship h a s 'psychological impact' a n d'implies a n unstable a n d bloody b a r b a r i a n court, susceptible to vicious intrigues a n d serial coups'.82 S u c h a n impression i s difficult t o derive f r o m this line a n d inconsistent w i t h the rest o f the catalogue, w h i c h is a m o d e l o f stable succession. W h e r e v e r i t i s f o u n d - D a r i u s ' B e h i s t u n I n s c r i p t i o n , H e r o d o t u s ' Histories, C t e s i a s ' Persian History — t h e s t o r y o f t h e v a n q u i s h e d p r e t e n d e r e x p l a i n s h o w Darius became k i n g o f Persia. Including line 7 7 8makes i t explain h o w M a r a p h i s and Artaphrenes became kings. T h e best e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t t h i s line belongs to a list of conspirators, 'the m e n bound by friendship and kinship, whose business this was' (777) a n d w a s m i s t a k e n l y added after the fifth k i n g . 8 3 Condemning father and condemning audience T h e Persians p r e s e n t s P e r s i a n h i s t o r y a s t h e s u c c e s s i o n o f fathers a n d sons i n a society geared t o w a r d m i l i t a r y conquest. Fathers are self-made and named; except for Xerxes, sons a r e d u t i f u l a n d a n o n y m o u s . D a r i u s concludes t h a t i n the h i s t o r y of t h e P e r s i a n k i n g s h i p , X e r x e s h a r m e d h i s polis m o r e t h a n a n y other k i n g (784-6). Darius' catalogue implies t h a t Xerxes alone w a s responsible f o r t h e debacle. D a r i u s t h u s counters t h e Q u e e n ' s i n s i n u a t i o n t h a t h i s olbos p r o v e d t o b e h i s s o n ' s p r o b lem. Youthful impetuosity impelled Xerxes beyond the boundaries o f sense; h e forgot his father's c o m m a n d s (782-3), s t r i v i n g beyond t h e limit, a n d i n c u r r i n g Zeus' p u n i s h m e n t (827-8). D a r i u s authorizes earlier blame o f Xerxes (361-2, 373, 454, 548-57) a n d absolves P e r s i a n culture, kingship, a n d e m p i r e f r o m r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , d i v e r t i n g sole r e s p o n s i b i l i t y u p o n X e r x e s . T h i s is a p r o b l e m for those w h o consider t h e p l a y a n i n d i c t m e n t of barbarian kingship and empire.84 According t o Darius, Persian k i n g s h a v e been self-controlled, moderate, blessed, a n d beloved o f t h e gods. Darius' catalogue i s inconsistent w i t h the depiction of Persian i m p e r i a l i s m i n the rest of the play. T h e elders speak of the P e r s i a n e m p i r e a s a n i n v i n c i b l e c i t y - s a c k i n g force, e n s l a v i n g m e n a n d n a t u r e alike (65-107), forcing subjects i n A s i a t o pay 101

Aeschylus: Persians t r i b u t e a n d b o w before t h e k i n g , a n d stifling t h e i r freedom o f speech (584-94). T h e y consider divinity a r e w a r d for Xerxes' success (157-8) a n d t r e a t D a r i u s a s a d i v i n i t y (150-8, 640-56). Darius' history of the Persian empire is a story of continuous expansion. B u t w h a t a r e i t s limits? T h i s is t h e problem o f empire: the only w a y of finding its limits is b y transgressing them. M o s t readers emphasize D a r i u s ' assertion t h a t 'Zeus bestowed this honour: f o r o n e m a nt o be chieftain o f a l l f l o c k - n u r t u r i n g A s i a , h o l d i n g t h e g o v e r n i n g sceptre' (762-4), and argue that Xerxes' transgression was his attempt to extend Persian rule t o Europe.85 T h e m a t t e r cannot be so simple. Athens' empire includes A s i a (898-902). Aeschylus' audience k n e w that Darius extended the Persian empire into Europe; the Persians d e s c r i b e s D a r i u s a s c o n q u e r i n g a n d r u l i n g a n e m p i r e i n E u r o p e ( 8 5 8 - 7 9 ) : 'so m a n y c i t i e s a s h e c a p t u r e d n o t c r o s s i n g the passage o f the H a l y s R i v e r o r s t i r r i n g f r o m h i s hearth' (865-7). Does the play distance D a r i u s f r o m t h e P e r s i a n debacle because he used surrogates to conquer? T h i s is a superficial a n d unsatisfactory distinction. D a r i u s condemns his son for actions h e h i m s e l f committed. Darius bridged the continents, h i r i n g Mandrocles of Samos t o l i n k t h e m across t h eT h r a c i a n Bosporus t o invade S c y t h i a . 8 6 T h e i n v a s i o n w a s a m a t t e r o f record: Herodotus reports t h a t D a r i u s erected i n s c r i p t i o n s recording t h e act a n d t h a t M a n d r o cles d e d i c a t e d a p a i n t i n g o f D a r i u s l e a d i n g h i s a r m y across t h e bridge i n the temple of H e r a o n Samos (4.88). Aeschylus allows a h i n t o f D a r i u s ' transgression to slip t h r o u g h — D a r i u s calls t h e Hellespont the Bosporus w h e n castigating his son (723, 746). I n t h e second h a l f o f t h i s episode, D a r i u s w i l l c o n d e m n a l l Persians f o rdestroying temples a n d altars a n d looting statues (800-31); t h e historical D a r i u s i n a u g u r a t e d these atrocities. Historically, t h e k i n g w h o condemns his son a n d people shares their guilt. T h i s i s i m p o r t a n t . O n t h e one h a n d , t h e audience c a n suspend belief a n d accept D a r i u s ' c o n d e m n a t i o n o f X e r x e s as t h e playwright's message. Readers of the play often equate Darius' and Aeschylus' perspectives.87 O n the other, the audience can see t h a t D a r i u s ' h i s t o r y o f P e r s i a ' s k i n s h i p a n d i m p e r i a l i s m , 102

4. A Tragedy of Succession f e a t u r i n g pairs o f n a m e d f a t h e r s a n d a n o n y m o u s sons, seeks to d e n y a tragedy o f succession. A t t h e s a m e t i m e , D a r i u s a l l o w s t h e a u d i e n c e t o see t h e g r o w t h o f P e r s i a ' s e m p i r e t o t h e p o i n t o f h i s son's d i s a s t r o u s o v e r e x t e n s i o n . D a r i u s focalizes m u l t i p l e perspectives. T h i s scene features h i m i nthe role of condemning father; but D a r i u s i s also the pitying father of the Queen's dream. D a r i u s ' perspectives guide t h e audience b e t w e e n t h e poles o f p i t y based o n shared experience a n d c o n d e m n a t i o n f r o m a position o f m o r a l a n d intellectual superiority. X e r x e s can be a scapegoat for Persia's i m p e r i a l i s t hybris; h e c a n b e a n o b j e c t o f p i t y f o r h i s p l a c e i n t h e succession o f k i n g s a n d i n t h e h i s t o r y o f P e r s i a n expansion. T o complete t h e episode, D a r i u s prophesies f u t u r e disaster at Plataea, explaining i t as a function o fgeneral laws. T h e Darius-episode juxtaposes past, present, a n d f u t u r e i n a n intelligible pattern. I t constitutes t h e synoptic m o m e n t o f t h e drama, enabling beginning and end, action and suffering, individual a n d group responsibility, Persian a n d Greek t o be understood together.

103

5

The Synoptic M o m e n t T h e Persians e x t r a c t s u s a b l e k n o w l e d g e f r o m t h e P e r s i a n d i s aster. W h e n t h e chorus breaks its silence to ask D a r i u s h o w t h e Persians c a nact i n t h e i r best interest, D a r i u s rules out a large-scale i n v a s i o n t o a v e n g e t h e i r losses, 'for t h e l a n d i t s e l f is their ally' (787-92).1 Ancient historians continued the tradition. H e r o d o t u s stresses t h a t e n e m y l a n d is insidious for invaders: i t lures t h e m i n u n t i l i t starves t h e m (7.49). F o r Thucydides, i t is a x i o m a t i c t h a t long-distance i n v a s i o n s r a r e l y succeed, b o t h because i n v a d e d peoples u n i t e i n defence a n d because o f problems of provisioning (6.33.5). T h e chorus suggests sending a n elite force t o Greece, b u t D a r i u s unexpectedly reveals t h a t such a force c u r r e n t l y i n Greece w i l l not r e t u r n (795-7) a n d prophesies i t sdefeat a t Plataea (800-20). Darius' catalogue of Persian kings stressed X e r x e s ' sole c u l p a b i l i t y . F o r t h e balance o f t h e episode, h o w ever, t h e Persians share Xerxes' guilt a n d p u n i s h m e n t . 2 Discussion o f S a l a m i s focused o n X e r x e s ' transgression against gods embodied i n n a t u r e . T h e defeat a t P l a t a e a punishes P e r s i a n crimes against gods embodied i nc u l t u r e - t h e destruction of temples and altars and the looting of statues. For this, not only Xerxes, but all Persians are responsible. T h e transition from i n d i v i d u a lto group responsibility at the point o f d e s e c r a t i n g t e m p l e s e l a b o r a t e s P e r s i a n hybris; b u t i t a l s o furthers t h esymmetry between the Persian and Athenian pathos. A s t h e n a r r a t i v e e n v i s i o n s e v e n t s i n t h e f u t u r e o u t s i d e t h e d r a m a , i t also arrives a t a n origin i n the past: t h e b u r n i n g of Cybebe's temple. D a r i u s w a s t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e o r i g i n a l pathos, t h e a t t a c k o n S a r d i s . H e i s a l s o t h e a u t h o r o f P e r s i a ' s r e t r i b u t i v e drama: Xerxes fulfilled his v o w t op u n i s h A t h e n s (Herodotus 5.105).3 104

5. The Synoptic Moment D a r i u s articulates the principle that explains both Persia's and A t h e n s ' pathos: d e s e c r a t i o n o f t e m p l e s , a l t a r s , a n d s t a t u e s e n t a i l s the guilt and punishment of entire communities, not merely their perpetrators. The synoptic moment of the

Persians

T h e Darius-scene permits the audience to understand the tragedy f r o m its beginning, Zeus' bestowal of the r u l i n g sceptre o n 'one m a n to b e c h i e f t a i n o f f l o c k - n u r t u r i n g A s i a ' a n d 'leader o f t h e a r m y ' (hegemon stratou, 7 6 2 - 5 ) t o i t s e n d , t h e m o u n d s o f Persian bones that for three generations 'will signal w i t h o u t a voice to the eyes o f m o r t a l s t h a t i t i s not r i g h t for a m o r t a l t o t h i n k beyond his nature' (818-20). T h i s trajectory implies that p o l i t i c a l / m i l i t a r y h e g e m o n y is configured to exceed t h e boundaries o f m o r t a l n a t u r e a n d m o r a l sense. I f e m p i r e i s p a t r i m o n y t h a t m u s t be a u g m e n t e d each generation t h r o u g h conquest, a point o f disastrous transgression is foreseeable. I n t h e Poetics, A r i s t o t l e a r g u e s t h a t t h e p a r t s a n d w h o l e o f a dramatic plot should be comprehensible i n relation to one another (1450b34-1451al5). T h e beauty of a plot consists i n its arrangement and magnitude. I f i t i s too extensive, i tcannot be c o m p r e h e n d e d a l l a t once or as a w h o l e i n r e l a t i o n t o i t s parts. T o o short a plot yields little m e a n i n g f u l i n f o r m a t i o n . Aristotle advises t h a t p a r t s o f a p l o t b e ' e a s i l y s e e n t o g e t h e r ' (eusynoptos). H i s d e f i n i t i o n o f s u c h a m a g n i t u d e i s t h a t ' b e g i n n i n g (arche) a n d e n d (telos) b e c a p a b l e o f b e i n g s e e n t o g e t h e r ' ( 1 4 5 9 b l 9 - 2 0 ) . T h e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f a s y n o p t i c m o m e n t - a speech, ode, o r episode t h a t articulates t h e b e g i n n i n g a n d e n d o f t h e n a r r a t i v e , allowing the audience t ocomprehend the action as a whole w h i l e a l s o d e f e r r i n g i t s telos - i s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f A e s c h y l u s ' d r a m a t u r g y . T h e C a s s a n d r a - s c e n e i n t h e Agamemnon, w h i c h defers a n d predicts A g a m e m n o n ' s m u r d e r a n d foresees Orestes' vengeance, placing both i n the context of the 'original crime' of t h e H o u s e o f A t r e u s , t h e feast o f Thyestes, is t h e best e x a m p l e o f t h i s m o m e n t (Agamemnon 1 0 3 5 - 3 3 0 ; cf. Seven against Thebes 7 2 0 - 9 1 ) . T r a g i c a c t i o n i n A e s c h y l e a n d r a m a u n f o l d s o v e r generations; the magnitude of this action sometimes requires characters w i t h special knowledge to m a k e its m e a n i n g intelli105

Aeschylus: Persians g i b l e . D a r i u s p e r f o r m s t h i s r o l e i n t h e Persians. H i s f i n a l s p e e c h articulates t w o principles of the dramatic narrative: that viol e n t a c t i o n (drama) e n t a i l s r e c i p r o c a l s u f f e r i n g (pathos, 8 1 3 - 4 ) a n d t h a t hybris, f l o w e r i n g i n t o ate, p r o d u c e s a h a r v e s t o f l a m e n t (821-2). T h e first explains t h e defeat a t P l a t a e a outside o f t h e d r a m a ; t h e second explains t h e f i n a l episode i n t h e d r a m a , t h e kommos, w h i c h s t a g e s a h a r v e s t o f t e a r s . R e a d e r s o f t e n c o n sider the Darius-episode the transcendent climax of the play.4 B u t i t also possible t o see i t as deferring t h e c l i m a x - Xerxes' h o m e c o m i n g a n d l a m e n t for his defeat - a n d p r o v i d i n g t h e context for its reception. Reciprocity: d r a m a and

pathos

D a r i u s foretells P e r s i a n defeat a t P l a t a e a as a reciprocal paym e n t f o r 'hybris a n d g o d l e s s i n t e n t i o n s ' ( 8 0 7 - 8 ) , t h e l o o t i n g o f divine statues a n d destruction of temples a n d altars i n Greece (809-12). T h e 'height o fsufferings' a w a i t i n g the Persians a t P l a t a e a w i l l b e ' p a y m e n t ' (apoina) f o r t h e s e t r a n s g r e s s i v e a i m s a n d a c t i o n s . Pathos w i l l r e d e e m drama: a c t i o n a n d r e a c t i o n , aggression and suffering, crime and p u n i s h m e n t w i l l balance one another, but only a t a m i n i m u m . 5 T h e Persians suffer and w i l l suffer m o r e t h a n the h a r m t h e y inflicted (813-14). T h i s is a basic principle of Aeschylean n a r r a t i v e . 6 I f D a r i u s describes Persian p u n i s h m e n t for the desecration of Greek temples as building a 'temple of Woe' whose foundations a r e yet t obe finished (814-15), t h everbal i m a g e r y itself reciprocates t h e crime.7 Persian suffering is a metaphorical 'temple o f Woe' w h i c h compensates for the temples they toppled. Darius' condemnation of Persian looting and destruction of G r e e k sacred property is another o f t h e drama's surprises. T h e Q u e e n a n d c h o r u s do n o t a n t i c i p a t e i t . 8 Pericles Georges a r g u e s t h a t a s b a r b a r i a n s P e r s i a n s do n o t realize t h a t t h e y are atrocit i e s . 9 B u t D a r i u s d o e s ; a n d i n A e s c h y l u s ' Agamemnon t h e h e r a l d declares t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f T r o j a n t e m p l e s a glorious act (524-37). Barbarians do not have a monopoly o n such violence in m y t h or history.

106

5. The Synoptic Moment 'The most beautiful victory of all we know': monument and sacrifice D a r i u s figures t h e battle a t Plataea as a k i n d o f perverted s a c r i f i c i a l r i t u a l ( 8 1 6 - 1 7 ) . 1 0 A peíanos i s a b l o o d l e s s o f f e r i n g ; t h e f i n a l peZcmos-offering o f t h e t r a g e d y w i l l be a b l o o d - p a y m e n t f o r t h e 'hybris a n d g o d l e s s i n t e n t i o n s ' ( 8 0 7 - 8 ) t h a t b l o o d l e s s o f f e r ings could not avert o rremedy (201-11; 524-6, 609-22). T h e A t h e n i a n s donot avenge the destruction of their temples. D a r i u s credits t h e S p a r t a n s a n d t h e i r allies, t h e ' D o r i a n spear', w i t h e x a c t i n g t h i s v e n g e a n c e ( 8 1 7 ) . 1 1 R e a d e r s t e n d t o u n d e r v a l u e t h e r o l e o f P l a t a e a i n t h e Persians.12 C e r t a i n l y t h e p l a y stresses A t h e n i a n / I o n i a n n a v a l p o w e r a s d e a l i n g P e r s i a t h e decisive b l o w ; S a l a m i s is sole object o f P e r s i a n l a m e n t . B u t u n l i k e t h e navy, t h e ' D o r i a n spear' vindicates t h e moral-religious order, imposing justice a n d long-term m e a n i n g o n events. Plataea is a r e d e m p t i v e sacrifice t h a t produces a m o n u m e n t - t h e m o u n d s o f bones - a s a w a r n i n g t o m o r t a l s . P i e t r o Pucci observes t h a t 'sacrifice is t h e v i o l e n t r i t u a l t h r o u g h w h i c h m e n achieve a r e m e d y ... e s t a b l i s h o r d e r i n c h a o s , c o m p e n s a t e f o r l o s s e s a n d r u i n s ' . 1 3 T h i s i s t h e f u n c t i o n o f P l a t a e a i n t h e Persians. I t d i s t a n c e s t h e audience f r o m its o w n v i n d i c a t i o n a n d m a k e s i t spectators of the l a w s o f t h e cosmos. I n t h e struggle w h i c h t h e Persians depict as a battle b e t w e e n t h e b o w a n d spear, t h e S p a r t a n s w i e l d t h e spear. H e r o d o t u s calls Pausanias' v i c t o r y a t P l a t a e a 'the m o s t beaut i f u l v i c t o r y o f a l l w e k n o w ' (9.64.1). H e too depicts P l a t a e a as a payment, t h o u g h h e makes t h e payees t h e Spartans. M a r donius' death a t Plataea fulfils Delphi's d e m a n d for recompense f o r K i n g Leónidas' d e a t h ( 8 . 1 1 4 ; 9 . 6 4 . 1 ) . Leónidas' d e a t h , i n t u r n , spared S p a r t a f r o m A t h e n s ' fate, for D e l p h i prophesied t h a t Sparta w o u l d either l a m e n t a dead k i n g o r be sacked (7.220.3-4). T h e P e r s i a n dead compensate f o r t h e deaths o f Leónidas a n d t h e S p a r t a n s a t T h e r m o p y l a e ( 9 . 7 9 . 2 ) . L i k e Aeschylus, Herodotus represents Plataea as a massive k i l l i n g field. O f the alleged 260,000 Persians a t Plataea, Herod o t u s c l a i m s t h a t b a r e l y 3 , 0 0 0 s u r v i v e d ( 9 . 7 0 . 5 ; cf. 9 . 4 3 . 2 ) . B o t h stress t h a t the Persian dead remained unburied. T h e Plataeans a l l o w e d t h e corpses t o r o t a n d t h e n heaped t h e i r bones i n t o a massive m o u n d (9.83.2). 107

Aeschylus: Persians Look to the end: hybris,

ate and lament

D a r i u s e l a b o r a t e s t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e s e b o n e s : ' f o r hybris, w h e n i t c o m e s t o f u l l f l o w e r , p r o d u c e s t h e f r u i t o f ate, f r o m w h i c h i t reaps a h a r v e s t o f complete l a m e n t ' (821-2). T h e G r e e k s conc e i v e d o f hybris a s e x c e s s i v e a n d f r u i t l e s s p o t e n c y . 1 4 W h e n applied t oplants, i t means that they grow prodigious flowers a n d w o o d , b u t b e a r n o f r u i t . 1 5 Hybris i s a s e l f - d e f e a t i n g a n d unsustainable performance: i t appears as exuberance a n d power, but reaps a harvest of death and tears. Herodotus quotes a Delphic Oracle w h i c h prophesies t h a t after the Persians sack A t h e n s , ' d i v i n e J u s t i c e w i l l e x t i n g u i s h m i g h t y Koros, s o n o f Hybris ( 8 . 7 7 . 1 ; cf. P i n d a r Olympian Ode 1 3 . 9 - 1 0 ) . V i o l e n t a r r o gance a n d i n s a t i a b i l i t y feed off one a n o t h e r . 1 6 T h e i m a g e o f l u x u r i a n t g r o w t h for arrogant, violent, a n d chaotic behaviour i n t e r l o c k s w i t h t h e p l a y ' s t h e m e s o f w e a l t h (ploutos), c o n f i d e n c e i n n u m e r i c a l s u p e r i o r i t y (plethos), a n d h a p p i n e s s i n p r o s p e r i t y (olbos).17 L u x u r i a n t g r o w t h u n d e r l i e s t h e m e t a p h o r o f t h e ' f l o w e r ' (anthos: 5 9 - 6 2 ; cf. 2 5 2 , 9 2 2 - 7 ) a n d ' n a t i v e y o u t h ' (hebe) o f A s i a a n d P e r s i a ( 9 2 2 - 7 ; cf. 5 1 1 - 1 2 , 5 4 1 - 5 ) . Hybris i s t h e e s s e n c e o f P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m . 1 8 Ate a n d l a m e n t a r e i t s f u l f i l m e n t . T h e s e q u e n c e o f hybris, ate a n d l a m e n t has recurred throughout the play. T h e chorus enacted i t i n the parodos; t h emessenger's n a r r a t i v e o fS a l a m i s a n d P s y t t a l i a implied these terms; the d r a m a staged this pattern from the parodos t o the l a m e n t of the first stasimon. D a r i u s identifies this pattern as the beginning, middle, and end of Xerxes' invasion o f Greece. T h u s h e solves a k i n d o f puzzle encoded i n t h e d r a m a . T h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s t h e g r o w t h o f hybris i n t o ate, w h i c h culminates i n a harvest of spectacular lament. P a r t of this message w a s f a m i l i a r t o the audience. D a r i u s voices t h e w i s d o m o f t h e sixth-century A t h e n i a n poet a n d l a w giver Solon, A t h e n s ' 'father', w h o stressed t h a t w e a l t h derived f r o m hybris, e v e n t h o u g h m e n h o n o u r i t , d o e s n o t c o m e ' i n g o o d o r d e r ' (kata kosmon), b u t ' i s s w i f t l y m i x e d u p w i t h ate' (Elegies fr. 13.7-13 [ W e s t ] ) . 1 9 S o l o n w a s r e m e m b e r e d for t h e w a r n i n g ' l o o k t o t h e e n d ' (fr. 1 3 . 1 6 - 3 2 ; H e r o d o t u s 1.32.9, 8 6 . 4 - 5 ) . D a r i u s r e v e a l s t h e e n d o f hybris t o t h e a u d i e n c e : t h e b o n e s o f u n b u r i e d corpses a n d l a m e n t . H e explains t h e outcome o f t h e n e w phe108

5. The Synoptic Moment nomenon of imperialism i n terms of the primitive sentiments of t h e G r e e k p o e t i c t r a d i t i o n . E v e n b e f o r e S o l o n , t h e Odyssey h a d w a r n e d a b o u t t h e l o s s o f olbos t h r o u g h i n v a s i o n (Odyssey 1 7 . 4 1 9 - 4 4 ) . W h a t i s n e w i s t h e d r a m a t i c f o r m t h e Persians g i v e s t o t h i s m e s s a g e : i t e x h i b i t s h o w koros, i n s a t i a b i l i t y , a n d hybris, v i o l e n c e t o w a r d s o t h e r s , a r e r e a l i z e d i n ate a n d i n s a t i a b l e , self-mutilating lament. R . P . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians i s t o r n between t w o explanations of the Persian disaster: the Persians t h i n k t h a t olbos a n d d i v i n e e n v y a r e r e s p o n s i b l e , b u t D a r i u s s e e s t h a t hybris i s r e s p o n s i b l e . 2 0 I t i s p r e f e r a b l e t o s y n t h e s i z e t h e s e t w o e x p l a n a t i o n s . Olbos i s n o t t h e c a u s e o f X e r x e s ' d i s a s t e r ; koros a n d hybris, w h i c h d r i v e t h e a c q u i s i t i o n a n d v a l i d a t i o n o f w e a l t h a s olbos, are r e s p o n s i b l e . 2 1 P e r s i a n i m perialism i sthe cause of the tragedy: its f u n d a m e n t a l lack i s justice.22 T h e metaphor of flower, fruit, and harvest underscores t h e difference b e t w e e n a g r i c u l t u r e a n d i m p e r i a l i s m as s o u r c e s o f olbos. T h e f o r m e r p r o d u c e s olbos i n i t s j u s t a n d divinely sanctioned form.23 T h e latter violently diverts i t f r o m others and, as S o l o n w a r n e d , 'sooner o r later i s m i x e d u p w i t h ate. P e r s i a d e p l o y e d i t s e x c e s s i v e s u r p l u s t o d i s p o s sess o t h e r s . D a r i u s ' f i n a l i n j u n c t i o n , 'let n o m a n , d i s d a i n i n g h i s p r e s e n t f o r t u n e (daimon), p o u r o u t h i s g r e a t olbos b y desiring others'' (825-6) w a r n s against i m p e r i a l i s m as a k i n d o f koroslhybris w h i c h d e s t r o y s olbos. A g a i n , D a r i u s h a s a H o m e r i c p a r a l l e l (Odyssey 1 8 . 1 3 8 - 4 2 ) . A tale of two cities Olbos i s a f u n c t i o n o f j u s t i c e , w h i c h i n s u r e s p r o d u c t i v i t y i n b o t h t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l a n d l i f e - c y c l e s . Hybris d i s r u p t s t h e s e c y c l e s . T h e p o e t H e s i o d u r g e d h i s b r o t h e r P e r s e s t o be j u s t a n d n o t t o ' i n c r e a s e hybris' (Works and Days 2 1 3 ) . Hybris, h e w a r n e d , l e a d s t o ' d i s a s t e r s ' (atai), a n d u l t i m a t e l y b r i n g s c a l a m i t y a n d barrenness t o a city. ' U l t i m a t e l y ' i s t h e operative t e r m , f o r j u s t i c e w i n s o u t o v e r hybris ' i n t h e e n d ' ( 2 1 7 - 1 8 ) . I n a j u s t c i t y , c r o p s , flocks, t r e e s a n d p e o p l e flourish ( 2 2 5 - 7 , 2 3 2 - 4 ) . Z e u s d o e s not o r d a i n w a r (228-9). T h e people raise t h e i r c h i l d r e n i n peace ( 2 2 8 ) . C r o p d i s e a s e (ate) a n d f a m i n e a r e a b s e n t ; t h e c o m m u n i t y 109

Aeschylus: Persians enjoys the fruits of its labours i n feasts (230-1). Since the l a n d bears crops, t h e r e is n o need for ships (236-7). B y contrast, Zeus ordains 'punishment' for those w h o pract i c e hybris e v e n i f a s i n g l e m a n i n t h e c o m m u n i t y i s t h e perpetrator (238-41). T o such a city, Zeus brings the 'pain' of f a m i n e a n d plague; t h e people perish (242-3). W o m e n d o not give b i r t h ; the n u m b e r of households decreases (244-5). A t one t i m e or another, Zeus exacts payment, destroying a large a r m y , c i t y w a l l , o r ships a t sea (245-7). H e s i o d ' s c i t i e s o f j u s t i c e a n d hybris u n d e r l i e t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n D a r i u s ' a n d X e r x e s ' r e i g n s i n t h e Persians. I n X e r x e s ' reign, Zeus w r e c k e d the P e r s i a n fleet a n d destroyed the entire a r m y (532-6). W o m e n are 'yoked alone' (133-9) bereft of husb a n d s ( 2 8 6 - 9 , 5 3 7 - 4 5 ) ; t h e ' y o u t h ' (hebe) a n d ' b l o s s o m ' (anthos) of A s i a perish (59-60, 252-5, 511-12, 669-70, 733, 918-30, 978-9); h o u s e h o l d s go e x t i n c t ( 9 7 8 - 8 3 ) . H e s i o d ' s M y t h o f t h e A g e s is also a s u b t e x t f o r t h i s d i f f e r e n c e (Works and Days 1 0 9 - 2 0 1 ) . T h e P e r s i a n s i n t e r p r e t t h e t i m e o f D a r i u s a s a G o l d e n A g e (Works and Days 1 0 9 - 2 6 ) o f u n b r o k e n t r a d i t i o n , w e a l t h , w i s d o m , b e n e v o l e n c e , a n d t h e a b s e n c e o f s u f f e r i n g . 2 4 D a r i u s ' olbos i s unsurpassed; h e l i v e d l i k e a god a m o n g t h e Persians (709-12). X e r x e s ' r e i g n i s a n a l o g o u s t o t h e S i l v e r A g e , a t i m e o f hybris a n d f a i l u r e t o h o n o u r t h e g o d s (Works and Days 1 2 7 - 4 2 ) , w h e n m e n d o n o t l i v e l o n g p a s t y o u t h (hebe, 1 3 2 - 4 ) . 2 5 It i s true that t h e blame o f Xerxes enhances praise o f Darius.26 B u t the recreation of Darius' reign as a lost Golden Age, a n object o f l o n g i n g , c a n also elicit t h e audience's y e a r n i n g for the past. T h e s t a r k r u p t u r e i n Persia between D a r i u s a n d Xerxes, depicted p r i m a r i l y as the difference between l a n d a n d naval empire, evokes the m e m o r y of pre-Salamis Athens, a t i m e before ships, w h e n A t h e n s ' city w a l l , temples, fields, a n d h o m e s were intact. W a r f a r e became a constant reality i n post-Salamis A t h e n s . S h i p s , a s i g n o f p r o d u c t i v e l a c k c r e a t e d b y hybris i n Hesiod's scheme, a r e t h e city's m o s t p r o m i n e n t possession. D a r i u s arises t ocondemn his son as a n aberration i n Persian history, the only k i n g to 'completely empty out this city of Susa' (761); b u t A t h e n s ' disaster echoes i n his words. D a r i u s speaks w i t h the p a t e r n a l voice o f the G r e e k poetic t r a d i t i o n . A s w i l l become clear i n t h e second stasimon, the A t h e n i a n s are D a r i u s ' 110

5. The Synoptic Moment heirs: they acquired the empire he w o n and Xerxes lost i n the naval battle a t Salamis. Failure to understand? T h e Persians barely respond t oD a r i u s ' prophecy (843-6) a n d i g n o r e i t i n t h e kommos. P e r i c l e s G e o r g e s i n t e r p r e t s t h i s l a c k o f response a s t h e k e y t o t h e d r a m a : t h e P e r s i a n s do n o t u n d e r stand D a r i u s ' message 'because barbarians are u n c o m p r e h e n d ing by nature'.27 R.P. Winnington-Ingram, whose interpretation Georges adapts, suggests t h a t 'Aeschylus m u s t have hoped t h a t h i s a u d i e n c e w o u l d be m o r e p e r c e p t i v e . Y e t t h e course o f f i f t h century history m a y w e l l m a k e us doubt w h e t h e r the lesson of Z e u s kolastes ( ' p u n i s h e r ' ) w a s r e a l l y g r a s p e d b y t h e A t h e n i ans'.28 C l e a r l y , D a r i u s ' message does n o t get t h r o u g h : X e r x e s never receives i t ; t h e chorus does n o t teach h i m self-control a n d 'to stop h a r m i n g t h e gods' (829-31); t h e Q u e e n does n o t r e t u r n w i t h a kosmos a n d s o o t h e X e r x e s w i t h w o r d s ( 8 3 2 - 8 , 8 4 6 - 5 1 ) . Since the i n t e r n a l audience hardly interferes i n the prophecy a n d e x p l a n a t i o n , h o w e v e r , D a r i u s ' f i n a l speech effectively addresses the audience of the play. 'Remember Athens and Greece' D a r i u s orders his audience t o bear witness t o the 'penalties' ( 8 2 3 ) t h e P e r s i a n s p a i d f o r hybris, a d j u r i n g t h e m t o ' r e m e m b e r A t h e n s a n d Greece' (824). T h i s c o m m a n d alludes t o a n o r a l tradition of his response to the burning of Sardis. Darius was so o b s e s s e d w i t h v e n g e a n c e t h a t h e i n s t r u c t e d a s e r v a n t t o r e m i n d h i m three times w h e n h e served his meal, 'master, r e m e m b e r t h e A t h e n i a n s ' ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 1 0 5 . 2 ; cf. 6 . 9 4 . 1 ) . 2 9 T h e call to ' r e m e m b e r t h e A t h e n i a n s ' is a n o a t h o f vengeance w h i c h the Persian destruction of A t h e n s fulfilled. Aeschylus' D a r i u s r e m i n d s the audience of his response to the sack of Sardis, but ironically reverses its meaning: his c o m m a n d t o 'remember A t h e n s a n dGreece' interdicts P e r s i a n aggression against Greeks. T h e signature of Aeschylus' tragic vision is the a m b i g u i t y of violence p e r p e t r a t e d i n t h e n a m e o f a society's h i g h e s t values.

Ill

Aeschylus: Persians P e r s i a n v e n g e a n c e i s a drama t h a t p r o v o k e s a m o r e s e v e r e pathos, j u s t a s t h e A t h e n i a n / I o n i a n drama a t S a r d i s p r o v o k e d the disproportionately h a r s h destruction o f t h e i r cities a n d t e m p l e s . T h e P e r s i a n pathos i s i n t e r t w i n e d w i t h A t h e n s ' : i t i s a n evacuation, a sack, t h e f u l f i l m e n t o f a double oracle, a s i m u l t a n e o u s d e s t r u c t i o n a n ds a l v a t i o n t h r o u g h boatbridges/ships, the w o r s t disaster i n the h i s t o r y o f the city, a n d a realization of the call to 'remember Athens' for the destruction o f t e m p l e s . T h e kommos w i l l a d d a n o t h e r e c h o - l a m e n t f o r a lost harvest. A d o p t i n g t h e voice o f t h e G r e e k poetic t r a d i t i o n , D a r i u s s p e a k s a c r o s s c u l t u r e s . 3 0 Hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t i s n o t a n exclusively P e r s i a n sequence.31 Rather, i t is the oldest G r e e k pattern of deviant intention, action, and divine punishment, which Persian imperialism exemplifies. Holding the unaccountable to account T h e Q u e e n d e c l a r e d h e r s o n ' n o t a c c o u n t a b l e t o t h e polis' ( 2 1 3 ¬ 14). D a r i u s e x p l a i n s t h a t 'Zeus p u n i s h e s i n t e n t i o n s t h a t are too arrogant, a h e a v y chastiser' (827-8). T h e w o r d for 'chastiser', euthynos, s u g g e s t s t h e m e c h a n i s m f o r h o l d i n g o f f i c i a l s a t A t h e n s a c c o u n t a b l e , euthynai.32 S o m e a r g u e t h a t t h e Persians p r o jects such democratic oversight into the cosmos.33 B u t t h e play transcends particular political systems.34 Xerxes is politically u n a c c o u n t a b l e ; e v e n so, h e m u s t a n s w e r t o Z e u s , w h o m a i n tains order i n the cosmos. A l l m o r t a l s , w h e t h e r the G r e a t K i n g or the A t h e n i a n demos, are accountable to Zeus. Democracy is n o t i m m u n e t o t h e c y c l e o f c o n q u e s t , w e a l t h , a n d olbos o r t o t h e s e q u e n c e o f hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t . 3 5 I n t h e a f t e r m a t h o f t h e Persian destruction of Athens, the equation of precious m e t a l a n d s u b j e c t c i t i e s w i t h olbos b e c a m e a n A t h e n i a n c o l l e c t i v e ideal. T h e gleam of w e a l t h and power can ensorcel the masses a n d t h e i r leaders as readily as i t can kings a n d t h e i r subjects ( S o l o n Elegies f r r . 4 , 6 [ W e s t ] ; H e r o d o t u s 5 . 4 9 , 9 7 ; 6 . 1 3 2 ; T h u c y dides 6.24.3). T h e u p s h o t o f t h e D a r i u s - e p i s o d e is t h a t successful military hegemony makes a c o m m u n i t y increasingly liable t o hybris a n d ate o v e r t i m e .

112

5. The Synoptic Moment Seeing the end of the drama: Xerxes' rags D a r i u s e n j o i n s t h e c h o r u s t o t e a c h X e r x e s 'to be sensible' a n d 'to stop h a r m i n g t h e gods w i t h a r r o g a n t audacity' (829-31). Ordering the Q u e e n t o r e t u r n t o the house and t o retrieve a 'fine g a r m e n t ' (kosmos), h e i n s t r u c t s h e r t o m e e t X e r x e s w i t h i t a n d to soothe h i m w i t h w o r d s : X e r x e s ' c l o t h i n g i s t o r n t o s h r e d s 'because o f grief over his m i s f o r t u n e s ' (832-8). T h e conclusion o f the drama pivots on verbal remedies and Xerxes' investiture w i t h a n e w kosmos. L i k e e v e r y o t h e r s i g n i f i c a n t s t a g e a c t i o n i n t h e p l a y , h o w e v e r , t h e y w i l l be p r e - e m p t e d . R a t h e r t h a n a p p e a r before the audience i n n e w clothes, soothed a n d rehabilitated, Xerxes w i l l l a m e n t his rags (1030) a n d order the elders to tear t h e i r robes (1060). The stress o n Xerxes' clothing derives from Greek conventions o f poetic a n d d r a m a t i c representation.36 I n v e s t i t u r e a n d divestiture a r e basic f o r m s of v i s u a l m e a n i n g , especially t o a c h i e v e c l o s u r e . B a c c h y l i d e s ' Dithyramb 1 7 , a n a r r a t i v e o f struggle for a u t h o r i t y between M i n o s , k i n g of Crete, and the A t h e n i a n hero Theseus, contains a positive version of the failed p e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e Persians.31 T h e p o e m d e p i c t s T h e s e u s p r o v ing his paternity from Poseidon: h e dives into t h esea a n d dolphins speed h i m to the house o f Poseidon's wife, A m p h i t r i t e , who cloaks h i m i n a purple l i n e n m a n t l e and puts her wedding c r o w n o n h i s h e a d . T h e s e u s e m e r g e s d r y f r o m t h e sea a n d A t h e n i a n y o u t h s aboard ship rejoice i n r i t u a l s h o u t i n g a n d singing. T h e h e r o i n h i s n e w garb appears as saviour o f h i s people f r o m M i n o s ' hybris. T h e c h a l l e n g e a r o s e o u t o f M i n o s ' t o u c h i n g a n A t h e n i a n m a i d e n , w h o m Theseus defended. I n t h e absence o f his father, a mother-substitute (his m o t h e r i s A e t h r a ) endows Theseus w i t h symbols of his paternity, proving his right t o restrain Minos' hybris.38 B y w i t h h o l d i n g X e r x e s ' n e w kosmos, t h e p l a y c o n t r a s t s h i m w i t h t h e figure o f t h e l i b e r a t o r , p r o t e c t o r , a n d d e f e n d e r a g a i n s t hybris, a r o u n d w h o m t h e g r o u p u n i t e s . T h e p l a y ' s r e f u s a l t o p r o v i d e a n e w kosmos f o r X e r x e s m a y i m p l y a kosmos f o r t h e G r e e k s w h o d e f e a t e d h i m ; a kosmos w a s t h e a i m o f p r a i s e p o e t r y o f t h e P e r s i a n W a r s ( S i m o n i d e s Plataea f r . 1 1 . 2 3 , r e s t o r e d ) . I n v e s t i t u r e is a r i t e o f i n t e g r a t i o n i n t o t h e group a n d t r a n s i t i o n t o a n e w s t a t u s . I n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, t h e E r i n y e s f i r s t 113

Aeschylus: Persians a p p e a r i n c l o t h i n g (kosmos) i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o w e a r ' a t t h e s t a t ues o f t h e gods o r t h e houses o f m e n ' (55-6). A f t e r A t h e n a persuades the E r i n y e s to become powers of fertility, h a r m o n y , and justice i n Athens, the Athenians welcome t h e m into their c o m m u n i t y a n d h o n o u r t h e m w i t h n e w 'red-dyed robes', r e deeming t h e bloodshed a n d violence o f t h e trilogy,a n d symbolizing the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the E r i n y e s from curses into blessings (1025-31).39 T h e comic stage e m p l o y s t h i s device. T h e c h o r u s o f t h e Knights i n v e s t s t h e S a u s a g e - S e l l e r w i t h a f r o g green garment a t the end of the play as h e enters the Council c h a m b e r f o r a f e a s t ( A r i s t o p h a n e s Knights 1 4 0 4 - 6 ; c f . 8 6 1 - 6 ; Wasps 1 1 2 2 - 7 3 ) . T h i s i s t h e t h e a t r i c a l m o m e n t D a r i u s o r d e r s the Q u e e n to enact; against the gradient o f his a n d the Queen's wishes, t h e d r a m a refuses to fulfil i t . Darius the hedonist? R e a d e r s o f t h e Persians q u e s t i o n D a r i u s ' a u t h o r i t y , a r g u i n g t h a t the audience w o u l d have received h i m as a self-serving despot or that, as t h e k i n g w h o became a god t h r o u g h conquest, h e e m b o d i e s t h e hybris a t t h e h e a r t o f P e r s i a n c u l t u r e . 4 0 T h e r e is no w a y to r u l e o u t t h i s reception o f D a r i u s ' first t w o speeches. Y e t i t fails to t a k e i n t o account D a r i u s ' t h i r d , prophetic speech, which has the authority of the Greek tradition of poetry and of S o l o n i n p a r t i c u l a r . W h y does D a r i u s s p e a k so s e n s i b l y ? D a r i u s ' p a r t i n g w o r d s , 'rejoice, elders, e v e n i n woes, g i v i n g daily pleasure t o y o u r soul, since w e a l t h i s n o benefit t o t h e dead' (840-1) h a v e cast f u r t h e r doubt o n h i s a u t h o r i t y . 4 1 T h e s e w o r d s express t h e outlook of d r i n k i n g songs a n d of comedy. S u c h advice, however, i s typical o f w h a t t h e dead or t h e d y i n g t e l l t h e l i v i n g . 4 2 D a r i u s ' r e c o m m e n d a t i o n o f pleasure a n d cont e n t m e n t addresses Persia's insatiability; they are part of the r e m e d y t h e chorus expects D a r i u s to provide (631-2). T h e G o l d e n A g e - a t i m e o f feasting - associated w i t h D a r i u s i s defined b y sufficiency a n d c o n t e n t m e n t r a t h e r t h a n b y excess a n d insatiability. F r o m the perspective o f G r e e k sympotic poetry, pleasure is t h e focus o f h u m a n life. S i m o n i d e s asked, ' W h a t h u m a n life or w h a t t y r a n n y is desirable w i t h o u t pleasure? W i t h o u t i t , n o t e v e n t h e l i f e o f t h e g o d s i s e n v i a b l e ' (PMG f r . 5 8 4 ) . 114

5. The Synoptic Moment Solon wove the themes of wealth, pleasure, and contentment i n t o h i s elegies, e q u a t i n g those w h o possess great w e a l t h w i t h those w h o have enough for comfort, take a wife i n season and h a v e a c h i l d . ' T h i s ' h e declares, 'is w e a l t h for m o r t a l s . N o o n e goes i n t o H a d e s p o s s e s s i n g c o u n t l e s s goods, a n d y o u c o u l d n o t e s c a p e d e a t h b y m a k i n g p a y m e n t ...' (Elegies f r . 2 4 = T h e o g n i s Elegies 7 1 9 - 2 8 [ W e s t ] ) . D a r i u s ' l a s t w o r d s e c h o t h e v i e w o f m o r t a l i t y expressed i n sympotic poetry, the songs of the d r i n k i n g a n d f e a s t i n g g r o u p w h i c h a r e a m o d e l f o r t h e polls.43 T h e sympotic tenor of Darius' parting words elaborates his earlier w a r n i n g , i n w h i c h olbos w a s a c u p o f w i n e ' w a s t e d b y d e s i r i n g o t h e r s ' ' (824-6).44 G r e e k sympotic poets expressed a s i m i l a r v i e w of t h e P e r s i a n invasion. 'Let u s drink', Theognis urges, 'sharing pleasant conversion w i t h one another, h a v i n g no fear o f w a r w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s ' ( 7 6 3 - 4 ; cf. 7 7 3 - 8 2 [ W e s t ] ) . Critics similarly read the Queen's response to Xerxes' r e t u r n in rags as a n indictment of the barbarian mentality.45 After D a r i u s r e t u r n s t oHades, the elders express t h e i r grief for the barbarians' m u l t i t u d e of present and future woes (843-4). T h e Q u e e n seconds t h e i r grief (845-6) a n d describes w h a t distresses h e r t h e most: t h e d i s h o n o u r to h e r son's person (846-7). S h e i s not so m u c h obsessed w i t h 'sartorial display' as w i t h w h a t Xerxes' rags symbolize, dishonour t o h e r son a n dt h e royal oikos.46 H e n c e s h e r e s o l v e s t o f o l l o w D a r i u s ' o r d e r s , g e t t i n g a r o b e (kosmos) a n d m e e t i n g h e r s o n a s h e r e t u r n s ( 8 4 9 - 5 0 ) . The following stasimon implies that Athens is heir t o t h e e m p i r e D a r i u s conquered a n d ruled, b u t X e r x e s lost. I t r e i n f o r c e s t h e s t a t u s o f D a r i u s in loco patris a n d u n d e r s c o r e s t h e idea t h a t e m p i r e is p a t r i m o n y . Torn empire: the second stasimon D a r i u s returns t o the underworld.47 T h e Queen exits t o fetch X e r x e s ' kosmos. T h e c h o r u s i s a l o n e i n t h e o r c h e s t r a a n d s i n g s t h e second s t a s i m o n . T h e chorus e n u m e r a t e s t h e city-states t h a t D a r i u s conquered a n d ruled a n d Xerxes lost after h i s defeat a t S a l a m i s . T h e ode explores i n geographical t e r m s t h e i m a g e o f X e r x e s ' t o r n robe, w h i c h s y m b o l i z e s t h e r u p t u r e bet w e e n X e r x e s a n d D a r i u s a n d t h e loss o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e . 4 8 115

Aeschylus: Persians A l t h o u g h there is a causal connection b e t w e e n X e r x e s ' defeat a t S a l a m i s a n d t h e loss o f P e r s i a n h o l d i n g s l i s t e d i n t h e ode, t h e majority of t h e m r e m a i n e d under Persian control between Salamis and Xerxes' r e t u r n to Asia. T h e chorus envisions events outside o f dramatic time, between 4 7 9a n d 473, as i f they happened directly after Salamis. I n keeping w i t h its visionary character, t h e m e t r e o f the song is lyric dactylic.49 Picking u p the conclusion of the first stasimon, w h i c h envisioned the disintegration of Persia's A s i a n empire (584-94), the ode l a m e n t s t h e r e v e r s a l o f P e r s i a n p o w e r i n Thrace, t h e Hellespont, Ionia, and the Aegean islands, including Rhodes a n d Cyprus. W i t h the exception o f the cities o f C y p r u s (892-7), the cities e n u m e r a t e d i n this s t a s i m o n w e r e likely m e m b e r s o f the A t h e n i a n empire i n472.50 S o m e o f t h e m , such as Lesbos, Samos, Chios, Naxos, and perhaps Tenos and Lemnos, provided ships (880-6, 891). Others, such as Paros, Myconos, A n d r o s , Icaros and m a i n l a n d Ionia were likely tribute-payers (885-902). T h e first strophe reinforces the image of Darius' reign as a G o l d e n Age, focusing o n e m p i r e as 'the great a n d good life o f r u l i n g cities' (852-3). T h e chorus reiterates a n d expands t h e range of Darius' epithets, broadening the schism between the old a n d n e w Persian orders. T h e 'old king' w a s 'completely s u f f i c i e n t ' ( 8 5 4 - 6 ) , ' c a u s i n g n o h a r m ' ( 8 5 5 ; cf. 5 5 5 , 6 6 3 - 4 = 6 7 1 - 2 ) , ' i n v i n c i b l e ' ( 8 5 6 ) a n d ' g o d l i k e ' ( 8 5 7 ; cf. 1 5 7 , 6 3 3 - 4 , 6 4 3 , 6 5 1 , 654-5, 711). T h e a n t i s t r o p h e stresses t h e success o f Persian armies during Darius' reign: they were 'honoured' (858) a n d kept fortified cities under control. Successful i n t h e i r w a r s , t h e y r e t u r n e d t o f l o u r i s h i n g h o m e s ' w i t h o u t suffering' (861-4).51 T h e elders r e t u r n t oa t h e m e of the parodos a n d first s t a s i m o n : t h e Persians' d i v i n e l y sanctioned success as a l a n d p o w e r , p e n e t r a t i n g w a l l e d f o r t i f i c a t i o n s a n d d r i v i n g settled populations from their homes (87-107, 555-7). Persia's era o f i m p e r i a l d o m i n a t i o n enforced b y siege p o w e r has ended. I t i s n o w A t h e n s ' , w h o s e a b i l i t y t o collect t r i b u t e w a s based u p o n siege p o w e r o f a different k i n d : blockades w h i c h induced starvation. T h e following three strophic-antistrophic pairs detail Darius' conquests a n d additions t o t h ePersian empire i n t h e Greek w o r l d a n d i t s periphery. T h i s topic i s often a n occasion for 116

5. The Synoptic Moment praeteritio, c a l l i n g a t t e n t i o n t o s o m e t h i n g b y d e c l i n i n g t o s p e a k about i t . 5 2 T h e chorus offers a detailed list o f t h e cities D a r i u s c o n q u e r e d a n d r u l e d , a n d i n s o m e cases, r e c o n q u e r e d d u r i n g and after the I o n i a n revolt. C r o s s i n g w a t e r b o u n d a r i e s s y m b o l i z e s t h e hybris o f i m p e r i a l i s t d e s i r e i n t h e Persians. T h e c h o r u s p r o c l a i m s t h a t D a r i u s t o o k t h e cities i n t h i s ode, ' n e i t h e r c r o s s i n g t h e passage o f t h e H a l y s R i v e r nor s t i r r i n g f r o m his h e a r t h ' (865-8). F o r Herodotus, the H a l y s demarcates the empire of Lydians from that of the Medes and articulates A s i a i n t o t w o geographical a n d political u n i t s (1.72). D a r i u s personally remained w i t h i n his natural, religious, a n d c u l t u r a l l i m i t s ; h e w a s a j u s t k i n g a n d as a consequence, h i s people flourished. T h i s is a t h e m e associated w i t h Hesiod's city of justice (Works and Days 2 2 5 - 3 7 ) . S o m e c o n s i d e r t h i s p r a i s e o f D a r i u s a c t u a l l y a ' s n e e r ' a g a i n s t h i m a s a ' s t a y - a t - h o m e ' . 5 3 I n t h e Persians, however, D a r i u s 'acquired great w e a l t h for his children w i t h the point o f t h e spear' (754-5) a n d claims t o h a v e 'invaded m a n y t i m e s w i t h m a n y a n a r m y ' (780). D a r i u s ' presence i n Persia w h i l e increasi n g h i s e m p i r e i s a s i g n o f p o w e r , l i k e Z e u s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Suppliants, w h o a c c o m p l i s h e s h i s a i m s w i t h o u t e f f o r t o r m o t i o n ( 9 1 - 1 0 3 ; cf. Xenophanes frr. 20-2 D - K ) . S u c h conquest contradicts the premise t h a t t h e P e r s i a n empire's d i v i n e l y sanctioned sphere is A s i a . T h e earliest inscriptions e n u m e r a t i n g the cities t h a t paid tribute to A t h e n s date from 454. Lists of first-fruit offerings t o A t h e n a from the tribute, a sixtieth of the payment, they lack a geographical f o r m a t . T h e sequence o f cities i n the lists differs f r o m year to year; t h i s probably reflects the order i n w h i c h t h e y paid.54 I n 442 the t r i b u t e - p a y i n g cities w e r e grouped i n t o five districts: Ionia, Hellespont, Thrace, Caria, Islands.55 T h i s order becomes fixed, a l t h o u g h t h e sequence o f cities p a y i n g w i t h i n each d i s t r i c t v a r i e s . T h e s e c o n d s t a s i m o n o f t h e Persians r o u g h l y i n cludes these five districts, t h o u g h i n a different order: Thrace, Hellespont, Islands, Caria, Ionia. I n the anapaestic prelude to the parodos t h e chorus listed h i g h tribute-payers - Lydia, M y s i a , Babylon, E g y p t - as fearsome allies (33-55). T h e principle o f p a y m e n t g o v e r n s t h e o r d e r o f d i s t r i c t s i n t h i s ode. T h r a c e i s consistently the highest paying district i n the A t h e n i a n empire i n the period 453-434, followed b y t h e Hellespont, t h e Islands, Caria, and Ionia.56 T h i s r a n k i n g probably obtained i n 472. 117

Aeschylus: Persians Thracian and Hellespontine districts T h e chorus first lists 'river cities o f the S t r y m o n i a n G u l f (pelagos), n e i g h b o u r s o f T h r a c i a n h u t s ' ( 8 6 9 - 7 1 ) a s c i t i e s D a r i u s c a p t u r e d a n d w h i c h o b e y e d h i m . T r a n s l a t i n g pelagos a s ' l a k e ' , some t h i n k that the lines refer to a branch of the Paeonians w h o dwelled i n Lake Prasias i n huts built o n stilts (Herodotus 5.16).57 T h i s is unlikely. Megabazus was unable t o conquer these Paeonians (5.12-16). I t i s m o r e likely t h a t t h e chorus refers to settlements o n the G u l f of S t r y m o n near the S t r y m o n River, such as Eion.58 T h e chorus begins w i t h t h e G u l f of S t r y m o n because i twas a cardinal point of A t h e n s ' empire, a chief source o f t r i b u t e a n d r a w m a t e r i a l s a n d the w e s t e r n m o s t b u l w a r k against Persian reprisal. T h e antistrophe claims t h a t fortified settlements 'outside the limné' o n t h e c o n t i n e n t o b e y e d D a r i u s ( 8 7 2 - 5 ) . F o r t h o s e w h o i d e n t i f y t h e ' S t r y m o n i a n pelagos' w i t h L a k e P r a s i a s , t h i s r e f e r s to l a n d 'outside the lake'. A g a i n , this i s improbable. A l t h o u g h t h e w o r d limne n o r m a l l y r e f e r s t o s t a n d i n g w a t e r , i n p o e t r y i t c a n d e s i g n a t e t h e s e a (e.g. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 5 2 4 - 3 0 ) a n d S o p h o c l e s u s e s i t t o m e a n ' g u l f (Women ofTrachis 6 3 6 ) . T h e w o r d h e r e refers t o the G u l f of S t r y m o n . T h e r e w e r e n u m e r o u s fortified settlements between the Gulf of S t r y m o n and the Hellespont. Herodotus lists t h e m f r o m east t o west as h e narrates Xerxes' r o u t e a c r o s s T h r a c e t o G r e e c e ( 7 . 1 0 6 - 9 ; cf. 6 . 4 6 - 8 ; 8 . 1 2 0 ) . 5 9 T h e antistrophe concludes by n o t i n g t h a t settlements o n the Hellespont, Propontis and the m o u t h of the Black Sea were subject to D a r i u s . T h e s e w e r e also c a r d i n a l points o f A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m : t h e y p r o v i d e d access t o c o m m o d i t i e s f r o m t h e B l a c k Sea, e n a b l i n g A t h e n s t o exploit its n a v a l p o w e r by controlling t h e flow o f these commodities t o t h eAegean. T h e Persians gained t h e m after the invasion of Scythia and t h e n regained t h e m after the I o n i a n revolt. Islands, Caria, and Ionia T h e t h i r d strophe and antistrophe detail the islands Darius ruled. T h e first group adjoins the coast of W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ; the chorus describes t h e m f r o m the perspective o f the m a i n l a n d 118

5. The Synoptic Moment (880-2). Lesbos, Samos, a n d Chios have pride o f place (883-5). These islands were early allies of Athens; each m a n n e d its o w n fleet d u r i n g Aeschylus' lifetime. T h e a u t h o r o f t h e A r i s t o t e l i a n Constitution of the Athenians c a l l s t h e m t h e ' s e n t i n e l s o f e m pire' (24.2). C h i a n insurgents pushed for I o n i a n liberation after t h e battle o f S a l a m i s (Herodotus 8.132). S a m i a n s swore oaths to enter t h e G r e e k alliance u n d e r S p a r t a n leadership before t h e battle of M y c a l e (9.91-2) a n d led the revolt a t battle of M y c a l e (9.103.2). Lesbos a n d Chios joined the G r e e k alliance under S p a r t a n leadership after Mycale, along w i t h 'the other islanders w h o happened t o be campaigning w i t h t h e Hellenes' (9.106.4). H e r o d o t u s does n o t i d e n t i f y these 'other islanders', b u t o f t h e islands the chorus m e n t i o n s next, N a x o s a n d Tenos w e r e probably among them. T h e admiral of the four triremes the Naxians s e n t t o X e r x e s ' fleet, D e m o c r i t u s , j o i n e d t h e G r e e k s a t S a l a m i s (Herodotus 8.46.3). A t r i r e m e f r o m T e n o s also left t h e Persians to fight w i t h the Greeks a t S a l a m i s (8.82.1). T h e N a x i a n s h a d their name inscribed on the 'Serpent Column'; the Tenians were added later.60 I t did not take long for either island to become a t r i b u t e - p a y i n g subject o f A t h e n s . N a x o s w a s t h e first i s l a n d to r e v o l t , p e r h a p s a r o u n d 4 6 5 ( T h u c y d i d e s 1.98.4). T h e r e are n o records for Naxos' tribute payments u n t i l 447, w h e n i t paid 6 | talents, a sizable s u m . Tenos paid three talents i n 449, t h e earliest date for w h i c h w e h a v e records. T h e appearance of Myconos, Paros, a n d A n d r o s (885-6) i n the t h i r d strophe i s surprising. T h e y are part of the Cyclades; but they had little claim t o importance. Myconos probably paid tribute from the start. W h e n its records are first extant i n 4 5 1 , it pays 1 | talents. N e i t h e r Paros n o r A n d r o s enjoyed good relations w i t h Athens. Herodotus reports that t h e Parians j o i n e d n e i t h e r side i n t h e battle o f S a l a m i s , b u t a w a i t e d t h e outcome o n the island of Cythnos, one of only six Aegean islands to r i s k f i g h t i n g o n t h e G r e e k side b u t u n n a m e d i n t h i s o d e (8.67.1). Themistocles extorted a large s u m o f m o n e y f r o m P a r o s after t h e b a t t l e o f S a l a m i s (8.112.2). A s i s t h e case w i t h all the islands, tribute figures are sketchy, but the A t h e n i a n s exacted a h e a v y toll f r o m Paros. I n 449 the island paid 16|, a h u g e a n d p u n i t i v e s u m . A n d r o s w a s also subject t o A t h e n i a n 119

Aeschylus: Persians reprisal for m e d i s m (8.111, 121.1). Themistocles' unsuccessful siege o f t h e i s l a n d f r i g h t e n e d P a r o s i n t o offering p a y m e n t . H e r o d o t u s surmises t h a t other islands also paid (8.112.2). M y conos w a s probably one o f t h e m . T h e t h i r d antistrophe treats a m i x e d geographical range of islands a n d peninsular Cnidus, spanning t h eIonian, Island, and C a r i a n districts. T h e chorus' description of islands farther f r o m t h e A s i a n coast (890-3) applies to t h e first three: L e m n o s , Icaros, and Rhodes. T h e A t h e n i a n s established a foothold o n L e m n o s i n the early fifth century (Herodotus 6.136-40). L e m n o s s e n t s h i p s t o X e r x e s ' fleet. A n t i d o r u s ' s h i p e s c a p e d t o t h e G r e e k side a t t h e battle o f A r t e m i s i u m (8.11.3) a n d f o u g h t w i t h t h e Greeks a t S a l a m i s (8.82.2). Icaros was probably i n the Persian ambit i n490 w h e n the Persians sailed beside i to n the w a y t o E r e t r i a a n d M a r a t h o n (Herodotus 6.95.2). W ehave n o record t h a t t h e i s l a n d paid tribute as a whole. T w o o fits towns paid separately i n t h e I o n i a n district, indicating the presence of A t h e n i a n settlers on the island. Rhodes, a D o r i a n island, likewise endured A t h e n i a n settlers, paying as separate t o w n s i n t h e C a r i a n district. I t s major towns paid large sums. T h e m o s t interesting cities i n this catalogue a r e those o f Cyprus: Paphus, Soli, and Salamis, 'whose m o t h e r city is the cause o fthese laments' (892-7). According t o Herodotus, t h e Cypriots 'gave themselves' t o t h e Persians a n d i n v a d e d E g y p t w i t h Cambyses' n a v y i n 525 (3.19.3). T h e cities S a l a m i s a n d Soli were the spiritual centre of the island's revolt f r o m D a r i u s i n 499/98 (5.110). O n e s i l u s o f S a l a m i s w a s a force b e h i n d t h e resistance, p u t t i n g h i m a t odds w i t h his brother Gorgus, t h e pro-Persian k i n g of S a l a m i s (5.104). W h e n Onesilus w a s killed in the fighting, his brother Gorgus returned to Salamis, saving t h e c i t y f r o m P e r s i a n r e p r i s a l ( 5 . 1 1 0 - 1 5 ) . S o l i w a s n o t so f o r t u nate. I t w i t h s t o o d a P e r s i a n siege f o r f o u r m o n t h s before s u c c u m b i n g (5.115.2). H e r o d o t u s does n o t m e n t i o n P a p h u s i n connection w i t h the I o n i a n revolt, but archaeological evidence suggests t h a t it revolted and was t a k e n after the Persians built a siege m o u n d ( a P e r s i a n specialty).61 C y p r u s as a w h o l e sent 1 5 0 s h i p s t o X e r x e s ' fleet ( 7 . 9 0 ) . P a p h u s s e n t a c o n t i n g e n t (7.195), as did Salamis, whose k i n g Gorgus accompanied t h e 120

5. The Synoptic Moment expedition (7.98). I n478, the Greeks under P a u s a n i a s 'campaigned against Cyprus and subdued m u c h of it' (Thucydides 1.94.2; D i o d o r u s 11.44.2). T h e l i b e r a t i o n d i d n o t l a s t l o n g . T h e cities of C y p r u s never became part of the A t h e n i a n empire.62 T h e chorus m a y express A t h e n s ' desire for Cyprus' inclusion i n the empire. I t m a y recall Salamis' role i n the I o n i a n revolt, linking it w i t h A t h e n i a n Salamis' role i n defeating the Persians. I t could also recall a h i s t o r y o f C y p r i o t m e d i s m . F i n a l l y , t h e chorus details t h e loss o f m a i n l a n d I o n i a i n a n epode. C y r u s 'conquered a l l I o n i a b y force' (771); t h e chorus r e f e r s t o I o n i a a s t h e ' I o n i a n i n h e r i t a n c e ' ( 8 9 8 - 9 , kleros). A c cording to Herodotus, Cyrus' son Cambyses considered Ionians a n d A e o l i a n s 'inherited slaves' (2.1.2). T h e cities of I o n i a h a d been, as t h e c h o r u s says ' w e a l t h y a n d p o p u l o u s ' (898-9). M i l e t u s i n particular was 'the j e w e l of Ionia' a t the t u r n of the fifth c e n t u r y ( H e r o d o t u s 5.28). I t h a d gone over to C y r u s w i t h o u t a fight i n 535 (1.143.1). T h e chorus recalls I o n i a n collaboration: the t e r r i t o r y w a s the source o f a n 'inexhaustible s t r e n g t h o f a r m o u r e d m e n ' a n d of 'allies o f a l l sorts' (901-3), a description o f I o n i a n c o n s c r i p t s (cf. 5 4 ) . T h e I o n i a n s p r o v i d e d 1 0 0 s h i p s t o Xerxes' fleet (Herodotus 7.94). T h e ode s t r a d d l e s a l i n e b e t w e e n r e c a l l i n g t h e T h r a c i a n , Hellespontine, island and I o n i a n failure to defend their freedom against D a r i u s and proclaiming their liberty after the battle of S a l a m i s - w h e r e m a n y f o u g h t o n t h e P e r s i a n side. I t r e p r e s e n t s the reversal of Persian imperialism i n the Aegean. T h e chorus asserts t h a t t h i s r e v e r s a l is a n act o f t h e gods i n n a v a l f i g h t i n g (903-7). T h e catalogue projects A t h e n i a n n a v a l power, recalls I o n i a n suffering u n d e r t h e Persians, a n d is a n e x e m p l u m o f t h e evanescence of n a v a l empire. I ti s significant that the chorus p r e f a c e s t h e r e v e r s a l w i t h ' n o w ... i n t u r n ' ( 9 0 3 - 5 ) : s u c h a l t e r nation is characteristic of naval power. Athens' empire is a n inheritance from Darius w h i c h Xerxes squandered; the Athenians are D a r i u s ' heir. T h e i r challenge is to a v o i d t h e e x a m p l e o f Xerxes.

121

6

A Harvest of Tears The

kommos

Xerxes enters alone, unannounced, and i n t o r n robes (1030), wearing a virtually empty quiver (1019-24).1 H em a y have entered o n a covered w a g o n (1000-1), b u t he is o n foot t h r o u g h o u t t h e episode.2 T h i s i s t h e m o m e n t w e h a v e awaited; t h i s i s t h e event t h e p l a y defers u n t i l t h e end: X e r x e s ' h o m e c o m i n g (nostos). H o w w i l l h e b e r e i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o h i s r e a l m ? W i l l h e c o m p o u n d his woes, as the Q u e e n feared w h e n she first considered his r e t u r n ? (529-31). W i l l the chorus teach h i m 'self-control' a n d 'to stop h a r m i n g t h e gods' (829-31) as D a r i u s d e m a n d e d ? W i l l t h e Q u e e n r e t u r n w i t h a n e w kosmos f o r h e r s o n ? ( 8 4 9 - 5 1 ) . T h e Persians e n d s w i t h a kommos: a s u n g l a m e n t b e t w e e n actor and chorus.3 Readers are divided over h o w to interpret it. S.M. A d a m s calls i t a 'satyr-play' a n d 'appendage' to t h e d r a m a , w h i c h i s 'lighter i n mood' t h a n the preceding scenes.4 M i c h a e l G a g a r i n r e a d s t h e kommos a s o f f e r i n g ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' a s w e l l a s 'support and comfort' t o Xerxes.5 D a v i d Schenker suggests i t r e c r e a t e s t h e 'proper r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n a k i n g a n d h i s peop l e ' . 6 T h e kommos i s t h e p l a y ' s d r a m a t i c c l i m a x . 7 I t e x h i b i t s t h e telos o f t h e t r a g e d y a n d o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e , s t a g i n g t h e ' h a r v e s t o f t e a r s ' D a r i u s d e s c r i b e d a s t h e f u l f i l m e n t o f hybris a n d ate ( 8 2 1 - 2 ) , a n d r e a l i z i n g t h e p l a y ' s v e r b a l i m a g e s a s s y m bolic a c t i o n o n stage. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h eeffect o f t h i s r e - e n a c t m e n t i s t h e r e n e w a l o f X e r x e s ' hybris: h e t a k e s c o n t r o l of the elders a n d c o m m a n d s t h e m t o m u t i l a t e t h e i r bodies i n m o u r n i n g before t h e y escort h i m to t h e palace (1038-77). X e r x e s r e g a i n s h i s g r i p o n P e r s i a ; b u t t h e kommos t u r n s P e r s i a n hybris u p o n itself, d e m o n s t r a t i n g h o w enslaving i m p e r i a l i s m i s fulfilled i n the self-directed aggression o f l a m e n t .

122

6. A Harvest of Tears T h e kommos i s b a s e d o n e a s t e r n r i t u a l l a m e n t s f o r t w o k i n d s of unseasonable loss: a lost h a r v e s t a n d t h e d e a t h o f a k i n g ' s o n l y son i n a n a t t e m p t to save crops f r o m devastation. H e r o d o tus' account o f t h e original eastern imperialist, Croesus o f Lydia, includes a narrative of this type. Croesus' heir A t y s i s killed by a n errant j a v e l i n w h i l e h etries to subdue a w i l d boar d e s t r o y i n g M y s i a n fields (1.36-45).8 T h i s loss f o r m s p a r t o f C r o e s u s ' s a g a : h e c l a i m e d t o b e t h e ' m o s t b l e s s e d ' (olbiotatos) m a n , b u t l o s e s h i s h e i r , olbos, a n d e m p i r e ( 1 . 6 , 1 . 2 6 - 9 2 ) . 9 A l t h o u g h t h e Persians i s n o t a t r a g e d y o f t h i s t y p e , i t i s a n i r o n i c v a r i a t i o n o f t h i s p a t t e r n . X e r x e s l o s e s h i s olbos a n d e m p i r e , b u t u n l i k e Croesus' son A t y s , D a r i u s ' son X e r x e s i s t h e sole s u r v i vor. T h e y o u n g k i n g s u r v i v e s , b u t loses 'the e n t i r e y o u t h ' o f h i s e m p i r e ( 6 7 0 ) . T h e kommos m o u r n s t h e l o s s o f t h e s e n o b l e y o u t h s , ' t h e hebe o f t h e l a n d ' ( 9 2 2 - 4 ) . L a m e n t s for Adonis, a m o d e l for the w o m e n ' s l a m e n t s reported i n the first stasimon, are also o f s i m i l a r type to those of t h e kommos. A r o y a l s o n k i l l e d i n a b o a r h u n t , A d o n i s i s l a m e n t e d a t t h e h e i g h t o f s u m m e r ; h i s d e a t h coincides w i t h t h e loss o ft h e h a r v e s t . 1 0 A t A t h e n s , w o m e n m o u r n e d A d o n i s i n private ceremonies held o n roof-top gardens.11 T h e y planted lettuce, fennel, barley o r w h e a t i n pots, w a t c h i n g t h e m sprout and w i t h e r i n the s u m m e r heart. T h e y t h e n used these as biers for the l a m e n t e d effigy of Adonis, d u m p i n g b o t h i n t o springs or the sea.12 A s M a r c e l D e t i e n n e notes, 'the greenness o f A d o n i s guaranteed no harvest a t all'.13 P o i n t i n g to the proverb, 'more fruitless t h a n the gardens of Adonis', Gregory Nagy interprets Adonis as a f i g u r e f o r 'hybris i n t h e b o t a n i c a l s e n s e ' . 1 4 A d o n i s i s a f i g u r e o f luxuriant b u t unsustainable g r o w t h w h i c h ends i n lament. I n d e e d , A d o n i s e m b o d i e s t h e ' f l o w e r i n g o f hybrid, ' h a r v e s t o f t e a r s ' , a n d l o s s of hebe a n d anthos t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e t h e P e r s i a n t r a g e d y . T h a t h i s g a r d e n a n d effigy e n d u p i n springs o r t h e sea parallels t h e fate o f Persia's ' y o u t h ' a n d 'flower', w h o s e corpses litter the seaand springs. Xerxes' y o k i n g of the Hellespont, a fruitless 'marriage' w h i c h leaves P e r s i a n w i v e s 'yoked alone', bringing barrenness to Asia, evokes Adonis asa 'negative image of marriage and fertile union'.15 I t is u n c a n n y t h a t w h i l e A t h e n i a n m e n w e r e v o t i n g to invade 123

Aeschylus: Persians S i c i l y i n 4 1 5 , t r a d i t i o n h a d i t t h a t A t h e n i a n w o m e n w e r e celeb r a t i n g t h e Adonia, l a m e n t i n g t h e effigy o f the lost y o u t h , proleptically l a m e n t i n g t h e lost 'flower' o f A t h e n s about t o invade Sicily.16 W a l t e r B u r k e r t interprets the ritual of Adonis as 'play-acting the failure of planting i n order to ensure by contrast t h e s u c c e s s i n r e a l i t y ' . 1 7 T h e kommos o f t h e Persians s e r v e s a n a n a l o g o u s r i t u a l f u n c t i o n : l a m e n t f o r t h e l o s s o f a fleet a n d a n e m p i r e is a n apotropaic r i t u a l against t h e s a m e fate for A t h e n s . 1 8 T h e image of lost y o u t h asa lost flower/harvest, standard i n r i t u a l l a m e n t , i s c r u c i a l t o t h e kommos b o t h i n i t s f i g u r a l a n d l i t e r a l m e a n i n g s . 1 9 T h e P e r s i a n s m o u r n t h e loss o f t h e i r noble y o u t h as a metaphorical lost harvest; the A t h e n i a n s m o u r n the l i t e r a l d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e i r l a n d . 2 0 T h e P e r s i a n s caused t h e loss of t w o A t h e n i a n harvests (Herodotus 8.142.3), h a m p e r i n g agricultural production fort h e next generation.21 Thucydides claims that the A t h e n i a n s had only just recovered i n 4 3 1 w h e n the Spartans began to ravage A t t i c a (2.16.1). T h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos, d e p i c t e d a s p a r a l l e l b u t o p p o s e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e p l a y , i n t e r s e c t i n t h e kommos. X e r x e s ' n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m d e s t r o y s n a t u r a l v a l u e . 2 2 T h e deceptive radiance o fprecious m e t a l supplants it, seducing individuals a n dcommunities into t h e pursuit o f monetary w e a l t h t h a t has no l i m i t . 2 3 M o n e y is problematic a s a principle of g r o w t h and renewal. A r i s t o t l e views i t as a n unrestricted potential for increase deriving f r o m a desire u n r e s t r a i n e d b y political a n d m o r a l values.24 M o n e y is a principle of i n s a t i a b i l i t y w i t h o u t l i m i t ; e m p i r e h a s a s i m i l a r s t r u c t u r e (cf. T h u c y d i d e s 6 . 1 8 . 3 ) . T h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s t h e telos o f e m p i r e a s i t s termination; the play exhibits its insatiability as fulfiled by insatiable l a m e n t . 2 5 Thucydides develops t h i s d i m e n s i o n o f e m p i r e i n h i s History: i m p e r i a l i s m ' c a s h e s i n ' t h e l i v e s o f i t s c i t i z e n s f o r e t e r n a l glory, a process w h o s e f u l f i l m e n t i s m o u n d s o f u n b u r i e d corpses, k i l l e d b o t h b y plague a n d b y failed i n v a s i o n (2.34-54; 7 . 5 9 - 8 7 ; cf. 8 1 8 - 2 2 ) . W e lack t h e music, dance, gestures, m a s k s , costumes, a n d o t h e r m a t e r i a l c o m p o n e n t s o f t h e kommos t h a t w o u l d e n a b l e u s t o appreciate its full impact. T h e words and metre are merely its s k e l e t o n . E v e n so, t h e y c o n v e y a s e n s e o f t h e e m o t i o n a l p o w e r o f the play's ending and of Aeschylus' dramatic technique. 124

6. A Harvest of Tears Male lament Ritual lament is a female performance i n fifth-century Athen i a n culture.26 Solon's laws allegedly proscribed female self-mut i l a t i o n i n l a m e n t . 2 7 M a l e l a m e n t i n v e r t s proper gender roles. S u c h a n i n v e r s i o n is b o t h a generic feature of t r a g e d y - t h e m o s t virile heroes, Heracles a n d Ajax, decry t h a t t h e y have become w o m e n - and a function of the Greek construction of barbarian culture asfeminized.28 Herodotus' Persians tear their clothing i n ' b o u n d l e s s l a m e n t ' ( 3 . 6 6 . 1 ; 8 . 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; cf. 9 . 2 4 ) . Y e t is possible to overstate t h e b a r b a r i a n e m o t i o n a l i s m of t h e Persians. O l d m e n p e r f o r m r i t u a l l a m e n t s i n t h e G r e e k t r a d i t i o n . I n E u r i p i d e s ' Andromache, P e l e u s e x h o r t s h i m s e l f t o t e a r his h a i r and t o beat his head i n l a m e n t for his grandson Neoptolemus (1209-11). T h e archetype of the old m a n i n l a m e n t is P r i a m , w h o s m e a r s his h e a d a n d neck w i t h d u n g w h i l e m o u r n i n g H e c t o r ' s d e a t h ( H o m e r Iliad 2 4 . 1 5 9 - 6 5 ) . P l a t o ' s c r i t i q u e o f t r a g e d y i n t h e Republic f o c u s e s o n m a l e l a m e n t . T h e most self-controlled m e n i n the audience experience l a m e n t w i t h vicarious pleasure, even though i n their everyday lives they pride themselves on enduring grief and resisting lament t h i s is s o m e t h i n g w o m e n do. T r a g e d y l i b e r a t e s t h e i r r e p r e s s e d d e s i r e s t o l a m e n t (Republic 6 0 5 a 8 - 6 0 6 c l ; cf. 3 8 7 d l - 3 8 8 e 3 ) . T h e kommos o f t h e Persians i s a n e x a m p l e o f t r a g e d y ' s c a p a c ity to evoke the y e a r n i n g for l a m e n t i n a society d e m a n d i n g its suppression. T h e kommos, t h e n , n e e d n o t b e i n t e r p r e t e d p r i m a r i l y a s a spectacle o f P e r s i a n effeminacy w h i c h reinforces the audience's sense of c u l t u r a l and m i l i t a r y superiority. B a r b a r i a n emotionalism is its enabling condition rather t h a n its meaning. T h e kommos i s a p u b l i c l a m e n t f o r c o m m u n a l s u f f e r i n g ( 9 4 4 - 7 ) . 2 9 I t m a y be difficult for us t o i m a g i n e t h e o r i g i n a l a u d i e n c e l a m e n t i n g t h e s a m e t h i n g a s t h e P e r s i a n s - t h e loss o f e m p i r e , t h e a n n i h i l a t i o n o f a n u n b u r i e d nobility, t h e c r u s h i n g n a v a l defeat, the blow to X e r x e s a n d Persia, the disgrace of Xerxes' t o r n robes a n d e m p t y q u i v e r . T h e kommos f o s t e r s i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h s u c h lament by locating the audience between past and future grief for its o w n suffering. I t activates the construction of the P e r s i a n pathos a s a d i s p l a c e m e n t o f A t h e n s ' pathos a n d e v o k e s c o n t e m 125

Aeschylus: Persians p o r a r y A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s t practices as sources o f identification. I t is l i k e l y t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s lost m o r e citizens i n battle in the period from 480 t o 472 t h a n i n their entire previous history.30 Herodotus claims that during the reigns of Darius, Xerxes, and his son Artaxerxes, 'there were more woes for Greece t h a n i n t h e 20 generations before D a r i u s ' (6.98.2).31 P a i n a n d s u f f e r i n g (ponos) are t h e s t u f f o f i m p e r i a l i s m w h i c h b i n d s Persians and Athenians. Anapaestic prelude: Xerxes' fall and the lost harvest Spoken of i n the third person throughout the drama, Xerxes enters l a m e n t i n g his o w n fate (909-10).32 U n l i k e the audience, h e does n o t u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e i n v a s i o n w a s a predictable a n d predicted disaster.33 X e r x e s r e m a i n s s i m i l a r l y u n i n f o r m e d about the future (913). H e interprets his fate as the w o r k of a 'savage-minded' and arbitrary 'divinity' w h i c h 'trampled the r a c e o f P e r s i a n s ' (daimon, 9 1 1 - 1 2 , cf. 5 1 5 - 1 6 , 9 2 1 , 9 4 2 - 3 , 1 0 0 5 ¬ 7 ) . W e s e e t h e p r i n c i p l e o f drama a n d pathos e n a c t e d u p o n Xerxes' entrance: the trampler enters asthe trampled. T h e Queen's d r e a m offers a m o d e l for X e r x e s ' c o n f r o n t a t i o n w i t h p a t e r n a l a u t h o r i t y after his fall: h e tears his robes i n disgrace. I n t h e s t a g e d d r a m a , h i s b o d y goes slack w h e n h e sees Darius' contemporaries (913-14) and he yearns for the invisibility o f death (915-17). Xerxes' slack body personifies t h e dissolution of 'royal might' (589-90) and the loosening of the 'yoke o f force' t h a t holds h i s e m p i r e together, a l l o w i n g free speech t o emerge (591-4). T h e chorus speaks freely. Xerxes' entrance realizes the chorus' prophecy i n the first stasimon. X e r x e s c a l l s t h e e l d e r s ' c i t i z e n s ' ( 9 1 4 ; cf. 5 5 5 - 7 ) ; t h e y s p e a k a s citizens. T h e elders' reception o f X e r x e s reverses t h e i r awestruck reception of his parents (150-8, 694-702). T a k i n g up Xerxes' l a m e n t for the savage divinity, the chorus m o u r n s 'the good a r m y a n d t h e great h o n o u r of P e r s i a n r u l e a n d t h e r a n k s (kosmos) o f m e n t h e d i v i n i t y c u t d o w n ' ( 9 1 8 - 2 1 ) . 3 4 X e r x e s ' n e w kosmos c a n s y m b o l i c a l l y r e p l a c e t h e kosmos o f m e n 'cut d o w n ' a n d restore t h e g r a n d e u r o f h i s e m p i r e , b u t t h e p l a y does n o t stage such a r e n e w a l . R a t h e r , i t stresses t h e i d e n t i t y 126

6. A Harvest of Tears of Xerxes' t o r n robes a n d t h e n o b l e m e n h e expended i n t h e invasion that destroyed his empire. T h e chorus develops the a g r i c u l t u r a l m e t a p h o r o f the verb ' c u t d o w n ' : ' t h e e a r t h l a m e n t s t h e n a t i v e y o u t h (hebe) k i l l e d b y X e r x e s , s t u f f e r o f H a d e s w i t h P e r s i a n s ' ( 9 2 2 - 4 ) . T h e n a t i v e hebe i s a h a r v e s t , t h e ' f l o w e r (anthos) o f t h e l a n d ' , w h i c h X e r x e s reaps and crams into Hades (926). T h e Persian k i n g celebrated himself as the guardian of agricultural bounty.35 Early Greek poetry linked the bounty of land and water w i t h the justice of t h e k i n g ( H o m e r Odyssey 1 9 . 1 0 7 - 1 4 ) . 3 6 I n A e s c h y l u s ' Eumenides, t h e E r i n y e s w i l l b o t h p u n i s h i n j u s t i c e a t A t h e n s a n d p r o m o t e t h e f e r t i l i t y o f t h e l a n d , p e o p l e , flocks, a n d w a t e r s ( 9 0 0 - 1 0 2 0 ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 6 2 5 - 7 0 9 ) . I n t h e Persians, t h e o u t c o m e o f t h e k i n g ' s hybris i s a h a r v e s t o f d e a t h . P e r s i a ' s m a t e r i a l excess defies t h e space o f t h e l i v i n g a n d o f t h e dead. T h e n a r r o w s o f S a l a m i s c o u l d n o t c o n t a i n t h e fleet; G r e e k s o i l could n o t feed t h e a r m y . Hades barely contains t h e P e r s i a n dead. T h e p l a y ' s s t r e s s o n hebe i s a l s o a f u n c t i o n o f t h i s hybris. Y o u t h f u l p o w e r a n d e x u b e r a n c e , hebe i s t h e s e a s o n i n t h e h u m a n l i f e - c y c l e w h e n hybris a n d ate b l o s s o m . 3 7 T h e ' f l o w e r ' (anthos) o f P e r s i a n m e n l i k e w i s e r e s o n a t e s w i t h t h i s t h e m e : ' f l o w e r o f hebe' i s a t r o p e f o r p h y s i c a l m a t u r i t y a n d b e a u t y , w h i l e ' f l o w e r o f ate' d e s c r i b e s t h e b u r g e o n i n g o f d i s a s t e r . 3 8 D a r i u s m a d e t h i s c o n n e c t i o n e x p l i c i t ( 8 2 1 - 2 ) ; t h e kommos d e v e l ops t h e idea i n v e r b a l a n d v i s u a l images. I n t h e Queen's d r e a m , X e r x e s falls, his father pities h i m , a n d h e t e a r s h i s robes. I n t h e s t a g e d d r a m a , X e r x e s sees t h e chorus, h i s body goes slack, a n d h e p r o b a b l y falls. W h i l e t h e chorus describes A s i a o n i t s k n e e (929-31), X e r x e s m a y be o n h i s . 3 9 T h e image derives from w r e s t l i n g . 4 0 T h e chorus fell to its knees as the Queen entered. T h e Queen feared that great wealth, raising a c l o u d o f d u s t , m i g h t ' o v e r t u r n w i t h i t s f o o t t h e olbos D a r i u s w o n ' (163-4). T h e staging of Xerxes o n his knee enacts this cluster of v e r b a l images as a v i s u a l i m a g e o n stage. S e e k i n g d i v i n i t y a n d w o r s h i p p e d a s a god, X e r x e s a p p e a r s a s a f a l l e n m o r t a l t r a m p l e d b y t h e gods. X e r x e s ' e n t r a n c e re-establishes the proper order between mortals and immortals.

127

Aeschylus: Persians Xerxes' confession and the Mariandynian mourner Xerxes begins t o sing i n lyric anapaests, m a k i n g himself the focus o f l a m e n t . H e confesses t h a t h e h a s 'become a n e v i l (kakon) t o m y r a c e a n d t o t h e l a n d o f m y f a t h e r s ' ( 9 3 2 - 4 ) . A t e r m o f b l a m e , t h e w o r d kakon c o n t r a s t s X e r x e s w i t h D a r i u s , w h o ' c a u s e s n o e v i l / h a r m / w o e ' (akakos, 6 6 3 - 4 = 6 7 1 - 2 , 8 5 5 ) . T h e m e s s e n g e r , t h e c h o r u s , a n d D a r i u s b l a m e d X e r x e s . T h e kommos b e g i n s w h e n X e r x e s a s s u m e s p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r the disaster. T h e chorus picks u p Xerxes' confession, p r o m i s i n g t o welcome h i m i n his homecoming w i t h a ' M a r i a n d y n i a n mourner's evil-omened cry' (937).41 M a n y accounts o f M a r i a n d y n i a n m o u r n i n g ritual circulated i n antiquity.42 A t the height of summ e r , t h e M a r i a n d y n i a n s l a m e n t e d t h e loss o f a r o y a l y o u t h , variously named M a r i a n d y n u s , B o r m u s , or B o r i m u s . T h e latter t w o w e r e t h e o b j e c t o f f a r m e r s ' l a m e n t s ( P o l l u x Onomasticon 4 . 5 4 - 5 ; A t h e n a e u s Banquet of the Sophists 1 4 . 6 1 9 F ) . T h e c h o r u s wails the l a m e n t of a M a r i a n d y n i a n m o u r n e r because this dirge is p r o v e r b i a l for m o u r n i n g accompanied by a double-reed pipe, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e I o n i a n mode.43 P e r h a p s i t i s also a slave's lament: t h e Mariandynians indentured themselves t o t h e M e g a r i a n c o l o n i s t s o f H e r a c l e a ( A t h e n a e u s Banquet of the Sophists 6 . 2 6 3 C - E ) . L a m e n t i n g t h e t r a g i c i n t e r s e c t i o n o f t h e life- a n d agricultural-cycles a n d encompassing b o t h f a r m e r s ' l a m e n t s a n d m o u r n i n g for t h e p r e m a t u r e loss o f a r o y a l heir, t h e figure o f t h e ' M a r i a n d y n i a n m o u r n e r ' fuses t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos o f a ' l o s t h a r v e s t ' . X e r x e s y e a r n s t o m a k e h i m s e l f t h e object o f l a m e n t . H e approves of the chorus' i n t e n t i o n t o sing a dirge (941-2), but defines i t s object a s h i s c h a n g e o f f o r t u n e (942-3). T e a r s o f l a m e n t are a refrain i n the opening sequences (940, 949). F o r w h o m does t h e chorus weep? T h e elders declare t h a t t h e y w i l l sing a l a m e n t ' h o n o u r i n g t h e sufferings o f t h e people a n d t h e s e a - b e a t e n g r i e f o f t h e polis, o f t h e r a c e ' ( 9 4 4 - 7 ; cf. 5 4 6 - 7 ) . T h e chorus sings a public l a m e n t for Persia's n a v a l defeat, b e w a i l i n g t h e a b a n d o n m e n t o f t h e P e r s i a n nobility i n Greece, unburied and unlamented. 128

6. A Harvest of Tears Ionian Ares and longing I n t h e s e c o n d s t r o p h e , t h e m e t r e c h a n g e s t o I o n i c a minore. Xerxes n a m e s the malicious divinity w h o defeated h i m 'Ionian Ares': he 'despoiled' t h e Persians of t h e i r lives, 'cutting d o w n t h e n i g h t - b l a c k p l a i n o f t h e sea a n d t h e u n f o r t u n a t e shore' (950-4). T h e G r e e k w o r d ' c u t t i n g d o w n ' refers to t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f crops t h a t functions as a prelude to i n f a n t r y battle. X e r x e s depicts t h e d e a t h o f h i s m e n a s a d e s t r o y e d h a r v e s t . 4 4 I o n i c a minore f i n a l l y appears a s t h e m e t r e o f P e r s i a n l a m e n t for defeat a t t h e h a n d s of t h e I o n i a n s , w h i c h voices shared I o n i a n / P e r s i a n suffering. T h e chorus d e m a n d s to k n o w w h e r e 'those w h o s t a n d beside you i n battle' are (956-7). T h e elders treat X e r x e s as a hopliteinitiate, a n ephebe, w h o swore a n o a t h not to 'abandon the m a n beside m e i n battle'.45 Ephebes swore before d i v i n e witnesses a n d b y w h e a t , barley, grape-vines, olives, a n d figs. T h e i r d u t y w a s t o protect t h e crops a n d t h e harvest. T h e l a m e n t depicts Xerxes' disgrace f r o m t h e double perspective o f lost nobility a n d lost harvest. I t recalls the P e r s i a n defeat i n t e r m s t h a t suggest failure to p e r f o r m the function of the farmer, citizen, a n d noblem a n : to protect the food supply. A t t h e e n d o f t h e t h i r d a n t i s t r o p h e , t h e elders focus o n t h e Persian elite w h i c h attended Xerxes' chariot (1000-1). T h e t h e m e is longing; the subtexts are the anapaestic list of leaders i n the parodos (21-59) a n d the messenger's iambic t r i m e t e r c a t a l o g u e o f l e a d e r s w h o d i e d a t S a l a m i s ( 3 0 2 - 3 0 ) . T h e kommos r e p r i s e s t h e s p o k e n c a t a l o g u e s o f n a m e s i n t h e l y r i c register, m a k i n g the absence of Xerxes' m e n palpable i n song a n d dance. T h e elders ask about t w o leaders t h e y n a m e d i n the parodos, Pharandaces (958, 31) a n d Susiscanes (960, 35), whose fates r e m a i n u n k n o w n . T h e y also m e n t i o n previously u n n a m e d leaders (959-60). X e r x e s explains t h a t t h e m e n died w h e n t h e i r Phoenician ship sank at Salamis and admits that he abandoned t h e i r c o r p s e s ( 9 6 2 - 6 ; cf. 3 0 3 ) . T h e a n t i s t r o p h e n a m e s f o u r m e n listed i n the parodos. W i t h the exception of M i s i s t r a s (971, 30), the messenger reported their deaths: A r i o m a r d u s (968, 3 2 1 , 38), T h a r y b i s (971, 323, 51), a n d A r t e m b a r e s (972, 302, 29). T h e elders also ask about t w o others, P h a r n u c h u s (967, 313) a n d 129

Aeschylus: Persians Lilaeus (970, 308), w h o m the messenger already reported dead. A d d i n g generic epithets t o t h e i r names, the chorus gives the impression of longing for real people.46 X e r x e s confesses t h a t these m e n ' l o o k i n g a t p r i m e v a l , h a t e d Athens, all i n the single plash of a wave, wretchedly breathe their last breath o n land' (974-7), dying like fish out of water. T h e i n d i g n i t y o f t h e i r death is t h a t t h e i r last sight w a s the l a n d of Athens. Xerxes relives t h e final instant o f their lives, a recreation m a d e m o r e c h i l l i n g by fact t h a t t h e actor w h o plays Xerxes (Aeschylus?) looks out a t 'primeval Athens' w h i l e h e utters these lines. T h e chorus i s mortified that Xerxes abandoned 'the p r i m e (aoton) o f t h e P e r s i a n s , y o u r e y e t r u s t e d i n e v e r y t h i n g ' ( 9 7 8 - 9 ) . 4 7 T h e w o r d translated as 'prime' refers t othe best part of anything, but applies particularly to fine w o o l or l i n e n fabric. L i k e t h e w o r d s kosmos ( 9 2 0 - 1 ) a n d anthos ( 9 2 6 ) i t d r a w s a t t e n t i o n t o Xerxes' rags as a symbol of the obliterated Persian nobility and empire, and reminds u s of the Queen's concurrent attempt t o r e p l a c e t h e m . 4 8 ' E y e ' h a s a m e a n i n g s i m i l a r t o aotos - t h e b e s t and vital part of something. I t completes the t h e m e of Xerxes' ' e v i l eye', t h e m a l i g n a n t gaze t h a t b r i n g s d e a t h a n d b a r r e n n e s s . X e r x e s a b a n d o n e d h i s 'eye' - t h e b e s t p a r t o f h i s society; y e t h e r e t u r n s a s t h e 'eye o f h i s house', t h e r i g h t f u l h e i r w h o c o n t i n u e s his lineage (168-9).49 Batanochus' only beloved son (his n a m e has dropped o u to f the manuscripts) is a pointed contrast (980-1): h e i s t h e sole h e i r o f a l i n e w h i c h includes f o u r n a m e d g e n e r a t i o n s (981-3). H i s l i n e goes e x t i n c t w i t h h i s d e a t h . 5 0 T h e lament peaks i n the t h i r d antistrophe. Xerxes experiences t h e l o n g i n g t h a t afflicts the l a n d of A s i a , P e r s i a n wives, t h e polis, a n d t h e c h o r u s ( 9 9 1 - 2 ; 6 0 - 3 , 1 3 3 - 9 , 5 1 1 - 1 2 , 5 4 1 - 5 ) . R a t h e r t h a n u s e t h e k e y w o r d ' l o n g i n g ' (pothos) X e r x e s u s e s a m e t o n y m y : t h e w r y n e c k (iunx), a b i r d t h a t f u n c t i o n e d i n G r e e k erotic magic (988-9).51 T i e d t oa w h e e l and spun around w h i l e i n c a n t a t i o n s w e r e c h a n t e d t o l u r e b a c k a l o s t l o v e r , t h e iunx indicates Xerxes' desire for a magical retrieval of the dead, as the Persians recalled D a r i u s f r o m Hades. Xerxes assimilates h i s ' n o b l e c o m p a n i o n s ' (hetaroi, an I o n i c f o r m ) t o l o v e r s , s u g g e s t i n g l a m e n t s f o r A d o n i s . 5 2 T h e w o r d hetaroi i m p l i e s b o n d s o f private friendship that are prized more highly t h a n the public 130

6. A Harvest of Tears g o o d a n d a r e p o t e n t i a l l y s u b v e r s i v e o f i t . X e r x e s ' l o n g i n g assumes a m a r k e d aristocratic form. The play exhibits t h e r e s o l u t i o n o f i m p e r i a l i s t d e s i r e i n p a i n f u l l o n g i n g . X e r x e s ' desire - to yoke t w o beautiful w o m e n to his chariot (181-99), t o c a p t u r e A t h e n s ( 2 3 3 ) , t o a p p r o p r i a t e o t h e r s ' olbos o u t o f d i s c o n t e n t w i t h h i s o w n daimon ( 8 2 4 - 6 ) - i s r e a l i z e d i n t o r t u r e d longing for w h a t is absent, dead, a n d irretrievable. Concluding t h ethird strophe, t h echorus expresses a s t o n i s h m e n t t h a t t h e m e n i t n a m e d do n o t a c c o m p a n y X e r x e s ' c u r t a i n e d chariot (1000-1). According to Herodotus, after he left Sardis for Greece, X e r x e s m o v e d f r o m his w a r chariot t o his c u r t a i n e d c h a r i o t (harmamaxa) ' w h e n e v e r t h e w h i m s e i z e d h i m ' (7.41.1). W h i l e t r a v e l l i n g i n this vehicle - a n e m b l e m of l u x u r i a n t excess - X e r x e s w a s attended by h i s best soldiers, 2 2 , 0 0 0 l i v i n g s y m b o l s o f h i s p o w e r a n d g r a n d e u r . I f t h e harmamaxa i s o n s t a g e , i t s y m b o l i z e s t h e a b s e n c e o f X e r x e s ' e l i t e corps, t h e ' n o b l e r a n k s ' , ' b l o s s o m ' , 'eye', a n d ' p r i m e ' 'cut d o w n ' in the invasion. The final transformation of the Persian w a r chariot and chariot yoke - images of Persian imperialism - the u n a t t e n d e d harmamaxa s t a n d s f o r t h e n u l l i f i c a t i o n o f P e r s i a ' s excess a n d l u x u r i a n c e i n m i l i t a r y defeat. I t is a l l t h a t r e m a i n s of a massive surplus expended i n the invasion. Ate,

the blow of defeat, and lost

olbos

T h e fourth strophe and antistrophe contain a sharp change of m e t r i c a l a n d speech forms. W i t h a few exceptions, the m e t r e is lyric iambic a n d the dialogue consists i n one-line utterances. Xerxes and the chorus perform the lament w h i c h continues to the exodos. T h e subject g r a d u a l l y changes f r o m w h a t is absent - t h e k i n g ' s 'eye'—to w h a t is present, X e r x e s ' v i r t u a l l y e m p t y q u i v e r a n d t o r n r o b e s , v i s u a l p r o o f o f h i s ate. T h e f o u r t h s t r o p h i c / a n t i s t r o p h i c p a i r a r t i c u l a t e s t h e c h i a s t i c s t r u c t u r e o f t h e kommos. At first o p p o s e d a s a c c u s e r t o a c c u s e d a n d d i v e r g i n g m e t r i c a l l y (908¬ 1001), t h e chorus a n d X e r x e s u n i t e i n a single voice o f p a i n ( 1 0 0 2 - 1 5 ) , b e f o r e g r a d u a l l y d i s e n g a g i n g , first a s s p e c t a t o r s t o spectacle (1016-37), t h e n as slaves t o m a s t e r (1038-77). T h e f o u r t h s t r o p h e b e g i n s a s t h e p l a y does, m a r k i n g t h e beginning of the end: the statement t h a t leaders of the a r m y 131

Aeschylus: Persians ' h a v e g o n e ' ( 1 0 0 2 ; cf. 1-2). N o w a t t e n t i o n f o c u s e s o n t h e o r c h e s t r a w h e r e o v e r t w o m y r i a d s o f m e n s h o u l d be escorting X e r x e s ' c u r t a i n e d c h a r i o t . T h e l e a d e r s ' a r e g o n e w i t h o u t a n a m e ' (nonymoi, 1 0 0 3 ) . D e s p i t e t h r e e c a t a l o g u e s o f n a m e s , t h e P e r s i a n s v a n i s h ' w i t h o u t a name', t h a t is, w i t h o u t glory. L i s t s o f n a m e s c a n n o t c o m p e n s a t e for i g n o m i n i o u s d e a t h - as i n v a d e r s s e e k i n g to enslave Greece, a s slaves of t h e k i n g , a s a r c h e r s w i l l i n g t o k i l l but u n w i l l i n g to risk their o w n lives, as u n b u r i e d corpses.53 T h e 'namelessness' of the n a m e d Persian dead completes the t h e m e o f l o s t olbos. Olbos i m p l i e s f o r m s o f i m m o r t a l i t y ( s e e H e r o d o t u s 1 . 3 0 - 3 ; c f . H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 2 ) . T h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f a l i n e a g e a n d r e p r o d u c t i o n o f a n oikos i s a k i n d of i m m o r t a l i t y - denied to Batanochus' line (980-3). T h e transm i s s i o n o f one's n a m e a n d acts to posterity, feZcos-immortality, i s a h i g h e r f o r m . I n t h e Odyssey, A g a m e m n o n p r o n o u n c e s A c h i l l e s ' b l e s s e d (olbie) s o n o f P e l e u s , A c h i l l e s l i k e t h e g o d s , y o u w h o d i e d f a r f r o m A r g o s i n T r o y ' ( 2 4 . 3 6 - 7 ) . Olbos i n c l u d e s glorious d e a t h i n battle, h o n o u r f r o m gods a n d m e n , a n d physical m e m o r i a l i z a t i o n (24.37-92). B u t its essence i s t h e r e t e n t i o n o f a glorious n a m e after death: 'So n o t e v e n d y i n g d i d y o u lose y o u r n a m e , b u t a l w a y s y o u w i l l h a v e g o o d kleos u p o n a l l m e n , A c h i l l e s ' (24.93-4). T h e Persians' n a m e s are sounds w i t h o u t glory. T h e ' b l o w ' d e a l t t o P e r s i a i s a l s o r e l a t e d t o t h e t h e m e s o f ate a n d l o s t olbos. T h e m e s s e n g e r a n n o u n c e d t h e d i s a s t e r a s ' i n a s i n g l e b l o w g r e a t olbos h a s b e e n r u i n e d ' ( 2 5 1 ) . T h e n a v a l b a t t l e at Salamis i s a concrete manifestation of this blow (408-32, 9 0 6 - 7 ) a n d a f o r m o f ate: ' d i s a s t e r s (atai) o f d e a d l y w a r ' ( 6 5 2 - 3 ; cf. 1 0 3 7 ) . I n t h e f o u r t h a n t i s t r o p h e , X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s embody this 'blow' as a sympathetic u n i t y , m a k i n g i t visible as a physical and emotional state. Xerxes exclaims that the blow of defeat has s t r u c k d o w n a l i f e t i m e o f good f o r t u n e (1008).54 T h e chorus completes his statement: 'we have been struck - for it i s clear t o see' (1009), probably signalling gestures t h a t imitate the reception of a blow. Xerxes completes their utterance: 'by n e w , n e w , woe, w o e ' (1010). X e r x e s a n d t h e chorus use the first-person p l u r a l verb, 'we have been struck' (1008-9) t o m a r k their u n i o n i n grief.55 'New woe' binds the young k i n g and the elderly chorus as 'strange and new woes' bound the chorus and D a r i u s i n the necromantic h y m n (665-6). 132

6. A Harvest of Tears T h e l a m e n t re-enacts the n a v a l defeat. I n the parodos, t h e c h o r u s depicted X e r x e s a s a m o n s t r o u s i n v a d i n g force, a l l h a n d s a n d s a i l o r s ( 8 3 ) . N o w X e r x e s ' b o d y i s h i s fleet a n d a r m y . H e p r o c l a i m s T ... h a v e t a k e n a b l o w t o m y a r m y o f s u c h a n u m b e r ' as i f h i s a r m y w e r e p a r t o f h i s body (1014-15). T h e c h o r u s sets up Xerxes' m i m e b y bewailing t h e unlucky encounter w i t h ' I o n i a n sailors', e x c l a i m i n g t h a t 'the P e r s i a n race is u n f o r t u n a t e i n w a r ' ( 1 0 1 1 - 1 3 ; cf. 9 5 0 - 4 ) . T h e chorus asks Xerxes w h a t h a s survived (1016). Xerxes a n s w e r s w i t h a q u e s t i o n , ' D o y o u see t h i s r e m n a n t o f m y o u t f i t (stole)'? ( 1 0 1 9 ) . 5 6 T h e w o r d stole m e a n s e q u i p m e n t , a r m a m e n t , and clothing; its u s epoints t o the equivalence of symbol and r e a l i t y . X e r x e s ' r o y a l o u t f i t i s h i s i n v a d i n g force, h i s n o b i l i t y , and his empire.57 A l lthat remains of t h e m ishis nearly empty quiver (1020). Described as a spent treasure chest (1022), t h e q u i v e r m a k e s visible t h e s y n d r o m e by w h i c h t h e Persians confuse countable objects - m o n e y , m e n , a n d m a t e r i e l - w i t h p o w e r a n d p r o m i s c u o u s l y expend m e n a n d resources i n a self-defeating perf o r m a n c e . L i k e t h e harmamaxa, t h e q u i v e r i s t h e r e m n a n t o f a n e x c e s s i v e s u r p l u s ; i t e m b o d i e s X e r x e s ' ate a n d l o s t olbos. B e c a u s e of his prodigious expenditure, Xerxes stands alone a n d defeated. B u t self-defeat i s n o t t h e f u l l story. T h e chorus replies, 'the I o n i a n p e o p l e d o e s n o t flee i n b a t t l e ' ( 1 0 2 5 ) . T h e T o n i a n s ' a r e the n a v a l people w h o defeated Xerxes (950-4, 1111-13), a n d X e r x e s d e c l a r e s t h e m ' v e r y m a r t i a l ' ( 1 0 2 6 ) . T h e kommos s t a g e s a k i n d o f r e c o g n i t i o n s c e n e . W h i l e l a m e n t i n g t h e i r ate a n d l o s t olbos, t h e d e f e a t e d P e r s i a n s c o m e t o r e a l i z e t h e c h a r a c t e r o f t h e victorious Ionians. T h i s type o f recognition differs f r o m those of the previous episodes, w h i c h i n v o l v e d u n d e r s t a n d i n g h o w events realized previous representations of them. T a i n for us but joy for our enemies'? X e r x e s reports t h a t h ewitnessed (from a distance) a n 'unexpected catastrophe' (1026-7). T h e chorus pre-empts h i m , asking, 'Do y o u m e a n the routed n a v a l host?' (1028). Xerxes h a d the best perspective o n the battle (466-7). H e returns to Persia both as c a u s e o f t h e d i s a s t e r a n d a s a u t h o r i t a t i v e w i t n e s s , b e a r i n g v i s u a l t e s t i m o n y o f defeat. H e confesses: T tore m y robes a t t h e 133

Aeschylus: Persians occurrence of disaster' (1029-30). Xerxes embodies a defeat and g r i e f u n s a t i s f i a b l e i n l a m e n t . T h e e l d e r s e x c l a i m 'papai papal i n agony, articulating t h e i r e m o t i o n a l distress as physical p a i n (1031). X e r x e s is unsatisfied by t h i s expression. H e corrects t h e c h o r u s : 'papai, a l a s , b u t e v e n m o r e t h a n papal ( 1 0 3 2 ) . T h r o u g h out the play we have heard of Xerxes' transgressions of limits of nature, culture, and h u m a n i t y . Salamis was the single greatest s l a u g h t e r i n h u m a n h i s t o r y (431-2); t h e d e a d a t M a r a t h o n w e r e not enough for h i m (473-7); h e w a s not content w i t h his daimon ( 8 2 4 - 6 ) . T h i s e x c h a n g e s t a g e s i n s a t i a b i l i t y - koros - a s a m o m e n t of supremely unsatisfiable lament. T r y i n g to satisfy X e r x e s , t h e c h o r u s b e g i n s t o u t t e r 'yes, d o u b l e a n d t r i p l e [the pains]', b u t X e r x e s completes t h e i r t h o u g h t : 'the p a i n [for us]; but joy for the enemy' (1033-4). T h e H o m e r i c phrasing of this s e n t i m e n t m a y enhance the audience's sense of heroic achievem e n t ( H o m e r Iliad 3 . 5 1 , 6 . 8 2 , 1 0 . 1 9 3 ) . B u t i s t h e a u d i e n c e actually m e a n t to feel joy a t this lament? S o m e m i g h t t a k e X e r x e s ' w o r d s l i t e r a l l y a s a cue for t h e i r o w n response, but the situation i s more intricate. Xerxes h a s yearned for death (915-17), confessed to being a n evil to his race a n d f a t h e r l a n d ( 9 3 2 - 4 ) , r e l i v e d h i s m e n ' s d y i n g m o m e n t s (974¬ 7), e x p e r i e n c e d l o n g i n g s h o u t i n g f r o m h i s h e a r t (988-91), re-enacted t h e b l o w inflicted o n h i s n a v y (1008-37), a n d displayed his spent quiver (1019-24). H e a n dt h e chorus have n a m e d the I o n i a n s t h e victor (950-4, 1111-3, 1025-30). H e i s a paragon of h u m i l i t y i n defeat. W h a t i s t h e appropriate emot i o n a l response to t h i s spectacle? Aristotle thought that a man's deserved downfall and the pathos o f e n e m i e s c o u l d e v o k e ' h u m a n e f e e l i n g ' (Poetics 1 4 5 3 a 2 7 - 1 4 5 4 a l 5 ) , b u t n o t p i t y a n d fear, w h i c h r e q u i r e undeserved suffering a n dm o r a l parity between t h e sufferer and spectator.58 Greek cultural norms reserve pity for u n m e r i t e d suffering. P i t y i s also i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h 'one's o w n p a i n ' . 5 9 S e v e r a l f a c t o r s c o m b i n e t o u n d e r m i n e t h e s e n o r m s i n t h e kommos. X e r x e s ' d e f e a t a n d A t h e n s ' d e s t r u c t i o n a r e t w o s i d e s o f t h e s a m e 'lost harvest'; p r e m a t u r e death, l a m e n t , a n d r e v e r s a l o f f o r t u n e a r e p i t i a b l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n t h e y a f f e c t a n o b l e oikos' ability t o reproduce itself; t h e audience, o w n e r s o f the m o s t powerful navy i nthe Aegean, takers of tribute, enslavers of 134

6. A Harvest of Tears populations, heirs of Darius' empire, are vulnerable to the same sort o f tragedy. I t is appropriate to respond to t h i s m o m e n t t h e w a y Odysseus responds to his e n e m y Ajax's plight i n Sophocles' Ajax: w e n e e d n o t l o o k p a s t o u r s e l v e s t o s e e t h a t w e a r e n o m o r e t h a n spectres o r insubstantial shadows.60 A s t h e spectators witness Xerxes' lament, they realize t h a t they a r e a single sea-borne invasion removed from a harvest of tears. T h e p a r a d i g m o f t h e Iliad, w h i c h e n d s w i t h r i t u a l l a m e n t f o r Hector's death and the hero's burial, determined the horizons o f r e s p o n s e t o a d e f e a t e d e n e m y . 6 1 T h e Persians s t a g e s t h e o u t c o m e o f hybris i n a ' h a r v e s t o f t e a r s ' , a f a c t i n h a r m o n y w i t h t h e n a t u r e o f t h e c o s m o s . 6 2 T h e P e r s i a n pathos c o u l d h a p p e n t o a n y i m p e r i a l i s t i n v a s i o n . A t t h i s m o m e n t , t h e kommos u n i t e s t w o contradictory elements of the play, the depiction of Xerxes' p a r t i c u l a r defeat a n d t h e use of h i s defeat to i n s t a n t i a t e genera l l y a p p l i c a b l e l a w s . R e a d i n g s t h a t i n s i s t t h e kommos e l i c i t s only Schadenfreude o r a sense of i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y based u p o n f r e e d o m , democracy, a n d G r e e k e t h n i c i d e n t i t y i n effect a r g u e t h a t the play's depiction of the catastrophic outcome of P e r s i a n hybris e n c o u r a g e s A t h e n i a n hybris. A r i s t o t l e r e c o g n i z e d t h a t 'those w h o are i n great good f o r t u n e ' are i m m u n e to fear (Arist o t l e Rhetoric 1 3 8 2 b 3 4 - 1 3 8 3 a 3 ) a n d i n c a p a b l e o f c o n s i d e r i n g t h e i r f u t u r e s u f f e r i n g ( 1 3 8 5 b 2 9 - 3 2 ) . L i k e w i s e , t h o s e w h o 'consider t h e m s e l v e s s u p e r f o r t u n a t e ' do n o t p i t y , b u t 'are h y b r i s t i c ' ( 1 3 8 5 b l 9 - 2 1 ) .6 3 T h e r e is reason for seeing t h i s k i n d o f response a s i n a p p r o p r i a t e t o t h e Persians: t h e P e r s i a n a n d A t h e n i a n pathos a r e p a r a l l e l a n d i n t e r s e c t i n g ( A t h e n s d o e s n o t e n j o y 'great good fortune'); t h e play depicts n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m as p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e a n d stages l a m e n t s for n a v a l defeat. Catharsis and the renewal of

hybris

A n d y e t X e r x e s ' hybris i s u n e x p e c t e d l y r e n e w a b l e . X e r x e s ' m o m e n t o f i n s a t i a b l e g r i e f is t r a n s f o r m a t i v e ; i t effects a k i n d o f catharsis. Xerxes realizes his identity as pathetic witness and cause o f t h e disaster. T h e n he seizes c o n t r o l o f t h e chorus; w i t h a single exception, his every utterance is a n i m p e r a t i v e . H a r r y A v e r y a r g u e s t h a t X e r x e s r e c e i v e s h i s kosmos at l i n e 1 0 3 8 ; t h i s motivates h i m to take control of the chorus.64 Such silent stage 135

Aeschylus: Persians action r a r e l y occurs i n A t h e n i a n d r a m a ; w o r d s c o n f i r m significant s t a g e e v e n t s . I n d e e d , t h e r e c a n b e n o kosmos i n a n y s e n s e o f t h e w o r d for Xerxes. This is the point of the drama. T h e r e is n o 'world-order for h i m to control, no 'battle-order' t h a t can conquer t h e G r e e k s for h i m , n o 'noble r a n k s ' t o f u n c t i o n as a n alter-ego a n d l i v i n g s i g n o f h i s p o w e r , n o 'glory', ' e m p i r e ' or ' o r n a m e n t a l robe'. T h e final s t a g i n g o f t h e P e r s i a n i n a b i l i t y t o a c t kola kosmon i s t h e Q u e e n ' s f a i l u r e t o e n t e r w i t h a n e w kosmos f o r h e r s o n . T h e kommos b r i n g s t h e n a r r a t i v e f u l l c i r c l e , s t a g i n g X e r x e s ' r e t u r n . I t s h o w s t h e c y c l i c a l n a t u r e o f t h e s e q u e n c e hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t : a r e n e w a l o f hybris f o l l o w s t h e c a t h a r t i c r e c o g n i t i o n o f ate i n a h a r v e s t o f t e a r s . T h e c h o r u s d o e s n o t r e i n c o r p o r a t e Xerxes into his kingdom as an honoured and praiseworthy king. H e r e i n t e g r a t e s h i m s e l f b y force. B u t n o w h e r u l e s a n e m p i r e o f tears. George D e v e r e u x observes t h a t ' I n m o u r n i n g for s o m e t h i n g l o s t , o n e r e g u l a r l y further increases o n e ' s l o s s e s : m o u r n i n g i s i n s e p a r a b l e f r o m s e l f - a g g r e s s i o n ' . 6 5 T h e kommos d i s p l a y s t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f hybris i n t o m o u r n i n g , s t r e s s i n g t h e u l t i m a t e l y s e l f - d e f e a t i n g c h a r a c t e r o f hybris b y e x h i b i t i n g i t s f u l f i l m e n t i n self-directed aggression. T h e question t h a t h a n g s over t h e d r a m a is w h e t h e r X e r x e s w i l l r e d i r e c t h i s hybris o u t w a r d , o r w h e t h e r h e w i l l l e a r n m o d e r a t i o n a n d stop h a r m i n g t h e gods. W h i l e t h e Persians e s t a b l i s h e s c l o s u r e a s d r a m a , i t s i n s e r t i o n i n t o t h e h i s torical process r e m a i n s open-ended. Exodos The t e x t becomes a series o f stage directions a n d s t a t e m e n t s of performance. X e r x e s orders the elders to weep for the disaster, to s t a r t t h e procession o f f stage t o w a r d s t h e palace, a n d t o s h o u t i n responsion to h i m s e l f (1038-40). T h e dirge is a n a s y m m e t r i cal e x c h a n g e b e t w e e n t h e k i n g a n d h i s subjects. T h e e l d e r s c a l l X e r x e s ' m a s t e r ' (despotes); t h e y a r e h i s s l a v e s ( 1 0 4 9 ; cf. 1 6 9 ) . R e c a l l i n g X e r x e s ' c o n f e s s i o n t h a t h e i s kakon, t h e e l d e r s d e s c r i b e t h e i r c r i e s a s a ' w r e t c h e d (kakan) g i f t o f w r e t c h e d (kakon) c r i e s f o r w r e t c h e d c r i e s (kakoisf ( 1 0 4 1 ) . Xerxes orders the chorus t om a k e r o w i n g gestures, beating t h e i r h e a d s i n l a m e n t a s a ' f a v o u r ' (charin) t o h i m s e l f ( 1 0 4 6 ) , a k i n d of tribute. T h e ritual gesture of rowing ferries the dead 136

6. A Harvest of Tears across t h e A c h e r o n t o H a d e s b y sympathetic magic (Aeschylus Seven against Thebes 8 5 4 - 6 0 ; cf. Libation Bearers 4 2 3 - 8 ; E u r i p i d e s Trojan Women 1 2 3 5 - 6 ) . 6 6 T h e c h o r u s ' b l o w s t o t h e h e a d m a k e a s o u n d l i k e t h e p l a s h o f a n o a r s t r i k i n g w a t e r (Seven against Thebes 8 5 5 - 6 ) . S i n c e n o n e o f t h e P e r s i a n d e a d r e c e i v e d b u r i a l , t h e chorus' r o w i n g does n o t h a v e t h e r i t u a l f u n c t i o n o f t r a n s p o r t i n g t h e m t o t h e i r f i n a l r e s t i n g place. R a t h e r , i t re-enacts t h e sailors' r o w i n g to the 'Hades' t h a t 'hated A t h e n s ' w a s for t h e m . X e r x e s orders the elders to beat t h e i r chests a n d to shout a M y s i a n l a m e n t (1054) before c o m m a n d i n g t h e m t o 'ravage ( l i t e r a l l y : ' s a c k ' ) t h e i r w h i t e b e a r d s ' ( 1 0 5 6 ) . W e see t h e d o u b l e reversal of P e r s i a n aggression: the P e r s i a n sackers are sacked a n d t h e n 'sack' t h e i r o w n bodies, re-enacting t h e i r defeat i n l a m e n t (65, 177-8, 714, 807-12). E v e n i f t h e elders' m a s k s are n o t bloodied, t h e v e r b a l image of M a t a l l u s of Chrysa's b u s h y beard stained royal purple w i t h blood (316-17) enables the audience to imagine bloodied beards. I n the antistrophe, Xerxes orders the elders to pluck the h a i r f r o m t h e i r heads a n d to l a m e n t the a r m y (1062). A g a i n , w e witness a double reversal prepared by verbal i m a g e r y . T h e o m e n o f t h e h a w k a n d e a g l e figured X e r x e s ' flight a n d t h e reversal of his aggression: t h e Persians n o w 'pluck' t h e i r o w n h e a d s a s t h e h a w k ' p l u c k e d ' t h e c o w e r i n g e a g l e ' s h e a d (207¬ 1 0 ) , t h o u g h t h e v e r b f o r p l u c k i n g i n t h e kommos m a y a l s o s u g g e s t t h e fate o f Persia's b o w m e n , since i t applies m o r e p a r t i c u l a r l y t o d r a w i n g a bowstring or plucking a stringed instrument. Between the hair and beard pulling, Xerxes communicates his condition to the elders, o r d e r i n g t h e m to tear t h e i r 'flowing robes' (1060-1). W e w i t n e s s a s t h e a t r i c a l spectacle t h e i m a g e w h i c h began its d r a m a t i c life as t h e chorus' sensation o f fear for the reality they n o w l a m e n t (114-19). T h e image circulates from chorus t o actors a n d grows increasingly objective. T h e Q u e e n declared t h a t ' w o r r y tears m y heart too' (160) a n d saw X e r x e s tear his robes as a response t o his father's pity i n her d r e a m (197-9). T h e messenger witnessed X e r x e s rending his robes as he gazed u p o n a 'depth of woes' after P s y t t a l i a (465-8). T h e agent himself, X e r x e s , confessed t h a t he tore h i s robes w h e n h e witnessed t h ecatastrophe (1030). Finally, verbal image bec o m e s t h e a t r i c a l fact: t h e elders t e a r t h e i r robes, r e p l i c a t i n g their fearful sensation i n the parodos as a ritualized gesture of 137

Aeschylus: Persians l a m e n t . Xerxes' s h a m e a n d h u m i l i a t i o n before his father; t h e l o s s o f h i s ' e y e ' , e m p i r e , olbos, a n d s u b s e q u e n t l o n g i n g ; t h e disgrace o f t o t a l defeat, t h e p a i n o f w i v e s l a m e n t i n g t h e i r h u s b a n d s and the grief of childless parents (60-4,114-25,133-9, 286-9, 537-45, 579-83) - these the elders tear into their robes as a n act o f obedience a n d m o u r n i n g . T h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of v e r b a l into visual images is a n integral part of theatrical meaning: s p e c t a t o r s w i t n e s s t h e pathos i n s y m b o l i c f o r m , f e e l i n g a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g m o r e t h a n t h e y see b e c a u s e o f i t s v e r b a l p r e p a ration. Xerxes orders t h e elders t o keep l a m e n t i n g as they exit (1068). Despite l u x u r i o u s slippers, the chorus finds P e r s i a n soil 'hard t o tread upon' (1072-3). T h e chorus and Xerxes l a m e n t m e n destroyed 'by t r i p l e - b a n k e d boats' (1074-5). N e i t h e r Persians nor A t h e n i a n s can forget t h a t X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n w a s a 'lost harvest'. S u b s t i t u t i n g for Xerxes' y o u n g escorts, k i l l e d i n t h e p r i m e o f t h e i r lives, t h e elders escort X e r x e s t o his palace, b e a r i n g t h e m a r k s o f t h e t y r a n t ' s hybris o n t h e i r p e r s o n s ( 1 0 7 6 ¬ 7 ) . François H a r t o g o b s e r v e s , ' t h e despotes [ ' m a s t e r ' ] e x e r c i s e s h i s p o w e r o v e r p e o p l e ' s b o d i e s .... T h e k i n g c u t s , m u t i l a t e s , a n d m a r k s t h e b o d i e s o f h i s s u b j e c t s ' . 6 7 T h e pathos o f t h e d r a m a , first 'unfolded' as i f w r i t t e n o n p a p y r u s a n d 'read' o n t h e stage (253-5, 294-5) is re-enacted a n d reinscribed o n t h e bodies o f t h e c h o r u s i n t h e kommos.

138

7

Interpreting and R e i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e Persians The Persians

as tragedy

S c h o l a r s g e n e r a l l y a g r e e t h a t t h e Persians i s n o t A e s c h y l u s ' finest tragedy. Critics f a u l t the d r a m a for h a v i n g 'no action a n d no plot' and for lacking subtlety and depth.1 Others c l a i m t h a t the play could n o t engage t h e sympathetic emotions o f t h e audience: p a i n for t h e Persians i s joy for t h e audience. T h e Persians i s c o n t e s t e d a s t r a g e d y . T h i s c h a p t e r d i s c u s s e s c r i t i c a l appraisals and interpretations of the play. T h e n i t examines r e s p o n s e s t o t h e Persians i n G r e e k p o e t r y b e f o r e s k e t c h i n g t r e a t m e n t s o f the n a r r a t i v e f r o m the Renaissance t o the present. U l r i c h v o n W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f f s c l a i m t h a t t h e Persians c o n s i s t s o f t h r e e s e l f - c o n t a i n e d a c t s , e a c h a d r a m a i n i t s e l f t r a n s p i r i n g i n i t s o w n location, has i n f l u e n c e d s u b s e q u e n t appraisals o ft h e play. ' I tis very much w o r t h realizing', W i l a m o w i t z advises, 'that Aeschylus i n 472 still could construct a tragedy w i t h o u t a n y u n i t y of plot and action.'2 M o s t scholars have reacted against this view. S . M . A d a m s incorporates W i l a m o w i t z ' s idea of three dramas into a positive interpretat i o n o f t h e p l a y ' s s t r u c t u r e . H e a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians i s a condensed tetralogy, a tragic 'symphony' composed o f three m o v e m e n t s a n d a kommos, w h i c h s u b s t i t u t e s f o r a s a t y r - p l a y . 3 I n the first movement, the chorus and Queen are t o r n between a n x i e t y a n d c o n f i d e n c e ; i n t h e s e c o n d , t h e daimon c a u s e s d i s a s ter; i n the t h i r d , D a r i u s explains t h a t the tragedy i sthe result o f hybris r a t h e r t h a n t h e w o r k o f a daimon. A d a m s ' m o d e l o f a s y m p h o n y is fruitful; however, its m o v e m e n t s are better conside r e d hybris, ate, a n d l a m e n t : t h i s s e q u e n c e r e c u r s i n d i f f e r e n t 139

Aeschylus:

Persians

keys f r o m t h e parodos to t h e exodos of t h e play. T h e comparison o f t h e kommos t o s a t y r - p l a y i s i n a p t . R.P. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m offers a nuanced v e r s i o n o f A d a m s ' h y p o t h e s i s . 4 T h e Persians h a s t h r e e ' p a n e l s ' : t h e f i r s t ( p a r o d o s a n d f i r s t e p i s o d e ) a n d t h e t h i r d (kommos), e x p r e s s t h e i d e a t h a t malicious divinities cause w o e to m o r t a l s w h o a t t a i n excessive prosperity; t h em i d d l e panel (Darius-scene) shows t h a t prosp e r i t y d o e s n o t a t t r a c t d i v i n e m a l i c e : Z e u s p u n i s h e s hybris t o preserve the cosmic order. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m considers t h e kommos' f a i l u r e t o i n c o r p o r a t e D a r i u s ' m e s s a g e a n d i t s r e t u r n to the outlook of the first panel meaningful. D a r i u s ' observations, h e contends, 'change everything'; b u t X e r x e s a n d t h e c h o r u s c o n t i n u e t o b l a m e t h e daimon f o r t h e c a t a s t r o p h e . 5 W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m p e r h a p s d e m a n d s a philosophical discussion instead o f t h e theatrical response t o Darius' message w h i c h t h e Persians o f f e r s : t h e kommos s t a g e s t h e r e a l i z a t i o n o f hybris i n l a m e n t , r e - e n a c t i n g t h e pathos o f t h e d r a m a a s s y m b o l i c a c t i o n o n s t a g e . 6 L a m e n t i n g t h e i r ate a n d l o s t olbos t h e P e r s i a n s come to realize a m o r e p o w e r f u l 'reaper', I o n i a n A r e s . T h e r a w e m o t i o n o f t h e kommos e x h i b i t s t h e l a w o f drama a n d pathos a s d r a m a t i c s p e c t a c l e . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m m a k e s t o o r i g i d a d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e play's cZaimd?x-centered v i e w o f the tragedy and the moral/religious view; they are complement a r y . N o o n e h o l d s olbos r e s p o n s i b l e f o r a t t r a c t i n g a n e n v i o u s daimon; t h e p l a y i m p l i c a t e s t h e P e r s i a n m o d e o f p r o d u c i n g olbos t h r o u g h c o n q u e s t i n t h e t r a g e d y . H . D . F . K i t t o identifies the 'lack o f a clear focal point i n the a c t i o n ' a s t h e p l a y ' s w e a k n e s s . 7 T h e Persians f e a t u r e s n o f a t a l decision; its characters a n d chorus are w e a k . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of a second actor disrupts t h e balance o f t h e tragedy, m a k i n g its core difficult t o f i n d . 8 I s t h e p l a y t h e t r a g e d y o f Persia? K i t t o t h i n k s n o t : ' t h e p l a y ... i s ... t h e t r a g e d y o f X e r x e s ' s i n ' . 9 T h e n o t i o n o f s i n h a s n o place i n a discussion o f G r e e k tragedy, h o w e v e r loosely the t e r m m a y be used. A n d i t seems obvious t h a t t h e Persians i s t h e t r a g e d y o f X e r x e s , h i s f a m i l y ( D a r i u s a n d t h e Queen), h i s k i n g s h i p , a n d h i s empire, w h i c h has catastrophic r e s u l t s for h i s nobility, subjects, allies, a n d t h e ' e n t i r e b a r b a r i a n race'. R e a d e r s i n t e r p r e t t h e Persians a s a t r a g e d y a b o u t X e r x e s ' 140

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting

the P e r s i a n s

a n d t h e Persians' r e v e r s a l o f f o r t u n e , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e i r loss o f olbos, d r a m a t i z e d a s a m o v e m e n t f r o m f o r e b o d i n g t o r e a l i z a tion.10 T h e y stress the interplay of verbal and v i s u a l i m a g e r y t h e yoke, t h e t o r n robe, t h e b o w a n d a r r o w , t h e chariot - a n d the play's development of t h e m e t h r o u g h repetition a n d enactm e n t a s spectacle. W i l l i a m T h a l m a n n i n p a r t i c u l a r has s h o w n h o w X e r x e s ' r a g s s y m b o l i z e ' t h e w r e c k o f P e r s i a n olbos a n d 'how the yoke of Persian power has been shattered'.11 W h i l e i t i s e a s y t o d e s c r i b e t h e Persians a s a f o r m a l t r a g e d y , i t h a s p r o v e d r a t h e r m o r e d i f f i c u l t t o s h o w t h a t t h e Persians fulfils the rhetorical function of a tragedy - t h a t i t arouses pity, fear, a n d related e m o t i o n s . Is the Persians

tragedy?

Aristotle differentiated poetry from history on the grounds that t h e f o r m e r depicts 'the sorts of t h i n g s t h a t can h a p p e n a n d w h a t is possible according t o l i k e l i h o o d o r necessity' w h i l e h i s t o r y r e p r e s e n t s ' w h a t h a p p e n e d ' (Poetics 1 4 5 1 a 3 6 - 1 4 5 1 b 5 ) . I n h i s view, poetry is 'more philosophical and more serious t h a n history' because w h a t i t represents is 'more universal' (1451b5-10). Aristotle allows t h a t historical poetry c a n represent 'the k i n d s o f things t h a t were likely to happen' (1451b29-32). T h e problem for t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e Persians i s w h e t h e r t h e p l a y d r a m a t i z e s the 'kinds of things that can happen' or merely 'what happened'. Aristotle's definition of tragedy i s relevant: 'tragedy i s t h e i m i t a t i o n of a serious and complete action that has magnitude ... o f p e o p l e a c t i n g a n d n o t t h r o u g h n a r r a t i v e , a c c o m p l i s h i n g t h r o u g h p i t y a n d f e a r t h e c a t h a r s i s o f s u c h e m o t i o n s ' (Poetics 1449b24-8). B o t h p i t y a n d fear require t h e spectators' sympathetic awareness a n d consciousness o f t h e i r o w n v u l n e r a b i l i t y . T h e Persians i n d u c e s f e a r f r o m i t s m e m o r y o f X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , t h e prospect of another invasion, a n d b y p r o m p t i n g reflection o n the fictionalized fall o f Persia's empire. T h e play's depiction of t h e P e r s i a n pathos a s s y m m e t r i c a l a n d a n t i t h e t i c a l t o t h e A t h e n i a n pathos i s a s t r a t e g y t o a r o u s e p i t y . T h e f o r m o f t h e P e r s i a n pathos i s s i m i l a r t o A t h e n s ' , b u t d i f f e r e n t e n o u g h t o p r o v i d e t h e d i s t a n c e f o r p i t y u n t i l t h e kommos, w h e n t h e t w o b r i e f l y i n t e r s e c t , releasing t h e tensions o f pity, fear, a n d longing. 141

Aeschylus: Persians T h e Persians i s o f t e n r e a d a s a t r a g e d y i n f o r m a n d p e r f o r m a t i v e occasion b u t as a n epinician, a praise p o e m f o r t h e v i c t o r y o v e r t h e P e r s i a n s , i n f u n c t i o n . 1 2 J . D . C r a i g p u t s t h e case succinctly: ... i s i t l i k e l y t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s w e r e g o i n g t o ... e x t e n d t o t h e Persians that measure o fsympathy w h i c h w o u l d lead t o t h e t r a g i c katharsis o f p i t y a n d t e r r o r i n v i e w o f t h e i r s u f f e r i n g s ? I t w o u l d b e s a f e r n o t t o a p p l y t h a t p r i n c i p l e a t a l l . T h e Persae i s u n l i k e a n y o t h e r d r a m a s .... T h e y w e r e t o w i t n e s s t h e p u n i s h m e n t o f hybris, a n d t h e c h a s t i s e m e n t w a s t o b e a t t h e i r o w n hands.13

C r a i g finds support f o rh i s p o s i t i o n i n A r i s t o p h a n e s ' port r a y a l o f A e s c h y l u s i n t h e Frogs: t h e t r a g e d i a n d e c l a r e s t h a t h i s Persians t a u g h t t h e A t h e n i a n s ' a l w a y s t o d e s i r e t o d e f e a t their enemies, because i t glorified t h e best achievement' (1026-7). C r a i g does n o t offer a m o r e general i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e play, b u t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o e x t e n d h i s r e a d i n g : t h e m y t h o f t h e Persians i s t h a t t h e A t h e n i a n s d e f e a t hybris. T h i s w a s a n e s s e n t i a l p a r t of A t h e n i a n democratic self-understanding throughout the fifth century.14 This m y t h justifies Athens' empire asa form of m o r a l l e a d e r s h i p . I n t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e , t h e Persians w o u l d n o t b e t r a g edy i n a n ym e a n i n g f u l sense b u t a projection o f group identity; the fictionalized fall o ft h e Persian empire w o u l d be a n act o f praise fort h e A t h e n i a n s w h o vanquished i t . 1 5 B u t one should t a k e t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s t e p f u r t h e r : t h e Persians p r o j e c t s A t h e n i a n m o r a l leadership because i t recognizes t h e l i m i t s o f h u m a n p o w e r i n t h e cosmos. I n particular, i t depicts t h e l i m i t s o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m . X e r x e s ' ate a n d ' d i s e a s e o f t h e m i n d ' consist i n h i s a t t e m p t t o enslave t h e Hellespont a n d 'to domin a t e a l l t h e gods, especially Poseidon' (744-51). W h i l e t h e p l a y recalls t h e l i b e r a t i o n o f Greece, i t also d r a m a t i z e s t h e v u l n e r abilities o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m , both reassuring t h e 'allies' a n d w a r n i n g t h e Athenians about t h e limits o fempire. Because i t recognizes t h e h u m a n i t y o f Xerxes' delusion, t h e tragedy a n d the laws i t instantiates apply t o mortals rather t h a n merely t o barbarians. T h i s is the crux of the matter. Recent versions of the patriotic 142

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting

the P e r s i a n s

hypothesis read the play as a construction o f G r e e k civic a n d ethnic identity w h i c h dehumanizes the Persians. Tragedy articulated the i n s t i t u t i o n s , m y t h s , r i t u a l s , a n d ideologies w h i c h enabled A t h e n i a n society a n d politics.16 S u c h self-definition r e q u i r e d t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n a n d c o n t a i n m e n t o f t h e 'other'. E d i t h H a l l r e a d s t h e Persians a s t h e f i r s t e x t a n t m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f what E d w a r d Said terms 'orientalism' i n western culture, t h e set o f discourses b y w h i c h t h e W e s t ' k n o w s ' t h e E a s t , a n d l a y s the g r o u n d w o r k for d o m i n a t i o n . 1 7 H a l l interprets the play as e x h i b i t i n g P e r s i a n s a n d b a r b a r i a n s n o t m e r e l y as 'slaves' u n d e r a divine k i n g w h o monopolizes power and glory, but as deficient i n h u m a n i t y , intelligence, courage, a n d v i r i l i t y . 1 8 She a l l o w s for dissonance between the play's 'orientalism' and its reception, p a i r i n g t h e play's depiction o f t h e b a r b a r i a n 'other' w i t h opport u n i t i e s f o r t h e spectators' 'covert exorcism o f t h e i r o w n p s y c h o l o g i c a l p a i n ' . 1 9 B u t H a l l r e a d s t h e Persians a s c r o w n i n g A t h e n s ' greatness w i t h the sort o f i n v u l n e r a b i l i t y t h a t charact e r i z e s P e r s i a n hybris i n t h e p l a y ( e . g . 8 7 - 1 0 7 ) . 2 0 T h i s p r e s e n t s a p a r a d o x : t h e Persians d r a m a t i z e s t h e f a l l o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e a s a r e s u l t o f hybris t o i n s t i l a s e n s e o f e t e r n a l s u p e r i o r i t y i n t h e audience. Craig's r e a d i n g poses a s i m i l a r p r o b l e m . A w a r e n e s s o f and respect for t h e divinely imposed limits o f h u m a n power as clarified b y the Persian disaster temper the c e l e b r a t o r y e l e m e n t o f t h e Persians. Recent historical readings o f the play restrict audience responses t o Schadenfreude and exclude audience identification w i t h b o t h t h e P e r s i a n s a n d t h e i r pathos. P e r i c l e s G e o r g e s r e a d s t h e Persians a s a d r a m a o f t h e ' p u r e s t b a r b a r i a n e t h o s ' . X e r x e s is ' b e n e a t h tragedy'. T h e elders a r e i n c o m p e t e n t , w a r m o n g e r ing, effeminate, u n t r u s t w o r t h y , disobedient slaves. T h e Q u e e n is m a s c u l i n e . T h e P e r s i a n s a r e i n c a p a b l e o f c o m p r e h e n d i n g t h e m o r a l a n d religious m e a n i n g o f t h e i r defeat a n d s h o w 'autistic belligerence'. T h e play urges the audience to continue t h e w a r . 2 1 I f t h e Persians i s a b o u t t h e ' p u r e b a r b a r i a n e t h o s ' w h y d o e s it not stress the c o n t i n u i t y of this ethos? W h y i s M e d u s ' son a m o d e l o f self-control (767) a n d C y r u s 'blessed' (768) a n d 'welli n t e n t i o n e d ' t o w a r d t h e gods (772)? W h y i s D a r i u s glorified? The historical D a r i u s w o u l d have i l l u m i n a t e d the 'pure barbari a n ethos' m o r e clearly t h a n A e s c h y l u s ' D a r i u s , w h o depicts 143

Aeschylus: Persians X e r x e s a s a n a b e r r a t i o n . I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o s e e h o w t h e Persians urges w a r . D a r i u s legitimates Persian rule i n A s i a (762-4) a n d interdicts f u r t h e r i n v a s i o n of Greece (790-2). T h e play's fiction of t o t a l defeat - a l l m e n o f m i l i t a r y a g e die, a l l ships are lost, a n d t h e e m p i r e w i l l fall - is difficult to square w i t h a call to w a r . W h a t remains to fight? Finally, w h a t limits such a n interpretat i o n ? S h o u l d w e s a y t h a t t h e Persians e r o t i z e s P e r s i a n w o m e n i n l a m e n t a s a c a l l t o G r e e k s t o i n v a d e a n d s e i z e t h e m ? (cf. H o m e r Iliad 2 . 3 5 4 - 6 , 3 . 2 9 8 - 3 0 1 ) . G e o r g e s i s r i g h t t o s t r e s s t h a t t h e Persians i s o p e n - e n d e d - X e r x e s d o e s n o t r e c e i v e a kosmos or D a r i u s ' message; h i s proposed r e h a b i l i t a t i o n does not t a k e place w i t h i n d r a m a t i c t i m e . T h e r e i s a possibility t h a t X e r x e s m a y c o n t i n u e t o ' h a r m t h e g o d s ' . B u t t h e kommos d e p i c t s X e r x e s ' hybris a s c o n f i n e d t o a p a t h e t i c r e m n a n t o f e l d e r s . T h e audience o f t h e play receives the message intended for Xerxes. T h o m a s Harrison reads the play as a nassertion of Hellenic cultural superiority a n da supremely optimistic projection of A t h e n i a n naval i m p e r i a l i s m w h i c h 'immunises' t h e audience a g a i n s t t h e b a r b a r i a n pathos.22 I f t h i s r e a d i n g i s r i g h t , t h e Persians w o u l d f o r m p a r t o f t h e c u l t u r a l m a t r i x e n a b l i n g s u c h disastrous A t h e n i a n ventures as that i n Egypt (460/59-454 BC) and against Sicily (415-413 BC). I t w o u l d promote the delusion t h a t o n l y 'barbarians' suffer t o t a l defeat i n sea-borne invasions of conquest and appropriation. O n t h e o t h e r s i d e a r e t h o s e w h o c o n s i d e r t h e Persians' ' p a t r i otic' e l e m e n t t a n g e n t i a l t o its m e a n i n g a n d r e a d t h e p l a y as c a n o n i c a l t r a g e d y . 2 3 S o m e s t r e s s t h a t t h e Persians a t t r i b u t e s t h e p u n i s h m e n t o f hybris t o t h e g o d s , n o t t o t h e G r e e k s . 2 4 Others point to the dignity of the Persians, their heroic quality, or t h e mildness w i t h w h i c h A e s c h y l u s depicts t h e m (given t h a t t h e y destroyed A t h e n s ) as signs t h a t the play eschews t r i u m phalism.25 Against such interpretations it m a y be said that the Persians l a m e n t t h e i r defeat a t I o n i a n h a n d s (563, 950-1, 1011¬ 12, 1025-37). D i v i n e a n d h u m a n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y are c o m p a t i b l e a n d m u t u a l l y reinforcing; d i g n i t y accorded t h e Persians c a n also serve patriotic purposes.26 X e r x e s cues the audience's response t o his p a i n as 'joy for m y enemies' (1034). I t i s difficult to deny that t h e play differentiates Greeks a n dPersians as victor a n d v a n q u i s h e d a n d as slaves a n d free. N o r is i t difficult 144

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s to see t h a t some, perhaps most, i nthe audience m i g h t have experienced the play as a t r i u m p h staged as a tragedy. B u t there ismore to this tragedy t h a n patriotic celebration. I t i s possible t o synthesize t h e play's epinician a n d tragic perspectives. A s Gregory N a g y notes, t h e f u n c t i o n o f epinician is two-fold: to praise victory a n d to w a r n against t h e seductions o f hybris a n d t y r a n n y . 2 7 T h e Persians i m p l i e s p r a i s e f o r v i c t o r y b u t a l s o c o n v e y s i n s i g h t i n t o t h e d a n g e r s o f hybris a n d e m p i r e . 2 8 Three features of the tragedy are i m p o r t a n t i n this regard: Zeus holds m o r t a l s accountable for overweening a m b i t i o n (827-8); m a l i c i o u s d i v i n i t i e s a b e t h u m a n d e l u s i o n s ( 9 3 - 1 0 1 , 3 6 0 - 1 , 724¬ 6, 7 4 2 ) ; t h e c o s m o s v i n d i c a t e s i t s o r d e r i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f m o r t a l s ( 4 9 5 - 5 0 7 , 7 4 4 - 5 1 ) . T h e Persians d o e s n o t i m p l y t h a t o n l y b a r b a r i a n s c o m m i t hybris; i t u s e s X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n o f Greece as a paradigmatic expression o f it. T h e P e r s i a n tragedy exemplifies a tendency of h u m a n nature. T h e Persians i n c l u d e s m u l t i p l e a n d i n c o n s i s t e n t p e r s p e c tives w h i c h spectators w o u l d have to balance. M i c h a e l G a g a r i n reads t h e play as a synthesis o f t w o perspectives: a tragic, P e r s i a n perspective, w h i c h m i g h t evoke sympathy, a n d a triu m p h a n t , G r e e k / A t h e n i a n perspective, w h i c h celebrates victory and experiences Schadenfreude. A l t h o u g h his interpret a t i o n i s w e i g h t e d i n favour o f t h e victorious perspective, G a g a r i n finds w a r n i n g implicit i n the d r a m a . 2 9 T h e dual-perspective m o d e l is helpful, b u t probably too simple. T h e Persians speak sometimes as Persians, sometimes as Greeks; characters w i t h i n the play do not speak f r o m a single perspective. T h e Q u e e n differs radically from D a r i u s i nh e rinterpretation of Xerxes' m o t i v e s . D a r i u s depicts X e r x e s as a n a n o m a l y ; t h e Q u e e n locates h i m i n a n i m p e r i a l i s t society w h i c h requires t h e v a l i d a t i o n o f r o y a l w e a l t h a s olbos b y c o n q u e s t ( 1 5 9 - 7 2 , 7 5 3 - 8 ) . D a r i u s speaks as a character w h o s e m o t i v e is to deny responsibility for t h e disaster a n d as a voice of objective reality. A majority o finterpreters find a balance o f contradictory p e r s p e c t i v e s a n d m e a n i n g s i n t h e Persians. S i m o n G o l d h i l l detects a n e p i n i c i a n i m p u l s e i n t h e play's c o n s t r u c t i o n o f Sala¬ m i s asa conflict of political systems w h i c h vindicates the cosmic o r d e r ; y e t h e t a k e s t h e p l a y ' s s t a g i n g o f a kommos f o r t h e Persians as a n a t t e m p t 'to develop a complex u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f 145

Aeschylus: Persians recent events of A t h e n i a n history, and to raise questions about a response t o the victory'.30 Christopher P e l l i n g sketches t h e p a r a m e t e r s o f a u d i e n c e r e s p o n s e t o t h e Persians, f r o m Schadenfreude t o shock, as the play explores a n d a f f i r m s t h e Greek-barbarian antithesis. H e argues that the play enables the A t h e n i a n s to realize t h e i r collective self-identity by experiencing pity rather t h a n disregard w h e n confronted w i t h their enemy's suffering.31 R u s h R e h m stresses t h e play's focus o n death as bridging t h e gulf between Persian a n d Greek.32 A s y m p a t h e t i c A t h e n i a n response i m p l i e s ' t h a t grief a n d loss can d r a w together e v e n m o r t a l enemies, o p e n i n g a space t h a t pree m p t s , r a t h e r t h a n d e f i n e s , a c a t e g o r y l i k e ' t h e " O t h e r " '. 3 3 T h u s 'Aeschylus validates barbarian suffering and makes their grief available to a n audience w h o m i g h t otherwise w i s h to denigrate or m i n i m i z e i t ' . 3 4 The riddle of Darius The Darius-scene is t h e central variable for interpreting t h e Persians. M a n y r e a d e r s c o n s i d e r D a r i u s a m o u t h p i e c e f o r A e s c h y l u s . 3 5 D a r i u s ' w i s d o m , however, is t r a d i t i o n a l ; no one can take credit for it. Bengt Alexanderson argues t h a t D a r i u s i s merely another character i n the drama: ignorant of the present, knowledgeable o f t h e f u t u r e because o f oracles, b u t not because h e possesses a h i g h e r w i s d o m . 3 6 S t i l l others consider h i m a self-serving despot w h o tries t o distance h i m s e l f f r o m t h e disaster he fathered.37 Interpretations of D a r i u s r u n the g a m u t t o a n extent unparalleled for any other character i n the drama. D a r i u s is t h e play's c e n t r a l fiction. H e is a u n i t y composed o f contraries: h e i s b o t h a god a n d a m a n ; a P e r s i a n w h o bridged the Bosporus to invade the Scythians, h e excoriates his son for b r i d g i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t t o i n v a d e Greece; h e ordered I o n i a n s treated as non-persons f o r revolting a n d their temples destroyed for b u r n i n g t h e t e m p l e o f Cybebe, y e t h e condemns Persian looting of statues and destruction of Greek temples and altars; h elimits the sphere of Persian imperialism to Asia and is depicted a s h o l d i n g a n e m p i r e w i t h i n i t s p r o p e r l i m i t s , y e t t h e play praises h i m as conqueror and ruler of a n Aegean empire outside of those limits (865-97); h e represents t h ehistory of 146

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s Persian imperialism as moderate, just, and divinely sanctioned w h i l e c o n d e m n i n g hybris; t h e c h o r u s d e p i c t s t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e as m a i n t a i n e d b y force (586-94) a n d c o n s t i t u t e d b y practices, such as city-sacking a n d e n s l a v e m e n t by tribute-exa c t i o n , t h a t q u a l i f y a s hybris. M y s o l u t i o n h a s b e e n t o v i e w Darius as a transcendent paternal figure, both Xerxes' a n d A t h e n s ' father, w h o speaks w i t h the voice of the G r e e k poetic tradition, embodies w i s d o m born of suffering, shares guilt w i t h those h e condemns, a n d still finds a place for pity. H e loudly criticizes his son for ignoring his commands, seeking to dominate t h e sea, and destroying Greek sacred property; b u t h e s i l e n t l y r e m i n d s t h e A t h e n i a n s o f t h e i r drama, t h e b u r n i n g o f C y b e b e ' s t e m p l e a s a n e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e i r pathos, a n d w a r n s t h e m o f t h e o u t c o m e o f hybris.

* T h e s i t u a t i o n o f tragic performance is complex; a n y interpretation of a tragedy should allow for this complexity. A tragedian has m u l t i p l e allegiances: to his art, to the i n h e r i t e d traditions of poetry, to his class a n d s t a t u s group, to his city, to Greece, t o v i c t o r y i n t h e t r a g i c c o m p e t i t i o n . T h e Persians d o e s n o t h a v e a single i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . I t offers variable messages t o different segments o f t h e audience, depending u p o n po/Zs-affiliation, status, class, k n o w l e d g e o f h i s t o r y , a n d f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h t h e p o e t i c t r a d i t i o n . M a n y a g r e e t h a t t h e Persians i s a n i m p l i e d e n c o m i u m . B u t t h i s does n o t do justice t o t h e P e r s i a n perspect i v e . T h e p l a y f o r m u l a t e s t h e P e r s i a n pathos a s s y m m e t r i c a l a n d opposed t o t h e A t h e n i a n - evacuation, sack, f u l f i l m e n t o f prophecies of disaster and salvation, a t t r i b u t i o n of salvation to w h a t enabled the disaster (bridges/fleet), p u n i s h m e n t for t h e violation of temples, l a m e n t for a lost harvest. E n v i s i o n i n g the telos o f n a v a l i m p e r i a l i s m i n l a m e n t f o r s h i p s a n d m e n , w h i l e depicting victory a t Salamis and i m p l y i n g the formation of a n A t h e n i a n e m p i r e , t h e Persians i s a m e m o r y o f v i c t o r y / d e f e a t a n d a prophecy of h o w empire falls. A s i m i l a r contradiction i s apparent i n the play's construction of the Persians. T h e y lack f r e e d o m , e q u a l i t y , a n d e q u a l access t o p o w e r , o c c u p y i n g t h e negative space of t h e A t h e n i a n socio-political i d e n t i t y . B u t t h e i r 147

Aeschylus:

Persians

s t o r y i s a h u m a n p a r a d i g m : a t a l e o f drama a n d pathos; a s t o r y o f h o w t h e c y c l e o f c o n q u e s t , w e a l t h a n d olbos i s a f o r m u l a f o r t h e l o s s o f olbos; a n a r r a t i v e a n d e n a c t m e n t o f hybris, ate, a n d lament; a prophecy of the tragedy of empire as p a t r i m o n y and succession; a m y t h o f Zeus' i n t e r v e n t i o n t o h o l d m o r t a l s accountable for extra-legal crimes. T h e f o l l o w i n g s e c t i o n s e x p l o r e t h e t e r m s A e s c h y l u s ' Persians established asconstitutive of the Persian tragedy i n Timotheus' Persians a n d i n t h e c o u n t e r - t r a d i t i o n o f A t t i c c o m e d y , w h e r e Persians figure ridiculed Athenians o r appear i n Golden Age fantasies. T h e n the discussion t u r n s to versions of the narrative in Renaissance Italy, enlightenment Europe and America, and finally i n post-World W a r I I revivals and adaptations. Appropriated b y Christians i n the M i d d l e Ages, Xerxes figures the menace o f T u r k i s h i m p e r i a l i s m i n t h e Renaissance before m a k ing a transition to romantic villainy a n d heroism i n early modernity, a n d f i n d i n g a place i n t h e discourse o f fascism, imperialism, and w a r i n the W e s t after W o r l d W a r II. Timotheus' Persians:

the king's great escape

T i m o t h e u s ' (c. 4 6 0 - 3 5 0 ) Persians w a s d i s c o v e r e d o n a p a p y r u s roll i n E g y p t i n 1 9 0 2 ; i t s2 4 0 o r so f r a g m e n t a r y verses m a y comprise u p t ohalf of the poem.38 Prior t othis, the poem was k n o w n f r o m Plutarch's quotations a n d notices i n late authorities. P l u t a r c h cites i t a s a p a t r i o t i c poem, q u o t i n g a dactylic h e x a m e t e r l i n e f r o m t h e p r o e m : ' m a k i n g a g r e a t , c e l e b r a t e d kosmos o f f r e e d o m for Greece'.39 T h e subject o f ' m a k i n g ' i n t h i s line i s debated, b u t I suspect i t is T i m o t h e u s , w h o locates h i s song i n t h e t r a d i t i o n o f p o e t i c c o m m e m o r a t i o n s o f t h e P e r s i a n W a r s a s a kosmos, p e r h a p s f o l l o w i n g S i m o n i d e s (Plataea f r . 1 1 . 2 3 , r e s t o r e d ) . 4 0 A c cording t o Plutarch, t h e singer Pylades' performance o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persians at t h e N e m e a n g a m e s i n 2 0 5 B C r e n e w e d t h e glory of the Persian W a r s , inducing its auditors to feel as i f t h e y w e r e l i v i n g i t s g l o r y i n t h e p r e s e n t (Life of Philopoemen 1 1 . 3 - 4 ) . T h e Persians i s a k i t h a r o d i c n o m e , m e t r i c a l l y c o m p l e x a s t r o phic lyrics accompanied b y t h e kithara. According t o Julius P o l l u x , t h e k i t h a r o d i c n o m e h a s s e v e n s e c t i o n s (Onomasticon 4.66). T h e papyrus includes three of t h e m : central narrative 148

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s (omphalos o r ' n a v e l ' ) , p o e t i c ' s e a l ' (sphragis), w h e r e t h e p o e t imprints his signature o nhis work, and epilogue.41 T h e date a n d p l a c e o f t h e Persians' f i r s t p e r f o r m a n c e a r e u n k n o w n . M o s t scholars place its first performance b e t w e e n 412 a n d 395, considering t h e period from 410 t o 408 most likely.42 Euripides' Orestes, p e r f o r m e d i n 4 0 8 , i s c r u c i a l t o t h e d a t i n g . I n i t , a P h r y g i a n slave r e p o r t s Orestes' 'sacrifice' o f H e l e n a n d chaos i n t h e palace (1369-1502).43 Because he sings astrophically, scholars argue t h a t Euripides i m i t a t e d T i m o t h e u s ' P h r y g i a n (140-61) a n d t h a t the Persians m u s t h a v e b e e n first p e r f o r m e d b e f o r e 4 0 8 . 4 4 S u c h lines o f influence are difficult to d e t e r m i n e . T h e song's first performance fits better between 396 a n d 394 w h e n the Spartan k i n g Agesilaus led an invasion of the Persian empire.45 T h e pretext for the invasion was the belief that the Persian king, A r t a x e r x e s I I , w a s preparing t o l a u n c h a fleet into the Aegean t oinvade m a i n l a n d Greece.46 T h e Spartans entrusted Agesilaus w i t h both land and seacommand against Persia i n 3 9 5 ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 2 7 - 9 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 1 0 . 5 - 6 ) . T h e t h e m e o f t h e Persians p l a y s i n t o t h e p r e t e x t f o r t h e S p a r t a n i n v a s i o n (cf. T i m o t h e u s f r . 7 9 0 PMG). F i r s t performance is m o r e likely t o w a r d t h e end o f t h e i n v a sion i n 394, a n d Ephesus i s t h e best location.47 Agesilaus operated out of Ephesus; Timotheus' suppliant P h r y g i a n claims ' m y A r t e m i s , g r e a t god, w i l l protect m e a t E p h e s u s ' (160-1). T h i s is t h e o n l y G r e e k city besides M i l e t u s n a m e d i n t h e e x t a n t poem; the line has a n ironic bite i f uttered a t Ephesus. Agesilaus turned Ephesus into a nimmense 'workshop of war'.48 H e put the economy o n a w a r t i m e footing and held contests for his warriors, w h o crowded t h e gymnasia a n d marketplace. H e orchestrated a spectacle o f b a r b a r i a n effeminacy t o i n s t i l cont e m p t f o r t h e e n e m y i n h i s t r o o p s ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 1 6 - 1 8 ; Agesilaus 1 . 2 5 - 8 ) . H i s h e r a l d s a n n o u n c e d t h e s a l e o f c a p t u r e d b a r b a r i a n s n a k e d . X e n o p h o n w r i t e s : ' A n d so w h e n t h e soldiers s a w they were w h i t e from never t a k i n g off their clothes, soft a n d n e v e r t o i l i n g because a l w a y s r i d i n g o n c h a r i ots, t h e y t h o u g h t t h a t t h e w a r w o u l d be n o different f r o m f i g h t i n g w o m e n ' ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 1 9 ; Agesilaus 1.28). T i m o t h e u s ' p o e m g i v e s v o i c e t o t h i s s p i r i t , d e p i c t i n g n a k e d barbarians (98-103, 132-9) a n d describing t h e ' w h i t e - a r m e d 149

Aeschylus: Persians hands' w i t h w h i c h Lydians embrace Cybele i n supplication and l a m e n t (126). T h e n a m e d peoples o f h i s song a r e t h o s e t h e Spartans plundered - Phrygians, Mysians, a n dLydians. Ti¬ m o t h e u s strips t h e m of t h e i r clothes a n d t h e i r dignity.49 M a n y have assumed t h a t because t h e poem i s about t h e battle of Salamis - not n a m e d i n the extant poem —the song was first performed a t Athens.50 B u t this is unlikely. Timotheus, a Milesian, w o u l d not have announced that his city and those of t h e t w e l v e I o n i a n cities h a i l e d 'from t h e Achaeans' w h i l e performing a t Athens (234-6).51 T h a t Ionians a r e A t h e n i a n colonists i s a cardinal point of A t h e n i a n ideology (Herodotus 1 . 1 4 7 ; E u r i p i d e s Ion 1 5 7 5 - 8 8 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 2 . 6 ) . T h e ' n o b l e s t ' a n d 'purest Ionians', those o f t h e t w e l v e cities o f w h i c h T i m o t h e u s calls M i l e t u s p r e - e m i n e n t (235-6), departed f r o m t h e P r y t a n e u m o f A t h e n s ( H e r o d o t u s 1.146.2; 7.95.1).52 A c h a e a n heritage expresses I o n i a n self-definition as a people f r o m t h e Peloponnese a n d places I o n i a n s u n d e r ' t h e great leader o f S p a r t a ' , a s T i m o t h e u s s t y l e s S p a r t a i n h i s e p i l o g u e ( 2 0 7 ; cf. X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 1 . 3 ) . 5 3 S p a r t a n s u s e d t h i s t i t l e o f t h e m s e l v e s ( H e r o d o t u s 7.228.3; T h u c y d i d e s 1.128.7; cf. Si¬ m o n i d e s Plataea f r . 1 1 . 3 2 - 4 ) . T h e ' l e a d e r o f S p a r t a ' l e a d s G r e e c e . N o poet w o u l d n a m e S p a r t a i n t h i s w a y a t A t h e n s . T i m o t h e u s ' Persians c o n t e s t s A e s c h y l u s ' Persians, w h i c h c r e a t e d a f u s e d Athenian/Ionian identity under A t h e n i a n hegemony. T i m o t h e u s ' topography of battle a n d flight i s so vague, t h e absence o f divine, heroic, a n d h u m a n figures associated w i t h S a l a m i s so conspicuous, a n d the f i g h t i n g described so u n l i k e traditional narratives of Salamis, that the poem as w e have it h a r d l y corresponds t o the A t h e n i a n idea of Salamis.54 Battles fought against the Persians are condensed into a single n a v a l battle, w h i c h itself is partly assimilated t o t h enaval battles t h a t created Sparta's current land a n d sea hegemony. T h e prominence of javelins i n the naval fighting is crucial i n this r e g a r d ( 2 1 - 8 ; cf. 1 6 2 - 5 ) . N e i t h e r A e s c h y l u s n o r H e r o d o t u s m e n t i o n s t h i s weapon's use a m o n g those f i g h t i n g o n t h e G r e e k side a t S a l a m i s (cf. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 9 0 . 2 - 3 ) . T h e j a v e l i n w a s a n t i t h e t i c a l to t h e A t h e n i a n concept o f n a v a l w a r f a r e as t h e s k i l l o f m a noeuvring a n d r a m m i n g . Aeschylus' account o f t h e battle stresses this skill (417-18). H i s sailors donot even have weap150

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s ons: t h e y k i l l t h e e n e m y w i t h f r a g m e n t s o f t h e i r w r e c k s (424-6). T h e j a v e l i n was characteristic of the D o r i a n practice o f ' f i g h t i n g l a n d b a t t l e s a t sea' w h i c h e n a b l e d t h e m t o defeat Athens i n t h e harbour o f Syracuse i n 413.55 I t figures Peloponnesian prowess. Some argue that T i m o t h e u s narrates a typical naval battle and is not interested i n history, but i tislikely that h e narrates a symbolic naval battle and presents a synoptic view of history.56 T h e y o k i n g o f t h e H e l l e s p o n t a s s o c i a t e s T i m o t h e u s ' Persians w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l n a r r a t i v e s . A d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n t e l l s t h e sea, ' a l r e a d y , i n s o l e n t sea, y o u h a d y o u r f u r i o u s n e c k y o k e d d o w n i n a l i n e n - b o u n d s h a c k l e ' ( 7 2 - 4 ; cf. 1 1 4 - 1 8 ) , c o m b i n i n g d e s c r i p t i o n s o f t h e b r i d g e i n t h e p a r o d o s o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians a s a ' y o k e o n t h e n e c k o f t h e sea' a n d a ' l i n e n - b o u n d b o a t - b r i d g e ' (68-9, 72) w i t h D a r i u s ' i m a g e o f t h e bridge as'shackles' (747). T h e barbari a n t r e a t s t h e sea a s a u n i t y , a d d r e s s i n g t h e s t r a i t s o f S a l a m i s as i f t h e y w e r e t h e H e l l e s p o n t . Aeschylus' depiction o fSalamis is present throughout T i m o t h e u s ' Persians57 T i m o t h e u s ' n a r r a t i v e c o n c e p t i o n - d e f e a t , flight, l a m e n t - is Aeschylus'. T h e papyrus starts w i t h a r a m m i n g episode: sailors pop o f f t h e deck a n d t h e G r e e k s u p e n d b a r b a r i a n s h i p s b y r a m m i n g t h e m ( 1 - 2 0 ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Persians 303-30, 417-19). L i k e Aeschylus, T i m o t h e u s envisions shores a n d p r o m o n t o r i e s clogged w i t h corpses (94-7).58 T h e essence o f S a l a m i s , t h e s h a t t e r i n g o f t h e P e r s i a n fleet i n t h e n a r r o w s ( A e s c h y l u s Persians 4 1 3 - 1 6 ) a l s o f e a t u r e s i n T i m o t h e u s . I n A e s c h y l u s , t h e G r e e k fleet m e n a c i n g l y s o u n d s o u t t h e ' d e p t h s o f t h e sea', a s i t s t r i k e s t h e w a v e s i n r h y t h m ( A e s c h y l u s Persians 3 9 6 - 7 ) . T i m o t h e u s ' d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n v o m i t s o u t t h e ' d e p t h s o f t h e sea' i n a m e n a c i n g t o r r e n t o f w o r d s ( 7 2 - 8 5 ) . T i m o t h e u s c o n d e n s e s P e r s i a n hybris a n d t h e D i o n y s i a c v i o lence t h a t destroys i t i n his p o r t r a i t o f t h i s d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n (60-85).59 P l a y i n g o n t h eequivalence o fdrunkenness, rough seas, a n d d r o w n i n g , h e uses s y m p o t i c i m a g e r y t o characterize the barbarian.60 W a t e r 'is poured' into his a l i m e n t a r y tract; 'surging up f r o m his m o u t h ' , i t 'seethes over' like w i n e (61-5).61 T h e verb m e a n i n g 'seethe over' i s cognate w i t h the w o r d for a w o m a n d r i v e n m a d b y D i o n y s u s , a thyias.62 T i m o t h e u s ' l a n guage suggests w i n e and Dionysiac madness, but the sea-water 151

Aeschylus: Persians itself i s ' w i t h o u t Dionysus' (62), paradoxically producing t h e hybris o f i n t o x i c a t i o n . ' M a k i n g h i m s e l f l i k e t h e sea, t h e m u t i l a t o r o f h i s b o d y ' ( 7 0 - 1 ) , t h e d r o w n i n g m a n v e n t s s h r i l l a r r o g a n c e ( 6 6 - 8 1 ) . H i s hybris a n d m a d n e s s m i r r o r h i s p o r t r a i t o f t h e sea; t h e sea-water h e v o m i t s reifies h i st o r r e n t o fwords (83-5). T i m o t h e u s w a s a m a s t e r o f m i m e t i c effects. H i s d e p i c t i o n o f a b a r b a r i a n i m i t a t ing the sea w h i l e his w a t e r y v o m i t m i r r o r s his words m a r k s his o w n i m i t a t i v e m u s i c a l effects.63 T h e n a r r a t i v e of the n a v a l defeat culminates i n the performance of lament, but T i m o t h e u s shifts the lamenters' perspective to t h e f u t u r e . B a r b a r i a n c o m b a t a n t s m o u r n t h e i r i m p e n d i n g deaths a t t h e scene of battle (98-139). Thucydides approximates this pathos i n his narrative of the A t h e n i a n n a v a l defeat i n t h e Syracusan harbour. A t h e n i a n hoplites l a m e n t a n d consider 'how t h e y w i l l be saved' (7.71). T i m o t h e u s ' L y d i a n s look f o r a 'sweet escape f r o m death' (119-20) a n d desire t o supplicate C y b e l e . A e s c h y l u s v i s u a l l y connectedproskynesis w i t h A s i a a n d X e r x e s o n t h e i r knees i n defeat. T i m o t h e u s l i n k s defeat a n d supplication, placing oneself at t h e mercy of another under t h e protection o f t h e gods b y f a l l i n g a n d clasping his o r h e r knees.64 A L y d i a n imagines h i m s e l f falling a t t h e knees o f Cybele, h i s 'mistress'. E m b r a c i n g h e r d a r k l y clad body w i t h 'white-armed h a n d s ' (121-6), h e l a m e n t s his d e a t h a n d t h e fate o f h i s corpse, 'a p i t i a b l e feast f o r f l o c k s o f b i r d s w h o e a t r a w food' ( 1 2 8 - 3 9 ) . T i m o t h e u s does not n a r r a t e his fate. H e intensifies t h e pathos, but deprives t h ebarbarians of h u m a n i t y . T h i s scene segues i n t o Greeks c a p t u r i n g barbarians. T i m o t h e u s describes o n e capture. A 'Greek a r m e d w i t h iron' seizes a P h r y g i a n 'by t h e h a i r ' (140-4). T h e P h r y g i a n ' e n t w i n e s ' h i m s e l f a r o u n d t h e Greek's knees a n d begs for his life i n pidgin Greek (145-61). H ew i l l go back a n d live a t Sardis, Susa, o r Ecbatana. A r t e m i s w i l l protect h i m a t Ephesus - a city teeming w i t h Greek soldiers a n d mercenaries. T i m o t h e u s i s s i m i l a r l y silent about his fate. T h e G r e e k r o u t o v e r t a k e s t h e scene. B a r b a r i a n s t h r o w a w a y t h e i r j a v e l i n s (161-5) a n d t e a r t h e i r faces i n g r i e f (166). T h e pathos f i n a l l y r e a c h e s t h e P e r s i a n s , w h o l a m e n t i n t h e i r s t y l e , t e a r i n g t h e ' b e a u t i f u l l y w o v e n g a r m e n t s (stole) o n t h e i r b o d i e s ' 152

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s (167-70). T h e 'shrill l a m e n t of Asia' reaches the king's entourage, w h i c h resounds w i t h l a m e n t , 'looking u p o n t h e i r f u t u r e pathos w i t h f e a r ' ( 1 6 9 - 7 2 ) . T i m o t h e u s ' n a r r a t i v e o f t h e p a s t merges w i t h the current Spartan invasion. F i n a l l y , t h e k i n g a p p e a r s (173-4). H e i s u n n a m e d . H e sees the disorderly flight of his army, and 'falling o nhis knee h e m u t i l a t e s h i s body' (176). T i m o t h e u s transfers Aeschylus' i m a g e of Xerxes' falling a n d t e a r i n g his robes i n t h e Queen's d r e a m to t h e k i n g ' s response t o defeat. L i k e A e s c h y l u s ' X e r x e s , T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g f o c a l i z e s t h e pathos: h e ' s e e t h e s l i k e w a v e s a t h i s f a t e ' ( 1 7 7 ) , a t e c h n i q u e applied t o t h e d r o w n i n g b a r b a r i a n . T h e sea embodies hybris a n d l a m e n t , t w o s i d e s o f t h e s a m e r e a l i t y . T i m o t h e u s r e t a i n s A e s c h y l u s ' d e p i c t i o n o f hybris a s f u l f i l l e d i n l a m e n t . T h e king's lament i n T i m o t h e u s recapitulates Aeschylus' kommos. H e b e w a i l s ' t h e f a l l o f h o u s e s ' ( 1 7 8 ) , a t h e m e A e s c h y lus l i n k e d to Xerxes, 'the eye of the house' w h o survives a t the c o s t o f h i s ' t r u s t e d e y e ' ( A e s c h y l u s Persians 9 7 9 ) . 6 5 H e l a m e n t s t h e G r e e k n a v y ' s d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e ' p o p u l o u s y o u t h (hebe) o f m y s h i p s ' ( 1 8 0 - 1 ; c f . A e s c h y l u s Persians 5 1 2 , 6 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 3 3 ) . T i m o t h e u s also depicts t h e loss o f m e n a s a lost harvest, a c e n t r a l i m a g e o f t h e kommos. T h e k i n g c o m p a r e s t h e G r e e k s h i p s w h i c h destroyed Persia's 'youth' to Sirius, the D o g Star, whose rising signals t h e h e a t t h a t w i t h e r s crops, sickens m e n , a n d m a r k s t h e t i m e for l a m e n t s for such figures as A d o n i s . 6 6 T h e n h e segues into a n image of his ships on fire (182-5). Referring to Aeschyl u s ' kommos a n d t o t h e c u r r e n t i n v a s i o n o f S p a r t a , T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g predicts future l a m e n t s ' o nPersian land' (185-6) a n d apostrophizes his fate (187-8). After his lament, the k i n g orders four horses yoked t o his c h a r i o t a n d h i s c a r t s l o a d e d ' w i t h olbos b e y o n d c o u n t ' ( 1 9 0 - 2 ) . T h e c o m m a n d s u b v e r t s A e s c h y l u s ' Persians: t h e t r a g e d y i m a g ined Xerxes' 'yoke' shattered a t S a l a m i s (188-9) and Persia's olbos ' o v e r t u r n e d ' ( 1 6 4 ) , ' d e s t r o y e d ' ( 2 5 2 ) , a n d ' p o u r e d o u t ' (825). T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g orders his tents burned, contradicting H e r o d o t u s , w h o reports t h a t X e r x e s left his t e n t a n d f u r n i t u r e w i t h M a r d o n i u s for the Greeks t o capture a t Plataea (9.82). T i m o t h e u s ' k i n g stints the Greeks of his w e a l t h (194-5). D o e s t h i s e n d i n g i m p l y t h a t t h e k i n g r e t a i n e d h i s olbos f r o m his earlier defeat a n d t h a t t h e S p a r t a n s can m a r c h to Susa a n d 153

Aeschylus: Persians strip h i m ? O r does i t q u e s t i o n t h e idea o f n a r r a t i n g t h e P e r s i a n defeat a s a great victory? W e hear t h e insane a n d pathetic voices of barbarians f r o m t h e fringes of t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e — b u t w e d o n o t w i t n e s s t h e k i n g l a m e n t i n g h i s l o s t olbos. T i m o t h e u s ' e n d i n g h i n t s at t h e u n d e r l y i n g r e a l i t y o f f o u r t h - c e n t u r y Greece: t h e k i n g ' s 'olbos b e y o n d c o u n t ' f i n a n c e d t h e S p a r t a n n a v y t h a t captured the A t h e n i a n fleet a t A e g o s p o t a m i i n 405 a n d w a s funding a resurgent navy aimed a tdriving the Spartans from the sea.67 T h i s happened a t the battle of Cnidus i n 394.68 T h e r o y a l olbos d e s c r i b e d a t t h e e n d o f t h e Persians b o t h made a n d destroyed the 'great leader o f Sparta'. B r i b i n g leaders of Thebes, C o r i n t h , and Argos w i t h 5 0 talents of gold w h i l e Agesilaus was i n Ephesus, Artaxerxes I I solidified a land and sea a l l i a n c e a g a i n s t S p a r t a , f o r c i n g A g e s i l a u s t o r e t u r n t o G r e e c e t o d e f e n d h i s h o m e - b a s e ( X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3.5.1-4.2.8). W h a t began self-consciously a s a n e w T r o j a n W a r - Agesilaus attempted t o replicate t h e sacrifice A g a m e m n o n m a d e a t A u l i s ( X e n o p h o n History 3 . 4 . 3 - 4 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 6 . 4 - 6 ) - w a s s h a p i n g u p a s y e t a n o t h e r internecine war. The golden race: Persians

in comedy

I f t r a g e d y depicts t h e o t h e r a s t h e self, c o m e d y depicts t h e s e l f as t h e other. I n comedy, A t h e n i a n s are depicted a s P e r s i a n s , w h o signify Athens' aristocratic, luxurious, effeminate, moneyo r i e n t e d , i m p e r i a l i s t c u l t u r e . I n E u p o l i s ' Maricas o f 4 2 1 , t h e A t h e n i a n politician Hyperbolus appears as Maricas, a w o r d D a r i u s used to address the reader of his inscriptions.69 L i k e n i n g M a r i c a s t o Xerxes crossing the Hellespont, the play's chorus p a r o d i e s A e s c h y l u s Persians 6 5 : ' t h e c i t y - s a c k i n g M a r i c a s h a s a l r e a d y c r o s s e d ' ( E u p o l i s Maricas f r . 2 0 7 K - A ) . T h e Maricas styles Hyperbolus, a litigious merchant-politician-imperialist a n d bête noire o f c o m e d y , a s X e r x e s . 7 0 A c o n t e m p o r a r y o f E u p o lis, t h e c o m e d i a n P l a t o , has a character quote X e r x e s ' r e f r a i n i n t h e e x o d o s o f t h e Persians, ' s h o u t n o w i n r e s p o n s i o n t o m e ' ( f r . 2 2 6 K - A = 1040, 1048, 1066). W e do n o t k n o w w h a t comedy t h e q u o t e c o m e s f r o m , b u t P l a t o ' s Hyperbolus, a p l a y r i d i c u l i n g H y p e r b o l u s a s a slave, foreigner a n d v i l l a i n w h o w i n s t h e 154

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s lottery to become a m e m b e r of the Council ahead of his master, who is a n alternate, i s a good possibility. C o m e d y d r e w o u t golden-age t h e m e s associated i n Aeschyl u s ' Persians w i t h D a r i u s ' r e i g n a n d g e n e r a l l y w i t h t h e w e a l t h y cultures of the East. Aeschylus' Xerxes is a 'godlike m a n of a g o l d e n - b o r n race' (79-80); P e r s i a (3, 9, 159), L y d i a (45), a n d B a b y l o n (53) are associated w i t h ' m u c h gold'. I n A e s c h y l u s , gold finances a n invasion aimed a t appropriating the freedom and silver of the Greeks; its radiance implants delusions of power a n d divinity. G o l d symbolizes a culture w h i c h m i s t a k e s signs for r e a l i t i e s , confuses p a g e a n t r y a n d l u x u r y w i t h p o w e r , a n d p r o d u c e s a f a l s e s e n s e o f olbos; t h i s c u l t u r e s e d u c e s X e r x e s i n t o s e e k i n g t o t r a n s c e n d h u m a n n a t u r e . 7 1 I n c o m i c g o l d e n - a g e scenarios, sign and reality, culture and nature, m a n and divinity, g o l d a n d olbos a r e f u s e d . T h e c e n t r a l i d e a o f t h e G o l d e n A g e i s t h e presence o f ' a l l good things' w h i c h come 'on t h e i r o w n ' : no labour is r e q u i r e d . 7 2 S u c h a G o l d e n A g e i s ' a u t o m a t i c ' . H e s i o d ' s ' g o l d e n r a c e o f m o r t a l m e n ' i s t h e p r o g e n i t o r o f t h e c o n c e p t (Works and Days 1 0 9 - 2 6 ) . H . C . B a l d r y c o n s i d e r s t h e c o m i c topos a w a y o f ridiculing old fantasies.73 I a n Ruffel, by contrast, interprets i t as a n ' e x p r e s s i o n o f r a d i c a l p o p u l a r i d e a l i s m ' . 7 4 T h i s m a y be; b u t t h e comic G o l d e n A g e is never far r e m o v e d f r o m dystopia. Old comedy's staging of Persians i l l u m i n a t e s the sympotic a n d festive ideals w h i c h Aeschylus, Choerilus, and T i m o t h e u s i n v e r t t o f a s h i o n i m a g e s o f P e r s i a n hybris a n d d e f e a t . 7 5 T h e Utopian component o fold comedy is a n ideal o f c o m m u n i t y realized i n t h e feast a n d s y m p o s i u m t o t h e exclusion o f w a r , politics, a n d l i t i g a t i o n . L a b o u r a n d s o m e t i m e s s l a v e r y a r e absent. Aeschylus' D a r i u s espouses this ideal. Herodotus constitutes his Persians i n a version of this scenario (1.125-6). I f t h e P e r s i a n s f o l l o w C y r u s t h e y w i l l b e c o m e 'free', e n j o y i n g feasts, a v o i d i n g s l a v e r y a n d servile l a b o u r - i n short, t h e y w i l l h a v e ' a l l g o o d t h i n g s ' ( 1 . 1 2 6 . 4 - 6 ) . 7 6 T h r o u g h o u t H e r o d o t u s ' Histories, P e r s i a n s a r e a s s o c i a t e d w i t h e n o r m o u s f e a s t s a n d e x c e s s i v e w i n e (1.133, 212.2; 3.34; 7.118-19). T h e r u l e r s o f a n e m p i r e are a feasting/drinking group t h a t enjoys ' a l l good things'. Pherecrates, a contemporary of Aristophanes, was credited w i t h a c o m e d y e n t i t l e d t h e Persians, d a t e d b e t w e e n 4 2 7 a n d 416.77 T h e comedy h a d definite golden-age elements, t h o u g h w e 155

Aeschylus: Persians have n o precise idea of h o w Persians functioned i nthe play. T h e y could have figured t h el u x u r y of wealthy Athenians o r A s i a n plenty and p r i m i t i v i s m w h i c h satisfied Utopian yearnings. W e a l t h is certainly a t h e m e of the play. A t one point the chorus o f Persians denies i t h a s a n y need for f a r m i n g , craftsm e n w h o support i t ( i n c l u d i n g a y o k e - m a k e r ) , seeds o r vine-poles. T h e y w i l l enjoy ' a l l good things' w i t h o u t labour: 'rivers of black broth' containing rich cakes and the best bread ' w i l l g u s h o n t h e i r o w n f r o m t h e f o u n t s o f W e a l t h ' (fr. 137.1-5 [K-A]). T h e e v e r - f l o w i n g r i v e r o f goods g u s h i n g t h r o u g h t h e Golden Age can beread against Aeschylus' tragic images i n the Persians s u c h a s ' w a v e o f w o e s ' ( 5 9 9 - 6 0 0 ) , ' f o u n t o f w o e s ' ( 7 4 3 ) , 'flood of t h e P e r s i a n a r m y ' (87-92, 412), t h e freezing a n d t h a w ing S t r y m o n (495-507), a n d X e r x e s ' a t t e m p t t o 'stop t h e sacred, flowing Hellespont' (745-6).78 A n a t u r a l limit of m o r t a l power, t h e r i v e r f l o w s w i t h u n n a t u r a l goods i n t h e comic G o l d e n Age. Zeus' r a i n nourishes a bounteous river; nature and culture, l a n d a n d sea, p l a n t s a n d a n i m a l s a r e u n d i f f e r e n t i a t e d (fr. 137.6-10 [K-A]). M a n w i l l n o t labour. T h e c o m e d y i n v o l v e s a b u n d a n t feasting a n d t a b l e w a r e o f precious m e t a l s (fr. 134 [ K - A ] ) . I n comedy Xerxes a n d Persians a r e vehicles for fantasies about i m p e r i a l i s t greed, lack o f m a n l i n e s s , t h e pleasures o f l u x u rious feasting, drinking, and culture as n a t u r a l bounty. Aeschylus located a G o l d e n A g e i n Persia: X e r x e s ' defeat m a r k s its end. The Turkish menace: Apollonio's Xerxes9 I n v a s i o n of

Greece

In 1461, t h e Florentine merchant Giovanni Rucellai commissioned Apollonio di G i o v a n n i to paint decorations for his daught e r ' s b r i d a l c h e s t (cassone).19 A p o l l o n i o ' s d e c o r a t i v e p a i n t i n g , Xerxes' Invasion of Greece, p r o j e c t s F l o r e n c e a s t h e n e w A t h e n s . T h e p a i n t i n g m o v e s s p a t i a l l y a n d t e m p o r a l l y f r o m r i g h t to left, Asia t o Europe. A t t h e f a rright, prideful Xerxes (labelled S E R S E S ) crosses a bridge over t h e Hellespont, w h i c h is crowded w i t h vessels.80 A p o l l o n i o t h e n depicts a cavalry battle: X e r x e s e x h o r t s h i s t r o o p s t o f i g h t w h i l e C i m o n ( l a b e l l e d C Y M O N ) captures surrendering Persians, and Pericles (labelled P E R I C L E S ) m a r s h a l s k n i g h t s i n t o b a t t l e . A c o m p a n i o n p a n e l , The Triumph 156

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s of the Victorious Greeks, d e s t r o y e d i n a G e r m a n r a i d o n B a t h , m o v e s i n space a n d t i m e f r o m left t o r i g h t , f r o m S a l a m i s t o Athens.81 Beginning w i t h a naval battle, i t merges w i t h a t r i u m p h a l procession leading t o Athens, whose architecture recalls ancient R o m e . 8 2 Victorious Greeks a n d t h e i r leaders, one labelled T E M I S T O C L E S , l i n e t h e procession. N o t o n l y does A t h e n s look like Rome; the narrative unites the Salamis tradition w i t h Vergil's description of Actium: naval victory followed by t r i u m p h a l procession.83 Apollonio's v i s i o n o f eastern defeat a n dw e s t e r n t r i u m p h d r a w s o n B o c c a c c i o ' s a c c o u n t o f X e r x e s ' p r i d e f u l f a l l i n t h e Fates of Illustrious Men ( 1 3 6 0 ) a n d P e t r a r c h ' s ( 1 3 0 4 - 7 4 ) c r u s a d e m o n g e r i n g Rime 2 8 . 8 4 P a i n t i n g s o f B o c c a c c i o ' s Theseid of the Wedding of Emilia ( 1 3 3 9 ) , a h e r o i c r o m a n c e e x e m p l i f y i n g t h e prudence o f Theseus, D u k e o f A t h e n s , w h i c h also included his t r i u m p h over Scythian amazons, framed t h e t w o historical panels.85 Apollonio's paintings comprised a complete account of A t h e n s ' t r i u m p h over the 'other' f r o m Theseus to Pericles. Xerxes' a r m y figures the menace of contemporary O t t o m a n i m p e r i a l i s m . S o m e of his soldiers w e a r the hats and carry the pikes o f O t t o m a n janissaries.86 C o n s t a n t i n o p l e is visible i n t h e distance a s X e r x e s crosses t h e H e l l e s p o n t . 8 7 T h e T u r k s captured C o n s t a n t i n o p l e i n 1453, eight years before Apollonio received h i s c o m m i s s i o n . 8 8 R e c a l l i n g Persia's defeat a n d A t h e n s ' t r i u m p h , t h e paintings prophesy Christian victory over the T u r k s . A p u b l i c r e a d i n g o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians i s a n a d d e n d u m t o Apollonio's w o r k . A f t e r a C h r i s t i a n navy's defeat o f a T u r k i s h fleet i n t h e battle o f L e p a n t o i n 1571, citizens o f t h e island o f Zacynthus, w h i c h contributed a contingent t o t h e Christian fleet, recited t h e play. T h e T u r k s replaced t h e Persians as t h e e a s t e r n v a n q u i s h e d foe i n t h e i m a g i n a t i o n o f t h e I t a l i a n R e n aissance; t h e people o f Z a c y n t h u s , a n i s l a n d u n d e r V e n e t i a n control, probably read a n I t a l i a n translation.89 Xerxes as a figure of romance T h e first large-scale restaging o f a G r e e k tragedy, Sophocles' Oedipus the King, t o o k p l a c e i n V i c e n z a , I t a l y , i n 1 5 8 5 . 9 0 T h e earliest adaptations of Xerxes' story appeared i n opera, w h e r e 157

Aeschylus: Persians X e r x e s featured as a r o m a n t i c antihero. Francesco C a v a l l i pres e n t e d a Xerxes i n V e n i c e i n 1 6 5 4 a n d r e p e r f o r m e d i t i n P a r i s shortly after Louis XIV's wedding i n 1660.91 Giovanni B o n o n c i n i s c o r e d a Xerxes i n 1 6 9 4 . G e o r g e F r e d e r i c H a n d e l ' s version, based o n both Cavalli's a n dBononcini's, debuted i n L o n d o n i n 1738. Xerxes i s a trouser o r travesty role - a part w r i t t e n for a castrate T h e u n n a t u r a l lover and k i n g w h o cannot o b t a i n t h e object o f h i s desire, X e r x e s f i n a l l y m a r r i e s t h e w o m a n w h o w a n t s his t h r o n e a n d poses as a m a n - a w o u n d e d v e t e r a n - t o g e t i t . H a n d e l ' s Xerxes c l o s e d a f t e r f i v e p e r f o r m ances but today is one o f his most popular operas.92 I n 1699 t h e E n g l i s h actor a n d p l a y w r i g h t Colley Cibber ( 1 6 7 1 - 1 7 5 7 ) m o u n t e d a Xerxes at L i t t l e L i n c o l n ' s I n n F i e l d s w h i c h w a s a n e v e n greater flop: i t closed after one p e r f o r m ance.93 T h e tragedy depicts t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f X e r x e s , failed invader of Greece w h o cannot rouse the passion t o avenge his honour, into a romantic villain bent on destroying the virtue of the w o m a n w h o spurned h i m . Cibber's X e r x e s r e t u r n s to Persia after his defeat t o celebrate a false t r i u m p h . T h e Persians d o not tear t h e i r clothes i n lament, b u t 'Rend t h e Skies w i t h Ecchoed W e l l c o m e s ' (1.140) for t h e i r ' t r i u m p h a n t ' k i n g . X e r x e s uses t h e occasion to p u n i s h t h e elements t h a t betrayed h i s fleet and vows to drive the chariot of the sun. Cibber recalls the m y t h of P h a e t h o n as a paradigm for Xerxes' failure i n Aeschylus' Persians.94 Xerxes' false t r i u m p h plays o n golden-age t h e m e s of e t e r n a l spring a n d t h e freeing o f slaves. H i s sycophantic poet proclaims 'Now w e shall t u r n t h e Glass o fT i m e , / A n d m a k e i t r u n t h e G o l d e n A g e a g a i n ' (1.182-3). X e r x e s concocts a s c h e m e t o devote h i m s e l f t o insatiable pleasure (1.393-4), p l o t t i n g t o test a w o m a n of superlative virtue, T a m i r a , w h o spurned his love and throne, and t h e n t o rape her. T h e cruel hedonist uses every t y r a n n i c a l ploy - m u r d e r , torture, treachery, rape, m u t i l a t i o n . Xerxes' 'Golden Age' becomes a t i m e of debauchery, civil war, and mob violence. T a m i r a tricks X e r x e s i n t o t h i n k i n g t h a t she w i l l betray her husband A r t a b a n u s to gratify his lust; this disgusts Xerxes, and he n o longer desires t o rape h e r because she h a s n o v i r t u e t o spoil. X e r x e s trusts his divinity a n d capacity to avoid his fate to 158

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s the very end. H e meets T a m i r a ' s husband A r t a b a n u s i n a duel; X e r x e s a n d t h e v i r t u o u s general die f r o m t h e blows t h e y inflict on each another. Cibber stages t y r a n t - s l a y i n g as aristocratic self-sacrifice. X e r x e s ' d e a t h restores a m i l i t a r y aristocracy t o p o w e r . Xerxes f u s e s t r a d i t i o n s o f h i s t o r y , t r a g e d y , a n d c o m e d y to create a romantic tragedy. T h e f u s i o n o f tragedy a n d romance is t h e t h e m e o f a n anonym o u s A m e r i c a n p l a y w r i g h t ' s Xerxes the Great, o r The Battle of Thermopyle (sic), p r o d u c e d i n P h i l a d e l p h i a i n 1 8 1 5 . T h e p l a y sets Xerxes' a m b i t i o n for t h e glory of conquering Leonidas a n d Sparta against S p a r t a n republican ideals. T h e deposed S p a r t a n King Demaratus returns with Xerxes t o regain h i s throne. S p a r t a i s divided b e t w e e n Leonidas' m a n d a t e t o fight a n d die for f r e e d o m a n d t h e case for a p p e a s i n g X e r x e s a n d s a v i n g lives. Leonidas persuades a n assembly that freedom is inalienable a n d t h a t t h e r e i s n o choice b u t t o fight for i t . A s i n Cibber, t h e play c u l m i n a t e s i n a duel. X e r x e s calls t h e 'demigod' Leonidas t o battle. Leonidas' blow shatters Xerxes' s w o r d a n d causes h i m to fall, but Xerxes' h e n c h m a n kills h i m . Leonidas' dying words convey the ambiguities of Xerxes' fame, w h i c h w i l l soon t u r n to i n f a m y (V.iv.21-3). T h e play ends w i t h Xerxes' t r i u m p h a n t ride i n a chariot through Sparta and the return o fDemaratus t o t h ethrone. The romance of Xerxes' victory a n d t h e tragedy o f Leonidas' heroic sacrifice are prelu d e s t o X e r x e s ' t r a g e d y , t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f h i s 1,000 ships a t Salamis (V.i.20-2). Transcending history: Shelley's H e l l a s I n 1821, the Greeks revolted f r o m the O t t o m a n empire. I n 1822, P e r c y B y s s h e S h e l l e y p u b l i s h e d a l y r i c a l t r a g e d y o n t h e subject, Hellas.95 E m p l o y i n g t h e f o r m a n d i m a g e r y o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians, S h e l l e y ' s p o e m p r o p h e s i e s t h e f a l l o f I s l a m a n d t h e O t t o m a n empire and the rise of a n e w Greece i n the C h r i s t i a n West.96 A n unfinished Prologue includes a divine assembly i n w h i c h Christ, S a t a n , a n d M o h a m m e d stake claims before G o d o n h o w destiny should unfold a t this turning point.97 Christ proclaims the i m m o r t a l i t y o f Greece a n d t h e victory o f freedom over 159

Aeschylus:

Persians

tyranny. Satan claims ownership of any empire that emerges f r o m a reshuffling of power o n e a r t h before C h r i s t i n t e r r u p t s h i m : 'Obdurate spirit! T h o u seest b u t t h e Past i n t h e To-come' ( 1 6 1 - 2 ) . T h e p r a y e r o f Hellas i s t r a n s c e n d e n c e o f t h e c e a s e l e s s l y r e p e a t i n g p a t t e r n o f h i s t o r y i n a n e w age o f w e s t e r n , C h r i s t i a n freedom. T h e t r a g e d y u n f o l d s i n five episodes. I n t h e first, M a h m u d , S u l t a n of the O t t o m a n empire, awakes unable to recall a recurrent dream. H i s u n d e r l i n g H a s s a n arranges for h i m t o see Ahasuerus, a n ancient Jew. Probably the n a m e for Xerxes i n t h e Book of Esther, A h a s u e r u s a l l o w s h i s g e n e r a l H a m a n t o extirpate the Jews f r o m his empire, b u t changes course under the influence of his J e w i s h wife Esther.98 H e honours her cousin Mordecai, w h o s e refusal to bow before H a m a n w a s t h e origin o f H a m a n ' s plot. A h a s u e r u s allows M o r d e c a i to w e a r his clothes, ride his horse, and proclaim the vengeance of the Jews througho u t t h e e m p i r e i n h i s n a m e : t h e y h a n g H a m a n a n d h i s t e n sons, kill 500 enemies i n Susa, a n d slaughter 75,000 adversaries t h r o u g h o u t t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e (Esther 9 : 1 - 1 6 ) . T h e s t o r y i s s e t i n the year of Plataea and Mycale (479 BC) and constitutes a J e w i s h v e r s i o n o f t h e G r e e k story o f defeating t h e peoples of t h e Persian empire. Shelley's Ahasuerus stands a t the intersection of Judeo-Christian and E a s t e r n empires; he figures Xerxes, the T u r k s ' predecessor, a n d t h e Jews, precursors of C h r i s t i a n s . 9 9 A h a s u e r u s i s t h e s u p e r s e d e d p o w e r w h o advises h i s successor.100 H a s s a n a n d three messengers i n succession deliver bad n e w s before A h a s u e r u s speaks w i t h M a h m u d , enabling h i m to recall his dream: M a h o m e t I P scapture o f Constantinople. I n A e s c h y l e a n t e r m s , t h i s i s t h e ' a c t ' (drama) w h i c h r e q u i r e s ' s u f f e r i n g ' (pathos). A s M a h m u d ' s e m p i r e w a s b o r n i n b l o o d s o it w i l l die (896-913). T h i s scene realizes t h e Satanic principle: the vision o f the 'To-come' i n the past, as t h e f u t u r e repeats a n d reciprocates past violence. After A h a s u e r u s departs, M a h o m e t I Iemerges f r o m t h e grave to i n f o r m M a h m u d o f I s l a m ' s collapse. M a h m u d l a m e n t s v i c t o r a n d v a n q u i s h e d a l i k e i n t h e p r o c e s s i o n o f h i s t o r y (948¬ 5 7 ) . Hellas r e a d s t h e Persians a s a l a m e n t f o r t h e c y c l e o f drama a n d pathos. A s M a h m u d m o u r n s t h e i m p e n d i n g f a l l o f h i s 160

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s empire, he h e a r s shouts o f v i c t o r y a n d calls for vengeance. T h e T u r k s have gained t h e upper hand against t h e Greeks. M a h m u d c o n s i d e r s t h e s e e x p r e s s i o n s o f t r i u m p h p a t h e t i c (986¬ 8): T m u s t r e b u k e / T h i s d r u n k e n n e s s o f t r i u m p h ere i t d i e , / A n d d y i n g , b r i n g d e s p a i r ' . E a s t e r n i n t o x i c a t i o n a n d hybris c o a l e s c e as i n C h o e r i l u s a n d T i m o t h e u s . T u r k s celebrate t h e i l l u s i o n o f victory and call for the enslavement and slaughter of Greeks. T h e chorus of captive Greek w o m e n envisions the light of A t h e n s a n d Greece rising again i n the W e s t a n d attempts t o imagine a new origin (1118-23). After contemplating Greek history a n dm y t h , particularly t h efall o fTroy, t h e w o m e n conclude t h a t h i s t o r y itself m u s t end. A n e w Golden Age i s d e s t i n e d t o c o m e t o t h e s a m e e n d as t h e old, r e p l i c a t i n g t h e p a s t i n t h e present. T h e c h o r u s orders a n e n d t o t h e v i c i o u s cycle o f drama a n d pathos ( 1 1 5 4 - 9 ) . The restoration of freedom is contingent on the renewal of pity. T h e chorus urges reconstruction of the 'broken' A t h e n i a n altar of P i t y near the temple of W i s d o m (775-6). Shelley reads t h e Persians a s a n a t t e m p t t o e l i c i t p i t y f o r t h e P e r s i a n s . T h e basis for his U t o p i a n v i s i o n is t h e exchange o f 'love for h a t e a n d t e a r s f o r b l o o d ' ( 7 7 9 ) . Hellas u n i t e s t h e e t h i c s o f t r a g i c s p e c t a torship w i t h C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y to envision the end of history, conceived as a t r i u m p h of freedom w i t h o u t empire. Restaging the

Persians

A e s c h y l u s w a s s a i d t o h a v e r e s t a g e d t h e Persians i n S i c i l y ; t h i s tradition m a y have arisen as a nexplanation of w h y Dionysus m i s r e p r e s e n t s t h e p l a y i n t h e Frogs: t h e r e w e r e t w o v e r s i o n s o f it.101 T h e Athenians voted to honour Aeschylus by allowing his p l a y s t o be r e p e r f o r m e d after h i s d e a t h . 1 0 2 A e s c h y l u s f o u n d e d a theatrical dynasty: his sons E u p h o r i o n and Euaeon, both tragedians, probably restaged his plays. T h e most likely t i m e for a r e s t a g i n g o f t h e Persians i s t h e e a r l y 4 2 0 s . 1 0 3 I n A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Acharnians o f 4 2 5 , D i c a e o p o l i s d e s c r i b e s h i m s e l f s i t t i n g i n t h e theatre w i t h his m o u t h agape, 'expecting Aeschylus' b u t getting a c o n t e m p o r a r y h a c k ( 9 - 1 2 ) . T h e p r o l o g u e o f t h e Acharnians p l a y s o n t h e e n d i n g o f t h e Persians. E u p o l i s ' q u o t a t i o n i n t h e Maricas c a n b e d a t e d t o 4 2 1 a n d c o u l d d e r i v e f r o m a r e v i v a l ; t h e 161

Aeschylus: Persians d a t e o f P l a t o ' s q u o t a t i o n o f t h e Persians i s u n k n o w n . F u r t h e r f r u s t r a t i n g efforts a t d a t i n g is t h e likelihood t h a t t h e comedians k n e w t h e Persians f r o m t e x t s . A t e x t w a s t h e b a s i s f o r H e r o d o t u s ' q u o t a t i o n o f t h e p l a y (8.68g; 7 2 8 ) a n d f o r h i s e n g a g e m e n t w i t h i t t h r o u g h o u t t h e Histories. T h e Persians' a n t i - i m p e r i a l i s t m e s s a g e a n d i t s s e n s e t h a t h i s t o r y belongs t o t h e free m a d e i ta staple o f l i b e r a t i o n movements and a b u l w a r k against totalitarianism. T a k i s Mouzendis' staging o f t h e p l a y a t E p i d a u r u s i n 1 9 7 1 w a s received as a n act of subversion o f t h e J u n t a t h a t r u l e d Greece f r o m 1967 t o 1 9 7 4 . 1 0 4 Y e t t h e Persians a l s o h e l d a p p e a l f o r t o t a l i t a r i a n r e gimes w h i c h s a w their Victory' presaged i n it. T h e Nazis restaged t h e play i n t h e w i n t e r o f 1942; i t w a s one o f a series o f tragedies produced as they struggled i n the East.105 Rightists i n t h e G r e e k c i v i l w a r o f 1 9 4 6 - 4 9 a p p r o p r i a t e d t h e Persians i n their w a r against c o m m u n i s m . 1 0 6 I n 1951, leftist political prisoners interned o n the island of A i Stratis, allowed t o perform t h e Persians a s p a r t o f t h e i r ' r e h a b i l i t a t i o n ' , r e c l a i m e d t h e p l a y as a t r a g e d y a n d p r o p h e t i c e x h i b i t i o n o f G r e e k d e l u s i o n s o f power, victory, and m o r a l superiority.107 E a s t G e r m a n y became a f r u i t f u l place f o r restaging t h e Persians; i t w a s h e r e t h a t t h e p l a y s t r u c k a u d i e n c e s a s a n t i - w a r a r t . M a t t i a s B r a u n ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians a s a n a n t i - f a s c i s t play, produced several times i n G e r m a n y d u r i n g t h e period 1960 t o 1969, w a s received as a n a n t i - w a r d r a m a contesting American involvement i n the Korean and V i e t n a mWars.108 The f i r s t p r o f e s s i o n a l r e v i v a l s o f t h e Persians i n N e w Y o r k i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s s t a g e d t h e Persians a s a n a n t i - V i e t n a m p l a y . 1 0 9 T h e f i r s t G u l f W a r i n 1 9 9 1 b r e a t h e d n e w l i f e i n t o t h e Persians. I n 1 9 9 3 , P e t e r S e l l a r s d i r e c t e d a Persians at t h e S a l z b u r g F e s t i v a l , u s i n g R o b e r t A u l e t t a ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians a s a d r a m a t i z a t i o n o f S a d d a m H u s s e i n ' s c r u s h i n g d e f e a t . Xerxes is Saddam Hussein (who is never named i n the play). T a k i n g place i n B a g h d a d d u r i n g t h e 'smart' b o m b i n g c a m p a i g n of 1991, the play inverts the o r i g i n a l play's story of a massive empire felled by t i n y Greece to probe the symbiotic pathologies of eastern despotism and western culture. T h e second G u l f W a r produced a n o t h e r a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians, E l l e n M c L a u g h l i n ' s , w r i t t e n a t t h e r e q u e s t o f t h e l a t e 162

7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the P e r s i a n s A m e r i c a n a c t o r , T o n y R a n d a l l . 1 1 0 T o M c L a u g h l i n , t h e Persians 'warns us of the perils of conquest and imperialism - this rolling catastrophe o f war, never-ending, soul-sapping, civilizationdestroying ....'m A e s c h y l u s ' Persians i s t o d a y e n s h r i n e d i n t h e a n t i - w a r a n d anti-imperialist discourse of western culture. Xerxes personifies t h e t h r e a t t o t h e w e s t e r n m a l e i d e n t i t y a n d t o t h e m o r a l , political, and religious orders w h i c h sustain it. T h e quintessent i a l loser of history, w h o r u i n s the Golden A g e h e inherited, Xerxes continues to h a u n t those w h o defeat h i m asthey rebuild the r u i n s left i n his w a k e , for the t e m p t a t i o n to become X e r x e s is the price o f victory over h i m .

163

Notes 1. The Persians,

History, and Historical Drama

1. S e e Détienne, Dionysos at Large; L o n s d a l e , Dance and Ritual Play, e s p . 76-136. 2. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, 5 7 - 1 2 5 ; P a r k e , Festivals, 1 2 5 - 3 5 ; S i m o n , Festivals, 1 0 1 - 8 ; C s a p o / S l a t e r , p p . 1 0 3 - 2 1 . 3. M L 2 4 6 = F o r n a r a 9 8 ; I s o c r a t e s On the Peace 8 . 8 2 = C s a p o / S l a t e r I I I . 3 5 A ; S c h o l i u m t o A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 5 0 4 = C s a p o / S l a t e r I I I . 3 5 B ; C o n n o r , 'City Dionysia a n dA t h e n i a n Democracy'; Goldhill, 'Great Dionysia'. 4. S e e G a n t z , ' A i s c h y l e a n T e t r a l o g y ' . 5. F l i n t o f f , ' U n i t y ' ; M o r e a u , ' L a tétralogie'. 6. B r o a d h e a d , l v - l x ; G a n t z , ' A i s c h y l e a n T e t r a l o g y ' , 1 3 4 . 7. T h e Hypothesis t o t h e Persians r e p o r t s A e s c h y l u s ' v i c t o r y i n 4 7 2 a n d i t i s c o n f i r m e d b y a n i n s c r i p t i o n . F o r t h e j u d g i n g of t r a g i c c o m p e t i t i o n s , see P i c k a r d ¬ C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, 9 5 - 9 ; C s a p o / S l a t e r , p p . 1 5 7 - 6 5 . 8. Life of Aeschylus 1 3 s a y s h e w o n t h i r t e e n v i c t o r i e s . T h e S u d a , a t e n t h - c e n t u r y AD e n c y c l o p a e d i a , c l a i m s h e w o n 2 8 (s.v. A e s c h y l u s ) . 9. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 6 0 - 1 . 10. F o r A e s c h y l u s ' b i o g r a p h y , s e e P o d l e c k i , Political Background, 1-7. TrGF 3 pp. 31-108 collects t h e evidence. 11. Life of Aeschylus 1 1 = C s a p o / S l a t e r 1 . 2 3 a . FGE ' A e s c h y l u s ' I I i d e n t i f i e s it as a forgery. 12. L e f k o w i t z , Lives, 6 7 - 7 4 . 13. A t h e n a e u s Banquet of the Sophists 1 . 2 1 D - 2 2 A = C s a p o / S l a t e r I V . 3 0 4 . 14. S o m e t h i n k t h a t A e s c h y l u s p l a y e d t h e Q u e e n a n d X e r x e s b e c a u s e t h e y do n o t a p p e a r t o g e t h e r w h e n t h e d r a m a l e a d s u s t o e x p e c t t h a t t h e y w i l l (e.g. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, 1 3 8 ) . T h i s i s a n i n a d e q u a t e r e a s o n ( T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 2 0 ) . M c C a l l , A e s c h y l u s i n t h e Per sad, 4 7 a r g u e s t h a t A e s c h y l u s played these roles because t h e y required his a u t h o r i t y t o w i n s y m p a t h y . 15. S e e W i l s o n , Khoregeia, e s p . 7 1 - 1 0 3 . 16. T h e Fasti r e c o r d t h a t P e r i c l e s p r o d u c e d t h e Persians (TrGF 1 p p . 2 2 - 5 ) . 17. S e e P o d l e c k i , Pericles, 1 - 1 0 . 18. S e e G i l l i s , Collaboration, 4 5 - 5 8 . 19. S e e S t o r e y , Eupolis, 1 1 4 - 1 6 . 20. F o r t h e e x t e n t o f t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e , s e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander 172-83. 21. S e e L e w i s , ' T y r a n n y o f t h e P i s i s t r a t i d a e ' ; L a v e h e , Fame, Money, and Power. 22. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 5 5 - 6 ; T h u c y d i d e s 6 . 5 3 . 3 - 5 9 ; cf. [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 1 8 .

165

Notes to pages 17-23 23. S e e T a y l o r , Tyrant Slayers; O b e r , ' T y r a n t - K i l l i n g ' . 24. H e r o d o t u s 5 . 6 6 - 9 ; [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 1 ; A n d r e w e s , ' R e f o r m B i l l ' ; O s t w a l d , ' R e f o r m ' ; M a n v i l l e , Origins, 1 5 7 - 2 0 9 ; O b e r , 'Athenian Revolution'. 25. PMG 8 9 3 , 8 9 6 , t r a n s l a t e d a n d d i s c u s s e d i n T a y l o r , Tyrant Slayers, 2 2 - 3 5 ; V l a s t o s , ' I s o n o m i a ' , a n d O s t w a l d , Nomos, 9 6 - 1 7 3 o f f e r d i f f e r e n t f o r m u l a t i o n s o f t h e p r i n c i p l e o f isonomia. 26. K u h r t , ' E a r t h a n d W a t e r ' . 27. G e o r g e s , ' P e r s i a n I o n i a ' ; M u r r a y , ' I o n i a n R e v o l t ' ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 4 6 - 5 6 . 28. F o r t h e P e r s i a n - i n s t a l l e d t y r a n t s , see A u s t i n , ' G r e e k T y r a n t s ' ; G e o r g e s , 'Persian Ionia', 10-23. 29. H o m e r Iliad 5 . 5 9 - 6 4 ; cf. T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 1 2 . 3 . 30. C y b e b e i s a L y d i a n v e r s i o n o f t h e g o d d e s s k n o w n i n G r e e c e a s C y b e l e . S e e R o l l e r , God the Mother, e s p . 6 3 - 1 8 6 . 31. X e r x e s , P e r s e p o l i s H = K e n t 1 5 0 - 2 = B r o s i u s 1 9 1 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 5 5 0 - 3 , 9 6 5 - 6 . 32. H e r o d o t u s 6 . 2 1 . 2 n a m e s t h e p l a y a s i f i t s t i t l e w e r e t h e Capture of Miletus, a s d o t h e l a t e r w r i t e r s P l u t a r c h (Moral Essays 8 1 4 A - B 5 ) a n d A e l i a n (Various History 1 3 . 1 7 ) . M a n y d o u b t t h a t t h i s w a s t h e a c t u a l t i t l e . 33. R o s e n b l o o m , ' S h o u t i n g " F i r e " ', 1 7 0 - 2 ; R o i s m a n , ' P h r y n i c h u s ' Sack of Miletus' a r g u e s f o r a d a t e a f t e r 4 7 9 . 34. D i o n y s i u s o f H a l i c a r n a s s u s Roman Antiquities 6 . 3 4 . 1 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1.93.3. N o t a l l agree t h a t T h e m i s t o c l e s w a s A r c h o n o r t h a t h e b e g a n t o f o r t i f y P i r a e u s i n 4 9 3 / 2 . F o r t h e c a s e a g a i n s t b o t h , see F o r n a r a , ' T h e m i s t o c l e s ' A r c h o n s h i p ' . F o r t h e c a s e i n f a v o u r , see L e w i s , ' T h e m i s t o c l e s ' A r c h o n s h i p ' . 35. F o r r e s t , ' T h e m i s t o k l e s a n d A r g o s ' , 2 3 5 ; P o d l e c k i , Themistocles, 6 - 7 . C f . A m m i a n u s M a r c e l l i n u s Roman History 2 8 . 1 - 3 - 4 . 36. E l s e , Origin and Early Form, 7 4 - 5 ; L l o y d - J o n e s , ' E a r l y G r e e k T r a g e d y ' , 232. 37. S e e S u t e r , ' L a m e n t ' . 38. P l a t o Republic 6 0 4 e 5 - 6 , 6 0 6 b l ; cf. G o r g i a s Helen 1 1 . 9 ( D - K ) ; T i m o c l e s , Women at the Dionysia f r . 6 ( K - A ) ; R o s e n b l o o m , ' M y t h , H i s t o r y , a n d H e g e m o n y ' , 101-3. 39. A r i s t o t l e Rhetoric 1 3 8 6 a - b ; Poetics 1 4 5 3 a 6 ; K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed, 2 7 - 1 0 4 . F o r t h e c o m f o r t s o f p i t y , see P u c c i , Violence of Pity, 1 7 1 - 4 . 40. A r i s t o t l e Rhe£oncl386a27-8; S t a n f o r d , Greek Tragedy and the Emotions, 21-48. 41. F o r t h e r a r i t y o f h i s t o r i c a l d r a m a a t A t h e n s , s e e C a s t e l l a n i , ' C l i o v s . Melpomene'. 42. S e e G r u n d y , Great Persian War, 1 6 2 - 9 4 ; G r e e n , Greco-Persian Wars, 3 0 - 4 0 ; B u r n , Persia and the Greeks, 2 3 6 - 5 7 ; H a m m o n d , ' E x p e d i t i o n o f D a t i s a n d A r t a p h r e n e s ' ; L a z e n b y , Defence, 4 5 - 8 0 . 43. F o r X e r x e s ' i n v a s i o n , s e e G r u n d y , Great Persian War; H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion; G r e e n , Greco-Persian Wars; B u r n , Persia and the Greeks; H a m m o n d , ' T h e E x p e d i t i o n o f X e r x e s ' ; Y o u n g , ' A P e r s i a n P e r s p e c t i v e ' ; L a z e n b y , Defence; S t r a u s s , Battle of Salamis. 44. M a u r i c e , ' T h e S i z e o f t h e A r m y o f X e r x e s ' , a r g u e s t h a t 2 1 0 , 0 0 0 p e o p l e and 75,000 animals were the m a x i m u m supportable. Y o u n g , ' A Persian Perspective', c o u n t e r s t h a t e v e n t h e s e n u m b e r s w o u l d h a v e b e e n i m p o s s i b l e ; cf. B a r k w o r t h , ' O r g a n i z a t i o n ' . S e e f u r t h e r L a z e n b y , Defence, 9 0 - 2 ; H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 3 4 5 - 5 5 .

166

Notes to pages 24-30 45. M L 2 2 3 = F o r n a r a 5 5 . F o r i t s a u t h e n t i c i t y , see J a m e s o n , ' W a i t i n g f o r t h e Barbarian', and 'Provisions for Mobilization'; H a m m o n d , 'Herodotus V I I and t h e D e c r e e o f T h e m i s t o c l e s ' d a t e s t h e d e c r e e t o S e p t e m b e r 4 8 1 . H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 4 5 8 - 6 8 c o n s i d e r s i t a f o r g e r y . 46. S e e T h o m p s o n , ' A t h e n s F a c e s A d v e r s i t y ' ; S h e a r , ' T h e D e m o l i s h e d T e m p l e a t E l e u s i s ' ; ' T h e P e r s i a n D e s t r u c t i o n o f A t h e n s ' ; P e d r i z e t , ' L e Témoignage d'Eschyle'. 47. A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 1 2 6 - 3 4 , 3 3 8 - 4 7 , 5 2 2 - 3 7 , 8 1 0 - 2 9 ; Seven against Thebes 2 8 7 - 3 6 8 ; F e r r a r i , ' T h e I l i o u p e r s i s i n A t h e n s ' . 48. E . g . K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 4 . 49. S t r a u s s , The Battle of Salamis, 1 0 9 - 1 1 . 50. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 4 0 3 - 8 . 51. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' V I I I , I X , X X ( a ) ; S i m o n i d e s f r . 5 3 1 PMG. 52. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X V I , X V I I I , X X ( a ) ; cf. P i n d a r f r . 7 7 ; R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, 5 8 - 8 9 . 53. S e e R u t h e r f o r d , ' T o w a r d s a C o m m e n t a r y ' , 3 5 - 8 ; W e s t , ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i vivus'; Sider, ' F r a g m e n t s 1-22 W 2 ' , 13-17 f o r t r a n s l a t i o n s o f t h e p a p y r u s fragments. 54. W e s t , ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i v i v u s ' , 3 - 4 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e p o e m c o n t a i n e d a prophecy of the O l d M a n of Sea. 55. S e e S i d e r ' F r a g m e n t s 1-22 W 2 ' , 2 8 - 9 f o r t e x t a n d t r a n s l a t i o n . 56. F o r a n o v e r v i e w o f t h e s e q u e s t i o n s , see R u t h e r f o r d , ' T o w a r d s a C o m m e n tary', 38-41. 57. B r a c k e t s i n d i c a t e r e s t o r e d o r c o n j e c t u r e d w o r d s . 58. W e s t , ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i v i v u s ' , 8 - 9 i n f e r s f r o m Plataea f r . 1 4 . 5 - 8 t h e p o e m w a s performed after the f o r m a t i o n of the A t h e n i a n empire and prophesied t h a t A r e s w o u l d drive the Persians f r o m A s i a ; see also F l o w e r , ' F r o m S i m o n i d e s t o Isocrates', 66-9. I find t h i s doubtful. 59. L l o y d - J o n e s , ' N o t e s o n t h e N e w S i m o n i d e s ' , 1 ; S h a w , ' L o r d s o f H e l l a s , Old M e n o f t h e Sea', 1 8 0 - 1 connect A c h i l l e s a n d P a u s a n i a s . A l o n i , ' T h e P r o e m of S i m o n i d e s ' P l a t a e a Elegy', 9 8 a n d Boedeker, 'Paths t o H e r o i z a t i o n a t Plataea', 157-8 argue t h a t Achilles figures the collective dead. 60. A l o n i , ' T h e P r o e m o f S i m o n i d e s ' P l a t a e a E l e g y ' , 9 3 - 1 0 5 ; B o e d e k e r , ' P a t h s to H e r o i z a t i o n a t Plataea'. See also S i m o n i d e s ' song for t h e d e a d a t T h e r m o p y l a e ( f r . 5 3 1 PMG). 61. S e e B o e d e k e r , ' H e r o i c H i s t o r i o g r a p h y ' , 1 2 4 - 7 . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 58-66 views the theme as a Greek inversion of Persian propaganda, vengeance for t h e sack o f T r o y . 62. S e e B o e d e k e r , ' P r o t e s i l a u s a n d t h e E n d o f H e r o d o t u s ' Histories'; M o l e s , 'Herodotus W a r n s the Athenians'; Dewald, ' W a n t o n Kings, Pickled Heroes, and Gnomic Founding Fathers'; Desmond, 'Punishments a n dt h e Conclusion o f H e r o d o t u s ' Histories'; F l o w e r / M a r i n c o l a , Histories IX, 3 0 9 . 63. P e r s i a n b o o t y w a s a s i g n i f i c a n t a d d i t i o n t o A t h e n s ' w e a l t h a n d a n i m p e t u s t o a n e w l e v e l o f m a t e r i a l c u l t u r e . S e e M i l l e r , Athens and Persia, 3 2 - 6 2 . 64. F o r n a r a 6 1 , c o l l e c t s t h e s o u r c e s . S e e L a n g , ' S c a p e g o a t P a u s a n i a s ' ; Evans, 'The M e d i s m of Pausanias'. 65. S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 8 5 2 - 7 6 ; Mossé, Alexander, 6 6 - 7 2 . 66. A v e r s i o n : A r c h i l o c h u s f r . 1 9 ( W e s t ) ; d e s i r e / i m i t a t i o n : H y b r i a s f r . 9 0 9 (PMG). S e e M c G l e w , Tyranny and Political Culture, 1 4 - 5 1 ; W o h l , Love among the Ruins, 2 1 5 - 6 9 . 67. Badián, ' T h u c y d i d e s a n d t h e O u t b r e a k ' , 1 3 0 ; cf. F o r n a r a , ' S o m e A s p e c t s ' , 2 6 6 . F o r t h e a s s e s s m e n t o f t r i b u t e , s e e T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 6 . 1 ; P l u t a r c h Life of

167

Notes to pages 30-35 Aristides 2 4 . 3 ; cf. D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 4 7 . 1 ; ATL 3 . 2 3 4 - 4 3 ; M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 5 0 - 6 7 . F o r P e r s i a n t r i b u t e , see H e r o d o t u s 3 . 9 0 . 1 ; 6 . 4 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 3 8 8 - 4 2 1 . 68. E h r e n b e r g , From Solon to Socrates, 1 1 5 ; R o b e r t s o n ' T r u e N a t u r e ' , 6 4 - 9 . S e e R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, e s p . 1 3 7 - 4 6 f o r a d i f f e r e n t v i e w . B r u n t , 'The Hellenic League', 158 describes the tribute as 'an a d m i n i s t r a t i v e amendm e n t ' . I c o n s i d e r t h i s v i e w a n a c h r o n i s t i c . P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 2 4 . 1 c l a i m s t h a t the alliance against Xerxes levied payments from its members, but i t is more likely that each ally was self-supporting. 69. V a n W e e s , Status Warriors, 1 8 3 - 9 0 . S e e H o m e r Iliad 3 . 2 8 1 - 9 1 , 4 5 6 - 6 0 ; cf. 7 . 3 6 1 - 4 . S e e f u r t h e r , X e n o p h o n Anabasis 3 . 2 . 2 8 ; Education of Cyrus 7 . 5 . 7 2 - 3 . 70. R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, 1 7 6 - 7 d a t e s i t t h e P e l o p o n n e s i a n W a r . 71. F o r n a r a / S a m o n s , Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles, 1 0 9 . 72. S e e ATL 3 . 1 8 5 . C a w k w e l l , ' F a l l o f T h e m i s t o c l e s ' , 4 1 s e e s s u c h e x t o r t i o n as ' n a t u r a l ' . 73. T i m o c r e o n f r . 7 2 7 (PMG). ATL 3 . 1 8 5 i n t e r p r e t i t a s a c o m m u n a l p e n a l t y . Timocreon represents it as a private payment to repatriate h i m . 74. R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e ' , 7 4 m a k e s t h e l e a g u e e x c l u s i v e l y p u n i t i v e ; t h i s was one i m p o r t a n t dimension of it. Sealey, 'The Origin', likewise reduces the league to a single function, piratical raids. 75. T h e P e r s i a n s c o n s i d e r e d A p o l l o t h e q u i n t e s s e n t i a l G r e e k g o d ( M L 2 1 2 = F o r n a r a 3 5 ) ; s e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 4 9 1 - 3 . F o r p o s s i b l e r e f l e c t i o n s o f D e l i a n Apollo i n A t h e n i a n vase-painting of the period, see Shapiro, 'Athena, Apollo, and Religious Propaganda'. 76. O s b o r n e , ' A r c h a e o l o g y a n d t h e A t h e n i a n E m p i r e ' , 3 2 4 . 77. S e e P r i t c h e t t , ' T h e T r a n s f e r o f t h e D e l i a n T r e a s u r y ' . 78. C f . R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e ' , 7 1 - 3 . 79. R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e , C o n t i n u e d ' , 1 1 9 - 2 0 . M o s t s c h o l a r s a c c e p t a d e m o c r a t i c l e a g u e . M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 4 6 - 9 s u m m a r i z e s t h e c o n s e n s u s ; cf. R h o d e s , Athenian Empire, 6 - 7 . 80. S c h o l i u m t o A e s c h i n e s On the False Embassy 2 . 3 1 = F o r n a r a 6 2 . B a d i a n , ' T o w a r d s a Chronology', 81-6 accepts t h e t e s t i m o n y . Thucydides, w h o k n e w t h e region well, omits this attempt a t colonization (4.102). 81. FGE X L . A e s c h i n e s Against Ctesiphon 3 . 1 8 4 - 5 a n d P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 7 . 4 - 5 q u o t e t h e m i n a d i f f e r e n t o r d e r . 82. P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 5 . 4 . T h e d a t e i s c e r t a i n ; t h e p l a y i s n o t . 83. L l o y d - J o n e s , ' P r o b l e m s ' , 2 4 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e Persians w a s b a s e d o n a p l a y p e r f o r m e d w i t h t h e Phoenician Women. T h e S u d a s.v. P h r y n i c h u s n a m e s t h e s e p l a y s Just Men o r Persians o r Throne Partners. 84. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 1 0 5 . 2 ; X e n o p h o n Education of Cyrus 7 . 5 . 5 8 - 6 5 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 7 0 - 7 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 1 5 7 - 9 ; H o r n b l o w e r , ' P a n i o n i o s ' , esp. 5 0 - 7 . 85. C f . H a l l , ' A s i a U n m a n n e d ' , 1 1 5 - 1 6 . 86. T h i s i s s u p p o s e d l y b a s e d o n P h r y n i c h u s TrGF 1 F l O a . S e e S t o s s l , 'Aeschylus as a Political T h i n k e r ' , 116. 87. F o r r e s t , ' T h e m i s t o c l e s a n d A r g o s ' , 2 3 5 - 7 ; P o d l e c k i , Political Background, 1 4 - 1 5 . 88. S e e L e n a r d o n , ' C h r o n o l o g y ' ; P o d l e c k i , Themistocles 1 9 7 - 8 . 89. N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 1 7 6 - 7 ; B o e d e k e r , ' H e r o C u l t ' . 90. P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 8 . 5 - 6 ; Life of Theseus 3 6 . 2 - 3 ; P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 1 7 . 6 ; P o d l e c k i , ' C i m o n , S k y r o s a n d " T h e s e u s ' B o n e s " '. 91. P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 1 7 . 2 - 3 ; cf. P l u t a r c h Life of Theseus 3 6 . 1 .

168

Notes to pages 35-43 92. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 6 9 . 93. S h a p i r o , ' T h e s e u s i n K i m o n i a n A t h e n s ' , 3 3 - 9 . 94. R o b e r t s o n , ' T r u e N a t u r e , C o n t i n u e d ' , 1 1 0 . 95. F o r t h e c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e p e r i o d 4 7 8 - 4 3 5 , see U n z , ' C h r o n o l o g y ' ; B a d i a n , 'Towards a Chronology'. 96. T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 0 0 . 1 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Cimon 1 2 - 1 3 ; cf. D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 6 0 . 3 ¬ 6 2 ; M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 7 3 - 8 4 . 97. S e e H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 6 2 - 9 . 98. S e e E u b e n , ' T h e B a t t l e o f S a l a m i s a n d t h e O r i g i n s o f P o l i t i c a l T h e o r y ' , 363-8; H a l l , 12. 99. F o r a d i f f e r e n t v i e w , see v a n W e e s , ' P o l i t i c s a n d t h e B a t t l e f i e l d ' , 1 5 7 - 6 1 . 100. F o r t h e s e c r i t e r i a , see F i n l e y , ' E m p i r e i n t h e G r e c o - R o m a n W o r l d ' , 1-8. 101. F o r t h e m e t h o d s o f t h e A t h e n i a n e m p i r e , s e e M e i g g s , Athenian Empire 2 0 5 - 3 3 9 ; R a a f l a u b , Discovery of Freedom, 1 1 8 - 6 5 . F i n l e y , ' T h e A t h e n i a n E m p i r e ' , 42-3 argues convincingly against a discrete change f r o m h e g e m o n y to e m p i r e . 2. Fear 1. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' A W o r d i n Persae. 2. S e e A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 7 6 - 7 . 3. F o r hybris a s v a u n t i n g a n d c o n f i d e n t m i l i t a r i s m , see e.g. A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes 3 9 7 - 4 0 7 . 4. S a i d , ' T r a g e d i e e t R e n v e r s e m e n t ' , 3 2 9 . F o r t h e Persians' d e b t t o H o m e r , see S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 2 6 0 - 9 . 5. D a r i u s , B e h i s t u n 1.6 = K e n t 1 1 9 = B r o s i u s 4 4 . 6 , l i s t s 2 3 l a n d s a n d p e o p l e s u p o n his accession. Later, h e lists 30 (Naqs-i R u s t a m A . 3 = K e n t 138 a n d Susa E = Brosius 46.3). X e r x e s lists 3 1 (Persepolis H.3 = K e n t 151 = Brosius 191.3). S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 7 2 - 8 3 . H e r o d o t u s 3 . 8 9 - 9 4 l i s t s 2 0 t r i b u t e - b e a r i n g provinces a n d some 65 peoples. 6. X e n o p h a n e s Elegies f r . 3 ( W e s t ) ; H e r o d o t u s 1 . 9 4 . 1 ; cf. 1 . 1 5 5 . 2 - 4 ; K u r k e , Coins, Bodies, Games, and Gold, 1 6 5 - 7 1 . 7. T h a t t h e M y s i a n s f o u g h t w i t h t h e T r o j a n s ( H o m e r Iliad 2 . 8 5 8 - 6 1 ) m a y h a v e i n f l u e n c e d t h e i r i n c l u s i o n . T h e f i n a l l a m e n t o f t h e Persians i s M y s i a n (1054). 8. H e c a t a e u s c o u l d b e A e s c h y l u s ' s o u r c e f o r P e r s i a n t r i b u t e s ( H e r o d o t u s 5 . 3 6 . 2 ; c f . 5 . 4 9 ) , t h o u g h H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 7 4 - 6 c o g e n t l y a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians' d e b t t o H e c a t a e u s i s s m a l l . 9. S e e K o n s t a n , ' P e r s i a n s , G r e e k s , a n d E m p i r e ' . 10. F o r t h e n a m e s i n t h e p l a y , s e e S i d g w i c k , 6 6 - 8 ; B r o a d h e a d , 3 1 8 - 2 1 ; L a t t i m o r e , ' A e s c h y l u s o n t h e D e f e a t o f X e r x e s ' , 8 4 - 8 ; S c h m i d t , Iranier-Namen; B a l c e r , Prosopographical Study. 11. X e r x e s m a r r i e d A m e s t r i s , d a u g h t e r o f O t a n e s . H e h a d a t l e a s t o n e marriageable son w i t h her i n 479, D a r i u s (Herodotus 9.108), and m a n y sons w i t h o t h e r w o m e n (8.103; 7.39.1). A t the t i m e o f his accession, X e r x e s h a d a n infant daughter n a m e d R a t a s a h (Brosius 162). 12. S e e H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 2 - 3 . 13. Hybris t u r n s t o ate w h e n i t s d i s a s t r o u s c o n s e q u e n c e s b e c o m e a p p a r e n t . S e e H o m e r Iliad 1 . 2 0 2 - 1 4 , 4 0 7 - 1 2 ; 9 . 1 6 - 2 8 ; N e u b u r g , Ate R e c o n s i d e r e d ' , 5 0 2 ; see a l s o P a d e l , Whom Gods Destroy, 1 6 7 - 2 0 2 , 2 4 9 - 5 9 . 14. F o r T y p h o , see H e s i o d Theogony 8 2 0 - 8 0 ; [ A e s c h y l u s ] Prometheus Bound 3 5 1 - 7 2 ; M o r e a u , Eschyle: la violence et la chaos, 1 4 8 - 5 0 c o m p a r e s X e r x e s a n d Typho.

169

Notes to pages 43-48 15. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 4 4 1 - 4 ; F o n t e n r o s e , The Delphic Oracle, 1 2 4 - 8 believes t h a t Aeschylus influenced Herodotus (128 n . 9). 16.1 f o l l o w Müller i n p l a c i n g 9 3 - 1 0 1 a f t e r 1 1 3 . T h e s e l i n e s f i t b e s t a f t e r t h e statement o f Xerxes' deviation; see Broadhead, 53-5. T h e translators Benardete, S m y t h , and Lembke/Herington transpose the lines. F o r arguments a g a i n s t t r a n s p o s i t i o n , see G r o e n e b o o m , 3 0 - 1 ; H a l l , 1 1 5 - 1 6 , w h o d o e s n o t t r a n s p o s e . N o r d o e s P o d l e c k i , Persians. 17. S c o t t , ' T h e M e s o d e ' , a r g u e s t h a t t h e G r e e k s a r e t h e s u b j e c t o f t h i s r e f l e c t i o n ; s e e a l s o S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 6 - 7 ; G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 49, 183-4 n . 5. 18. M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 8 - 9 . G a r v i e , ' A e s c h y l u s ' S i m p l e P l o t s ' , 6 7 - 7 0 downplays 'the m o r a l lesson' of the play, c l a i m i n g t h a t Aeschylus could have developed i t i n the parodos (67). 19. S e e H o l t s m a r k , ' R i n g C o m p o s i t i o n ' , 1 1 - 1 2 ; M i l l e r Tngenium a n d Ars' 78-81; W i l s o n , 'Territoriality', 53-7 f o rt h e contrast between n a t u r a l a n d learned activity a t 102-13. 20. S e e R o s e n b l o o m , ' M y t h , H i s t o r y , H e g e m o n y ' , 9 3 - 8 . 21. R i n g c o m p o s i t i o n i s t h e b a s i c s t r u c t u r a l e l e m e n t o f t h e Persians. S e e Holtsmark, 'Ring Composition'. 22. S e e H e r o d o t u s 3 . 6 6 . 1 ; 8 . 9 9 . 2 , w h e r e P e r s i a n s r e n d t h e i r chitönes a f t e r X e r x e s ' d e f e a t ; cf. S a p p h o f r . 1 4 0 a ( L o b e l / P a g e ) . 23. F o r l i n e n c o r s e l e t s , see P a g e , Sappho andAlcaeus, 2 1 5 - 1 6 ; f o r t h e I o n i a n t u n i c , see H e r o d o t u s 5 . 8 8 . 1 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 6 . 3 ; B a c o n , Barbarians, 2 6 - 3 1 . 24. M o r r i s o n e t a l . , Athenian Trireme, 1 6 9 - 7 1 . A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 1 3 4 c a l l s a t r i r e m e ' a l i n e n - s t i t c h e d h o u s e ' . T i m o t h e u s Persians 1 5 c a l l s t h e h u l l o f a trireme 'linen-bound flanks'. 25. F o r t h e i m a g e o f t h e y o k e , s e e F o w l e r , ' A e s c h y l u s I m a g e r y ' , 3 - 6 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition 8 1 - 7 . 26. F o r t h e Persians a s a p l a y a b o u t hybris, s e e J o n e s , On Aristotle and Greek Tragedy, 7 2 ; K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 6 . 27. C f . T h u c y d i d e s 6 . 3 0 - 1 , w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o A t h e n s ' i n v a s i o n o f S i c i l y i n 4 1 5 . 28. S e e H a l l , 1 1 8 - 1 9 . S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 1 0 9 - 1 4 d i s c u s s e s physical and ideological l i n k s between council houses and tombs of ancestral h e r o e s . H a r m o n , ' T h e S c e n e o f t h e Persians' s e t s t h e p l a y a t t h e c i t y - g a t e s o f Susa, w h e r e eastern cities held councils a n d b u r i e d t h e i r dead. B u t the play n e v e r m e n t i o n s c i t y - g a t e s ; a n d t h e Persians d o e s n o t d e m a n d t h i s k i n d o f accuracy; the play locates D a r i u s ' t o m b i n Susa, w h e n i n fact h e w a s b u r i e d n e a r P e r s e p o l i s . F o r m o r e o n D a r i u s ' t o m b , see C h a p t e r 4 . 29. D a l e , ' I n t e r i o r S c e n e s ' , 2 6 0 - 2 s e e s t h e skene a n d t h e t o m b a s t h e s a m e s t r u c t u r e . C f . H a r m o n , ' T h e S c e n e o f t h e Persians', 9 . A r n o t t , Greek Scenic Conventions, 5 8 a r g u e s t h a t t h e c o u n c i l h o u s e a n d t h e t o m b c a n n o t b e i d e n t i c a l b e c a u s e stegos i s t o o v a g u e a t e r m a n d t h e t o m b i s n o t m e n t i o n e d u n t i l t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e p l a y . A s T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 0 6 n o t e s , h o w e v e r , t h e p l a y avoids prior preparation for the ghost-raising: it isa surprise. 30. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Theatre of Dionysus, 3 5 . 31. P r i c k a r d , 5 3 a n d M u r r a y , Aeschylus, 5 5 i d e n t i f y t h e skene w i t h t h e r o y a l palace. 32. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 4 5 3 - 4 t h i n k s t h e s c e n e c h a n g e s f r o m a n i m a g i n e d council chamber t o D a r i u s ' t o m b after the first stasimon. S e e also Belloni, 105-6. 33. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 ; T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 4 5 2 - 9 ; B e l l o n i , 1 0 5 - 6 ; H a m m o n d , ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 1 1 - 1 2 ; W e s t , Studies, 4 8 . H a m -

170

Notes to pages 48-52 mond, 'Conditions o fD r a m a t i c Production', 425-7 t h i n k s that a r u d i m e n t a r y skene, a c o v e r e d s t a l l o p e n a t t h e f r o n t a n d s i d e s , r e p r e s e n t e d t h e c o u n c i l h o u s e . T h e b e l i e f t h a t a skene w a s n o t u s e d r e s t s u p o n a n i n s u f f i c i e n t s a m p l i n g o f p l a y s . 34.1 a g r e e w i t h W i l a m o w i t z , Aischylos Interpretationen, 4 3 a n d B r o a d h e a d , xlv. 35. W i l a m o w i t z , Aischylos Interpretationen, 4 8 - 5 1 s e t s t h e a c t i o n a t t h e council-chamber, t h e n a t Darius' tomb, and finally o n a country road. C f . Broadhead, xlvi. 36. K i t t o , Greek Drama, 3 7 ; B r o a d h e a d , x l v . 37. S e e C o n n o r , ' L a n d W a r f a r e a s S y m b o l i c E x p r e s s i o n ' , 2 6 . 38. D a r i u s r e p r e s e n t e d h i s p o w e r i n t e r m s o f t h e s p e a r : N a q s - i R u s t a m A . 4 = Brosius 48.4; Naqs-i R u s t a m B . 8 h = Brosius 103.9. 39. S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 7 - 8 s u g g e s t s t h a t a c t o r s ' e n t r a n c e s i n t e r r u p t t h e epodes o f the chorus' h y m n (673-80) a n d the second s t a s i m o n (898-907). 40. H o m e r Odyssey 3 . 1 3 7 - 4 0 ; 8 . 4 8 7 - 9 1 ; 2 0 . 1 7 8 - 8 2 . 41. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 7 0 - 1 p r e f e r s 1 5 5 . 42. X e n o p h o n Anabasis 3 . 2 . 1 3 . H e r o d o t u s s a y s t h a t e q u a l s k i s s e d o n t h e lips, near equals kissed o n the cheek, a n d the 'far m o r e ignoble' p e r f o r m e d proskynesis b e f o r e t h e i r s u p e r i o r s ( 1 . 1 3 4 . 1 ) . S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 2 2 - 3 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian 9 6 - 7 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 7 - 8 ; Couch, 'Proskynesis'. 43. H e r o d o t u s 7 . 5 6 . 2 , 2 0 3 . 2 d e n y X e r x e s ' d i v i n i t y ; G o r g i a s f r . 5 a ( D - K ) : 'Xerxes i s Zeus o f the Persians'; Gow, 'Notes', 134-6. 44. F o r d i f f e r i n g v i e w s o f t h i s m e t r e i n t h e p l a y , s e e D r e w - B e a r , ' T r o c h a i c T e t r a m e t e r ' , 3 8 5 - 9 3 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition 4 1 - 6 4 . 45. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 3 s e e s t h i s a s t h e Q u e e n ' s ' d a r k s i d e ' , b u t i t typifies the female perspective i n G r e e k thought. Cf. Sancisi-Weerdenburg, 'Exist Atossa', 24: 'there i s really n o t h i n g P e r s i a n i n her behaviour'. 46. S e e B r o a d h e a d , 2 6 0 - 3 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 8 8 - 9 2 ; H a l l , 1 2 2 - 3 . M y i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s closest t o F o w l e r , 'Aeschylus' I m a g e r y ' , 8 a n d G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 1 8 0 - 1 n . 3 5 . 47. S a n s o n e 'Persae 1 6 3 ' , 1 1 5 - 1 6 r e l a t e s t h e i m a g e t o w r e s t l i n g , a n d l i k e B e l l o n i , 1 1 1 , a r g u e s t h a t t h e d u s t a r i s e s f r o m a f a l l . I t h i n k t h a t Ploutos c h u r n s u p t h e d u s t i n i t s a g g r e s s i o n a n d olbos i s s u b v e r t e d b y i t s d e f e a t . 48. G r o e n e b o o m , 4 6 - 7 ; T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 7 6 - 7 . 49. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 1 8 0 : T s e e d u s t , t h e v o i c e l e s s m e s s e n g e r o f a n a r m y ' ; Seven against Thebes 7 8 - 8 2 . 50. P a i r e d a t Iliad 1 6 . 5 9 4 - 6 ; 2 4 . 5 3 4 - 4 2 ; Odyssey 1 4 . 2 0 4 - 6 . F o r t h e m e a n i n g o f olbos a n d olbios ( ' b l e s s e d ' , ' p r o s p e r o u s ' ) i n H o m e r , s e e Odyssey 4 . 2 0 4 - 1 1 ; 7.146-50; 24.36-94. 51. S e e T h e o g n i s Elegies 3 7 3 - 8 2 ( W e s t ) , w h i c h b e r a t e s Z e u s f o r a l l o w i n g h y b r i s t i c a n d u n j u s t m e n olbos w h i l e g o o d a n d j u s t m e n a r e p o o r . 52. H e s i o d Theogony 9 6 8 - 7 4 ; H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 9 ; H o m e r i c Hymn to Gaea. S e e f u r t h e r C h a p t e r 5 . 53. S e e I m m e r w a h r , Form and Thought, 1 5 4 - 6 1 ; C h i a s s o n , ' T h e H e r o d o t e a n S o l o n ' ; H a r r i s o n , Divinity and History, 3 1 - 6 3 . 54. Anandros m e a n s w i t h o u t a h u s b a n d ( 2 8 9 ) , w i t h o u t m e n ( 2 9 8 ) , w i t h o u t m a n l i n e s s o r c o u r a g e (cf. anandria, 7 5 5 ) . M o s t t a k e chrematon anandron t o m e a n ' w e a l t h w i t h o u t m e n ' , e.g. M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 8 8 - 9 0 , w h o t r a n s l a t e s ' a m a s s o f u n m a n n e d possessions' (89). Belloni, 112-13 takes i t to m e a n ' w e a l t h w i t h o u t a m a n ' (i.e. X e r x e s ) ; B r o a d h e a d , 262-3, t h i n k s t h e t r a i n o f t h o u g h t i n c l u d e s b o t h . I a g r e e w i t h H a l l , 1 2 2 t h a t plethos m e a n s ' t h e m a s s e s ' , b u t I t a k e

171

Notes to pages 52-57 chrêmatôn anandrôn t o m e a n ' w e a l t h w i t h o u t m a n l i n e s s ' , t h a t i s , ' n o t d e r i v e d f r o m conquest'. G r o e n e b o o m , 47-8 notes t h a t t h e Q u e e n relates a m a n ' s 'excell e n c e ' (arete) t o w e a l t h . 55. C f . T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , e s p . 2 7 6 . 56. F o r ' e y e ' a s t h e s o u r c e f r o m w h i c h g r a p e s g r o w , see A l c m a n f r . 9 3 (PMG); I o n o f C h i o s Elegies f r . 2 6 ( W e s t ) . X e n o p h o n Oeconomicus 1 9 . 1 0 u s e s ' e y e s ' o f t h e s h o o t s o f f r u i t t r e e s . S e e S o p h o c l e s Electra 4 1 7 - 2 3 f o r a n i m a g e i n v o l v i n g a cognate idea. 57. F o r t h e ' e y e o f t h e h o u s e ' a s t h e m a l e h e i r , s e e A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 9 3 4 . H a l l , 1 2 2 i n t e r p r e t s ' e y e o f t h e h o u s e ' a s t h e m a s t e r ' s p r e s e n c e w h i c h e n s u r e s t h e p r o p e r u s e o f w e a l t h . X e n o p h o n Oeconomicus 1 2 . 1 9 - 2 0 relates t h i s concept t o t h e P e r s i a n k i n g . B e l l o n i , 112 sees t h e Queen's double fear as embracing w e a l t h i n the absence o f a m a s t e r a n d the inability t o generate power f r o m t h a t w e a l t h . B u t the idea u n d e r l y i n g the Queen's fear is t h a t X e r x e s i s i r r e p l a c e a b l e a s despotes: n e i t h e r t h e Q u e e n a n d D a r i u s n o r X e r x e s has a son to succeed h i m . 58. H e r o d o t u s d e p i c t s X e r x e s ' b i r t h f r o m A t o s s a , d a u g h t e r o f C y r u s , a s decisive for his accession (7.3.4). A e s c h y l u s calls h e r 'Queen', never s t a t i n g h e r name or parentage. 59. F o r t h e s e m e t a p h o r s , see A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 8 0 7 - 1 1 ; cf. 1 3 0 - 1 , 859-65, 961-4. 60. S e e M o r e a u , ' L ' o e i l maléfique'. 61. A e s c h y l u s Suppliants 7 1 3 - 1 8 ; M o r r i s o n e t a l . , Athenian Trireme, 1 4 8 - 9 n. 22. 62. B e l l o n i , 1 1 5 ; S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g , lYaunâ\ 63. 1 8 7 , 2 5 5 , 3 3 7 , 3 9 1 , 4 2 3 , 4 3 4 , 4 7 5 , 8 4 4 . F o r t h i s l o a n w o r d m e a n i n g ' m u m b l e ' o r ' s t a m m e r ' , s e e H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 3 - 1 9 . 64. S e e C a r t l e d g e , The Greeks, 4 5 - 6 . 65. S e e H a l l , 1 2 3 f o r a d i f f e r e n t v i e w . 66. B a c c h y l i d e s Dithyramb 1 8 . 2 f o r ' d e l i c a t e l y l i v i n g I o n i a n s ' . S e e f u r t h e r X e n o p h a n e s Elegies f r . 3 ( W e s t ) ; A n t i p h a n e s Woman of Dodona f r . 9 1 ( K - A ) ; Alty, 'Dorians and Ionians', 7-11. 67. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 6 5 . 4 - 5 ; cf. 7 . 1 0 , 1 9 , 3 7 . 2 , 4 6 . 1 , 1 0 1 - 3 , 2 0 9 . 2 ; 9 . 4 2 . 68. G o w , ' N o t e s ' , 1 3 7 . 69. S e e B r o a d h e a d , 7 8 ; M o r e a u , ' L e s o n g e ' , 4 0 - 1 . M e i e r , Political Art, 7 5 t h i n k s t h e y figure Greece a n d a l l b a r b a r i a n lands. B u t w h y are t h e y 'sisters o f t h e s a m e r a c e ' ? P r i c k a r d , 5 8 a n d S m y t h , Aeschylean Tragedy, 6 5 t a k e t h e m a s personifications of m a i n l a n d and eastern Greeks. 70. H e r o d o t u s 7 . 6 1 , 1 5 0 . 2 - 3 , 2 2 0 . 4 ; c f . 6 . 5 3 . 4 ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 66-71. 71. S o m m e r s t e i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 7 6 - 7 ; M o r e a u , ' L a tétralogie', 1 3 3 . 72. P s y c h o a n a l y t i c i n t e r p r e t e r s o f t h e d r e a m , C a l d w e l l , ' T h e P a t t e r n o f A e s c h y l e a n D r a m a ' , 7 8 - 8 3 a n d D e v e r e u x , Dreams in Greek Tragedy, 1-23 r e a d i t t o m e a n t h a t X e r x e s w a n t s t o 'possess' h i s m o t h e r a n d t h a t t h i s i s h e r a m b i v a l e n t desire too. 73. S e e S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g , ' E x i t A t o s s a ' , 2 7 - 3 0 . 74. B u r n e d ; A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 8 8 - 9 6 ; A r i s t o p h a n e s Wealth 6 6 1 . P o u r e d : A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 9 2 . 75. G o w , ' N o t e s ' , 1 3 8 - 4 0 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 4 6 - 7 n . 5 0 . 76. S e e M i k a l s o n , Herodotus and Religion, 1 1 4 - 2 5 . M o r e a u , ' L e s o n g e ' , 3 9 , 46-7 suggests t h a t A p o l l o appears as the god o f prophecy a n d a s t h e god w h o s e t e m p l e a t D e l p h i the Persians sought i n v a i n to pillage (Herodotus 8.35-9).

172

Notes to pages 57-67 77. A e l i o n , ' S o n g e s e t prophéties', 1 3 6 - 7 . 78. S e e K n o x , ' " S o M i s c h i e v o u s a B e a s t e " '. 79. T h e magi w e r e a M e d i a n t r i b e w h i c h f u n c t i o n e d a s r i t u a l e x p e r t s i n P e r s i a ( H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 0 1 ) . S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 4 5 - 6 . 80. G r o e n e b o o m , 6 3 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 9 7 - 9 r e l a t e s i t t o t h e r o y a l hunt. 81. T h e i m a g e w a s t r a d i t i o n a l i n t h e N e a r E a s t . S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 3 0 - 2 , 2 9 7 - 3 0 0 ; ' D a r i u s s e a l ' = B r o s i u s 4 3 . 82. H e r o d o t u s b a l a n c e s A t h e n i a n a n d S p a r t a n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e v i c t o r y . S e e H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 6 1 - 2 . 83. C f . G o l d h i l l , ' B a t t l e N a r r a t i v e ' , 1 9 0 - 1 . 84. S e e K a n t z i o s , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f F e a r ' , 1 4 - 1 5 . 85. H a l l , 1 2 8 c o n s i d e r s t h e m e s s e n g e r ' s h a s t e ' a j i b e ... a t t h e s p e e d w i t h w h i c h t h e P e r s i a n s fled f r o m Greece'. 3.

Pathos

1. S e e A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 7 3 - 8 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 7 4 - 5 . 2. T h e q u o t e d p h r a s e i s f r o m H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 1 5 , w h o f i n d s pleasure i n the slaughter a n essential part of the play's P e r s i a n perspective. B y c o n t r a s t , S o m m e r s t e i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 8 2 t h i n k s t h a t A e s c h y l u s r e m i n d s the audience of 'their o w n atrocities'. 3. S e e G r o e n e b o o m , 6 7 ; T u r n e r , Athenian Books, 9 - 1 0 . 4. C l a i r m o n t , Patrios Nomos, 1 . 7 - 1 5 d a t e s t h e o r i g i n o f t h e p r a c t i c e t o t h e l a t e 4 7 0 s . F o r t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t t h e s e n a m e s w e r e r e a d a l o u d , see E b b o t t , ' L i s t of the W a r Dead', 93-4. 5. S e e B a r r e t t , ' N a r r a t i v e a n d M e s s e n g e r ' , 5 5 0 - 4 f o r t h e H o m e r i c e c h o e s o f this line. 6. S e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 8 5 - 7 . 7. C f . S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 1 6 - 1 7 . 8. S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 3 3 9 n . 3 1 . F o r t h e P e r s i a n s ' c l o a k s , s e e F l i n t o f f , Persians 2 7 7 ' . 9. M o r e a u , ' L a tétralogie', 1 3 3 , f o r i n s t a n c e , f i n d s a n a b s e n c e o f h a t r e d i n the play. 10. C f . E u b e n , ' B a t t l e o f S a l a m i s ' , 3 6 5 . 11. A s i x t h , A m i s t r i s ( 3 2 0 ) , m a y b e i d e n t i c a l t o A m i s t r e s ( 2 1 ) . 12. H e r o d o t u s c l a i m s t h a t t h e y f o u g h t a t P l a t a e a ( 8 . 1 1 3 . 2 - 3 ; 9 . 3 1 . 3 ) . S e e Lattimore, 'Aeschylus o n the Defeat of Xerxes', 87. 13. S e e H e r o d o t u s 9 . 1 2 2 . 3 ; T h o m a s , Herodotus, 1 0 3 - 1 4 ; W o h l , Love among the Ruins, 1 7 4 - 8 8 . 14.1 a g r e e w i t h B r o a d h e a d , 1 1 5 ; M o r r i s o n e t a l . , Athenian Trireme, 5 6 - 7 o n t h e n u m b e r s 1,000 a n d 300. O t h e r s add t h e fast t r i r e m e s t o t h e rest t o a r r i v e a t 1 , 2 0 7 a n d 3 1 0 r e s p e c t i v e l y , e.g. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 3 4 5 - 5 0 ; L a z e n b y , Defence of Greece, 112-A. 15. S e e e.g. H o m e r Iliad 2 2 . 2 0 9 - 1 3 . F o w l e r , ' A e s c h y l u s ' I m a g e r y ' , 7 c o n n e c t s t h e scale w i t h t h e play's y o k e i m a g e r y . T h e b e a m o f a balance is called a 'yoke'. 16. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persae, 2 - 3 c o n s i d e r s i t t o o ' p a r o c h i a l ' ; Hall, 'Asia Unmanned', 129-30 t h i n k s that attributing salvation t o a female goddess w o u l d u n d e r m i n e t h e p o l a r i t y b e t w e e n G r e e k (male) a n d P e r s i a n (female). T h e 'Themistocles Decree' e n t r u s t s the evacuated city 'to A t h e n a w h o g u a r d s A t h e n s a n d t o a l l t h e o t h e r gods' ( M L 2 23.4-6 = F o r n a r a 55.4-6). 17. S e e f u r t h e r , E u r i p i d e s Trojan Women 2 5 - 7 .

173

Notes to pages 67-73 18. F o r t h i s p r o v e r b , see A l c a e u s f r r . 1 1 2 . 1 0 , 4 2 6 ( L o b e l / P a g e ) . C f . S o p h o c l e s Oedipus Tyrannus 5 6 - 7 ; T h u c y d i d e s 7 . 7 7 . 7 . 19. S e e D e t i e n n e / V e r n a n t , Cunning Intelligence, e s p . 1 1 - 2 6 . 20. H e r o d o t u s 1 . 3 2 ; 3 . 4 0 . 2 ; 4 . 2 0 5 ; X e r x e s : 7 . 1 0 e , 4 6 . 4 ; 8 . 1 0 9 . 3 ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 4 5 9 - 7 4 , 1 3 3 1 - 4 2 ; M i k a l s o n , Herodotus and Religion, 1 5 0 - 2 ; Shapiro, 'Herodotus and Solon', 350-5. 21. I n H e r o d o t u s , X e r x e s o r d e r s h i s P h o e n i c i a n g e n e r a l s d e c a p i t a t e d a f t e r they complain about I o n i a n betrayal a t S a l a m i s (8.90.1-3). 22. H a l l , 1 3 7 , a d o p t i n g a s u g g e s t i o n o f C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 1 0 0 , a r g u e s t h a t 374-83 refer t o t h e Greek navy. T h e messenger, however, i s n o t a n o m n i s c i e n t n a r r a t o r a n d does n o t k n o w w h a t t h e G r e e k s a r e doing. T h e n o c t u r n a l confidence a n d good order of the Persians as t h e y a w a i t the fleeing Greeks set u p the reversal w h e n the Greeks appear for battle a t daybreak. Herodotus reports t h a t the Persians squandered their energies at their oars a l l n i g h t (8.76), j u s t as i n the messenger's account (382-3). 23. T h u c y d i d e s 4 . 1 2 5 - 6 ; 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 , e s p . 2 9 . 4 . 24. S e e A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes 7 8 - 1 8 0 ; [ A e s c h y l u s ] Prometheus Bound 1 1 4 - 2 7 . 25. X e n o p h o n Anabasis 4 . 3 . 1 9 ( w o m e n s h r i e k ) , 3 1 - 4 ; 5 . 2 . 1 4 . 26. E . g . H e r o d o t u s 8 . 6 4 - 5 , 8 4 . 2 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 3 . 2 - 3 , 1 5 . 1 . 27. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X V I = F o r n a r a 6 0 ; H e r o d o t u s 8 . 7 7 . 2 . 28. F o r t h e ' l i g h t o f f r e e d o m ' , see A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 8 0 7 - 1 1 . B e n v e n i s t e , Indo-European Language and Society, e s p . 2 6 2 - 7 a r g u e s f o r a r a d i c a l c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n ' g r o w t h ' a n d t h e r o o t o f eleutheria, *(e)leudheros. 29. A e s c h y l u s Seven against Thebes, 6 9 - 7 7 , 2 8 7 - 3 6 8 ; cf. S o p h o c l e s Women of Trachis 2 8 2 - 5 . 30. H e r o d o t u s 6 . 4 4 . 3 ; 8 . 8 9 . 1 - 2 , 1 2 9 . 2 ; T h u c y d i d e s 7 . 3 0 . 2 ; H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g ' , 49-56. 31. H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g ' , 6 6 - 7 a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians u s e s ' e l a b o r a t e p e r i p h rases and metaphors' to indicate the barbarians' inability to s w i m . 32. S e e D e t i e n n e / V e r n a n t , Cunning Intelligence, 2 9 6 - 7 . 33. A e s c h y l u s c o n d e n s e s t w o H o m e r i c m o d e l s , Iliad 1 6 . 4 0 1 - 1 0 a n d Odyssey 22.383-9. T h e l a t t e r is especially apt: n o t o n l y does t h e s u n k i l l t h e suitors/fish, b u t t h e s u i t o r s v i o l a t e d O d y s s e u s ' oikos a s t h e P e r s i a n s v i o l a t e d A t h e n s ' polis. 34. F o r t h o r o u g h d i s c u s s i o n s o f P s y t t a l i a , s e e S a i d , ' P o u r q u o i P s y t t a l i e ' ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 7 - 1 0 2 . 35. P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 3 6 . 2 n u m b e r s t h e P e r s i a n d e a d o n P s y t t a l i a a t ' n e a r l y 4 0 0 ' . H i g n e t t , Xerxes'Invasion, 2 3 8 n . 7 r e j e c t s t h i s n u m b e r . 36. P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 9 . 2 s a y s t h a t A r i s t i d e s a n d t h e h o p l i t e s w h o occupied the island performed t h i s f u n c t i o n for the A t h e n i a n s . 37. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 4 r e a d s 4 6 3 a s ' p o e t i c v e n g e a n c e ' f o r A e s c h y lus' brother Cynegirus, w h o died after his a r m was severed by a nax w h i l e h e tried to strip the ensign from a Persian ship a t M a r a t h o n . 38. P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 9 . 1 - 2 c l a i m s t h a t s o m e ' d i s t i n g u i s h e d ' P e r s i a n s w e r e t a k e n alive a n d t h a t three o f Xerxes' nephews w e r e sacrificed to D i o n y s u s ' w h o e a t s r a w flesh'. S e e a l s o P l u t a r c h Life of Themistocles 1 3 . 2 - 3 . 39. M a c D o w e l l , 'Hybris i n A t h e n s ' , 1 6 - 1 7 ; C a i r n s , 'Hybrid 7 - 8 . 40. S e e a l s o P l u t a r c h Life of Aristides 9 . 1 - 2 . 41. F o r n a r a , ' H o p l i t e A c h i e v e m e n t ' , 5 1 - 4 b a s e s h i s c l a i m t h a t H e r o d o t u s ' v e r s i o n is a fiction o n t h e desire to glorify hoplites, b u t A e s c h y l u s accords e v e n more glory t o hoplites/light-armed troops t h a n Herodotus. See v a n Wees, 'Politics a n d t h e B a t t l e f i e l d ' , 174 n . 16.

174

Notes to pages 73-80 42. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 4 . F o r P a n , s e e B o u r g e a u d , Cult of Pan, 1 3 3 - 6 2 . P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 3 6 . 2 d e s c r i b e s r o u g h l y c a r v e d s t a t ues o f P a n o n the island. 43. S e e S a l a n i t r o , ' I I p e n s i e r o p o l i t i c o d i E s c h i l o n e i P e r s i a n i ' . S a i d , ' P o u r ¬ q u o i P s y t t a l i e ' , 6 5 - 6 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 7 - 8 a r e p r e f e r a b l e . 44. S a i d , ' P o u r q u o i P s y t t a l i e ' , 6 8 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 7 . 45. F o r t r a g e d y ' s s t a n c e t o w a r d n o b i l i t y , s e e G r i f f i t h , ' B r i l l i a n t D y n a s t s ' ; ' K i n g and Eye'. V a n Wees, 'Politics and the Battlefield', 159 takes this as a d i m i n u t i o n o f the sailors' ' m i l i t a r y credit'. 46. S e e T h u c y d i d e s 3 . 9 7 - 8 : D e m o s t h e n e s d o e s n o t r e t u r n t o A t h e n s a f t e r l o s i n g 1 2 0 h o p l i t e s i n b a t t l e - a l l r o u g h l y t h e s a m e age a n d 'the b e s t m e n i n w a r ' . 47. S e e [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 6 . 1 ; R h o d e s , Commentary, 326-7 finds this implausible because of the navy's lower-class base. B u t a l l classes contributed t o the navy, a n d the r i c h w e r e called u p o n t o f u n d a n d c o m m a n d i n d i v i d u a l s h i p s . S e e f u r t h e r , I s o c r a t e s On the Peace 8 . 8 6 - 9 ; R o s e n bloom, 'Empire and its Discontents', 263. 48. S e e O b e r , Mass and Elite, 1 1 - 1 7 . 49. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 9 0 . 4 ; cf. 7 . 2 1 2 . 1 ; 8 . 8 7 - 8 ; D i o d o r u s 1 1 . 1 8 . 3 . 50. S e e B a d i a n , ' H e r o d o t u s o n A l e x a n d e r F . 51. H e r o d o t u s 8 . 3 0 - 2 ; cf. 7 . 2 0 3 . 1 ; 9 . 3 1 . 5 . F o r t h e S e r p e n t C o l u m n , see M L 2 2 7 = F o r n a r a 5 9 ; ATL 3 . 9 5 - 1 1 0 . 52. H a l l , 1 4 4 c o n s i d e r s t h e t h e m e t h e P e r s i a n s ' i n a b i l i t y t o h a n d l e p h y s i c a l h a r d s h i p b e c a u s e o f t h e i r 'soft' l a n d a n d c l i m a t e . 53. L i n c o l n , ' D e a t h b y W a t e r ' , t r i e s t o s h o w t h a t t h i s e p i s o d e c o m b i n e s t h e science a n d e t h n o l o g y o f t h e day to depict t h e P e r s i a n s a s a n i n f e r i o r people t o the Greeks. 54. S e e H o r s f a l l , ' A e s c h y l u s a n d t h e S t r y m o n ' , 5 0 3 - 5 . 55. H e r o d o t u s 6 . 4 4 . 2 - 3 ; 7 . 3 4 - 5 , 4 2 . 2 , 1 8 8 - 9 2 ; 8 . 1 2 - 1 4 , 3 7 - 9 ; cf. 8 . 1 2 9 . 56. S c h o l i u m t o A e s c h i n e s On the False Embassy 2 . 3 1 = F o r n a r a 6 2 . 57. C f . F o w l e r , ' A e s c h y l u s ' I m a g e r y ' , 7 . 58. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 9 2 - 8 r e v i v e s p r e v i o u s s u g g e s t i o n s o f t r a n s p o s i n g 529-31 to after 8 5 1 a n d r e c o m m e n d s e m e n d i n g 529; T h a l m a n n , 'Xerxes' Rags', 261-7 refutes these expedients. 59. C f . D w o r a c k i , ' A t o s s a ' s A b s e n c e ' , 1 0 4 - 5 . 60. H o m e r Iliad 1 3 . 4 8 4 ; 2 4 . 3 4 7 - 8 ; Odyssey 1 0 . 2 7 7 - 9 ; H e s i o d Theogony 9 8 6 ¬ 9 1 ; M i m n e r m u s Elegies f r . 1 ( W e s t ) . 61. T y r t a e u s f r . 1 0 . 1 5 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) ; S o l o n Elegies f r . 2 4 . 6 ( W e s t ) ; E u r i p i d e s Helen 1 2 - 1 3 . 62. E v a n e s c e n c e : M i m n e r m u s Elegies f r r . 2 , 5 . 4 - 5 ( W e s t ) ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 9 8 5 - 8 , 1 0 6 9 - 7 0 , 1 1 2 9 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) . D e a t h i n b a t t l e : H o m e r Iliad 1 6 . 8 5 7 = 2 2 . 3 6 3 ; A n a c r e o n Tetrameters f r . 2 ( W e s t ) ; FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X L V I , X L I X . A r e s , p a r a d o x i c a l l y , i s ' g i v e r o f b l o s s o m i n g hebe ( H o m e r i c Hymn to Ares 9 ) . 63. F o r m a r r i a g e a s t h e m u t u a l e n j o y m e n t o f hebe, see Odyssey 2 3 . 2 0 9 - 1 2 . 64. F o r t h e n e g a t i v e c o n n o t a t i o n s o f habros a n d i t s d e r i v a t i v e s a f t e r t h e P e r s i a n W a r s , see K u r k e , ' P o l i t i c s o f Habrosyne', 9 7 - 1 0 6 . 65. S e e B o r d a u x , ' L e c t u r e d u P r e m i e r S t a s i m o n ' , 7 7 . 66. C f . B o r d a u x , ' L e c t u r e d u P r e m i e r S t a s i m o n ' , 8 0 . S e e f u r t h e r , T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 8 2 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 6 2 - 7 6 . 67. S e e M o m i g l i a n o , ' S e a - P o w e r i n G r e e k T h o u g h t ' . 68. F o r l o s s e s a t E g y p t i n 4 5 4 ( c l o s e r t o 1 0 0 s h i p s ) , s e e R o b i n s o n , ' T h u c y d i d e a n S i e g e s ' ; f o r D r a b e s c u s , see ATL 3 . 1 0 6 - 1 0 ; C y p r u s s e e m s t o b e a f i c t i o n . Sicily is m o r e or less accurate.

175

Notes to pages 81-89 69. S e e P a r k e r , Miasma, 2 2 6 - 7 ; V e r m e u l e , Aspects of Death, e s p . 1 7 9 - 8 8 . 70. B o r d a u x , ' L e c t u r e d u P r e m i e r S t a s i m o n , 7 8 . 4. A Tragedy of Succession 1. S e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 9 9 - 1 0 0 . 2. F o r t h e Q u e e n ' s s e c o n d e n t r a n c e a s a ' m i r r o r s c e n e ' , s e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 9 8 - 1 0 7 . 3. F o r t h e s e o f f e r i n g s , see A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 7 - 8 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 9 ; O g d e n , Greek and Roman Necromancy, 1 6 9 - 7 0 . 4. S u c h k e n n i n g s o f t e n r e f e r t o f o o d . S e e T i m o c l e s Heroes f r . 1 3 ( K - A ) ; W i l k i n s , The Boastful Chef, 2 4 1 - 3 . 5. G r o e n e b o o m , 1 3 3 . A ' p u r e ' c o w h a s n e v e r b e e n y o k e d a n d i s f i t t o d e d i c a t e t o t h e g o d s ( H o m e r Odyssey 3 . 3 8 0 - 4 ) . 6. C f . A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 1 2 7 - 8 . 7. S e e S c h o l i u m B t o Persians 6 1 4 ; R o l l e r , God the Mother, 6 6 - 9 . 8. H a l l , 1 5 1 c o n s i d e r s t h e s e i n g r e d i e n t s t y p i c a l o f A s i a n f e m i n i n i t y a n d f e c u n d i t y ; see a l s o H a l l , ' A s i a U n m a n n e d ' , 1 2 3 - 6 . 9. G a e a : H o m e r i c Hymn to Gaea; D e m e t e r a n d K o r e : H o m e r i c Hymn to Demeter 4 8 0 - 9 ; cf. H e s i o d Theogony 9 6 9 - 7 4 . 10. P e d r i z e t , ' L e Témoignage d ' E s c h y l e ' , 7 4 - 9 , t h o u g h i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t 811-12 refer to ancestral graves. 11. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 0 2 - 9 c o n s i d e r s t h e Q u e e n m a s c u l i n e a n d t h e chorus effeminate. 12. C f . W i l e s , Tragedy in Athens, 9 6 . 13. C f . O g d e n , Greek and Roman Necromancy, 1 6 6 - 7 . 14. H a m m o n d , ' C o n d i t i o n s o f D r a m a t i c P r o d u c t i o n ' , e s p . 4 0 5 - 3 0 ; ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 5-9, 1 6 - 2 2 . 15. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Theatre of Dionysus, 3 5 ; T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 111. 16. A r n o t t , Greek Scenic Conventions, 5 8 - 9 . 17. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 111. 18. W i l e s , Tragedy in Athens, 7 9 . 19. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 1 5 s e e s D a r i u s ' q u a s i - d i v i n e a u t h o r i t y a s p a r t o f t h e d r a m a t i c f i c t i o n o f t h e Persians. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 9 c o n s i d e r s t h e r a i s i n g ' b a r b a r o u s b l a s p h e m y ' . P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae', 1 4 - 1 6 n e g o t i a t e s between these views. 20. S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 5 - 6 n o t e s t h a t t h e r h y t h m i c p u l s e o f t h e h y m n is difficult to find. 21. F o r t h e G r e e k n e s s o f t h e h y m n , see H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 9 - 9 0 ; cf. O g d e n , Greek and Roman Necromancy, 1 2 9 - 3 2 . 22. S e e H a l d a n e , ' B a r b a r i c C r i e s ' , 4 3 - 4 . 23. S e e M o r i t z , ' R e f r a i n i n A e s c h y l u s ' , 1 8 9 - 9 5 , e s p . 1 9 4 . 24. S e e G r o e n e b o o m , 1 4 1 - 2 ; B r o a d h e a d , 1 7 0 ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 120-1. 25. S e e G r o e n e b o o m , 1 4 2 - 3 ; B e l l o n i , 1 9 3 . T h e w o r d ' m o u n d ' i n 6 5 9 h a s prompted the theory t h a t D a r i u s arose f r o m behind a mound, but as T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 111 n o t e s , t h e w o r d a l s o m e a n s ' t o m b ' . 26. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 2 - 3 . 27. S e e d e R o m i l l y , Magic and Rhetoric, e s p . 3 - 7 . 28. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 1 6 - 1 9 , 4 4 7 - 8 . 29. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 2 .

176

Notes to pages 89-95 30. H a m m o n d , ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 1 6 - 2 2 ; s e e f u r t h e r , Broadhead, 309. 31. H a m m o n d , ' C o n d i t i o n s o f D r a m a t i c P r o d u c t i o n ' 4 3 0 - 2 ; ' M o r e o n C o n d i t i o n s o f P r o d u c t i o n ' , 1 6 - 2 2 w i t h p l a t e 1 ; W i l e s , Tragedy in Athens, 7 9 n . 7 8 ; G r e e n , Theatre in Ancient Society, 1 7 - 1 8 . 32. W e b s t e r , Greek Theatre Production, 1 7 , 1 6 5 - 6 e n v i s i o n s s u c h a s t a g i n g . F o r D a r i u s ' e n t r a n c e a s a deus ex machina, s e e R e h m , Play of Space, 2 3 9 . I n g e n e r a l , see M a s t r o n a r d e , ' A c t o r s o n H i g h ' . 33. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 3 n o t e s t h e ' d o u b l i n g ' o f t h e f i r s t a n d s e c o n d h a l v e s o f t h e Persians; see a l s o M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 4 . 34. L i n e 6 8 3 i s c o n t r o v e r s i a l . H a l l , 1 5 7 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e c h o r u s s i n g s i t s h y m n o n t h e ground, beating a n d scratching t h e earth. Darius, however, describes t h e chorus as 'standing near m y tomb' w h i l e l a m e n t i n g (686-7). G r o e n e b o o m , 1 4 6 - 7 i d e n t i f i e s t h e s u b j e c t o f t h e f i r s t t w o v e r b s i n 6 8 3 a s polis. 35. C f . C o u c h , ' T h r e e P u n s ' , 2 7 2 - 3 . 36. M o r e a u , ' L e s o n g e ' , 3 9 n o t e s t h a t t h e Persai a r e ' i n r e a l i t y d e s t r o y e r s o f themselves'. 37. S e e M u n s o n , ' A r t e m i s i a i n H e r o d o t u s ' , f o r t h e i r o n y o f a w o m a n ' s uttering these lines. 38. H i g n e t t , Xerxes' Invasion, 2 0 8 - 1 0 c o n s i d e r s i t d i s a s t r o u s ; S t r a u s s , Battle of Salamis, 1 0 1 - 2 t h i n k s i t ' g o o d b u t i n c o m p l e t e ' . 39. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 9 0 f i n d s D a r i u s ' l a t e w i s d o m c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f h i s false a u t h o r i t y a n d sees a n i m p l i c i t c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n D a r i u s a n d T h e m istocles as i n t e r p r e t e r s o f oracles. 40. C o n a c h e r , ' Per sad, 2 3 . 41. S e e B r o a d h e a d , l v - l v i . 42. S e e M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 1 4 4 . 43. C f . P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae a n d H i s t o r y ' , 1 8 - 1 9 . 44. G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 4 7 a r g u e s t h a t b r i d g i n g t h e H e l l e s p o n t i s not necessarily a n i m p i e t y i n the play: only D a r i u s interprets i t this w a y . 45. L l o y d - J o n e s , Justice of Zeus, 8 8 i s a n e x c e p t i o n . 46. B r o a d h e a d , 1 8 8 s u g g e s t s t h a t ' h a m m e r - b e a t e n s h a c k l e s ' a r e t h e a n c h o r s used to secure the ships parallel to the current. 47. T i m o t h e u s Persians 7 3 - 4 r e f e r s t o X e r x e s ' b r i d g e a s ' l i n e n - b o u n d s h a c k les'. 48. F o r t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n ' t o i l ' (ponos) a n d v a l u e , s e e R o s e n b l o o m , ' F r o m Poneros t o Pharmakod, 3 3 8 - 9 w i t h n . 1 9 3 . 49. R o s e n b l o o m , ' E m p i r e a n d i t s D i s c o n t e n t s ' , 2 5 0 - 3 . S e e T h u c y d i d e s 2.39¬ 4 6 , 6 0 - 4 ; E u r i p i d e s Suppliants; I s o c r a t e s On the Peace. 50. W a l l i n g a , ' T h e A n c i e n t P e r s i a n N a v y ' , 7 1 - 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 107-61. 51. F o r t h e i m p e r a t i v e t o i n c r e a s e i n h e r i t e d olbos, see E u r i p i d e s Autolycus TrGFb.l F 2 8 2 . 4 - 6 . 52. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 6 ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 7 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 0 - 1 . 53. S e e R o s e n m e y e r , Art of Aeschylus, 2 9 5 - 9 . 54. S a i d , ' H e r o d o t u s a n d T r a g e d y ' , 1 4 1 - 5 s e e s X e r x e s s t r i c t l y a s a n a n o m a l y in the Persian tradition. 55. F o r e m p i r e a s t h e ponos o f t h e f a t h e r s , see T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 3 6 . 2 , 6 2 . 3 ; cf. A r i s t o p h a n e s Wasps, 1 0 9 8 - 1 0 1 , 1 1 1 4 - 2 1 . 56. S e e H u n t e r , Past and Process, e s p . 2 2 8 - 3 0 . 57. F o r t h e hybris o f P e r s i a n i m p e r i a l i s m , see C a i r n s , 'Hybrid, 1 3 - 1 5 .

177

Notes to pages 96-101 58. C f . C a l d w e l l , ' T h e P a t t e r n o f A e s c h y l e a n D r a m a ' , e s p . 8 3 . X e r x e s ' s t a t u s a s a t r a g i c f i g u r e i s d e n i e d . S e e L a t t i m o r e , Poetry of Greek Tragedy, 3 8 : ' A s f o r Xerxes: w h o cares about Xerxes? I s there a n y t h i n g dramatic about a m a n g e t t i n g s o p r e c i s e l y w h a t h e d e s e r v e s ? ( I m e r e l y a s k ) ' ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 87: 'No tragic significance inheres i n the fate of the totally b l a m e w o r t h y ' and ' A e s c h y l u s ' X e r x e s i s b e n e a t h t r a g e d y ' ( 8 8 ) . F i s h e r , Hybris, 2 6 2 c o n t e n d s t h a t t o t h e e x t e n t t h e Persians i s a b o u t t h e ' g r a d u a l r e v e l a t i o n o f t h e p u n i s h m e n t o f hybrid i t i s n o t t r a g e d y . 59. G o l d e n , In Praise of Prometheus, 3 5 - 6 f o r l a c k o f c o n f l i c t ; K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 f o r l a c k o f c h o i c e . 60. S e e S t r a u s s , Fathers and Sons in Athens, 1 3 0 - 7 8 . 61. R o s e n b l o o m , ' E m p i r e a n d i t s D i s c o n t e n t s ' , 2 5 3 ; cf. R o o d , ' T h u c y d i d e s ' P e r s i a n W a r s ' , 149. 62. S e e R a a f l a u b , ' S t i c k a n d G l u e ' ; T u p l i n , ' I m p e r i a l T y r a n n y ' . F o r A t h e n i a n s a s P e r s i a n s , see T u p l i n , Achaemenid Studies, 1 7 2 - 7 . 63. E . g . G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 5 3 ; T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 8 2 n . 68. 64. M L 2 , p . 4 2 = F o r n a r a 4 1 D l . 65. S e e B r e n n e , ' O s t r a k a a n d t h e P r o c e s s o f O s t r a c i s m ' , 2 1 - 2 ; T l : O s t r a k a ' , 87-90. 66. M L 2 2 6 I = FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' XX(a). 67. C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 1 0 0 s e e s o n l y h o w D a r i u s ' c o n d e m n a t i o n ' b r i n g s h o m e ... t h e f u l l e x t e n t o f t h e i r v i c t o r y ' . 68. B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 9 p o i n t s o u t t h a t t h e P e r s i a n k i n g i s t h e chief o f 'the people i n a r m s ' a n d 'one o f t h e A c h a e m e n i d k i n g ' s ideological justifications was his aptitude for w a r and for leading armies'. 69. [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 6 . 1 i s c o n f u s e d , b u t p l a u s i b l y c l a i m s t h a t d u r i n g t h e K i m o n i a n p e r i o d (c. 4 7 6 - 4 6 1 ) g e n e r a l s w e r e e l e c t e d ' b e c a u s e o f t h e i r f a t h e r s ' r e p u t a t i o n s ' . F o r k n o w n A t h e n i a n g e n e r a l s , see F o r n a r a , Athenian Board of Generals. 70. C y r u s , M u r g h a b A - C = K e n t 1 1 6 ; cf. B r o s i u s 4 . F o r D a r i u s , see, e . g . B e h i s t u n 1.2-3 = K e n t 1 1 9 = B r o s i u s 4 4 . 1 . 2 - 3 . 71. S e e e.g. FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' X X I V ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 1 3 2 . 2 . 72. E . g . M L 2 2 4 , 2 6 ; FGE ' S i m o n i d e s ' , X V . 73. T u p l i n , ' P e r s i a n s a s M e d e s ' . 74. F o r H e r o d o t u s ' d e p i c t i o n o f t h e M e d i a n k i n g s , s e e B r o w n , ' M e d i k o s Logos'. 75. H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 2 6 - 3 0 ; 2 1 0 . 2 - 3 ; 3 . 8 2 . 5 ; 7 . 2 . 76. S i d g w i c k , 6 3 t h i n k s t h a t M e d u s ' t e l e s c o p e s ' t h e f i r s t t h r e e M e d i a n k i n g s a n d t h e s o n o f M e d u s is A s t y a g e s . B r o a d h e a d , 192, 278-9 believes t h a t M e d u s i s C y a x a r e s a n d h i s s o n i s A s t y a g e s ; cf. B a l c e r , Herodotus and Bisitun, 3 8 - 9 ; M . L . West, ' S h a m Shahs', 183. 77. H e r o d o t u s 3 . 2 5 - 3 8 ; 5 . 2 5 ; see L l o y d , ' H e r o d o t u s o n C a m b y s e s ' . 78. F o r t h i s m o d e l , see P l a t o Laws 6 9 4 c - 6 9 6 a = B r o s i u s 1 0 6 . 79. D a r i u s , B e h i s t u n 1 . 1 1 = K e n t 1 2 0 = B r o s i u s 3 5 . 80. D a r i u s , B e h i s t u n 1 . 1 4 = K e n t 1 2 0 = B r o s i u s 3 5 . 81. P r i c k a r d , S i d g w i c k , B r o a d h e a d , P a g e , a n d B e l l o n i e x c l u d e i t . W e s t restores i t . H a l l follows W e s t . See M . L . W e s t , ' S h a m Shahs', 184-8. 82. H a l l , 1 6 2 . 83. Schütz, Commentarius, c i t e d b y M . L . W e s t , ' S h a m S h a h s ' , 1 8 5 s u g g e s t e d t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n . See Rose, 146; P r i c k a r d , 112; B e l l o n i , 213. 84. H a l l ; G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia.

178

Notes to pages 102-110 85. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 8 - 4 1 ; W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 10¬ 1 1 ; C o n a c h e r , ' Per sad, 2 4 - 5 . 86. H e r o d o t u s 4 . 1 , 8 3 - 9 8 , 1 1 8 - 4 4 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 1 4 1 - 6 . 87. B r o a d h e a d , x i v - x v i i i , x x v i i i - x x i x ; W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 14; S a i d , ' H e r o d o t u s a n d Tragedy', 140. 5. The Synoptic Moment 1. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 9 2 t h i n k s t h e c h o r u s d i s p l a y s a n ' u n r e a s o n i n g will to empire'. 2. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 2 . G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 4 7 - 8 i n t e r p r e t s hybris e x c l u s i v e l y a s c o l l e c t i v e P e r s i a n g u i l t i n t h e p l a y . 3. C f . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 3 . 4. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 4 ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 4 . 5. F o r drama a s a c t i o n t h a t e n t a i l s r e c i p r o c a l t r e a t m e n t , w h e t h e r g o o d o r b a d , s e e S n e l l , Aischylos und das Handeln, e s p . 1 4 . 6. See Agamemnon 5 3 2 - 3 , 1 5 6 2 - 4 ; Libation Bearers 3 1 3 - 1 4 ; cf. TrGFS F 4 5 6 . 7. T h i s t e x t i s d i f f i c u l t . I f o l l o w G r o e n e b o o m , 1 6 8 - 9 a n d B e l l o n i , 2 1 8 - 2 0 . F o r o t h e r v i e w s , seeBroadhead, 202-4; H a l l , 164; Podlecki, 'Three Passages', 3. 8. C o n t r a s t Agamemnon 3 3 8 - 4 7 , 4 5 9 - 7 4 , 7 5 0 - 8 2 . 9. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 7 - 8 . 10. F o r p e r v e r s i o n o f r i t u a l i n t r a g e d y , see S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, esp. 3 6 8 - 4 0 5 . 11. T h e G r e e k s c o n s i d e r e d P l a t a e a a S p a r t a n v i c t o r y : S i m o n i d e s Plataea f r r . 1 1 . 2 5 - 4 5 ; 1 3 . 8 - 1 3 ; P i n d a r Pythian Ode 1 . 7 5 - 8 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 6 9 . 1 . 12. L a t t i m o r e , ' A e s c h y l u s o n t h e D e f e a t o f X e r x e s ' , 9 1 c a l l s i t a n ' i n s i g n i f i cant mopping-up operation'. 13. P u c c i , ' E u r i p i d e s : T h e M o n u m e n t a n d t h e S a c r i f i c e ' , 1 6 5 - 6 ; cf. C o n n o r , ' L a n d W a r f a r e as Symbolic Expression', 22-4. 14. M a c D o w e l l , 'Hybris i n A t h e n s ' , 2 1 d e f i n e s hybris a s ' h a v i n g e n e r g y o r p o w e r a n d m i s u s i n g i t s e l f - i n d u l g e n t l y ' ; c f . C a i r n s , 'Hybris', 2 2 - 5 . F i s h e r , Hybris, 1 s t r e s s e s t h a t hybris i s ' t h e s e r i o u s a s s a u l t o n t h e h o n o u r o f a n o t h e r , w h i c h i s likely to cause shame, and lead to anger a n d attempts a t revenge'. 15. M i c h e l i n i , 'Hybris a n d P l a n t s ' , 3 5 - 9 ; Tradition, 9 6 - 8 ; F i s h e r , Hybris, 119-21. 16. M a c D o w e l l , 'Hybris i n A t h e n s ' , 1 6 ; F i s h e r , Hybris, 3 7 5 - 8 5 . 17. M i c h e l i n i , 'Hybris a n d P l a n t s ' , 3 9 - 4 4 ; N a g y , ' T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 60-3; H e l m , 'Aeschylus' Genealogy of Morals', 23-34. 18. F i s h e r , Hybris, 2 6 0 i d e n t i f i e s ' i n t e n t i o n a l a c t s o f e n s l a v i n g i m p e r i a l i s m a n d s a c r i l e g e ' a s t h e c r i t i c a l f e a t u r e o f X e r x e s ' hybris; cf. B r o a d h e a d , 2 0 4 - 5 . 19. S e e f u r t h e r H e s i o d Works and Days 3 2 0 - 6 , 3 5 2 ; B a c c h y l i d e s Dithyramb 1 5 . 4 7 - 6 3 ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 1 5 3 - 4 ; 1 9 8 - 2 0 2 ( W e s t ) ; K a t z A n h a l t , Solon the Singer, 8 2 - 9 7 . 20. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persad, e s p . 1-2. 21. S e e A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 7 7 6 - 8 2 ; N a g y , ' T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 5 4 - 6 3 ; Pindar's Homer, 2 4 3 - 9 ; K a t z A n h a l t , Solon the Singer, 1 1 - 1 1 4 ; C a i r n s , 'Hybrid, 7-8, w i t h r e f e r e n c e t o A r i s t o t l e . 22. F o r t h e i n j u s t i c e o f i m p e r i a l i s m , s e e H e r o d o t u s 1 . 5 - 6 ; 3 . 2 1 . 2 ; 7 . 1 6 a ; T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 6 3 . 2 ; B a l o t , Greed and Injustice, e s p . 9 9 - 1 3 5 . 23. S e e X e n o p h o n Oeconomicus 5 . 1 2 ; [ A r i s t o t l e ] Economics 1 3 4 3 a 2 5 - b 2 . 24. 1 0 2 - 7 , 5 5 5 - 7 , 6 4 2 - 7 7 , 7 8 0 - 6 , 8 5 2 - 6 7 . F o r P e r s i a a n d t h e G o l d e n A g e , s e e C h a p t e r 7.

179

Notes to pages 110-115 25. A l e x a n d e r s o n , ' D a r i u s ' , 9 ; cf. N a g y , T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 6 2 - 3 . 26. S a i d , ' D a r i u s e t X e r x e s ' , 3 1 - 6 . 27. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 8 . 28. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 4 - 1 5 . 29.1 a g r e e w i t h C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 1 0 0 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 5 9 t h a t Aeschylus inverts a n o r a l t r a d i t i o n ; Said, ' D a r i u s e t Xerxes', 31-5; 'Herodotus a n d Tragedy', 138 t h i n k s t h a t Herodotus inverts Aeschylus. 30. C f . S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 2 5 0 - 1 . 31. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 7 0 - 3 , 1 0 0 t r e a t s t h e m o r a l - r e l i g i o u s explanation o f Xerxes' defeat as a n 'ethnological' explanation. See further, G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 6 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 0 2 . 32. I n 4 7 2 , t h i s f u n c t i o n w a s p r o b a b l y u n d e r t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e A r e o p a g u s , a C o u n c i l o f e x - A r c h o n s . S e e O s t w a l d , Popular Sovereignty, 4 0 - 2 , 5 5 - 6 2 . 33. M e i e r , Political Art, 7 4 . 34. T h e o g n i s Elegies 3 9 - 4 0 ( W e s t ) e n v i s i o n s a t y r a n t a r i s i n g t o s t r a i g h t e n o u t a c o r r u p t c i t y a s ' c o r r e c t o r ' (euthynter). I n t h e Persians, t h e k i n g o f A s i a w i e l d s t h e ' g o v e r n i n g (euthynterion) s c e p t r e ' ( 7 6 4 ) . D e m o c r a c y i s n o t e s s e n t i a l to the idea. 35. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 1 0 9 c l a i m s t h a t ' d e m o c r a c y a n d p i e t y ... i m m u n i s e the A t h e n i a n s f r o m the dangers of Persian imperialism'. Georges, Barbarian Asia, 1 1 1 a s s e r t s t h a t f r e e d o m a n d c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e polis ' w i l l contain - or ignore - such violent and impetuous natures as Xerxes''. T h a t the opposite w a s t h e case w a s t h e subject o f G r e e k discourse f r o m H e s i o d t o P l a t o . S e e B a l o t , Greed and Injustice; O b e r , Political Dissent, 1 0 4 - 2 1 ; cf. R o o d , ' T h u c y dides' P e r s i a n W a r s ' , 158. 36. K e a v e n e y , ' X e r x e s ' N e w S u i t ' , 2 4 0 - 1 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e Persians p l a y s o n Persian royal rites of investiture: the king-initiate removes his o w n clothing and dons a garment Cyrus wore, assuming t h epower of the kingship. See P l u t a r c h Life of Artaxerxes 3 . 1 - 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 5 2 3 - 4 , 9 5 9 . 37. S e e B a r r o n , ' B a k c h y l i d e s , T h e s e u s , a n d a W o o l l y C l o a k ' . B a c c h y l i d e s Dithyramb 1 7 . 1 8 - 2 3 a n d Persians 1 6 0 , 7 6 7 a r e s i m i l a r ; B a c c h y l i d e s ' p o e m i s probably earlier. 38. F o r t h i s m o m e n t a s a topos i n t h e v a s e p a i n t i n g o f t h e p e r i o d , s e e Shapiro, 'Theseus i n K i m o n i a n Athens', 39-40. A version o fthis story w a s p a i n t e d i n t h e T e m p l e o f T h e s e u s ( P a u s a n i a s Description of Greece 1 . 1 7 . 3 ) . 39. G o h e e n , ' A s p e c t s o f D r a m a t i c S y m b o l i s m ' , 1 2 2 - 6 ; M a c l e o d , ' C l o t h i n g i n t h e Oresteia'. 40. F o r t h e f i r s t v i e w , s e e G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 5 2 ; K a n t z i o s , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f F e a r ' , 1 3 - 1 4 ; f o r t h e s e c o n d , G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 1 1 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, e s p . 8 6 - 9 1 . 41. F o r H a l l , 1 6 5 , i t s u g g e s t s ' " o r i e n t a l " p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h s e n s u a l s e l f gratification'. 42. E u r i p i d e s Alcestis 3 2 3 ; Heracles 5 0 2 - 1 3 ; A n o n y m o u s T r a g i c F r a g m e n t TrGF2 F 9 5 . 43. S e e M u r r a y , ' T h e G r e e k S y m p o s i o n i n H i s t o r y ' ; L e v i n e , ' S y m p o s i u m a n d Polls'. 44. T i m o t h e u s a n d C h o e r i l u s e l a b o r a t e s y m p o t i c i m a g e s o f t h e P e r s i a n defeat. See C h a p t e r 7. 45. E . g . H a l l , 1 6 5 : ' N o t h i n g m o r e p o w e r f u l l y c o n v e y s t h e a u d i e n c e ' s v i e w o f t h e o b s e s s i v e n e s s o f P e r s i a n s a r t o r i a l d i s p l a y ' ; cf. S i d g w i c k , 4 9 ; H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, 8 1 . 46. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 6 4 , 2 6 9 - 7 0 , 2 7 8 ; R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 8 .

180

Notes to pages 115-123 47. A n d e r s o n , ' T h e I m a g e r y o f t h e Persians', 174 s u g g e s t s t h a t D a r i u s r e m a i n s o n stage d u r i n g the final lament, p i t y i n g his son. 48. S e e T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 6 9 - 7 8 . 49. S c o t t , Musical Design, 1 5 6 l i n k s t h e d a c t y l s w i t h ' t h e p o l i t i c a l c o n t e x t a t t h e e n d o f t h e f i r s t s t a s i m o n ' . D a l e , Metrical Analyses, 4 c o n n e c t s t h e m e t r e w i t h H o m e r i c catalogue poetry. 50. L l o y d - J o n e s , Justice of Zeus, 8 9 c a l l s t h e o d e a ' v e i l e d e n c o m i u m o f t h e A t h e n i a n empire'. 51. S e e W e s t , Studies, 9 0 - 1 ; B r o a d h e a d , 2 8 0 - 1 f o r t h e t e x t u a l p r o b l e m s h e r e . 52. D a r i u s l i s t e d o n l y C y r u s ' c o n q u e s t s i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ( 7 7 0 - 1 ) ; s e e Herodotus 7.8.al; Thucydides 2.36.4. 53. S i d g w i c k , 5 1 ; H a l l , 1 6 7 c o m p a r e s D a r i u s w i t h A e g i s t h u s . 54. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 2 3 7 . 55. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 2 4 4 . 56. F o r t h e f i g u r e s , see M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 5 2 4 - 3 0 . 57. S i d g w i c k , 5 1 ; G o w , ' N o t e s ' , 1 5 5 . ATE 3 . 2 0 7 s u g g e s t s a r e f e r e n c e t o islands o f f T h r a c e , b u t t h e epithet 'river' o r 'fresh w a t e r ' rules t h i s out; see Broadhead, 217-18. 58. F o r t h e T h r a c i a n d i s t r i c t a s i t m i g h t h a v e b e e n a t t h e o r i g i n s o f t h e A t h e n i a n e m p i r e , see ATE 3 . 2 1 4 - 2 3 . T h e c h o r u s o m i t s P a l l e n e , p o s s i b l y b e c a u s e it came under P e r s i a n influence d u r i n g Xerxes' reign (Herodotus 8.126-9). 59. S e e T u p l i n , ' X e r x e s ' M a r c h f r o m D o r i s c u s t o T h e r m e ' . 60. M L 2 2 7 = F o r n a r a 5 9 . 61. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 4 8 1 . 62. M e i g g s , Athenian Empire, 4 8 2 - 4 . 6. A Harvest of Tears 1. T h a t X e r x e s e n t e r s i n r a g s h a s o f t e n b e e n d e n i e d . S e e T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 122 a n d n. 1. 2. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 2 3 e x c l u d e s t h e w a g o n f r o m t h e s c e n e ; see a l s o R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 9 w i t h n . 6 1 , 3 8 8 . I f t h e w a g o n i s p r e s e n t , i t s y m b o l i z e s t h e absent 'flower of the Persians' (252) w h i c h Xerxes lost i n the invasion. 3. Kommos d e r i v e s f r o m t h e v e r b kopto, w h i c h m e a n s ' b e a t ' o r ' s t r i k e ' . A r i s t o t l e d e f i n e s a kommos a s ' a s h a r e d l a m e n t b e t w e e n a c t o r s a n d c h o r u s ' (Poetics 1 4 5 2 b 2 4 - 5 ) . 4. A d a m s , ' S a l a m i s S y m p h o n y ' , 5 3 ; cf. P r i c k a r d , 1 2 0 - 1 . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 7 c o n s i d e r s t h e kommos ' s a t y r - p l a y G r a n d G u i g n o l ' . 5. G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama, 4 1 - 2 . 6. S c h e n k e r , ' T h e Q u e e n a n d t h e C h o r u s ' , 2 9 2 - 3 . 7. B r o a d h e a d , x x x i v ; R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 9 ; cf. P r i c k a r d , 1 2 1 : ' X e r x e s ' absurdities seem to f o r m the climax o f the play'. 8. F o r A t y s a s a d o u b l e t f o r P h r y g i a n A t t i s , c o n s o r t o f C y b e l e , s e e V e r m a s e r e n , Cybele and Attis, 8 8 - 9 2 ; cf. R e e d , ' S e x u a l i t y o f A d o n i s ' , 3 3 5 . 9. S e e C h i a s s o n , ' H e r o d o t u s ' U s e o f T r a g e d y i n t h e L y d i a n Logos'. 10. A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 5 5 - 7 . 11. T h e e a r l i e s t e v i d e n c e f o r t h e A d o n i a a t A t h e n s d a t e s f r o m t h e 4 3 0 s o r 420s, b u t as S i m m s , ' M o u r n i n g a n d C o m m u n i t y ' , 124 points out, i t m a y have been adopted m u c h earlier. R i t u a l l a m e n t for Adonis, i n w h i c h girls tore their chitones, w a s a l r e a d y p a r t o f S a p p h o ' s r e p e r t o i r e ( f r . 1 4 0 a L o b e l / P a g e ) . 12. B u r k e r t , Structure and History, 1 0 7 . S i m m s , ' M o u r n i n g a n d C o m m u -

181

Notes to pages 123-127 nity', 129-33 interprets the gardens as f u n e r a l biers for the effigy of Adonis. Reed, 'Sexuality of Adonis', 320 t h i n k s they were d u m p e d into springs only. 13. D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 0 6 . 14. N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 2 8 5 n . 4 8 ; ' T h e o g n i s a n d M e g a r a ' , 6 0 - 3 . D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 1 9 . 15. S e e D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, e s p . 1 1 6 - 1 9 . 16. A r i s t o p h a n e s Lysistrata 3 8 7 - 9 8 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Alcibiades 1 8 . 5 ; Life of Nicias 1 3 . 1 1 ; cf. S i m m s , ' M o u r n i n g a n d C o m m u n i t y ' , 1 3 6 - 7 . 17. B u r k e r t , Structure and History, 1 0 7 ; D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 0 9 . 18. P a v l o v s k i s , ' A e s c h y l u s M y t h i s t o r i c u s ' , 2 1 . 19. S e e A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 1 9 5 - 7 . 20. A t h e n i a n c o m m u n a l c l a i m s t o n o b i l i t y a r e b o u n d u p w i t h t h e v i e w o f t h e m s e l v e s as a n a u t o c h t h o n o u s people, s p r u n g f r o m the l a n d t h e y i n h a b i t . See L o r a u x , The Invention of Athens, 1 4 9 - 5 5 . T h i s d o v e t a i l s w i t h t h e s o c i o - e c o n o m i c requirement of land ownership for nobility. 21. S e e R o b e r t s o n , ' W o o d e n W a l l ' , 1 5 n . 2 8 . 22. C f . R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 5 - 6 . 23. T h e d e s i r e f o r w e a l t h i s u n l i m i t e d : S o l o n Elegies 1 3 . 7 1 - 7 6 = T h e o g n i s Elegies 2 2 7 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 5 9 6 , 1 1 5 8 - 9 ( W e s t ) ; A r i s t o p h a n e s Wealth 1 8 6 - 9 7 ; X e n o p h o n Ways and Means 4 . 7 ; S e a f o r d , Money and the Greek Mind, 1 6 5 - 9 . I n A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 7 5 0 - 8 1 , hybris i s i n f i n i t e l y s e l f - r e p l i c a t ing. 24. A r i s t o t l e Politics 1 2 5 6 b 4 0 - 1 2 5 8 b 9 . 25. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 8 3 - 4 s t r e s s e s 'excessive m o u r n i n g ' a s 'barbaric'. Cf. P r i c k a r d , 120. S u c h excess i salso a f u n c t i o n o f t h e m a g n i t u d e o f t h e pathos ( R e h m , Play of Space, 3 8 5 n . 2 9 ) a n d t h e i n s a t i a b i l i t y o f i m p e r i a l i s m . 26. A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 1 4 ; H o i s t - W a r h a f t , Dangerous Voices, 1 1 8 - 1 9 . 27. A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 1 4 - 2 3 ; F o l e y , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f T r a g i c L a m e n t a t i o n ' , 1 0 3 - 8 ; S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 7 4 - 8 6 . H a l l , 1 6 9 a n d G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 0 2 p o i n t o u t t h a t t h e l a m e n t t h e m e n p e r f o r m i n t h e kommos exceeds w h a t w a s legally a l l o w e d w o m e n i n A t h e n s . 28. F o r f e m i n i z a t i o n a s e s s e n t i a l t o d r a m a , see Z e i t l i n , ' P l a y i n g t h e O t h e r ' . F o r b a r b a r i a n c u l t u r e a s f e m i n i z e d , see H a l l , 1 6 8 - 9 . 29. F o r p u b l i c l a m e n t , see S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 1 3 9 - 4 3 . 30. F o r e a r l y A t h e n i a n w a r f a r e , s e e F r o s t , ' T h e A t h e n i a n M i l i t a r y b e f o r e Cleisthenes'. 31. C f . [ A r i s t o t l e ] Constitution of the Athenians 2 6 . 1 , w h i c h c l a i m s t h a t A t h e n i a n s died by the 2,000 or 3,000 i n this period. 32. C f . S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 4 2 . 33. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 3 - 1 4 . 34. G r o e n e b o o m , 1 8 4 r e l a t e s t h e i m a g e t o c u t t i n g d o w n f l o w e r s . T h e v e r b epikeiro a l s o m e a n s ' c h e c k g r o w t h b y c u t t i n g ' a n d f i t s t h e i d e a o f c u r t a i l i n g excess. 35. S e e B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 2 3 3 - 9 . 36. S e e W e s t , Hesiod: Works and Days, p . 2 1 3 . H e r o d o t u s d e p i c t s t h e P e r s i a n r o y a l curse i n these t e r m s (3.65.6-7). 37. H e s i o d Works and Days 1 2 7 - 3 9 ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 6 2 9 - 3 2 ( W e s t ) . 38. Anthos o f hebe, e.g. H o m e r Iliad 1 3 . 4 8 4 ; H e s i o d Theogony 9 8 8 ; S o l o n Elegies f r . 2 5 ( W e s t ) ; T h e o g n i s Elegies 1 0 0 3 - 1 2 ( W e s t ) . Anthos o f ate: S o l o n Elegies f r . 4 . 3 5 ( W e s t ) ; cf. A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 6 5 8 - 6 0 . 39. T a p l i n , Stagecraft, 1 2 3 u s e s t h i s a s e v i d e n c e t h a t X e r x e s d i d n o t a r r i v e by covered wagon, b u t i t can also be evidence t h a t h e dismounted.

182

Notes to pages 127-139 40. G r o e n e b o o m , 1 8 4 - 5 . 41. S e e M o r i t z , ' R e f r a i n i n A e s c h y l u s ' , 1 9 4 . 42. S e e A l e x i o u , Ritual Lament, 5 8 - 6 0 . 43. T h i s w a s t h e s u b j e c t o f p o p u l a r s o n g (PMG 8 7 8 ) . F o r t h e I o n i a n m o d e a s ' s l a c k ' , a n d ' s o f t ' see C s a p o , ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f t h e N e w M u s i c ' , 2 3 2 - 5 , 2 4 3 - 4 . 44. B r o a d h e a d , 2 3 0 l i k e n s t h e s c e n e t o a m e a d o w w h o s e f l o w e r s a r e c u l l e d . 45. T o d , Greek Historical Inscriptions, 2 . 2 0 4 = H a r d i n g 1 0 9 A ; S i e w e r t , ' T h e E p h e b i c O a t h ' , 107 sees a reference t o t h e o a t h i n t h i s passage. 46. S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 4 3 o b s e r v e s t h a t t h e b a r e e p i t h e t s g i v e t h e i m p r e s s i o n ' t h a t t h e m e n are t r u l y dead'. 47. Aôton i s P a g e ' s e m e n d a t i o n . 48. F o r anthos m e a n i n g t h e ' n a p ' o f f i n e c l o t h , see B o r t h w i c k , ' T h e " F l o w e r " o f t h e A r g i v e s a n d a N e g l e c t e d M e a n i n g o f Anthos'. 49. ' E y e ' m a y s u g g e s t w h a t t h e G r e e k s b e l i e v e d w e r e t h e P e r s i a n k i n g ' s s p i e s , h i s ' e y e s a n d e a r s ' . S e e A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 9 1 - 2 ; H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 1 4 . 2 ; X e n o p h o n Education of Cyrus 8 . 2 . 1 0 - 1 2 ; B r i a n t , Cyrus to Alexander, 3 4 3 - 4 . 50. B a t a n o c h u s ' s o n i s c a l l e d ' s w e e t e s t ' (alpistos). H e s y c h i u s Lexicon g l o s s e s t h i s w o r d a s ' b e l o v e d ' (agapêtos), a t e r m u s e d o f a n o n l y m a l e c h i l d . 51. S e e G o w , T u n x , R h o m b o s , T u r b o ' , 3 - 5 ; J o h n s t o n , ' T h e S o n g o f t h e lunY, 1 8 0 - 9 . F a r a o n e , Ancient Greek Love Magic, e s p . 5 5 - 6 9 s e e s iunx h e r e a s ' a generalized magic spell' (25 n . 107). 52. F o r A d o n i s a n d t h e iunx, s e e Détienne, Gardens of Adonis, 8 3 - 9 ; R e e d , 'Sexuality of Adonis', 344. 53. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 3 s e e s t h e P e r s i a n n a m e s a s ' a f o r m o f e p i c unforgetting that makes their dying immortal'. 54. R e a d i n g w i t h W e s t , Studies, 9 4 - 5 . 55. S e e A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 8 1 - 2 ; G a r v i e , ' A e s c h y l u s ' S i m p l e P l o t s ' , 7 1 . 56. I n P l u t a r c h Life of Artaxerxes 3 . 1 - 2 , t h e P e r s i a n r o y a l g a r m e n t i s a stole; see a l s o T i m o t h e u s Persians 1 6 7 - 7 2 . 57. S e e S a i d , 'Tragédie e t r e n v e r s e m e n t ' , 3 4 1 . 58. S e e S e g a l , ' C a t h a r s i s , A u d i e n c e , a n d C l o s u r e ' , 1 6 4 - 5 ; cf. K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed 4 6 - 7 . 59. S e e K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed, e s p . 3 4 - 4 3 . 60. P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae a n d H i s t o r y ' , 1 8 - 1 9 c o m p a r e s O d y s s e u s ' p i t y f o r h i s e n e m y A j a x a t S o p h o c l e s Ajax 1 2 1 - 6 , f o r w h i c h , s e e H e s k , Ajax, 4 4 - 7 . 61. S e e F r y e , Anatomy of Criticism, 3 9 1 ; R u t h e r f o r d , ' T r a g i c F o r m a n d F e e l i n g i n t h e Iliad'; M a c l e o d , ' H o m e r o n P o e t r y ' ; G o l d h i l l , ' B a t t l e N a r r a t i v e a n d P o l i t i e s ' , 1 9 3 n . 3 5 , c o m p a r e s t h e e n d o f t h e Iliad; H e a t h , Poetics of Greek Tragedy, 8 0 - 9 , e s p . 8 2 . 62. C f . M i t s i s , ' X e r x e s E n t r a n c e ' , 1 1 5 - 1 8 . 63. S e e C a i r n s , 'Hybrid, 1. 64. A v e r y , ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s ' , 1 8 2 - 4 . 65. D e v e r e u x , Dreams in Greek Tragedy, 1 4 . 66. S e e L a w l e r , The Dance of the Ancient Greek Theatre, 4 5 - 6 . 67. H a r t o g , The Mirror of Herodotus, 3 3 2 . 7. Interpreting and Reinterpreting the

Persians

1. F o r t h e f i r s t , see B r o a d h e a d , x x x i i i - x x x v ; M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 7 2 ; f o r t h e s e c o n d , W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persae', 1 5 , w h o t h i n k s t h e Persians m a y b e A e s c h y l u s ' ' l e a s t g r e a t ' p l a y . G o l d e n , In Praise of Prometheus, 3 1 - 6 a d d s l a c k of character development a n d of conflict.

183

Notes to pages 139-145 2. W i l a m o w i t z , Aischylos Interpretationen, 4 8 . 3. A d a m s , ' S a l a m i s S y m p h o n y ' . 4 . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad. 5. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Persad, 1 4 - 1 5 . 6. R o s e n m e y e r , Art of Aeschylus, 2 8 7 - 9 2 , b y c o n t r a s t , c o n s i d e r s t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n o f X e r x e s ' t r a g e d y a f a i l u r e . F o r a b a l a n c e d v i e w , see C o n a c h e r , ' P e r s a d , 5-7. 7. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 . 8. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 2 - 3 . F o r t h e s e c o n d a c t o r , see M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, 27-40. 9. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 4 3 . 10. S e e G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 5 5 - 6 ; T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' ; S a i d , 'Tragedie e t renversement'. 11. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 7 7 . 12. F o r e a r l i e r v i e w s , s e e B r o a d h e a d , x v ; H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 7 0 - 2 . H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, a p p r a i s e s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f t h e p l a y . 13. C r a i g , ' I n t e r p r e t a t i o n ' , 9 9 . L a t t i m o r e , ' A e s c h y l u s o n t h e D e f e a t o f X e r x e s ' , i s t h e c u l m i n a t i o n o f t h e ' p a t r i o t i c d r a m a ' t r a d i t i o n . P o d l e c k i , Political Background, 8 - 2 6 r e a d s t h e p l a y a s a n e n c o m i u m o f T h e m i s t o c l e s . M u r r a y , Aeschylus, 1 1 5 r e a d s t h e p l a y a s ' n a t i o n a l c e l e b r a t i o n ' w h i c h a l s o i n d u c e s s y m p a t h y and affection for the Persians (129). 14. S e e H e r o d o t u s 5 . 7 7 . 4 ; 8 . 3 . 2 ; T h u c y d i d e s 1 . 9 4 - 9 7 , 1 2 8 - 3 0 ; C a s t r i o t a , Ethos and Actuality, 1 7 - 2 8 . 15. G o l d e n , In Praise of Prometheus, 3 6 - 4 1 a r g u e s t h a t t h e Persians i s epideictic tragedy, because its r h e t o r i c a l purpose is praise a n d b l a m e . T h e p l a y i s c o n c e r n e d p r i m a r i l y ' t o condemn t h e q u a l i t i e s o f t h e s p i r i t o r m i n d t h a t l e d to the p i t i f u l a n d f e a r f u l events depicted' (40-1). 16. S e a f o r d , Reciprocity and Ritual, 3 2 8 - 4 0 5 s e e s t r a g e d y a s d r a m a t i z i n g the self-destruction o f a r u l i n g house (through perversion o fritual) t o t h e b e n e f i t o f t h e polis ( t h r o u g h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f polis-cult). A s a ' b a r b a r i a n t r a g e d y ' , t h e Persians i s a n e x c e p t i o n t o t h i s r u l e : t h e r u l i n g h o u s e s u r v i v e s , b u t t h e e n t i r e society is r u i n e d . 17. H a l l , 1 1 - 1 3 , 1 6 - 1 9 ; Inventing the Barbarian, 5 6 - 1 0 0 ; S a i d , Orientalism, 55-7. 18. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 6 9 - 1 0 0 . 19. H a l l , 1 9 . 20. H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, 1 0 0 . 21. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 5 - 1 1 3 . 22. H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, e s p . 1 0 9 . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 1 1 1 , c r e d i t s f r e e c o m p e t i t i o n i n t h e polis w i t h t h i s f u n c t i o n . 23. T h e s t r o n g e s t s t a t e m e n t o f t h i s v i e w i s K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 8 . 24. K i t t o , Greek Tragedy, 3 5 - 4 6 ; B r o a d h e a d , x v - x v i i i . 25. M u r r a y , Aeschylus, 1 1 1 - 3 0 ; P a v l o v s k i s , ' A e s c h y l u s M y t h i s t o r i c u s ' ; R e h m , The Play of Space, 2 3 9 - 5 1 ; cf. T h a l m a n n , ' X e r x e s ' R a g s ' , 2 8 2 . 26. G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, 8 3 - 5 . 27. N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 1 8 1 , 1 8 6 - 7 . 28. S p a t z , Aeschylus, 3 3 - 5 ; W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , ' Z e u s i n Per sad, 1 4 - 1 5 ; S m e t h u r s t , Artistry, 1 3 9 - 4 1 ; M e i e r , Political Art, 7 8 ; R o s e n b l o o m , ' C r y i n g " F i r e " ', 1 9 0 - 2 ; ' M y t h , H i s t o r y , a n d H e g e m o n y ' , 9 3 - 8 ; R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 9 . 29. G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 5 2 - 3 f o r w a r n i n g . P r i c k a r d , x x v i i - x x v i i i , contrasts t h e 'ideal/dramatic' a n d t h e 'real/patriotic' 'interest' of t h e d r a m a . See also Groeneboom, 16-18.

184

Notes to pages 146-151 30. G o l d h i l l , ' B a t t l e N a r r a t i v e a n d P o l i t i e s ' , 1 9 3 31. P e l l i n g , ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae a n d H i s t o r y ' , 1 7 ; f o r p i t y a s a n A t h e n i a n e m o t i o n , see K o n s t a n , Pity Transformed, 8 0 - 1 . 32. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 2 - 3 . 33. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 5 0 . 34. R e h m , Play of Space, 2 4 4 . 35. S e e p . 1 0 2 w i t h n . 8 7 , p . 1 7 9 . 36. A l e x a n d e r s o n , ' D a r i u s i n t h e Persians , 1 1 . 37. S e e p . 1 1 4 w i t h n . 4 0 , p . 1 8 0 . 38. H o r d e r n , Fragments of Timotheus, 6 2 - 7 3 . 39. PMG 7 8 8 . O t h e r f r a g m e n t s P l u t a r c h q u o t e s a r e s i m i l a r l y p a t r i o t i c (PMG 789-90). Croiset, 'Observations', 328-9 observes t h a t t h e p a p y r u s does n o t s u s t a i n t h i s s e n t i m e n t . F o r the fragments, see Bassett, ' F i r s t Performance', 154-8; H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g by Nomes', 58-60. 40. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 5 5 a n d o t h e r s t a k e i t a s a r e f e r e n c e t o Themistocles. Croiset, 'Observations', 328-9 considers Zeus or Apollo the subj e c t . H o r d e r n , Fragments of Timotheus, 1 2 8 - 9 t h i n k s t h e A t h e n i a n p e o p l e i s t h e subject. 41. S e e W e s t , Greek Music, 3 5 6 - 7 2 f o r T i m o t h e u s a n d t h e m u s i c o f t h e p e r i o d . F o r t h e c u l t u r a l a n d s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d o f t h i s m u s i c , see C s a p o , ' P o l i t i c s of the N e w Music'. 42. S e e H a n s e n , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persae', 1 3 5 - 8 f o r a t a b l e of conjectures. 43. Z e i t l i n , ' C l o s e t o f M a s k s ' , 5 6 - 6 7 ; P o r t e r , Studies in Euripides' Orestes, 173-213. 44. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 6 0 - 1 ; P o r t e r , Studies in Euripides' Orestes, 2 0 0 - 1 ; J a n s s e n , Timotheus Persae, 1 3 - 2 2 ; cf. H a n s e n , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 3 7 - 8 . 45. T h e S p a r t a n s w e r e a t w a r w i t h P e r s i a f r o m 4 0 0 B C w h e n t h e I o n i a n s r e q u e s t e d S p a r t a n a i d . S e e X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 1 . 3 ; C a r t l e d g e , Agesilaos, 1 9 1 - 4 , 2 0 3 - 1 8 . 46. X e n o p h o n History of Greece 3 . 4 . 1 - 3 ; Agesilaus 1 . 6 - 8 ; cf. P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 6 . 1 . 47. C f . E b e l i n g , ' T h e Persians o f T i m o t h e u s ' , 3 1 8 - 1 9 . 48. X e n o p h o n History of Greece, e s p . 3 . 4 . 1 6 - 1 9 ; Agesilaus 1 . 1 4 . C f . P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 9 . 4 - 5 . 49. C f . H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g b y N o m e s ' , 6 0 - 5 . 50. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 5 4 ; H a n s e n , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persae, 1 3 7 ; W i l s o n , ' A t h e n i a n S t r i n g s ' , 3 0 4 - 6 . 51. B a s s e t t , ' F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e ' , 1 6 2 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e p o i n t i s t o p u t t h e S p a r t a n s i n t h e i r place since t h e A c h a e a n s w e r e a n older people t h a n t h e D o r i a n s . 52. S e e f u r t h e r H e r o d o t u s 1 . 1 4 5 - 6 ; 7 . 9 4 - 5 . 53. C f . C r o i s e t , ' O b s e r v a t i o n s ' , 3 2 6 . H o s e , ' R e s p o n s e t o H a l l ' , 8 5 - 6 s u g g e s t s a polls i n t h e S p a r t a n a l l i a n c e a s t h e p l a c e o f p e r f o r m a n c e . 54. M a n y c l a i m t h a t S a l a m i s w a s n a m e d e l s e w h e r e i n t h e p o e m ( e . g . J a n s s e n , Timotheus Persae, 1 3 - 1 5 ) . I t m a y h a v e b e e n ; b u t o n e c a n n o t f i n d o n e - t h i r d t o o n e - h a l f o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians w h i c h l a c k s i n d i c a t i o n s o f A t h e n s and Salamis. 55. T h u c y d i d e s 7 . 4 0 . 5 , 6 2 , 6 7 . 2 , 7 0 . J a n s s e n , Timotheus Persae, 2 4 s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e m u t i l a t e d l i n e s 4-5 describe t h e b e a m s t h e C o r i n t h i a n s f i t t e d across their bows t o enable prow-to-prow r a m m i n g , another sign t h a t t h e poem projects P e l o p o n n e s i a n n a v a l p o w e r ( t h o u g h t h i s i s n o t Janssen's p o i n t ) . See T h u c y d i d e s 7.34-6, 62.

185

Notes to pages 151-157 56. H o r d e r n , Fragments of Timotheus, 1 3 4 . 57. S e e C r o i s e t , ' O b s e r v a t i o n s ' , 3 3 0 - 5 . 58. C f . H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g b y N o m e s ' , 6 6 - 7 . 59. H a l l , ' D r o w n i n g b y N o m e s ' , 6 6 - 7 2 r e a d s t h e s c e n e a s a c e l e b r a t i o n o f t h e Greek ability to s w i m as a m a r k of cultural supremacy. 60. S e e S l a t e r , ' S y m p o s i u m a t S e a ' , 1 6 8 - 9 . 61. S e e A l e x i s Agonis f r . 5 ( K - A ) . 62. H e s y c h i u s Lexicon, s.v. thyias; T i m o t h e u s f r . 7 7 8 (b) (PMG). 63. C f . H e r i n g t o n , Poetry into Drama, 1 5 6 . 64. F o r s u p p l i c a t i o n , see G o u l d , ' H i k e t e i a ' . 65. ' T h e f a l l o f h o u s e s ' i s a q u o t a t i o n o f A e s c h y l u s Libation Bearers 5 0 , w h e r e i trefers t o the house of A t r e u s . M a n y take i tas a reference to Xerxes' house. I take 'houses' as a t r u e p l u r a l referring to P e r s i a n households. 66. H o m e r Iliad 2 2 . 2 5 - 3 2 ; H e s i o d Works and Days 5 8 2 - 9 6 ; A r c h i l o c h u s f r . 1 0 7 ( W e s t ) ; A l c a e u s f r . 3 4 7 (PMG); H i p p o c r a t e s Airs, Waters, Places 1 1 . S e e D e t i e n n e , Gardens of Adonis, 1 1 4 , 1 2 0 - 1 . I t w a s a l s o t h e s e a s o n f o r c u t t i n g w o o d for ships. 67. T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 6 5 . 1 2 ; X e n o p h o n History of Greece 2 . 1 . 1 4 - 1 5 ; D i o d o r u s 1 3 . 1 0 4 . 3 - 4 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Lysander 4 . 3 - 5 , 9 . 1 - 2 . 68. X e n o p h o n History of Greece 4 . 3 . 1 0 - 1 4 , 4 . 8 . 7 - 1 1 ; D i o d o r u s 1 4 . 8 3 - 4 , 1 5 . 3 5 . 2 ; P l u t a r c h Life of Agesilaus 2 3 ; C a r t l e d g e , Agesilaos, 2 1 8 . 69. D a r i u s , N a q s - i R u s t a m B . 9 a - 9 b = K e n t 1 4 0 . Maricas m e a n s ' m e n i a l ' , o r 'boy'. See Cassio, ' O l d P e r s i a n M A R I K A - ' . 70. F o r H y p e r b o l u s i n f i f t h - c e n t u r y c o m e d y , s e e R o s e n b l o o m , 'Ponèros t o Pharmakos', 3 0 8 - 1 2 , e s p . 3 0 8 n . 1 0 2 . F o r t h e Maricas, s e e S t o r e y , Eupolis 197-214. 71. F o r g o l d i n G r e e k p o e t r y , s e e N a g y , Pindar's Homer, 2 7 6 - 8 ; K u r k e , Coins, Bodies, Games, and Gold, e s p . 4 9 - 5 4 , 6 1 - 4 , 1 8 5 - 6 . 72. S e e H e s i o d Works and Days 1 1 6 - 1 8 ; B a l d r y , ' I d l e r ' s P a r a d i s e ' , 4 9 - 5 2 . 73. B a l d r y , ' I d l e r ' s P a r a d i s e ' , 5 9 - 6 0 . C f . C a r r i e r e , Le Carnaval et la Politique, 8 5 - 1 1 8 . 74. R u f f e l , ' T h e W o r l d U p s i d e D o w n ' , 4 7 3 , 4 8 0 , 4 8 7 . 75. F o r C h o e r i l u s , see Persian Wars f r . 9 (Barnabé); S l a t e r , ' S y m p o s i u m a t S e a ' , 1 6 1 - 3 ; cf. B a c c h y l i d e s Encomia f r . 2 0 B . 76. S e e C e c c a r e l l i , 'L'Athènes d e P e r i c l e s ' : A t h e n s ' e m p i r e i s s o m e t i m e s a Golden Age i n comedy. 77. T h e d a t i n g i s c o n j e c t u r a l . S e e B a l d r y , ' I d l e r ' s P a r a d i s e ' , 5 5 . 78. S e e a l s o P h e r e c r a t e s Miners f r . 1 1 3 ( K - A ) ; M e t a g e n e s Persians of Thurii fr. 6 ( K - A ) . 79. S e e G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 2 2 - 3 ; W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' . 80. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 8 d e t e c t s S i c i n n u s i n a b o a t ; G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 23 suggests t h e old m a n i n t h e boat is X e r x e s i n disguise. 81. S e e W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 5, f i g u r e 2 ; G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , f i g u r e 1 7 , f o r photographs. 82. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 3 . 83. V e r g i l Aeneid 8 . 6 7 1 - 7 2 8 . A p o l l o n i o d e p i c t e d V e r g i l ' s Aeneid o n cassoni. See G o m b r i c h , 'Apollonio', 12-17. 84. C f . D a n t e Purgatory 2 8 . 7 0 - 5 . F o r A p o l l o n i o ' s s o u r c e s , see W a t s o n , ' A p o l lonio', 14-16; G o m b r i c h , 'Apollonio', 22-3. 85. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 6 - 2 1 . 86. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 2 - 1 3 . 87. W a t s o n , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 5 .

186

Notes to pages 157-163 88. S e e G o m b r i c h , ' A p o l l o n i o ' , 1 4 2 - 3 n . 4 2 . 89. H a l l , 2 . 90. G a r l a n d , Surviving Greek Tragedy, 1 1 7 - 1 8 ; f o r e a r l i e r , m a i n l y a m a t e u r productions, see 115-17. 91. S e e G l o v e r , Cavalli, 2 4 - 8 . 92. D e a n , ' H a n d e l ' s Serse', 1 6 5 . 93. V i a t o r , ' T h e S t a g e H i s t o r y o f C i b b e r ' s Xerxes', 1 5 5 . 94. S e e E i t r e m , ' N e c r o m a n c y ' , 1 4 - 1 6 f o r A e s c h y l u s ' u s e o f t h e m y t h . 95. T h e Hellas i s c i t e d f r o m H u t c h i n s o n , Complete Poetical Works of Shelley. 96. I n t h e P r e f a c e t o Hellas, S h e l l e y w r o t e , ' T h e Persae o f A e s c h y l u s a f f o r d e d m e t h e first model o f m y conception, a l t h o u g h t h e decision o f the glorious contest n o w w a g i n g i n Greece being y e t suspended forbids a catastrophe parallel t o t h e r e t u r n o f Xerxes a n d t h e desolation o f t h e Persians'. See E r k e l e n z , ' S h e l l e y ' s Hellas a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians'. 97. S e e L a r i s s y , 'Hellas a s A l l e g o r y ' , 8 8 - 9 1 . 98. T h e Septuagint t r a n s l a t e s A h a s u e r u s a s A r t a x e r x e s . 99. S e e L a r i s s y , 'Hellas a s A l l e g o r y ' , 9 1 - 9 ; E r k e l e n z , ' S h e l l e y ' s Hellas a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', 3 2 1 - 5 s e e s h i m a l s o a s a f i g u r e f o r t h e G r e e k s , p r o g e n i t o r s of western freedom and bearers of the contemporary passion for vengeance. 100. L a r i s s y , 'Hellas a s A l l e g o r y ' , 9 8 - 9 v i e w s A h a s u e r u s a s b o t h m a s t e r a n d slave; h a v i n g experienced both, h e transcends t h e m . 101. S c h o l i a t o A r i s t o p h a n e s Frogs 1 0 2 8 a - b ; Life of Aeschylus 1 8 . M o s t s c h o l a r s a c c e p t a S i c i l i a n p e r f o r m a n c e . S e e S o m m e r s t e i n , Aeschylean Tragedy, 2 1 - 2 ; P o d l e c k i , Persians 1 1 7 - 2 0 . A r o u n d 4 7 0 , A e s c h y l u s p r e s e n t e d Women of Aetna i n S i c i l y t o c e l e b r a t e t h e r e f o u n d a t i o n o f C a t a n a a s A e t n a (Life of Aeschylus 9 ) . 102. S c h o l i u m t o A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 1 0 = C s a p o / S l a t e r I . 1 7 B ; c f . I.17C. 103. H a l l , 2 s u g g e s t s 4 2 5 . 104. G a r l a n d , Surviving Greek Tragedy, 1 7 2 - 4 . 105. H a l l , 2 ; G a r l a n d , Surviving Greek Tragedy, 2 1 1 ; F a v o r i n i , ' H i s t o r y , C o l l e c t i v e M e m o r y , a n d t h e Persians', 1 0 9 . 106. V a n S t e e n , ' F o r g o t t e n T h e a t e r ' , 3 6 8 - 9 . 107. S e e V a n S t e e n , ' F o r g o t t e n T h e a t e r ' , 3 7 0 - 2 . 108. H a l l , 2 ; ' A e s c h y l u s , R a c e , C l a s s , a n d W a r ' , 1 7 5 . 109. H a r t i g a n , Greek Tragedy on the American Stage, 1 0 2 - 4 ; H a l l , 2 . 110. San Francisco Chronicle, 8 S e p t e m b e r 2 0 0 4 , E l . 111. The Villager, 7 3 . 7 , 1 8 - 2 4 J u n e 2 0 0 3 .

187

Bibliography Abbreviations Texts and editions of Aeschylus and the P e r s i a n s B e l l o n i = L . B e l l o n i ( e d . & t r a n s . ) Eschilo, I Persiani ( M i l a n o : Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 1988). B r o a d h e a d = H . D . B r o a d h e a d ( e d . ) The Persae of Aeschylus ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m bridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1960). G r o e n e b o o m = P . G r o e n e b o o m ( e d . ) Aischylos' Perser, t r a n s . H . Sönnichsen (Göttingen: V a n d e n h o e c k & R u p r e c h t , 1 9 6 0 ) . H a l l = E . H a l l ( e d . & t r a n s . ) Aeschylus Persians ( W a r m i n s t e r : A r i s a n d P h i l l i p s , 1996). P a g e = D . P a g e ( e d . ) Aeschyli Septem quae Super sunt Tragoedias ( O x f o r d : Clarendon Press, 1972). P r i c k a r d = A . P r i c k a r d ( e d . ) The Persae of Aeschylus ( L o n d o n : M a c m i l l a n , 1 9 2 9 , reprint of 1879 edition), d e R o m i l l y = J . d e R o m i l l y e t a l . ( e d s ) Eschyle, Les Perses ( P a r i s : P r e s s e s Universitaires de France, 1974). R o s e = H . J . R o s e , A Commentary to the Surviving Plays of Aeschylus, v o l . 1 ( A m s t e r d a m : Noord-Holland, 1957). S i d g w i c k = A . S i d g w i c k ( e d . ) Aeschyli Persae ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 0 3 ) . W e s t = M . L . W e s t ( e d . ) Aeschyli Tragoediae cum incerti poetae Prometheo (Stuttgart: B.G. Teubner, 19982). Translations of the P e r s i a n s B e n a r d e t e = S . B e n a r d e t e , Persians, i n D . G r e n e a n d R . L a t t i m o r e ( e d s ) The Complete Greek Tragedies. Aeschylus I I ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o Press, 19912), 44-86. H a l l = see a b o v e . L e m b k e / H e r i n g t o n = J . L e m b k e a n d C . J . H e r i n g t o n , Aeschylus Persians ( N e w Y o r k : Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1981). P o d l e c k i = A . P o d l e c k i , The Persians by Aeschylus ( E n g l e w o o d C l i f f s , N e w Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1970). S m y t h = H . W . S m y t h , Aeschylus, v o l . 1 ( L o n d o n : W i l l i a m H e i n e m a n n L t d . , 1 9 4 6 ) . Texts of other Greek authors Bernabé = A . Bernabé ( e d . ) Poetarum Epicorum: Testimonia et Fragmenta Pars /(Leipzig: Teubner, 19962).

189

Aeschylus: Persians D i o d o r u s = D i o d o r u s o f S i c i l y , Library, t r a n s . C . H . O l d f a t h e r , 1 2 v o l s ( C a m bridge, Mass: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1946-67). D - K = H . D i e l s a n d W . K r a n z ( e d s ) Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 3 v o l s (Berlin: W e i d e m a n n , 1956-598). FGE - D . P a g e ( e d . ) Further Greek Epigrams ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r sity Press, 1981). FGrH = F . J a c o b y ( e d . ) Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker ( L e i d e n : E . J . Brill, 1968-). H e r o d o t u s = H e r o d o t u s , The Histories, t r a n s . A . d e S e l i n c o u r t ( L o n d o n : Penguin, 1996, revised w i t h introductory matter a n d notes b y John Marineóla). K - A = R . K a s s e l a n d C . A u s t i n ( e d s ) Poetae Comici Graecae, 8 v o l s ( B e r l i n : W a l t e r de G r u y t e r , 1983-). L o b e l / P a g e = E . L o b e l a n d D . P a g e ( e d s ) Poetarum Lesbiorum Fragmenta (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955). PMG = D . P a g e ( e d . ) Poetae Melici Graecae ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 6 2 ) . TrGF 1 = B . S n e l l a n d R . K a n n i c h t ( e d s ) Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, vol. 1 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 19862). TrGF 2 = R . K a n n i c h t a n d B . S n e l l ( e d s ) Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, v o l . 2 : Fragmenta Adespota ( G o t t i n g e n : V a n d e n h o e c k & R u p r e c h t , 1 9 8 1 ) . TrGF 3 = S . R a d t ( e d . ) Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, v o l . 3 : Aeschylus (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1985). TrGF 5 . 1 = R . K a n n i c h t ( e d . ) Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, v o l . 5 . 1 : Euripides ( G o t t i n g e n : V a n d e n h o e k & R u p r e c h t , 2 0 0 4 ) . T h u c y d i d e s = T h u c y d i d e s , History of the Peloponnesian War, t r a n s . R . W a r n e r (London: Penguin, 1972, introduction a n d notes b y M . I . Finley). W e s t = M . L . W e s t ( e d . ) Iambi et Elegi Graeci ( S a n d p i p e r B o o k s , r e p r i n t 1998). Scholarly works and compilations of sources ATL = B . M e r i t t , H . T . W a d e - G e r y , M . F . M c G r e g o r ( e d s ) The Athenian Tribute Lists, 4 v o l s : v o l . 1 ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 3 9 ) ; v o l s 2-4 ( P r i n c e t o n : A m e r i c a n School o f Classical S t u d i e s a t A t h e n s , 1939-53). B r o s i u s = M . B r o s i u s , The Persian Empire from Cyrus I I to Artaxerxes I . L A C T O R 16 (London: L A C T O R , 2000). Cited b y document number. C s a p o / S l a t e r = E . C s a p o a n d W . J . S l a t e r , The Context of Ancient Drama ( A n n Arbor: U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n Press, 1994). Cited b y document n u m b e r unless otherwise stated. F o r n a r a = C . F o r n a r a , Archaic Times to the End of the Peloponnesian War. Translated Documents of Greece and Rome, v o l . 1 ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e University Press, 19832). Cited b y document number. H a r d i n g = P . H a r d i n g , From the End of the Peloponnesian War to the Battle of Ipsus. Translated Documents of Greece and Rome, v o l . 2 ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m bridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1985). Cited b y document number. K e n t = R . K e n t , Old Persian: Grammar, Texts, Lexicon ( N e w H a v e n : A m e r i c a n O r i e n t a l Society, 19532). M L 2 = R . M e i g g s a n d D . M . L e w i s ( e d s ) A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 8 8 2 ) . C i t e d b y d o c u m e n t n u m b e r u n l e s s otherwise stated.

190

Bibliography

Books, chapters, and articles A d a m s , S . ' S a l a m i s S y m p h o n y : T h e Persae o f A e s c h y l u s ' , i n M . W h i t e ( e d . ) Studies in Honour of Gilbert Norwood. T h e P h o e n i x s u p p l e m e n t a r y v o l . 1 (Toronto: U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o Press, 1952), 46-54. R e p r i n t e d i n E . Segal ( e d . ) Oxford Readings in Greek Tragedy ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1983), 3 4 - 4 1 . 1 cite t h e o r i g i n a l essay. A e l i o n , R . ' S o n g e s e t prophéties d ' E s c h y l e : u n e f o r m e d e m i s e e n a b y m e ' , i n Lalies: Actes des sessions de linguistique et de littérature 3 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 1 3 3 - 4 6 . A l e x a n d e r s o n , B . ' D a r i u s i n t h e Persians , Eranos 6 5 ( 1 9 6 6 ) , 1 - 1 1 . A l e x i o u , M . The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition ( L a n h a m , M D : R o w m a n a n d Littlefield, 20022, revised by D . Yatromanolakis and P. Roilos). Aloni, A. 'The P r o e m of Simonides' Plataea Elegy and the Circumstances of its P e r f o r m a n c e ' , i n D . B o e d e k e r a n d D . S i d e r ( e d s ) The New Simonides: Contexts of Praise and Desire ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 1 ) , 86-105. A l t y , J . ' D o r i a n s a n d I o n i a n s ' , Journal of Hellenic Studies 1 0 2 ( 1 9 8 2 ) , 1 - 1 4 . A n d e r s o n , M . ' T h e I m a g e r y o f t h e Persians', Greece & Rome 1 9 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 1 6 6 - 7 4 . A n d r e w e s , A . ' K l e i s t h e n e s ' R e f o r m B i l l ' , Classical Quarterly 2 7 ( 1 9 7 7 ) , 2 4 1 - 7 . A r n o t t , P . Greek Scenic Conventions in the Fifth Century B.c. ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n don Press, 1962). A u l e t t a , R . Persians ( L o s A n g e l e s : S u n & M o o n P r e s s , 1 9 9 3 ) . A u s t i n , M . M . ' G r e e k T y r a n t s a n d t h e P e r s i a n s , 5 4 6 - 4 7 9 B.c.', Classical Quarterly 4 0 ( 1 9 9 0 ) , 2 8 9 - 3 0 6 . A v e r y , H . ' D r a m a t i c D e v i c e s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', American Journal of Philology 8 5 ( 1 9 6 4 ) , 1 7 3 - 8 4 . B a c o n , H . Barbarians in Greek Tragedy ( N e w H a v e n : Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1961). Badian, E . 'Toward a Chronology of the Pentecontaetia d o w n to the Renewal of t h e P e a c e o f C a l l i a s ' , i n E . B a d i a n , From Plataea to Potidaea: Studies in the History and Historiography of the Pentecontaetia ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993), 73-107. Badian, E. 'Thucydides and the Outbreak of the Peloponnesian W a r : A Histor i a n ' s B r i e f , i n E . B a d i a n , From Plataea to Potidaea: Studies in the History and Historiography of the Pentekontaetia ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i versity Press, 1993), 125-62. Badian, E .'Herodotus o nAlexander I of Macedon: A Study i nSome Subtle S i l e n c e s ' , i n S . H o r n b l o w e r ( e d . ) Greek Historiography ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n Press, 1994), 107-30. B a l c e r , J . M . Herodotus and Bisitun: Problems in Ancient Persian Historiography. H i s t o r i a E i n z e l s c h r i f t e n H e f t 4 9 ( F r a n z S t e i n e r : S t u t t g a r t , 1 9 8 7 ) . B a l c e r , J . M . A Proposopographical Study of the Ancient Persians Royal and Noble c. 550-450 B.c. ( L e w i s t o n : E d w i n M e l l e n P r e s s , 1 9 9 3 ) . B a l d r y , H . C . ' T h e I d l e r ' s P a r a d i s e i n A t t i c C o m e d y ' , Greece & Rome 6 5 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 49-60. B a l o t , R . Greed and Injustice in Classical Athens ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r sity Press, 2001). B a r k w o r t h , P . ' T h e O r g a n i z a t i o n o f X e r x e s ' A r m y ' , Iranica Antiqua 2 7 ( 1 9 9 3 ) , 149-67. B a r r e t t , J . ' N a r r a t i v e a n d M e s s e n g e r i n A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', American Journal of Philology 1 1 6 ( 1 9 9 5 ) , 5 3 9 - 5 7 .

191

Aeschylus: Persians B a r r o n , J . P . ' B a k c h y l i d e s , T h e s e u s , a n d a W o o l l y C l o a k ' , Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 27 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 1-8. B a s s e t t , S . T h e P l a c e a n d D a t e o f t h e F i r s t P e r f o r m a n c e o f t h e Persians o f T i m o t h e u s ' , Classical Philology 2 6 ( 1 9 3 1 ) , 1 5 3 - 6 5 . B e n v e n i s t e , E . Indo-European Language and Society, t r a n s . E . P a l m e r ( F a b e r and Faber: London, 1973) B o e d e k e r , D . ' P r o t e s i l a u s a n d t h e E n d o f H e r o d o t u s ' Histories', Classical Antiquity 7 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 3 0 - 4 8 . Boedeker, D . 'Hero C u l t a n d Politics i n Herodotus: T h e Bones o f Orestes', i n C. D o u g h e r t y a n d L . K u r k e ( e d s ) Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece ( C a m bridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993), 164-77. Boedeker, D . 'Heroic Historiography: Simonides and Herodotus o n Plataea', i n D . B o e d e k e r a n d D . S i d e r ( e d s ) The New Simonides: Contexts of Praise and Desire ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 1 ) , 1 2 0 - 3 4 . Boedeker, D . 'Paths t o Heroization a t Plataea', i n D . Boedeker and D . Sider ( e d s ) The New Simonides: Contexts of Praise and Desire ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2001), 148-63. B o r d a u x , L . ' L e c t u r e d u P r e m i e r S t a s i m o n d e s Perses, v . 5 3 2 - 9 7 ' , i n P . G h i r o n B i s t a g n e , A . M o r e a u , J . - C . T u r p i n ( e d s ) Les Perses d' Eschyle, Cahiers du Gita 7, 1 9 9 2 / 9 3 ( M o n t p e l l i e r : Université P a u l Valéry, 1 9 9 3 ) , 7 0 - 8 0 . Borthwick, E . K . 'The 'Flower' o f the Argives a n d a Neglected M e a n i n g o f Anthos', Journal of Hellenic Studies 9 6 ( 1 9 7 6 ) , 1-7. B o u r g e a u d , P . The Cult of Pan in Ancient Greece, t r a n s . K . A t l a s s a n d J . Redfield (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 1988). B r e n n e , S. ' O s t r a k a a n d t h e P r o c e s s o f O s t r a k o p h o r i a ' , i n W . C o u l s o n e t a l . (eds) The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy ( O x f o r d : O x b o w Monographs, 1994), 13-24. B r e n n e , S . T l : O s t r a k a ' , i n P . S i e w e r t ( e d . ) Ostrakismos-Testimonien I . H i s t o r i a E i n z e l s c h r i f t e n H e f t 155 (Stuttgart: F r a n z Steiner, 2002), 36-166. B r i a n t , P . From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire, t r a n s . P . Daniels ( W i n o n a Lake: Eisenbaums, 2002). B r o w n , S t u a r t C . ' T h e Médikos L o g o s o f H e r o d o t u s a n d t h e E v o l u t i o n o f t h e M e d i a n S t a t e ' , i n A . K u h r t a n d H . S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g ( e d s ) Achaemenid History III: Method and Theory ( L e i d e n : N e t h e r l a n d s I n s t i t u t e f o r t h e N e a r East, 1988), 71-86. B r u n t , P . A . ' T h e H e l l e n i c L e a g u e A g a i n s t P e r s i a ' , Historia 2 ( 1 9 5 3 / 5 4 ) , 1 3 5 - 6 3 . B u r i a n , P. 'Tragedy A d a p t e d for the Stage a n d Screens: T h e Renaissance to the P r e s e n t ' , i n P . E a s t e r l i n g ( e d . ) The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1997), 229-83. B u r k e r t , W . Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of California Press, 1979). B u r n , A . R . Persia and the Greeks ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 1 9 8 4 2 w i t h p o s t s c r i p t by D . M .Lewis). C a i r n s , D . 'Hybris, D i s h o n o u r , a n d T h i n k i n g B i g ' , Journal of Hellenic Studies 1 1 6 ( 1 9 9 6 ) , 1-32. C a l d w e l l , R . ' T h e P a t t e r n o f A e s c h y l e a n D r a m a ' , Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 1 0 1 ( 1 9 7 0 ) , 7 7 - 9 4 . C a r r i e r e , J . - C . Le Carnaval et la Politique ( P a r i s : L e s B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1 9 7 9 ) . C a r t l e d g e , P . Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , a n d B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1987). C a r t l e d g e , P . Greeks: A Portrait of Self and Others ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 20022).

192

Bibliography C a s s i o , A . ' O l d P e r s i a n M A R I K A - , E u p o l i s Marikas a n d A r i s t o p h a n e s Knights', Classical Quarterly 3 5 ( 1 9 8 5 ) , 3 8 - 4 2 . Castellani, V . 'Clio vs. Melpomene; o r w h y so little historical d r a m a f r o m A t h e n s ' , i n J . R e d m o n d ( e d . ) Themes in Drama, v o l . 8 , Historical Drama ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 6 ) , 1-16. C a s t r i o t a , D . Myth, Ethos, and Actuality: Official Art in Fifth-Century B.C. Athens ( M a d i s o n : U n i v e r s i t y o f W i s c o n s i n P r e s s , 1 9 9 2 ) . C a w k w e l l , G . ' T h e F a l l o f T h e m i s t o c l e s ' , i n B . F . H a r r i s ( e d . ) Auckland Essays Presented to E.M. Blaiklock ( A u c k l a n d : A u c k l a n d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 0 ) , 39-58. C e c c a r e l l i , P . 'L'Athènes d e Périclès: u n " p a y s d e c o c a g n e " ? L ' idéologie démocratique e t Yautomatos bios d a n s l a comédie a n c i e n n e ' , Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 5 4 ( 1 9 9 6 ) , 1 0 9 - 5 9 . C h i a s s o n , C . ' T h e H e r o d o t e a n S o l o n ' , Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 2 7 (1986), 249-62. C h i a s s o n , C . ' H e r o d o t u s ' U s e o f A t t i c T r a g e d y i n t h e L y d i a n Logos', Classical Antiquity 2 2 ( 2 0 0 3 ) , 5 - 3 6 . C l a i r m o n t , C . Patrios Nomos: Public Burial in Athens during the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.c., 2 v o l s ( O x f o r d : B A R I n t e r n a t i o n a l S e r i e s 1 6 1 , 1 9 8 3 ) . C o n a c h e r , D . 'Persae', i n D . C o n a c h e r , Aeschylus: The Earlier Plays and Related Studies ( T o r o n t o : U n i v e r s i t y o f T o r o n t o P r e s s , 1 9 9 6 ) , 3 - 3 2 . C o n n o r , W . R . ' E a r l y G r e e k L a n d W a r f a r e a s S y m b o l i c E x p r e s s i o n ' , Past & Present 1 1 9 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 1-29. C o n n o r , W . R . ' C i t y D i o n y s i a a n d A t h e n i a n D e m o c r a c y ' , Classica et Mediaevalia 40 (1989), 7-32. C o u c h , H . ' T h r e e P u n s o n t h e R o o t PERTH- i n t h e Persae o f A e s c h y l u s ' , American Journal of Philology 5 2 ( 1 9 3 1 ) , 2 7 0 - 3 . C o u c h , H . ' P r o s k y n e s i s a n d A b a s e m e n t i n A e s c h y l u s ' , Classical Philology 2 6 (1931), 316-18. C r a i g , J . ' T h e I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persae', Classical Review 3 8 ( 1 9 2 4 ) , 98-101. C r o i s e t , M . ' O b s e r v a t i o n s s u r Les Perses d e Timothée d e M i l e t ' , Revues des Études Grecques 1 6 ( 1 9 0 3 ) , 3 2 3 - 4 8 . C s a p o , E . ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f t h e N e w M u s i c ' , i n P . M u r r a y a n d P . W i l s o n (eds) Music and the Muses: The Culture of Mousikê in the Classical Athenian City (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2004), 207-38. Dale, A . M . 'Interior Scenes a n d Illusion i n Greek Drama', i n A . M . Dale, Collected Papers ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s . 1 9 6 9 ) , 2 5 9 - 7 1 . D a l e , A . M . Metrical Analyses of Tragic Choruses: Fasicle I , Dactylo-Epitrite. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies S u p p l e m e n t 2 1 . 1 ( L o n d o n : U n i v e r s i t y of London, Institute for Classical Studies, 1971). D e a n , W . ' H a n d e l ' s Serse', i n T . B a u m a n a n d M . P e t s o l d t M c C l y m o n d s ( e d s ) Opera and the Enlightenment ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1995), 135-67. D e s m o n d , W . ' P u n i s h m e n t s a n d t h e C o n c l u s i o n o f H e r o d o t u s ' Histories', Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 4 4 ( 2 0 0 4 ) , 1 9 - 4 0 . Détienne, M . The Gardens of Adonis, t r a n s . J . L l o y d ( S u s s e x : H a r v e s t e r P r e s s , 1977). Détienne, M . Dionysos at Large, t r a n s . A . G o l d h a m m e r ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1989). Détienne, M . a n d V e r n a n t , J . - P . Cunning Intelligence in Greek Culture and Society, t r a n s . J . L l o y d ( S u s s e x : H a r v e s t e r P r e s s , 1 9 7 8 ) .

193

Aeschylus:

Persians

D e v e r e u x , G . Dreams in Greek Tragedy: An Ethno-Pyscho-Analytical Study (Berkeley: U n i v e r s i t y of California Press, 1976). Dewald, C. ' W a n t o n Kings, Pickled Heroes, and Gnomic Founding Fathers: S t r a t e g i e s o f M e a n i n g a t t h e E n d o f H e r o d o t u s ' s Histories', i n D . R o b e r t s , F . D u n n , a n d D . F o w l e r ( e d s ) Classical Closure. Reading the End in Greek and Latin Literature ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 6 ) , 6 2 - 8 2 . D r e w - B e a r , T . ' T h e T r o c h a i c T e t r a m e t e r i n G r e e k T r a g e d y ' , American Journal of Philology 8 9 ( 1 9 6 8 ) , 3 8 5 - 4 0 5 . D w o r a c k i , S . ' A t o s s a ' s A b s e n c e i n t h e F i n a l S c e n e o f t h e Persae o f A e s c h y l u s ' , i n G . W . B o w e r s o c k e t a l . ( e d s ) Arktouros: Hellenic Studies Presented to Bernard M.W. Knox ( B e r l i n : W a l t e r d e G r u y t e r , 1 9 7 9 ) , 1 0 1 - 8 . E a s t e r l i n g , P . ( e d . ) The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy ( C a m b r i d g e : Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1997). E b b o t t , M . ' T h e L i s t o f t h e W a r D e a d i n A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 1 0 0 ( 2 0 0 0 ) , 8 3 - 9 6 . E b e l i n g , H . ' T h e Persians o f T i m o t h e u s ' , American Journal of Philology 4 6 (1925), 317-31. E h r e n b e r g , V . From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization during the Sixth and Fifth Centuries B.C. ( L o n d o n : M e t h u e n , 1 9 7 3 2 ) . E i t r e m , S . ' T h e N e c r o m a n c y i n t h e P e r s a i o f A i s c h y l o s ' , Symbolae Osloensis 6 ( 1 9 2 8 ) , 1-16. E l s e , G . The Origin and Early Form of Greek Tragedy ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1965). E r k e l e n z , M . ' S h e l l e y ' s Hellas a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', Philological Quarterly 76 (1997), 313-37. E u b e n , J . P . ' T h e B a t t l e o f S a l a m i s a n d t h e O r i g i n s o f P o l i t i c a l T h e o r y ' , Political Theory 1 4 ( 1 9 8 6 ) , 3 5 9 - 9 0 . E v a n s , J . ' T h e M e d i s m o f P a u s a n i a s : T w o V e r s i o n s ' , Antichthon 2 2 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 1 - 1 1 . F a r a o n e , C . Ancient Greek Love Magic ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1999). F a v o r i n i , A . ' H i s t o r y , C o l l e c t i v e M e m o r y , a n d A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', Theatre Journal 5 5 ( 2 0 0 3 ) , 9 9 - 1 1 1 . F e r r a r i , G l o r i a , ' T h e I l i o u p e r s i s i n A t h e n s ' , Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 1 0 0 ( 2 0 0 0 ) , 1 1 9 - 5 0 . F i n l e y , M . I . ' E m p i r e i n t h e G r e c o - R o m a n W o r l d ' , Greece & Rome 2 5 ( 1 9 7 8 ) , 1-15. F i n l e y , M . I . ' T h e A t h e n i a n E m p i r e : A B a l a n c e S h e e t ' , i n M . I . F i n l e y , Economy and Society in Ancient Greece ( N e w Y o r k : V i k i n g P r e s s , 1 9 8 2 , e d i t e d w i t h a n introduction by B . S h a w and R. Sailer), 41-61. F i s h e r , N . R . E . Hybris: A Study in the Values of Honour and Shame in Ancient Greece ( W a r m i n s t e r : A r i s a n d P h i l l i p s , 1 9 9 2 ) . F l i n t o f f , E . 'Diplakessin a t A e s c h y l u s ' Persians 2 7 7 ' , Mnemosyne 2 7 ( 1 9 7 4 ) , 2 3 1 - 7 . F l i n t o f f , E . ' T h e U n i t y o f t h e Persians T r i l o g y ' , Quaderni Urbanati di Cultura Classica 4 0 ( 1 9 9 2 ) , 6 7 - 8 0 . Flower, M . ' F r o m Simonides to Isocrates: T h e F i f t h - C e n t u r y Origins of F o u r t h C e n t u r y P a n h e l l e n i s m ' , Classical Antiquity 1 9 ( 2 0 0 0 ) , 6 5 - 1 0 1 . F l o w e r , M . a n d Marineóla, J . ( e d s ) Herodotus Histories Book IX ( C a m b r i d g e : Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2002). F o l e y , H . ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f T r a g i c L a m e n t a t i o n ' , i n A . S o m m e r s t e i n e t a l . (eds) Tragedy and the Polis ( B a r i : L a v a n t e ) , 1 0 1 - 4 3 . F o n t e n r o s e , J . The Delphic Oracle ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1978).

194

Bibliography F o r n a r a , C . ' S o m e A s p e c t s o f t h e C a r e e r o f P a u s a n i a s o f S p a r t a ' , Historia 1 5 (1966), 257-71. F o r n a r a , C . ' T h e H o p l i t e A c h i e v e m e n t a t P s y t t a l i a ' , Journal of Hellenic Studies 86 (1966), 51-4. F o r n a r a , C . The Athenian Board of Generals from 501 to 404. H i s t o r i a E i n z e l ¬ schriften H e f t 16 (Wiesbaden: F r a n z Steiner, 1971). F o r n a r a , C . ' T h e m i s t o c l e s ' A r c h o n s h i p ' , Historia 2 0 ( 1 9 7 1 ) , 5 3 4 - 4 0 . F o r n a r a , C . Herodotus: An Interpretative Essay ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1971). F o r n a r a , C . a n d S a m o n s , L . Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of California Press, 1991). F o r r e s t , W . G . ' T h e m i s t o k l e s a n d A r g o s ' , Classical Quarterly 1 0 ( 1 9 6 0 ) , 2 2 1 - 4 1 . F o w l e r , B . ' A e s c h y l u s ' I m a g e r y ' , Classica et Mediaevalia 2 8 ( 1 9 6 7 ) , 1 - 7 4 . F r o s t , F . ' T h e A t h e n i a n M i l i t a r y b e f o r e C l e i s t h e n e s ' , Historia 3 3 ( 1 9 8 4 ) , 2 8 3 - 9 4 . F r y e , N . The Anatomy of Criticism ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1957). G a g a r i n , M . Aeschylean Drama ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1976). G a n t z , T . ' T h e A i s c h y l e a n T e t r a l o g y : C o n j e c t u r e d a n d A t t e s t e d G r o u p s ' , American Journal of Philology 1 0 1 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 1 3 3 - 6 4 . G a r l a n d , R . Surviving Greek Tragedy ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 2 0 0 4 ) . G a r v i e , A , ' A e s c h y l u s ' S i m p l e P l o t s ' , i n R . D a w e e t a l . ( e d s ) Dionysiaca: Nine Studies in Greek Poetry by Former Pupils Presented to Sir Denys Page on his Seventieth Birthday ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , 1 9 7 8 ) , 63-86. G e o r g e s , P . Barbarian Asia and the Greek Experience: From the Archaic Period to the Age ofXenophon ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 4 ) . G e o r g e s , P . ' P e r s i a n I o n i a u n d e r D a r i u s : T h e R e v o l t R e c o n s i d e r e d ' , Historia 4 9 ( 2 0 0 0 ) , 1-39. G i l l i s , D . Collaboration with the Persians. H i s t o r i a E i n z e l s c h r i f t e n H e f t 3 4 (Wiesbaden: F r a n z Steiner, 1979). G l o v e r , J . Cavalli ( L o n d o n : B . T . B a t s f o r d L t d , 1 9 7 8 ) . G o h e e n , R . ' A s p e c t s o f D r a m a t i c S y m b o l i s m : T h r e e S t u d i e s i n t h e Oresteia', American Journal of Philology 7 6 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 1 1 3 - 5 7 . G o l d e n , L . In Praise of Prometheus: Humanism and Rationalism in Aeschylean Thought ( C h a p e l H i l l : U n i v e r s i t y o f N o r t h C a r o l i n a P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 ) . G o l d h i l l , S . ' B a t t l e N a r r a t i v e a n d P o l i t i c s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Persae', Journal of Hellenic Studies 1 0 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 1 8 9 - 9 3 . G o l d h i l l , S. ' T h e G r e a t D i o n y s i a a n d C i v i c I d e o l o g y ' , i n J . W i n k l e r a n d F . Z e i t l i n ( e d s ) Nothing to Do with Dionysos? Athenian Drama in its Social Context (Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1990), 97-129. Gombrich, E . 'Apollonio d i Giovanni: A Florentine Cassone Workshop Seen T h r o u g h t h e E y e s o f a H u m a n i s t P o e t ' , i n E . G o m b r i c h , Norm and Form: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance ( L o n d o n : P h a i d o n , 1 9 7 1 2 ) , 1 1 - 2 8 . G o u l d , J . ' H i k e t e i a ' , i n J . G o u l d , Myth, Ritual, Memory, and Exchange: Essays in Greek Literature and Culture ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 1 ) , 22-77. G o u l d , J . Herodotus ( L o n d o n : W e i d e n f e l d a n d N i c o l s o n , 1 9 8 9 ) . G o w , A . S . F . ' N o t e s o n t h e Persae o f A e s c h y l u s ' , Journal of Hellenic Studies 4 8 (1928), 133-58. G o w , A . S . F . T u n x , R h o m b o s , T u r b o ' , Journal of Hellenic Studies 5 4 ( 1 9 3 4 ) , 1-13.

195

Aeschylus: Persians G r e e n , J . R . Theatre in Ancient Greek Society ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 9 4 ) . G r e e n , P . The Greco-Persian Wars ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1996, reprint). G r e g o r y , J . ( e d . ) A Companion to Greek Tragedy ( O x f o r d : B l a c k w e l l P u b l i s h i n g , 2005). G r i f f i t h , M . ' B r i l l i a n t D y n a s t s : P o w e r a n d P o l i t i c s i n t h e Oresteia', Classical Antiquity 1 4 ( 1 9 9 5 ) , 6 2 - 1 2 9 . Griffith, M . 'The K i n g and Eye: T h e Rule of the Father i n Greek Tragedy', Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 4 4 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , 2 0 - 8 4 . G r u n d y , G . The Great Persian War ( L o n d o n : J o h n M u r r a y , 1 9 0 1 ) . H a l d a n e , J . ' " B a r b a r i c C r i e s " ( A e s c h . Pers. 6 3 3 - 3 9 ) ' , Classical Quarterly 2 2 (1972), 42-50. H a l l , E . Inventing the Barbarian: Greek Self-Definition through Tragedy ( O x ford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1988). Hall, E . 'Asia U n m a n n e d : Images of Victory i n Classical Athens', i n J. R i c h and G . S h i p l e y ( e d s ) War and Society in the Greek World ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1993), 108-33. H a l l , E . ' D r o w n i n g b y N o m e s : T h e G r e e k s , S w i m m i n g , a n d T i m o t h e u s ' Persians', i n H . K h a n ( e d . ) The Birth of the European Identity: The Europe-Asia Contrast in Greek Thought. N o t t i n g h a m C l a s s i c a l L i t e r a t u r e S t u d i e s , v o l . 2 ( N o t t i n g h a m : N o t t i n g h a m U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1994), 44-80. H a l l , E . 'Aeschylus, Race, Class, a n d W a r i n t h e 1990s', i n E . H a l l , F . M a c i n t o s h , a n d A . W r i g l e y ( e d s ) Dionysus since 69: Greek Tragedy at the Dawn of the Third Millennium ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 4 ) , 1 6 9 - 9 7 . Hammond, N.G.L. 'The Conditions of Dramatic Production t o the Death of A e s c h y l u s ' , Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 1 3 ( 1 9 7 2 ) , 3 8 7 - 4 5 0 . H a m m o n d , N . G . L . ' H e r o d o t u s V I I a n d t h e D e c r e e o f T h e m i s t o c l e s ' , Journal of Hellenic Studies 1 0 2 ( 1 9 8 2 ) , 7 5 - 9 3 . Hammond, N.G.L. 'More o n t h e Conditions o fProduction t o t h e Death o f A e s c h y l u s ' , Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 2 9 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 5 - 3 3 . H a m m o n d , N . G . L . 'The Expedition of Datis and Artaphrenes', i n J. Boardman, N . G . L . H a m m o n d , D . M . L e w i s , a n d M . O s t w a l d ( e d s ) The Cambridge Ancient History, v o l . I V : Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525 to 479 B.C. ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 8 2 ) , 4 9 1 - 5 1 7 . H a m m o n d , N.G.L. 'The Expedition of Xerxes', i n J . Boardman, N.G.L. H a m m o n d , D . M . L e w i s , a n d M . O s t w a l d ( e d s ) The Cambridge Ancient History, v o l . I V : Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525 to 479 B.C. (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19882), 5 18-91. Hansen, O . ' O n the Date and Place of the First Performance of Timotheus' Persae', Philologus 1 2 8 ( 1 9 8 4 ) , 1 3 5 - 8 . H a r d w i c k , L . Reception Studies. G r e e c e & R o m e N e w S u r v e y s i n t h e C l a s s i c s 33 (London: O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2003). H a r m o n , A . ' T h e S c e n e o f t h e Persians', Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 6 3 ( 1 9 3 2 ) , 7 - 1 9 . H a r r i s o n , T . The Emptiness of Asia ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 2 0 0 0 ) . H a r r i s o n , T . Divinity and History: The Religion of Herodotus ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000). H a r r i s o n , T . ( e d . ) Greeks and Barbarians. E d i n b u r g h R e a d i n g s o n t h e A n c i e n t W o r l d (Edinburgh: E d i n b u r g h U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2002). H a r t i g a n , K . Greek Tragedy on the American Stage: Ancient Drama in the Commercial Theater 1882-1994 ( W e s t p o r t , C o n n . : G r e e n w o o d P r e s s , 1995).

196

Bibliography H a r t o g , F . The Mirror of Herodotus: Representation of the Other in the Writing of History, t r a n s . J . L l o y d ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a Press, 1988). H e a t h , M . The Poetics of Greek Tragedy ( S t a n f o r d : S t a n f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1987). H e l m , J . ' A e s c h y l u s ' G e n e a l o g y o f M o r a l s ' , Transactions of the American Philological Association 1 3 4 ( 2 0 0 4 ) , 2 3 - 5 4 . H e r i n g t o n , C . J . Poetry into Drama: Early Tragedy and the Greek Poetic Tradition ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 8 5 ) . H e r i n g t o n , C . J . Aeschylus ( N e w H a v e n : Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 6 ) . H e s k , J . Sophocles: Ajax ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 2 0 0 3 ) . H i g n e t t , C . Xerxes' Invasion of Greece ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 6 3 ) . H o i s t - W a r h a f t , G . Dangerous Voices: Women's Laments and Greek Literature (London: Routledge, 1992). H o l t s m a r k , E . ' R i n g C o m p o s i t i o n a n d t h e Persae o f A e s c h y l u s ' , Symbolae Osloensis 4 5 ( 1 9 7 0 ) , 5 - 2 3 . H o r d e r n , J . The Fragments of Timotheus of Miletus ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2002). H o r n b l o w e r , S . 'Panionios a n d H e r m o t i m o s ( H d t . 8.104-6)', i n P. D e r o w a n d R. P a r k e r ( e d s ) Herodotus and his World. Essays from a Conference in Memory of George Forrest ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 3 ) , 3 7 - 5 7 . H o r s f a l l , N . ' A e s c h y l u s a n d t h e S t r y m o n ' , Hermes 1 0 2 ( 1 9 7 4 ) , 5 0 3 - 5 . H o s e , M . ' R e s p o n s e t o H a l l ' , i n H . A . K h a n ( e d . ) The Birth of the European Identity: The Europe-Asia Contrast in Greek Thought 490-322 B.C. N o t t i n g h a m Classical Literature Studies, vol. 2 (Nottingham: Nottingham U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1994), 81-9. H u n t e r , V . Past and Process in Herodotus and Thucydides ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1982). H u t c h i n s o n , T . The Complete Poetical Works of Shelley ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n Press, 1904). I m m e r w a h r , H . Form and Thought in Herodotus ( C l e v e l a n d : C a s e W e s t e r n Reserve U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1966). J a m e s o n , M . ' W a i t i n g f o r t h e B a r b a r i a n ' , Greece & Rome 8 ( 1 9 6 1 ) , 5 - 1 8 . Jameson, M . 'The Provisions for M o b i l i z a t i o n i n the Decree of Themistokles', Historia 1 2 ( 1 9 6 3 ) , 3 8 5 - 4 0 4 . J a n s s e n , T . Timotheus Persae ( A m s t e r d a m : H a k k e r t , 1 9 8 9 ) . J o h n s t o n , S . ' T h e S o n g o f t h e lunx: M a g i c a n d R h e t o r i c i n Pythian 4', Transactions of the American Philological Association 1 2 5 ( 1 9 9 5 ) , 1 7 7 - 2 0 6 . J o n e s , J . On Aristotle and Greek Tragedy ( N e w Y o r k : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1962). K a n t z i o s , I . ' T h e P o l i t i c s o f F e a r i n A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', Classical World 9 8 (2004), 3-19. K a t z A n h a l t , E . Solon the Singer: Politics and Poetics ( L a n h a m : R o w m a n a n d Littlefield, 1993). K e a v e n e y , A . ' X e r x e s ' N e w S u i t : A e s c h y l u s , Persae 8 4 5 - 5 1 ' , Giornale Italiano de Filologia 5 0 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , 2 3 9 - 4 1 . K i t t o , H . D . F . Greek Tragedy: A Literary Study ( L o n d o n : M e t h u e n , 1 9 6 1 3 ) . K n o x , P . ' "So M i s c h i e v o u s a Beaste": T h e A t h e n i a n D e m o s a n d its T r e a t m e n t o f i t s P o l i t i c i a n s ' , Greece & Rome 3 2 ( 1 9 8 5 ) , 1 3 2 - 6 1 . K o n s t a n , D . ' P e r s i a n s , G r e e k s a n d E m p i r e ' , Arethusa 2 0 ( 1 9 8 7 ) , 5 9 - 7 3 . K o n s t a n , D . Pity Transformed ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 2 0 0 1 ) . K u h r t , A . ' E a r t h a n d W a t e r ' , i n A . K u h r t a n d H . S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g (eds)

197

Aeschylus: Persians Achaemenid History III: Method and Theory ( N e t h e r l a n d s I n s t i t u t e f o r t h e N e a r East: Leiden, 1988), 87-99. K u r k e , L . T h e P o l i t i c s o f Habrosyne i n A r c h a i c G r e e c e ' , Classical Antiquity 1 1 (1992), 91-120. K u r k e , L . Coins, Bodies, Games, and Gold: The Politics of Meaning in Ancient Greece ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 9 ) . L a n g , M . ' S c a p e g o a t P a u s a n i a s ' , Classical Journal 6 3 ( 1 9 6 7 ) , 7 9 - 8 5 . L a r i s s y , E . ' A h a s u e r u s - X e r x e s : Hellas a s A l l e g o r y o f D i s s e m i n a t i o n ' , Essays and Studies 4 5 ( 1 9 9 2 ) , 8 8 - 9 8 . L a t t i m o r e , R . ' A e s c h y l u s o n t h e D e f e a t o f X e r x e s ' , i n Studies in Honor of William Abbott Oldfather ( U r b a n a : U n i v e r s i t y o f I l l i n o i s P r e s s , 1 9 4 3 ) , 82¬ 93. L a t t i m o r e , R . The Poetry of Greek Tragedy ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r sity Press, 1958). L a v e l l e , B . Fame, Money, and Power: The Rise of Peisistratos and 'Democratic' Tyranny at Athens ( A n n A r b o r : U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n P r e s s , 2 0 0 5 ) . L a w l e r , L . The Dance of the Ancient Greek Theatre ( I o w a C i t y : U n i v e r s i t y o f I o w a Press, 1964). L a z e n b y , J . The Defence of Greece: 490-479 BC ( W a r m i n s t e r : A r i s & P h i l l i p s , 1993). L e f k o w i t z , M . The Lives of the Greek Poets ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 1 9 8 1 ) . L e n a r d o n , R . ' T h e C h r o n o l o g y o f T h e m i s t o c l e s ' O s t r a c i s m a n d E x i l e ' , Historia 8 (1959), 23-48. L e v i n e , D . B . ' S y m p o s i u m a n d P o l i s ' , i n T . F i g u e i r a a n d G . N a g y ( e d s ) Theognis of Megara: Poetry and the Polis ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1985), 176-96. L e w i s , D . M . ' T h e m i s t o c l e s ' A r c h o n s h i p ' , Historia 2 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) , 7 5 7 - 8 . Lewis, D . M . 'The T y r a n n y of the Pisistratidae', i n J . Boardman, N.G.L. H a m m o n d , D . M . L e w i s , a n d M . O s t w a l d ( e d s ) The Cambridge Ancient History, v o l . I V : Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525 to 479 B.C. (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19882), 287-302. L i n c o l n , B . ' D e a t h b y W a t e r : S t r a n g e E v e n t s a t t h e S t r y m o n (Persae 4 9 2 - 5 0 7 ) a n d t h e C a t e g o r i c a l O p p o s i t i o n o f E a s t a n d W e s t ' , Classical Philology 9 5 (2000), 12-20. Lloyd, A . B . 'Herodotus o n Cambyses', i n A . K u h r t and H . Sancisi-Weerdenburg ( e d s ) Achaemenid History III: Method and Theory ( N e t h e r l a n d s I n s t i t u t e f o r the N e a r East: Leiden, 1988), 55-66. L l o y d - J o n e s , H . The Justice of Zeus ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1971). Lloyd-Jones, H . 'Problems of E a r l y Greek Tragedy: Pratinas and Phrynichus', i n H . L l o y d - J o n e s , Greek Epic, Lyric and Tragedy: The Academic Papers of Hugh Lloyd-Jones ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 0 ) , 2 2 5 - 3 7 . L l o y d - J o n e s , H . ' N o t e s o n t h e N e w S i m o n i d e s ' , Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 1 0 1 ( 1 9 9 4 ) , 1-3. L o n s d a l e , S . Dance and Ritual Play in Greek Religion ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993). L o r a u x , N . The Invention of Athens: The Funeral Oration in the Classical City, trans. A . S h e r i d a n (Cambridge, Mass.: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1986). M a c D o w e l l , D . M . 'Hybris i n A t h e n s ' , Greece & Rome 2 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) , 1 4 - 3 1 . Macintosh, F .'Tragedy i nPerformance: Nineteenth and T w e n t i e t h Century P r o d u c t i o n s ' , i n P . E a s t e r l i n g ( e d . ) The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 7 ) , 2 8 4 - 3 2 3 .

198

Bibliography M a c l e o d , C . ' C l o t h i n g i n t h e Oresteia', Maia 2 7 ( 1 9 7 5 ) , 2 0 1 - 3 . Macleod, C. 'Homer o n Poetry a n d t h e Poetry o f Homer', i n C. Macleod, Collected Essays ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 8 3 ) , 1-15. M a n v i l l e , P . B . The Origins of Citizenship in Ancient Athens ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e ton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1990). M a s t r o n a r d e , D . 'Actors o n H i g h : T h e S k e n e Roof, the Crane, a n d the Gods i n A t t i c D r a m a ' , Classical Antiquity 9 ( 1 9 9 0 ) , 2 4 7 - 9 4 . M a u r i c e , F . ' T h e S i z e o f t h e A r m y o f X e r x e s i n t h e I n v a s i o n o f G r e e c e i n 4 8 0 BC', Journal of Hellenic Studies 5 0 ( 1 9 3 0 ) , 2 1 0 - 3 5 . M c C a l l , M . ' A e s c h y l u s i n t h e Persae\ i n M . C r o p p e t a l . ( e d s ) Greek Tragedy and its Legacy: Essays Presented to D.J. Conacher ( C a l g a r y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l gary Press, 1986), 43-9. M c G l e w , J . Tyranny and Political Culture in Ancient Greece ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1993). M e i e r , C . The Political Art of Greek Tragedy, t r a n s . A . W e b b e r ( C a m b r i d g e : Polity Press, 1993). M e i g g s , R . The Athenian Empire ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 2 ) . M i c h e l i n i , A . N . 'Hybris a n d P l a n t s ' , Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 8 2 (1978), 35-44. M i c h e l i n i , A . N . Tradition and Dramatic Form in the Persians of Aeschylus (Leiden: Brill, 1982). M i k a l s o n , J . Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars ( C h a p e l H i l l : U n i v e r sity of N o r t h C a r o l i n a Press, 2003). M i l l e r , A . Tngenium a n d Ars i n Persae 1 0 1 - 1 1 4 ' , Classical Antiquity 2 ( 1 9 8 3 ) , 77-81. M i l l e r , M . Athens and Persia in the Fifth Century B.c.: A Study in Cultural Receptivity ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 7 ) . M i t s i s , P . ' X e r x e s ' E n t r a n c e : I r o n y , M y t h , a n d H i s t o r y i n t h e Persians', i n P . P u c c i ( e d . ) Language and the Tragic Hero: Studies in Honor of Gordon Kirkwood ( A t l a n t a : S c h o l a r ' s P r e s s , 1 9 8 8 ) , 1 0 3 - 1 9 . M o l e s , J . ' H e r o d o t u s W a r n s t h e A t h e n i a n s ' , Papers of the Leeds International Latin Seminar 9 ( 1 9 9 6 ) , 2 5 9 - 8 4 . M o m i g l i a n o , A . ' S e a - P o w e r i n G r e e k T h o u g h t ' , i n A . M o m i g l i a n o , Secondo Contributo alla Storia degli Studi Classici ( R o m e : E d i z i o n i d i S t o r i a e L e t t e r a t u r a , 1960), 57-67. M o r e a u , A . ' L ' o e i l maléfique d a n s l ' o e u v r e d ' E s c h y l e ' , Revue des Etudes Anciennes 5 8 - 9 ( 1 9 7 6 - 7 7 ) , 5 0 - 6 4 . M o r e a u , A . Eschyle: la violence et la chaos ( P a r i s : L e s B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1 9 8 5 ) . M o r e a u , A . ' L e s o n g e d ' A t o s s a . Perses 1 7 6 - 2 1 4 . Éléments p o u r u n e e x p l i c a t i o n d e t e x t e s ' , i n P . G h i r o n - B i s t a g n e e t a l . ( e d s ) Les Perses d'Eschyle, Cahiers du Gita 7 , 1 9 9 2 - 9 3 ( M o n t p e l l i e r : Université P a u l Valéry, 1 9 9 3 ) , 2 9 - 5 1 . M o r e a u , A . ' L a tétralogie d e s Perses a - t - e l l e u n e unité'?, i n P . G h i r o n - B i s t a g n e e t a l . ( e d s ) Les Perses d'Eschyle, Cahiers du Gita 1, 1 9 9 2 - 9 3 ( M o n t p e l l i e r : Université P a u l Valéry, 1 9 9 3 ) , 1 2 0 - 4 4 . Moritz, H .'Refrain i nAeschylus: Literary Adaptation of Traditional Form', Classical Philology 7 4 ( 1 9 7 9 ) , 1 8 7 - 2 1 3 . M o r r i s o n , J . , C o a t e s , J . , a n d R a n k o v , N . The Athenian Trireme ( C a m b r i d g e : Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 20002). Mossé, C . Alexander: Destiny and Myth, t r a n s . J . L l o y d ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2004). M u n s o n , V . ' A r t e m i s i a i n H e r o d o t u s ' , Classical Antiquity 7 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 9 1 - 1 0 6 . M u r r a y , G . Aeschylus, Creator of Tragedy ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 4 0 ) .

199

Aeschylus: Persians M u r r a y , O . ' T h e G r e e k S y m p o s i o n i n H i s t o r y ' , i n E . G a b b a ( e d . ) Tria Corda: Scritti in onore di Arnaldo Momigliano ( C o m o : E d i z i o n i N e w P r e s s , 1 9 8 3 ) , 257-72. M u r r a y , O. 'The I o n i a n Revolt', i n J. Boardman, N.G.L. H a m m o n d , D . M . Lewis, a n d M . O s t w a l d ( e d s ) The Cambridge Ancient History, v o l . I V : Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525 to 479 B.c. ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 19882), 461-90. Nagy, G. 'Theognis a n d M e g a r a : A Poet's V i s i o n o f H i s City', i n T . F i g u e i r a a n d G . N a g y ( e d s ) Theognis of Megara: Poetry and the Polis ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1985), 22-81. N a g y , G . Pindar's Homer: The Lyric Possession of an Epic Past ( B a l t i m o r e : J o h n s H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1990). N e u b u r g , M . Atê R e c o n s i d e r e d ' , i n R . R o s e n a n d J . F a r r e l l ( e d s ) Nomodeiktes: Greek Studies in Honor of Martin Ostwald ( A n n A r b o r : U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i gan Press, 1993), 491-504. O b e r , J . Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens: Rhetoric, Ideology, and the Power of the People ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 9 ) . O b e r , J . ' T h e A t h e n i a n R e v o l u t i o n o f 5 0 8 / 0 7 B.c.: V i o l e n c e , A u t h o r i t y , a n d t h e O r i g i n s o f D e m o c r a c y ' , i n J . O b e r , The Athenian Revolution: Essays on Ancient Greek Democracy and Political Theory ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i versity Press, 1996), 32-52. O b e r , J . Political Dissent in Democratic Athens ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r sity Press, 1998). O b e r , J . ' T y r a n t K i l l i n g a s T h e r a p e u t i c Stasis: A P o l i t i c a l D e b a t e i n I m a g e s a n d T e x t s ' , i n K . M o r g a n ( e d . ) Popular Tyranny: Sovereignty and its Discontents in Ancient Greece ( A u s t i n : U n i v e r s i t y o f T e x a s P r e s s , 2 0 0 3 ) , 2 1 5 - 5 0 . O g d e n , D . Greek and Roman Necromancy ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2001). O s b o r n e , R . ' A r c h a e o l o g y a n d t h e A t h e n i a n E m p i r e ' , Transactions of the American Philological Association 1 2 9 ( 1 9 9 9 ) , 3 1 9 - 3 2 . O s b o r n e , R . The Athenian Empire. L A C T O R 1 ( L o n d o n : L A C T O R , 2 0 0 0 4 ) . O s t w a l d , M . Nomos and the Beginnings of Athenian Democracy ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1969). O s t w a l d , M . From Popular Sovereignty to the Sovereignty of Law ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of California Press, 1986). Ostwald, M . 'The R e f o r m of the A t h e n i a n State by Cleisthenes', i n J. B o a r d m a n , N . G . L . H a m m o n d , D . M . L e w i s , a n d M . O s t w a l d ( e d s ) The Cambridge Ancient History, v o l . I V : Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525 to 479 B.C. ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 8 2 ) , 3 0 3 - 4 6 . P a d e l , R . Whom Gods Destroy: Elements of Greek and Tragic Madness ( P r i n c e ton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1995). P a g e , D . Sappho and Alcaeus ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 5 5 ) . P a r k e , H . W . Festivals of the Athenians ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 7 ) . P a r k e r , R . Miasma: Pollution and Purification in Early Greek Religion ( O x f o r d : Clarendon Press, 1983). P a v l o v s k i s , Z . ' A e s c h y l u s M y t h i s t o r i c u s ' , Rivista di Studi Classici 2 6 ( 1 9 7 8 ) ; 5 - 2 3 . P e d r i z e t , P . ' L e Témoignage d ' E s c h y l e s u r l e S a c d'Athènes', Revues des Études Grecques 2 4 ( 1 9 2 1 ) , 5 7 - 7 9 . P e l l i n g , C . ' A e s c h y l u s ' Persae a n d H i s t o r y ' , i n C . P e l l i n g ( e d . ) Greek Tragedy and the Historian ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 9 7 ) , 1-19. P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , A . The Theatre of Dionysus in Athens ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n Press, 1946).

200

Bibliography P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , A . The Dramatic Festivals of Athens ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n Press, 19682, revised by J . Gould and D . M . Lewis). P o d l e c k i , A . The Political Background of Aeschylean Drama ( L o n d o n : B r i s t o l Classical Press, 1999, r e p r i n t of 1966 edition). P o d l e c k i , A . ' C i m o n , S k y r o s a n d " T h e s e u s ' B o n e s " ', Journal of Hellenic Studies 91 (1971), 141-3. P o d l e c k i , A . ' T h r e e P a s s a g e i n Persae, Antichthon 9 ( 1 9 7 5 ) , 1-3. P o d l e c k i , A . The Life of Themistocles ( M o n t r e a l : M c G i l l U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 5 ) . P o d l e c k i , A . Perikles and his Circle ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 9 8 ) . P o r t e r , J . Studies in Euripides' Orestes ( L e i d e n : B r i l l , 1 9 9 4 ) . P r i t c h e t t , W . K . ' T h e T r a n s f e r o f t h e D e l i a n T r e a s u r y ' , Historia 1 8 ( 1 9 6 9 ) , 1 7 - 2 1 . P u c c i , P . ' E u r i p i d e s : T h e M o n u m e n t a n d t h e S a c r i f i c e ' , Arethusa 1 0 ( 1 9 7 7 ) , 1 6 5 - 9 5 . P u c c i , P . The Violence of Pity in Euripides' Medea ( I t h a c a : C o r n e l l U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1980). R a a f l a u b , K . ' H e r o d o t u s , P o l i t i c a l T h o u g h t , a n d t h e M e a n i n g o f H i s t o r y ' , Arethusa 2 0 ( 1 9 8 7 ) , 2 2 1 - 4 8 . Raaflaub, K . 'Stick a n d Glue: The Function o f T y r a n n y i n Fifth-Century A t h e n i a n D e m o c r a c y ' , i n K . M o r g a n ( e d . ) Popular Tyranny: Sovereignty and its Discontents in Ancient Greece ( A u s t i n : U n i v e r s i t y o f T e x a s P r e s s , 2 0 0 3 ) , 59-94. R a a f l a u b , K . The Discovery of Freedom in Ancient Greece, t r a n s . R . F r a n c i s c o n o (Chicago: U n i v e r s i t y of Chicago Press, 2004). R e e d , J . ' T h e S e x u a l i t y o f A d o n i s ' , Classical Antiquity 1 4 ( 1 9 9 5 ) , 3 1 8 - 4 7 . R e h m , R . The Play of Space: Spatial Transformation in Greek Tragedy ( P r i n c e ton: P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2002). R h o d e s , P . J . The Athenian Empire. G r e e c e & R o m e N e w S u r v e y s i n t h e C l a s s i c s 17 ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n Press, 1985). R h o d e s , P . J . A Commentary on the Aristotelian A t h e n a i o n P o l i t i e i a ( O x f o r d : Clarendon Press, 1993). R o b e r t s o n , N . ' T h e T r u e N a t u r e o f t h e D e l i a n L e a g u e , 4 7 8 - 4 6 1 BC', American Journal of Ancient History 5 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 6 4 - 9 6 . R o b e r t s o n , N . ' T h e T r u e N a t u r e o f t h e D e l i a n L e a g u e , 4 7 8 - 4 6 1 BC, C o n t i n u e d ' , American Journal of Ancient History 5 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 1 1 0 - 3 3 . R o b e r t s o n , N . ' T h e T r u e M e a n i n g o f t h e W o o d e n W a l l ' , Classical Philology 8 2 ( 1 9 8 7 ) , 1-20. Robinson, E . ' T h u c y d i d e a n Sieges, Prosopitis, a n d t h e Hellenic Disaster i n E g y p t ' , Classical Antiquity 1 8 ( 1 9 9 9 ) , 1 3 2 - 5 2 . R o i s m a n , J . ' O n P h r y n i c h o s ' Sack ofMiletos a n d Phoinissai, Eranus 8 6 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 15-23. R o l l e r , L . In Search of God the Mother: The Cult of Anatolian Cybele ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y of California Press, 1999). R o m i l l y , J . d e Magic and Rhetoric in Ancient Greece ( C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . : H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1975). R o o d , T . ' T h u c y d i d e s ' P e r s i a n W a r s ' , i n C . S . K r a u s ( e d . ) The Limits of Historiography ( L e i d e n : B r i l l , 1 9 9 9 ) , 1 4 1 - 6 8 . R o s e n b l o o m , D . ' S h o u t i n g " F i r e " i n a C r o w d e d T h e a t e r : P h r y n i c h o s ' s Capture of Miletos a n d t h e P o l i t i c s o f F e a r i n E a r l y A t t i c T r a g e d y ' , Philologus 1 3 7 (1993), 159-96. R o s e n b l o o m , D . ' M y t h , H i s t o r y , a n d H e g e m o n y i n A e s c h y l u s ' , i n B . G o f f (ed.) History, Tragedy, Theory ( A u s t i n : U n i v e r s i t y o f T e x a s P r e s s , 1 9 9 5 ) , 9 1 - 1 3 0 . R o s e n b l o o m , D . ' F r o m Poneros t o Pharmakos: T h e a t e r , S o c i a l D r a m a , a n d R e v o l u t i o n i n A t h e n s , 4 2 8 - 4 0 4 BCE', Classical Antiquity 2 1 ( 2 0 0 2 ) , 2 8 3 - 3 4 6 .

201

Aeschylus: Persians R o s e n b l o o m , D . ' E m p i r e a n d i t s D i s c o n t e n t s : Trojan Women, Birds, a n d t h e Symbolic Economy of A t h e n i a n Imperialism', i n J. Davidson, P. Wilson, and F . M u e c k e ( e d s ) Greek Drama III: Essays in Honour of Kevin Lee. I n s t i t u t e of Classical Studies Supplement 87 (London: Institute of Classical Studies, 2006), 245-71. R o s e n m e y e r , T . The Art of Aeschylus ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1982). Ruffel, I . 'The W o r l d T u r n e d Upside D o w n : Utopia and U t o p i a n i s m i n t h e F r a g m e n t s o f O l d C o m e d y ' , i n D . H a r v e y a n d J . W i l k i n s ( e d s ) The Rivals of Aristophanes: Studies in Athenian Old Comedy ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h / C l a s s i cal Press of Wales, 2000), 473-506. Rutherford, I. 'The N e w Simonides: T o w a r d a Commentary', i n D . Boedeker and D . S i d e r ( e d s ) The New Simonides: Contexts of Praise and Desire ( O x f o r d : Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2001), 33-54. R u t h e r f o r d , R . B . ' T r a g i c F o r m a n d F e e l i n g i n t h e Iliad, Journal of Hellenic Studies 1 0 2 ( 1 9 8 2 ) , 1 4 5 - 6 0 . S a i d , E . Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient ( L o n d o n : P e n g u i n Books, 1991, reprint of 1978 edition). S a i d , S . ' D a r i u s e t Xerxès d a n s l e s Perses d ' E s c h y l e ' , Ktema 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 1 7 - 3 8 . S a i d , S . ' T r a g e d i e e t r e n v e r s e m e n t : l ' e x e m p l e d e s Perses', Metis 3 ( 1 9 8 8 ) , 321-41. Said, S. 'Pourquoi Psyttalie o u comment transformer u n combat naval e n défaite t e r r e s t r e ' , i n P . G h i r o n - B i s t a g n e e t a l . ( e d s ) Les Perses d'Eschyle, Cahiers du Gita 7 , 1 9 9 2 - 9 3 ( M o n t p e l l i e r : Université P a u l Valéry, 1 9 9 3 ) , 53-69. S a i d , S . ' H e r o d o t u s a n d T r a g e d y ' , i n E . B a k k e r e t a l . ( e d s ) Brill's Companion to Herodotus ( L e i d e n : B r i l l , 2 0 0 2 ) , 1 1 7 - 4 7 . S a l a n i t r o , G . T I p e n s i e r o p o l i t i c o d i E s c h i l o n e i P e r s i a n i ' , Giornale Italiano di Filologia 1 8 ( 1 9 6 5 ) , 1 9 3 - 2 3 5 . Sancisi-Weerdenburg, H . 'Exit Atossa: Images of W o m e n i n Greek Historiograp h y o n P e r s i a ' , i n A . C a m e r o n a n d A . K u h r t ( e d s ) Images of Women in Antiquity ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 9 3 , r e v i s e d e d n ) , 2 0 - 3 3 . S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g , H . 'Yauna b y t h e S e a a n d A c r o s s t h e S e a ' , i n I . M a l k i n ( e d . ) Ancient Perceptions of Greek Ethnicity. C e n t e r f o r H e l l e n i c S t u d i e s Colloquia 5 (Washington, D.C.: H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2001), 323-46. S a n s o n e , D . ' A e s c h y l u s Persae 1 6 3 ' , Hermes 1 0 7 ( 1 9 7 9 ) , 1 1 5 - 1 6 . S c h e n k e r , D . ' T h e Q u e e n a n d t h e C h o r u s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Persae', Phoenix 4 8 (1994), 283-93. S c h m i d t , R . Die Iranier-Namen bei Aischylos ( V i e n n a : V e r l a g d e r österreichischen A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaft, 1978). Schütz, C . InAeschyli Tragoedias Commentarius, v o l . 2 ( H a l l e , 1 7 8 3 ) . S c o t t , W . ' T h e M e s o d e a t Persae 9 3 - 1 0 0 ' , Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 9 (1968), 259-66. S c o t t , W . Musical Design in Aeschylean Theater ( H a n o v e r : U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s o f N e w England, 1984). S e a f o r d , R . Reciprocity and Ritual: Homer and Tragedy in the Developing City-State ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 4 ) . S e a f o r d , R . Money and the Early Greek Mind: Homer, Philosophy, and Tragedy (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2004). S e a l e y , R . ' T h e O r i g i n s o f t h e D e l i a n L e a g u e ' , i n Ancient Society and Institutions. Studies Presented to Victor Ehrenberg on his 75th Birthday ( O x f o r d : Basil Blackwell, 1966), 233-55.

202

Bibliography S e g a l , C. ' C a t h a r s i s , A u d i e n c e , a n d C l o s u r e i n G r e e k T r a g e d y ' , i n M . S i l k (ed.) Tragedy and the Tragic: Greek Theatre and Beyond ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n Press, 1996), 149-72. S h a p i r o , A . ' T h e s e u s i n K i m o n i a n A t h e n s : T h e I c o n o g r a p h y o f E m p i r e ' , Mediterranean Historical Review 1 ( 1 9 9 2 ) , 2 9 - 4 9 . Shapiro, A . 'Athena, Apollo, and the Religious Propaganda of the A t h e n i a n E m p i r e ' , Boreas 2 4 ( 1 9 9 6 ) , 1 0 1 - 1 3 . S h a p i r o , S . ' H e r o d o t u s a n d S o l o n ' , Classical Antiquity 1 5 ( 1 9 9 6 ) , 3 4 8 - 6 6 . S h a w , P.-J. 'Lords of Hellas, O l d M e n of the Sea: T h e Occasion of Simonides' E l e g y o n P l a t a e a ' , i n D . B o e d e k e r a n d D . S i d e r ( e d s ) The New Simonides: Contexts of Praise and Desire ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 1 ) , 164-81. S h e a r , T . L e s l i e J r . ' T h e D e m o l i s h e d T e m p l e a t E l e u s i s ' , i n Studies in Architecture, Sculpture, and Topography Presented to Homer Thompson. H e s p e r i a Supplement 20 (Princeton: A m e r i c a n School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1982) , 128-40. Shear, T . Leslie J r . 'The Persian Destruction of Athens: Evidence from the A g o r a D e p o s i t s ' , Hesperia 6 2 ( 1 9 9 3 ) , 3 8 3 - 4 8 2 . S i d e r , D . ' F r a g m e n t s 1-22 W 2 ' , i n D . B o e d e k e r a n d D . S i d e r ( e d s ) The New Simonides: Contexts of Praise and Desire ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2001), 13-29. S i e w e r t , P . ' T h e E p h e b i c O a t h i n F i f t h - C e n t u r y A t h e n s ' , Journal of Hellenic Studies 9 7 ( 1 9 7 7 ) , 1 0 2 - 1 1 . S i m m s , R . ' M o u r n i n g a n d C o m m u n i t y a t t h e A t h e n i a n A d o n i a ' , Classical Journal 9 3 ( 1 9 9 8 ) , 1 2 1 - 4 1 . S i m o n , E . The Festivals of Attika ( M a d i s o n : U n i v e r s i t y o f W i s c o n s i n P r e s s , 1983) . S l a t e r , W . ' S y m p o s i u m a t S e a ' , Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 8 0 (1976), 161-70. S m e t h u r s t , M . The Artistry of Aeschylus and Zeami ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1989). S m y t h , H . W . Aeschylean Tragedy ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1924) S n e l l , B . Aischylos und das Handeln im Drama. P h i l o l o g u s S u p p l e m e n t b a n d 20 (Leipzig: Dieterich, 1928). S o m m e r s t e i n , A . Aeschylean Tragedy ( B a r i : L e v a n t e , 1 9 9 6 ) . S p a t z , L . Aeschylus. T w a y n e ' s W o r l d A u t h o r s S e r i e s ( B o s t o n : T w a y n e P u b l i s h ers, 1982). S t a n f o r d , W . B . Greek Tragedy and the Emotions: An Introductory Study ( L o n don: Routledge & K e g a n Paul, 1983). S t o s s l , F . ' A e s c h y l u s a s a P o l i t i c a l T h i n k e r ' , American Journal of Philology 7 3 (1952), 113-39. S t o r e y , I . Eupolis: Poet of Old Comedy ( O x f o r d : O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 3 ) . S t r a u s s , B . Fathers and Sons in Classical Athens: Ideology and Society in the Era of the Peloponnesian War ( P r i n c e t o n : P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 9 3 ) . S t r a u s s , B . The Battle of Salamis ( N e w Y o r k : S i m o n a n d S c h u s t e r , 2 0 0 4 ) . S u t e r , A . ' L a m e n t i n t h e Trojan Women', Mnemosyne 5 1 ( 2 0 0 3 ) , 1 - 2 8 . T a p l i n , O . The Stagecraft of Aeschylus ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 7 7 ) . T a y l o r , M . The Tyrant Slayers: The Heroic Image in Fifth-Century B.C. Athenian Art and Politics ( S a l e m : A y e r P u b l i s h e r s , 1 9 9 1 2 ) . T h a l m a n n , W . ' X e r x e s ' R a g s : S o m e P r o b l e m s i n A e s c h y l u s ' Persians', American Journal of Philology 1 0 1 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 2 6 0 - 8 2 .

203

Aeschylus: Persians T h o m a s , R . Herodotus in Context: Ethnography, Science, and the Art of Persuasion ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 2 0 0 0 ) . T h o m p s o n , H . ' A t h e n s F a c e s A d v e r s i t y ' , Hesperia 5 0 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , 3 4 3 - 5 5 . T o d , M . Greek Historical Inscriptions, v o l . 2 ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 6 2 ) . Cited by document number. T u p l i n , C. ' I m p e r i a l T y r a n n y : S o m e Reflections o n a Classical G r e e k P o l i t i c a l M e t a p h o r ' , i n P . C a r t l e d g e a n d F . D . H a r v e y ( e d s ) Crux: Essays in Greek History Presented to G.EM, de Ste. Croix ( L o n d o n : D u c k w o r t h , 1 9 8 5 ) , 348-75. T u p l i n , C. 'Persians as Medes', i n H . Sancisi-Weerdenburg, A . K u h r t , a n d M . C o o l R o o t ( e d s ) Achaemenid History VIII: Continuity and Change ( L e i d e n : Netherlands I n s t i t u t e for the N e a r East, 1994), 235-56. T u p l i n , C . Achaemenid Studies. H i s t o r i a E i n z e l s c h r i f t e n H e f t 9 9 ( S t u t t g a r t : Steiner Verlag, 1996). T u p l i n , C . ' X e r x e s ' M a r c h f r o m D o r i s c u s t o T h e r m e ' , Historia 5 2 ( 2 0 0 3 ) , 3 8 7 ¬ 409. T u r n e r , E . Athenian Books in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C. ( L o n d o n : H . K . Lewis, 19772). U n z , R . ' T h e C h r o n o l o g y o f t h e P e n t e k o n t a e t i a ' , Classical Quarterly 3 6 ( 1 9 8 6 ) , 68-85. V a n Steen, G. 'Forgotten Theater, Theater of the Forgotten: Classical Greek T r a g e d y o n t h e M o d e r n G r e e k P r i s o n I s l a n d s ' , Journal of Modern Greek Studies 2 3 ( 2 0 0 5 ) , 3 3 5 - 9 5 . V e r m a s e r e n , M . Cybele and Attis ( L o n d o n : T h a m e s a n d H u d s o n , 1 9 7 7 ) . V e r m e u l e , E . Aspects of Death in Early Greek Poetry and Art ( B e r k e l e y : U n i v e r sity of California Press, 1979). V i a t o r , T . ' T h e S t a g e H i s t o r y o f C i b b e r ' s Xerxes', Theatre Notebook 4 6 ( 1 9 9 2 ) , 155-9. V l a s t o s , G . T s o n o m i a ' , American Journal of Philology 7 4 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 3 3 7 - 6 6 . W a l l i n g a , H . T . 'The A n c i e n t Persian N a v y and its Predecessors', i n H . SancisiW e e r d e n b u r g ( e d . ) Achaemenid History I: Sources, Structures and Synthesis (Leiden: Netherlands Institute for the N e a r East, 1987), 47-96. W a t s o n , P . ' A p o l l o n i o d i G i o v a n n i a n d A n c i e n t A t h e n s ' , Allen Memorial Art Museum Bulletin 3 7 ( 1 9 7 9 / 8 0 ) , 3 - 2 5 . W e b s t e r , T . B . L . Greek Theatre Production ( L o n d o n : M e t h u e n , 1 9 7 0 2 ) . W e e s , H . v a n Status Warriors: War, Violence and Society in Homer and History ( A m s t e r d a m : Gieben, 1992). Wees, H . v a n 'Politics and the Battlefield: Ideology i n Greek Warfare', i n A . P o w e l l ( e d . ) The Greek World ( L o n d o n : R o u t l e d g e , 1 9 9 5 ) , 1 5 3 - 7 8 . W e s t , M . L . ( e d . ) Hesiod: Works and Days ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 7 8 ) . W e s t , M . L . Studies in Aeschylus ( S t u t t g a r t : T e u b n e r , 1 9 9 0 ) . W e s t , M . L . Greek Music ( O x f o r d : C l a r e n d o n P r e s s , 1 9 9 2 ) . W e s t , M . L . ' S i m o n i d e s R e d i v i v u s ' , Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 9 8 ( 1 9 9 3 ) , 1-14. W e s t , S . a n d W e s t , M . L . ' S h a m S h a h s ' , i n M . T o h e r a n d M . F l o w e r (eds) Georgica: Greek Studies in Honour of George Cawkwell. I n s t i t u t e o f C l a s s i cal Studies B u l l e t i n S u p p l e m e n t 58 (London: I n s t i t u t e for Classical Studies, 1991), 176-88. W i l e s , D . Tragedy in Athens: Performance Space and Theatrical Meaning (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1997). W i l k i n s , J . The Boastful Chef: The Discourse of Food in Ancient Greek Comedy (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000).

204

Bibliography W i l a m o w i t z - M o e l l e n d o r f , U . v o n . Aischylos Interpretationen ( D u b l i n : W e i d m a n n , 1966, reprint). W i l s o n , J . T e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n t h e Persians', i n M . C r o p p e t a l . ( e d s ) Greek Tragedy and its Legacy: Essays Presented to D.J. Conacher ( C a l g a r y : U n i v e r s i t y o f Calgary Press, 1986), 51-7. W i l s o n , P . The Athenian Institution of the Khoregeia ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2000). W i l s o n , P . ' A t h e n i a n S t r i n g s ' , i n P . M u r r a y a n d P . W i l s o n ( e d s ) Music and the Muses: The Culture of Mousike in the Classical Athenian City ( O x f o r d : Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2004), 269-306. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , R . P . ' Z e u s i n Persae, i n R . P . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , Studies in Aeschylus ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 3 ) , 1-15. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , R . P . ' A W o r d i n Persae', i n R . P . W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , Studies in Aeschylus ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 3 ) , 198¬ 9. W o h l , V . Love among the Ruins: The Erotics of Democracy in Classical Athens (Princeton: Princeton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 2002). Y o u n g , T . C . ' 4 8 0 / 4 7 9 B.c. - A P e r s i a n P e r s p e c t i v e ' , Iranica Antiqua 1 5 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 213-39. Zeitlin, F . 'The Closet of Masks: Role-Playing and M y t h - M a k i n g i n Euripides' Orestes', Ramus 2 0 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , 5 5 - 7 1 . Zeitlin, F . 'Playing t h e Other: Theater, Theatricality, a n dt h e Feminine i n G r e e k D r a m a ' , i n F . Z e i t l i n , Playing the Other: Gender and Society in Classical Greek Literature ( C h i c a g o : U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 9 6 ) , 341-74.

205

Guide to F u r t h e r Reading Greek texts and commentaries W e s t , Aeschyli Tragoediae i s t h e s t a n d a r d G r e e k t e x t o f A e s c h y l u s ' t r a g e d i e s , t h o u g h P a g e , Aeschyli Septem, r e m a i n s u s e f u l f o r i t s r e a d a b i l i t y . B r o a d h e a d i s t h e f u l l e s t c o m m e n t a r y o n t h e G r e e k t e x t o f t h e Persians i n E n g l i s h a n d c o n t a i n s appendices t h a t m a y be h e l p f u l t o r e a d e r s w h o do n o t k n o w G r e e k . H a l l c o m p r i s e s a n excellent introduction, Greek text, E n g l i s h translation, and c o m m e n t a r y keyed t o t h e t r a n s l a t i o n . S i d g w i c k offers a good i n t r o d u c t i o n , concise c o m m e n t a r y o n t h e G r e e k text, a n d a succinct appendix. P r i c k a r d ' s s l i g h t l y e a r l i e r school t e x t is also w o r t h consulting. F o r those w h o read Italian, Belloni's introduction, translation, and c o m m e n t a r y are lucid and thorough. Groeneboom's c o m m e n t a r y (in D u t c h , t r a n s l a t e d i n t o G e r m a n ) is useful for its c i t a t i o n o f p a r a l l e l a n d e x p l a n a t o r y texts f r o m G r e e k l i t e r a t u r e . A l s o g o o d i s Les Perses, t h e G r e e k t e x t a n d b r i e f c o m m e n t a r y i n F r e n c h p r e p a r e d u n d e r t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f J a c q u e l i n e de R o m i l l y . Translations T h e translations i n this book are m y o w n and keyed to West's Greek text of the play. T h e best translations t o u s e w i t h i t a r e those w h i c h r e t a i n the line numbers of the Greek text. These include Benardete, a simple, accurate, and readable t r a n s l a t i o n ; H a l l , w h i c h is f a i t h f u l to the o r i g i n a l ; Podlecki, w h i c h also contains a commentary; S m y t h , w h i c h i s accurate and available on-line a t http://perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text.jsp?=Perseus:text: 1999.01.0012 L e m b k e / H e r i n g t o n is a poetic a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e o r i g i n a l . Since t h e t e x t has i t s o w n l i n e n u m b e r s , i t w i l l be difficult t o use w i t h t h i s book. Basic tools F o r i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e a t r e a n d festival i n ancient Greece, Csapo/Slater a n d J.R. G r e e n are invaluable. S i m o n a n d P a r k e offer short a n d useful accounts o f t h e C i t y D i o n y s i a . P i c k a r d - C a m b r i d g e , Dramatic Festivals, i s t h e s t a n d a r d s c h o l a r l y a c c o u n t . P . E a s t e r l i n g ( e d . ) Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, is a h a n d y resource for a n u m b e r topics b u t is best o n h i s t o r y o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . J . G r e g o r y ( e d . ) A Companion to Greek Tragedy, c o n t a i n s s o u n d a r t i c l e s o n a w i d e range o f basic topics. T h e Perseus website, edited b y Gregory Crane (http://www.perseus.tufts, edu/hopper/), is a n excellent resource. A n o t h e r good website is t h e S t o a Consort i u m , w h i c h Ross Scaife edits (http://www.stoa.org/). A m o n g t h e texts a n d i n f o r m a t i o n t o be found o nthis site i s the Suda-on-line, the Greek text and E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n b y v a r i o u s h a n d s o f t h e t e n t h - c e n t u r y AD e n c y c l o p a e d i a .

207

Aeschylus: Persians The Persian Empire and Xerxes' invasion of Greece F o r t h e P e r s i a n e m p i r e , B r o s i u s i s t h e best place t o start. S h e provides a well-organized selection of translated p r i m a r y sources relating t othe empire f r o m 5 5 9 t o 4 2 4 BC. T h e study of the Persian empire h a sundergone a renaissance i n recent decades. B r i a n t ' s m o n u m e n t a l h i s t o r y i s a f r u i t o f t h a t r e b i r t h as a r e H . S a n c i s i - W e e r d e n b u r g ( e d . ) The Proceedings of the Achaemenid History Workshop. The Cambridge Ancient History, v o l . I V ( s e c o n d e d i t i o n ) p r o v i d e s a r t i c l e s of high quality. K e n t remains indispensable for Persian inscriptions. Good treatments of Xerxes' invasion i n English include Grundy, B u r n , P . Green, Lazenby, and Strauss. Y o u n g and B a r k w o r t h t r y to tell the story from the P e r s i a n perspective. C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y ' s Encylopaedia Iranica ( w w w . i r a n i c a . c o m / i n dex.html), Livius (www.livius.org/persia.html),a n d achemenet.com (www.achemenet.com) are on-line resources useful for the study of Persia. Athenian Empire O s b o r n e , Athenian Empire, s e l e c t s , t r a n s l a t e s , a n d d i s c u s s e s t h e s o u r c e s ; i t i s t h e b e s t s t a r t i n g p o i n t . R h o d e s , Athenian Empire, o f f e r s a s h o r t , s e n s i b l e n a r r a t i v e history of the empire. Meiggs is the best scholarly account. Robertson's articles o n t h e ' T r u e N a t u r e o f t h e D e l i a n League' are a cogent p r o v o c a t i o n to the standard view. Persians and others C a r t l e d g e , ' A l i e n W i s d o m : G r e e k s v . B a r b a r i a n s ' , i n Greeks: A Portrait of Self and Others, 3 6 - 6 2 , i s a g o o d s t a r t i n g p o i n t . H a l l , Inventing the Barbarian, examines the construction of the 'barbarian' i n tragedy as w a y of defining the G r e e k i d e n t i t y . H a r r i s o n ( e d . ) Greeks and Barbarians, c o n t a i n s a n u m b e r o f u s e f u l a r t i c l e s . G e o r g e s , Barbarian Asia, o f f e r s h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s i s o f G r e c o - P e r sian relations. Aeschylus H e r i n g t o n , Aeschylus, a n d S p a t z a r e b a s i c i n t r o d u c t i o n s t o t h e p l a y w r i g h t i n English. S o m m e r s t e i n i s more detailed but still pitched t o a w i d e audience. W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m , Studies in Aeschylus, o f f e r s l i t e r a r y a n a l y s i s o f A e s c h y l u s ' p l a y s . G a g a r i n , Aeschylean Drama p r o v i d e s p l a y - b y - p l a y e x e g e s i s f r o m t h e p e r s p e c t i v e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l h i s t o r y . W e s t , Studies in Aeschylus, h a n d l e s t e x t u a l matters, b u t also contains a clear t r e a t m e n t o f the structure o f Aeschylus' tragedy. T a p l i n i s exceptionally detailed, but indispensable for the staging of the plays. Aeschylus'

Persians

S m e t h u r s t a n d M i c h e l i n i , Tradition, are t h e o n l y b o o k - l e n g t h s t u d i e s o f t h e Persians i n E n g l i s h . S m e t h u r s t c o m p a r e s t h e Persians a n d Z e a m i ' s Sanemori, analysing the structure, imagery, and strategies of allusion i n the t w o dramas. M i c h e l i n i studies the play f r o m the perspective of the history o f m e t r e and d r a m a t i c f o r m ; s h e i s g o o d o n v e r b a l i m a g e r y a n d t h e m e s . H a r r i s o n , Emptiness

208

Guide to Further

Reading

of Asia, i s a p r o v o c a t i v e h i s t o r i c a l r e a d i n g o f t h e p l a y , w h i c h e x a m i n e s a n d c r i t i q u e s p r e v i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s . A s p e c i a l e d i t i o n o f Cahiers du Gita 7 ( 1 9 9 2 / 9 3 ) o n t h e Persians c o n t a i n s a n u m b e r o f s o l i d a r t i c l e s o n t h e p l a y . Spatz's and Gagarin's chapters and W i n n i n g t o n - I n g r a m ' s essay are the best p o i n t s o f e n t r y f o r t h e s t u d y o f t h e Persians. C o n a c h e r o f f e r s a s o b e r t r e a t m e n t of the play. T h a l m a n n ' s and Said's articles are a m o n g the best analyses o f the p l a y . G o o d t r e a t m e n t s o f t h e p o l i t i c a l d i m e n s i o n s o f t h e Persians c a n b e f o u n d i n Goldhill, 'Battle N a r r a t i v e a n d Polities', M e i e r , a n d Pelling. Georges' chapter i n Barbarian Asia a n d H a r r i s o n , Emptiness of Asia, o f f e r s t r o n g h i s t o r i c a l readings. Herodotus'

Histories

F o r n a r a , Herodotus, i s t h e b e s t p l a c e t o s t a r t . O t h e r g o o d g e n e r a l t r e a t m e n t s i n c l u d e G o u l d , Herodotus, a n d I m m e r w a h r , Form and Thought. R a a f l a u b , 'Herodotus a n d t h e M e a n i n g o f History', is a n excellent t r e a t m e n t o f Herodotus' Histories a s a w a y o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e t i m e i n w h i c h i t w a s c o m p o s e d . A l s o w o r t h c o n s u l t i n g a r e t h e a r t i c l e s i n E . B a k k e r e t a l . ( e d s ) Brill's Companion to Herodotus ( L e i d e n : B r i l l , 2 0 0 2 ) . Reception H a l l ' s s t u d i e s a r e f u n d a m e n t a l f o r t h e Persians. G o o d g e n e r a l s t a r t i n g p o i n t s i n c l u d e H a r d w i c k , G a r l a n d , a n d B u r i a n ' s a n d M a c i n t o s h ' s e s s a y s i n The Cambridge Companion. L o r n a H a r d w i c k has published a searchable database of late twentieth-cent u r y performances o f Greek drama o n t h e website o f t h e Department o f Classical S t u d i e s a t t h e O p e n U n i v e r s i t y o f L o n d o n . I t c a n be accessed a t http://www4.open.ac.uk/csdb/ASP/database.htm. Registration is required t o search the database. The Archive of Performances of Greek and R o m a n D r a m a atthe University of Oxford, directed by Peter B r o w n , E d i t h Hall, a n d Oliver Taplin, has published a searchable d a t a b a s e o f p r o d u c t i o n s (stage, screen, r a d i o ) o n t h e w e b (http://www.apgrd.ox.ac.uk/database.htm). Registration is required.

209

Chronology BC c. 760-c. 550: t e x t s o f H o m e r Iliad a n d Odyssey, a n d H e s i o d Theogony a n d Works and Days are b e i n g w r i t t e n d o w n , c. 699-c. 647: D e i o c e s f i r s t k i n g o f M e d e s . c. 646-c. 625: P h r a o r t e s r u l e s M e d e s . c. 640-c. 479: t e x t o f T h e o g n i s c o m i n g i n t o f o r m a t i o n , c. 624-c. 585: C y a x a r e s r u l e s M e d e s . 614: C y a x a r e s t a k e s A s h u r . 612: C y a x a r e s t a k e s N i n e v e h . 594: S o l o n ' s r e f o r m s a t A t h e n s , c. 584-c. 550: A s t y a g e s r u l e s M e d e s . 561/60: P i s i s t r a t u s s e i z e s f i r s t t y r a n n y a t A t h e n s . 559-530: r u l e o f C y r u s t h e G r e a t . 546/45: C y r u s d e f e a t s C r o e s u s o f L y d i a . P e r s i a a s s i m i l a t e s L y d i a n e m p i r e . 534/33: t r a d i t i o n a l d a t e f o r i n t r o d u c t i o n o f t r a g e d y a t A t h e n s . 530-523: r u l e o f C a m b y s e s s o n o f C y r u s . 527: H i p p i a s s u c c e e d s P i s i s t r a t u s . 525: A e s c h y l u s b o r n . 522-486: D a r i u s r u l e s P e r s i a n e m p i r e . 514: H i p p a r c h u s m u r d e r e d b y ' t y r a n t - s l a y e r s ' H a r m o d i u s a n d A r i s t o g i t o n . 513: D a r i u s i n v a d e s S c y t h i a , b r i d g i n g T h r a c i a n B o s p h o r u s . 510: P i s i s t r a t i d a e e x p e l l e d f r o m A t h e n s . 508/07: C l i s t h e n e s ' r e f o r m s i n t r o d u c e d e m o c r a c y ; f o r m a t i o n o f t e n A t t i c t r i b e s . 508-501(7): A t h e n i a n s c o l o n i z e S a l a m i s . 507(7): A t h e n i a n e n v o y s g i v e e a r t h a n d w a t e r t o A r t a p h r e n e s . 506(7): A t h e n i a n h o p l i t e s d e f e a t B o e o t i a n s a n d C h a l c i d i a n s ; C h a l c i s c o l o n i z e d . 501: d e m o c r a t i c r e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f C i t y D i o n y s i a ; t r a g e d y i n s t i t u t e d ( ? ) . 501/500: A t h e n i a n s r e j e c t A r t a p h r e n e s ' u l t i m a t u m t o r e i n s t a t e H i p p i a s . 500/499: a b o r t i v e P e r s i a n / M i l e s i a n s i e g e o f N a x o s . 499: A e s c h y l u s ' f i r s t t r a g e d y . 499/98-494: I o n i a n R e v o l t . 499/498: I o n i a n s , A t h e n i a n s , a n d E r e t r i a n s a t t a c k S a r d i s ; c i t y a n d t e m p l e o f Cybebe burned. 494: b a t t l e o f L a d e . 494: s i e g e a n d d e s t r u c t i o n o f M i l e t u s . 493: P e r s i a n r e p r i s a l s a g a i n s t C h i o s , L e s b o s , T e n e d o s a n d r e b e l l i o u s m a i n l a n d cities. P h o e n i c i a n fleet gains control o f w e s t e r n side o f Hellespont; Persians t a k e e a s t e r n side. 493-91(7): P h r y n i c h u s ' Capture of Miletus. 492: M a r d o n i u s ' s e a - b o r n e i n v a s i o n o f n o r t h e r n G r e e c e .

211

Aeschylus: Persians 490: P e r s i a n s a t t a c k N a x o s a n d C y c l a d e s , p r o c l a i m D e l o s s a c r o s a n c t , s a c k E r e t r i a . A t h e n i a n a n d P l a t a e a n hoplites defeat Persians at M a r a t h o n . 489/88: M i l t i a d e s ' f a i l e d s i e g e o f P a r o s . 488-81(7): w a r b e t w e e n A t h e n s a n d A e g i n a . 486: c o m e d y i n s t i t u t e d a t C i t y D i o n y s i a . 486-465: r u l e o f X e r x e s . 484: X a n t h i p p u s o s t r a c i z e d . 483: X e r x e s h a s c a n a l c u t b e h i n d M o u n t A t h o s . T h e m i s t o c l e s p e r s u a d e s A t h e n i a n s to use surplus silver to b u i l d fleet o f 100 t r i r e m e s . 483/82: A r i s t i d e s o s t r a c i z e d . 480: M a y : X e r x e s m a r c h e s f r o m S a r d i s t o G r e e c e ; A u g u s t : b a t t l e s o f T h e r m o p y lae a n d A r t e m i s i u m ; September: battle o f S a l a m i s . 479/78: s u m m e r : b a t t l e o f P l a t a e a , b a t t l e o f M y c a l e ; a u t u m n / w i n t e r : s i e g e o f Sestus a n d crucifixiono f A r t a y c t e s . A t h e n i a n s dedicate cables f r o m X e r x e s ' bridges. 478(7): S i m o n i d e s ' Plataea. 478/77: G r e e k s l i b e r a t e W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ; P a u s a n i a s r e c a l l e d t o S p a r t a ; f o u n dation of the A t h e n i a n empire. 476(7): P h r y n i c h u s ' Phoenician Women. 476: s i e g e a n d e n s l a v e m e n t o f E i o n ; ' E i o n e p i g r a m s ' ; c o l o n i z a t i o n a n d f i r s t A t h e n i a n disaster at Eion(?). 475: c a p t u r e a n d e n s l a v e m e n t o f S c y r o s ; ' d i s c o v e r y ' o f T h e s e u s ' b o n e s , c. 470: A e s c h y l u s s t a g e s Women of Aetna i n S i c i l y t o c o m m e m o r a t e H i e r o n ' s r e f o u n d a t i o n o f C a t a n a a s A e t n a ; r e s t a g i n g o f Persians i n S i c i l y ( ? ) . 474(7): A t h e n i a n w a r w i t h C a r y s t u s . 472: A e s c h y l u s ' Persians. 469-66(7): b a t t l e o f E u r y m e d o n ; d e s t r u c t i o n o f P h o e n i c i a n f l e e t . 467: A e s c h y l u s ' Seven against Thebes. 465(7): c a p t u r e a n d ' e n s l a v e m e n t ' o f N a x o s . 464: d i s a s t e r a t D r a b e s c u s i n T h r a c e . 463: c a p t u r e a n d i n d e m n i f i c a t i o n o f T h a s o s ; s e i z u r e o f m i n e s . 463: A e s c h y l u s ' Suppliants. 461: r e f o r m s o f E p h i a l t e s ; o s t r a c i s m o f C i m o n . 460/59-454: i n v a s i o n o f E g y p t ; t o t a l d e f e a t . 458: A e s c h y l u s ' Oresteia. 456: A t h e n i a n s c o m p l e t e l o n g w a l l s . A e s c h y l u s d i e s i n G e l a , S i c i l y . 454: A t h e n i a n s s t o c k p i l e t r i b u t e a t A t h e n s ( ? ) ; f i r s t t r i b u t e l i s t s i n s c r i b e d a n d displayed. 443: p a n h e l l e n i c c o l o n y , T h u r i i , o n s i t e o f S y b a r i s . 427-416(7): P h e r e c r a t e s ' Persians. 426(7): r e v i v a l o f A e s c h y l u s ' Persians at A t h e n s . 426-415(7): H e r o d o t u s ' Histories p u b l i s h e d . 425: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Acharnians. 424: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Knights. 422: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Wasps. 421: E u p o l i s ' Maricas. 417-411(7): E u p o l i s ' Villages. 415: E u r i p i d e s ' Trojan Women. 415-413: A t h e n i a n i n v a s i o n o f S y r a c u s e . 408: E u r i p i d e s ' Orestes. 405: A r i s t o p h a n e s ' Frogs. 405: b a t t l e o f A e g o s p o t a m i ; A t h e n i a n f l e e t c a p t u r e d .

212

Chronology 404: A t h e n s s u r r e n d e r s t o S p a r t a ; l o n g w a l l s d i s m a n t l e d ; f l e e t r e d u c e d t o twelve ships. 404-358: A r t a x e r x e s I I K i n g o f P e r s i a , c. 400: C h o e r i l u s ' Persian Wars. 400-394: S p a r t a a n d P e r s i a a t w a r . 400-375(7): M e t a g e n e s ' Persians of Thurii. 399-395(7): p u b l i c a t i o n o f T h u c y d i d e s ' History. 396-394: A g e s i l a u s ' i n v a s i o n o f P e r s i a n e m p i r e . 396-394(7): T i m o t h e u s ' Persians. 394: b a t t l e o f C n i d u s : d e f e a t o f S p a r t a n n a v y b y n e w l y f u n d e d P e r s i a n n a v y under the command of Conon of Athens. 331/30: A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t s a c k s a n d b u r n s P e r s e p o l i s . 205: P y l a d e s p e r f o r m s T i m o t h e u s ' Persians at t h e N e m e a n G a m e s . 31: b a t t l e o f A c t i u m . c. 19: p o s t h u m o u s p u b l i c a t i o n o f V e r g i l ' s Aeneid. 2: A u g u s t u s s t a g e s n a v a l b a t t l e b e t w e e n ' A t h e n i a n s ' a n d ' P e r s i a n s ' . AD c. 500: Persians s e l e c t e d w i t h Prometheus Bound a n d Seven against Thebes t o form 'Byzantine triad'. 1339: B o c c a c c i o ' s Theseid of the Wedding of Emilia. 1360: B o c c a c c i o ' s Fates of Illustrious Men. c. 1423: t e n t h - c e n t u r y AD v e l l u m m a n u s c r i p t o f A e s c h y l u s ' s e v e n p l a y s a r r i v e s in Italy. 1453: T u r k s c a p t u r e C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . 1461: A p o l l o n i o d i G i o v a n n i r e c e i v e s c o m m i s s i o n f o r Xerxes' Invasion of Greece a n d Triumph of the Victorious Greeks. 1518: f i r s t b o o k e d i t i o n o f A e s c h y l u s ' p l a y s . 1571: b a t t l e o f L e p a n t o ; r e a d i n g o f Persians i n I t a l i a n t r a n s l a t i o n o n Z a c y n thus. 1585: Oedipus the King r e s t a g e d a t V i c e n z a , I t a l y . 1654: F r a n c e s c o C a v a l l i ' s Xerxes p e r f o r m e d i n V e n i c e . 1660: p e r f o r m a n c e o f C a v a l l i ' s Xerxes a f t e r L o u i s X I V ' s w e d d i n g . 1694: B o n o n c i n i ' s Xerxes. 1699: C o l l e y C i b b e r ' s Xerxes. 1738: H a n d e l ' s Xerxes premières i n L o n d o n . 1815: A n o n y m o u s Xerxes the Great o r The Battle of Thermopyle, p r o d u c e d i n Philadelphia. 1821: G r e e k r e v o l t f r o m t h e O t t o m a n e m p i r e . 1822: S h e l l e y ' s Hellas. 1902: p a p y r u s o f T i m o t h e u s ' Persians d i s c o v e r e d i n A b u s i r , E g y p t . 1939: B B C r e a d i n g o f G i l b e r t M u r r a y ' s t r a n s l a t i o n o f Persians. 1942: r e v i v a l o f Persians i n Gôttingen, G e r m a n y . 1946-49: G r e e k c i v i l w a r . 1947: G r e e k t h e a t r e p r o d u c t i o n o f a n t i - c o m m u n i s t Persians t o c e l e b r a t e u n i o n of Dodecanese w i t h Greece. 1951: T z v a l a s K a r o u s o s d i r e c t s l e f t i s t p r i s o n e r p e r f o r m a n c e o f Persians o n i s l a n d o f Aï S t r a t i s . 1960-69: M a t t i a s B r a u n ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians r e c e i v e d a s a n t i - w a r p l a y . 1967-74: m i l i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p i n G r e e c e . 1970: J o h n L e w i s ' a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians p e r f o r m e d a t S t G e o r g e C h u r c h , New York.

213

Aeschylus: Persians 1971: T a k i s M o u z e n i d i s ' Persians p e r f o r m e d a t E p i d a u r u s . 1974: C i r c l e R e p e r t o r y p r o d u c t i o n o f t h e Persians. 1991: F i r s t G u l f W a r . 1993: P e t e r S e l l a r s ' Persians premières i n R o b e r t A u l e t t a ' s a d a p t a t i o n . 2003-: S e c o n d G u l f W a r . 2004: E l l e n M c L a u g h l i n ' s a d a p t a t i o n o f t h e Persians f i r s t p e r f o r m e d .

214

Glossary allotrios: ' a l i e n ' , ' s o m e o n e e l s e ' s ' ; o p p o s e d t o oikeios ' o n e ' s o w n ' . anapaest: t w o - b e a t m e t r i c a l f o o t o f t h e f o r m u u - ; m a r c h i n g a n a p a e s t s a r e s p o k e n / r e c i t e d i n t w o m e t r a , u u - u u - / u u - uu—, c a l l e d a n a p a e s t i c d i m e ter. Lyric anapaests are m e t r i c a l l y m o r e flexible and sung to a melody. anaphora: t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f w o r d s a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f s e n t e n c e s , v e r s e s , o r clauses. anthos: l i t e r a l l y 'blossom' or 'flower', designates t h e best, m o s t conspicuous, or m o s t lustrous part o f a n y t h i n g . T h e w o r d also refers t o w h a t grows o r e m e r g e s o n o r f r o m t h e surface o f s o m e t h i n g else, s u c h a s t h e n a p o f fine cloth, f r o t h o n t h e sea o r o n w i n e , p a t i n a o n bronze, a n d s m o k e f r o m fire. antistrophe: l i t e r a l l y ' t u r n i n g b a c k ' o r ' a b o u t ' , t h e t e r m r e f e r s t o t h e s e c o n d s t a n z a i n a p a i r m e t r i c a l l y c o r r e s p o n d i n g s t a n z a s . S e e u n d e r strophe. arche: ' b e g i n n i n g ' , ' o r i g i n ' ; a l s o t h e t e r m f o r e m p i r e o r r i g h t t o r u l e . S e e u n d e r telos. arete: ' v i r t u e ' , ' e x c e l l e n c e ' , ' n o b i l i t y ' . Ate/ate: G o d d e s s o f d e s t r u c t i v e d e l u s i o n / s u b j e c t i v e s t a t e o f d e l u s i o n a n d objective result of disaster. charis: ' g r a t i t u d e ' , ' f a v o u r ' , o r 'grace'. I t d e s i g n a t e s t h e f a v o u r s o n e does f o r a n o t h e r a n d the debt o f gratitude o w e d i n exchange. dactyl: t w o - b e a t m e t r i c a l f o o t o f t h e f o r m - u u . daimon: d i v i n e p o w e r o r spirit; t h e d i v i n e force t h a t d e t e r m i n e s a person's fortune. demos: 'people'; d e m o c r a c y m e a n s ' d o m i n a t i o n b y t h e people'; also m e a n s 'village'. deus ex m a c h i n a : l i t e r a l l y ' g o d f r o m a m a c h i n e ' , s o c a l l e d b e c a u s e a t t h e e n d o f t r a g e d i e s a g o d a p p e a r e d h o i s t e d i n t o t h e a i r o n a c r a n e , o r mechane, t o resolve irresolvable conflicts a n dt o prophesy t h e f u t u r e outside o f the drama. drachma, mina, talent: d r a c h m a = 4 . 3 g o f s i l v e r o n t h e A t h e n i a n s t a n d a r d ; 100 drachmae = 1 m i n a , 430 g of silver; 60 m i n a e = 1talent, 25.8 k g o f silver. d r a m a : the source o f o u r w o r d 'drama', i nancient G r e e k i t m e a n s 'a t h i n g d o n e ' , a n a c t i o n o f c o n s e q u e n c e w h i c h d e m a n d s r e c i p r o c a t i o n . Drama e n t a i l s pathos, ' s u f f e r i n g ' , o f g r e a t e r m a g n i t u d e . ekplexis: literally a ' s t r i k i n g out', i t refers t o m e n t a l a n d e m o t i o n a l 'astonishment'. e l e u t h e r i a : ' f r e e d o m ' i n t h e s e n s e o f b e l o n g i n g t o a f r e e oikos a n d polis - n o t being t h e slave or subject of another, epode: a s t a n z a r h y t h m i c a l l y i n d e p e n d e n t o f a s t r o p h i c / a n t i s t r o p h i c p a i r , w h i c h e i t h e r m a r k s t h e e n d o f a n ode o r a t h e m a t i c a n d m e t r i c a l b r e a k within it.

215

Aeschylus: Persians euthynai: the procedure by w h i c h A t h e n i a n s held public officials w h o handled m o n e y accountable. exodos: c h o r a l s o n g o f e x i t f r o m t h e o r c h e s t r a . habros: l o v e l y ' , 'delicate', l u x u r i o u s ' , 'desirable'. A k e y w o r d o f G r e e k l y r i c p o e t r y o f t h e s e v e n t h a n d s i x t h c e n t u r i e s BC, i t b e c o m e s p e j o r a t i v e a f t e r t h e P e r s i a n W a r s a n d is associated w i t h e n e r v a t i n g m a t e r i a l excess. h a r m a m a x a : a covered chariot associated w i t h the effeminate l u x u r y of the P e r s i a n s , i t i s r e f e r r e d t o i n t h e Persians a s a ' t e n t o n w h e e l s ' , a n d m a y b e i n t h e o r c h e s t r a d u r i n g t h e kommos, s y m b o l i z i n g t h e a b s e n c e o f t h e m e n who accompanied i t - according t o Herodotus, 22,000 o fPersia's finest soldiers. hebe: l i t e r a l l y ' y o u t h ' , b u t m e a n i n g t h e ' p r i m e o f l i f e ' . T h e w o r d d e s i g n a t e s m e n o f m i l i t a r y age a n d n u b i l e w o m e n , hegemony: l i t e r a l l y , ' m i l i t a r y l e a d e r s h i p ' (hegemonia), c o m m a n d w i t h t h e p o w e r t o c o m p e l a l l i e s t o f o l l o w w h e r e v e r t h e l e a d e r ' (hegemon) l e a d s . C o m m o n privileges include occupying the right w i n g i n battle and imposing friends and enemies o n allies, hoplite: a h e a v i l y a r m o u r e d i n f a n t r y m a n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f G r e e k l a n d w a r f a r e ; the product of G r e e k political a n d social structures i n w h i c h l a n d o w n e r s h i p and the d u t y to protect i t are integral to citizenship. hybris: v i o l e n t d i s r e g a r d for t h e h o n o u r o f a n o t h e r , i n c l u d i n g t h e gods; v i o l e n t and fruitless expenditure of energy w i t h the intent t o damage another's person or property. hypothesis: l i t e r a l l y , 'plot', t h e t e r m refers t o t h e s u m m a r y o f a p l a y a p p e n d e d t o a m a n u s c r i p t . T h e hypothesis o f t e n i n c l u d e s p l o t , s e t t i n g , c h a r a c t e r s , date, a n d w h e t h e r the play w o n first prize. iamb: o n e - a n d - a h a l f - b e a t m e t r i c a l f o o t o f t h e f o r m u - . L y r i c i a m b i c i s a f l e x i b l e m e t r e based o n t h e f o r m x - u - (x = e i t h e r - or u ) a n d s u n g to a m e l o d y . iambic trimeter: t h e b a s i c s p o k e n m e t r e o f d r a m a , c o m p o s e d o f t h r e e i a m b i c d i m e t e r s : x - u - / x - u - / x - u - (x = e i t h e r - o r u ) . Ionians: a c c o r d i n g t o H e r o d o t u s , a n i n d i g e n o u s p e o p l e o f t h e A e g e a n w h o adopted Greek language and culture. T h e most prominent I o n i a n city is Athens, w h i c h claimed t o be t h e mother city o fIonians w h o colonized W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a a n d the A e g e a n islands, p l a n t i n g f u r t h e r colonies i n the B l a c k Sea, s o u t h e r n Italy, a n d Sicily. 'Ionia' designates I o n i a n city-states i n W e s t e r n A n a t o l i a ( s u c h as M i l e t u s ) , b u t s o m e t i m e s s t a n d s f o r a l l t h e G r e e k city-states of W e s t e r n Anatolia, w h i c h included the other branches of the G r e e k s , A e o l i a n s a n d D o r i a n s . T h e I o n i a n s proper f o r m e d a loose u n i o n o f t w e l v e cities, called the duodecapolis, w h i c h assembled a t t h e P a n i o n i o n near Mycale. Ionic a m i n o r e : a l y r i c m e t r e b a s e d o n t h e f o r m u u — . isonomia: l i t e r a l l y ' e q u a l i t y o f l a w ' , b u t m o r e g e n e r a l l y , e q u a l access t o p o w e r w h i c h implies m a j o r i t y rule a n d accountability for office-holders; sometimes a s y n o n y m for democracy. iunx: the w r y n e c k , a b i r d whose head can s w i v e l 360 degrees. T i e d to a w h e e l a n d s p u n , i t w a s u s e d i n G r e e k e r o t i c m a g i c t o w i n b a c k a l o s t l o v e r . Iunx can also refer to the w h e e l itself or stand m o r e generally for a love incantation. kenning: a f i g u r a t i v e e x p r e s s i o n w h i c h s u b s t i t u t e s f o r a n o u n , s u c h a s ' t h e sweat of the fount of B r o m i u s ' for 'wine'. kleos: l i t e r a l l y s o m e t h i n g ' h e a r d ' o r s a i d a b o u t s o m e o n e ; ' g l o r y ' , ' g o o d - r e p u t e ' , 'renown' w h i c h lends m o r t a l s a f o r m of i m m o r t a l i t y .

216

Glossary kommos: s u n g l a m e n t between actor(s) a n d chorus. koros: m e a n s 'fullness' o r 'satiation' i n H o m e r , t h e n comes t o m e a n 'insat i a b i l i t y ' . I t i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h hybris a n d ate. kosmos: ' o r d e r ' o r ' s o c i a l o r d e r ' ; i t a l s o m e a n s ' o r n a m e n t ' , a n d r e f e r s t o c e r e m o n i a l clothing. I tc a n also suggest h o n o u r o r glory. Philosophers used i t t o m e a n ' w o r l d order', i n t h e sense o f o u r cosmos. lecythia: l y r i c t r o c h a i c m e t r e o f t h e f o r m - u - x - u - ( x = - o r u ) . Mede(s): a n A r y a n p e o p l e l i k e t h e P e r s i a n s , w h o c o n s o l i d a t e d p o w e r i n I r a n before t h e Persians. T h e Greeks often conflated t h e m w i t h t h e Persians. medism: c o l l a b o r a t i n g w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s . oikeios: ' o f o n e ' s oikos , ' o n e ' s o w n ' , ' p a r t o f o n e ' s n a t u r e ' ; o p p o s e d t o allotrios. oikos: h o u s e h o l d a n d f a m i l y i n c l u d i n g l a n d , s l a v e s , a n d p r o p e r t y . olbos: q u a l i t y o f w e a l t h w h i c h i m p l i e s p r o s p e r i t y , h a p p i n e s s , d i v i n e f a v o u r , blessedness a n d t h e capacity t o t r a n s m i t these t o future generations. ostracism: a d e m o c r a t i c i n s t i t u t i o n f i r s t p r a c t i s e d i n 4 8 8 / 8 7 a t A t h e n s . T h e citizen body dissolved into t e n tribes a n d each citizen deposited a sherd w i t h t h e n a m e o f t h e c i t i z e n h e w o u l d m o s t like t o go i n t o exile f o r a decade. I f 6,000 sherds w e r e cast, t h e m a n w h o s e n a m e t u r n e d u p o n t h e m o s t o f t h e m w e n t into ten-year exile, though h i s house a n d property remained intact i n A t t i c a . T h e A t h e n i a n s voted t o h o l d a n ostracism t w o t o three m o n t h s before it w a s held. parodos: t h e ' s i d e e n t r y ' t o t h e o r c h e s t r a ; c h o r a l e n t r y s o n g o f a d r a m a . pathos: 'suffering'. pelanos: a porridge-like r i t u a l offering containing meal, olive-oil, w i n e , w h i c h can be b u r n e d o r p o u r e d t o t h e g r o u n d . plethos: 'number', 'large number', 'majority', 'population', 'mass o r masses'. ponos: ' l a b o u r ' , ' t o i l ' , ' s u f f e r i n g ' ; t h e l a b o u r v a l u e o f s y m b o l i c c a p i t a l ( n o b i l i t y , virtue, gratitude, glory). ploutos/Ploutos: richness of the soil a n d i t s produce; w e a l t h . T h e god embodyi n g these goods. pothos: 'longing', desire for w h a t is absent. proskynesis: P e r s i a n social r i t u a l b y w h i c h inferiors b o w t o superiors f r o m their knees; Greeks considered i t a ritual m a r k i n g t h e divinity of the Great K i n g since t h e y b o w e d t h i s w a y o n l y before gods, scholium: a m a r g i n a l c o m m e n t i n a m a n u s c r i p t . T h e s e c o m m e n t s p r e s e r v e information about a n ancient text a n d t h e history of its interpretation. skene: l i t e r a l l y , ' t e n t ' , t h e w o r d f o r t h e s t a g e - h o u s e i n t h e A t h e n i a n t h e a t r e , a w o o d e n b u i l d i n g used t o r e p r e s e n t palaces, temples, a n d o t h e r s t r u c t u r e s , stichomythia: l i t e r a l l y , ' t a l k i n g i n l i n e s ' , a d i a l o g u e c o n d u c t e d m a i n l y i n one-line utterances, b u t sometimes including half-lines a n d statements o f up t o three lines. stasimon: a s t a t i o n a r y c h o r a l s o n g , d e l i v e r e d b u t n o t a d d r e s s e d t o t h e a u d i e n c e . I n t h e Persians, t h e f i r s t s t a s i m o n b e g i n s w i t h a n a n a p a e s t i c p r e l u d e before m o d u l a t i n g t o lyric i a m b i c a n d lyric dactylic. T h esecond s t a s i m o n is sung i n lyric dactylic metre. strophe: l i t e r a l l y ' t u r n i n g ' a n d s o t h o u g h t t o r e f e r t h e d a n c e m o v e m e n t s o f a c h o r u s , t h e t e r m r e f e r s t o t h e f i r s t s t a n z a o f a p a i r o f s t a n z a s - strophe a n d antistrophe - o f c o r r e s p o n d i n g m e t r i c a l s h a p e . telos: ' e n d p o i n t ' ; ' r e a l i z a t i o n ' , ' f u l f i l m e n t ' , ' p a y m e n t ' . tribe: G r e e k p h y l e , a t A t h e n s , a g r o u p o f c i t i z e n s u n i t e d b y f i c t i o n a l i z e d k i n s h i p i n t h e worship of a n eponymous hero; derived from clusters of villages i n t h e t h r e e m a j o r g e o g r a p h i c a l r e g i o n s o f A t t i c a , t h e city, t h e p l a i n , a n d t h e coast.

217

Aeschylus: Persians Attica was divided into t e n tribes, w h i c h were the organizational basis for A t h e n i a n society. T h e C o u n c i l , the hoplite a r m y , generalships, ostracisms, public burial, and dithyrambic choral competitions were structured by tribe. trireme: w a r s h i p w i t h h u l l , b r o n z e r a m , a n d s m a l l d e c k , p o w e r e d b y t h r e e b a n k s o f 3 0 oars o n each side; 2 0 0 m e n c o m p r i s e d a f u l l c o m p l e m e n t , 180 rowers and 20 crew, marines, and archers. trochaic tetrameter: s p o k e n m e t r e c o m p o s e d o f f o u r t r o c h a i c m e a s u r e s , t h e final measure l a c k i n g a syllable: - u - x / - u - x / - u - x / - u - / (x = - or u ) .

218

Index Achilles 28, 132 A d o n i s 123-4, 130, 153 A e s c h y l u s Agamemnon 2 1 , 4 7 , 1 0 5 ; a n d D a r i u s 102-3; a n d i n h e r i t e d curse 94-5; a n d m o r a l hegemony 37; a n d P h r y n i c h u s 33-5, 39; a n d T i m o t h e u s 150-4; a s actor 16, 66, 130; audience o f 102-3, 1 1 1 , 147; biography o f 15-16; cosmic order i n 76, 112, 145; d r a m a t u r g y o f 1 4 - 1 6 , 1 0 5 - 6 ; Eumenides 9 2 , 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 2 7 ; Oresteia 4 8 ; r e s t a g i n g o f 1 6 1 ; Suppliants 111; tragic vision of 111-12 A g a m e m n o n 2 1 , 105, 132, 154 A j a x 82, 125, 135 a n a p a e s t 40, 47, 78, 85, 128, 129 A p o l l o 3 1 , 4 3 , 5 7 ; see also D e l p h i c Oracle A r i s t i d e s 58, 73, 9 7 A r i s t o p h a n e s Acharnians 1 6 1 ; Frogs 1 4 2 , 1 6 1 ; Knights 1 1 4 A r i s t o t l e Poetics 1 6 , 5 0 , 5 5 , 8 5 , 1 0 5 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 1 ; Politics 1 2 4 ; Rhetoric 135 A r t e m i s i u m 24, 74, 120 Ate/ate a n d n e t 1 2 , 5 9 , 7 1 ; a n d y o k e , 46; as delusion 43-4; as f u l f i l m e n t o f hybris 2 4 , 3 9 , 4 2 , 46, 67-8, 89, 95, 106, 108-9, 112, 122; a s p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n 12, 43, 59; flower o f 127; recognition of 1 3 1 - 6 ; see also hybris, koros, kommos, l a m e n t A t h e n a 3 1 , 67, 114 A t h e n i a n e m p i r e a i m s o f 3 0 - 1 , 57; losses o f 8 0 - 1 , 126; m e m b e r s o f 116-21; m y t h s of 29-33, 142; v a l u e o f 9 3 ; see also i m p e r i a l i s m , ponos, t r i b u t e

Athens/Athenian(s) and autochthony 84; a n d democracy 18, 36-7, 58, 73, 112, 135; a n d gods 67; a n d h e g e m o n y 28-9, 35, 9 8 ; a n d hybris 7 3 , 1 4 2 ; a n d I o n i a n s 19, 30, 80; a n d P e r s i a n e m p i r e 18-19, 30; a s H a d e s 59, 77, 137; as heroes o f S a l a m i s 36; as island 96; as 'saviours o f Greece' 59, 9 1 ; as siege p o w e r 32-3, 37; epithets o f 66, 74, 130; e v a c u a t i o n a n d sack o f 24-5, 44, 53-4, 70, 90, 104-7, 124; m o r a l leadership o f 37, 70, 73, 142; n a v a l p o w e r o f 74, 79, 88, 97, 1 2 1 ; public b u r i a l s o f 66; values o f 37, 60, 67, 146 A t o s s a 9 4 - 5 ; see also Q u e e n Auletta, Robert 162 barbarian(s) and s w i m m i n g 71; as food 72, 8 1 , 152; cowardice 48, 68; d e h u m a n i z a t i o n o f 142-4, 152; effeminacy 125, 149-50; e m o t i o n a l i s m 125; m e n t a l i t y 1 0 7 , 1 1 5 , 1 4 3 - 4 ; n a m e 5 3 ; pathos 1 4 4 , 1 4 6 ; s l a v e r y 3 7 ; see also Mede(s), Persia/Persian(s) B e h i s t u n Inscription 100-1 b l o s s o m / f l o w e r (anthos) 3 9 , 8 4 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 0 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 0 ; see also hebe Boccaccio 157 Book of Esther 1 6 0 C a m b y s e s 17, 93, 95, 100, 120, 1 2 1 catalogue(s) a n d epic 4 0 - 1 ; a n d presence/absence 40, 129; o f medizers 75; o f Persia's A e g e a n empire 115-21; of Persian allies 41; of P e r s i a n dead 65-6, 129-31; of Persian kings 97-101

219

Index catharsis 135, 141-2 C a v a l l i , F r a n c e s c o Xerxes 1 5 8 c h a r i o t a n d hybris 4 9 - 5 0 , 7 3 ; a n d olbos 5 1 - 2 , 1 5 3 ; A s s y r i a n 4 3 , 4 9 ; c u r t a i n e d (harmamaxa) 1 3 1 - 2 ; o f t h e d a y 6 3 , 6 9 ; o f t h e s u n 1 5 8 ; see also Q u e e n , X e r x e s , y o k e c h o r u s a n d ate 4 3 - 4 , 4 6 ; a n d D a r i u s 47, 56, 87-8, 90, 101-2, 114-15; a n d female choruses 45, 56; a n d free speech 54, 8 1 , 126; a n d i m p e r i a l i s m 40-6, 101-2; a n d m e s s e n g e r 6 3 - 4 , 8 1 ; a n d pathos 39, 137-8; as citizens 63, 126; as 'the t r u s t e d ' 54, 77; a t t i t u d e s o f 40-3; council of 48; exclamations of 45, 79, 87, 134; h y m n o f 86-8, 132; l a m e n t s of 45, 63-4, 79-82, 122-38; language o f 43-4, 8 1 , 127; perspective o f 50; p r e m o n i t i o n s o f 54, 89; prophecy o f 8 1 ; proskynesis o f 5 0 , 8 1 , 8 3 ; r o b e s o f 1 3 7 - 8 ; see also e p o d e , p a r o d o s , stasima chorus leader 77, 8 5 C i b b e r , C o l l e y Xerxes 1 5 8 - 9 comedy 154-6 cosmos 37, 76, 107, 112, 135, 142, 145 Croesus 5 1 , 123 Cybebe/Cybele 19-20, 22, 23, 84, 104-5, 146, 152 C y r u s passim 1 7 , 9 3 , 9 8 - 1 0 0 , 1 2 1 , 155 daimon ( d i v i n i t y ) a n d koros 1 0 9 , 131, 134; as character 99; as f i e n d 77, 9 1 , 126, 139-40; D a r i u s a s 8 5 ; o f P e r s i a n s 4 3 , 7 7 ; see also Xerxes D a r i u s passim; a n d c u r e 8 4 , 8 6 , 114-16; a n d G o l d e n Age 110, 114, 116, 155; a n d principles o f d r a m a 46, 89, 105-6, 108-9; a n d prophecies 89, 9 1 ; a n d S o l o n 108-9, 114-5; a n d sympotic poetry 114-15; as focalizer 102-3; as god 86-7, 102, 110; a s m o r t a l 86; a u t h o r i t y o f 114; conquests of 116-21; costume of 88; entrance of 86, 88-90; epithets o f 47, 116; historical 102-3, 111, 143;

i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f 1 4 6 - 7 ; olbos o f 86, 94, 1 0 1 , 110; p a r t i n g w o r d s o f 114-15; p i t y of 56, 74, 88, 95, 103, 147; praise o f 87, 110, 116; prophecies o f 103, 106-9, 1 1 1 ; recognition o f 89, 97; t o m b o f 47, 8 5 - 6 ; see also c h o r u s , X e r x e s day/night 68, 7 1 , 76, 78, 8 5 D e l i a n L e a g u e 3 1 - 2 ; see also Athenian empire Delphic Oracle 43, 48, 64, 67, 9 1 , 107, 108 D e m e t e r a n d K o r e 15, 8 4 d e m o s 17, 19, 33, 58, 98, 112 D i o n y s u s 14, 84, 1 5 1 , 152, 1 6 1 D o r i a n ( s ) 49, 53, 54, 107, 110, 1 5 1 ; see also S p a r t a E i o n 32-3, 118; epigrams 76-7 e p i n i c i a n 142, 145 epode 43-4, 88, 111 e q u a l i t y (isonomia) A t h e n i a n 1 8 , 72-3; i n E i o n epigrams 33; i n I o n i a 19; P e r s i a n l a c k o f 57-8, 72-3, 147; v e r s u s m o n a r c h y 18, 36-7, 99 E r i n y e s 92, 113-14, 127 erotic magic 130-1 e u n u c h 20, 33-4, 3 9 E u p o l i s Maricas 1 5 4 , 1 6 1 ; Villages 17 E u r i p i d e s Andromache 1 2 5 ; Orestes 1 4 9 ; Trojan Women 2 1 eye 'evil' 53, 130; o f gods 49-50; o f house 52, 65, 153; o f the n i g h t 71; of snake 49; o f t r i r e m e 53; ' t r u s t e d ' 1 3 0 - 1 , 1 5 3 ; see also verbal imagery fear a n d d r a m a t i c r e a l i t y 45-6, 127; a n d l a m e n t 153; a n d m i l i t a r y posturing 40; a n d w e a l t h 51-2; as d e f e r r i n g pathos 3 9 ; a s t r a g i c e m o t i o n 1 1 , 22, 78, 124-5, 1 4 1 ; o f b a r b a r i a n sailors 46, 68-9; of chorus 43, 45-6, 47, 90, 137; o f D a r i u s 93; o f Q u e e n 50-2, 57, 83, 90-1 fish/fishing 4 1 , 46, 59, 7 1 , 8 1 , 130 f r e e d o m (eleutheria) a n d I o n i a n s 3 2 ; a n d P e r s i a n W a r s 27, 60, 70; a n d p o v e r t y 75; as life-giving light 69;

220

Index H o m e r 30, 134; a n d A j a x 82; catalogue o f ships i n 40; 'day of f r e e d o m ' i n 6 9 ; Iliad 5 8 - 9 , 7 8 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 5 ; kata kosmon i n 4 9 ; Odyssey 7 6 , 1 0 9 , 1 2 7 , 1 3 2 ; olbos i n 5 1 , 132 hoplite 22-3, 26, 48-9, 72-3, 129, 152 h u n t / h u n t i n g 43, 59, 7 1 , 123 Hussein, S a d d a m 162 hybris passim; a n d ate 4 2 , 4 3 ; a n d intoxication 151, 161; and life-cycle 109-10; a n d o/6os 109; a n d p l a n t s 108, 123; a n d sea 1 5 1 , 153; a n d S i l v e r Age 110; a n d y o k i n g Hellespont 24; as m i l i t a r y posturing 40; as surpassing f a t h e r 96; conditions for 73, 108; i n s e q u e n c e w i t h ate a n d l a m e n t 39, 46, 108-9, 112, 122, 135-6; o f P a u s a n i a s 29-30; r e n e w a l o f 136; see also ate, A t h e n s , c h a r i o t , i m p e r i a l i s m , koros, l a m e n t , Persian Empire, trampling, Xerxes, yoke

'day o f 62, 69; o f speech 54, 81-2, 102; versus despotism 54, 1 5 9 - 6 1 ; see also e q u a l i t y G i o v a n n i , A p o l l o n i o di 156-7 g l o r y (kleos) a n d olbos 1 3 2 ; o f e m p i r e 93, 124; o f freedom 60, 69, 74; o f P e r s i a n W a r dead 27-8, 63, 98; o f v i c t o r y 33, 57, 98, 148 G o d ( s ) passim; a n d hybris 1 4 4 ; a n d m e n 9 1 ; a n d olbos 1 0 9 ; d e c e i t o f 43 68, 76; e n v y o f 68, 69, 92-3, 1 0 9 ; see also daimôn, P o s e i d o n , Zeus gold 40, 50, 60, 80, 155 G o l d e n Age 110, 154-6, 158, 1 6 1 , 1 6 3 ; see also D a r i u s G r e a t K i n g 20, 25, 29, 34, 40, 59, 6 0 Greece/Greek(s) a n d q u a l i t y 23, 48; a n d spear 48; a n d v i r t u e 69, 75, 113; courage o f 48, 59; freedom o f 2 3 , 6 0 ; métis o f 6 8 , 7 1 ; t r a m p l i n g o f 7 7 ; see also A t h e n s , S p a r t a G u l f W a r ( s ) 162-3 H a d e s 59, 77, 87, 88, 115, 127, 130 H a l y s R i v e r 99, 102, 117 H a n d e l , G e o r g e F r e d e r i c Xerxes 1 5 8 hêbê ( y o u t h ) 4 6 , 1 1 0 ; a n d g r o w t h 1 0 8 ; a n d hybris, ate 1 2 7 ; a s object o f l a m e n t 78, 123, 127, 153 H e l l e s p o n t passim; a s b o u n d a r y 4 3 ; b r i d g i n g o f 23-4, 76, 90; e n s l a v e m e n t o f 46, 92, 142; flow of 76, 92-3, 156; p u n i s h m e n t o f 9 2 - 3 ; t r a m p l i n g o f 7 7 ; see also yoke H e r o d o t u s passim; a n d I o n i a n s 5 4 ; Artemisia i n 90-1; Delphic Oracles i n 43, 64, 67, 9 1 , 107, 1 0 8 ; olbos i n 5 1 ; o m e n s i n 5 6 - 7 , 59; o n A t h e n s ' n a v y 44; o n Croesus 123; o n G r e e k counter-offensive 28-32; o n I o n i a n r e v o l t 1 9 - 2 2 ; o n isonomia 57-8; o n M e d i a n / P e r s i a n kings 98-101; o n P e r s i a n empire 94-5; o n P e r s i a n feasts 155; o n P e r s i a n l a m e n t 63, 125; o n P e r s i a n W a r s 23-6, 67-73, 76, 92-6, 107, 150, 153 H e s i o d 2 1 , 109-10, 117, 155 historical d r a m a 21-2, 34-5, 80, 1 4 1

iambic t r i m e t e r 53, 63, 65, 97, 129 i m p e r i a l i s m / e m p i r e a n d koros 7 9 , 94-5, 124; a n d l o n g i n g 130-1; a n d olbos 1 0 9 ; a s p a t r i m o n y 1 7 , 9 5 - 6 , 105, 148; as process 124; a s t r a g e d y 9 5 ; hybris o f 4 6 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 95, 117; l i m i t s o f 102, 142; n a v a l 36-7, 4 1 , 80, 93-4, 98, 1 2 1 ; o v e r e x t e n s i o n o f 9 5 , 1 0 5 ; telos o f 105, 124; tribute-collecting 4 1 , 9 7 ; see also t r i b u t e I o n i a / I o n i a n ( s ) passim; ' A r e s ' 1 2 9 , 140; as colonists 150; as n a v a l p o w e r 80; as t r i b u t e district 117, 120; a s v i c t o r 53, 79, 144; conquest o f 99, 1 2 1 ; m e d i s m 30-1, 1 2 1 ; r e v o l t 19-21, 53, 117-18; suffering 53-4, 1 2 1 , 129; tunic 54 I o n i c a minore 5 3 - 4 ; a n d hybris, ate 87; a n d P e r s i a n voice 42, 86-7, 129 isonomia see e q u a l i t y k e n n i n g 8 1 , 84, 8 5 kleos see g l o r y kommos 6 5 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 2 - 3 8 , 1 3 9 - 4 0 , 1 4 5 - 6 ; see also l a m e n t

221

Index koros ( i n s a t i a b i l i t y ) 3 7 , 1 0 8 - 9 , 1 2 4 , 133-4 kosmos a n d X e r x e s 4 9 , 8 9 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 6 , 1 3 5 - 6 , 1 4 4 ; kata kosmon 4 9 , 1 0 8 ; o f G r e e k s 6 9 ; o f Persians 126-7; P e r s i a n lack o f 49 l a m e n t 2 1 , 28, 78-82, 86-9; a n d hybris, ate 4 6 , 9 5 , 1 0 6 , 1 0 8 - 9 , 112; a n d i m p e r i a l i s m 79, 80, 95, 1 0 9 , 1 2 2 ; a n d koros 3 7 , 1 0 9 , 133-4; a n d self-aggression 136-8; e p i r r h e m a t i c 63-4; h u m a n i t y of 80; i n T i m o t h e u s 152; m a l e 125-6; o f P e r s i a n w o m e n 45, 78-9, 123, 144; public 125, 128; r i t u a l 1 2 3 - 5 ; see also ate, b a r b a r i a n ( s ) , hybris, i m p e r i a l i s m , kommos, koros, longing, Persia/Persian(s) l o n g i n g (pothos) 4 2 , 4 5 - 6 , 6 4 , 7 8 , 8 7 , 100, 129-31, 134, 138, 141 Lydia/Lydian(s) 40-1, 149-50, 152 lyric dactylic 8 1 , 87, 116 lyric i a m b i c 45, 63, 79, 87, 1 3 1 M a r a t h o n 22-3, 58, 6 0 - 1 , 73-4, 80, 88, 89 M a r d o n i u s 24, 26, 4 1 , 96, 107, 153 M a r i a n d y n u s / M a r i a n d y n i a n ( s ) 128 M c L a u g h l i n , E . 162-3 Mede(s) 4 1 , 53, 95, 97, 98, 100, 117 m e d i s m (medismos) 1 6 , 7 5 , 9 8 M e d u s 98, 100, 143 m e s s e n g e r a n d n e w s o f pathos 3 9 , 49, 62; a n d w r i t t e n records 62-3; as e y e - w i t n e s s 64; c a t a l o g u e s o f 65-6, 75, 129; focus o f 68; l a m e n t of 63-4; role of 62 M i l e t u s 19-20, 2 1 , 34, 1 2 1 , 149 mise en abyme 5 7 m o n e y 3 7 , 4 9 , 1 2 4 , 1 3 3 ; see also g o l d , number Mouzenidis, T . 162 M y c a l e 26, 27, 29, 31-2, 34, 119, 160 M y s i a / M y s i a n ( s ) 4 1 , 49, 66, 117, 123, 137, 150 necromancy 85-8 n e w T r o j a n W a r 28-33, 4 0 - 1 , 78, 154 n u m b e r (plethos) 3 7 , 4 0 , 4 6 , 6 2 - 8 , 7 1 , 73-4, 108, 133

olbos 4 6 , 8 3 , 9 2 ; a n d até 1 3 2 ; a n d conquest 50-2, 85, 93, 109, 145; a n d Croesus 123; a n d E l e u s i n i a n M y s t e r i e s 5 1 ; a n d gods 5 1 , 109; a n d i m m o r t a l i t y 132; a n d justice 109; a n d m i n d 92; and W e a l t h / w e a l t h 51-2, 93; as cause of disaster 109, 140; as i n h e r i t e d curse 94; as r e l a t i o n to e a r t h 84, 109; i n T i m o t h e u s 153; r u i n o f 62, 153; sources o f 109 Orestes 35, 105, 149 O t t o m a n e m p i r e 156-7, 159-61 p a p y r u s 61-2, 65, 93, 138, 148 parodos 39-47, 116, 117, 129, 132-3 pathos a n d drama 9 0 , 9 2 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 6 , 1 6 0 - 1 ; a n d polis 6 3 ; a s e x e m p l u m 62, 135; as lost harvest 128, 134; b a r b a r i a n 142-4; deferral o f 39; displacement o f 126; fear o f 62; f u t u r e 152-3; o f A t h e n s 44, 64; o f Persia 39-40, 62-82, 106; pre-enactment of 39; re-enactment o f 129-38; symbolic f o r m o f 137-8; s y m m e t r y a n d antithesis o f 82, 84, 90, 91-2, 98, 104-5, 112, 124, 135, 1 4 1 , 147; 'unfolding' o f 62, 138 P a u s a n i a s 27-30, 107, 121 peíanos 5 6 , 8 3 - 4 , 1 0 7 Pericles 16-17, 80, 96-7, 156, 157 P e r s i a / P e r s i a n ( s ) passim; a n d 'boundless lament' 24, 63, 80, 125; a n d despotism 34, 5 1 , 54, 60, 8 1 , 85, 136, 138; a n d q u a n t i t y 23, 4 0 - 1 , 48, 52, 60, 67, 127; a n d T u r k s 157; as anti-citizens 147; as c i t y - s a c k e r s 90, 104-6, 137; crimes 104; culture 50, 101; dead 46, 59, 63-6, 71-7, 8 0 - 1 , 105-8, 123-33, 136-7, 1 5 1 ; d i g n i t y 144; households 8 1 , 110, 130, 132; hybris 1 0 4 , 1 1 4 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 4 3 , 151, 155; kings 95-100; l u x u r y a n d l u x u r i a n c e 4 1 , 47, 50, 60, 78-9, 108, 123, 1 3 1 , 138, 154-6; n a m e s 4 0 - 1 , 63-5, 77, 129-32; nobility 72-3, 125-33, 140; p a r e n t s 42, 6 1 , 8 1 , 138; perspective 20, 24-5, 59, 93, 98, 145, 147-8; speech 53; w o m e n 45,

222

Index 6 4 , 7 8 - 9 ; see also g o l d , hebe, hybris, l a m e n t , M e d e ( s ) , n u m b e r , pathos P e r s i a n e m p i r e a n d eagle 57; a n d hybris, koros, ate, l a m e n t 1 0 8 - 9 , 1 1 2 ; a n d olbos 1 0 9 ; a s d r i n k i n g / f e a s t i n g group 155; as p a t r i m o n y 95, 105; d u r a t i o n o f 62; 'evacuation' a n d 'sack' o f 90-1; expansion of 97-103; fall of 37, 8 1 , 97, 1 4 1 , 142, 143; fleet o f 26, 34, 46, 66, 68, 7 1 , 73, 9 0 - 1 ; l a n d p o w e r o f 43-4, 73; overextension o f 46, 95, 97, 103; size o f 1 7 Petrarch 157 P h e r e c r a t e s Persians 1 5 5 - 6 P h o e n i c i a / P h o e n i c i a n ( s ) 19, 34, 36, 45, 7 0 - 1 , 80, 88, 93, 1 2 9 P h r y n i c h u s Capture of Miletus 2 0 - 2 , 3 4 ; Phoenician Women 2 2 , 3 3 - 5 , 39, 48, 8 0 p i t y 1 1 , 22, 134-5, 1 4 1 , 146, 1 6 1 ; a n d f e a r 8 8 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 1 ; see also D a r i u s P l a t a e a / P l a t a e a n s passim; 2 6 - 7 , 2 8 , 80, 89, 104, 107, 153, 160 P l a t o Republic 1 2 5 P l a t o , c o m i c p o e t 1 6 2 ; Hyperbolus 154 Ploutos s e e W e a l t h P l u t a r c h 25, 32, 1 4 8 polis passim; 2 4 , 3 4 , 5 1 , 6 0 , 6 3 , 6 7 , 70, 72, 88, 9 2 , 1 0 1 , 115, 1 2 6 ponos ( l a b o u r , s u f f e r i n g ) 9 3 , 9 5 , 1 2 6 Poseidon 45, 92, 113, 142 proskynesis 3 4 , 5 0 , 7 6 , 8 1 , 1 5 2 Protesilaus 28-9; bride o f 7 8 P s y t t a l i a 25, 72-4, 76, 108, 1 3 7 Q u e e n a n d b i r d o m e n 56-7; a n d pelanos 5 6 , 8 3 - 4 ; a n d X e r x e s 52-3, 54-8, 65, 67-8, 74, 77-8, 9 1 , 101, 112, 115, 145; as chorus leader 77-8, 85; as questioner 58, 65, 74, 85; body o f 65, 83; double b i n d o f 51-2; d r e a m o f 45-6, 54-6, 70, 88, 89, 95, 126, 127; e m o t i o n a l distress o f 50, 65, 83; entrances of 48-50, 83, 89-90; k e n n i n g s o f 84-5; m e t a p h o r s o f 72, 83; p e r s p e c t i v e o f 5 0 - 1 , 90, 94, 145; p r o v e r b o f 5 1 ;

223

recognition o f 77; resolutions o f 77, 115; silence o f 6 5 , 7 1 reciprocity 20, 64, 76, 90, 92, 106, 1 6 0 - 1 ; see also pathos reversal 20, 40, 46, 62, 68, 7 1 , 83-4, 87, 90, 116, 1 2 1 , 137, 1 4 0 - 1 r o y a l oikos 3 7 , 5 0 , 5 2 , 6 0 , 6 5 , 1 1 5 S a l a m i s passim; a n d A t h e n i a n democracy 36; a n d A t h e n i a n i m p e r i a l i s m 30-1, 37, 79-80, 115-21; and fall of Persian empire 8 1 ; and freedom 69-70, 72, 74, 8 1 ; a n d g l o r y 9 8 ; a n d Golden Age 110-1; and Tonians' 53, 79; a n d M a r a t h o n 23, 58, 64, 74; a n d P e l o p o n n e s i a n W a r 96; as ' i s l a n d o f A j a x ' 8 2 ; a s object o f l a m e n t 78-82, 107; as victory and defeat 25, 82, 98; battle o f 25-6, 31, 34-5, 44, 53, 66-72, 97; i n T i m o t h e u s 150-3; n a m e o f 64; o n Cyprus 120-1 satyr-play 14-15, 122, 139-40 Schadenfreude 1 1 , 135, 143, 145, 1 4 6 Sellars, P . 162 S e r p e n t C o l u m n 75, 1 1 9 S h e l l e y , P e r c y B y s s h e Hellas 1 5 9 - 6 1 Simonides a n d H o m e r 28; a n d P e r s i a n W a r dead 27; o n A r t e m i s i u m 27, 76; o n pleasure 1 1 4 ; o n S a l a m i s 2 7 ; Plataea 2 7 - 8 , 113, 148 skene see s t a g i n g slavery 27, 30, 50, 54-5, 60, 62, 69, 1 5 5 ; see also b a r b a r i a n , imperialism, Persian Empire, yoke S o l o n 5 1 , 108-9, 114-5, 1 2 5 S o p h o c l e s Ajax 1 3 5 ; Oedipus the King 1 5 7 ; Women of Trachis 1 1 8 S p a r t a / S p a r t a n ( s ) passim; 1 8 , 2 6 - 7 , 28-9, 35, 49, 96, 107, 124, 149-50, 1 5 3 - 4 , 1 5 9 ; see also D o r i a n ( s ) , Greek(s) staging 47-9, 77, 85-6, 88-9, 113, 127, 1 3 1 , 135-6 stasima 78-82, 115-21 s t i c h o m y t h i a 58, 64, 8 9 S t r y m o n R i v e r passim; 3 2 , 7 5 - 7 , 1 1 8 sympotic poetry 114-15, 151, 1 5 5

Index telos 1 0 5 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 4 , 1 4 7 tetralogy 14-15, 139 Themistocles 2 1 , 24, 25, 27, 3 0 - 1 , 33-5, 36, 58, 60, 67, 68, 69, 73, 92-3, 119-20 T h e s e u s 35, 113, 157 T h u c y d i d e s passim a s p r o p h e t i c 2 1 ; o n 'Delian League' 29-32; o n empire 95; o n i n v a s i o n of Sicily 62, 97; o n Xerxes' v u l n e r a b i l i t y 9 1 T i m o t h e u s Persians 1 4 8 - 5 4 , 1 6 1 t r a m p l i n g 77, 89, 126-7 t r i b u t e a n d A t h e n s 30-2, 36, 96-7, 116-20, 124; a n d Persia 30, 4 1 , 60, 70, 8 1 , 93-4, 102, 117, 147 trochaic t e t r a m e t e r 50, 58, 90, 9 7 t y r a n t / t y r a n n y 17-19, 29, 80, 100, 104, 138, 145, 158-9, 159-60 v e r b a l i m a g e r y 64, 106; a n d symbolic action 122; and v i s u a l i m a g e s 45, 49-50, 127, 137-8, 1 4 1 ; b l o w (plege) 6 5 , 8 3 , 1 3 2 - 3 ; b o w a n d a r r o w 48-9, 64, 133; emptying/filling 20, 42, 45-6, 64, 131-4; r i v e r 156; spear 48-9; t o r n robes 45, 55-6, 115, 133-4, 137-8; t o r n v e i l s 7 8 ; w a t e r 4 4 , 1 1 7 ; see also b l o s s o m , c h a r i o t , e y e , trampling, yoke W e a l t h / w e a l t h passim; a n d ate 1 0 8 , 112; a n d conquest 49-53, 93-4, 145; a n d c o n t e n t m e n t 104-5; a n d hybris 7 3 , 1 0 8 , 1 2 2 ; a n d koros 7 9 , 124; a n d l u x u r i a n c e 79, 108; a n d olbos 5 1 - 2 , 8 4 , 9 4 , 1 0 9 ; a n d ponos 83

1 2 8 ; a n d koros 1 3 3 - 4 ; a n d M a r d u s 100-1; and Persian h i s t o r y 56, 95, 9 7 - 1 0 1 ; a n d S i l v e r Age 110; a n d T y p h o 43; as despot 52, 57, 58, 136-8; as 'evil eye' 43, 53, 130; a s 'eye o f t h e house' 52, 130, 153; as god 43-4, 50, 60, 76, 102; as leader o f l a m e n t 58, 63, 78, 85, 135-8; as pitiable 103, 134-5; as scapegoat 101-4; as s u r v i v o r 26, 52, 58, 123; as tragic figure 95-6; as y o u t h 52, 92, 1 0 1 , 129; b l a m e o f 79, 92-3, 1 0 1 , 110, 128; confessions of 128, 130, 133-4, 136; c r i m e s o f 76, 93, 102, 104-6; c r u e l t y o f 54, 68, 72; deception o f 25, 67-8, 100; desires of 29, 43, 53, 55, 59-60, 69, 130-1; 'disease o f m i n d ' o f 56, 76, 92-3, 100, 142; e n t r a n c e o f 47, 77, 113, 122, 126-7; flight o f 26, 56-7, 74; h o m e c o m i n g o f 57, 63, 77, 106, 1 2 2 ; hybris, ate o f 5 8 , 6 7 - 8 , 7 1 , 9 1 , 108, 122, 127, 133, 135-6, 142, 144; i m p e r i a l i s m o f 23, 29, 43, 60, 79, 124; i m p e t u o s i t y o f 42, 101; i n mother's d r e a m 55-6, 74, 126; k i n o f 41-2; l i m i n a l i t y o f 50; longing o f 130-1; quiver o f 49, 133; robes/rags o f 47, 55, 56, 74, 88, 95, 113-15, 130, 133, 1 4 1 ; wife o f 55 Xerxes the Great 1 5 9 y o k e / y o k i n g image o f 45-6, 8 1 ; i n Queen's d r e a m 55; o f Hellespont 16, 24, 42, 9 1 , 123; o f m a r r i a g e 45, 54-5, 78, 110, 123; o f p o w e r 8 1 , 126; o f s l a v e r y 41-2, 70, 7 2

X e r x e s passim; a n d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y 57-8, 112; a n d C y r u s 99-100; a n d daimon 4 3 , 6 8 , 9 1 , 9 9 , 1 2 6 ; a n d D a r i u s 23, 5 1 , 56, 74, 79, 86-7, 88, 91-3, 94-6, 101-3, 110-11, 115,

224

Z e u s passim 5 4 , 7 8 , 8 4 , 9 3 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 , 105, 109, 110, 1 1 1 , 112, 140, 145, 148, 156