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A Visual Catalog of Spanish Frontier Missions, 16th to 19th Centuries
A Visual Catalog of Spanish Frontier Missions, 16th to 19th Centuries By
Robert H. Jackson
A Visual Catalog of Spanish Frontier Missions, 16th to 19th Centuries By Robert H. Jackson This book first published 2018 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2018 by Robert H. Jackson All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-1103-0 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-1103-3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 Introduction Chapter Two ................................................................................................ 7 The First Missions: Dominican Doctrinas in Chiapas The Organization of Evangelization ...................................................... 9 Mudéjar Influence in the Chiapas Convents ........................................ 12 The Sixteenth Century Chiapas Doctrinas ........................................... 19 Santo Domingo (Ciudad Real) Santo Domingo Chiapa Santo Domingo Tecpatán San Vicente Copanguastla Santo Domingo Comitán San Jacinto Ocosingo Santo Domingo Oxolotán Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 44 Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier Augustinian Missions on and beyond the Chichimeca Frontier........... 45 Dominican Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier ........................ 52 Franciscan Missions on and beyond the Chichimeca Frontier ............. 55 Franciscan Mission Reorganization: The Apostolic Colleges ............. 59 The Jesuits in the Sierra Gorda ............................................................ 62 Augustinian Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier ...................... 64 La Asunción Chichicaxtla (Hidalgo) Pacula (Hidalgo) Chapulhuacán (Hidalgo) San Agustín Xilitlán (San Luis Potosi) Dominican Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier ........................ 68 San Juan Bautista Zimapan (Hidalgo) Santo Domingo de Guzmán Soriano (Querétaro) San Miguel Palmas (Querétaro) La Nopalera (Querétaro) Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Ahuacatlán (Querétaro)
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Franciscan Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier ........................ 73 San Pedro Tolimán (Querétaro) San Miguel Tolimán (Querétaro) San Juan Bautista Xichú de Indios San Pedro y San Pablo Cadereyta (Querétaro) Sr. Santiago Xalpa (Jalpan, Querétaro) San Miguel de Fuenclara (Concá, Querétaro) Agua de Landa (Querétaro) N.S.P. San Francisco Valle de Tilaco (Querétaro) Nuestra Señora de la Luz Tancoyol (Querétaro) San José de Vizarrón (Querétaro) La Purísima Concepción de Bucareli (Querétaro) La Purísima Concepción de Arnedo (Guanajuato) Jesuit Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier ................................. 91 San Luis de la Paz (Guanajuato) Chapter Four .............................................................................................. 93 The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region Missions in Paraguay ........................................................................... 98 San Ignacio Guazú Santiago Nuestra Señora la Fe Santa Rosa de Lima Santos Cosme y Damián Jesús de Tavarangue Trinidad Missions in Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil ............................................... 110 San Luis Gonzaga and San Francisco de Borja San Miguel San Juan Bautista San Lorenzo Mártir San Nicolás Santo Angel Custodio Missions in Corrientes, Argentina ..................................................... 130 San Carlos Yapeyú La Cruz Missions in Misiones, Argentina ....................................................... 136 Santos Mártires Concepción Santa María la Mayor
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Candelaria Santa Ana Loreto San Ignacio Corpus Christi and Apóstoles San Joaquín and San Estanislao The Population and Vital Rates of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay .. 162 Chapter Five ............................................................................................ 228 The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions A Case Study of Demographic Patterns on the Chiquitos Missions: San Francisco Xavier ................................................................... 232 Architecture and Urban Plan on the Chiquitos Missions ................... 236 The Chiquitos Missions ..................................................................... 238 San Francisco Xavier San Rafael San José San Ignacio Concepción San Miguel Santa Ana The Population and Vital Rates of the Chiquitos Missions................ 254 The Moxos Missions .......................................................................... 273 Nineteenth Century illustrations of the Moxos Missions San Ignacio de Moxos Chapter Six .............................................................................................. 279 The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora The Franciscans in Sonora ................................................................. 288 The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa........................................................... 297 Mocorito El Nio Tamazula Sinaloa de Leyva El Fuerte Mochicahui Tehuco Baymea Yecorato The Jesuit Missions of Sonora ........................................................... 307 Ostimuri
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Movas Onavas Sahuaripa Bacanora Missions in the Sierra......................................................................... 313 Oposura Bacadehuachi Bacerac Bavispe Matape Batuco The Missions in the San Miguel River Valley ................................... 322 Ures Nacameri Opodepe Cucurpe Missions in the Sonora River Valley ................................................. 329 Baviacora Aconchi Huepac Banamichi Arispe Bacoachi The Pimeria Alta Missions................................................................. 338 San Ignacio de Cabórica The visita of Imuris The visita of Santa Maria Magdalena Guevavi The visita of Tumacacori San Francisco Xavier del Bac The visita of Tucson Cocospera Tubutama Atil Oquitoa Caborca The visita of Pitiqui (Pitiquito)
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Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 361 New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier The Seventeenth Century Missions.................................................... 363 Giusewa Quarai Abo Humanas Pecos Acoma San Miguel (Santa Fe) The Eighteenth Century Missions ...................................................... 377 Taos Picuris Santa Ana Cochiti San Felipe Santo Domingo Zia Laguna Halona Zune Awatovi (Arizona) Ysleta Socorro The El Paso Area Missions ................................................................ 388 Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe (Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua) Ysleta del Sur (El Paso, Texas) Socorro (El Paso, Texas) Chapter Eight ........................................................................................... 393 The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas San Bernardo (Guerrero, Coahuila) ................................................... 412 San Antonio de Valero (San Antonio, Texas) .................................... 416 San José y San Miguel de Aguayo (San Antonio, Texas) .................. 417 La Purísima Concepción (San Antonio, Texas) ................................. 422 San Juan Capistrano (San Antonio, Texas) ........................................ 425 San Francisco de la Espada (San Antonio, Texas) ............................. 428 Nuestra Señora del Espiritu Santo (Goliad, Texas)............................ 433 Nuestra Señora del Rosario (Goliad, Texas) ...................................... 437
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Chapter Nine............................................................................................ 440 Baja California San José de Comondú ........................................................................ 445 Other Selected Baja California Missions ........................................... 453 Nuestra Señora de Loreto (1697) San Francisco Xavier (1699) Santa Rosalia Mulege (1705) San Juan Bautista Malibat y Ligui (1705) San Ignacio (1728) Santa Rosa de las Palmas (1733) Todos Santos San Luis Gonzaga (1737) Santa Gertrudis la Magna (1752) San Francisco de Borja (1762) San Fernando (1769) Nuestra Señora del Rosario (1774) Santo Domingo (1775) San Vicente Ferrer (1780) San Miguel (1787) Santo Tomás (1791) Chapter Ten ............................................................................................. 472 Alta California La Purísima Concepción (1787) ........................................................ 474 The first site of La Purísima Concepción (1787-1812) ...................... 482 1854 Plat Maps of the California Missions and selected historic illustrations ................................................................................... 493 San Diego (1769) San Carlos (1770) San Antonio (1771) San Gabriel (1771) San Luis Obispo (1772) San Francisco (1776) San Juan Capistrano (1776) Santa Clara 1777 San Buenaventura (1782) Santa Barbara (1786) La Purísima Concepción (1787) La Exaltación de la Santa Cruz (1791) Nuestra Señora de la Soledad (1791) San Jose (1797)
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San Juan Bautista (1797) San Miguel (1797) San Fernando (1797) San Luis Rey (1798) Santa Ines (1804) San Rafael (1817) San Francisco Solano (1825) Chapter Eleven ........................................................................................ 539 The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017 Earthquake of September 7, 2017 ...................................................... 539 Santo Domingo Tehuantepec, Oaxaca Earthquake of September 19, 2017 .................................................... 544 San Juan Bautista Tlayacapan, Morelos Tlayacapan barrio chapels damaged by the earthquake. San Guillermo Totolapan, Morelos La Natividad Tepoztlán, Morelos Hospital de la Cruz, Oaxtepec, Morelos La Asunción Milpa Alta, CDMX San Miguel Huejotzingo, Puebla San Gabriel Cholula, Puebla San Martín de Tours Huaquechula, Puebla Santo Domingo Izucar, Puebla
A 1769 map of the northern frontier of Mexico.
A c. 1780 map of the Jesuit missions in the Rio de la Plata region.
An historic map of the Chiquitos and Moxos missions.
CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION
When I was a child I learned the ditty “In 1492 Columbus sailed the ocean blue.” Little did I realize at that time that I would dedicate my adult life to the historical inquiry as to the consequences for the indigenous populations of the Americas of the establishment of sustained contact between the Old and New worlds. One of the topics that have occupied my attention has been the efforts to colonize and control the indigenous populations on the frontiers of Spanish America, and particularly the institution of the mission staffed by members of religious orders but that functioned as a government institution. Royal policy was to reshape indigenous societies. The Spanish encountered sophisticated hierarchical state systems with functioning tribute and labor systems in central Mexico and the Andean Highlands. They subjugated these states and adopted and modified the tribute and labor systems to suit their own purposes in a system of indirect rule that functioned for some three centuries. The indigenous peoples the Spanish encountered on the fringes of the hierarchical state systems were very different, and their subjugation proved to be more difficult and time consuming. They were folk that did not live in hierarchical state systems that were easy to control. Rather, they were nomadic hunter and gatherers that live in small bands, or lived in clan or tribal societies and practiced different forms of agriculture supplemented by hunting and the gathering of wild plant foods. Some lived in more or less permanent villages and practiced shifting swidden (slash and burn) agriculture. Others grew crops in more permanent fields in river beds. The Spanish Crown created the mission as an institution to integrate these indigenous peoples into colonial society in a cost effective way. The objective of the mission as a colonial institution was straight forward. Indigenous populations were to be transformed into fully sedentary folk living in stable communities and practicing agriculture. They were to pay tribute to the Crown and provide labor, and to go to war when necessary. Moreover, they were to be converted to Catholicism which was the official state religion. Members of different religious orders
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staffed the missions as representatives of both Church and the Crown, which was a legal reality based on the so-called papal donation to the Crown of Castile. The Pope theoretically was responsible for evangelizing non-Catholics, but at the time of the first phase of Castilian colonization of the Caribbean the Borgia Pope Alexander III was involved in Italian wars and other political entanglements and did not have the resources or the ability to launch a massive evangelization campaign. The quick and dirty solution, so to speak, was to grant the Crown of Castile authority over the Church in the Americas, and to let the Crown organize evangelization. On the frontiers the mission evolved as the state-Church institution responsible for accomplishing the goals of evangelization and social engineering. Over the last forty years I have researched a variety of issues related to the development of missions on different frontiers of Spanish America in Mexico and South America from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries.1 1
See, for example, Erick Langer and Robert H. Jackson, eds., The New Latin American Mission History. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1995); Robert H. Jackson, Indian Demographic Decline :the Missions of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994); Robert H. Jackson and Edward Castillo, Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on California Indians (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995); Robert H. Jackson, ed., New Views of Borderlands History (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998); Robert H. Jackson, From Savages to Subjects: Missions in the History of the American Southwest (Armonk: E. Sharpe, 2000); Robert H. Jackson, Missions and Frontiers of Spanish America: A Comparative Study of the Impact of Environmental, Economic, Political, and Socio-Cultural Variations on the Missions in the Rio de la Plata Region and on the Northern Frontier of New Spain (Scottsdale: Pentacle Press, 2005); Arno Alvarez Kern and Robert H. Jackson, Missoes Ibéricas Coloniais: Da California ao Prata (Porto Alegre: EDIPUCRS, 2006); Robert H. Jackson, Conflict and Conversion in Sixteenth Century Central Mexico: The Augustinian War on and Beyond the Chichimeca Frontier (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2013); Robert H. Jackson, Visualizing the Miraculous, Visualizing the Sacred: Evangelization and the “Cultural War” in Sixteenth Century Mexico Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014); Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival Among The Sedentary Populations On The Jesuit Mission Frontiers of Spanish South America, 1609-1803: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2015); Robert H. Jackson and Fernando Esparragoza Amador, A Visual Catalog of Sixteenth Century Central Mexican Doctrinas (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016); Robert H. Jackson, Pames, Jonaces, and Franciscans in the Sierra Gorda: Mecos and Missionaries (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017);
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My interest in the missions has included historical demography, architectural, geographic and urban development, social, cultural, and religious change and the persistence of pre-Hispanic religious beliefs, and the economic organization and financing of the missions, among other topics. I have combined this with the importance of presenting a sense of place, that is of the varied landscapes and environments the Spanish attempted to colonize that ranged from deserts to tropical rain forests. This has allowed me to combine the practice of history with my interest in photography which has also evolved over the last four decades. I purchased my first sophisticated SLR camera in 1974, and over the years have incorporated my photographs into my publications. The development of increasingly sophisticated digital cameras and agile computer programs to edit photographs has virtually eliminated one of the limitations on oldstyle print photography, namely the cost of buying and developing print photographs. This new technology allows the photographer to take unlimited numbers of photographs, and to perfect those photographs through editing. These advances in photographic as well as printing technology allowed me, for example, to co-author an encyclopedic visual book titled A Visual Catalog of Sixteenth Century Central Mexican Doctrinas that contains more than 2,000 photographs. The purpose of this book is straight forward. It is to present a visual record of the architectural patrimony of missions on selected Spanish frontiers in the Americas. It does not pretend to be comprehensive, but rather is idiosyncratic in the sense that it focuses on the mission frontiers that I have studied over the years. However, it is still representative of the mission architectural heritage, a heritage that has experienced change over the centuries and at times is at risk as in the case of central Mexico following damage sustained in the earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017. It is my hope that the presentation of this book provides useful information for researchers. I have included historical and contemporary images of mission structures in both Mexico and South America, and background information that place the images and the missions into historical context. The first chapter presents an example of a mission frontier among sedentary peoples living in hierarchical state systems in sixteenth century Mexico. The co-authored Robert H. Jackson, Frontiers of Evangelization: Indians in the Sierra Gorda and Chiquitos Missions (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2017); Arturo Vergara Hernández and Robert H. Jackson, Las doctrinas franciscanas de México a fines del siglo XVI en las descripciones de Antonio de Ciudad Real (O.F.M.) y su situación actual, forthcoming (Pachuca: Universidad Autónoma Estado de Hidalgo).
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2016 publication A Visual Catalog of Sixteenth Century Central Mexican Doctrinas provided extensive coverage to the missions in this region, and this book includes a new case study of Chiapas missions that did not appear in the previous book. As the Spanish advanced northward in Mexico in the mid-sixteenth century they encountered growing resistance from bands of nomadic hunters and gatherers known by the derogatory generic term chichimecos that at times was shortened to mecos. The Spanish first attempted to militarily subjugate the nomadic bands in a long conflict known as the Chichimec War (1550-1600) that attempted to impose order and secure the supply routes to Zacatecas and the other northern silver mines. The military solution proved elusive, so royal officials turned to missionaries to attempt to “civilize” the chichimecas. They established communities and settled sedentary natives to serve as role models and help colonize the region. The Sierra Gorda was one region inhabited by chichimecas that was the focus of missionary activity from the mid-sixteenth century to the early nineteenth century. Franciscans, Augustinians, Dominicans, and Jesuits attempted to change the way of life of the Pames and Jonaces, but it proved to be an exercise in futility. The scene then shifts to lowland South America and the Jesuit missions established among the Guaraní in what today are parts of Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil, and in the Chiquitos and Moxos regions of what today is Bolivia. The natives congregated on these missions lived in clan-based societies, and were more or less sedentary. They practiced shifting swidden (slash and burn) agriculture. These missions left a unique architectural heritage. The missions among the Guaraní inspired the mistaken image of a socialist utopian society. Voltaire based his novel Candide on these missions, but the reality was quite different. Royal officials used the Guaraní as cannon fodder in a long series of wars with the Portuguese, and a series of crises such as those of the 1730s tested the strength of the Guaraní-Jesuit alliance. In the space of seven years more than 80,000 Guaraní died from epidemics and famine. Although also located on the frontier with the Portuguese, the Jesuits did not organize and maintain a formal military structure on the Chiquitos and Moxos missions as they did on the missions among the Guaraní. The final five chapters return the reader to the northern frontier of colonial Mexico to missions in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Beginning at the end of the sixteenth century Jesuit missionaries established missions in northern Sinaloa, and then expanded into Sonora. At the end of the sixteenth century Franciscans established missions in New Mexico. A massive uprising in 1680 temporarily ended their tenure,
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but they returned in 1696. In terms of organization the New Mexico missions closely resembled the sixteenth century central Mexican missions, and the central Mexican Santo Evangelio province administered the missions. The Spanish expansion into Texas at the end of the seventeenth century came in response to a failed French effort to colonize the mouth of the Mississippi River that went wrong. The French expedition got lost, and instead landed on the coast of Texas. The colony languished for several years, and finally collapsed because of the hostility of the native peoples and divisions within the French group. The survivors eventually walked back to Canada. The Spanish missions established among the Caddo tribal confederation in 1691 failed, but the Spanish and Franciscan missionaries returned in 1716. The Caddo had no need for the Spanish, and the missions failed to achieve their goal. The other Texas missions, particularly those on the San Antonio River, were on a hostile frontier, and Apaches and Comanches raided the missions and other Spanish settlements. The threat of attack resulted in the incorporation of military architectural elements such as bastions into the mission complexes. The last two mission frontiers were in Baja California and California. Spanish efforts to colonize Baja California failed, and in 1685 the Crown wrote the region off. The Jesuits, however, convinced royal officials to let them try to evangelize the natives at their own expense. For seventy years the Jesuits administered the Peninsula missions, and paid for the missions with funds from properties in central Mexico, pious donations, and from surpluses produced by the Sinaloa and Sonora missions. Franciscans from the apostolic college of San Fernando in Mexico City led by Junipero Serra, O.F.M., replaced the Jesuits on the Peninsula missions, but because of shortages of missionary personnel they had to allow the secularization of the Sierra Gorda missions they administered. In 1773, the Franciscans ceded the Peninsula missions to the Dominicans, who then established new missions and presided over the continued demographic collapse of the indigenous population. An implied English and Russian threat in the Pacific Northwest led the Spanish to organize the colonization of California, the last frontier in northern Mexico. José de Gálvez organized the expedition, and procured supplies by stripping the Baja California missions of livestock and stored grain the Jesuits had carefully built up. Serra headed the Franciscan missions. The California frontier and mission system was unique in that it came into existence during the so-called Bourbon Reforms. Gálvez, who eventually became Minister of the Indies, and other royal officials sought to assert more control over the Americas and improve military defense, but
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in a cost-effective way. The California missions were to pay their way, and Serra created a system that produced surpluses that helped cover the costs of the military garrisons. However, it was a system that required a disciplined labor force, and the Franciscan missionaries used different measures of social control including corporal punishment to make sure the natives congregated on the missions worked. It was a harsher system when compared to other missions, such as the Jesuit missions among the Guaraní. The enlightenment and the development of ideas now known as liberalism challenged the basic assumptions of the mission as a colonial institution, and eventually resulted in its lapse as a frontier institution. Growing anticlericalism challenged the role of the missionaries, and royal officials criticized the missions for not integrating indigenous peoples into colonial society. Liberal politicians secularized the north Mexican missions in the 1830s as part of a general attack on the Church. Indigenous population decline had already left most of the missions dysfunctional, and the secularization decree had its greatest effect on the California missions. In South America the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 and the implementation of civil administration founded on Bourbon notions of self-sufficiency transformed the mission communities. The Chiquitos and Moxos missions generally continued to exist as stable communities, but the warfare that had forged the unique mission system and identity among the Guaraní also resulted in the destruction of most of the ex-missions. Conflict in the early nineteenth century left most of the ex-missions in ruins as the countries emerging into independence contested territory in a process of carving out new boundaries. Warfare and the destruction of the missions also resulted in the dispersion of the Guaraní populations. The ultimate objective of establishing stable communities failed.
CHAPTER TWO THE FIRST MISSIONS: SIXTEENTH CENTURY DOMINICAN DOCTRINAS IN CHIAPAS
In 1526, the first group of Dominicans arrived in Mexico and established a convent in Mexico City. There was a division of labor between the major religious orders involved in the evangelization of Mexico that is the Franciscans who arrived in 1524, Dominicans, and Augustinians who arrived in 1533. The Franciscans had the largest number of doctrinas in central Mexico, and focused their attention on a large area that included what today are Puebla-Tlaxcala, Michoacán, Hidalgo, and the Yucatan.2 The Augustinians had missions along and beyond the Chichimeca frontier in what today is Hidalgo and Michoacán, along the Pacific Coast in Guerrero, the area known as the tierra caliente, and what today is Morelos.3 The Dominicans staffed doctrinas in the Valley of Mexico, Morelos, and several communities in Puebla, but their most important missions were in the south in Oaxaca, Chiapas and neighboring parts of Tabasco, and Guatemala.4 Different ethnic groups inhabited the area of Chiapas and highland Tabasco in the sixteenth century. The O'depüt (Zoques) were culturally 2
Robert H. Jackson and Fernando Esparragoza Amador, A Visual Catalog of Sixteenth Century Central Mexican Doctrinas. (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2016); Robert H. Jackson, “The Huatápera and the Sixteenth Century Franciscan and Augustinian Doctrinas among the P’urepecha of Michoacan,” Boletin Journal of the California Missions Studies Association 31:2 (2016), 31-57. 3 Robert H. Jackson, Conflict and Conversion in Sixteenth Century Central Mexico: The Augustinian War on and Beyond the Chichimeca Frontier. (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2013); Jackson, “The Huatápera,” Jackson and Esparragoza, A Visual Catalog. 4 Robert H. Jackson, “Dominican Missions in Mexico: Sixteenth to Eighteenth Century,” Boletin Journal of the California Missions Studies Association 31:1 (2015), 114-129; Jackson and Esparragoza, A Visual Catalog.
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and linguistically related to the Mixes and Popolucas, and inhabited parts of Oaxaca, Chiapas, and Tabasco. There were also Maya groups that included the Chol, Tojolabal, Quiché, Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Mam, Lacandón, Chuj, and Q'anjob'al. The Tzotzil, for example, occupied the area around Ciudad Real (San Cristobal de las Casas) including San Juan Chamula and Zinacantán. The ethnic and linguistic diversity posed a challenge to the Dominicans. The Dominicans arrived in Chiapas in 1545 with Bartolomé de las Casas, the first bishop of Chiapas. Up to that point secular clergy had had the main responsibility for thee evangelization of the indigenous population. In 1551, the Dominicans organized the Province of San Vicente Ferrer which included their missions in Chiapas and Guatemala. The ecclesiastical organization of southern Mexico was the cause of some friction between the missionaries as seen in the case of Oxolotán in highland Tabasco. It first fell under the jurisdiction of the Bishopric of Tlaxcala, but was then transferred the the newly created Bishopric of Chiapas. However, it was later shifted to the Bishopric of Yucatán which was a Franciscan dominated jurisdiction, and the Franciscans also staffed missions in Tabasco.5 Several chronicles document the development of the Dominican missions in Chiapas and Guatemala. Antonio de Remesal, O.P. wrote two. One was a history of the province to the early seventeenth century that was published in Madrid in 1619. The second titled Historia General De Las Indias Ocidentales, Y Particular De La Governacion de Chiapa, y Guatemala has appeared in several modern editions. Francisco Ximénez, O.P. authored a later chronicle entitled Historia de la Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala de la Orden de Predicadores.6 These chronicles focus on the activities of the missionaries themselves, but do provide details of the chronology and organization of the doctrinas.
5 Peter Gerhard, The Southeast Frontier of New Spain. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993). 6 Antonio de Remesal, Historia de la provincia de S. Vicente de Chyapa y Guatemala de la orden de nro. Glorioso Padre Sancto Domingo: escrivense juntamente los principios desta religion de las Yndias Occidentales y lo secular de la Governacion de Guatemala. (Madrid: Francisco de Angulo, 1619); Antonio de Remesal, Historia General De Las Indias Ocidentales, Y Particular De La Governacion de Chiapa, y Guatemala. Escrivese juntamente los principios de la Religion de Nuestro Glorioso Padre Santo Domingo, y de las demas Religiones. 2 volumes. (Guatemala: Tipografia Nacional, 1932); Francisco Ximénez, Historia de la Provincia de San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala de la Orden de Predicadores. 3 volumes. (Guatemala: Tipografia Nacional, 1929-1931).
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The Organization of Evangelization In their writings and reports the missionaries provided small details that can be analyzed and interpreted to better understand the dynamic of the evangelization campaigns, and their limitations. Such is the case for the Chiapas and Guatemala doctrinas. In one of his chronicles Antonio de Remesal summarized information on the Guatemala and Chiapas missions that included the number of missionaries and lay brothers stationed on each of the doctrinas, and the names of the subject communities or visitas (see Table 1). What does this information show? For one it suggests that the Dominicans used a different strategy in Chiapas when compared to Oaxaca and Guatemala, and that the limitation in the number of missionary personnel dictated the different approach. Oaxaca appears to have been the more important missionary frontier in the late sixteenth century. The Dominicans established 25 doctrinas in Oaxaca from the 1530s to the 1580s, and stationed from two to six missionaries on each mission. The Franciscans also established a larger numbers of missions in a number of regions. For example, there were ten in what today is Tlaxcala in the 1580s. The Franciscans administered 26 in the Yucatán in the 1580s, and elevated some visitas to the status of independent doctrinas in the seventeenth century. In 1570, the Franciscans administered 11 doctrinas in Michoacán, the Augustinians eight, and secular clergy paid by the Crown or the holders of encomienda grants other communities.7 The Dominicans established only six doctrinas in Chiapas and six in Guatemala, and within the Province of San Vicente Ferrer they assigned more missionaries to Guatemala (see Table 1), such as the doctrina at Cobán. In 1611, there were 63 Dominicans and 19 lay brothers in Guatemala as compared to 43 and seven in Chiapas. Moreover, the Dominican headquarters in Guatemala Santo Domingo Guatemala counted more personnel than Santo Domingo in Ciudad Real, 34 missionaries as against 20. Some 35-40 Dominicans resided in the headquarters in Antequera (Oaxaca City) in the 1580s. The majority of the missionary personnel came from Spain. Dominican officials had to go to Spain to recruit missionaries, and obtain Crown permission and subsidies to bring the new missionaries to the Americas. The process could take several 7
Robert H. Jackson, Visualizing the Miraculous, Visualizing the Sacred: Evangelization and the “Cultural War” in Sixteenth Century Mexico. (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014), 61-66; Jackson, Conflict and Conversion, 34; Robert H. Jackson, “Franciscan Missions in the Yucatan,” Boletin Journal of the California Missions Studies Association 30:1 (2014), 28-45; Jackson, “The Huatápera,” 67-70.
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years, and in some instances there were mishaps at sea. For example, Remesal reported the death in 1617 of 38 Dominicans in the sinking of a ship lost in a storm.8
Figure 1: The Dominican doctrina in Cobán, Guatemala. It was the head mission for the evangelization of the frontier of Verapaz in the 1540s. The Dominicans assigned a larger number of missionaries to the Guatemala missions.
With the smaller number of doctrinas in Chiapas, the Dominican missionaries assigned to each mission had to visit many other communities administered as visitas. The six missionaries stationed on Chiapa, for example, administered six visitas. Travelling to visit these communities was not as difficult in comparative terms, because the mission at Chiapa and the visita communities are located in a broad valley. The nine missionaries stationed on Tecpatán, on the other hand, administered 24 O'depüt communities as visitas scattered across a rugged mountainous district. Although disease and other factors had reduced the size of the indigenous community, the Tecpatán district and other districts in Chiapas still had large indigenous populations9 reported the number of indigenous families at the end of the sixteenth century, and in the following century. I have used a conservative multiplier of x4 to estimate the total population based on the number of families (see Table 3). The Tecpatán district, for example, had a population of 4,618 families and some 18,472 people in 1595, and was the most populous in Chiapas. Church officials attempted to resettle the population in a smaller number of communities. Scholars have documented what the missionaries classified as “idolatry,” the persistence of traditional religious beliefs, and the incorporation of indigenous iconography in what ostensibly was Christian sacred space.10 8
Remesal, Historia General, II: 612. Gerhard, The Southeast Frontier, 139. 10 Eleanor Wake, Framing the sacred: The Indian churches of early colonial Mexico. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2010); David Tavárez, The 9
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(Wake, 2010; Tavárez, 2011; Jackson, 2014A). The missionaries introduced a new faith and naively believed that the indigenous populations automatically abandoned their old beliefs that had ordered their lives and the cosmos for centuries. Native peoples, however, incorporated the Catholic deities into their world view on their own terms, and saw no contradiction in continuing to practices their traditional rites alongside Catholic rituals. Megged documented the continued practice of traditional rites in Chiapa in 1546 and 1547 following the arrival of Dominican missionaries. 11 While the Dominicans were involved in jurisdictional disputes with colonial officials, natives engaged in “idolatry” under their noses. In recent years scholars have challenged the earlier interpretation of a quick and facile conversion of the indigenous populations, and have presented ample documentary and visual evidence of the persistence of pre-Hispanic religious beliefs. Mesoamerican religion was much more flexible than Iberian Catholicism, and there was a long history of the incorporation of new deities as different groups migrated within the larger region. |Moreover, the new gods failed to provide for the indigenous peoples as had the old deities. Rain and fertility deities such as Nadana, Tláloc and Xipé Totec had sustained Mesoamerican communities for centuries prior to the arrival of the missionaries. The initial belief held by the missionaries in the 1520s and 1530s that the native had embraced the new faith gave way to the reality that the initial wave of conversion had been superficial at best. Several high profile idolatry cases such as that of Don Carlos, an indigenous noble from Texcoco, and the inquisition investigations at Yanhuitlán and Coatlán in Oaxaca in the 1540s showed otherwise. Two factors certainly contributed to the inability of the missionaries to eradicate pre-Hispanic religious beliefs. One was what we can call a “knowledge gap,” borrowing a phrase that has come into use in some academic circles. A handful of missionaries such as Bernardino de Sahagún and Diego Durán compiled information about pre-Hispanic religious beliefs and practices in the sixteenth century. However, their texts were not published until years later, and the rank and file missionaries did not have access to this information and did not know much about indigenous religion. Spanish officials prohibited the most overt elements of preinvisible war: indigenous devotions, discipline, and dissent in colonial Mexico. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011); Jackson, Visualizing the Miraculous, Visualizing the Sacred. 11 Amos Megged, "Contrasting Resistance and Alliances in the Ethnic State of Napiniaca, Chiapas (Mexico)(1521–1590): The Anthropological and Historical Aspects." History and Anthropology 27:3 3 (2016): 313-337.
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Hispanic practices such as human sacrifice, although some inquisition investigations such as that at Yanhuitlán included allegations of human sacrifice and particularly the sacrifice of children. The second was the reality of the small number of missionaries assigned to districts with large native populations dispersed, in some instances as in the case of Tecpatán, in many communities. Even if the missionaries had an idea of the forms and practices of pre-Hispanic religious beliefs, the reality was that the majority of the indigenous population lived with only minimal contact with and supervision from the missionaries, and were largely free to organize their round of rituals as they saw fit. The mudéjar fountain in Chiapa offers an example of a solar event related to pre-Hispanic religious beliefs. The designers of the fountain incorporated an alignment that results in the first light of the morning sun illuminating one of the water spouts. This is one example of the alignment of pre-Hispanic and colonial buildings that Eleanor Wake links to the sacred geography that defined the indigenous world before and after the conquest.12 Wake focused on pre-Hispanic stones with religious significance embedded in colonial-era structures and particularly churches and convents. The stones served as markers to identify sight lines to geographic features such as sacred mountains, or as markers for solar events on specific dates such as the equinox.
Mudéjar Influence in the Chiapas Convents The mudéjar were Muslims who lived under Christian rule in southern Spain during the reconquista.13 The term also identifies Islamic influence on Spanish Christian architecture and art, and in particular the use of geometric designs and alfarje which was a form of wooden ceiling.14 (Bobadilla A; Bobadilla B; Bobadilla C; Bobadilla 2008). The alfarje was perhaps the most important mudéjar influence on sixteenth century central Mexican convent architecture and art. There are examples in the ceiling decoration of the alcázar in Sevilla. This was the royal palace of the 12
Wake, Framing the Sacred. Sidney David Markman, Architecture and urbanization in colonial Chiapas, Mexico. Vol. 153. (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1984), 87. 14 Inés Ortiz Bobadilla. "Derivaciones de la arquitectura mudéjar en el estado de Michoacán, México." Sharq Al-Andalus: Estudios mudéjares y moriscos19 (2008): 237-278; Inés Ortiz Bobadilla, "Del mudéjar en Chiapas,” unpublished paper; Inés Ortiz Bobadilla, "Derivaciones de la arquitectura mudéjar en Yucatán,” unpublished paper; Inés Ortiz Bobadilla, "Presencia de la arquitectura mudéjar en el Estado de México y en Morelos,” unpublished paper. 13
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Muslim rulers of Sevilla. There are other examples of Muslim architecture in Sevilla such as a tower that now is the bell tower of the cathedral and a watch tower located on the Guadalquivir River. There are numerous examples of alfarje in central Mexican convents, such as the church of the Franciscan convent Asunción Tlaxcala and the visita chapel of Tizatlán, also located in Tlaxcala. Alfarje is found in the seventeenth century cathedral of Ciudad Real. The form and decoration of the façade of the convent church Santo Domingo Chiapa is also an example of mudéjar art and architecture, and the church ceiling is another example of alfarje. A third example is the fountain located in the main square of Chiapa, which is mudéjar both in its architectural form and its decoration.
Figure 2: The solar event incorporated into the fountain in Chiapa. The first light of the morning sun illuminates one of the water spouts.
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Figure 3: Ceiling decoration from the Alcázar (royal palace) in Sevilla, Spain.
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Figure 3: Examples of Muslim archite
15
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Figure 4: Examples of Muslim architecture in Sevilla, Spain.
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17
Figure 5: Alfarje in the cathedral of Ciudad Real (Photograph courtesy of César Cortés Cortés), and the church of Santo Domingo Chiapa.
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Figure 6: The façade and interior of the convent church Santo Domingo Chiapa.
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Figure 7: The mudéjar-style fountain in the main square of Chiapa. Construction of the fountain was completed in 1562.
The Sixteenth Century Chiapas Doctrinas Santo Domingo (Ciudad Real) Santo Domingo (Ciudad Real-San Cristobal de las Casas), also known in the sixteenth century as Chiapa de Españoles was one of the first two Dominican doctrinas established in Chiapas (1546), and was the headquarters for the region. The convent church of Santo Domingo Ciudad Real is a later construction and was most likely built in the late seventeenth century with baroque design elements on the façade. The cloister dates to the sixteenth century, and today houses a museum managed by INAH. In 1611, the Dominicans administered 20 visitas, mostly in the neighboring sierra communities. The visita chapels in the sixteenth century most likely were simple structures, but many were replaced at a later date with more substantial building and particularly when former visitas became independent parishes. Typical is the chapel of Zinacatán.
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Figure 8: The convent church Santo Domingo (Ciudad Real).
Figure 9: The church interior.
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Figure 10: The convent cloister which is now a museum.
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Figure 11: A diagram of the church and convent.
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Figure 12: The chapel of Zinacatán which was a sixteenth century visita of Santo Domingo Ciudad Real.
Santo Domingo Chiapa At the time of the Spanish conquest Chiapa was the cabecera of the important ethnic kingdom of Napiniaca. The town itself had an estimated population of some 15,000, and the entire state some 36,000. The rulers of Napiniaca controlled the main trade route between what today is Guatemala and Tehuantepec in Oaxaca. Napiniaca’s influence extended beyond the valley where the town is located to the O'depüt communities in the nearby sierra, the most important of which was Quechula. These communities paid tribute.15 The first Dominican missionaries stationed on Santo Domingo Chiapa were Pedro Calvo, O.P., Diego Calderón, O.P., and Pedro Caluco, O.P. Calvo most likely was the prior, or the head missionary, because he was named in the litigation with officials of Ciudad Real in a jurisdictional dispute shortly after the establishment of the doctrina. They also dealt with evidence of idolatry uncovered in 1546, and of an attempted uprising in 15
Megged, "Contrasting Resistance,” 5.
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1547. Spanish officials discovered a covert ritual center where natives continued to practice rituals associated with important deities that included Motovo (fertility-births and good harvests), Nadana (water-rain), Nuturi (thunder), and Nemi. The Dominicans uncovered the persistence of preHispanic religious rituals when they caught a woman making sacrifices.16
Figure 13: The cloister of Santo Domingo Chiapa.
Pedro de Barrientos, O.P., was assigned to Chiapa in the early 1550s, and remained there until his death in 1588.17 Barrientos directed the construction of the existing church and cloister, most likely in the 1570s and 1580s. The Dominicans expanded the cloister in the seventeenth century. The cloister is used today as a cultural center. Juan de Pineda described the church and community in a general report on Guatemala written around 1595 Juan de Pineda described the convent church and community: 16
Ibid., 2-3, 10. George Kubler, Arquitectura Mexicana del SIglo XVI. First Spanish edition. (México, D.F.: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1983), 348. 17
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This pueblo has a church [that is] the best that there is in all of the province, and is better than that of the Spaniards in the city of Chiapa (Ciudad Real}. It has three naves and is [built] of [burned] brick, and the narthex [capilla mayor] has five altars. And from the body of said church, one can hear mass in all of it [at any point]. It has many rich ornaments, and a great deal of worked silver. I believe that such an adorned church should have been a cathedral. It has two large plazas; the one is beyond the main door of the church, and the other is in front of the house of the Corregidor [local royal official responsible for indigenous communities] and of the community [office of indigenous government of Chiapa], where Spanish traders and merchants who come and pass through said pueblo stand. There is a very well built fountain, built of [burned] brick, in that plaza, [and] more than 100 people could be inside of it without getting wet, even if it rains.18
Figure 14: A diagram of the church and convent.
In the early seventeenth century the missionaries stationed on Chiapa administered several nearby visitas including Tuxtla shown in a historic
18
René Acuña, ed., Relaciones Geográficas del Siglo XVI: Guatemala (México, D.F.: UNAM, 1982), 318.
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illustration. San Marcos church and particularly the façade has been remodeled, but it is still a colonial-era structure.
Figure 15: A contemporary drawing of the visita chapel San Marcos Tuxtla.
Santo Domingo Tecpatán When the Dominicans established a doctrina among the O'depüt communities in the sierra west of Chiapa, they chose Tecpatán as the site and not Quechula. The imposing church and convent is different architecturally from the other Chiapas doctrinas, and is similar in style to the Dominican complexes in Oaxaca. Kubler noted the similarity between
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Tecpatán and fourteenth century Catalan churches.19 The complex consists of a large single nave church which is now without a roof, and the cloister that has been restored. Both the church and cloister date to the end of the sixteenth century. Remesal enumerated more than twenty visitas in the sierra surrounding Tecpatán, and a number of visita chapels still exist. Copainalá is located in a narrow valley at a lower elevation than Tecpatán. It has a large plateresque-style church and small cloister. The visita chapel of Chapultenango is similar in style to that of Copainalá. The third example is the visita chapel of Quechula which is in ruins and is covered by the waters of a large reservoir. It made news in 2016 when drought conditions resulted in the lowering of the reservoir levels exposing the ruins of the chapel.
Figure 16: Santo Domingo Tecpatán.
19
Kubler, Arquitectura, 348.
28
Figure 17: The church interior.
Figure 18: The cloister.
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Figure 19: Detail of a design element in the cloister.
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Figure 20: A diagram of the church, convent, and atrium.
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Figure 21: The visita of Copainalá.
Figure 22: The visita of Chapultenango.
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Figure 23: The visita of Quechula.
Recent work on several rooms in the cloister uncovered a unique floral design element. Mural fragments exist in some parts of the convent, but the floral design element was created differently. First a layer of dark plaster was applied to the wall, and then the floral designs were painted in white paint. It would appear that the white floral design was the primary design element at one stage.
San Vicente Copanguastla The Dominicans established a doctrina at Copanguastla around 1555. There is little detail regarding the construction of the church which is roofless today, and the convent that has largely disappeared. Markman suggested that the church was in use from about 1556 to 1629. Remesal reported that Copanguastla had ten visitas in 1611 including Soyatítán. The church at Soyatítán is also roofless. Markman that its construction may date to the 1570s.20
20
Markman, Architecture, 96, 131.
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Figure 24: The ruins of the convent church of San Vicente Copanguastla.
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Figure 25: The ruins of the visita church of Asunción Soyatítán.
Santo Domingo Comitán The church and cloister at Comitán date to the end of the sixteenth century or early seventeenth century. Markman places the construction to after 1596. The Dominicans stationed on Comitán administered nine visitas in 1611, including San José Coneta. Markman noted that Coneta probably existed as a community before 1596. Moreover, he reported that documents show that construction of the church, which is in ruins today, began in 1671.
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Figure 26: Santo Domingo Comitán.
Figure 27: The visita of San José Coneta. The church dates to the late seventeenth century.
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San Jacinto Ocosingo There is little detail regarding Ocosingo. The Dominicans established the doctrina around 1600, and it already existed in 1611 when Remesal reported that the Dominicans stationed there administered eight Tzeltal communities as visitas. The church most likely is an early seventeenth century construction. It was a frontier community, and the center of efforts to evangelize the Lancandones. In 1564, for example, a Dominican settled a group of Lancandones there.21
Santo Domingo Oxolotán The Dominicans initiated the evangelization of the Highland region of Tabasco around 1546. In 1553, Philip II gave 2,000 pesos to the Dominicans for the construction of their complexes including one at Oxolotán which was an O'depüt community, and started construction of a church and convent. The Dominicans formally assumed responsibility for the doctrina around 1578. The last stages of construction were not concluded until 1633. The Franciscans and later the Dominicans administered a group of nearby communities as visitas, including Tacotalpa, Tapijulapa, Puxcatán, Teapa, Tecomajiaca, Jalapa, Astapa, Cacaos, Amatán, and Ixtapangajoya and Solosuchiapa. In the second half of the seventeenth century Tacotalpa grew in importance, and replaced Oxolotán as the administrative center. Restoration of the church and convent began in 1979, and the church was reroofed in 1988. Arqueologists also conducted excavations at the site that helped define the periods of construction.22
21
Gerhard, The Southeast Frontier, 156. Laura Ledesma Gallegos. La vicaría de Oxolotán, Tabasco. Vol. 257. (México, D.F.: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1992). 22
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Figure 28: San Jacinto Ocosingo
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Figure 29: Santo Domingo Oxolotán.
Figure 30: The ruins of the convent.
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Figure 31: A diagram of the church and convent.
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Table 1: Dominican Doctrinas in Guatemala and Chiapas in 1611 Doctrina
# Visitas
# Missionaries/ Lay Brothers
Guatemala Sto Domingo de Guatemala 34 33/19 San Salvador 12 7/0 Zacapula 12 8/0 Sto Domingo de Cobán 18 6/1 Zonsonate 4 7/0 Oscocotán 0 2/0 Chiapas Sto Domingo (Ciudad Real) 20 11/3 Sto Domingo Chiapa 6 8/3 San Vicente Copanguastla 10 4/0 Sto Domingo Tecpatán 21 9/1 Sto Domingo Comitán 9 5/0 San Jacinto Ocosingo 8 6/0 Source: Antonio de Remesal, Historia General De Las Indias Ocidentales, Y Particular De La Governacion de Chiapa, y Guatemala. Escrivese juntamente los principios de la Religion de Nuestro Glorioso Padre Santo Domingo, y de las demas Religione, 2 vols. (Guatemala: Guatemala City, 1932), II: 610-612
Table 2: Dominican Doctrinas in Chiapas and Tabasco Doctrina
Date Founded
Visitas
Missionaries 1617
Chiapas Santo Domingo Chiapa
1545
San Marcos Tuxtla Suchiapa Puchutla Alcalá Chiapilla Ostuta San Juan Chamula Santo Tomás Oxchuc San Agustín Teopicsa San Dionisio Totolapa Santo Domingo Zinacatán Asmatenango Aguactenango Uiztlan Teutepeq Tenezapa
8 missionaries and 3 lay brothers
Santo Domingo (Ciudad Real)
1546
11 missionaries and 3 lay brothers
The First Missions: Sixteenth Century Dominican Doctrinas in Chiapas
San Vicente Copanguastla
1555
Santo Domingo Tecpatán
1564
Mixtontiq Santa Catalina San Andrés San Pedro y San Pablo Yztacozoté Santiago Uistlán Santa Marta Tenezcatlán Yztapa San Lucas San Dionisio Totolapa Asunción Zoyatítán Chalchitlán Pynula San Bartolomé de los Llanos Santa Cruz Socoltenango Zacualpa Custepeques Comitlán Yztapa Teculutla Citalá Cachula (Quechula) Concepción Chapultenango Chichoacintepeq Pantepeq Coapilla Ocotepeq Tapalapa Ozumacintla San Miguel Copainalá San Bernardo Tapitula and Zautlán Comistaguacán Magdalena Coalpatán Iztacomitán San Agustín Tapalapa Xitolol Manahé Zunuapa Santa Catalina Zayula Mixapa
41
4 missionaries
9 missionaries and 1 lay brother
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42
Santo Domingo Comitán
1579
San Jacinto Ocosingo
c. 1600
Tabasco Santo Domingo Oxolotán
c. 1578
San Pablo Xitoltepeq Aneán Comeapa Solis San Pedro Chicomocelo San José Conetla Coapa Comalapa Zapalutla Aquespala Yzquintenango Utatlán Yayaquitla Santiago Escuintenango Presentación Cancuuc Ocotitán Xuxuicapa Chítostuta Santo Domingo Chilón Xitalhá Natividad Guaquitepec Santiago Yagalum San Nicolás Tenango Ocotenango
5 missionaries
6 missionaries
Amatán Ixtapangagjoya Solosuchiapa Puxcatán Tapijulpa Tecomagiaca Tacotalpa Teapa
Source: Antonio de Remesal, Historia General De Las Indias Ocidentales, Y Particular De La Governacion de Chiapa, y Guatemala. Escrivese juntamente los principios de la Religion de Nuestro Glorioso Padre Santo Domingo, y de las demas Religione, 2 vols. (Guatemala: Guatemala City, 1932), II: 610-612; Peter Gerhard, The Southeast Frontier of New Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993), 41, 157.
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Table 3: The Number of Families and Estimated Population of the Dominican Doctrinas in Chiapas, in selected years Doctrina Ciudad Real Chiapa Copanguastla Tecpatán Comitán Ocosingo Total
1595 Families 3040 3615 2488 4618 3391 2559 19711
Population 12160 14460 9952 18472 13564 10236 78844
1611 Families 2664 3112 1742 3917 2472 2899 16806
Population 10656 12448 6968 15668 9888 11596 67224
1678 Families 2917 3436 1412 3558 1317 3027 15667
Population 11668 13744 5649 14232 5268 12108 62668
Source: Peter Gerhard, The Southeast Frontier of New Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993), 139.
CHAPTER THREE MISSIONS BEYOND THE CHICHIMECA FRONTIER23
Around 1550, bands of nomadic hunter-gatherers collectively known as Chichimecas began to resist the Spanish advance to the north in Mexico that gained impetus with the discovery of silver deposits at Zacatecas. With the onset of the conflict known as the Chichimeca War (1550-1600), missionaries expanded their evangelization campaign beyond the porous frontier between sedentary and non-sedentary peoples in an effort to convert and control the Chichimecas. They used the central Mexican social-political model for their missions beyond the frontier, which proved to be an approach that did not work well among non-sedentary peoples. The native groups collectively known as the Chichimecas may have adopted a nomadic life style in response to climate change at the point of transition from the classic to the post-classic around 1000 a.c. The climate in northern Mexico became drier and hotter, forcing a contraction of the Mesoamerican frontier. Native groups that previously practiced agriculture were forced into hunting and gathering. One hypothesis based on the analysis of linguistic evidence suggests that the Pames and Jonaces practiced agriculture before the climate change. The languages of both groups, which are related, contain words that refer to agriculture and domesticated plants such as corn.24 Missionaries from four orders, the Augustinians, Franciscans, Dominicans, and Jesuits established missions beyond the Chichimeca frontier from the sixteenth to the early nineteenth centuries. This section briefly outlines the trajectory of the efforts at evangelization beyond the Chichimeca frontier from around 1550 to when the Franciscans from the 23
For a more detailed discussion of evangelization beyond the Chichimeca frontier see Robert H. Jackson, Frontiers of Evangelization: Indians in the Sierra Gorda and Chiquitos Missions (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2017). 24 Yolanda Lastra and Alejandro Terrazas, “Interpretación del posible actividades agrícolas prehispánicas a partir del análisis del chichimeco Jonaz,” Anales de Antropologuita 40:2 (2006), 165-187.
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apostolic college of San Fernando arrived in the Sierra Gorda in 1740. It first discusses the Augustinian missions.
Augustinian Missions on and Beyond the Chichimeca Frontier In the 1550s, the Augustinians established a chain of missions along the frontier. One of the first was San Pedro y San Pablo Yuririapúndaro, which was located beyond the frontier northeast of Laguna Cuitzeo and administered visitas inhabited by sedentary and also non-sedentary natives. The nature of the frontier and its pattern of economic development can be seen in the c. 1580 map prepared for the relación geográfica report of that year. The map shows the church and convent that have not physically changed over more than 400 years, and small visita chapels. The landscape, however, is shown as being dominated by cattle and mounted and armed Spaniards and environmental changes such as the destruction of food producing plants that contributed to the outbreak of the Chichimeca conflict. The map illustrates a frontier space very different from the well-ordered urban plan in sedentary central Mexico. The report also noted that the district counted a native population that spoke two languages: P’urépecha and the local Chichimeca language living in the cabecera and 27 subject communities.25 The Spanish strategy in dealing with the non-sedentary Chichimecas was to encourage or direct the settlement of sedentary natives beyond the frontier. A design element on the church façade highlighted the status of the community located beyond the volatile and dangerous Chichimeca frontier. It depicts two Chichimeca archers with their bows loaded ready to fire. The territory surrounding Yuririapúndaro was the scene of active warfare as late as the 1580s, and there is one documented Chichimeca attack on the mission complex. The design element is one of several examples of the incorporation of war related iconography in Augustinian doctrinas established along the frontier. The enigmatic battle mural program in the church at Ixmiquilpan (Hidalgo) is another example. In 1550, the Augustinians established two other missions along the frontier in northern Michoacán. They were Santa María Magdalena Cuitzeo established on the edge of the lake of the same name, and San Nicolás Tolentino Huango, located northwest of Laguna Cuitzeo on a particularly exposed section of the frontier. Augustinian chronicles 25
René Acuña, Ed., Relaciones geográficas del siglo XVI: Michoacán (Mexico, D.F: UNAM, 1987), 69.
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documented several Chichimeca attacks on Huango, and Guillermo de Santa María, O.S.A., who wrote an important description of the Chichimecas, died in 1585 during one attack. The Augustinians completed the mission frontier with the establishment of Ucareo, Charo, and Jacona.26 The Augustinians organized their missions on the Chichimeca frontier along the same lines as in central Mexico. The missionaries stationed on the doctrinas periodically visited the visitas, although as the conflict escalated this became more dangerous. Initially, the Augustinians directed the construction of small free-standing open chapels, and later replaced these with more substantial structures. The organization of Santa María Magdalena Cuitzeo typified the Augustinian missions along and beyond the Chichimeca frontier. The Augustinians used the doctrina at Cuitzeo to evangelize the native population living around Laguna Cuitzeo. The urban plan of Cuitzeo paralleled that of other central Mexican mission communities discussed above. The Augustinians directed the construction of a new sacred complex that consisted of the cloister and open chapel, and later added the large monumental church. Other elements that still exist include the hospital chapel and a barrio chapel. With limited numbers of missionary personnel, the Augustinians initially could only staff the doctrina at Cuitzeo. As more missionaries arrived from Spain they elevated two visitas to independent doctrina status. They were Copándaro (1566) and Chucándiro (c. 1576).27 The missionaries stationed on Cuitzeo directed the construction of small chapels in the smaller communities designated as visitas. In 1579, the missionaries at Cuitzeo administered twelve visitas, and those at Copándaro four. As the native population declined the Augustinians reduced the number of visitas. In the mid-seventeenth century the missionaries at Cuitzeo administered only four visitas.28 The first visita structures were small free-standing open chapels. The chapel at Taramequaro, a visita of Copándaro, is a surviving example of this. The Augustinians had an “open” chapel built, and later in the seventeenth century a larger enclosed chapel. The chapel at Onxao (Huacao) may also have been initially built as an open chapel, and then later was converted into an enclosed structure. Other surviving Augustinian visita chapels on the shores of Laguna Cuitzeo were built using the same architectural plan, and 26
Robert H. Jackson, Conflict and Conversion in Sixteeenth Century Mexico: The Augustinian War on and Beyond the Chichimeca Frontier (Leideen: Brill, 2013), 47-50. 27 Ibid., 48. 28 Ibid., 20-21.
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this mast likely was unique to Cuitzeo. Within the town itself the hospital chapel and the barrio chapel of San Pedro are examples. The visita chapels at Jerúco and San Agustín del Pulque are identical and that of Capamucireo is very similar. The architectural similarity suggests that the Augustinians may have erected the chapels as part of a major building campaign directed by one missionary-architect. The Augustinians established missions along the Chichimeca frontier in three areas. They were what today are known as the Sierra Alta in the modern state of Hidalgo, the Mezquital Valley also in Hidalgo, and in northern Michoacán and southern Guanajuato.29 The doctrina established at Metztitlán around 1539 played an important role in the first attempt to evangelize the groups collectively known as the Chichimecas living beyond the frontier. The Augustinians staffed the mission at Metztitlán with four or five missionaries who also visited numerous visitas across a large territory that extended as far north as what today is southern San Luis Potosi. At the end of the sixteenth century the Augustinians stationed there administered 120 visitas.30 As more missionary personnel became available the Augustinians elevated selected visitas to the status of independent missions with resident missionaries including Chichicaxtla (Hidalgo), Chapulhuacán (Hidalgo), and Xilitlán (San Luis Potosi). These three establishments were important in the first efforts to evangelize the Chichimecas. A report written around 1571 described the doctrina at Chichicaxtla. Francisco de Mérida and Isabel de Barrios held Chichicaxtla held its jurisdiction in encomienda. As many as three Augustinians staffed the mission, although at the time of the drafting of the report there were only two. They administered another eleven communities as visitas. The Augustinians assigned missionaries to frontier missions based on their language skills. One of the missionaries stationed at Chichicaxtla reportedly spoke Náhuatl, and the other the local Chichimeca language. This detail in the report also indicates that the mission district contained a mixed population of Náhuas and Chichimecas, and was an example of the existence of small colonies of sedentary natives living beyond the Chichimeca frontier. However, Chichimecas constituted the majority, and the evangelization program focused its efforts on them. The report also noted that the Chichimecas had begun to comply with the Catholic
29 30
On early Augustinian missions in Mexico see Ibid., 45. Ibid., Table 5, 43.
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sacraments, and in particular confession. A total of 849 natives reportedly confessed, and most also received the sacrament of communion.31 In the late sixteenth century two missionaries staffed Chapulhuacán, and the mission district reportedly consisted of 21 communities.32 A report on Xilitlán [Tastoloxilitlán] prepared around 1571 noted that the prior stationed there spoke Otomí, and also visited Chapulhuacán. This indicates that Chapulhuacán was also an example of a community of sedentary Otomí speakers living in Chichimeca territory.33 Xilitlán was the third of the three doctrinas established beyond the Chichimeca frontier, and it served as the base of operations for the first evangelization campaign among the Chichimecas living in the Sierra Gorda. It was another example of a colony of sedentary natives living in Chichimeca territory, and in this case there were Náhuatl and Otomí speakers settled on the cabecera and eight visitas. Xilitlán itself had a mixed population of Náhuatl and Otomí speakers, and the other communities either had Náhuas or Otomí populations. Two Augustinians staffed the mission: one spoke Náhuatl and the other Otomí, and the assignment of missionaries to a given doctrina depended on their linguistic abilities in one or more of the indigenous languages spoken there. Tilaco, the site of one of the five Franciscan missions established in the 1740s, was also a community of Otomí speakers, and the report noted that: “[Tilaco] has fifteen tributaries, all Otomís, and is nine leagues from this town [Xilitlán], because it borders [the territory] of the Chichimecas.” At the time of the report some 1,518 natives in the mission district already confessed. The report, however, did not indicate that the Augustinians attempted to evangelize Chichimecas, and instead they focused their attention on the colonies of sedentary natives.34 The Augustinians administered other doctrinas along the Chichimeca frontier in the area known as the sierra alta of Hidalgo, but most focused on populations of Náhuas, Otomí, or Huastecos. Towards the end of the sixteenth century the Augustinians stationed on the doctrina at Metztitlán reportedly spoke either Náhuatl or Otomí, and none spoke a Chichimeca language. The reorganization of the missions in the region with the elevation of the status of former visitas to independent doctrinas shifted 31 Luis García Pimentel, editor, Relación de los obispados de Tlaxcala, Oaxaca y otros lugares en el siglo XVI. (México, D.F.: Private Publication, 1904), 128-130. 32 Jackson, Conflict and Conversion, Table 5, 43. 33 Luis García Pimentel, Relación de los obispados de Tlaxcala, Michoacán, Oaxaca y otros lugares en el siglo XVI." Manuscrito de la colección del señor Don Joaquín García Icazbalceta (Mexico City: Self Publication, 1904)., 132. 34 Ibid., 130-132.
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responsibility for the evangelization of Chichimecas primarily to the missionaries stationed on Chichicaxtla.35 The Augustinians at Molango and Huejutla also spoke languages of sedentary native peoples, Náhuas and Hustecos.36 At Tlachinoltipac the missionaries reportedly spoke Náhuatl, Serrano which was a generic term for natives that lived in mountainous areas and Ocuilleco which is an Otopame language also known as Tlahuica or Matlazinca.37 With the exception of Chichicaxtla, the missionaries stationed on the Augustinian doctrinas in this frontier zone did not attempt to evangelize groups identified as Chichimecas. In the 1560s, the Augustinians established a mission at Xalpa (modern Jalpan de Serra, Querétaro). Xalpa was also a community of sedentary Náhuatl speaking natives living in Chichimeca territory. The c. 1550 report on Xalpa from the suma de visitas provides the earliest details on the community. One Francisco Barrón held Xalpa in encomienda, and the tribute obligation consisted of clothing, honey, and birds. It reportedly had a population of 212 sedentary natives (heads of household?) in addition to an unremunerated number of Chichimecas. The report also noted the potential for establishing cattle ranches and some wheat production, although it also characterized the district as having broken terrain.38 An uprising in 1568-1569 ended the first Augustinian mission at Xalpa, and the rebels also attacked Xilitlán and Chapulhuacán. Luis de Carvajal received a commission to suppress the uprising, and reestablished the Augustinian mission and built a small fort at Xalpa. The Augustinians had their mission inside of the fort, which reportedly was built of stone.39 The remains of the fort now form a part of a local museum dedicated to the history of the Sierra Gorda region, and the structure has been used for different purposes during its long history including as a prison. The Augustinians continued to administer the mission at Xalpa until the early 1740s, although there may have been periods in which the mission did not have resident missionaries. The names of some Augustinians stationed there exist in Augustinian records. The last was Lucas Cabeza de Vaca, O.S.A. The report prepared on conditions in the Sierra Gorda in the early 1740s by José de Escandón enumerated the population of Xalpa and of the visitas administered by the Augustinians, 35
Ibid., 144. Ibid., 133, 141. 37 Ibid., 136. 38 Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, Papeles de la Nueva España. Segunda series geografía y estadística, tomo I suma de visitas por orden alfabético (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1905), 299-300. 39 Jackson, Conflict and Conversion, 175-176. 36
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and the ethnic group of the natives. Xalpa, for example, reportedly had a population of 122 Náhuas. The report documents a shift in the focus of the Augustinian missionaries. In the mid and late sixteenth century the missionaries targeted he populations of the colonies of sedentary natives living in Chichimeca territory. The Augustinians later attempted to congregate and convert the Pames, the most important Chichimeca group in the eastern Sierra Gorda. However, as Lucas Cabeza de Vaca, O.S.A. wrote in a report on the mission at Xalpa in the early 1740s, the Pames resisted evangelization. Moreover, they preferred to live in small communities in the mountains, and refused to settle on larger mission communities. Only 15 Pames families lived at Xalpa, out of a native population that Cabeza de Vaca estimated to number around 6,000.40 The inability to congregate the Pames became a point of criticism that José de Escandón noted in his 1743 report. The mission at Pacula typified the failure to convince the natives to resettle at a single site, and the failure of the central Mexican model as applied beyond the frontier. The report enumerated a population of 1,234 living at the mission and three other sites, including one former mission. The report also noted that the natives should be made to relocate to larger mission communities.41 Escandón later recommended the removal of the Augustinians from their missions in the Sierra Gorda, and their replacement by Franciscans who were to be given a mandate to congregate the Pames. The Augustinians also approached the Chichimeca frontier from what today are northern Michoacán and southern Guanajuato. As hostilities escalated beyond the Chichimeca frontier, the Augustinians established a chain of doctrinas along and just beyond the frontier and used these missions as bases of operations for new missions beyond the frontier. Guillermo de Santa María , O.S.A., stationed at the doctrina at Huango, visited Chichimeca bands along the Lerma River as far west as what today is Ayo el Chico (Jalisco), where the missionary also established a visita of Huango. In 1550, he congregated Guamares at Pénjamo along with sedentary P’urépecha colonists from further south. It was a common strategy to settle sedentary natives along with Chichimecas.42
40
Robert H. Jackson, "The Chichimeca Frontier and the Evangelization of the Sierra Gorda, 1550-1770." Estudios de Historia Novohispana 47 (2013), 61-63. 41 Lino Gómez Canedo, Sierra Gorda: Un típico enclave misional en el centro de Mexico (siglos XVII-XVIII) (Querétaro: Provincia Franciscana de Santiago, 2011), 183. 42 Ibid., 52-53.
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In 1553, the Franciscans established a mission at Villa de San Felipe in the territory of the Guamares, located in what now is northern Guanajuato close to the border with San Luis Potosi. However, they abandoned the mission following the murder of Bernardino de Cosín, O.F.M. The Augustinians re-established the mission in 1566 or 1568, and in 1571 three missionaries resided there including Guillermo de Santa María, O.S.A. The Augustinians abandoned the mission in 1575 following a raid by hostile Chichimecas.43 A report written in 1571 provided some details on the organization of the evangelization campaign among the Guamares. The prior served as the preacher and confessor for the local Spanish population, which totaled some thirty heads of household (vecinos). A small number of P’urépecha lived at San Felipe and worked as laborers for the Spaniards. They reportedly lived in a separate barracks.44 The other two Augustinians dedicated their attention to the attempt to convert the Guamares. Guillermo de Santa María already had more than 20 years of experience as a missionary along and beyond the frontier in Michoacán. The procedure used in teaching Church doctrine was awkward, and also points to the inherent difficulty of trying to translate culturally embedded religious concepts into terms understandable in different cultures. Santa María spoke P’urépecha, and there reportedly were Guamares who spoke the same language. The Augustinian translated the doctrine into P’urépecha, explained the concepts to the Guamares translators, who in turn attempted to translate the doctrinal points to the Guamares living on the mission.45 The Augustinian had no way to verify what the Guamares translators actually told the other neophytes, or what the Guamares actually understood. The Villa de San Felipe was an important way station on the supply route to northern mining centers, and caravans and large numbers of people passed through the community.46 This activity attracted hostile Chichimecas who raided the community, and forced the Augustinians to abandon the mission there. The continuing violence of the Chichimeca War materially limited the evangelization campaign beyond the frontier.
43
Ibid., 53-54. Relación de la Villa y Monasterio de San Felipe (1571), in García Pimentel, Relación de los obispado, 122-124. 45 Ibid., 123. 46 Ibid., 122. 44
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Dominican Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier The Dominicans arrived in Mexico two years following the Franciscans. Their main mission frontiers were in Oaxaca and Chiapas-Tabasco where they enjoyed a monopoly on evangelization. The Dominicans did establish a group of missions in the larger Sierra Gorda region, and later in 1774 they assumed responsibility for the missions in Baja California. However, with the exception of these two groups of missions, the Dominicans did not actively participate in the northern missions, and it was the Franciscans and Jesuits who were primarily involved in the evangelization of this region. In the late seventeenth century the Dominicans staffed a mission at Zimapán (Hidalgo), and this may have been the first of their missions in the Sierra Gorda region. A 1579 report described Zimapán, which is located north of Ixmiquilpan in the mountains that border the Valle de Mezquital. In about 1575, the Spanish established a mining camp that exploited silver that also reportedly had a high lead content. There were three native communities surrounding the mining camp populated by Chichimecas with a total population of about 400 that had been gradually congregated there. The report identified the natives by the generic term Chichimeca, but they may have been Jonaces. Later in the eighteenth century a mission populated by Jonaces existed close to Zimapán. Each of the three communities reportedly had its own church.47 The report did not specify that the Dominicans staffed the mission at Zimapán, but they were there at the end of the seventeenth century and dedicated the mission to Nuestra Señora de los Dolores. At the end of the seventeenth century the Dominicans administered a group of seven missions in the Sierra Gorda region, including Zimapán. Felipe Galindo, O.P. promoted the establishment of new missions, and in 1688 the Crown approved his plan and provided sinodos (subsidies) for six missionaries. As of 1689 the Dominicans had begun to establish missions at Zimapán, Nuestra Señora del Rosario (La Nopalera), San Buenaventura Maconi, San José del Llano (later Vizarrón), Santo Domingo Soriano San Miguel de Palmillas, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Ahuacatlán, and Santa Rosa de las Minas de Xichú.48 One document shows that Dominicans had already replaced the Franciscans at San José del Llano by 1688, and were 47
Acuña, ed, Relaciones Geográficas del Siglo XVI: Mexico Tomo Primero, 97103. 48 Gerardo Lara Cisneros, El cristo viejo de Xichú: Resistencia y rebelión en la Sierra Gorda durante el siglo XVIII (Mexico, D.F.: Dirección General de Culturas Populares, 2007), 83.
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at La Nopalera as early as 1686. The document noted that a jacal functioned as a chapel at La Nopalera. The same document also reported the visit of the Archbishop of Mexico Francisco de Agiar y Sejas, who confirmed many Jonaces in an act of public theater.49 The Dominicans targeted their evangelization campaign on the Jonaces. Although they had a convent in Querétaro City, Galindo also established a doctrina in San Juan del Río (Querétaro) that served as their base of operations for their missions and prepared missionaries for the Sierra Gorda missions.50 The missions were located east of Querétaro City in three zones. Santo Domingo de Guzmán Soriano (modern Colón, Querétaro) was located in a watered valley in a hilly region a short distance from the city. Soriano was also close to the Franciscan convent San Pedro Tolimán. Galindo was at Soriano by 1691, if not earlier, and it served as the headquarters for the Dominican missions.51 It still operated in 1743, and had a mixed population of 32 Spaniards, 160 Otomí, and 171 Chichimecas (Jonaces?). Six Otomí families descended from a group settled at Soriano to assist the missionaries, and other families later came to settle there.52 The Dominicans administered three missions in the semi-arid region of eastern Querétaro. This is the area located between Cadereyta and the Sierra Gorda massif. There were other ephemeral Dominican missions or visitas in the semi-arid region. In his study of the Sierra Gorda in the eighteenth century, Gerardo Lara Cisneros published a map of the missions in the region in which the author also identified Ranas, Peña Miller, and Pinal de Amoles as Dominican missions.53 The three missions were San José del Llano which had been and later was the site of a short-lived Franciscan mission San José de Vizarrón (1739-1748), San Miguel Palmillas (modern San Miguel de Palmas, Querétaro, located on the Xichú River), and La Nopalera. San Buenaventura Maconi and Ahuacatlán were in the Sierra Gorda massif. Xichú was located in what today is Guanajuato close to its 49 Gómez Canedo, Sierra Gorda., 54-55. A 1688 document recorded the presence of the first Dominicans in the Sierra Gorda: Alejandro Mathias de Urrutia, Cadereyta, September 4, 1688, Testimonio sobre la presencia franciscana en Cadereyta desde 1640 y su apostolado en la región de la Sierra Gorda. In Gómez Canedo, 163-164. 50 Lara Cisneros, El cristo viejo de Xichú, 83. 51 Gómez Canedo, Sierra Gorda, 55. 52 Ibid., 179. 53 Lara Cisneros, El cristo viejo de Xichú, 64. A 1739 document mentioned the Dominican mission at Ranas that no longer existed at the time. Pedro Navarrete, O.F.M., to Juan Bermejo, O.F.M., San Francisco de Mexico, August 12, 1739, in Gómez Canedo, Sierra Gorda, 174.
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border with Querétaro on the Xichú River. The Dominicans reportedly staffed Santa Rosa until 1728 or 1729, at which time the owners of the haciendas de minas Diego Navarijo and María Valdés assumed responsibility for the evangelization of the Jonaces.54 The effort to evangelize the Jonaces proved to be difficult. Resistance by rebel Jonaces in 1703 led to the destruction and abandonment of San José del Llano. The Dominicans abandoned the mission, and requested that Spaniards from Cadereyta be settled at the site of the former mission and that a fortified house be built for defense.55 The Dominicans continued to staff La Nopalera until 1713, but by the late 1730s they had abandoned the mission and it was a private hacienda owned by one Joachín de Villapando from Toluca, who also had connections to Gerónimo de Labra who held the title of protector de indios of the Sierra Gorda.56 In 1713, a group of soldiers participating in a campaign against hostile Jonaces demolished the mission, because they believed the natives living there collaborated with rebels. The action taken by soldiers without orders from their commander ended an active mission program, and the mission residents fled the mission site.57 According to the report prepared by José de Escandón in 1743, the Dominicans still administered three missions in the Sierra Gorda. They were Soriano, Ahuacatlán, and San Miguelito (San Miguel de Palmas); all with Jonaces. The largest population was at San Miguelito. The Dominicans did not participate in the expansion of the Sierra Gorda mission frontier organized by José de Escandón. A diary of a military inspection of the Sierra Gorda from the late 1780s reported on conditions in the region, and described the missions, which by that time had been significantly reduced in number. The Dominicans reportedly staffed only one mission, San Miguel de las Palmas. It had a population of 53 families and some 200 people.58 The others presumably had been secularized as the
54
Ibid, 195. Ibid, 87-93. 56 Gómez Canedo, Sierra Gorda, 174. 57 José Antonio Perez, O.F.M., provincial of the Province of the Santo Evangelio, reported on the demise of La Nopalera mission in a letter written in Mexico City on July 29, 1739. In Ibid., 169. 58 Lino Gómez Canedo, “La Sierra Gorda a fines del siglo XVIII: Diario de un viaje de inspección a sus milicias,” Historia Mexicana vol. 21, No. 1 (Jul.-Sep., 1976), 148. 55
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Crown de-emphasized the mission program in favor of more fully integrating natives into colonial society.59
Franciscan Missions on and Beyond the Chichimeca Frontier The Franciscans also established missions on and beyond the Chichimeca frontier in the sixteenth century. Their approach to the frontier came from two directions, and missionaries from two Franciscan provinces established doctrinas. Franciscans from the Province of the Santo Evangelio responsible for central Mexico established several missions on the frontier in the Mezquital Valley in what today are the modern states of Hidalgo and México. The Franciscans had already established several doctrinas in the southern part of the Valley, including at Tula in 1529. Their missions on the frontier included Xilotepec also founded in 1529 and Hueychiapa (Huichapan) established in 1531 or 1532. They later elevated several visitas to the status of independent doctrinas. They included Tepexi del Rio in 1552, Alfaxayuca in 1569, and Tepetitlán in 1571.60 The doctrina at Tecozautla, located north of Hueychiapa at the edge of the Sierra Gorda massif, was a seventeenth century establishment.61 In the 1550s, missionaries from the Santo Evangelio visited places such as Tancoyol, and by the end of the century established short-lived missions at Tonatico, Xalpa, and Jiliapan.62 Franciscan missionaries from the Province of San Pedro y San Pablo (Michoacán) also approached and established missions beyond the Chichimeca frontier. Around 1540, they established a doctrina at Acámbaro in what today is Guanajuato, located just beyond the frontier.63 Acámbaro was typical of the mixed ethnic communities formed along the frontier. It 59
For the late eighteenth century debate on the continued reliance of missions on the frontier see Robert H. Jackson, Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 59-62. 60 Antonio de Ciudad Real, O.F.M., Relación breve y verdadera de algunas cosas de las muchas que sucedieron al padre Fray Alonso Ponce en las provincias de la Nueva España 2 vols. (Madrid: Imprenta de la Viuda de Caero, 1875), I: 451. Ciudad Real noted of the convent at Alfajayucan that it had a single nave church with a vaulted roof that had been built in this style because of the heat in the Mezquital Valley, and the threat of attacks from Chichimecas. 61 Jackson, Conflict and Conversion, 25. 62 Lara Cisneros, El cristo viejo de Xichú, 65-66. 63 Acuña, Relaciones geográficas del siglo XVI: Michoacán, 68.
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had a native population of P’urépecha, Mazahua, Otomí, and Chichimecas, who supported themselves primarily through agriculture. The P’urépecha reportedly were the most numerous. A 1580 report on Acámbaro Province, however, highlighted that the community was located in a war zone, and the important role played by sedentary native allies in the Chichimeca conflict. It noted that: …the Otomies and Chichimecas don’t serve for any other thing than to be on the frontier with the enemy, and thus if they win any booty of textiles [mantas] or prisoners in their encounters, they go with all of it to said Lord.”64
The Franciscan mission in Acámbaro was as a base of operations for the establishment of new doctrinas beyond the frontier, which was also one aspect of the Chichimeca pacification campaign. Viceroy Martin Enriquez ordered the settlement of Celaya beyond the frontier, and around 1570 the Franciscans established a doctrina there. Similarly, about 1574 the Franciscans elevated the visita of Apatzeo, located between Celaya and Querétaro, to the status of an independent mission. Two Franciscans staffed the new mission.65 Antonio de Ciudad Real described the Franciscan mission in Acámbaro in 1586. He wrote that “The convent was completed with its cloister, dormitories, church and orchard. It is of middling quality built of masonry, and seven missionaries lived there.”66 The number of missionaries stationed on the mission showed its importance in the evangelization campaign along the frontier. The Franciscans from the Province of San Pedro y San Pablo also established one doctrina in the Sierra Gorda, and most likely it was the first Franciscan establishment in the region. This was San Pedro Tolimán (not be be confused with the later mission named Tolimán established near Zimapán) located in a watered valley not very far from the Dominican mission at Soriano discussed above. It already existed in the 1580s at the time of the inspection tour by Alonso Ponce; O.F.M. Ponce had the Guardian at Pátzcuaro report on Tolimán. The convent itself was “small and built of adobe,” but a church had already been built. Two Franciscans staffed the mission.67 A much larger complex exists at the site today. The Franciscans also established a doctrina in the northern Sierra Gorda at San Juan Bautista Xichú de Indios that probably also dated to at least 1580, 64
Ibid., 63. Ibid., 55, 59, 67. 66 Ciudad Real, Relación breve, chapter LXX. 67 Ibid., I: 492. 65
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although Franciscans first attempted to establish a doctrina there in 1540.68 Ciudad Real described Xichú de Indios in the following terms: Xichú is a small town of Otomí Indians placed among the war-like Chichimecas (Chichimecas de Guerra), in which there normally are four Spanish soldiers in garrison (de presidio)…the church of the convent, which is also of adobe walls covered with straw…The convent was not finished, and is nothing more than a small adobe structure (casita), its designation is San Juan Bautista and two missionaries (religiosos) resided there, and live in great danger like the residents of the town.69 The Franciscan doctrinas established along the Chichimeca frontier had a basis in the organization and methods employed in the first stages of the evangelization among the sedentary native populations of central Mexico. The approach taken among the sedentary natives was not particularly successful among the nomadic populations living beyond the Chichimeca frontier. Groups that did not practice agriculture had a different gender division of labor and social values based on male skills as hunters and warriors. They did not respond well to missionary social engineering that envisioned radical changes in their way of life, and incorporation into the Spanish Colonial system also frequently included labor demands made by Spaniards. As the Spanish advanced northward, there were a number of causes for conflict with the nomadic hunters and gatherers. One was the competition for food resources with the growing number of livestock the Spanish introduced into their territory. The 1580 report on Acámbaro touched upon this. It noted that the seeds from the mesquite constituted an important food source for the natives.70 However, Spanish cattle also consumed the mesquite bean. Spanish livestock also drove off animals that the nomadic groups hunted. When Chichimecas killed Spanish livestock as an alternative to the animals they had hunted, the Spanish retaliated and this contributed to an escalating cycle of violence. Missions established beyond the frontier often proved to be ephemeral. The Franciscans congregated groups of Chichimecas, but they frequently remained for only a short time and then returned to their traditional way of life. The Spaniards classified this as an act of rebellion. The Franciscan missions established in the Custodio de Rio Verde in what today is the southern part of San Luis Potosi in the first decades of the seventeenth 68
Lara Cisneros, El cristo viejo de Xichú, 139-142. Ciudad Real, Relación breve, I: 223. Ciudad Real also noted that the Otomí defended the community with bows and arrows, and put their women in the church for safety during the many Chichimeca attacks. 70 Acuña, Relaciones geográficas del siglo XVI: Michoacán, 60. 69
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century are an example. Santa María del Río occupied several sites. In 1622, the Guachichiles living on the mission “rebelled” because of labor demands made by Spaniards. Six years later, in 1628, the Guachichiles fled to the mountains.71 Similarly, in 1629 Guachichiles fled from the mission at Valle de Maiz, but the Spanish returned them to the mission by force.72 The same occurred with many missions the Franciscans established in the Sierra Gorda region. In 1640, the Franciscans established San Pedro y San Pablo mission at Cadereyta.73 This doctrina proved to be stable, but others did not. For example, in 1682 and 1683 Pero Gerónimo de Labra, who held the position of protector de indios, promoted a plan to establish a group of missions in the Sierra Gorda, particularly in the semi-arid region. Two Franciscans from the Province of the Santo Evangelio named Francisco de Aguirre, O.F.M. and Nicolás de Ochoa, O.F.M., established San Buenaventura Maconi, San Nicolás Tolentino Ranas, Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Deconi, San Juan de Tetlá, San Francisco Tolimán, La Nopalera, Santiago del Palmar (modern Santa María del Palmar, Querétaro-the Dominicans later staffed this mission), and San José del Llano. Labra had churches of jacal built at the sites of all of the new missions.74 However, as already discussed above, the Dominicans assumed responsibility for several of the new missions, and others such as Ranas and Deconi lasted only a short period of time because of resistance by the Jonaces that undermined this missionary initiative. In 1713-1715, one Gabriel Guerrero de Ardilla led a military campaign against the Jonaces who continued to resist Spanish authority, and scored a notable victory in February of 1715. In 1718, the Augustinian Felipe Medrano, O.S.A. was brought in to congregate 281 Jonaces at a new mission at Maconi that was given the designation of Santa Teresa de Valero de Maconi. Different sources give conflicting versions of what happened to the new mission at Maconi. A 1739 report by the Commissary General of the Province of the Santo Evangelio noted that the mission lasted only eight months. He attributed the demise of the the mission to the labor demands (“extortion”) of Joachín de Villapando, the Spaniard who held the concession to the mines at Maconi and later owned the hacienda
71
Felipe Duran Sandoval, “El papel de los franciscanos en la fundación de la alcaldía mayor de San Luis Potosi,” in Arturo Vergara Hernández, ed., Arte y sociedad en la Nueva España (Pachuca: UAEH, 2014), 104-105. 72 Ibid., 105. 73 Gómez Canedo, Sierra Gorda, 164. 74 Ibid., 50.
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established at the site of the suppressed Dominican mission La Nopalera.75 Another document reported that a Franciscan named Pedro de la Fuente; O.F.M. was at the mission from at least 1721 until his death in 1726. However, following his death the Jonaces abandoned the mission and fled back to the mountains.76 It is likely that the first group of missionaries abandoned Maconi after eight months, but then De la Fuente arrived and attempted to revive the mission. The Jonaces remained at the mission most likely because of the person of the missionary, but returned to their way of life following his death.
Franciscan Mission Reorganization: The Apostolic Colleges In the late seventeenth century the Propaganda Fide in Rome promoted the reinvigoration of overseas missions through the foundation of apostolic colleges. The idea was to train missionaries, and the colleges were also to administer missions. The first apostolic college established in Spanish America was Santa Cruz de Querétaro, founded in the early 1680s.77 The missionaries from Santa Cruz de Querétaro staffed missions on the north Mexican frontier, primarily in Coahuila and Texas. However, they were not involved in the Sierra Gorda missions. Franciscans from two apostolic colleges established during the first decades of the eighteenth century were involved in the Sierra Gorda mission frontier. The first were Franciscans affiliated with the apostolic college at Pachuca (Hidalgo), founded by the Province of San Diego de México in 1727. These were the so-called “barefoot” (“descalzos”) Franciscans who established the province in 1599. The apostolic college remained a dependency of the province until 1772.78 Following his inspection tour in 1743, José de Escandón removed the Augustinians from Pacula, and assigned the mission to Pachuca. In his report Escandón noted of the Jonaces living in the Pacula mission district that: The Mecos Indians [of Pacula] are found dispersed living in the hills and forests [wilderness], almost with the same barbarity, that they had in the gentility [before the arrival of the Christians].79 75
Ibid., 175. Ibid., 58-59. 77 Ibid., 68. 78 Ibid., 77. 79 Ibid., 184. 76
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José de Escandón wanted the Jonaces congregated in a single mission community and properly catechized, and criticized the Augustinians for not having done more.80 For the Spanish the way of life of the Jonaces was contrary to the ideal that linked “civilization” to urban life. The Jonaces could not be civilized until they lived in proper towns. The Augustinians had failed to accomplish this, so now he handed the job over to the Franciscans. The Pachuca Franciscans also established several new missions in their assigned district, which was around Zimapán. The first was established at a site known as Las Adjuntas on July 20, 1741, but the mission lasted only three months. The Franciscans relocated the mission to Tolimán, a short distance from Zimapán. When José de Escandón visited the new mission he noted that it had a population of 24 families and 67 people. In 1743, the Franciscans founded the mission San José de Fuenclara at Xiliapa, which had been a visita of Pacula. The population of Xiliapa was 372 when José de Escandón visited the community. They also founded Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe also known as Cerro Prieto.81 The Franciscans from the apostolic college of San Fernando (Mexico City) also played an important role in the Sierra Gorda. San Fernando initially (1731) was a hospice located in Mexico City, but later attained the status of an independent apostolic college in 1733.82 Missionaries from San Fernando first staffed missions in the Sierra Gorda were in Baja California (1768-1773), and later in California (1769-1834). The Sierra Gorda missions were the first experience in the field for several Franciscans who later were involved in the California missions including Junípero Serra, O.F.M., Francisco Palou, O.F.M., and Fermín Francisco Lasuen, O.F.M. The Sierra Gorda missions also became a testing ground for social and economic policies and methods later implemented on the Baja California and California missions. José Ortés de Velasco, O.F.M., founded the first mission administered by San Fernando in the Sierra Gorda. It was San José de Vizarrón, established in 1740 at the site of the earlier Dominican mission San José del Llano. The Franciscans settled Jonaces on the mission, and in 1743 José de Escandón reported a population there of 67. Between 1740 and 1743, the Franciscans reportedly congregated 225 Jonaces on the mission, but many died and others fled. Between 1740 and 1746, the Franciscans baptized 94 párvulos (children under age nine). Deaths totaled 30 young
80
Ibid., 183. Ibid., 91. 82 Ibid., 68. 81
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children and 11 adults.83 The new mission lasted only eight years, and the Franciscans closed it following the flight of the Jonaces. A small garrison of soldiers was still at the site, as were settlers from Cadereyta settled there in 1705. One can speculate that there were frictions between the natives and the soldiers and settlers. In 1742, a group of 53 Jonaces fled to the mission at Tolimán, which perhaps also suggests nonconformity with the methods of the Franciscans from San Fernando.84 Soldiers hunted down the fugitive Jonaces, and consigned them to work in obrajes (textile mills) in Santiago de Querétaro. José de Escandón was also critical of the Augustinians stationed at Xalpa, and petitioned to have them replaced by Franciscans from San Fernando. His intention was very clear. He wanted the Pames congregated at Xalpa and a group of new missions he established to accelerate the conversion of the natives and n into colonial society. The Augustinians had staffed Xalpa as well as Pacula for more than a century, and had made little progress in conversion or the development of stable mission communities. He expected that the Franciscans would be able to use different methods to achieve their conversion and change in their way of life. In April of 1744, ten Franciscan missionaries left Mexico City to staff the five missions that José de Escandón assigned to them. The Franciscans took possession of the former Augustinian mission at Xalpa on April 20, established the mission San Miguel de Fonclara at Concá on April 26 which had been a visita of the Augustinian mission at Xalpa, the mission at Landa on April 30, the mission at Tilaco on May 2, and finally Tancoyol on May 3.85 The Franciscans initially congregated 402 families and a total of 1,445 Pames at Xalpa, 144 families and 449 people at Concá, 193 families and 564 at Agua de Landa, 218 families and 574 people at Tancoyol, and 184 families and 749 people at Tilaco.86 The Franciscans continued to congregate Pames on the missions, and by early 1746 the total number resettled reached 7,406 people.87
83
Ibid., 204, 209. Ibid., 92. 85 José Artes de Velasco, O.F.M., Razón de las Misiones que el Colegio de San Fernando tiene en Sierra Gorda, alias Sierra Madre, y el estado que al presente tienen, in Ibid., 220. 86 José Artes de Velasco, O.F.M., Querétaro, June 26, 1744, in Ibid., 203-206. 87 José Artes de Velasco, O.F.M., Razón de las Misiones que el Colegio de San Fernando tiene en Sierra Gorda, alias Sierra Madre, y el estado que al presente tienen, in Ibid., 220. 84
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The Jesuit expulsion in 1767 and the assumption of their missions by the Franciscans forced the secularization of the Sierra Gorda missions in 1770. However, there were still small groups of Pames and Jonaces who had not been congregated. In the late eighteenth century Franciscans established a mission named Bucareli, and in the first decade of the nineteenth century at Arnedo.
The Jesuits in the Sierra Gorda The Society of Jesus (Jesuits) was the last missionary order to arrive in Mexico, but assumed an important role in missions on the northern frontier in Nueva Vizcaya (Durango, Chihuahua), Sinaloa, and Sonora. They also administered several missions in the Sierra Gorda region. The Jesuits established several missions beyond the Chichimeca frontier at the end of the sixteenth century that included San Luis de la Paz (Guanajuato) founded in 1590.88 When José de Escandón visited the Sierra Gorda in 1743, the Jesuits still administered San Luis de la Paz, which had a population of 245 Jonaces in 66 families. The Jonaces reportedly were well instructed in Christian doctrine, and knew basic prayers.89 The earliest references to the mission at San Luis de la Paz show that the missionaries used methods similar to those employed later by the Franciscans in the Sierra Gorda. This included providing food rations to enhance economic dependence and so that the natives would not have to leave the mission to collect food.90 The baptismal registers from the end of the sixteenth century recorded the names of different Chichimeca groups. They included the Guaxabanes, Guachichiles, Copuces, Jonaces, and Pames in addition to Otomí. Additionally, two generic terms appeared in the record. They were Serranos, or natives from the mountains, and Chichimeca. The first baptism of a Chichimeca reportedly took place in 1594.91 The mission formed part of a more complex community and district. The central town itself was inhabited by natives, Jonaces and other groups, organized into distinct barrios that each had a small chapel. In the rural areas surrounding the town there were private properties classified as 88 Gerardo Lara Cisneros, “La domesticación del cristianismo en la Sierra Gorda, Nueva España, siglo XVIII,” in Robert H. Jackson, Evangelization and Culture Conflict in Colonial Mexico (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishers, 2014), 180. 89 Gómez Canedo, Sierra Gorda, 195-196. 90 Lastra and Terrazas, “Interpretación,” 172. 91 Ibid., 173.
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labores (smaller farms), ranchos (larger properties), and haciendas. The majority of natives were Otomies settled at the site when the Jesuits established the mission towards the end of the Chichimeca war.92 There were also Náhuas and P’urépechas. The rural population was predominately non-indigenous, and was classified as Spaniards and castas, or as defined in the Spanish Colonial social matrix as people of mixed ancestry.93 By the eighteenth century the region surrounding San Luis de la Paz had evolved from being an isolated mission outpost beyond the Chichimeca frontier to a more fully developed sedentary rural society. However, evangelization of the natives classified as Chichimecas had not been completed.
92
Cecilia Rabell, “Matrimonio y raza en una parroquia rural: San Luis de la Paz, Guanajuato, 1715-1810,” Historia Mexicana 41:1 (1992), 5. 93 Ibid., 5-6.
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Augustinian Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier La Asunción Chichicaxtla (Hidalgo)
Figure 32: The ruins of the church.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
Figure 33: The free standing bell tower.
Pacula (Hidalgo)
Figure 34: The church.
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Chapulhuacán (Hidalgo)
Figure 35: The church.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
San Agustín Xilitlán (San Luis Potosi)
Figure 36: The church.
Figure 37: The church interior.
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68
Figure 38: The cloister.
Dominican Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier San Juan Bautista Zimapan (Hidalgo)
Figure 39: The church.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
Figure 40: The church interior.
Figure 41: A historic photograph of the church.
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Santo Domingo de Guzmán Soriano (Querétaro)
Figure 42: The church.
Figure 43: The church interior.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
San Miguel Palmas (Querétaro)
Figure 44: The church.
Figure 45: The church interior.
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72
La Nopalera (Querétaro)
Figure 46: The church.
Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Ahuacatlán (Querétaro)
Figure 47: The church built in the 1820s.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
Franciscan Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier San Pedro Tolimán (Querétaro)
Figure 48: The church.
Figure 49: The church interior.
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Figure 50: The cloister.
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Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
San Miguel Tolimán (Querétaro)
Figure 51: The church.
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Figure 52: The church interior.
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Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
San Juan Bautista Xichú de Indios
Figure 53: The church.
Figure 54: The church interior.
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Figure 55: The cloister.
San Pedro y San Pablo Cadereyta (Querétaro)
Figure 56: The church.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
Figure 57: The church interior.
Sr. Santiago Xalpa (Jalpan, Querétaro)
Figure 58: The church.
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Figure 59: The church interior.
Figure 60: The cloister.
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Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
San Miguel de Fuenclara (Concá, Querétaro)
Figure 61: The church.
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Figure 62: The church interior.
Figure 63: The cloister.
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Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
Agua de Landa (Querétaro)
Figure 64: The church.
Figure 65: The church interior.
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84
N.S.P. San Francisco Valle de Tilaco (Querétaro)
Figure 66: The church.
Figure 67: The church interior.
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85
Figure 68: The cloister.
Figure 69: The capillas posa. They were a feature of sixteenth century central Mexican convent complexes used in processions.
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86
Nuestra Señora de la Luz Tancoyol (Querétaro)
Figure 70: The church.
Figure 71: The church interior.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
Figure 72: A capilla posa.
San José de Vizarrón (Querétaro)
Figure 73: The church.
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88
Figure 74: The church interior.
La Purísima Concepción de Bucareli (Querétaro)
Figure 75: The mission ruins.
Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
La Purísima Concepción de Arnedo (Guanajuato)
Figure 76: The church.
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Figure 77: The church interior.
Figure 78: The cloister.
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Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier
Jesuit Missions beyond the Chichimeca Frontier San Luis de la Paz (Guanajuato)
Figure 79: The Jesuit chapel.
Figure 80: A second chapel.
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Figure 81: The colegio.
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CHAPTER FOUR THE JESUIT MISSIONS AMONG THE GUARANÍ OF THE RÍO DE LA PLATA REGION
In 1607, the Jesuits in the Río de la Plata region established the missionary Province of Paraguay. It was a large jurisdiction that eventually embraced the 30 missions established among the Guaraní, the Chaco region, and the Chiquitos region of eastern Bolivia in the modern department of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Two years later, in 1609, they established the first Guaraní mission San Ignacio Guazú. The population of this mission was partially held in encomienda, which was a grant of jurisdiction that gave the holder the right to collect tribute and receive labor. However, the Black Robes focused their evangelization campaign on Guaraní communities not subject to encomienda. The Franciscans were the first to attempt to evangelize the different native groups living in the region. The Jesuits (the Society of Jesus) entered the region in 1607, establishing the missionary Province of Paraguay in 1607. The initiative came from the colegio at Cordoba, and two years later the missionaries established the first mission at San Ignacio Guazú, in what today is southern Paraguay. The initial thrust of their evangelization campaign was to evangelize the groups collectively known as the Guaraní that lived in a huge territory that stretched from southern Brazil, to Uruguay, parts of northern Argentina, and Paraguay. The Jesuit strategy was to establish missions among populations not held in encomienda, and as far from Spanish settlement as possible. San Ignacio Guazú was a community partially held in encomienda, but the other missions established among the Guaraní were not. Over the next two decades the Black Robes expanded to Guairá (Modern Paraná State, Brazil), Tape (modern Rio Grande do Sul State, Brazil), Itatín (northern Paraguay), and what became the core territory located between the Paraná and Uruguay Rivers. Between 1610 and 1632, the Jesuits established and administered 15 missions in Guairá. They were San Ignacio Miní (1610), Nuestra Señora de Loreto (1610), San Francisco Xavier (1624), San José (1625), Nuestra Señora de Encarnación (1625), Santa María (1626), San
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Pablo del Inaí (1627), San Antonio (1627), Los Ángeles (1627), San Pablo (1627), Nuestra Señora de Guananas (1627/1628), Santo Tomás (1628), Emida de Nuestra Señora de Copacabana (1628), and Jesús María (1628). The bandeirantes destroyed this group of missions in 1632.94 The history of Los Santos Cosme y Damián mission was typical of the Paraguay missions. The Black Robes established the mission in 1634 at a site in Tape known as Ibití mire.95 In 1636, the mission had a population of 1,200 families and some 6,000 people.96 Raids launched by bandeirantes from 1636 to 1640 forced the relocation of the Tape missions. The Jesuits abandoned the Tape site of Santos Cosme y Damián in May of 1638, and some 2,500 Guaraní joined the exodus. However, not all reached the new site of the mission on the Paraná River approximately five kilometers from Candelaria.97 In 1647, nine years following the relocation, the population of the mission was 1,075, much lower than it had been in Tape. The Jesuits relocated the mission three more times, and the last move was in 1760 to a site in what today is southern Paraguay. The process of community formation took different forms on the Paraguay missions. The case of Los Santos Reyes de Yapeyú, established on the west bank of the Uruguay River in 1627, typified the process. The Jesuits initially congregated Guaraní speakers known as Charrúa, but in later year’s resettled non-Christians from non-Guaraní groups.98 For example, in the years 1665-1666 the Jesuits congregated some 250 nonChristians, and in 1701 some 500 Yaros.99 By the early years of the eighteenth century the Paraguay missions were largely closed communities, meaning that they received few or no migrants, and population growth resulted from natural reproduction. However, there were sporadic instances of the resettlement of non-Christians, mostly small bands encountered during expeditions sent to collect yerba mate from wild stands. In 1702, for example, an expedition from Corpus Christi brought 94 Claudia Parrellada, “El Paraná Español: Ciudades y misiones jesuíticas en Guaira,” in Missoes: Conquistando almas e territorios (Curitiba: Governo do Paraná, 2009), 133-134. 95 Rafael Carbonell de Masy, S.J., Teresa Blumers and Norberto Levinton, La reducción jesuítica de Santos Cosme y Damián: Su historia, su economía y su arquitectura, 1633-1797 (Asunción: Markografik, 2003), 30. 96 Ibid., 45. 97 Ibid., 82. 98 Norberto Levinton, “La significación urbana del pueblo jesuítico de Yapeyú (1627-1817),” in Bartomeu Melía, Historia inacabada futuro incierto (Asunción: Centro de Estudios Paraguayos “Antonio Guasch,” 2002), 296. 99 Ibid., 302.
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109 non-Christians to the mission. However, 21 of the recently congregated natives died shortly after their arrival.100 A census prepared in the same year recorded a total of 6,750 baptisms of newborn children on the Paraguay missions in addition to 73 baptisms of non-Christians. The Jesuits baptized 46 non-Christians at Corpus Christi, 10 at Loreto, 7 at San Ignacio Miní, 4 at Jesús, 3 at Santa Ana, 2 at Ytapúa, and 1 at San José.101 The Río de la Plata borderlands was a contested frontier, and Portuguese colonists from Sao Paolo known as bandeirantes attacked the missions in the 1620s and 1630s, and enslaved thousands of Guaraní. The Jesuits relocated the survivors to the district between the Paraná and Uruguay Rivers (Corrientes and Misiones, Argentina) and southeastern Paraguay, closer to Spanish settlements. After 1680, the Jesuits reestablished missions east of the Uruguay River in what today is Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, an action taken in response to the Portuguese establishment of Colonia do Sacramento in what today is Uruguay. The Guaraní missions have the distinction of being the most populous on the frontiers of colonial Spanish America. In 1643, following the relocation of the missions in response to bandeirante raids, there were 22 missions with a total population of 39,493. The Jesuits prepared numerous population counts for their superiors and royal officials, including detailed censuses of tributaries that generally recorded the population by family group. The mission populations experienced robust growth over the next 90 years interrupted by periodic epidemics. The Black Robes also established eight new missions, including the establishments located east of the Uruguay River, by transferring population from existing establishments. In 1732, 30 missions had a total population of 141,182, or an average of 4,706 per mission. This was the highest recorded population. In contrast, the highest recorded population of the 21 California missions was 21,063 in 1820, or an average of 1,053 per mission.
100
Carta Annua de Corpus Christi, 1702 AC #929. Francisco Burges, S.J., Procurador General de la Provincia de Paraguay, sin lugar, 1705, Archivo General de las Indias, Sevilla, España, expediente 76-5-7, Charcas 381.
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g the location off the Jesuit misssions. Figure 82: Deetail of a c. 1780 map showing
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The population densities on the Guaraní missions contributed to high mortality during epidemics of maladies such as smallpox and measles that occurred about once a generation, or about every 20 years. The years 1733 to 1740 saw two lethal epidemics: measles in 1733 and smallpox from 1738 to 1740. In the same period royal officials mobilized thousands of men to serve in the militia on campaign, and there was a severe subsistence crisis in the years 1734 to 1736. Measles killed more than 18,000 Guaraní in 1733, and smallpox claimed the lives of more than 30,000 in 1738 and 1739: another 2,400 died at San Juan Bautista mission in 1740. However, unlike the Sierra Gorda and California missions, the Guaraní mission populations recovered and grew through natural reproduction following major mortality crises. Demographic patterns on the Guaraní missions facilitated recovery following mortality crises. The Guaraní mission populations did not evidence gender imbalances. Rather, females and particularly women of child bearing age were the majority. An extreme example of gender imbalances in the California missions can be seen in the case of Santa Cruz (established in 1791). From the date of its foundation to 1832, the Franciscans baptized some 1,100 girls and women, yet in 1832 only 87 females survived and lived on the mission and they constituted a mere 31 percent of the total mission population. The Río de la Plata borderlands remained a contested frontier until about 1830, and the conclusion of a series of conflicts between the newly independent countries in the region motivated by disputes over territory. Armed conflict in the region resulted in the physical destruction of many of the mission complexes, and the forced relocation of thousands of Guaraní. Mission residents also participated in the frontier wars, and the Jesuits organized and maintained a militia that royal officials mobilized on numerous occasions for military campaigns against the Portuguese, hostile indigenous groups, and rebellious colonists. Royal officials recruited mission residents on other frontiers to serve as cannon fodder, but the Guaraní mission militia was unique in its existence with a formal and permanent military structure complete with a hierarchy of military positions that paralleled the autonomous Guaraní political hierarchy on the missions. The former Jesuit missions are largely in ruins today. Rampaging armies damaged and destroyed a number of missions in the first decades of the nineteenth century. In 1818, for example, a pitched battle between a local militia and invading Portuguese troops that lasted several days largely destroyed San Carlos mission. The Guaraní missions were founded in an area of tropical rainforest, and the forest spread over and grew on the
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mission complexes once abandoned, often completing the job started by the armies. The former missions exist today in different states of conservation, and several mission sites in Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil have been added to the UNESCO World Heritage Sites list. Contemporary diagrams documented the Guaraní mission urban plan, which was similar to that of other missions including the California missions. At the center of the mission community was the church built on a monumental scale and the colegio, which was a compound that included the residence of the missionaries, their offices, storerooms, an armory where weapons were stored for the use of the mission militia, and workshops. Surrounding the mission plaza were rows of long buildings with small apartments to house Guaraní families. The Guaraní leaders known as caciques governed their cacicazgos autonomously, and each cacique had a block of apartments assigned for his or her subjects. The symbol of Guaraní political autonomy was the cabildo (indigenous municipal building), the structure where the Guaraní met to govern their communities. Finally, the mission communities included a coti guazú, a residence for widows. This installation, however, did not have the same negative characteristics and consequences as the dormitories for single women and older girls built on the California missions. Significant vestiges of the mission complexes exist at most of the mission sites and a number are protected as national monuments in Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil. Seven are on the UNESCO list. They are Trinidad and Jesús in Paraguay, San Ignacio Miní, Santa Ana, Loreto, and Santa María la Mayor in Argentina, and San Miguel (Sao Miguel) in Brazil. This visual catalog presents a selection of photographs of the more important mission sites. The first is the group of seven located in Paraguay. This visual catalog presents a selection of photographs of the more important mission sites. The first is the group of seven located in Paraguay.
Missions in Paraguay San Ignacio Guazú The church is a modern structure, and one mission-era building survives that was a Guaraní housing unit. A small building in a modern building houses religious art.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 83: The existing mission-era building.
Santiago
Figure 84: An historic photograph of the mission-era church.
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Figure 85: The church ruins.
Figure 86: A mission-era structure.
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Nuestra Señora la Fe The church is also a modern construction, and the surviving missionera building which was also Guaraní housing is now a museum of religious art.
Figure 87: The existing mission-era building.
Santa Rosa de Lima The Loreto chapel with 18th century murals, the unique bell tower, and a long structure that was Guaraní housing exist. The modern church has four decorated columns that originally graced the façade of the mission-era church.
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Figure 88: An historic photograph of the ruins of the mission-era church and bell tower.
Figure 89: The modern church that incorporates the columns from the façade of the colonial-era church.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 90: The bell tower.
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Figure 91: A structure that was Guaraní housing.
Santos Cosme y Damián The Jesuits relocated the mission to this site in 1760. Several missionera structures exist, including the temporary church that has been restored, the portal that features a statue of a bat, and the two-story colegio. Ruins of the larger unfinished church can still be seen, and buildings that were Guaraní housing survive.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 92: The church and portal.
Figure 93: Detail of the portal.
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Figure 94: The two-story colegio.
Figure 95: A second view of the colegio.
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Jesús de Tavarangue In the late 1750s the Jesuits started the construction of a monumental three nave stone church that was never completed. The ruins of the church and the colegio are the main features of the site. There are also remains of Guaraní housing.
Figure 96: The unfinished church.
Figure 97: The interior of the church.
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Figure 98: The colegio.
Trinidad The Trinidad ruins are among the most extensive of the mission sites. They include the first church with its bell tower, a larger second church built in the 1730s, the colegio, and housing units that were also built of stone.
Figure 99: The ruins of the first church and its bell-tower.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 100: The ruins of the second church.
Figure 101: Guaraní housing.
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The second group of missions is those located in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Vestiges exist at five sites: San Miguel, San Juan Bautista, San Lorenzo Mártir, San Nicolás, and Santo Angel Custodio.
Missions in Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil San Luis Gonzaga and San Francisco de Borja The complexes of San Luis Gonzaga and San Francisco die Borja have disappeared.
Figure 102: A 1784 diagram of San Luis Gonzaga.
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Figure 103: A late 19th century photograph of the ruins of the mission-era church at San Luis Gonzaga.
Figure 104: A model of San Luis Gonzaga.
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Figure 105: A 1784 diagram of San Francisco de Borja.
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San Miguel The ruins at this site include the monumental three nave church that dates to the 1730s and the colegio. There is also a fountain that was a part of the water system. A small site museum houses examples of religious art.
Figure 106: The ruins of the church.
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Figure 107: A c. 1756 diagram of San Miguel mission.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 108: A 1784 diagram of the mission church.
Figure 109: A reconstruction of the San Miguel mission church façade.
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Figure 110: The interior of the church.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 111: The ruins of the colegio.
Figure 112: The fountain that was a part of the water supply.
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San Juan Bautista The ruins of the church and colegio that are still partially covered by vegetation are the main features of this site.
Figure 113: The ruins of the church.
Figure 114: The ruins of the church.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 115: The ruins of the colegio.
Figure 116: A c. 1756 diagram of the mission.
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Figure 117: A 1784 diagram of the mission complex.
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San Lorenzo Mártir The ruins of the church and colegio are the main features of this site.
Figure 118: The ruins of the church.
Figure 119: The ruins of the church.
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Figure 120: The ruins of the colegio.
Figure 121: The ruins of the colegio.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 122: A 1784 diagram of the mission complex.
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San Nicolás The ruins at this site include the church with original tile floor, the colegio, and the cabildo structure.
Figure 123: An aerial photograph of the church ruins.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 124: The church ruins.
Figure 125: The ruins of the colegio.
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Figure 126: The cabildo.
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The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 127: A 1784 diagram of the mission complex.
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Santo Angel Custodio A small museum incorporates the remains of the last mission-era building.
Figure 128: A 1784 diagram of Santo Angel Custodio.
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Figure 129: The museum.
Figure 130: A model of the mission.
The largest group of mission sites is located in the Argentinean provinces of Corrientes and Misiones. The mission complex of Santo Tomé has largely disappeared, and very little remains at the other three sites San Carlos, Yapeyú, and La Cruz. In Misiones province the complexes of Corpus Christi, San Francisco Xavier, San José, and Apóstoles have largely disappeared as well.
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Missions in Corrientes San Carlos As already noted, the mission complex was largely destroyed during a battle in 1818. However, there are still mission-era orchard walls.
Figure 131: A mission-era wall.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 132: A mission-era wall.
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Figure 133: An 1818 diagram of the mission prepared at the time of the battle that destroyed most of the mission complex.
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Yapeyú The remains of the mission church are on the grounds of a small museum. Several other ruined structures remain, including the residence where independence leader José de San Martín is believed to have been born.
Figure 134: Remains of the church.
134
Chapter Four
Figure 135: The ruins of a mission-era structure.
La Cruz Several ruined walls and a Jesuit sundial are all that remain of this mission.
Figure 136: A mission-era wall.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 137: The ruins of a mission-era structure.
135
Chapter Four
136
Missions in Misiones Santos Mártires The ruins of this mission are covered by vegetation. It has been studied archaeologically.
Figure 138: Ruins of the church.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 139: Ruins of the mission.
137
138
Chapter Four
Figure 140: A 1786 diagram of the mission.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
139
Concepción Very little remains of this mission. However, a museum houses a model of the mission complex and a selection of decorated stones. Several mission-era walls remain. Archaeologists have excavated the remains of the mission church that are on display.
Figure 141: An historic drawing of the church façade.
140
Chapter Four
Figure 142: A model of the mission complex.
Figure 143: The remains of a mission-era wall and a house built on the foundations of a mission-era building.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 144: A mission-era portal.
141
142
Chapter Four
Santa María la Mayor The ruins of this complex include the church that was destroyed by fire in 1739, the colegio and workshops, and housing units. There is a small site museum, and one of the exhibits is a replica of the printing press the Jesuits had built and the remains of which were discovered during archaeological excavations.
Figure 145: The ruins of the church.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 146: The colegio. One room has been converted into a chapel.
Figure 147: Ruins of the workshops.
143
144
Chapter Four
Figure 148: The replica printing press.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
145
Candelaria The ruins of the colegio are located on the grounds of a penal colony. Jurisdiction over the ruins was recently transferred to the municipal government. The site can be visited, but has yet to be developed for tourism.
Figure 149: The mission-era ruins.
146
Chapter Four
Figure 150: The mission-era ruins.
Figure 151: Columns from one wing of the colegio.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 152: A contemporary diagram of the mission.
147
148
Chapter Four
Figure 153: A contemporary diagram of the mission.
Five kilometers north of Candelaria is one of the sites of Santos Cosme y Damián mission only recently identified by archaeologists. A tree farm covers the site.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
149
Santa Ana Extensive ruins exist at this mission site including the church, colegio, and Guaraní housing. There is a small site museum.
Figure 154: The ruins of the church.
Figure 155: The ruins of the colegio.
150
Figure 156: Guaraní housing.
Chapter Four
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
151
Loreto Vegetation covers the extensive ruins of this mission, which include the church, colegio, Loreto chapel, and Guaraní housing. There is a small site museum.
Figure 157: The ruins of the church.
152
Chapter Four
Figure 158: The ruins of the church.
Figure 159: The ruins of the workshops.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
153
San Ignacio The extensive ruins of San Ignacio have been stabilized and in some cases partially rebuilt. They include the church, colegio, cabildo, and Guaraní housing. There is also a site museum.
Figure 160: A late 18th century diagram of the three nave church.
154
Chapter Four
Figure 161: The ruins of the church.
Figure 162: The colegio.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 163: Guaraní housing.
155
156
Chapter Four
Corpus Christi and Apóstoles Little remains of the mission complexes of Corpus Christi and Apóstoles, but historic photographs provide details of the extent of the mission ruins in the early twentieth century. The first group is from a collection of photographs of Apóstoles taken around 1903. The first shows the ruins of a wall, perhaps of the church, covered in vegetation. The second is of a group standing in front of a side entrance to the church that is similar to San Ignacio mission.
Figure 164: An historic photograph of the ruins of Apóstoles mission.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 165: An historic photograph of the ruins of Apóstoles mission.
157
158
Chapter Four
Figure 166: A worked stone from the original church at the base of the modern church.
The remains of Corpus Christi mission are covered in vegetation, and the town cemetery occupies a part of the site. Other remains are on private property. An historic photograph shows a family group posing in front of the church ruins, which is also similar to the façade of the church at nearby San Ignacio mission.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 167: An historic photograph of the ruins of Corpus Christi mission.
Figure 168: The ruins of the church covered in vegetation.
159
160
Chapter Four
San Joaquín and San Estanislao In the 1740s, the Jesuits established two missions in the Tarima region of what today is northeastern Paraguay. The two missions were designated San Estanislao and San Joaquín. The Jesuits included information on the Tarima missions in the censuses they prepared in the 1750s and 1760s. The Jesuit church in San Joaquín still exists.
Figure 169: The Jesuit church in San Joaquín.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
Figure 170: San Estanislao
161
Chapter Four
162
The Population and Vital Rates of the Jesuit Missions of Paraguay Missions Located in Paraguay Table 4: The Population and Vital Rates of San Ignacio Guazú Year 1691 1702 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1802 1803
Population 3095 3700 4250 4515 3403 3343 3368 3674 3195 1266 1631 1576 1773 1846 1964 2018 2152 2231 2238 2226 2247 2167 2257 2278 2399 2477 2472 2332 2264 1763 2139 1985 1909 1926 1354 891 667
Families 803 1105 1082 1103 765 610 729 745 813 308 367 350 406 438 454 481 487 476 508 508 505 485 485 488 525 558 557 513 492 2233 432 403 405 425 376 N/A 174
Baptisms 224 353 322 339 167 214 275 300 245 116 77 95 106 144 134 134 227 141 163 170 151 163 157 176 160 155 159 97 120 478 123 143 109 132 86 29 39
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size.
Burials 104 200 184 167 1734 116 227 163 191 1192 62 90 56 89 73 111 109 164 162 152 157 155 152 142 99 106 96 157 84 109 109 124 229 82 89 39 86
CBR 75.5* 99.5* 78.3* 79.8 33.6* 65.9* 82.8* 90.7 78.0* 31.6 47.7* 58.3 67.3 81.2 72.6 68.2 112.5 62.0 73.1 76.0 67.8 72.5 72.5 78.2 71.1 64.6 64.2 40.6* 53.0 152 55.1 66.9 54.9 69.2 63.4* 50.7 43.8
CDR 35.0* 56.4* 44.8* 39.3 348.9* 35.8* 68.4* 48.4 60.8* 324.7 38.4* 55.2 35.5 50.2 37.6 56.5 54.0 72.1 72.6 67.9 70.5 69.0 70.1 63.1 43.9 44.2 38.8 65.6* 62.7 48.2 48.8 58.0 115.3 43.0 65.6* 54.8 96.5
AFS** 3.9 3.7 3.9 3.9 4.5 5.5 4.6 4.9 3.9 4.1 4.4 4.5 4.4 4.2 4.3 4.2 4.4 4.5 4.4 4.4 4.5 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.6 4.4 4.4 4.6 4.7 4.7 5.0 4.9 4.7 4.5 3.6 N/A 3.8
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
6000
163
Figure 171: The Population of San Ignacio Guazu Mission, 1643-1808
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
164
Chapter Four
Table 5: The Population and Vital Rates of Ytapúa Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 4953 1108 296 1702 4800 1052 264 1707 4483 1023 216 1708 4874 1068 373 1719 4972 875 262 1724 5357 1000 276 1728 5336 1151 281 1729 5829 1201 333 1731 6548 1226 361 1733 6396 1116 207 1735 4382 886 143 1736 4650 860 218 1737 4430 898 212 1738 2690 529 228 1739 2591 439 140 1740 2179 450 138 1741 2306 502 147 1744 2847 682 235 1745 2969 740 219 1746 3039 757 288 1747 3400 782 227 1748 3518 845 254 1749 3354 814 231 1750 3401 824 295 1753 3514 804 252 1754 3736 805 265 1756 3789 829 263 1759 4149 1083 206 1762 4351 990 263 1763 4353 998 268 1764 4308 1005 232 1765 4542 1044 323 1766 4760 1086 264 1767 4784 1108 303 1792 1994 535 202 1793 2064 567 102 1798 2050 519 70 1799 2029 542 50 1802 1789 N/A 76 1803 1846 479 78 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 142 165 193 158 184 125 150 177 182 811 160 191 484 1719 162 49 99 98 138 148 133 207 396 68 119 109 163 226 121 232 288 112 176 134 189 63 208 124 105 53
T 61.7* 56.2* 48.4* 83.2 53.5* 53.0* 54.0* 62.4 56.7* 31.8 32.5* 49.8 45.6 51.5 52.1 53.3 63.3 84.8 76.9 97.0 74.7 74.7 65.7 88.0 74.8 75.4 75.1 49.4* 64.7 61.6 53.3 75.0 58.1 63.7 102.0* 50.4* 32.0* 39.0 35.7 43.6
CDR 29.1* 35.1* 43.3* 32.4 37.6* 24.0* 28.8* 33.2 28.6* 124.6 36.4* 43.6 104.1 338.0 60.2 189 45.4 35.4 48.5 49.9 43.8 60.9 112.6 20.3 35.3 31.0 46.5 54.2* 29.8 53.3 66.2 26.0 38.8 28.2 95.4* 31.1* 95.1* 60.5 49.3 29.6
AFS** 4.5 4.6 4.4 4.6 5.7 4.7 4.6 4.9 5.3 5.7 5.0 5.4 4.9 5.1 5.9 4.8 4.6 4.2 4.0 4.0 4.4 4.2 4.1 4.1 4.5 4.6 4.6 3.5 4.4 4.4 4.3 4.4 4.4 4.3 3.7 3.6 4.0 3.7 N/A 3.9
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
7000
165
Figure 172: The Population of Ytapua Mission, 1643-1801
6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
166
Chapter Four
Table 6: The Population and Vital Rates of Nuestra Señora de Fe Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 5116 1114 318 1702 2939 681 239 1707 3497 811 201 1708 3215 849 248 1719 4868 1104 303 1724 5463 1208 401 1728 6713 1404 418 1729 6958 1438 444 1731 6515 1493 422 1733 4251 843 110 1735 2492 466 114 1736 2595 525 122 1737 2044 605 50 1738 2701 686 228 1739 2903 732 287 1740 3086 782 250 1741 3298 842 339 1744 3593 920 264 1745 3796 974 353 1746 4183 994 342 1747 4084 972 340 1748 4240 960 307 1749 4296 959 310 1750 4350 949 325 1753 4550 901 274 1754 4741 917 310 1756 4853 928 320 1759 4792 872 233 1762 4829 879 241 1763 4901 880 268 1764 4716 838 219 1765 3945 690 195 1766 3913 710 154 1767 3954 716 188 1793 885 245 67 1802 1113 N/A 92 1803 1049 307 72 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 120 90 83 162 256 257 283 231 267 2678 115 71 100 130 144 119 126 161 142 174 224 249 166 139 145 185 200 168 191 267 180 755 229 120 31 61 59
CBR 64.7* 85.7* 59.5* 70.9 62.9* 75.4* 63.6* 65.8* 66.4* 16.7 45.2* 49.0 19.3 86.2 106.3 86.1 109.9 75.4 98.2 90.1 81.3 75.2 73.1 75.7 60.0 68.1 67.5 47.3* 55.9 55.5 44.7 41.4 39.0 48.0 78.9* 74.6 64.7
CDR 24.4* 32.3* 24.6* 46.3 53.1 48.3* 43.0* 34.3* 42.0* 396.4 46.1* 28.5 38.5 49.2 53.3 41.0 40.8 46.0 39.5 45.3 53.6 61.0 32.8 32.4 31.7 40.7 42.2 35.5* 44.1 55.3 36.7 160.1 58.0 30.7 36.5* 49.5 53.0
AFS** 4.6 4.3 4.3 3.8 4.4 4.5 4.8 4.8 4.4 5.0 5.4 4.9 3.4 3.9 4.0 4.0 3.9 3.9 3.9 4.2 4.2 4.5 4.5 4.6 5.1 5.2 5.2 5.5 5.5 5.6 5.6 5.7 5.5 5.5 3.6 N/A 3.4
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
8000
167
Figure 173: Population of La Fe Mission, 1702-1802
7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 Year
168
Chapter Four
Table 7: The Population and Vital Rates of Santiago Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 3192 659 183 1702 3680 874 207 1707 3917 925 249 1708 3936 939 223 1719 1790 450 166 1724 2720 542 150 1728 3128 658 201 1729 3238 684 237 1731 3524 743 203 1733 3479 710 121 1735 3611 749 181 1736 3740 741 156 1737 3840 756 182 1738 3955 789 201 1739 4081 838 202 1740 4128 888 135 1741 4276 922 223 1744 4359 1012 178 1745 4484 1041 259 1746 4597 1057 298 1747 4595 1071 248 1748 4633 1057 230 1749 3968 835 295 1750 3806 966 107 1753 4085 986 212 1754 4184 1024 252 1756 4304 1117 255 1759 4122 1012 212 1762 3532 682 114 1763 3071 589 87 1764 2712 593 148 1765 2711 609 27 1766 2747 633 112 1767 2822 701 138 1777 1404 319 16 1793 1412 328 79 1802 1322 N/A 56 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 92 117 178 142 1519 75 54 81 96 207 105 119 87 87 95 92 101 220 107 187 226 200 1003 141 131 130 241 224 168 255 418 96 108 145 41 71 52
CBR 59.0* 57.7* 65.4* 56.9* 52.8* 56.7* 67.4* 75.8 59.4* 33.8 51.2* 43.2 48.7 52.3 51.1 33.1 54.0 40.7 59.4 64.7 54.0 50.1 63.7 30.0 53.0 61.7 59.8 51.3* 26.9 24.6 48.2 13.6 41.3 50.2 11.2* 56.3* 44.4
CDR 29.7* 32.6* 46.3* 36.3* 483.3* 28.4* 18.1* 25.9 28.1* 57.8 20.7* 33.0 23.3 22.6 24.0 22.5 24.5 50.3 24.6 41.7 49.2 43.5 216.5 35.5 32.7 31.8 56.5 54.2* 39.6 72.2 136.1 35.4 39.3 52.8 28.7* 50.6* 41.2
AFS** 4.8 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.0 5.0 4.8 4.7 4.7 4.9 4.8 5.0 5.1 5.0 4.9 4.7 4.6 4.3 4.3 4.4 4.3 4.4 4.8 3.9 4.1 4.1 3.9 4.1 5.2 5.2 4.6 4.5 4.3 4.0 4.4 4.3 N/A
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
5000
169
Figure 174: The Population of Santiago Mission, 1702-1802
4500 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
170
Chapter Four
Table 8: The Population and Vital Rates of Santos Cosme y Damián Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 1452 378 69 1702 1573 381 120 1707 1720 448 140 1708 1622 437 73 1719 1851 395 108 1724 2120 461 149 1728 2286 531 137 1729 2307 532 217 1731 2306 539 139 1733 2145 443 70 1735 1986 370 85 1736 1531 278 62 1737 1351 229 43 1738 1225 204 98 1739 1236 228 40 1740 1209 255 58 1741 1094 287 62 1744 1272 341 109 1745 1325 344 89 1746 1402 375 110 1747 1413 381 121 1748 1432 387 133 1749 1449 407 135 1750 1461 406 119 1753 1555 412 137 1754 1591 418 145 1756 1632 420 119 1759 1672 396 66 1762 1535 399 67 1763 2376 670 146 1764 2206 633 123 1765 2223 656 139 1766 2138 637 120 1767 2337 656 152 1793 1550 508 24 1802 850 N/A 66 1803 854 197 33 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 104 79 106 79 75 83 62 111 76 262 122 216 43 319 46 19 38 46 46 37 82 96 78 83 81 64 120 108 110 331 144 173 114 111 73 48 31
CBR 46.4* 78.3* 83.3* 42.4 59.4* 72.5* 62.0* 94.9 62.0* 27.9 42.0* 31.2 28.1 72.5 32.7 46.9 51.3 85.5 70.0 83.0 86.3 94.1 94.3 82.1 94.7 93.3 73.4 38.5* 42.1 95.1 51.8 63.0 54.0 66.2* 15.0* 76.7 38.8
CDR 70.0* 51.6* 62.9* 45.9 41.3* 40.4* 28.0* 48.6 33.9* 104.4 60.3* 108.8 28.1 236.1 37.6 15.4 31.4 36.1 38.1 27.9 58.5 67.9 54.5 57.3 56.0 41.2 74.0 63.0* 65.0 215.6 60.6 78.4 51.3 48.3* 45.7* 55.8 36.5
AFS** 3.8 4.1 3.8 3.7 4.7 4.6 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.8 5.4 5.5 5.9 6.0 5.4 4.7 3.8 3.7 3.9 3.7 3.7 3.7 3.6 3.6 3.8 3.8 3.9 4.2 3.9 3.6 3.5 3.4 3.4 3.6 3.1 N/A 4.3
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
3000
171
Figure 175: The Population of Santos Cosme y Damian Mission, 1643-1802
2500
2000
1500
1000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
500
Year
Chapter Four
172
Table 9: The Population and Vital Rates of Santa Rosa Year 1702 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1802 1803
Population 2879 3496 3599 4320 4742 6064 6292 6981 2775 1859 1671 1721 1828 1916 1973 2031 2170 2245 2288 2354 2455 2524 2601 2838 2921 3051 3056 3121
Families 661 824 849 1021 1076 1170 1165 1190 546 422 389 427 443 460 486 506 550 565 575 578 578 579 582 608 621
3150 3197 3236 3294 3292 2031 1934 2005 2243 1910 1193 1578
752
674
781 781 178 414 441 497 616 373
Baptisms 224 237 255 220 345 289 361 322 110 86 337 118 154 126 146 184 192 183 182 201 157 158 174 175 179 153 180 185 161 168 203 190 202 188 211 59 162 126 139 131 107
*Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 73 121 155 321 257 217 189 260 2263 90 80 76 102 82 94 117 110 90 113 177 249 73 106 110 103 113
130
177 228 1614 211 98 59 94 82 82
CBR 82.1* 70.1* 72.9 49.8* 74.1* 48.2* 59.5 46.5* 20.2 46.2* 189.3 70.6 89.5 68.9 76.2 93.3 92.7 84.3 82.2 87.9 66.7 64.4 68.9 63.0 63.1 52.4 59.0 60.5 51.6 53.9* 64.4 59.4 62.4 57.1 64.1 29.0 83.8 62.8 74.5* 103.9 89.7
CDR 26.8* 35.8* 44.3 72.8* 55.2* 18.2* 31.2 37.6* 414.6 48.3* 44.9 45.5 59.3 44.9 49.1 59.3 53.2 41.5 54.6 52.9 195.8 29.7 42.0 40.0 36.3
AFS** 4.4 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.4 5.2 5.4 5.9 5.1 4.4 4.3 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.1 4.0 4.0 3.9 4.0 4.1 4.3 4.5 4.5 4.7 4.7
37.0
4.5
41.8*
4.2
54.7 69.2 490.3 40.9 50.7 29.4 50.4* 65.0 68.7
4.2 4.2 11.4 4.7 4.6 4.5 3.1 4.2
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
7000
173
Figure 176: The Population of Santa Rosa Mission, 1702-1802
6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000 0 Year
174
Chapter Four
Table 10: The Population and Vital Rates of Jesús de Tavarangué Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 840 200 54 1702 1018 240 75 1707 1007 251 79 1708 1025 264 79 1719 1640 364 97 1724 1947 421 138 1728 2158 484 128 1729 1747 482 155 1731 2436 497 123 1733 2241 491 136 1735 2218 427 84 1736 2204 435 106 1737 1888 404 114 1738 1902 420 118 1739 1962 458 155 1740 1836 438 97 1741 1850 441 139 1744 1679 388 119 1745 1722 417 112 1746 1729 440 127 1747 1737 443 99 1748 1866 452 135 1749 1819 455 110 1750 1875 449 127 1753 2028 462 125 1754 2101 472 129 1756 2074 489 128 1759 2125 577 94 1762 2134 461 94 1763 2294 488 114 1764 2361 492 104 1765 2278 494 110 1766 2378 507 104 1767 2365 521 115 1793 1066 252 43 1798 908 147 31 1799 796 189 44 1802 700 N/A 66 1803 847 186 38 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 58 72 55 42 51 63 53 61 97 194 94 130 406 90 95 62 142 98 77 61 147 69 158 66 73 46 80 91 88 142 113 87 81 63 18 96 22 28 36
CBR 64.0* 73.9* 82.0* 78.5 60.9* 73.7* 61.5* 71.8 51.0* 53.8 57.7* 47.8 51.7 62.5 81.5 49.4 75.7 70.5 66.7 73.8 57.3 77.7 59.0 69.8 62.9 63.6 63.1 44.3* 42.1 53.4 45.3 46.6 45.7 48.4 41.3* 31.9* 48.5 63.7 54.3
CDR 68.7* 70.9* 56.0* 41.7 32.0* 33.7* 25.4* 28.3 40.2* 76.7 42.2* 58.6 184.2 47.7 50.0 31.6 77.3 58.0 45.9 35.4 85.0 39.7 84.7 36.3 36.7 22.7 39.4 42.9* 39.4 66.5 49.3 36.9 35.6 26.5 17.3* 98.7* 24.2 27.0 51.4
AFS** 4.2 4.2 4.0 3.9 4.5 4.6 4.5 3.6 4.9 4.6 5.2 5.1 4.7 4.5 4.3 4.2 4.2 4.3 4.1 3.9 3.9 4.1 4.0 4.2 4.4 4.5 4.2 3.7 4.6 4.7 4.8 4.6 4.7 4.5 4.2 6.2 4.2 N/A 4.6
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
3500
175
Figure 177: The Population of Jesus Mission, 1702-1802
3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
176
Chapter Four
Table 11: The Population and Vital Rates of la Santísima Trinidad Year Population Families Baptisms 1707 2847 734 186 1708 2790 676 150 1719 1891 547 171 1724 3140 691 215 1728 3703 730 209 1729 2784 781 250 1731 3259 747 181 1733 3598 721 115 1735 2033 512 66 1736 1733 466 84 1737 1995 452 70 1738 1978 500 157 1739 2149 456 106 1740 2268 538 94 1741 2047 541 124 1744 2245 582 204 1745 2484 592 149 1746 2595 593 122 1747 2517 618 135 1748 2623 635 121 1749 2629 608 117 1750 2424 601 161 1753 2481 584 120 1754 2618 593 138 1756 2680 629 155 1759 2617 653 128 1762 2588 619 131 1763 2465 603 111 1764 2546 586 101 1765 2633 589 127 1766 2795 825 110 1767 2866 622 95 1793 997 260 37 1798 833 N/A 28 1799 811 N/A 36 1802 851 N/A 36 1803 782 225 19 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 116 108 135 102 101 116 212 342 100 132 267 39 228 108 105 99 106 124 129 104 328 115 85 117 88 135 172 232 194 157 145 166 60 94 31 34 25
CBR 67.0* 52.7 92.2* 71.0* 58.1* 67.5 55.0* 39.0 31.9* 41.3 40.4 78.7 53.7 43.7 54.7 89.5 66.4 49.1 62.0 48.1 44.6 61.2 48.3 55.6 57.8 48.8* 48.7 42.9 41.0 49.9 41.8 34.0 36.3* 31.2* 44.4 41.0 22.3
CDR 41.8* 37.9 72.8* 33.7* 28.1* 31.2 64.4* 116.1 48.4* 64.9 154.1 19.6 115.4 60.3 46.3 43.4 47.2 49.9 49.7 41.3 125.1 43.7 38.2 47.2 32.8 51.5* 64.0 89.7 78.7 61.7 51.9 59.4 58.8* 104.6* 38.2 38.8 29.4
AFS** 3.9 4.1 3.5 4.5 5.1 3.6 4.4 5.0 4.0 3.7 4.4 4.0 4.7 4.2 3.8 3.9 4.2 4.4 4.1 4.1 4.3 4.1 4.3 4.4 4.3 4.0 4.2 4.1 4.3 4.5 5.3 4.6 3.8 N/A N/A N/A 3.3
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
4000
177
Figure 178: The Population ofTrinidad Mission, 1708-1802
3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
Chapter Four
178
Missions in Misiones (Argentina) Table 12: The Population and Vital Rates of Candelaria Year 1691 1702 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1798 1799 1802 1803
Population 2508 2596 2354 2325 2641 2863 3294 3284 3317 3134 3107 3049 3039 1518 1503 1441 1639 1764 1814 1881 1933 2017 2031 2083 2253 2266 2409 2585 2724 2723 2817 2879 2927 3064 1490 1433 1365 1334 1400
Families 663 622 682 695 520 626 651 655 693 702 649 611 631 333 352 382 410 482 503 523 528 549 529 539 541 560 595 613 647 661 668 682 709 754 370 339 331 297
Baptisms 229*** 199 170 242 223 213 205 184 235 196 170 136 122 103 146 65 71 91 153 198 178 181 201 181 200 173 128 155 174 156 174 215 162 222 102 62 64 78 73
Burials 125 114 141 170 94 143 118 133 151 246 194 150 124 1532 79 80 98 97 95 129 111 103 213 84 94 86 101 144 126 138 147 121 120 130 91 100 76 65 67
CBR 87.7* 79.3* 72.1* 101.5 88.8* 76.3* 63.9* 55.9 72.7* 60.7 54.3* 43.8 40.0 33.2 96.6 43.3 49.3 54.1 86.7 109.2 94.6 93.6 99.7 89.1 90.8 76.8 54.8 60.2* 64.8 57.3 63.9 76.3 56.3 75.9 69.0* 42.2* 44.7 58.1 54.7
CDR 47.9* 5.4* 60.7* 71.3 37.4* 1.2* 36.8* 40.4 46.7* 76.3 62.0* 48.3 40.7 494.4 52.3 53.2 68.0 57.6 53.9 71.1 59.0 53.3 105.6 41.4 42.7 38.2 43.2 560.1*4.2 46.9 50.7 54.0 43.0 41.7 44.4 61.5* 68.0* 53.0 48.4 50.2
AFS** 3.8 4.2 3.5 3.4 5.1 4.6 5.1 5.0 4.8 4.5 4.8 5.0 4.8 4.6 4.3 3.8 4.0 3.7 3.6 3.6 3.7 3.7 3.8 3.9 4.2 4.1 4.1 4.2 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.1 4.1 4.0 4.1 4.1 4.7
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size *** And seven baptismss of adults.
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
3500
179
Figure 179: The Population of Candelaria Mission, 1643-1801
3000 2500 2000 1500 1000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
500
Year
180
Chapter Four
Table 13: The Population and Vital Rates of Santa Ana Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 1758 444 114 1702 3100 542 142 1707 1883 562 140 1708 2444 565 146 1719 3104 707 195 1724 3600 832 242 1728 3788 930 260 1729 4266 940 240 1731 4527 981 245 1733 3916 891 90 1735 4278 921 163 1736 4055 816 138 1737 3985 878 139 1738 4343 890 274 1739 4397 922 264 1740 4533 975 243 1741 4505 1031 336 1744 4331 1181 320 1745 4214 993 241 1746 4386 1018 300 1747 4458 1035 276 1748 4787 1090 308 1749 4778 1094 291 1750 4814 1099 253 1753 4780 1119 303 1754 4944 1182 308 1756 5040 1194 324 1759 5954 1362 382 1762 5231 1311 385 1763 4091 989 228 1764 4001 992 243 1765 4161 986 316 1766 4193 1053 244 1767 4334 1131 345 1793 1454 347 106 1798 1307 302 86 1799 1286 304 71 1802 1464 N/A 73 1803 1310 365 89 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 56 77 89 95 154 1-7 116 145 125 484 110 325 83 94 109 115 259 125 106 186 130 129 344 178 141 144 181 285 487 262 331 166 235 143 123 110 76 60 81
CBR 67.1* 65.3* 85.3* 86.8 63.7* 69.8* 71.4* 63.4 55.6* 19.6 38.6* 32.3 34.3 68.8 60.8 55.3 74.1 69.1 55.7 71.2 62.9 69.1 60.8 53.0 65.6 64.4 63.9 65.7* 68.7 43.6 59.4 79.0 68.6 82.3 72.1* 64.6* 54.3 56.5 60.8
CDR 32.9* 30.9* 48.6* 56.5 50.3* 30.9* 31.8* 38.3 28.4* 185.0 26.0* 76.0 20.5 23.6 28.6 26.2 57.1 27.0 21.5 44.1 29.6 28.7 71.9 37.3 30.5 30.1 35.7 49.0* 86.9 50.1 80.9 41.5 56.5 34.1 83.6* 82.5* 58.2 46.4 55.3
AFS** 4.0 4.3 3.4 4.3 4.4 4.3 4.1 4.5 4.6 4.4 4.6 5.0 4.5 4.9 4.8 4.7 4.4 3.7 4.2 4.3 4.3 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.3 4.2 4.2 4.4 4.0 4.1 4.0 4.2 4.0 3.8 4.2 4.3 4.2 N/A 3.6
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
7000
181
Figure 180: The Population of Santa Ana, 1643-1801
6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
182
Chapter Four
Table 14: The Population and Vital Rates of Loreto Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 3620 870 260 1702 4060 1048 321 1707 4393 1092 292 1708 4569 1146 332 1719 5665 1376 287 1724 6113 1543 380 1728 6854 1629 413 1729 6933 1574 463 1731 7048 1546 413 1733 6077 1484 263 1735 4284 968 106 1736 1937 549 129 1737 2099 612 94 1738 2234 486 131 1739 1756 486 122 1740 2246 560 163 1741 2422 635 209 1744 2789 703 246 1745 2855 738 195 1746 2946 745 207 1747 3028 777 192 1748 3195 804 275 1749 3276 798 208 1750 3398 799 217 1753 3732 807 252 1754 3754 819 224 1756 4023 853 216 1759 4398 1235 234 1762 4708 969 245 1763 4659 980 232 1764 4537 988 214 1765 2395 544 198 1766 2425 561 131 1767 2462 625 162 1777 1451 344 56 1793 1261 268 71 1798 1276 261 71 1799 1223 247 46 1802 1046 48 1803 1067 227 65 *Estimated**AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 63 224 215 194 114 165 221 342 262 986 565 1321 104 917 67 55 114 122 103 111 110 91 146 96 88 95 115 208 202 306 264 2108 68 104 127 54 97 73 49 45
CBR 75.9* 81.0* 67.7* 75.6 52.3* 64.4* 62.0* 67.6 59.9* 38.1 22.1* 23.4 48.5 62.4 54.6 92.8 93.1 92.9 69.9 75.2 65.2 90.8 65.1 66.2 70.3 60.0 56.0 53.5* 52.5 49.3 46.5 43.6 54.7 66.8 36.8* 57.1* 54.5* 36.1 41.2 62.1
CDR 18.4* 56.5* 49.8* 44.2 20.8* 28.0* 33.2* 49.9 38.0* 142.8 119.1* 239.2 53.7 436.9 54.6 31.3 50.8 47.2 36.9 38.9 37.3 30.1 45.7 29.3 24.6 25.5 29.8 47.6* 43.3 65.0 56.7 464.6 28.4 42.9 83.4* 43.4* 74.5* 57.2 42.1 43.2
AFS** 4.2 3.9 4.0 4.0 4.1 4.0 4.2 4.4 4.6 4.1 4.4 3.5 3.4 4.6 3.6 4.0 3.8 4.0 3.9 4.0 3.9 4.0 4.1 4.3 4.6 4.6 4.7 3.6 4.9 4.8 4.6 4.4 4.3 3.9 4.2 4.7 4.9 5.0 4.7
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
8000
183
Figure 181: The Population of Loreto Mission, 1643-1802
7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
184
Chapter Four
Table 15: The Population and Vital Rates of San Ignacio Miní Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 3095 803 224 1702 3230 590 175 1707 2361 606 134 1708 2376 601 151 1719 2306 580 236 1724 3138 723 69 1728 3330 863 201 1729 3938 894 209 1731 4356 941 272 1733 3959 869 202 1735 2788 682 84 1736 1808 436 75 1737 1927 510 105 1738 1934 500 124 1739 1849 464 113 1740 1933 492 157 1741 2076 523 180 1744 2218 548 151 1745 2297 559 190 1746 2392 560 176 1747 2397 550 170 1748 2476 565 188 1749 2520 511 164 1750 2505 596 71 1753 2771 607 213 1754 2863 609 166 1756 2773 626 189 1759 3051 687 147 1762 3222 761 138 1763 3206 783 145 1764 3074 738 184 1765 3141 804 201 1766 3195 824 209 1767 3306 839 207 1793 664 135 1798 739 170 39 1799 790 178 43 1802 921 N/A 40 1803 898 198 56 *Estimated**AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 94 141 140 104 202 157 144 73 131 449 404 511 67 172 228 69 160 140 158 103 128 103 89 85 88 100 109 76 90 81 294 71 160 93 49 39 98 58
CBR 75.6* 54.8* 56.6* 64.0 104.2* 21.4* 61.4* 62.8 64.5* 43.8 27.0* 26.5 58.1 64.4 58.4 84.9 93.1 69.4 85.7 76.6 71.1 78.4 66.2 28.2 78.3 60.0 69.5 49.3* 44.6 45.0 57.4 65.4 66.5 64.8 0 52.1* 58.2 44.2 60.8
CDR 31.7* 44.1* 59.2* 44.1 89.1* 48.7* 44.0* 21.9 31.1* 97.3 130.0* 183.3 37.1 89.3 117.9 37.3 82.8 64.3 71.2 44.8 53.5 43.0 35.9 33.7 32.3 36.1 40.1 25.5* 29.1 25.1 91.7 23.1 50.9 29.1 0 65.4* 52.8 108.2 63.0
AFS** 3.9 5.5 3.9 4.0 4.0 4.3 5.4 4.4 4.6 4.6 4.1 4.2 3.8 3.9 4.0 5.9 4.0 4.1 4.1 4.3 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.2 4.6 4.7 4.4 4.2 4.2 4.1 4.2 3.9 3.9 3.9 4.9 4.4 4.4 N/A 4.5
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
5000
185
Figure 182: The Population of San Ignacio Mini Mission, 1643-1802
4500 4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
500
Year
186
Chapter Four
Figure 16: The Population and Vital Rates of Corpus Christi Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 1655 412 111 1702 2184 520 154 1707 2384 550 130 1708 2436 558 181 1719 3151 720 216 1724 3584 744 218 1728 4051 873 249 1729 4285 877 240 1731 4400 917 269 1733 4008 824 189 1735 1798 452 69 1736 2190 436 78 1737 2453 557 118 1738 2488 601 158 1739 2677 630 183 1740 2808 696 185 1741 2922 725 273 1744 3241 830 246 1745 3364 837 253 1746 3488 847 247 1747 3619 860 264 1748 3800 873 297 1749 3976 876 303 1750 4192 878 283 1753 4588 881 305 1754 4738 910 255 1756 4773 974 298 1759 4753 1043 251 1762 5149 1136 213 1763 4771 1185 294 1764 4280 1035 250 1765 4342 1069 318 1766 4321 1117 228 1767 4589 1205 330 1777 4121 889 64 1793 1946 543 95 1798 2344 537 112 1799 2345 511 105 1802 2443 92 1803 2184 448 98 *Estimated**AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 63 91 111 128 113 132 138 118 161 585 415 256 78 181 82 67 156 118 120 168 115 116 147 159 177 149 152 249 215 261 643 203 118 212 277 107 169 108 77 69
CBR 69.1* 72.6* 55.0* 75.9 70.9* 62.3* 63.2* 59.2 62.7* 40.5 32.2* 43.4 53.9 64.4 73.6 69.1 97.2 79.1 78.1 73.4 75.7 82.1 79.7 71.2 67.4 55.6 64.2 52.8* 43.8 57.1 52.4 74.3 52.5 76.4 14.8* 48.5* 46.7* 44.8 39.4 40.1
CDR 39.2* 42.9* 46.9* 53.7 37.1* 37.7* 35.0* 29.1 37.5* 125.4 193.6* 142.4 35.6 73.8 33.0 25.1 55.6 37.9 33.9 49.9 33.0 32.1 33.4 40.0 39.1 32.5 32.7 52.4* 44.2 50.7 134.8 47.4 27.2 49.1 63.9* 54.7* 70.4* 46.1 33.0 28.2
AFS** 4.0 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.4 4.5 4.0 4.9 4.8 4.9 4.0 5.0 4.4 4.1 4.2 4.0 4.0 4.1 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.4 4.5 4.8 5.2 5.2 4.9 4.6 4.5 4.0 4.1 4.1 3.9 3.8 4.6 3.6 4.4 4.6 4.9
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
6000
187
Figure 183: The Population of Corpus Christi Mission, 1643-1802
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
Chapter Four
188
Table 17: The Population and Vital Rates of San José Year 1691 1702 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1797 1798 1799 1802 1803 1808
Population 2472 2594 2339 2735 2776 3275 3500 3637 3720 3605 3673 3382 3302 1392 1338 1390 1415 1594 1669 1745 1816 1889 11986 2049 2085 2162 2310 2338 2399 2379 1955 2037 2020 2122 1086 869 905 856 803 965 785
Families 560 661 671 639 565 692 731 760 722 754 710 598 585 224 289 270 283 345 362 392 401 430 435 440 459 459 443 644 460 492 382 447 490 556 278 205 202 206 233 184
Baptisms 174 191 136 137 170 104 150 226 225 165 162 133 183 156 41 116 67 107 121 133 122 120 162 147 104 111 165 130 122 104 112 72 94 130 68 32 44 46 33 40 51
*Estimated**AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 102 123 114 112 77 81 106 103 126 366 146 292 91 1874 65 38 54 55 52 64 46 48 77 71 64 67 149 119 105 98 557 61 96 44 81 164 66 56 52 43 55
CBR 72.5* 75.6* 58.7* 58.6 63.4* 32.0* 43.4* 64.6 62.1* 43.8 44.3* 36.2 54.1 47.2 29.5 86.7 48.2 60.5 75.9 79.7 69.9 66.3 85.8 74.0 48.8 53.2 74.2 55.9* 50.2 43.4 47.1 36.8 46.1 64.4 61.9* 32.0* 50.6 50.8 38.2* 49.8 64.6*
CDR 42.5* 48.7* 49.2* 47.9 28.7* 24.9* 30.7* 29.4 34.8* 97.1 39.9* 79.5 26.9 567.5 46.7 28.4 38.9 35.7 32.6 38.4 26.4 26.5 40.5 35.6 30.0 32.1 67.0 51.1* 43.2 40.9 234.1 31.2 47.1 21.8 73.7* 163.8* 76.0 61.9 61.3* 53.6 69.7*
AFS** 4.4 3.9 3.5 4.3 4.4 4.7 4.8 4.8 5.2 4.8 5.2 5.7 5.6 6.2 4.6 5.2 5.0 4.6 4.6 4.5 4.5 4.4 4.6 4.7 4.5 4.7 5.2 3.6 5.2 4.8 5.1 4.6 4.1 3.8 3.9 4.2 4.5 4.2 4.1 4.3
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
4000
189
Figure 184: The Population of San Jose Mission, 1643-1808
3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
500
Year
190
Chapter Four
Table 18: The Population and Vital Rates of Apóstoles Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 3375 783 210 1702 3536 897 289 1707 3788 984 293 1708 3843 979 253 1719 4019 664 169 1724 4140 747 221 1728 4746 970 293 1729 3853 1035 287 1731 5185 1150 322 1733 5207 1180 148 1735 3833 1000 165 1736 3716 695 228 1737 3859 797 152 1738 1315 304 99 1739 1341 306 35 1740 1494 345 106 1741 1582 373 78 1744 1577 430 106 1745 1728 381 107 1746 1849 396 145 1747 1851 395 114 1748 1923 403 101 1749 2055 432 173 1750 2115 447 130 1753 2320 447 130 1754 2405 461 123 1756 2522 481 159 1759 2356 544 134 1762 2780 557 149 1763 2544 507 97 1764 1993 383 93 1765 2048 416 83 1766 2089 436 101 1767 2172 475 91 1793 2053 664 119 1797 1333 280 67 1798 1320 293 53 1799 1242 263 90 1802 1058 61 1803 1387 281 42 *Estimated**AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 115 259 183 198 828 120 118 154 104 327 131 161 150 2262 33 30 52 53 69 47 42 60 66 61 64 47 91 55 92 179 682 46 92 57 112 105 90 87 70 47
CBR 64.0* 82.4* 79.7* 68.8 36.1* 54.7* 64.1* 60.5 64.8* 27.8 43.4* 59.5 40.9 25.7 26.6 79.0 52.2 71.1 67.9 83.9 61.7 54.6 90.1 63.3 58.0 53.0 64.9 52.0* 54.6 34.9 36.6 41.7 49.3 43.6 58.2* 48.9* 39.8 68.2 31.9* 39.7*
CDR 35.1* 73.9* 49.1* 52.3 177.0* 29.7* 25.8* 32.4 20.9* 61.5 34.5* 42.0 40.4 586.2 25.1 22.4 34.8 35.6 43.8 27.2 22.7 32.4 34.3 29.7 28.6 20.3 37.2 21.3* 33.7 64.4 268.1 23.1 44.9 27.6 54.7* 76.6* 67.5 65.9 36.6* 44.4*
AFS** 4.3 3.9 3.9 3.9 6.1 5.5 4.9 4.7 4.5 4.4 3.8 5.4 4.8 4.3 4.4 4.3 4.2 3.7 4.5 4.7 4.7 4.8 4.8 4.7 5.2 5.2 5.2 4.3 5.0 5.0 5.2 4.9 4.8 4.6 3.1 4.8 4.5 4.7 4.9
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
6000
191
Figure 185: The Population of Apostoles Mission, 1643-1808
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
Chapter Four
192
Table 19: The Population and Vital Rates of Concepción Year 1691 1702 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1797 1798 1799 1802 1803 1808
Population 4589 5633 3334 3416 3457 4894 5331 5493 5848 5881 6452 6460 6402 4234 1669 1944 2369 2296 2192 2242 2321 2274 2337 2436 2727 2860 2912 3029 3192 3187 2724 2872 2851 2839 1349 1138 1037 1060 979 906 787
Families 1218 1485 781 782 891 1014 1157 1177 1173 1195 1241 1178 1207 388 364 370 392 413 471 534 520 523 521 557 610 614 570 588 699 689 623 675 711 476 351 312 265 251 180 205
Baptisms 189 411 213 213 240 276 280 292 332 245 238 285 195 186 30 107 102 141 101 129 131 116 183 191 176 210 202 168 152 161 100 48 125 145 87 70 42 54 42 58 47
*Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 169 144 119 122 272 304 142 115 151 331 177 280 207 2168 148 45 52 65 56 101 110 143 162 105 88 75 216 88 139 128 479 368 142 81 102 196 96 109 27 53 41
CBR 41.4* 76.3* 65.7* 63.9 68.8* 56.1* 53.9* 54.8 58.6* 41.1 37.2* 44.2 30.2 29.1 7.9 64.1 52.5 61.7 44.0 58.9 58.4 50.0 80.5 81.7 67.7 77.0 69,4 57.0* 49.5 50.4 31.4 36.7 43.5 50.9 63.9* 55.4* 36.9 52.1 37.3* 59.2 60.2*
CDR 37.0* 26.7* 36.7* 36.6 78.0* 61.8* 27.4* 21.6 26.7* 55.5 27.7* 43.4 32.0 338.6 35.0 27.0 26.8 28.4 24.4 46.1 49.1 61.6 71.2 44.9 33.8 27.5 74.2 29.8* 42.4 40.1 150.3 135.1 49.4 28.4 75.0* 155.1* 84.4 105.1 24.0* 54.1 52.5*
AFS** 3.8 3.8 4.3 4.4 3.9 4.8 4.6 4.7 5.0 4.0 5.2 5.5 5.3 10.9 4.6 5.3 6.0 5.6 4.7 4.2 4.5 4.2 4.5 4.4 4,5 4.7 5.1 5.2 4.6 4.6 4.4 4.3 4.0 6.0 3.8 3.7 3.9 4.2 4.2 5.0 3.8
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
193
Figure 186: The Population of Concepcion Mission, 1643-1808 8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
194
Chapter Four
Table 20: The Population and Vital Rates of Santa María la Mayor Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 2353 570 141 1702 2869 697 169 1707 2980 693 182 1708 2999 683 183 1719 3158 830 182 1724 3490 841 186 1728 3775 866 224 1729 3841 853 243 1731 3902 867 241 1733 3585 845 198 1735 2344 501 65 1736 2232 456 96 1737 2291 446 86 1738 2262 456 110 1739 711 135 22 1740 819 204 61 1741 895 222 78 1744 993 267 63 1745 1823 492 143 1746 2012 521 161 1747 2028 537 169 1748 2082 534 164 1749 2060 529 180 1750 2178 530 173 1753 2393 554 143 1754 2390 526 180 1756 2870 651 160 1759 2034 523 110 1762 2554 598 120 1763 2007 435 112 1764 1228 182 45 1765 1375 254 41 1766 1405 295 94 1767 1475 324 80 1797 609 172 19 1798 597 172 30 1799 603 162 33 1802 573 27 1803 549 141 15 *Estimated**AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 57 198 159 159 180 134 142 157 185 327 195 265 111 163 1279 17 33 58 64 107 69 93 204 82 71 86 107 78 140 316 712 72 64 50 70 42 43 25 32
CBR 62.1* 58.5* 62.1* 61.4 57.7* 54.1* 60.7* 64.4 62.7* 50.7 26.3* 41.0 48.0 48.0 9.7 85.8 95.2 67.0 144.0 88.3 84.0 80.9 86.5 84.0 58.8 75.2 65.4 54.9* 55.7 43.9 22.4 33.4 68.4 56.9 28.8* 49.3 55.3 48.3* 26.2
CDR 25.1* 60.8* 53.8* 53.4 57.0* 39.0* 38.5* 41.6 48.1* 83.7 78.8* 113.1 38.6 71.1 565.4 23.9 40.3 61.7 64.5 58.7 34.3 45.9 98.0 39.8 29.2 35.9 43.7 39.0* 65.0 123.7 354.8 58.6 46.6 35.6 106.1* 69.0 72.0 44.7* 55.9
AFS** 4.1 4.1 4.3 4.4 3.8 4.2 4.4 4.5 4.5 4.2 4.7 4.9 4.4 5.0 5.3 4.0 4.0 3.7 3.7 3.9 3.8 3.9 3.9 4.0 4.3 4.5 4.4 3.9 4.3 4.6 6.8 5.4 4.8 4.6 3.5 3.5 3.7 3.9
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
6000
195
Figure 187: The Population of Santa Maria la Mayor Mission, 1643-1803
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
Chapter Four
196
Table 21: The Population and vital rates of Los Santos Mártires del Japón Year 1691 1702 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1797 1798 1799 1802 1803 1808
Population 2317 3536 2766 2835 3276 3343 3637 3698 3874 3665 3406 3396 3415 3230 2777 2829 2833 2834 2847 2930 2074 2981 3075 3112 3235 3282 3217 3218 3225 3099 2220 1688 1685 1662 692 751 715 681 605 609 548
Families 537 897 708 720 813 795 866 862 914 901 88 861 881 830 723 682 701 699 710 723 734 735 737 789 812 792 737 763 760 729 324 365 413 430 279 185 191 173 N.A 155 128
Baptisms 113 289 263 208 199 190 216 250 224 202 139 188 208 183 132 170 192 184 170 220 214 180 210 201 188 235 205 187 169 167 173 83 98 115 68 44 32 28 13 14 20
*Estimated. **AFS-Average Family Size.
Burials 77 259 240 165 120 155 143 141 182 491 223 199 205 325 545 95 160 201 141 134 143 171 166 164 144 181 341 198 182 185 1129 561 99 128 74 58 41 28 38 32 38
CBR 49.5* 82.4* 95.9* 75.2 62.2* 57.4* 60.6* 68.7 58.5* 51.3 39.8* 55.0* 61.3 53.6 40.9 61.2 67.9 64.7 60.0 77.3 73.0 60.5 64.9 65.4 59.0 72.6 61.0 57.9* 51.8 51.8 54.1 37.4 58.1 68.2 97.4* 57.5* 42.6 39.2 20.5* 23.1 35.3*
CDR 33.8* 73.9* 86.9* 59.7 37.5* 46.9* 40.1* 38.8 47.5* 124.8 63.9* 58.3* 60.4 95.2 184.2 34.2 56.6 70.7 49.8 47.4 34.1 57.5 51.3 53.3 45.2 56.0 101.4 61.3* 59.2 59.2 364.3 252.7 58.6 75.3* 106.0* 76.0 54.6 39.2 59.9* 52.9 67.1*
AFS** 4.3 3.9 3.9 5.3 4.0 4.2 4.2 4.3 4.2 4.1 3.9 3.9 3.9 3.9 3.8 4.2 4.0 4.1 4.0 4.1 4.1 4.1 4.2 3.9 4.0 4.1 4.4 4.2 4.3 4.3 6.9 4.6 4.1 3.9 2.5 4.1 3.7 3.9 N.A 3.9 4.3
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
4500
197
Figure 188: The Population of Martires Mission, 1643-1803
4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
500
Year
198
Chapter Four
Table 22: The Population and Vital Rates of San Francisco Xavier Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 3883 884 278 1702 4117 1016 259 1707 4895 1087 314 1708 4942 1104 311 1719 5352 1294 254 1724 3409 775 210 1728 3776 830 203 1729 3718 829 192 1731 3813 877 228 1733 3663 831 132 1735 3275 713 154 1736 2873 598 147 1737 3000 686 138 1738 1876 281 203 1739 1710 292 65 1740 1789 353 127 1741 1894 429 114 1744 1895 458 106 1745 1905 485 122 1746 1914 506 126 1747 1913 508 139 1748 1942 521 127 1749 1946 518 141 1750 1968 540 144 1753 2010 522 97 1754 1875 519 90 1756 1898 506 68 1759 1861 510 110 1762 1834 456 70 1763 1831 448 67 1764 1724 465 84 1765 1511 417 185 1766 1490 424 107 1767 1527 438 69 1793 895 279 60 1797 1058 203 86 1798 1015 291 49 1799 1018 298 57 1802 1036 60 1803 1028 286 49 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 102 141 183 170 389 62 140 143 128 461 178 329 111 1418 70 38 57 135 85 114 147 108 125 105 115 161 181 78 136 110 193 81 74 59 70 97 107 53 62 58
CBR 75.0* 64.8* 65.9* 63.5 46.3* 63.5* 54.5* 51.0 61.4* 33.4 46.7* 44.9 48.0 67.7 34.7 74.3 63.7 56.0 53.3 66.1 72.6 66.4 72.6 74.0 48.5 44.8 35.6 49.1* 37.2 36.5 24.6 95.7 70.8 46.3 66.3* 80.5* 46.3 56.2 62.6* 47.3
CDR 27.5* 35.3* 38.4* 34.7 70.9* 30.8* 40.3* 37.9 34.5* 116.6 54.0* 100.5 38.6 472.7 37.3 22.2 31.9 71.2 29.6 59.8 76.8 56.5 64.4 55.0 57.5 80.1 94.8 44.8* 72.2 60.0 105.4 47.0 79.0 39.6 77.3* 90.7* 101.1 52.2 64.7* 56.0
AFS** 4.4 4.1 4.5 4.5 4.1 4.4 4.6 4.5 4.4 4.4 4.6 4.8 4.4 6.7 5.9 5.1 4.4 4.1 3.8 3.8 3.8 3.7 3.8 3.6 3.6 3.6 3.8 4.5 4.0 4.1 3.7 3.6 3.5 3.5 3.2 3.6 3.5 3.4 3.6
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
199
Figure 189: The Population of San Francisco Xavier Mission, 1643-1808 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
Chapter Four
200
Missions in Corrientes (Argentina) Table 23: The Population and Vital Rates of San Carlos Year 1691 1702 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1797 1798 1799 1802 1808
Population 4680 5355 2840 2792 2710 3065 2706 2784 3388 3309 3218 3212 3202 2377 1239 1140 1273 1404 1595 1494 1663 1675 1628 1662 1864 1865 2024 2217 2400 2248 2191 2265 2276 2367 1023 996 1001 995 1010 1096
Families 1211 1376 650 698 512 575 609 578 505 596 585 503 518 294 248 245 292 326 373 368 375 383 408 417 442 441 448 460 496 470 473 477 511 543 253 223 222 213 224
Baptisms 301 501 177 150 175 218 182 252 177 154 129 149 133 104 27 109 71 108 110 82 118 127 127 145 147 139 156 133 121 109 123 161 111 190 72 52 48 48 58 63
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 138 216 60 108 71 56 123 130 103 245 160 179 189 820 20 40 28 58 67 81 84 98 200 76 72 85 120 65 71 147 175 63 104 125 68 147 53 48 47 92
CBR 66.3* 98.8* 65.0* 52.8 67.2* 72.7* 68.0* 93.1 53.4* 45.7 39.7* 46.3 41.4 32.5 11.4 88.0 62.3 90.5 78.3 51.4 79.0 76.4 75.7 89.1 81.9 74.6 78.9 61.9* 51.5 45.4 54.7 73.5 49.0 83.5 70.7* 47.7* 48.2 48.0 57.3 56.0*
CDR 42.6* 50.1* 22.0* 38.0 27.2* 50.1* 46.5* 48.0 31.1* 72.7 49.3* 55.7 58.8 256.1 12.2 32.3 24.6 48.6 47.7 25.7 56.2 58.9 119.2 47.3 40.1 51.0 60.7 30.3* 30.2 61.3 77.9 28.8 45.9 51.9 66.7* 134.7* 53.2 48.0 46.4 81.8*
AFS** 3.9 3.9 4.4 4.0 5.3 5.3 4.4 4.8 6.7 5.7 5.5 6.4 6.2 8.1 5.9 4.6 4.4 4.3 4.3 4.1 4.4 4.4 4.0 4.0 4.2 4.2 4.5 4.0 4.9 4.8 4.6 4.8 4.5 4.4 4.0 4.5 4.5 4.7 4.9
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
6000
201
Figure 190: The Population of San Carlos Mission, 1643-1808
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
202
Chapter Four
Table 24: The Population and Vital Rates of Santo Tomé Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 3552 910 252 1702 3416 1002 340 1707 3975 963 258 1708 3887 934 328 1719 2694 548 119 1724 2449 586 236 1728 3393 652 200 1729 3388 678 275 1731 3545 780 214 1733 3494 846 220 1735 3176 634 189 1736 3211 573 128 1737 2714 514 138 1738 2041 321 91 1739 1699 275 62 1740 1892 400 93 1741 2063 442 196 1744 2397 533 181 1745 2498 558 183 1746 2555 564 192 1747 2662 593 195 1748 2709 603 137 1749 2793 622 175 1750 2917 622 207 1753 2499 582 143 1754 2880 576 158 1756 3042 631 178 1759 3277 824 158 1762 3427 653 126 1763 3178 574 103 1764 2511 310 117 1765 1954 395 72 1766 2127 394 129 1767 2172 419 136 1793 1483 453 135 1797 1569 438 122 1798 1614 346 110 1799 1687 441 101 1802 1910 426 67 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 174 293 179 322 136 139 114 142 137 200 112 125 94 505 471 33 51 56 76 187 59 77 197 82 102 104 93 86 58 99 673 71 92 40 100 280 76 94 81
CBR 72.5* 100.9* 66.5* 82.5 39.9* 100.3* 60.5* 81.0 61.7* 61.2 61.0* 40.3 43.0 33.5 30.4 54.7 103.6 79.8 76.3 76.9 76.3 51.5 64.6 74.1 51.9 63.2 58.3 49.3* 37.5* 30.1 36.8 28.7 66.0 63.9 93.2* 70.6* 70.1 62.6 36.1
CDR 50.1* 87.0* 46.0* 81.0 45.6* 59.1* 34.5* 41.9 39.5* 55.7 36.1* 39.4 29.3 186.1 230.8 19.4 27.0 24.7 31.7 74.9 27.0 28.9 72.7 29.4 37.0 41.6 30.4 26.8* 17.3* 28.9 211.8 28.3 47.1 18.8 69.1* 162.1* 48.4 58.2 43.7
AFS** 3.9 3.4 4.1 4.2 4.7 4.2 5.2 5.0 4.6 4.1 5.0 5.6 5.3 6.4 6.2 4.7 4.7 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.7 44.3 5.0 4.8 4.0 5.2 5.6 8.1 5.0 5.4 5.2 3.3 3.6 4.7 3.8 4.5
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
6000
203
Figure 191: The Population of Santo Thome Mission, 1643-1802
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
204
Chapter Four
Table 25: The Population and Vital Rates of La Cruz Year Population Families Baptisms 1691 2915 688 161 1702 3851 865 279 1707 4159 847 260 1708 4139 878 243 1719 3193 603 114 1724 3615 691 284 1728 4057 912 344 1729 4114 904 323 1731 4573 1022 435 1733 5374 1053 261 1735 4369 995 322 1736 4304 940 320 1737 4444 919 306 1738 3853 632 205 1739 2167 420 65 1740 2163 472 191 1741 2314 538 128 1744 2540 578 193 1745 2656 567 175 1746 2755 585 221 1747 2589 601 180 1748 2575 615 189 1749 2410 612 199 1750 2434 650 236 1753 2430 662 204 1754 2573 680 227 1756 2982 708 240 1759 3239 739 211 1762 3044 764 201 1763 3541 760 195 1764 3566 777 288 1765 3197 663 173 1766 2546 692 194 1767 3243 724 174 1793 3871 1053 322 1797 3331 882 242 1799 3458 N/A 251 1802 3542 841 215 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 115 138 368 217 108 147 204 212 113 863 206 206 272 629 1605 186 86 81 111 115 103 112 454 129 113 133 287 138 122 93 113 712 170 61 294 532 168 153
CBR 56.1* 75.2* 60.9* 58.4 35.8* 81.7 87.8* 79.6 102.3* 55.0 75.7* 73.2 71.1 46.1 16.9 88.1 59.2 79.0 68.9 83.2 65.3 73.0 77.3 97.9 77.7 93.4 113.0 66.7* 67.8* 64.1 81.3 48.5 60.7 68.3 83.8* 66.8* 77.5 60.6
CDR 40.1* 37.2* 86.2* 52.2 33.9* 42.3* 52.1* 52.3 26.6* 181.8 48.4* 47.2 63.2 141.5 416.6 85.8 39.8 33.1 43,7 43.3 37.4 43.3 176.3 53.5 43.1 54.7 135.2 43.6* 41.2* 30.6 47.7 199.6 53.2 24.0 76.5* 146.9* 51.9 44.3
AFS** 4.2 4.5 4.9 4.7 5.3 3.4 4.5 4.6 4.5 4.1 4.4 4.6 4.8 6.1 5.2 4.6 4.3 4.4 4.7 4.7 4.3 4.2 3.9 3.8 3.7 3.8 4.2 4.4 4.0 4.7 4.8 4.8 3.7 4.5 3.7 3.8 N/A 4.2
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
205
Figure 192: The Population of La Cruz Mission, 1643-1802
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
Table 26: The Population and Vital Rates of Los Reyes Yapeyú Year 1691 1702 1707 1708 1719 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727
Population 1865 2206 2434 2570 1871 4352 4360 4277 4531 4638
Families 469 547 536 538 346 994 999 1027 1051 1103
Baptisms 167 175 174 159 191 266 306 332 339 322
Burials 86 69 150 142 92 162 209 89 135 152
CBR 93.6* 83.3* 72.5* 65.3 107.8* 62.6* 70.3 70.2 79.3 70.1
CDR 48.2* 32.9* 62.2* 58.3 51.9* 38.1* 48.0 20.4 31.6 33.6
AFS** 4.0 4.0 4.5 4.8 5.4 5.4 4.4 4.2 4.3 4.2
206
Chapter Four
1728 4775 185 362 1729 4921 1165 395 1730 5318 1354 389 1731 5666 1416 446 1732 5704 1438 444 1733 5374 1443 326 1734 5070 1213 498 1735 5150 1204 319 1736 5283 1218 430 1737 4862 1162 333 1738 5410 1281 400 1739 5713 1315 399 1740 5687 1324 393 1741 5748 1345 432 1742 5965 1358 467 1743 6211 1437 435 1744 6187 1482 449 1745 6147 1429 437 1746 6419 1516 481 1747 6741 1534 492 1748 6726 1550 448 1749 5400 1587 415 1750 6578 1607 477 1751 6926 1659 339 1752 7360 1717 459 1753 7040 1748 411 1754 6910 1726 445 1756 7997 1797 376 1759 7418 1793 399 1762 7470 1564 423 1763 7458 1612 502 1764 7501 1649 474 1765 7715 1717 548 1766 7788 1719 331 1767 7974 1719 368 1793 5170 1097 244 1797 3990 1046 258 1798 4025 1048 197 1799 4095 1118 216 1802 4669 N/A 292 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size.
162 223 212 265 476 733 271 204 207 296 139 208 114 202 304 223 309 313 309 248 301 545 255 225 291 232 431 527 561 275 314 415 337 293 402 158 777 127 133 102
78.1 82.7 79.0 83.9 78.4 57.2 92.7 62.9 83.5 63.0 82.3 73.8 68.8 76.0 81.2 72.9 72.3 70.6 78.3 76.6 66.5 61.7 74.5 52.0 66.3 55.8 63.2 52.5 52.6* 57.8* 67.2 63.6 73.1 42.9 47.3 48.0* 57.2* 49.4 53.7 59.0
34.9 46.7 43.1 39.9 84.0 128.5 50.4 40.2 40.2 56.0 28.6 38.5 20.0 35.5 52.9 37.4 49.8 50.6 50.3 38.6 44.7 81.0 39.8 34.5 42.0 31.5 61.2 73.5 74.0* 37.6* 42.0 55.7 44.9 38.0 51.6 31.1* 172.3* 31.8 33.0 20.6
4.1 4.2 3.9 4.0 4.0 3.7 4.2 4.3 4.3 4.2 4.2 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.4 4.3 4.2 4.3 4.2 4.4 4.3 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.0 4.0 4.2 4.1 4.8 4.6 4.6 4.5 4.5 4.6 4.7 3.8 3.8 3.7 N/A
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
9000
207
Figure 193: The Population of Los Reyes Yapeyú, 1643-1802
8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1641 1646 1651 1656 1661 1666 1671 1676 1681 1686 1691 1696 1701 1706 1711 1716 1721 1726 1731 1736 1741 1746 1751 1756 1761 1766 1771 1776 1781 1786 1791 1796 1801
1000
Year
Chapter Four
208
The Missions in Rio Grande do Sul (Brazil) Table 27: The Population and Vital Rates of San Miguel Year 1690 1691 1694 1698 1702 1705 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793
Population 4195 4269 4592 1885 2197 3107 3100 3188 3401 3972 4569 4710 4904 4466 4073 4156 4378 4522 4741 4740 4974 6611 6675 6852 6765 6898 6695 6888 6229 6450 1036 4995 4038 3202 2726 2864 3011 3164 2334
Families 1057 1100 1290 630 636 695 715 726 835 890 980 993 993 986 940 930 994 1042 1081 1122 1166 1308 1314 1335 1343 1360 1353 1368 1472 1471 267 1025 1029 820 644 732 716 799 585
Baptisms 165 247 138 138 197 192 145 208 188 246 231 256 252 146 184 213 226 304 216 251 300 367 336 344 315 345 431 422 391 291 N/A 234 294 136 195 185 158 164 118
Burials 141 85 206 118 135 99 130 116 91 64 110 128 131 536 75 130 91 120 146 96 122 190 267 200 246 222 657 232 227 325 N/A 310 218 259 549 154 105 120 78
CBR 39.6* 58.9 29.6* 74.0* 92.3* 63.7* 47.0* 67.1 56.9* 64.9* 51.9* 56.0 52.7* 30.1 46.4* 53.0 54.4 69.4 47.8 52.9 63.3 67.5 50.8 52.0 46.0 51.0 62.5 63.0 55.5 46.7 N/A 46.2* 64.8 33.7 60.9 67.9 35.2 54.5 51.4*
CDR 33.8* 20.3 44.2* 63.3* 63.2* 32.8* 42.1* 37.4 27.5* 16.9* 24.7* 28.0 27.4* 110.3 18.5* 32.4 21.9 27.4 32.3 20.3 25.7 35.0 40.4 30.3 35.9 32.8 95.2 34.7 32.2 52.2 N/A 61.1* 48.1 64.1 171.5 56.5 36.7 39.9 34.0*
AFS** 4.0 3.9 3.6 3.0 4.5 4.5 3.9 4.4 4.1 4.5 4.7 4.7 4.9 4.1 4.3 4.5 4.4 4.3 4.4 4.2 4.3 5.1 5.1 5.1 5.0 5.1 5.0 5.0 5.0 4.4 3.9 4.9 3.9 3.9 4.2 3.9 4.2 4.0 4.0
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region 1797 1855 404 29 1798 1772 380 27 1799 1738 382 26 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
8000
92 97 65
15.2* 14.6 14.7
48.0* 52.3 36.7
209
4.6 4.7 4.6
Figure 194: The Population of San Miguel Mission, 1643-1801
7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
Chapter Four
210
Table 28: The Population and Vital Rates of San Nicolás Year 1690 1691 1694 1698 1700 1702 1705 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1797 1798 1799
Population 3648 3894 5819 5819 5279 4699 4927 5386 5833 5729 6667 7055 7335 7690 7415 6594 6104 6324 5071 1772 2194 2279 3107 3530 4074 4114 4245 3913 4255 4724 4863 416 4278 4429 4166 3925 4028 3939 3811 2984 2443 2370 2381
Families 870 974 1066 1066 1119 1216 1208 1202 1294 1228 1455 1697 1779 1810 1812 1113 866 1043 889 419 546 553 755 916 962 933 962 986 1024 1028 1035 67 848 834 777 683 831 843 791 797 603 566 546
Baptisms 29 192 259 259 315 335 350 327 683 232 472 502 486 506 495 231 230 217 263 54 214 184 196 298 404 349 401 351 393 372 360 N/A 261 249 178 238 204 157 197 113 118 78 100
*Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 96 78 136 136 159 225 176 211 231 1321 248 272 203 424 799 418 726 202 1116 1708 89 83 123 260 180 147 163 430 209 159 195 N/A 194 254 254 528 169 218 151 196 142 126 104
CBR 6.7* 52.6 45.5* 45.5* 61.5* 73.0* 73.7* 62.0* 126.8 34.0* 73.3* 73.6* 68.9 66.5* 63.9 34.1* 34.9 35.6 41.6 10.7 104.5 83.9 71.1 95.9 114.5 85.7 97.5 82.7 100.4 82.5 76.2
CDR 25.8* 21.4 23.9* 23.9* 31.0* 49.0* 35.9* 40.0* 42.9 193.8* 38.5* 39.9* 28.9 55.7* 103.1 61.6* 103.9 33.1 176.5 336.8 43.5 36.9 44.6 83.7 51.0 36.1 39.6 101.3 53.4 35.3 41.3
62.0* 55.9 40.2 40.9 52.0 39.0 50.0 36.8( 47.8* 31.9 42.2
46.1* 57.0 57.4 126.7 43.1 54.1 38.3 63.9* 51.6* 51.6 43.9
AFS** 4.2 4.0 5.5 5.5 4.7 3.9 4.1 4.5 4.5 4.7 4.6 4.2 4.1 4.3 4.1 5.9 7.1 6.1 6.7 4.2 4.0 4.1 4.1 3.9 4.2 4.4 4.4 4.0 4.2 4.6 4.7 6.2 5.1 5.3 5.4 5.8 4.9 4.7 4.8 3.7 4.1 4.2 4.4
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
211
Figure 195: The Population of San Nicolas Mission, 1643-1827
9000 8000 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1649 1655 1661 1667 1673 1679 1685 1691 1697 1703 1709 1715 1721 1727 1733 1739 1745 1751 1757 1763 1769 1775 1781 1787 1793 1799 1805 1811 1817 1823
1000
Year
Table 29: The Population and Vital Rates of San Francisco de Borja Year 1690 1691 1692 1694 1698 1702 1703 1705 1707 1708
Population 2396 2735 2888 2688 2600 2572 2814 2897
Families 658 667 701 695 780 755 757 778
Baptisms 188 252 257 224 208 200 254 209 235 233
Burials 137 114 142 138 144 144 103 150
CBR 80.2* 105.2 107.3 79.8* 79.5* 78.6* 97.7 83.4* 87.6* 82.8
CDR 58.4* 47.6 50.6* 52.7* 56.6* 57.4* 38.4* 53.3
AFS** 3.6 3.6 4.1 3.9 3.3 3.4 3.7 3.7
Chapter Four
212 1711 1712 1715 1716 1717 1719 1720 1721 1724 1725 1728 1729 1730 1731 1732 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 1797 1798 1799
3081 3391 3514 3757 2673 2864 2906 3366 3297 3629 3679 3658 3277 3358 3430 2998 3244 3291 3430 3814 3924 4081 3233 3493 3541 3435 3232 2841 1668 3911 2714 2602 2893 2755 2546 2583 2154 2403 2267 2284
771 834 835 843 524 548 574 774 609 687 696 675 549 571 577 450 450 570 670 709 728 770 599 633 650 632 622 522 356 737 598 558 489 548 499 521 649 517 521 499
190 252 277 262 285 205 168 128 173 203 242 91 238 281 232 147 228 201 216 144 139 189 192 247 205 225 162 143 180 231 141 180 72 192 97 121 187 143 134 100 154 173 144 147
92 97 191 260 128 359 90 116 111 192 129 88 103 116 151 134 142 148 328 131 136 92 42 113 156 170 341 378 165 69 118 160 136 118
62.9 87.8 82.2 77.3 81.1 80.1* 62.9 44.7 61.4* 69.9 71.9* 38.5 72.2 80.8* 63.9 40.0 71.1* 56.1 62.5 42.0 46.4 58.3 58.3 63.8 53.8 57.3 39.7 44.7 51.5 65.2 40.4 55.7 23.9 50.1* 32.8 44.6 71.9 49.4 48.6 39.2 72.7* 72.4* 60.0 64.8
35.9* 34.3*
4.0 4.1 4.2 4.5 5.1 5.2 5.1
56.7* 109.9 36.8* 97.6 30.4* 49.1 33.1 56.0 43.2 27.1 31.3 30.0 65.8 34.2 34.8 45.8 93.9 37.0 39.0 28.5 13.9 29.5* 52.8 62.6 131.1 130.7 59.9 27.1 55.7* 67.0* 56.6 52.1
4.4 5.4 5.3 5.3 5.4 6.0 5.9 6.0 6.7 7.2 5.8 5.1 5.4 5.4 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.5 5.5 5.2 5.4 4.7 5.3 4.5 4.7 5.9 5.0 5.7 5.0 3.3 4.7 4.4 4.6
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region 1800 1801 2413 1802 1803 1804 163 1805 109 1806 105 1807 161 1808 144 1809 147 1810 132 1811 133 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
213
88 97 100 91 68 62 64 69 64 262 75 70
Table 30: Baptisms of Adults Recorded at San Francisco de Borja, in selected years Year Baptisms of Adults Year Baptisms of Adults 1687 1 1702 33 1688 10 1703 30 1689 46 1704 16 1690 19 1705 19 1691 6 1707 1 1692 12 1721 1 1693 25 1725 11 1694 16 1726 1 1695 15 1727 22 1696 5 1728 4 1697 4 1729 8 1698 4 1730 29 1699 8 1731 13 1701 10 1732 31 Source:Relacion de los Bautismos del Pueblo de San Francisco dee Borja desde el año de su fundación en 1687 hasta el presente año de 1732, CA.
214
Chapter Four
Table 31: The Population and Vital Rates of Jesús María de lós Guenoas Year Population Families Baptisms 1690 334 74 51 1694 298 89 44 1698 200 80 30 1702 200 79 32 1705 288 87 41 1708 303 28 34 1714 357 1715 281 1716 300 1717 283 1719 238 51 25 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 38 41 24 29 17 33
CBR 158.7* 149.2* 154.6* 162.4* 155.3* 112.6*
CDR 118.4* 139.0* 123.7* 147.2* 64.4* 109.3*
AFS** 4.5 3.4 2.5 2.5 3.0 10.8
18
108.2*
77.9*
4.7
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
4500
215
Figure 196: The Population of San Francisco de Borja Mission, 1691-1801
4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
500
Year
400
0 1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
216 Chapter Four
Figure 197: The Population of Jesus Maria de los Guenoas Mission, 1690-1719
350
300
250
200
150
100
50
Year
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
217
Table 32: The Population and Vital Rates of San Luis Gonzaga Year 1690 1691 1694 1698 1702 1705 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767
Population 2922 3019 3280 3582 3473 3935 3997 4422 4532 5045 5821 5984 6149 5619 4689 4445 4718 4327 1998 2308 2432 2868 2968 3096 3275 3371 3354 3507 3783 3967 3828 4069 4259 3705 3575 3432 3177 3535
Families 840 900 886 920 943 998 1017 1014 1043 1144 1273 1340 1335 1326 1010 899 909 909 393 504 570 695 738 744 771 800 812 830 844 821 701 819 859 838 817 585 843 809
Baptisms 165 245 221 200 269 223 263 377 315 339 363 382 389 267 145 189 208 276 88 172 162 200 206 240 246 200 263 276 260 273 36 165 174 151 88 130 114 137
Burials 126 87 167 102 174 123 118 150 192 177 257 219 217 936 267 301 190 223 2445 71 64 74 142 98 91 114 305 117 228 142 N/A 125 110 245 653 119 118 192
CBR 58.2* 83.9 68.5* 57.4* 70.6* 58.2* 68.3* 94.3 71.4* 69.4* 63.5* 65.6 65.1* 43.2 30.1* 35.6 46.8 58.5 20.3 87.0 70.2 73.5 71.8 80.9 79.5 61.1 78.0 82.3 69.4 72.2 8.7 49.7* 40.3 35.5 23.8 36.8 33.2 40.8
CDR 44.5* 29.8 51.8* 29.3* 51.5* 32.1* 30.6* 37.5 43.6* 36.2* 45.0* 37.6 36.3* 151.4 55.5* 56.7 42.8 47.3 565.1 36.0 27.7 27.2 49.5 33.0 29.4 34.8 90.5 34.9 60.9 37.5 N/A 30.8* 25.5 57.5 176.2 33.3 34.4 57.2
AFS** 3.5 3.4 3.7 3.9 3.7 3.9 3.9 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.6 4.5 4.6 4.2 4.6 5.1 5.2 4.8 5.1 4.6 4.3 4.1 4.0 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.1 4.2 4.5 4.8 5.5 5.0 5.0 4.4 5.8 3.8 3.8 4.1
1793 1797
3312 2571
701 667
177 294
192 180
53.2* 119.7*
57.7* 73.3*
4.7 3.9
218
Chapter Four
1798 2790 688 132 1799 2473 608 138 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
7000
105 121
51.3 49.5
40.8 43.4
4.1 4.1
Figure 198: The Population of San Luis Gonzaga Mission, 1687-1801
6000 5000 4000 3000 2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
219
Table 33: The Population and Vital Rates of San Lorenzo Mártir Year 1691 1694 1698 1702 1705 1707 1708 1719 1724 1728 1729 1731 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1793 3.61797 1798 1799
Population 3512 3769 4140 4427 4544 4519 4640 4880 5224 5899 6194 6420 6100 4548 4405 4869 4814 974 1173 1311 1573 1563 1720 1870 1838 1642 1729 2091 2117 1459 1819 1782 1672 1173 1185 1205 1242 1171 1070 1096 963
Families 823 896 953 990 1027 1022 1051 1045 1246 1379 1388 1427 1359 939 899 1029 921 165 242 340 429 464 457 462 475 486 479 510 497 358 380 344 345 258 257 276 311 324 330 304 273
Baptisms 84 258 131 262 196 283 342 260 423 335 408 329 280 117 177 180 286 160 45 71 121 140 132 158 112 173 149 107 136 80 82 84 57 62 58 73 68 48 16 30 44
*Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 63 98 122 151 150 131 221 202 236 200 114 232 771 335 259 149 190 2681 49 32 58 82 84 52 65 102 63 57 85 105 96 118 150 355 47 43 23 24 91 32 66
CBR 24.1* 71.5* 31.7* 56.8* 43.6* 64.8* 75.7 53.9* 84.0* 42.5* 69.2 52.0* 42.9 24.6* 34.2 40.9 58.7 33.2 46.2 60.5 76.5 89.0 84.5 91.9 59.9 94.1 90.7 56.8 65.0 34.5 44.7* 45.5 32.0 37.1 49.5 61.6 56.4 14.0* 28.0 40.1
CDR 18.5* 27.2* 29.5* 35.1* 33.4* 30.0* 48.9 41.9* 46.9* 117.0* 19.3 36.7* 118.4 70.3* 50.0 33.8 39.0 557.0 50.3 27.3 36.7 52.1 53.7 30.2 34.8 55.5 38.4 30.3 40.7 45.3 52.4* 63.9 84.2 212.3 40.1 36.3 19.1 41.9* 79.5* 29.9 60.2
AFS** 4.3 4.2 4.2 4.2 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.2 4.2 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.5 4.8 4.9 4.7 5.2 5.9 4.9 3.9 3.7 3.4 3.8 4.0 3.9 3.4 3.6 4.1 4.3 4.1 4.9 5.2 4.9 4.6 4.6 4.4 4.0 20.9* 3.2 3.6 3.5
7000
0 1690 1695 1700 1705 1710 1715 1720 1725 1730 1735 1740 1745 1750 1755 1760 1765 1770 1775 1780 1785 1790 1795 1800 1805 1810 1815 1820 1825
220 Chapter Four
Figure 199: The Population of San Lorenzo Martir, 1690-1827
6000
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
Year
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
221
Table 34: The Population and Vital Rates of San Juan Bautista Year Population Families Baptisms 1698 2832 765 56 1702 2650 724 190 1705 2929 755 290 1707 3361 776 194 1708 3434 746 247 1719 3722 892 206 1724 4629 975 245 1728 3914 965 254 1729 4111 965 298 1731 4503 1008 300 1733 4968 1050 209 1735 5129 1042 187 1736 5110 1084 182 1737 5224 1108 240 1738 5812 1163 289 1739 4949 1071 323 1740 2171 482 71 1741 2525 562 236 1744 2843 644 193 1745 2925 688 171 1746 3001 733 177 1747 3134 740 236 1748 3228 772 197 1749 3271 803 227 1750 3444 828 261 1753 3892 900 241 1754 3977 911 247 1756 3347 695 23 1759 4070 886 138 1762 4017 940 179 1763 4022 931 186 1764 3805 884 145 1765 3923 893 242 1766 3892 912 167 1767 3791 916 217 1793 2018 481 98 1797 1476 409 59 1798 1325 321 27 1799 1323 336 46 *Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials 26 132 144 124 85 110 95 287 115 144 498 147 201 126 141 376 2400 68 79 72 128 84 128 199 113 117 123 12 96 170 176 418 173 120 114 98 81 42 97
CBR 20.0* 73.3* 104.2* 58.9* 57.7 56.8* 54.7* 64.4* 76.1 69.0* 39.6 36.8* 39.4 47.0 55.3 64.5 14.1 108.7 70.5 60.1 77.1 78.6 62.9 70.3 79.8 65.0 63.5 5.7 34.3* 44.4 46.3 36.1 63.6 42.6 57.2 48.6* 39.4* 18.3 34.7
CDR 9.3* 51.0* 51.7* 37.7* 25.3 30.3* 21.2* 72.7* 29.4 33.1* 94.4 28.9* 43.5 24.7 27.0 75.0 485.0 31.3 28.9 25.0 53.8 28.0 40,8 61.6 34.6 31.6 31.6 3.0 23.8* 42.1 43.8 103.9 45.5 30.6 30.1 48.6* 54.1* 28.5 73.2
AFS** 3.7 3.7 3.9 4.3 4.6 4.2 4.8 4.1 4.3 4.5 4.7 4.9 4.7 4.7 5.0 4.6 4.5 4.5 4.4 4.3 4.1 4.2 4.2 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.8 4.6 4.3 4.3 4.3 4.4 4.3 4.1 4.2 3.8 4.1 3.9
6000
0 1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
222 Chapter Four
Figure 200: The Population of San Juan Bautista Mission, 1698-1801
5000
4000
3000
2000
1000
Year
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
223
Table 35: The Population and Vital Rates of Santo Ángel Custodio Year 1707 1708 1711 1712 1714 1715 1716 1717 1719 1720 1721 1724 1725 1728 1729 1730 1731 1732 1733 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1753 1754 1756 1759 1762 1763 1764 1765
Population 2879 3074 3088 2899 3926 3194 3239 3470 3592 4052 4512 4745 4601 5085 4025 4557 4336 4888 4921 5163 5228 5199 4824 4818 4758 4957 5105 4858 5142 5417 5421 2531 4095 3863 3603 3112 2473
Families 737 740 632 683 732 765 795 881 911 924 915 938 1014 1058 1065 945 930 986 986 1102 1268 1138 1150 1099 1133 1142 1134 1122 1166 1180 1134 648 977 945 880 726 593
Baptisms 181 222 482 218 264 190 232 226 210 246 224 232 235 168 262 252 274 226 194 118 201 228 201 258 239 295 293 294 287 323 174 291 307 298 324 20 180 160 137 158 75
Burials 143 138 109 207 138 80 185 89 270 138 133 336 185 219 164 153 256 140 198 189 289 217 218 183 358 153 182 255 161 277 285 258 583 58
CBR 63.7* 77.1 177.5* 37.2 93.0* 66.6 59.1 68.9 62.9* 70.9 62.4 59.4* 58.0 36.4* 58.1 53.1 61.4* 49.1 38.2 25.5* 44.7 52.6 41.1 52.4 46.3 56.4 62.3 60.9 59.6 67.5 35.1 57.0 63.2 56.5 59.8 3.5 42.9* 40.1* 35.5 43.9 24.1
CDR 50.3* 47.9 40.2* 71.5* 35.2 24.0* 53.3 22.8* 58.5* 30.6 29.8* 66.1 40.0* 48.7 37.8 31.3 52.4 27.1 37.9 40.2 60.0 45.0 45.5 36.9 70.1 31.5 33.6 47.6 28.3 66.1* 71.5* 66.8 163.2 18.6
AFS** 3.9 4.2 4.9 4.2 5.4 4.2 4.2 4.0 3.9 4.4 4.4 5.0 4.5 4.8 3.8 4.8 4.7 5.0 5.0 4.7 4.9 4.6 4.2 4.4 4.2 4.3 4.5 4.3 4.4 4.6 4.8 3.9 4.2 4.1 4.1 4.3 4.2
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Chapter Four
1766 3710 658 142 1767 2362 715 143 1793 3448 341 49 1797 990 356 53 1798 984 322 40 1799 782 282 48 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
6000
78 105 72 68 64 67
57.4 60.5 14.1 52.7* 40.4 48.8
31.5 44.5 20.7 67.7* 68.7 68.1
5.6 3.3 10.0 2.8 3.1 2.8
Figure 201: The Population of Santo Angel Custodio Mission, 1707-1801
5000
4000
3000
2000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
1000
Year
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
225
Table 35: The Population and Vital Rates of San Joaquín and San Estanislao Year Population San Joaquín 1750 702
Families
Baptisms
1752 1052 208 1753 1046 200 35 1754 1088 200 73 1755 1074 206 1757 1112 222 1759 1280 267 99 1760 1287 270 1762 1415 268 84 1763 1707 355 94 1764 1842 363 1765 1755 372 119 1766 1440 388 143 San Estanislao 1750 735 1753 808 137 62 1754 600 180 1755 835 150 1756 503 110 1757 941 223 1759 1090 234 230 1760 943 240 1762 1182 279 210 1763 1429 321 209 1764 1589 360 1765 1730 383 180 1766 1930 415 149 *Estimated **AFS –Average Family Size
Burials
CBR
CDR
32 16
33.3 69.8
30.4 15.3
36
81.4*
28.1*
30 85
66.8* 66.4
23.9* 60.1
152 74
64.6 81.5
82.5 42.2
18
76.3*
22.1*
68
247.8*
73.3*
42 110
217.2* 176.8
43.4* 93.1
87 37
113.3 86.1
54.6 21.4
AFS**
5.1 5.2 5.4 5.2 5.0 5.2 4.8 5.3 4.8 5.1 4.7 3.7
5.9 3.3 5.6 4.6 4.2 4.7 3.9 4.3 4.5 4.4 4.5 4.7
2000
0 1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
226 Chapter Four
Figure 201: The Population of San Joaquín, 1750-1799
1800
1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400
200
Year
The Jesuit Missions among the Guaraní of the Río de la Plata Region
2500
227
Figure 202: The Population of San Estanislao, 1750-1799
2000
1500
1000
0
1643 1648 1653 1658 1663 1668 1673 1678 1683 1688 1693 1698 1703 1708 1713 1718 1723 1728 1733 1738 1743 1748 1753 1758 1763 1768 1773 1778 1783 1788 1793 1798
500
Year
CHAPTER FIVE THE CHIQUITOS AND MOXOS MISSIONS
The Jesuits opened the Chiquitos mission frontier located in what today is Santa Cruz Department in eastern Bolivia after 1691 among native groups that practiced seasonal swidden (slash and burn) agriculture, occupied shifting homesteads, and supplemented their economy by hunting and the collection of wild plant foods. They were also organized in clans, a social-political structure the Jesuits preserved in a modified form on the missions. The Jesuits congregated hundreds of natives on the Chiquitos missions, and they were open populations, which meant that the Jesuits continued to relocate non-Christians up to the point of their expulsion in 1767. A 1715 incident related to recruitment and exploration efforts highlights the ambiguity that some native groups felt towards the Jesuits. The Vice Provincial sent José de Arce, S.J. and Bartolome de Blende, S.J., to explore a river route between Asunción and the Chiquitos missions. A group of Payaguaes killed Blende and the neophytes that accompanied him on an Island in the Paraguay River, and cut off his head. José de Arce, S.J., later found the bodies.102 The Chiquitos missions were multiethnic and multilingual communities, which complicated the effort to communicate the basic elements of Christian doctrine. There always existed a problem with explaining culturally embedded religious concepts from the JudeoChristian tradition. A European Christian generally understood doctrinal points, but it was a problem to explain these same points to individuals from a different cultural background with different religious concepts. The Jesuits established ten missions between 1691 and 1760. They created communities from whole cloth by congregating non-Christians on new mission communities. They also shifted populations from existing missions to establish new ones. The expansion of the mission frontier 102
Littre Annuae Provincia Paraguarie Anno 1714-1720, in Javier Matienzo, Roberto Tomicha Charupá, Isabelle Combes, and Carlos Page, compilers and editors, Chiquitos en las anuas de la Compañía de Jesús (1691-1767), (Cochabamba: Instituto de Misionologia, 2011), 114-117.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
229
depended on the availability of missionaries, and there were periods in which few Jesuits were available to staff the existing establishments, and let alone found new missions. For example, there was a shortage of missionaries during the War of Spanish Succession (1701-1713). The Jesuits temporarily abandoned San Juan Bautista in 1709, and only reestablished the mission in 1716, although it most likely was a community periodically visited by Jesuits stationed at other missions until the number of available missionaries increased. In 1709, the Black Robes established Concepción. 103 Several of the missions occupied multiple sites, and were relocated for different reasons. For example, the Jesuits relocated San Francisco Xavier in 1696 because of the threat of Portuguese raids.104 The Jesuits established San Ignacio de Boacocas in 1707, but later combined it with Concepción. In 1745, they abandoned San Ignacio de Zamucos (established 1723), as a consequence of actions by the native residents of the mission. The three ethnic groups settled on the mission, the Zamucos, Zatienos, and Cutades, reportedly abandoned the mission, and migrated to San Juan Bautista where they were settled. The first reports on the abandonment of the mission suggested that the natives wanted to be at a site closer to the other mission communities. 105 However, three years later, in 1748, the Jesuits established a new mission San Ignacio. In 1748, the new mission reportedly had a population of 1,655.106 There was instability in the mission program as a consequence of a shortage of missionaries during the War of Spanish Succession (17011713). As discussed above, the Jesuits temporarily abandoned San Juan Bautista in 1709, and only re-established the mission in 1716, At the same time, the Black Robes established Concepción in 1709, 107 and founded several new missions in the 1720s as more personnel was available that included San Miguel (1721) and San Ignacio de Zamucos (1724). Two 103
Roberto Tomicha Charupá, La primera evangelización en las reducciones de Chiquitos, Bolivia (1691-1767) (Cochabamba: Editorial Verbo Divino, 202), 517. For a recent overview to the missions see Robert H. Jackson, Frontiers of Evangelization: Indians on the Chiquitos and Sierra Gorda Missions (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2017). 104 Littre Annuae Provincia Paraguarie Anno 1689-1899, in Carlos Page, El Colegio de Tarija y las misiones de Chiquitos según las Cartas Anuas de la provincia jesuítica del Paraguay (Morrisville, North Caqrolina: Lulu Press, 2010), 33. 105 Littre Annuae Provincia Paraguarie Anno 1743-1750, in Ibid., 318-319. 106 Numeración annual de Chiquitos, in Ibid., 338. 107 Tomicha Charupá, La primera evangelización, 517.
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decades later, in 1744, the Jesuits abandoned San Ignacio, but established a new mission with the same designation at a site closer to the other Chiquitos missions.108 The final expansion of the Chiquitos mission frontier occurred between 1754 and 1760. The Jesuits established three new missions: Santiago with natives from San José and San Juan Bautista missions (1754), Santa Ana (1755), and Santo Corazón de Jesús with population from San Miguel and San Juan Bautista (1760).109 The Jesuits organized expeditions they called excursiónes that often lasted for months to recruit new converts. The Jesuits sometimes went themselves accompanied by native converts, or sent groups of neophytes. The narrative reports the Jesuits prepared, the Littre Annuae, dedicated considerable space to describing the recruitment expeditions, which were important in the Chiquitos mission program since they reflected efforts to evangelize non-Christians. In 1702, for example, two Jesuits accompanied by 40 natives visited different groups.110 On other occasions the Jesuits sent mission residents to visit non-Christian villages. Typical was an excursión from San Rafael that left the mission on August 1, 1711 and went towards the Paraguay River. The expedition returned to San Rafael with 24 non-Christians that spoke a language distinct from Chiquita.111 A second example was the 1735 expedition that left San Miguel mission on July 1, 1735, and consisted of 112 natives from the mission. The expedition visited a group known as the Guarapes, and returned to San Miguel on December 12 of the same year with 282 non-Christians.112 Some expeditions ended violently, as was the case in 1715 discussed above that ended with the death of Bartolomé Blende, S.J., and the natives who accompanied him. Payaguaes killed the group on an Island in the Paraguay River.113 Many expeditions met little or no resistance, and often returned with new converts. Others were not successful at all.
108
Ibid., 536-537, 547, 549. Ibid., 557-559. 109 Ibid., 557-559. 110 Carta Anua (1700-1713) in Matienzo, Tomicha Charupá, Combes, and Page, Chiquitos en las anuas, 47. 111 Juan Bautista Xandra, S.J., San Rafael, August 1, 1712, Anua del Pueblo de San Ráphael de los Chiquitos Año mil setecientos onze y doze, Biblioteca Nacional, Archivo General de la Nación, Buenos Aires (hereinafter cited as BNAGN) #6968/1. 112 No author, no date, Anua del Pueblo de San Miguel. Año de 1735. BNAGN, #6468/12. 113 Carta Anua (1714-1720) in Matienzo, Tomicha Charupá, Combes, and Page, Chiquitos, 116. 109
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231
As Daniel Santamaría points out, the natives on the Chiquitos and Moxos mission frontier practiced seasonal migration, leaving established village sites to hunt and collect wild plant foods during the rainy season (December-April).114 The Jesuits documented expeditions sent out in search of potential recruits that returned empty handed. In 1740, for example, the Black Robes sent expeditions from all of the missions. Two sent from San Miguel returned with no new recruits, and reported that the one that visited the Guarayos found their villages “deserted.”115 These expeditions largely failed because the Jesuits sent them out during the rainy season. Nevertheless, during the entire period of Jesuit administration of the missions the Black Robes settled hundreds of natives from different ethnic groups. One consequence of the congregation of natives from different ethnic groups was linguistic diversity among the Chiquitos mission populations. In 1745, for example, the missions counted a total population of 14,706. Of this the majority, 9,625 people or 65.5 percent of the total spoke Chiquita, 1,617 were Arawak speakers (11 percent), 649 were Chapacura speakers (4.4 percent), 1,341 were Otuqui speakers (9.1 percent), 1,160 were Zamuca speakers (7.9 percent), and there were 314 Guaraní speakers (2.1 percent).116 Jesuits from the Province of Peru established a chain of missions north of the Chiquitos establishments in the Amazon Basin in what today is Beni, Bolivia. The Moxos missions shared characteristics in common with the Chiquitos missions, both in terms of social, political, and economic organization, as well as in architecture and the development of a similar urban plan. The Moxos missions were also multilingual communities.117 The Moxos missions were similar to the Chiquitos missions in terms of demographic patterns. Some of the Moxos missions had open populations, meaning that the Jesuits congregated non-Christians on the mission communities. The 1748 Moxos mission census enumerated the number of natives baptized, as well as those who had not been baptized. Two missions, San Nicolás and San Miguel, still had large numbers of 114
Daniel J. Santamaría, “Fronteras indígenas del oriente boliviano. La dominación colonial en Moxos y Chiquitos, 1675-1810,” Boletín Americanista 36 (1986), 197-228. 115 Carta Anua (1735-1742) in Matienzo, Tomicha Charupá, Combes, and Page, Chiquitos, 237. 116 Robert H. Jackson, “Demographic Patterns on the Chiquitos Missions of Eastern Bolivia, 1691-1767." Bolivian Studies Journal 12 (2005): 220-240. 117 The standard study of the Moxos missions remains David Block, Mission Culture on the Upper Amazon: Native Tradition, Jesuit Enterprise, and Secular Policy in Moxos, 1660-1880 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994).
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unbaptized residents. At San Nicolás the number of baptized totaled 1,374 as against 442 unbaptized, and it was 2,822 and 622 respectfully for San Miguel. Both missions already existed in 1732, so the 1748 census data shows that the Jesuits continued to congregate non-Christians as did the missionaries stationed on the Chiquitos missions. Five other missions reported non-Christian residents, but the total was 149. Deposorios de la Virgén Maria had the largest number with 80. The Jesuits also established new missions in the Moxos region. In 1748, for example, the census noted that Santa Rosa and San Simón were recently established missions only in the first stages of organization.118
A Case Study of Demographic Patterns on the Chiquitos Missions: San Francisco Xavier The available evidence shows that in most years the number of births and baptisms of non-Christians was greater than the number of deaths, and the Chiquitos mission populations grew at slow to moderate rates. Periodic epidemics, which were not as severe as in the Paraguay missions, slowed but did not stop population growth. The population of San Francisco Xavier grew from 1,690 reported in 1718 to 2,342 in 1739, and 3,302 in 1765. In the years 1738 to 1767 for which there is a complete record, the Jesuits baptized 4,433 natives, both adults and children. In 25 years for which there is more complete information the Jesuits baptized 3,497 natives and recorded 2,764 burials, or a net difference of +733. Similarly, the population of Concepción increased from 1,087 in 1718 to 1,858 in 1739, and 3,287 in 1765. In 24 years for which there is complete data the Jesuits baptized 2,980 natives and registered 1,891 burials, a net difference of +1,089. The Chiquitos mission can be characterized as having been high fertility and high mortality populations, meaning that death rates were high but in most years birth rates were higher. Moreover, the Jesuits periodically resettled non-Christians on the missions. In 1717, for example, the Jesuits congregated 24 non-Christians on San Francisco Xavier. In 1731, it was 142, 24 in 1738, another 100 in 1760, 322 in 1762, and 45 in 1763.119 118
Católogo de las Reducciones de las Misiones de los Mojos en esta Provincia de Perú de la Compañía de Jesús 1748, in Pablo Pastells, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la provincia del Paraguay:[Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Perú, Bolivia y Brasil, 9 volumes (Madrid: Librería General de Victoriano Suarez, 1912-1915), vol. 7, 746-747. 119 Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival Among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of Spanish South America,
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233
This is not to say that there were no epidemics. There were early outbreaks on the Chiquitos missions in 1697, 1702, 1705-1707, and 1722. However, there is no information on mortality during these outbreaks.120 The years 1738-1739, 1743-1745, and 1747 evidenced higher mortality rates. However, these were not major mortality crises on the scale documented for individual Paraguay missions, such as the crude death rate of 557 per thousand population recorded at San Lorenzo Mártir in 1739. In 1738 and 1739, the Jesuits at San Francisco Xavier recorded 380 burials as against 267 baptisms, or a net decline of 113. The crude death rate reached an estimated 79.1 per thousand in 1738 and 81.6 in 1739. In contrast, 2,681 died at San Lorenzo in 1739, and the population experienced a net decline of 2,521. The population of San Lorenzo was 4,814 at the end of 1738, and the number dropped to 974 at the end of the following year. Similarly, 416 reportedly died at San Francisco Xavier in the years 1743 to 1745 as against 373 baptisms, and a net decline in population of 43. The crude death rate reached 58.0 per thousand in 1743 and again in 1744, and 57.4 in 1745. Many contemporary populations including those of the Paraguay missions evidenced a slight gender imbalance with more females (girls and women) than males. The evidence for San Francisco Xavier and the other Chiquitos missions shows the opposite, with slightly more males (boys and men) in most years. In 1742 and again in 1744 females represented a small majority, constituting 50.1 percent of the population in both years. In other years for which there is a record, on the other hand, there were more males. The lowest figure was of females constituting 44.4 percent of the population in 1713.121 What effect did this gender imbalance have on demographic patterns on San Francisco Xavier mission, and the Chiquitos missions in general? The Jesuits generally did not disaggregate births from the baptism of new convents in the extant baptismal register and censuses that registered the total number of baptisms and burials. However, they did differentiate between baptisms of children and adults. The calculation of crude birth rates is slightly inflated by the inclusion of converts as in 1738-1742 and 1767 when there were baptisms of adults, but not by much. Men may have had difficulty finding sexual partners, and marriage rates were lower when compared to the Paraguay missions which did not experience similar gender imbalances. The crude marriage rate per thousand population at 1609-1803: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden:Brill, 2015), 20. 120 Jackson, “Demographic Patterns on the Chiquitos Missions,” 225. 121 Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival, 253-254.
234
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San Francisco Xavier ranged from 9.1 to a high in non-crisis years of 18.6. The highest rates were 30.1 in 1746 and 35.4 in 1747. These higher rates followed three years of increased mortality from 1743 to 1745. They represented both the formation of new families, and remarriages of widows and widowers.122 A useful comparison can be made with marriage patterns on the Paraguay missions San Francisco Xavier mission, located in Misiones Province in Argentina. One difference in the patterns on the two missions was the periodic registration of larger numbers of marriages at the Paraguay establishment. The Jesuits performed large numbers of marriages at the same time, perhaps when a cohort of girls came of age. In 1739, for example, the Jesuits recorded 153 marriages, the largest number of marriages performed in a single year. This large number of marriages came at the end of the cycle of three epidemics that spread through the Paraguay missions between 1733 and 1740. The heaviest mortality at San Francisco Xavier during the decade was caused by smallpox in the years 1738-1740. The population of the mission dropped from 2,873 at the end of 1736 to 1,876 at the end of 1738, and to 1,710 in 1739. The net decline in population in 1738 and 1739 was 1,163. The evidence shows that the Black Robes performed few marriages during the epidemics, and none in 1736. The Jesuits opted to postpone marriages and remarriages until the epidemics had burned themselves out. There were also other years with a similar pattern of unusually large numbers of marriages, as in 1741 with 73, 1750 with 72, and 1762 with 62. Patterns on the two missions were distinct. The mean crude marriage rate was lower on the Chiquitos mission at 16.4 per thousand population, as against 19.9 per thousand for the Paraguay establishment. There were larger numbers of marriages on the Paraguay mission even following population decline, and in the same period that the population of the Chiquitos missions was expanding. The Jesuits in both regions performed more marriages following epidemics, but there were no example in the Chiquitos missions of what appears to have been large cohort marriages in non-crisis years. The year 1762, for example, evidenced significantly higher numbers of marriages at several Paraguay missions including Santa Ana, Loreto, Corpus Christi, Concepción, San Juan Bautista, and San Francisco Xavier. The gender imbalance did not contribute to an imbalance in the age structure of the population of San Francisco Xavier mission. In other words children under about the age of 14 or 15 (the age at which children 122
Ibid., Appendix 3, Appendix 7.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
235
were generally considered to be adults and girls married following puberty) constituted a large percentage of the population. The Jesuits categorized children in this age group as párvulos and muchachos. The evidence shows that the population grew robustly, and that it was a young population with children constituting a large percentage of the total and in certain years more than half. However, periodic epidemics killed a disproportionately larger number of children. This can be seen, for example, with the epidemic in the mid-1740s already discussed above. The Percentage of children in relation to the total population dropped from 52.9 percent in 1742 to 47.9 percent in 1747 after the epidemic had run its course. The population of San Francisco Xavier grew during most years prior to the Jesuit expulsion in 1767. From the 1,690 reported in 1718, the numbers nearly doubled by 1765, in which year the population was 3,302. What factors contributed to this growth? Birth rates were one factor, but so to was the resettlement of non-Christians, particularly in the 1760s. The Jesuits congregated 467 new converts on San Francisco Xavier in 1760, 1762, and 1763, and the population jumped from 2,799 in 1758 to 3,256 in 1764 and 3,302 in the following year.123 The number of children also increased from 1,422 in 1758 to 1,813 in 1764, suggesting that many of the non-Christians congregated on the mission were children. In the years 1760 to 1765, the Jesuits baptized 1,088 children, but no adults.124 The percentage relationship of children to the total population also increased from 52.2 percent in 1758 to 55.7 percent in 1764. The expansion of the mission population ended with an epidemic in 1766 (most likely smallpox) that killed 265 or a crude death rate of 80.3 per thousand population, and the Jesuit expulsion in 1767. The population dropped to 2,019 in 1768, and continued to decline over the following decades. The population was 1,586 in 1797, 1758 in 1800, 1,625 in 1806, and 1,576 in 1823 on the eve of Bolivian independence. Some mission residents elected to leave following the Jesuit expulsion, perhaps the most recently congregated or those brought to live on the mission from longer distances. However, despite the exodus, the nucleus of a stable community continued to exist at San Francisco Xavier in the last years of the colonial period.
123 124
Ibid., 20, 260. Ibid., 260.
236
Chapter Five
Architecture and Urban Plan on the Chiquitos Missions A mural depicted the urban plan of the fully developed San José mission building complex as it existed towards the end of the Jesuit period.125 The church and colegio occupied one side of the main square, and were the largest structures in the community. On either side of the church were a free standing bell tower, colegio, and mortuary chapel. The colegio contained the residence of the Jesuit missionaries, offices, and storerooms. The neophytes lived in small apartments in long structures that contained multiple apartments, and that occupied three sides of the main square. The mural does not show the use of tiles as the roofing material for the neophyte housing, and thatch most likely was the material used.126 The creation of new communities from whole cloth required substantial investments of labor. Moreover, the mission urban plan with large numbers of neophytes living cheek to jowl in compact villages helped facilitate the spread of contagion. Recent restoration projects at the Chiquitos missions provide detailed information on construction techniques. The German Jesuit Martin Schmid was responsible for directing the construction of several mission churches including the one at San Rafael that he described in a 1761 letter: It [the church at San Rafael] has two rows of columns, eight on each side. These columns are well worked large and thick trees like the columns of Solomon. The walls also have their columns, capitals, and pedestals, cornices, etc... They are built of crude [adobe] bricks, but have a lovely appearance because of the lovely paintings [murals] in various colors, like all of the [other] churches and altars…The floor is covered with tiles and the roof with tiles, that we had made and burned for the first time for this church, and then for our entire house [colegio]. Up to that point we had roofed [buildings] only with straw and grass [thatch]. I have built a new and large organ for this new and beautiful church.127 The Jesuits directed the construction of the mission complex at San José using stone. The free standing bell tower and the church façade reportedly were completed in 1748. Actual work on the church may not have been completed until shortly following the expulsion of the Jesuits, 125
Ibid., 115. Ibid., 114-115. 127 Quoted in Hans Roth and Eckart Kuhne, “Esta nueva y Hermosa iglesia: La construcción y restauración de las iglesia de Martin Schmid,” in Eckart Kuhne, ed., Las misiones jesuíticas de Bolivia: Martin Schmid 1694-1772: Misionero, músico y arquitecto entre los Chiquitos (Santa Cruz de la Sierra: Cumbre de las Américas, 1996), 89. 126
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
237
around 1770. Work on the mortuary chapel reached completion in 1750 and the colegio with its vaulted roof in 1754.128 The Jesuits employed other techniques and materials in the construction of the other Chiquitos and the Moxos missions, and there is some information on the chronology of church construction. The construction of the church at San Francisco Xavier concluded in 1752, that of San Juan Bautista between 1755 and 1759, the church at Concepción was built between 1753 and 1760, and the churches at San Ignacio and Santiago were completed respectively in 1761 and 1767. The information regarding the other churches is less precise: that of San Miguel dates to the 1740s, the church of Santo Corazón to the 1760s, and that of Santa Ana to after the Jesuit expulsion.129The construction process employed in the other missions first entailed planting large wooden columns in the ground without stone foundations. The building walls rested on the ground that had been flattened and compressed. The next step was to construct a temporary roof to protect the adobe walls from the torrential rains during the rainy season. The adobe bricks were laid in between the columns. The permanent roof was extended to form a covered walk to protect the adobe walls from the rains, and to also provide artificial shade. The roof was a structure built of wood sections and beams joined by joints, and required few iron nails.130 As Schmid noted in his 1761 letter, the church at San Rafael had a roof of burned clay roof tiles which was an innovation in construction techniques. As Schmid also noted, the roofing material had previously been thatch. The interior and exterior walls were plastered with a lime base plaster, that also provided a surface for murals and design elements that were painted by native artists on the dry plaster.131 The free standing bell towers were also built of adobe brick, or as in the case of San José and San Juan Bautista of stone. The only surviving adobe bell tower is at San Miguel mission. Its construction used the same technique already described with the planting of six wooden columns in the ground and the filling in of the space between the columns with adobe brick protected by porticos. The construction of the free standing bell tower at San Rafael followed a different technique that did not employ
128
Ramón Gutiérrez da Costa and Rodrigo Gutiérrez Vinuales, “Territorio, urbanismo y arquitectura en Moxos y Chiquitos,” in Pedro Querejazu, ed., Las misiones jesuíticas de Chiquitos (La Paz: Fundación BHW, 1995), 347-352. 129 Ibid., 347-352. 130 Roth and Kuhne, “Esta Nueva y Hermosa Iglesia,” 91-95. 131 Ibid., 94.
238
Chapter Five
wooden columns as at San Miguel. Rather, it was built using alternating layers of adobe and burned brick also protected from the rains.132
The Chiquitos Missions
Figure 203: A contemporary map of the Chiquitos and Moxos Missions.
132
Ibid., 94.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
239
Figure 204: A 1789 map of the Chiquitos missions.
Table 36: The Chiquitos Missions, 1691-1760 Mission San Francisco Xavier San Rafael
Founded 1691
Missionary José de Arce
1696
San José
1698
San Juan Bautista
1699
San Ignacio de Zamucos Concepción San Ignacio de Boacocas San Miguel
1723
Juan Zea/Francisco Hervas Felipe Suarez/ Dionisio Avila Juan Zea/Juan Fernandez Agustin Contanares
1699/1707 1707
Lucas Caballero
1721
Felipe Suarez
Relocations Four relocations 1701, 1705
1706. 1716 Abandoned 1745 1711,1722 Combined with Concepción
Chapter Five
240
San Ignacio Santiago
1748 1754
Santa Ana
1755
Santo Corazón
1760
Miguel Streicher Gaspar Troncoso/Gaspar Campos Julian Knogler
Relocated following Jesuit expulsion
Antonio Guasp /José Chucca
Source: Alcides Parejas Moreno and Virgilio Suarez Salas, Chiquitos: Historia de una utopia (Santa Cruz de la Sierra: CORDECRUZ, 1992), 67-71, 189-190.
San Francisco Xavier
Figure 205: The church and colegio.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
Figure 206: The church interior.
241
242
Chapter Five
Figure 207: Detail of the main altar.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
San Rafael
Figure 208: The church.
Figure 209: The church interior.
243
244
Chapter Five
Figure 210: The free standing bell tower.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
245
San José
Figure 211: The church, mortuary chapel, and free standing bell tower. It is the only complex built of stone.
Figure 212: The church interior.
246
Chapter Five
Figure 213: A mural depicting the mission urban plan.
San Ignacio
Figure 214: The mission-era church was demolished in 1948, and was replaced by this structure built in the same style.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
Figure 215: The main altar.
Concepción
Figure 216: The church, mortuary chapel, and colegio.
247
248
Figure 217: The church interior
Figure 218: The main altar.
Chapter Five
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
San Miguel
Figure 219: The church and free standing bell tower.
Figure 220: The church façade.
249
250
Figure 221: The main altar.
Chapter Five
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
251
Santa Ana
Figure 222: The church and colegio. This is a post Jesuit-expulsion construction.
Figure 223: The church façade.
252
Figure 224: The church interior.
Chapter Five
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
Figure 225: The main altar.
253
Chapter Five
254
The mission-era structures at the other missions have largely disappeared. A stone bell tower still exists at the site of San Juan Bautista mission.
The Population and Vital Rates of the Chiquitos Missions Table 37: The Population and Vital Rates of San Francisco Xavier, 17121768 Baptisms Year
Families
Population
Children
1712 1718 1735
478 505 605
1955 1688 2345
93 75 109
1738
559
2342
138
1739 1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768
560 564 558 545 546 556 552 582 612 620 622 633
2364 2481 2378 2413 2416 2403 2293 2314 2435 2497 2480 2550
111 120 130 135 131 127 115 125 115 153 115 156 72 72 216 156 158 165 156 154 170 171 191 158 194 176 198 164 173 147
2323
606 615 631 642
2578 2639 2728 2799
656 666
2978 3065
703 728 720
3256 3302 3201 2022
Adults
Burials
19 22 94
Crude Birth Rate 49.4* 44.6 46.8*
Crude Death Rate 10.1* 13.1 40.3*
4.0 3.3 3.9
7
189
57.8*
79.1*
4.2
1 2 3 3
191 65 75 110 138 140 138 71 144 91 130 86
47.4 50.8 52.4 56.8 55.1 52.6 47.9 54.5 49.7 62.8 46.1 62.9 28.2
81.6 27.5 30.2 46.3 58.0 58.0 57.4 31.0 62.2 37.4 52.1 34.7
4.2 4.4 4.3 4.4 4.4 4.3 4.2 4.0 4.0 4.0 4.0 4.0
92 104 57 83
62.9* 64.0 59.1 56.5
36.6* 40.3 21.6 30.4
4.3 4.3 4.3 4.4
101 104
58.8* 64.1 51.6
34.7* 34.9
4.5 4.6
113 142 265
55.1* 60.8 49.7
35.4* 43.6 80.3
4.6 4.5 4.5
2
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size.
45.9
AFS**
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
255
Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 260.
3500
Figure 226: The Population of de San Francisco Xavier, 1710-1823
3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
Chapter Five
256
Table 38: The Population and Vital Rates of San Rafael, 1712-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
1712 1734 1735
306 554 570
1275 2081 2109
50 187 119
25 48 22
1738
559
2085
112
1739
549
2160
95
1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1755 1756 1757 1758 1760 1761 1764 1765 1766
546 492 491 494 493 495 510 505 534 559 568 403 416 440 470 483 509 565 571 562
2201 2075 2144 2196 2256 2323 2411 2497 2543 2613 2749 1959 2038 2120 2173 2311 2374 2632 2733 2746
80 116 129 127 122 134 146 142 130 129 187 98 131 100 113 122 121 128 175 157
32 109 96
Crude Birth Rate 39.8 * 93.4* 57.2
Crude Death Rate 25.5* 54.4* 46.1
AFS**
4.2 3.8 3.7
0
90
54.3*
43.6*
3.7
0
92
45.6
44.1
3.9
0 28 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
58 52 57 77 100 67 58 56 84 59 51 52 52 36 42 74 58 61 74 91
37.0 52.7 62.2 61.2 55.6 59.4 62.9 58.9 52.1 50.7 71.6 51.2* 64.3 49.1 53.3 53.9* 52.4 49.9* 66.5 57.5
26.4 23.6 27.5 37.1 45.5 29.7 25.0 23.2 33.6 23.2 19.5 27.2* 26.5 17.7 19.8 32.7* 25.1 23.8* 28.1 33.3
4.0 4.2 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.7 5.0 4.8 4.7 4.8 4.9 4.9 4.8 4.6 4.8 4.7 4.7 4.8 4.9
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 265.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
3500
257
Figure 227: The Population of San Rafael, 1710-1823
3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
Chapter Five
258
Table 39: The Population and Vital Rates of San José, 1712-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
1712 1734 1735
507 423 426
1275 1832 1911
31 143 128
0 0 0
1738
436
2011
140
1740 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1755 1756 1757 1758 1760 1761 1764 1765 1766
455 505 512 472 505 610 615 614 628 630 563 455 455 478 492 496 513 473 618
2195 2409 2439 2218 2477 2916 2879 2803 2783 2831 2428 2024 2074 2139 2208 2186 2211 2242 2715
153 164 145 118 177 178 176 169 113 178 120 156 122 148 132 109 127 182 99
N/A 62 60
Crude Birth Rate 24.9* 81.7* 69.9
Crude Death Rate N/A 35.4* 32.8
AFS**
2.5 4.3 4.5
0
64
72.4*
33.1*
4.6
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0
59 63 93 265 101 156 155 131 142 130 169 81 69 84 61 132 144 168 245
76.1* 71.0* 62.9 48.4 79.8 71.9 61.1 58.7 40.3 64.0 48.5* 64.3 60.3 71.4 61.8* 49.4 57.0* 82.3 44.2
29.3* 27.3* 40.3 108.7 45.5 63.0 53.2 45.5 50.7 46.7 68.2* 33.4 34.1 40.5 28.6* 59.8 64.6* 76.0 109.3
4.6 4.8 4.8 4.7 4.0 4.8 4.7 4.9 4.4 4.5 4.3 4.5 4.6 4.5 4.5 4.4 4.3 4.7 4.4
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 262.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
4000
259
Figure 228: The Population of San José. 1710-1823
3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
Chapter Five
260
Table 40: The Population and Vital Rates of San Juan Bautista, 1734-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
Crude Birth Rate
Crude Death Rate
AFS**
1734 1736
428 382
1992 1615
116 92
16 0
66 76
59.7* 46.2
34.0* 38.2
4.7 4.2
1738
420
1793
94
0
40
54.1*
23.0*
4.2
1739
428
1839
96
0
58
53.5
32.4
4.3
1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1755 1756 1757 1758 1760 1761 1764 1765 1766
428 410 400 398 387 384 430 466 439 412 409 433 447 471 464 479 451 415 418 425
1839 1820 1927 1970 1855 1981 2097 2091 1880 1737 1726 1855 1811 1918 2272 2049 2006 1814 1883 1953
96 94 85 92 83 100 116 111 99 50 80 95 143 139 87 113 94 93 119 116
2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 6 59 8 6 4 1 3 0
58 61 67 64 183 62 150 76 84 222 91 64 75 44 83 65 62 58 52 46
52.2 51.1 46.7 50.6 42.1 53.9 83.8 52.9 47.4 26.6 46.1 52.1* 77.1 76.8 45.4 56.5* 45.9 52.3* 85.6 61.6
31.5 33.2 36.8 35.2 92.9 33.4 75.7 36.2 40.2 118.1 52.4 35.1* 40.4 24.3 43.3 28.6* 30.3 32.6* 28.7 24.4
4.3 4.4 4.8 5.0 4.8 5.2 4.9 4.5 4.3 4.2 4.2 4.3 4.1 4.1 4.9 4.3 4.4 4.4 4.5 4.6
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 263.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
2500
Figure 229: The Population of San Juan Bautista. 1710-1823
2000
1500
1000
500
0 Year
261
Chapter Five
262
Table 41: The Population and Vital Rates of the missions named San Ignacio, 1710-1766 Year
Families
Population
San Ignacio de Boacocas (1707) 1710 94 330 San Ignacio de Zamucos (1723) 1738 144 587 1739 149 635 1740 156 634 1741 159 649 1742 156 648 1743 160 666 1744 165 679 San Ignacio de Chiquitos (1748) 1748 390 1694 1749 356 1624 1750 374 1682 1755 425 1990 1756 435 2106 1757 443 2196 1758 466 2144 1760 483 2339 1761 510 2382 1764 528 2560 1765 520 2645 1766 531 2734
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
Crude Birth Rate
Crude Death Rate
AFS**
3.5 37
7
19
65.0*
33.4*
4.1
40 13 35 42 38 29
0 0 2 0 0 0
16 11 27 23 23 21
68.1 20.5 55.2 64.7 58.6 43.5
27.3 17.3 42.6 35.4 35.4 31.5
4.3 4.1 4.1 4.2 4.2 4.1
39 60 81 125 137 133 137 144 149 158 167 167
0 9 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
6 30 23 36 49 52 46 82 70 108 82 78
23.5* 37.0 49.9 65.8* 68.8 63.2 62.4 63.2* 63.7 63.0* 65.2 63.1
3.6* 17.7 14.2 18.9* 24.6 24.7 21.0 36.0* 29.9 43.0* 32.0 29.5
4.3 4.6 4.5 4.7 4.8 5.0 4.6 4.8 4.7 4.9 5.1 5.2
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 266.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
4500
Figure 230: The Population of the three missions named San Ignacio (1710, 1718-1744, 1748-1819)
4000 3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
263
Chapter Five
264
Table 42: The Population and Vital Rates of Concepción, 1734-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
1734 1736
403 415
1672 1721
109 48
0 0
1738
435
1858
85
1739 1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1755 1756 1757 1758 1760 1761 1764 1765 1766
436 436 435 451 458 481 496 498 524 525 587 593 600 594 616 624 672 672 684 687 713
1828 1828 1846 1868 1912 1950 2055 2131 2212 2260 2556 2992 2597 2703 2778 2865 2978 3039 3182 3287 3278
77 77 101 78 109 92 107 118 133 132 130 122 135 184 148 167 152 142 129 227 178
49 31
Crude Birth Rate 67.6* 28.2*
Crude Death Rate 30.4* 18.2*
AFS**
4.2 4.2
0
57
46.5*
31.2*
4.3
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
130 90 114 59 64 54 35 42 52 71 48 86 79 78 73 80 98 93 131 94 183
41.4 42.1 55.3 42.3 59.1 48.1 54.9 57.4 62.4 59.7 47.7 57.5 53.1* 70.9 54.8 60.1 52.0* 47.7 40.5* 71.3 54.2
70.0 49.2 61.8 32.0 34.7 28.2 18.0 20.4 24.4 32.1 33.7 21.2 31.1* 30.0 27.0 28.8 33.5* 31.2 41.1* 29.5 55.7
4.2 4.2 4.2 4.1 4.2 4.1 4.1 4.3 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.4 4.3 4.6 4.5 4.6 4.4 4.5 4.7 4.8 4.6
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 261.
The Chiquitos and Moxos Missions
3500
265
Figure 231: The Population of Concepción, 1710-1823
3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
Chapter Five
266
Table 43: The Population and Vital Rates of San Miguel, 1735-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
1735 1738
457 494
2242 2208
192 102
0 0
1739
514
2283
121
1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1755 1756 1757 1758 1760 1761 1764 1765 1766
537 535 557 576 657 661 703 732 453 427 458 566 600 617 637 668 280 267 280 295
2300 2477 2580 2633 2935 2955 3130 3271 1972 1995 2029 2500 2619 2689 2822 2956 1219 1335 1429 1473
100 118 171 150 170 199 195 193 127 121 102 162 167 158 197 190 71 45 115 69
132 66
Crude Birth Rate 88.0* 47.0*
Crude Death Rate 60.5* 30.4*
AFS**
4. 9 4.5
0
47
54.8
21.3
4.4
0 0 0 30 40 0 0 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
27 156 69 71 84 56 48 101 46 40 78 71 48 88 64 69 42 40 43 183
43.8 22.3 69.0 60.6 64.6 67.8 66.0 61.7 38.8 61.4 51.1 67.2* 66.8 60.3 73.3 67.0* 59.7 33.8* 86.1 33.8
11.8 67.8 27.9 28.7 31.9 19.1 16.2 32.3 14.1 20.1 39.1 29.5* 19.2 33.6 23.8 24.3* 35.3 30.1* 32.2 128.1
4.3 4.6 4.6 4.6 4.5 4.5 4.6 4.5 4.4 4.7 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.4 4.4 5.0 5.1 5.0
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 264.
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3500
267
Figure 232: The Population of San Miguel, 1735-1823
3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0 Year
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268
Table 44: The Population and Vital Rates of Santiago, 1755-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
1755 1756 1757 1758 1760 1761 1764 1765 1766
237 396 376 379 444 343 397 397 410
882 1460 1390 1440 1718 1387 1525 1556 1614
23 88 91 116 111 99 111 117 117
0 0 0 0 9 18 43 170 0
73 42 81 88 101 169 128 133 55
Crude Birth Rate 21.9* 100.0 62.3 83.5 65.0* 57.6 72.0* 76.7 75.2
Crude Death Rate 69.5* 47.6 55.5 63.3 59.1* 98.4 83.0* 87.2 35.3
AFS**
3.7 3.7 3.7 3.8 3.9 4.0 3.8 3.9 3.9
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 267.
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2000
269
Figure 233: The Population of Santiago, 1755-1823
1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 Year
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270
Table 45: The Population and Vital Rates of Santa Ana, 1755-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
1755 1756 1757 1758 1760 1761 1764 1765 1766
254 266 281 295 306 310 350 363 367
1295 1334 1359 1412 1482 1511 1693 1771 1787
42 80 67 99 86 89 110 119 102
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
22 31 41 49 44 48 55 45 98
Crude Birth Rate 32.9* 61.8 50.2 72.9 59.7* 60.1 67.2* 70.3 57.6
Crude Death Rate 17.3* 23.9 30.7 36.1 30.6* 32.4 33.6* 26.6 55.3
AFS**
5.1 5.0 4.8 4.8 4.8 4.9 4.8 4.9 4.9
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 267.
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271
Figure 234: The Population of Santa Ana, 1755-1823
3500 3000 2500 2000 1500 1000 500 0
Year Table 46: The Population and Vital Rates of Santo Corazón, 1761-1766 Year
Families
Population
Baptisms Children
Adults
Burials
1761 1764 1765 1766
415 567 544 532
1697 2392 2440 2287
18 108 203 94
0 0 0 0
70 88 143 219
Crude Birth Rate 10.3* 45.6* 84.7 38.5
Crude Death Rate 40.0* 37.1* 59.8 89.8
AFS**
4.1 4.2 4.5 4.3
*Estimated. **AFS –Average Family Size. Source: Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival among the Sedentary Populations on the Jesuit Mission Frontiers of South America: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 268.
272
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Figure 235: The Population of Santo Corazón, 1761-1823
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0 Year
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273
The Moxos Missions Nineteenth Century illustrations of the Moxos Missions
Figure 236: Concepción de Baures. Melchor María Mercado, Álbum de paisajes, tipos humanos y costumbres de Bolivia, 1841-1869 (Sucre: Banco Central de Bolivia/Archivo Nacional de Bolivia/Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia, 1991).
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Figure 237: San Joaquín. Melchor María Mercado, Álbum de paisajes, tipos humanos y costumbres de Bolivia, 1841-1869 (Sucre: Banco Central de Bolivia/Archivo Nacional de Bolivia/Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia, 1991).
Figure 238: San Ramón. Melchor María Mercado, Álbum de paisajes, tipos humanos y costumbres de Bolivia, 1841-1869 (Sucre: Banco Central de Bolivia/Archivo Nacional de Bolivia/Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia, 1991).
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275
Figure 239: Santa María Magdalena. Melchor María Mercado, Álbum de paisajes, tipos humanos y costumbres de Bolivia, 1841-1869 (Sucre: Banco Central de Bolivia/Archivo Nacional de Bolivia/Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia, 1991).
Figure 240: La Exaltación. Melchor María Mercado, Álbum de paisajes, tipos humanos y costumbres de Bolivia, 1841-1869 (Sucre: Banco Central de Bolivia/Archivo Nacional de Bolivia/Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia, 1991).
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Figure 241: La Exaltación.
Figure 242: La Santísima Trinidad. Melchor María Mercado, Álbum de paisajes, tipos humanos y costumbres de Bolivia, 1841-1869 (Sucre: Banco Central de Bolivia/Archivo Nacional de Bolivia/Biblioteca Nacional de Bolivia, 1991). San Ignacio de Moxos
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277
Figure 243: The church. Table 47: The Population of the Moxos Missions, in selected years Mission Trinidad Esposorio Santa Rosa Loreto San Xavier San Pedro Exaltación San Ignacio San José San Miguel S. L. Gonzaga S.F. Borja San Pablo Los Reyes San Juan Concepción San Joaquín Santa Ana
Founded 1686 1694 1705 1682 1691 1697 1709 1689 1691 1696 1698
1691 2254
3822 2361
3014 2036
1698 2693
1863
3202
1713 1700 1600 2000 2000 1900 1400 1505 2105
1717 1576 666 1768 2864 1684 1981 1008
1630
1011
1693 1703 1710 1710 1708 1708
1924 1390 1500 1304
1256 2048 1641 581 2152 2310
1709
200
1206
1732 2208 1623 624 1255 1717 3223 1851 974 923 1298 906
1748 1720 1199 388 1054 1710 3296 1593 621 686 3444 523
1768 700
1826 2000 2108
998 1324 1782
1060
3157 2622
2803 2112
1295 680
1378
1394
1000
850 1200 2100 1900 1160
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Magdalena 1720 2782 3112 4300 San Martin 1717 1557 1222 600 San Nicolás 1740 1514 1816 400 San Simón 1744 914 493 Source: Catalogus Redoctionum Misionis Moxorum in Provincia Peruana Jesu Die 1 Aprilis 1732, Archivo Histórico de la Compañía de Jesús, Paraguay; Pablo Pastells, S.J., Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Paraguay. 9 vols. (Madrid, 1912), vol. 6, 157-158; vol. 7, 746-748; Pedro Querejazu, ed., Las misiones jesuiíticas de Chiquitos (La Paz, 1995), 336.
CHAPTER SIX THE JESUIT MISSIONS OF SINALOA AND SONORA
In the 1520s, the Spanish in Mexico broke down into factions that competed for power and access to native labor and tribute. The faction opposed to Hernán Cortés governed Mexico between 1525 and 1529 through an audiencia (a type of court) headed by Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán who was the president and four oidores. Cortés returned to Spain to appeal to the Crown, and returned to Mexico in 1529 with the title of Capitán General de la Nueva España (Captain General of New Spain). This marked a political defeat for Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán, who left Mexico City to organize the conquest of western and northwestern Mexico. At that time Spanish control in western Mexico extended to what today is Michoacán. Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán organized an army of 500 Spaniards, 10,000 natives from the Valley of Mexico, and another 10,000 from Michoacán. Beltrán de Guzmán created a new jurisdiction that he called Nueva Galicia that incorporated the modern states of Jalisco, Colima, Aguascalientes, Nayarit, Sinaloa, and parts of Zacatecas and San Luis Potosi. He subjugated the native populations of this region in brutal military campaigns starting in 1530, and in the process enslaved thousands and provoking a major native uprising known as the Mixtón War in the early 1540s.133 In the wake of his expedition Spaniards began to establish settlements with municipal governments in the newly conquered territory. They included Compostela, Guadalajara, Purificación, and San Miguel Culiacan in what today is Sinaloa.134 During the sixteenth century the number of Spaniards in what today is Sinaloa and Sonora was very small,
133
On the Spanish conquest of western Mexico see Ida Altman, The War for Mexico’s West. Indians and Spaniards in New Galicia, 1524-1550 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010). 134 Ibid., 57.
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and in 1600, there was no more than 500 or 600 Spaniards in the region.135 Although the Spanish had established encomienda grants with rights to tribute and labor in the region which also brought with it a theoretical obligation to evangelize the natives, there was little systematic missionary activity until the Jesuits arrived in the Villa de San Felipe y Santiago Sinaloa in 1591, and founded a colegio there. After their arrival, the Black Robes had a virtual monopoly on the evangelization of the native populations of Sinaloa and Sonora, until their expulsion from the Spanish dominions in 1767.136 While Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán was busy subjugating and enslaving natives in northwestern Mexico, another Spaniard named Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca participated in an odyssey that brought him to the Spanish frontier in Sinaloa and inspired an expedition to New Mexico in 1540 that passed through Sonora. Cabeza de Vaca participated in an expedition organized in 1527 by Pánfilo de Narváez to conquer Florida that ended in disaster. The expedition encountered considerable native resistance, and lost contact with its ships. The Spaniards built rafts to try to navigate to Pánuco which was a Spanish settlement located in what today is northern Veracruz, but the majority of the expedition perished at sea in storms. The only survivors from the expedition were Cabeza de Vaca, Alonso del Castillo Maldonado, Andrés Dorantes de Carranza, and a Berber slave know as Esteban or Estebanico. The Spaniards were stranded on the Texas Gulf Coast among natives collectively known as Karankawas, but eventually walked from Texas to northern Sinaloa where they encountered a group of Spaniards at Bamoa on the Sinaloa River in 1536.137 Cabeza de Vaca and his companions became celebrities in Mexico City, and the story of their trek from Texas to Sinaloa inspired the 15401542 expedition to New Mexico organized by Francisco Vázquez de Coronado. The expedition left Compostela (modern Nayarit), and passed through Sonora on the way to New Mexico. Fray Marcos de Niza had earlier passed through Sonora on an expedition to visit the New Mexico pueblos. The accounts of Cabeza de Vaca and the Vázquez de Coronado expedition were the first descriptions of the tribal polities in central and northern Sonora. A 1533 expedition headed by Diego de Guzmán had already visited the Yoémem (Yaqui) who lived in what today is southern 135
Peter Garhard, La frontera norte de la Nueva Espana (Mexico, D.F., UNAM, 1996), 310. 136 Ibid., 308. 137 Cabeza de Vaca wrote a narrative of his odyssey. For a recent translation see Rolena Adorno and Patrick Pautz, translators, The Narrative of Cabeza de Vaca (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2003.
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281
Sonora. Their accounts, for example, described the Tehuima (Opata) settlement the Spaniards called pueblo de corazones because of the deer hearts being cooked. This was Ures, later the site of a Jesuit mission established in 1644 by Francisco Paris, S.J.
Figure 244: A section of a 1769 map showing northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora, the region where the Jesuits first established missions.
The Jesuits initiated their evangelization campaign on the Sinaloa River in the mid-1590s, some 60 years following the Spanish subjugation of the region. The Jesuits established several missions for the local indigenous population, but remains of these missions exist at only two sites. The first was at El Nio Icesave, founded in 1595 south of the Villa de San Felipe y Santiago de Sinaloa and Bamoa. The Jesuits designated the mission Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe.138 The mission at El Nio occupied two sites, and there are ruins at both. The older ruins are located at Pueblo Viejo, which is about two kilometers south of the modern town of El Nio. They are located in the town cemetery. The second site is in the small town of El Nio. There was another Jesuit mission at Tamazula, also on the Sinaloa River south of El Nio. The existing church dates to the period following the Jesuit expulsion in the late eighteenth century. There 138
For a narrative history of the first Jesuit missions in northern Sinaloa and Sonora see Peter Masten Dunne, S.J., Pioneer Black Robes on the West Coast (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1940).
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was also a mission at the site of modern Guasave, but nothing remains of this establishment.
Figure 245: Detail of the 1769 map showing the locations of El Nio and Tamazula.
The natives of northern Sinaloa did not universally support the Jesuit evangelization campaign, and the Black Robes adopted tactics to undermine the status of their principal rivals, the shaman or traditional religious leader. In 1594, for example, Gonzalo de Tapia, S.J., had a shaman flogged. The traditionalist faction headed by the shaman responded by killing the Jesuit.139 An epidemic that struck the native population of the Sinaloa River Valley had given the traditional religious leaders effective propaganda in the cultural war with the Jesuits. As occurred on numerous occasions on different mission frontiers, the traditional religious leaders blamed the missionaries for the epidemics that 139
Ibid., 33-36.
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283
killed many.140 However, the Jesuits were able to use Spanish colonial authority and support from the military to overcome opposition to their mission program. There were other instances of resistance to the Jesuit mission program. The Upper Pimans, for example, revolted twice against the Spanish and the Jesuit missions in 1695 and again in 1751, and in both instances the natives killed missionaries. Over the next ninety years the Jesuits moved northward along the coastal river valleys, and into the mountains of the Sierra Madre Occidental, establishing missions among native communities of sedentary or semi-sedentary agriculturalists. In 1605, the Jesuits established missions among the Yoreme (Mayo) living along the Río Fuerte in northern Sinaloa, and in 1614 in the Yoreme communities of the Mayo River Valley in southern Sonora. This was followed in 1617 with the first mission among the Yoémem founded by Andrés Pérez de Rivas, S.J., and Tomás Basilio, S.J. Two years later, in 1619, Jesuits visited Sahuaripa, the residence of the Sisibutari or paramount chief of the Tehuimas (Opata). The Black Robes established a mission at Sahuaripa in 1627. Over the next several decades the Jesuits established new missions among the Tehuimas at sites such as Huepac and Arizpe in the Sonora River Valley, and Bacadehuachi and Bavispe in the mountains of eastern Sonora. The Jesuits established missions among the Névome (Pimas Bajos) beginning in 1620, and expanded the number of missions in later years to communities such as Yecora (1673).141 Around 1650, the Jesuits established a mission at the Tehuima community Cucurpe, just south of the Upper Pima communities. Jesuits baptized some 160 Hymeris Pimas (modern Imuris), and the converts moved to a site closer to Cucurpe.142 This group of Hymeris was the first Upper Pimas the Jesuits baptized, and later formed the nucleus of the first mission that Kino established that he named Dolores, located just north of Cucurpe. The establishment of missions in northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora also brought demographic consequences to the native populations. Epidemics of highly contagious crowd diseases such as smallpox and measles decimated the populations, killing thousands. The Black Robes, for example, reported that by 1603 some 4,000 natives had died on the Sinaloa River missions because of disease and warfare, and in 1617 the natives in the same area fled their communities following the outbreak of 140
Ibid., 31-36. Ibid., 80, 144. For a narrative history of the Jesuit missions of central Sonora north of the Yaqui River Valley see John Bannon, S.J., The Mission Frontier in Sonora, 1620-1687 (New York: Catholic Historical Society, 1955). 142 Bannon, Mission Frontier, 102. 141
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an epidemic.143 The Jesuits reported large numbers of baptisms in northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora. Between 1591 and 1631, the number of baptisms reached 151,240. However, disease and other factors reduced the size of the native populations. In the mid-1620s, for example, 27 Jesuits staffed missions with a reported population of 67,375.144 These figures suggest a rate of depopulation in excess of fifty percent over a period of some 40 years. The Jesuits had limited personnel, and adopted the same organizational scheme used in the sixteenth century central Mexican missions. The Jesuit missionaries staffed the cabecera or head town in a district, and then rode the circuit to visit communities without resident missionaries designated visitas. Although, at least on paper, the Jesuits administered communities with thousands of natives who had been baptized, but the inhabitants of many communities only saw the missionary periodically, and the level of conversion was shallow at best. This was particularly the case on the Pimeria Alta frontier, where there was a chronic shortage of missionaries. In the early 1750s, for example, the natives at Bac were not well instructed in Catholicism and the Jesuits complained that there were no catechists to instruct them in Christian doctrine.145 The Jesuits had first visited Bac in the early 1690s, some sixty years earlier, but visited the community only sporadically after that date. The Magdalena Parish Archive in Maqgdalena de Kino, Sonora preserves two baptismal registers that date to the 1680s, and is the oldest such record for the region. The larger baptismal register contain the baptisms of 448 natives, mostly Opata and Pima, five settler children, 12 Seri or Tepoca from the fringes of Spanish Sonora on the coast of the Sea of Cortes (Gulf of California), two Yoémem (Yaqui) from southern Sonora, and two non-Christians, most likely Pima, the missionaries labeled as “gentiles.” The second smaller baptismal register is titled “Hiaquis (Yoémem) and servants of the settlers.” The Yoémem came to the frontier to work for the settlers living in the region. This register recorded the baptisms of 78 native children, five settler children, four Tehuima, one Névome, five Seri, one Pima, and 14 Yoémem. The missionaries had to co-exist with a growing settler population, and at times there were conflicts between the missionaries and the settlers. Some
143
Dunne, Pioneer Black Robes, 75. Ibid., 217, 220. 145 Robert H. Jackson, Indian Population Decline: The Missions of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 23. 144
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natives elected to leave the missions and work for the settlers. The Sonora frontier was fluid, and there were movements of people.146
Figure 246: A photograph showing the terrain in the mountains in the eastern part of Sonora. The Jesuits established missions in mountain valleys such as Bacadehuachi.
The Jesuits modified the economy of the native populations, and a dual economy existed in the missions. The natives continued to practice subsistence agriculture, but also provided labor for agricultural production and livestock ranching for the missionaries, who controlled the distribution of and sale of crops and animals. The native practiced agriculture based on the cultivation of corn, beans (frijol), and squash. The missionaries introduced new crops from Europe that included wheat, chickpeas, and lentils among others. Little information exists on agricultural production in the missions, but a series of reports drafted in 1818, 1819, and 1820 recorded production in the eight Pimeria Alta missions. These figures most likely reflect production controlled by the missionaries, and wheat was far 146
Robert H. Jackson, “Demographic Change in Northwestern New Spain,” The Americas 41:4 (April, 1985), 464.
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more important than was corn. The missionaries probably had wheat produced for sale to the growing non-native population in the region. The missionaries also introduced old World domesticated livestock, including cattle, sheep, goats, horses, donkeys, and mules. Inventories and reports recorded the numbers of livestock that belonged to the missions and were under the control of the missionaries. The missionaries had some livestock slaughtered to provide meat to the natives living on the missions, but also sold animals in the emerging market economy. Individual native families may have owned livestock, but those animals would not have been included in the count of mission animals. Eusebio Francisco Kino, S.J. (1645-1711) organized the expansion of Jesuit missions into the region inhabited by the peoples the Spanish identified as Upper Pimas (Pimas Altos), who were related linguistically to the Lower Pimas in central Sonora. Kino arrived in Mexico in 1681, and two years later was sent on an expedition to colonize Baja California headed by Isidro de Atondo y Antillón. The Spanish settlement at San Bruno survived for two years, but then Atondo y Antillón ordered the settlement abandoned because the arid environment limited the potential for agriculture and also because of the hostility of the local native population. Kino was transferred to Sonora, and used the northern mission at Cucurpe as a base from which to establish a new mission named Dolores in 1687. From Dolores Kino visited the native communities in the region the Spanish named the Pimeria Alta, and organized a network of missions at existing Upper Pimas communities. Kino envisioned directing a chain of missions staffed by Jesuits, but the reality was that few missionaries were available for the north Sonora mission frontier.
Figure 247: Central and northern Sonora from a 1769 map.
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Aspects of the Upper Piman lifestyle and social-economic organization complicated the Jesuits’s efforts to evangelize the natives and change their way of life. Upper Piman communities where the Jesuits established their missions were located in river floods in a dispersed pattern the Spanish described as rancherias. The Jesuit goal was to congregate the natives into more nucleated communities built around the church and mission complex. One hypothesis maintains that the Pimans adopted a more dispersed settlement pattern in the face of the spread of epidemics of lethal crowd diseases such as smallpox and measles.147 A second pattern that persisted following the arrival of the missionaries complicated their evangelization program. The Upper Pimans occupied their communities in the river flood plains only on a seasonal basis, and left to exploit other food resources such as fruit. The Jesuits complained that the natives left periodically. At the same time another pattern of seasonal transhumance facilitated the conversion process. The Upper Pimans that lived in the more arid sections of the region and beyond the river valleys where the Jesuits operated their missions, the peoples the Spanish called the Papagos, came to the river valleys on a seasonal basis to plant crops. The Jesuits took advantage of their presence to pressure them to remain in the missions.148 Disease and other factors, including warfare, reduced the size of the populations living in the river valleys, and the Jesuits and later the Franciscans recruited converts from among Papagos communities. One report from the 1797 noted that between 1768 and 1796 the Franciscans resettled 437 Papagos to six of the eight missions, with the largest number moving to Caborca, Bac, and Tumacacori, the missions located closest to the Papagos communities.149 At the same time as the population declined, the Jesuits and later the Franciscans relocated the surviving natives onto a smaller number of settlements, and also suppressed some missions with small populations. In the 1740s, the Jesuits closed Dolores mission and relocated the surviving population to Cocospera. 150 The process of the resettlement of the communities administered from Guevavi and later Tumacacori was typical. From the 1730s to the 1760s, the Jesuits resettled the populations of twelve communities onto four settlements: Guevavi, Tumacacori, Calabazas, and Sonita. Within another decade only one settlement remained, Tumacacori.151 147
Ibid., 16. Ibid., 19. 149 Ibid., 27. 150 Ibid., 26. 151 Ibid., 23. 148
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The Franciscans in Sonora The Jesuits directed the construction of modest churches and cloisters built of adobe on the Pimeria Alta missions. Kino directed the construction of small adobe chapels at a number of the villages he designated as mission cabeceras. A recent archaeological study examined what may have been the small chapel Kino had built at Guevavi mission.152 When missionaries arrived to staff Guevavi, they directed the construction of a complex that was typical of the Jesuit missions in the Pimeria Alta. The church was a small single nave adobe structure. The cloister similarly was modest in size, and was built of adobe.153 The pattern changed when the Franciscans from the apostolic college of Santa Cruz de Querétaro replaced the Jesuits on the Pimeria Alta frontier, following the expulsion of the Black Robes from the Spanish empire in 1767. The Franciscans initiated ambitious building campaigns at several Pimeria Alta missions. At Caborca, Tubutama, Tumacacori, and San Francisco Xavier del Bac, for example, they directed the construction of new churches built on a larger scale than those of the Jesuit period. At Cocospera and several other missions, on the other hand, the Franciscans modified the existing Jesuit churches. The Franciscan church at Cocospera was built around and incorporated the existing Jesuit structure. In the last decades of the eighteenth century reformist Spanish bureaucrats debated the continued reliance on missions as the means of integrating native populations into colonial society, and some argued that the missions impeded integration and pushed for the end of the missions.154 The Franciscans from the Apostolic College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro, who replaced the Jesuits in the Pimeria Alta missions in 1768, had to deal with and respond to the debate.155 The Bourbon monarchy 152
Deni Seymour, “Father Kino’s “Neat Little House and Church” at Guevavi,” Journal of the Southwest 51:2 (Summer 2009), 285/316. 153 William Robinson and Mark Barnes, “Mission Guevavi: Excavations in the Convento,” The Kiva 42:2 (Winter, 1976), 135-175. 154 For a discussion of the debate over the missions see Robert H. Jackson, Race, Caste, and Status: Indians in Colonial Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), chapters 3-4. 155 Two groups of Franciscans assumed responsibility for the former Jesuit missions in Sonora. Those from the Apostolic College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro took charge of the following missions: Tubutama, Saric, San Ignacio, San Miguel Ures, Guevavi, Cucurpe, Onavas, Opodepe, Atil, Soamca, Cumuripa, Caborca, Bac, and Tecoripa. The Franciscans from the Provincee of Xalisco assumed responsibility for the following missions: Yecora, Arivechi, Sahuaripa, Matape, Batuc, Huasavas, Bacadehuachi, Aconchi, Banamichi, Arizpe, Bacerac, and
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Figure 248: The apostolic college of Santa Cruz de Querétaro. Franciscans from this institution replaced the Jesuits on the Pimeria Alta mission frontier in 1768.
chose to maintain the status quo in terms of frontier Indian policy, but the debate over the missions blended in to a larger discourse fueled by growing secularism and anti-clericalism over the role of the Catholic Church in Spanish society. The reformist agenda of the late eighteenth century influence liberals of the early nineteenth century who wanted to reshape society. Mexican independence in 1821 accelerated the debate, and the political climate became increasingly anti-clerical and hostile to the frontier mission programs. On the Pimeria Alta frontier continued native population decline coupled with government policies that made it difficult to find missionaries to staff the missions resulted in the slow demise of the mission program. Moreover, settlers disputed land and water resources with the missionaries. A short-lived liberal regime in 1833, legislated the final secularization of the missions, which entailed the replacement of the
Cuquiarachi. In 1775, the Queretarans transferred the following missions to the Xaliscans: Cucurpe, Opodepe, Ures, Onavas, Cumuripa, Tecoripa, San Jose de Pimas, and Pitic. See Jose Refugio de la Torre Curiel, “Decline and Renaissance admidst the crisis: The Transformation of Sonora’s Mission Structures in the late colonial period,” Colonial Latin American Review 18:1 (April, 2009), 51-73.
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Franciscans by secular priests. The surviving native population was increasingly marginalized in the changing society in northern Sonora.
Figure 249: The Sonora missions in 1768. Courtesy of José Refugio de la Torre Curiel.
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Table 48: Jesuit Missions in Sinaloa and Sonora in 1624 Missionary Diego de Guzman Alberto Clerici Blas de Paredes Ignacio Zavala Leonardo Latini/Patino Juan Calvo Vicente Aguila Martin Azpilcueta Juan Castini Juan Varela Diego de la Cruz Miguel Godinez Pedro Mendez Juan Ardenas Guillermo Otton
Mission Population Mocorito 900 Guasave 3,000 Bamoa 1,300 Baboria 1,050 Chicorato 1,400 Yecorato 920 Ahome and Suaqui 5,058 Tehueco 2,567 Sinaloa 6,570 Tecori 10,400 Nobor 5,500 Tepahui 5,400 Potam 7,250 Vicam 4,000 Torin 3,800 Tesamo 5,400 Francisco Olinano Tecoripa 2,750 Onabas 100 Source: Pater Masten Dunne, S.J., Pioneer Black Robes on the West Coast (Berkeley and Losangels: University of California Press, 1940), 217. Table 49: The Number of Jesuit Missionaries Stationed on the Sinaloa-Sonora Missions, 1604-1625 Year
Number of Year Number of Missionaries Missionaries 1604 6 1615 13 1605 7 1616 17 1606 8 1622 26 1610 11 1624 27 1612 15 1625 27 1614 13 Source: Pater Masten Dunne, S.J., Pioneer Black Robes on the West Coast (Berkeley and Losangels: University of California Press, 1940), 220.
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Table 50: Baptisms in the Sinaloa-Sonora Missions, 1591-1631 Year 15911609 1610 1611 1612 1613
Baptisms 25,897
Year 1615
Baptisms 1,703
2,586 1,745 2,075 1,613
1616 1617 1618 1619
4,155 4,675 4,479 7,421
Year 1621
Baptisms 11,340
Year 1628
Baptisms 5,474
1622 8,343 1629 4,762 1623 11,221 1630 8,697 1624 6,000 1631 8,808 1625- 13,056 1626 1614 5,420 1620 7,600 1627 4,170 Source: Pater Masten Dunne, S.J., Pioneer Black Robes on the West Coast (Berkeley and Losangels: University of California Press, 1940), 218. Table 51: Agricultural Production in the Pimeria Alta Missions in fanegas, 1818-1820 Mission Wheat Corn Beans Chickpeas Lentils Oquitoa 775 38 17 21 15 Tubutama 890 8 22 5 8 Saric 800 15 9 0 5 Tumacacori 481 12 75 4 0 Bac 1,040 102 75 17 33 Cocospera 411 92 29 9 10 S Ignacio 479 0 28 5 5 Caborca 1,066 46 16 1 0 Source: Robert H. Jackson, “Demographic and Social Change in Northwestern New Spain: A Comparative Analysis of the Pimeria Alta and Baja California Missions,” unpublished Master’s thesis, University of Arizona, 1982, 151. Table 52: Livestock at Movas Mission, in Selected Years SheepYear Cattle Horses Mules Goats Donkeys Oxen 1737 190 408 6 6 430 1741 777 423 49 138 1743 461 545 48 97 6 38 1744 374 496 34 424 5 31 1752 339 349 7 1,025 2 15 1761 1,000 710 110 6 Source: Maria Soledad Arbelaez, “The Sonora Missions and Indian Raids of the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of the Southwest 33:3 (Autumn, 1991), 378-381.
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Table 53: Numbers of Livestock reported in the Pimeria Alta missions, in selected years Year 1737
Mission Guevavi Bac Dolores
Cattle 240 240
Horses 16 14 388
Mules 10 2 2
1748
Remedios Cocospera Caborca
1761
Sheep 150 150
572 1,328 172
83 443 61
11 12 15
247
Guevavi
970
109
29
1,270
Soamca S Ignacio Atil
40 4,000 257
100 25
45
Saric
100
31
Tubutama
600
449
75
Atil Oquitoa Saric Caborca Pitiquito Bisani S Ignacio Imuris Magdalena Bac Guevavi Tumacacori Soamca Cocospera
1,000
131 23 127 223
42
47
32
4
387 700
160 115
13 24
762
163 30
Goats 50 50
Donkeys
Oxen 10
1
7 yoke
1 2 104
4 yoke 15 yoke
1,000@ 628
67
448
52
10 yoke 18 yoke 4 yoke 18 yoke
Busanic 1767
1778
1818
500 400 348
S Ignacio
300
30
Cocospera
200
13
Sta Ana Oquitoa Tubutama Saric
20 3,050 3,000 300
86 406 500 60
17 45
1,260
992 1,340 782 18 325 1,000 600
40 10
41 88 17
93 8
1,030 1,660 22 1,370 30
8
300
50
200
10
20 408@ 700@ 800@
56
16 68 16 12
10 28 8 12 38 24 25 25 8 yoke 8 yoke
105
4 yoke 33 20 15 10
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1819
1820
Tumacacori Bac Cocospera S Ignacio Caborca Oquitoa Tubutama Saric Tumacacori Bac Cocospera S Ignacio Caborca Caborca Oquitoa Tubutama Saric Tumacacori Bac Cocospera S Ignacio
5,000 7,000 2,095 2,000 700 2,000 3,000 500 6,000 5,600 1,800 1,600 450 570 1,900 2,000 500 5,500 5,700 870 1,400
600 243 208 110 454 200 200 60 600 319 182 100 230 330 200 200 47 590 220 206 116
89 42 11 5 11 20 12 12 64 57 13 6 10 9 21 8 12 60 50 9 5
2,500@ 1,186@ 790@ 990@ 500@ 500@ 700@ 800@ 1,200 984@ 568@ 1,000@ 412@ 421@ 400@ 680@ 700@ 1,080@ 700@ 145@ 893@
15 10 5 4 11 15 30 15 20 14 8 11 30 16 20 15 20 14 8
@ sheep and goats Source: Robert H. Jackson, “Demographic and Social Change in Northwestern New Spain: A Comparative Analysis of the Pimeria Alta and Baja California Missions,” unpublished Master’s thesis, University of Arizona, 1982, 191-192. Table 54: The Kino Missions in the Pimeria Alta
Mission Dolores de Coasari San Ignacio de Cabórica San Pedro y San Pablo de Tubutama La Purísima Caborca Saric
Date Organized by Kino
Date Staffed
Visita
Date Organized by Kino
1687
1687
Remedios Cocospera Magdalena Ymuris
1687 1687 1687 1687
1687
1693
1689
1694, 1720
Santa Teresa Oquitoa Atil
1689 1689 1756
1689
1694, 175?
Busanic Pitiqui
1689 1689
1689
1756
Aquimuri Busanic Tucubavia
1689 1689 1689
Date Staffed 1768
1780s
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Los Santos 1691 1732 Sonoita 1691 Angeles Tumacacori 1691 1768 Guevavi San Xavier 1692 1731, Tucson 1692 del Bac 1756 Cuyoabagum 1699 Santa 1689 1732 San Lazaro 1689 María Bacoancas 1689 Soamca Sonoyta 1697 1751 Source: Robert H. Jackson, Indian Population Decline: The Missions of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 16-27. Table 55: Population of the Pimeria Alta Missions, in selected years Mission 1723 1761 1766 1774 1802 1813 1820 Dolores 116 * Remedios * Cocospera 133 147 133 86 89 94 S Ignacio 300 322 204 128 108 92 47 Imuris 150 98 30 Magdalena 107 97 57 Soamca 114 135 * Caborca 1,000 556 302 211 417 348 366 Pitiqui 269 132 202 Bisani 235 117 122 Ati 142 118 96 113 116 Oquitoa 131 114 105 134 Tubutama 1,000 368 173 93 41 25 37 Sta Teresa 152 90 49 * Saric 212 136 157 25 21 18 Aguimuri 67 82 * Busanic 253 38 * Arizona 17 * * Guevavi 101 82 * Sonoita 91 139 * Tumacacori 199 122 98 76 119 121 Calabazas 116 145 138 * Bac 309 188 160 363 505 310 Tucson 311 138 239 *Abandoned Source: Robert H. Jackson, Indian Population Decline: The Missions of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 168.
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Table 56: The first Franciscan missionaries assigned to the Pimeria Alta missions in 1768
Cocospera Saric
Visitas Santa Maria Magdalena San Jose de Imuris None Busanic
Tubutama
Aquimuri Santa Teresa
Mission San Ignacio
Atil Caborca
Missionary Diego Garcia, O.F.M. Francisco Roche, O.F.M. Juan Joseph Agorret, O.F.M. Mariano Antonio Buena, O.F.M. Jose Soler Juan Diaz
Oquitoa Pitiqui Bisanig Guevavi Tumacacori Juan Gil de Bernabe Calabazas Sonoitac Bac Tucson Francisco Garcés Source: Buford Pickens, ed., The Missions of Northern Sonora: A 1935 Field Documentation (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1983), 21; Louis R. Caywood, “The Spanish Missions of Northwestern New Spain: Franciscan Period, 1768-1836,” The Kiva 6:4 (January, 1941), 13-16.
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The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa Mocorito
Figure 250: The Jesuit-era church.
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El Nio
Figure 251: The ruins of an unfinished church abandoned in the 1750s because of flooding.
Figure 252: The ruins of an unfinished church abandoned in the 1750s because of flooding.
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Figure 253: The ruins of the unfinished church at the second site of the mission.
Figure 254: The ruins of the unfinished church at the second site of the mission.
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Tamazula
Figure 255: The Franciscan-era church.
Figure 256: The interior of the Franciscan church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Sinaloa de Leyva
Figure 257: The tower of the Jesuit church. Floods destroyed the complex. El Fuerte
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Figure 258: The Jesuit colegio.
Figure 259: The Jesuit colegio.
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The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Mochicahui
Figure 260: The church.
Figure 261: The ruins of the Jesuit complex.
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Tehuco
Figure 262: The ruins of the Jesuit church.
Figure 263: The ruins of the church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Baymea
Figure 264: The ruins of the Jesuit complex.
Yecorato
Figure 265: The ruins of the Jesuit church.
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Figure 266: The ruins of the Jesuit church.
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The Jesuit Missions of Sonora Ostimuri / Movas
Figure 267: A 1928 photograph of the church.
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Figure 268: The ruins of the church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Onavas
Figure 269: The church.
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Sahuaripa
Figure 270: An historic photograph of the church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 271: The church.
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Bacanora
Figure 272: The church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Missions in the Sierra Oposura (Moctezuma)
Figure 273: The church
Figure 274: The interior of the church.
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Bacadehuachi
Figure 275: An historic photograph showing damage in the 1887 earthquake.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 276: The church.
Figure 277: Detail of the church façade.
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Figure 278: The interior of the church.
Bacerac
Figure 270: The church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 280: The interior of the church.
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Bavispe
Figure 281: An historic photograph of the church destroyed in the 1887 earthquake.
Figure 282: An historic photograph of the church destroyed in the 1887 earthquake.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Matape
Figure 283: The church.
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Batuco
Figure 284: The ruins of the church that have been covered by the waters of a reservoir. The ruins are exposed when the water level is low.
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Figure 285: The church façade that was removed and mounted in a park in Hermosillo.
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The missions in the San Miguel River Valley Ures
Figure 286: The church. It was rebuilt in the early 20th century.
Figure 287: The church interior.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Nacameri
Figure 288: The church
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Figure 289: The church interior.
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Opodepe
Figure 290: The church.
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Figure 291: The interior of the church.
Figure 292: Detail of the façade showing the design element that contains themes similar to pre-Hispanic petroglyphs. The themes include the pre-Hispanic deity the “flute player,” the sun, and peyote.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Cucurpe
Figure 293: The ruins of the church.
Figure 294: The ruins of the church.
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Figure 295: The visita chapel of Tuape. A new façade was added to the adobe ruins of the chapel.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Missions in the Sonora River Valley Baviacora
Figure 296: The colonial-era and modern churches.
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Figure 297: The interior of the colonial-era church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 298: The visita chapel of Mazocahui.
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Figure 299: The interior of the chapel.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Aconchi
Figure 300: The church.
Figure 301: The interior of the church.
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Huepac
Figure 302: The church.
Figure 303: The interior of the church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Banamichi
Figure 304: The church. It was reconstructed in the 20th century. Arispe
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Figure 305: The church completed in the 1750s.
Figure 306: The interior of the church. Photograph courtesy of Niccolo Brooker.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 307: An altar. Photograph courtesy of Niccolo Brooker.
Bacoachi
Figure 308: The church.
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The Pimeria Alta Missions San Ignacio de Cabórica
Figure 309: The church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 310: The interior of the church.
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The visita of Imuris
Figure 311: The modern church built on the site of the visita chapel.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
The visita of Santa Maria Magdalena
Figure 312: The church built in 1832-1834.
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Figure 313: The interior of the church.
Figure 314: The remains of Jesuit missionary Eusebio Francisco Kino.
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Guevavi
Figure 315: An historic photograph of the Jesuit-era church.
Figure 316: The ruins of the church in 1977.
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Figure 317: The ruins today.
Figure 318: The ruins of the visita of Calabazas.
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The visita of Tumacacori
Figure 319: An historic photograph of the ruins of the Franciscan church. The Franciscans abandoned Guevavi in the 1770s and relocated the mission here.
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Figure 320: The ruins of the Franciscan church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
San Francisco Xavier del Bac
Figure 321: The church built at the end of the 18th century by the Franciscans.
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Figure 322: The interior of the church.
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349
The visita of Tucson
Figure 323: An historic photograph of the Franciscan complex at Tucson. It has largely disappeared.
Cocospera
Figure 324: The ruins of the church rebuilt by the Franciscans.
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Tubutama
Figure 325: The church built in the late 18th century by the Franciscans.
Figure 326: The interior of the church.
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Atil
Figure 327: The ruins of the church in 1977.
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352
Figure 328: The ruins today.
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The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Oquitoa
Figure 329: The church.
Figure 330: The interior of the church.
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Caborca
Figure 331: The church built by the Franciscans at the end of the 18th century.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 332: The interior of the church.
Figure 333: The residence of the missionaries.
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The visita of Pitiqui (Pitiquito)
Figure 334: The church built by the Franciscans.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 335: A second view of the church from the rear.
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Figure 336: The interior of the church.
The Jesuit Missions of Sinaloa and Sonora
Figure 337: A mural of a winged demon grasping a snake.
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Figure 338: A representation of death as a skeleton.
CHAPTER SEVEN NEW MEXICO: THE LAST SIXTEENTH CENTURY MISSIONARY FRONTIER
At the end of the sixteenth century the Spanish initiated the colonization of the territory on the far northern frontier that came to be known as New Mexico. Franciscan missionaries from the province of the Santo Evangelio (central Mexico) accompanied the first colonists in 1598, and initiated the evangelization of the sedentary indigenous population that came to be known as “Pueblos” because they lived in permanent communities. The Franciscans initiated their evangelization campaign in the early seventeenth century, and expanded the number of missions as more personnel became available. The Franciscans abandoned the eastern Salinas missions in the 1670s as a consequence of drought and attacks by hostile indigenous groups. In 1680, the indigenous population of New Mexico revolted against Spanish domination, and expelled the Spanish and Franciscan missionaries until 1696. The rebels damaged or destroyed most of the mission churches, but they were reconstructed following the return of the Franciscans. It is not the purpose of this chapter to analyze the Franciscan evangelization campaign in New Mexico. Rather, it presents examples of seventeenth and eighteenth century mission architecture. George Kubler’s architectural study of New Mexico remains the standard source.156 The surviving seventeenth century mission convent complexes contain many of the basic architectural elements found in the central Mexican complexes. They included the monumental church, portería, convent, and most likely an atrium. By the seventeenth century the separate capilla de indios was 156
George Kubler, The Religious Architecture of New Mexico (Colorado Springs: The Taylor Museum, 1940). For a useful recent overview see David McLaughlin, “Franciscan Missions in Alta California and New Mexico: Differences and Similarities,” Boletin: Journal of the California Mission Studies Association 29:1 (2013), 144-157.
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no longer an element included in the new sacred complexes, and there is no evidence of the use of capillas posa. There are three groups of missions. The first are ruins of seventeenth century complexes that are now administered as historic monuments. They include Abo, Quarai, and Humanas, the three eastern Salinas pueblos, Pecos which contains ruins from both the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and Giusewa. The church at Acoma was also a seventeenth century construction, but was restored following the 1680 uprising. The Franciscans abandoned other missions following the uprising, such as those among in Hopi in what today is Arizona and Haqikuh among the Zuni. The second group are structures that date to the eighteenth century, and many are located in existing indigenous communities such as Zia and Santo Domingo. The third are in the area of El Paso, Texas and Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua. The Franciscans established a mission there in 1659 named Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe. Following the 1680 uprising groups of natives from Isleta and Socorro relocated with the Spanish to El Paso where they established new communities that exist today. In the 1590s, indigenous families from Tlaxcala went to colonize the northern frontier. This was a measure taken during the Chichimeca War, but continued as the Spanish advanced northward. A group of Tlaxcalans settled in Santa Fe in a separate neighborhood, and they built San Miguel church which still exists today. Table 57: The Population of the New Mexico Pueblos, in selected years Pueblo
1706
1730
1746
1750
1760
Taos Picuris S Juan S Clara S Ildefonso
700 300 340 210
730 300 279
541 322 404 272
540 400 500 272
505 328 316 257
300 300
296 440
354 350
500 150 1000 520
180 2746 372
507 350 4670 400
354 350 130 171 350 4637 521
484 204 99 232 255 3024 450
240 500 340
281 234 209
300 400 606
300 400 600
424 458 404
Nambe Pojoaque Tesuque Galisteo Pecos Cochiti S Domingo S Felipe Sta Ana
c. 1765 506 288 674 252
1776
1779
427 223 201 229
624 474 1014 279
235 3176 181
387 183 98 194 152 2527 486
484 204 99 186 198 3646 441
267 411 408
528 406 384
296 236 426
309 223 157
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Zia 500 318 606 600 578 479 416 331 Jemez 300 307 574 574 373 309 345 502 Sandia 400 440 196 205 275 217 Isleta 250 250 304 375 454 352 Laguna 330 400 401 528 600 534 699 441 Acoma 760 600 750 960 1502 1184 530 1034 Zuni 1500 800 2000 2000 664 1593 1617 1387 Santa Fe@ 570 570 164 Albuquerque@ 50 @Indigenous population. Source: Ross Frank, “Demographic, Social, and Economic Change in New Mexico,” in Robert H. Jackson, ed., New Views of Borderlands Hisotry (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 67.
The Seventeenth Century Missions Giusewa
Figure 339: A panoramic view of the church ruin.
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Figure 340: The church façade.
Figure 341: The interior of the church and tower.
New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Figure 342: The convent.
Figure 343: A diagram of the mission ruins.
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Quarai
Figure 344: The ruins of the church and convent.
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Abo
Figure 345: The ruins of the church and convent.
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Humanas
Figure 346: The ruin of the first church.
Figure 347: The unfinished second church.
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Figure 348: The interior of the unfinished church.
Figure 349: The convent.
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Pecos
Figure 350: The ruins of the seventeenth and eighteen century churches.
Figure 351: The ruin of the eighteenth century church.
New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Figure 352: The interior of the eighteenth century church.
Figure 353: The eighteenth century church and convent.
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Figure 354: Ruins of the convent.
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New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Acoma
Figure 355: An historic photograph of the church and convent.
Figure 356: The church and convent.
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Figure 357: A diagram of thee mission.
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San Miguel (Santa Fe)
Figure 358: The church.
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Figure 359: The interior of the church.
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377
The Eighteenth-Century Missions Taos
Figure 360: The ruin of the church built in 1706. It was destroyed in 1847 during the United States conquest of New Mexico.
Picuris
Figure 361: The church façade.
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Figure 362: The church interior.
Santa Ana
Figure 363: An historic photograph of the church.
New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Figure 364: An historic photograph of Santa Ana church.
Cochiti
Figure 365: The church. Photograph courtesy of David McLaughlin.
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San Felipe
Figure 366: The church. Photograph courtesy of David McLaughlin.
Santo Domingo
Figure 367: The church. Photograph courtesy of David McLaughlin.
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Zia
Figure 368: The church. Photograph courtesy of David McLaughlin.
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Laguna
Figure 369: The church.
New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Halona-Zuni
Figure 370: An historic photograph of the church.
Figure 371: The church restored in the late 1960s.
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Figure 372: An historic photographs of the ruins of the Franciscan complex at Hawikuh.
Figure 373: An historic photographs of the ruins of the Franciscan complex at Hawikuh.
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Awatovi (Arizona)
Figure 374: The ruins of the Franciscan complex destroyed in 1680.
Figure 375: The ruins of the Franciscan complex destroyed in 1680.
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Ysleta
Figure 376: The church.
Figure 377: The interior of the church.
New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Socorro
Figure 378: The church.
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The El Paso Area Missions Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe (Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua)
Figure 379: An historic photograph of the church.
New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Figure 380: The church constructed in the 1680s.
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Ysleta del Sur (El Paso, Texas)
Figure 381: The church.
New Mexico: The Last Sixteenth Century Frontier
Figure 382: The interior of the church.
391
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Socorro (El Paso, Texas)
Figure 383: The church.
CHAPTER EIGHT THE SPANISH MISSIONS OF COAHUILA-TEXAS
Figure 384: Spanish Texas from a 1769 map.
In the 1670s, the Franciscans began establishing missions in what today is northern Coahuila. The most important mission complex was established on the southern bank of the Rio Bravo/Rio Grande River at the site of a presidio. The Franciscans eventually established three missions there in the 1690s and first decade of the eighteenth century. The ruins of San Bernardo mission are the most important remains of these Franciscan missions. At different points in its history Texas and Coahuila were administratively joined. The Spanish province of Texas did not correspond to the boundaries of the modern state of Texas, and the discussion here focuses only on the
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missions established within the Spanish province. This excludes the group of missions established in the El Paso area following the 1680 uprising in New Mexico that properly formed a part of New Mexico, and those in the La Junta region that administratively were a part of Chihuahua. Spanish Texas consisted of what today is the region from the Nueces River eastward into what today is western Louisiana. It excluded a section of the Gulf Coast, as shown in a 1769 map of the north Mexican frontier. The Franciscans from the Apostolic Colleges of Santa Cruz at Queretaro and Guadalupe at Zacatecas established a number of ephemeral missions for the mostly nomadic hunters and gatherers in central Texas. The missions located on the San Antonio River were the only ones that achieved a relative degree of stability.157 The one factor that, more than any other defined the Spanish colonization of Texas was fear of French encroachment on territory that Spain occupied or claimed. The Spanish colonization of Texas in 1690 and again in 1714 was a reaction to French expansion in the Mississippi River Valley. In 1684 René-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle attempted to establish a French colony at the mouth of the Mississippi River, but instead landed on the Texas Gulf coast at Matagorda Bay. The colony lasted until 1688, when the Karankawas killed the last adult colonists. In 1690, in response to the establishment of the French colony and after the Spanish had discovered the ruins of the fort LaSalle had founded, the Spanish sent a group of Franciscans missionaries to establish missions in the east Texas piney woods among the sedentary Hasinais, who were Caddo speakers organized into a tribal confederation. The missions lasted three years, until the Hasinais forced the Franciscans to leave.158
157
For a general overview to Spanish Texas see Gerald Ashford, Gerald. Spanish Texas: Yesterday and Today. (Austin and New York: Jenkins Publishing Co., 1971), and Donald Chipman, Spanish Texas 1519–1821 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992). Marion Habig, O.F.M. wrote several overviews to the Franciscan missions. See Marion Habig, O.F.M., SThe Alamo Chain of Missions (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1968, and Marion Habig, O.F.M., Spanish Texas Pilgrimage: The Old Franciscan Missions and Other Spanish Settlements of Texas 1632–1821 (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1990). 158 Jesus F. de la Teja, “Spanish Colonial Texas,” in Robert H. Jackson, ed., New Views of Borderlands History ( Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 107-115, Robert H. Jackson, “Congregation and Depopulation: Demographic Patterns in the Texas Missions,” Journal of South Texas 17:2 (Fall, 2004), 6-38.
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Figure 385: The Apostolic College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro (Santiago de Querétaro).
The French colonized Louisiana at the end of the seventeenth century, and in 1714 Louis Juchereau de St. Denis established an outpost at Natchitoches located on the Red River in northwestern Louisiana. St. Denis intended to use the outpost as a base from which to establish trade with the Spanish through Texas. In 1714, St. Denis traveled to the Spanish presidio San Juan Bautista located in northern Coahuila on the Rio Grande River. The presidio commander detained St. Denis, but Spanish officials later released him when St. Denis proposed aiding the Spanish recolonize Texas. In 1716, St. Denis participated in a Spanish expedition that established several presidios and missions among the Hasinais in east Texas.159 In 1719, there was a short war between Spain and France. A French patrol from Natchitoches surprised the Spanish military in east Texas, and the Spanish abandoned the military garrisons and missions there. In 1721-1722, José de Azlor y Virto de Vera, the Marquis de San Miguel de Aguayo, who was the governor of Coahuila, led an expedition 159
Robert H. Jackson, Missions and Frontiers of Spanish America: A Comparative Study of the Impact of Environmental, Economic, Political, and Socio-Cultural Variations on the Missions in the Rio de la Plata Region and on the Northern Frontier of New Spain (Scottsdale: Pentacle Press, 2005), 308-309).
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that re-established the missions in East Texas, and also established a mission near Matagorda Bay where La Salle’s colony had been.160 The Spanish missions in East Texas did not achieve the goal of converting the Hasinais and other Caddo speakers. The Spanish, who prohibited the sale of firearms to natives, had little to offer the Hasinais that they could otherwise obtain through trade from the French. The East Texas natives generally did not settle on the missions, and few accepted baptism. As shown in a detailed 1769 map, the Hasinais and other East Texas groups maintained their settlements separate from the missions. The Franciscans described the east Texas missions with a strong tone of frustration. Figures on conversions as measured by the number of baptisms demonstrate the failure of the Franciscans to change the Hasinai world view and religious practices.161
Figure 386: Spanish settlements in East Texas from a 1769 map. Native settlements remained separate from the Spanish missions. 160 161
On the Aguayo expedition see Ibid., 314. On the failure of the east Texas missions see Ibid., 310-312.
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In 1731, in response to a Crown decision to reduce the number of presidios in Texas as a money saving measure, the Franciscans relocated three missions from East Texas to the San Antonio River region. La Purísima Concepción de los Hasaní became La Purísima Concepción de Acuña, San José de los Nazonis became San Juan Capistrano, and San Francisco de los Neches bécame San Francisco de la Espada. Other missions continued to operate in east Texas, until the Spanish acquisition of Louisiana made them redundant. Royal officials ordered the abandonment of Los Adaes and the East Texas missions in 1773. The initiative to establish a presence in east Texas to counter French influence was the Spanish priority in the first half century of colonization. The line of Spanish settlement on the northeastern frontier was the Rio Grande River, and following the reoccupation of East Texas in 1716 there was a distance of hundreds of miles from the frontier and the new settlements. In 1718, Franciscans from the Apostolic College of Santa Cruz in Queretaro relocated one of the missions from the complex on the Rio Grande to the San Antonio River, and renamed the mission San Antonio de Valero. Two years later, in 1720, the Franciscans founded a second mission, which was San Jose y San Miguel Aguayo. The relocation of three missions from East Texas to the same area in 1731 brought the total to five, along with the presidio established in 1722 and the Spanish community established in 1731. The San Antonio complex developed into the most important settlement in Spanish Texas.162 The Franciscans later established missions on the lower San Antonio River, in the territory of the bands of nomadic hunters and gatherers collectively known as the Karankawas. The Franciscans established Espiritu Santo in 1722, along with a presidio to secure control over the Gulf Coast region. Relocated several times, the Spanish moved both to their final site in 1749. The Franciscans later established Nuestra Señora del Rosario in 1754, and Nuestra Señora del Refugio in 1793. The Karankawas generally accepted mission life on their own terms, and often came and went as they saw fit and maintained a pattern of seasonal transhumance between the missions, village sites in the interior, and village sites on the coast. The Franciscans failed to modify the way of life of the natives living on the Gulf Coast.163 162
On the relocation of the three missions from east Texas see Habig, The Alamo Chain of Missions, 119-125, 156-160, 192-204. 163 On the failure of the Gulf Coast missions see Robert H. Jackson, “A Frustrated Evangelization: The Limitations to Social, Cultural and Religious Change Among the ‘Wandering Peoples’ of the Missions of the Central Desert of Baja California and the Texas Gulf Coast” Fronteras de la Historia (Bogotá, Colombia) 6 (2001),.
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Figure 387: Missions on the San Antonio River from a 1769 map.
The Franciscans also established short-lived missions for other groups of sedentary or nomadic hunters and gatherers in different parts of Spanish Texas. The San Xavier missions established in the late 1740s are one example. The Franciscans established the first mission, San Francisco Xavier de Horcasitas, in February of 1748, and added two more, San Ildefonso and Nuestra Señora de la Candaleria, early the next year. The government established a presidio named San Francisco Xavier de Gigedo to protect the missions. Conflict between the missionaries and military and the effects of a lethal epidemic that killed many natives undermined the missions. The Franciscans relocated them to new sites in 1755 and later abandoned the missions. A second example of a short-lived mission was the Nuestra Señora de la Luz del Orcoquisac mission established in 1756 on the lower Trinity River. The government established a presidio and the Franciscans a mission after a military patrol encountered a French trading doing business with the Orcoquisac. The mission achieved minimal results in terms of congregating and evangelizing the Orcoquisac. The Orcoquisac continued to live in their community that was located between the mission and presidio. The government abandoned the presidio in 1771 as a part of the retrenchment following the acquisition of French Louisiana.164 The last mission expansion was the short-lived and disastrous effort to congregate and evangelize the Lipan Apaches, who were nomadic hunters and gatherers who lived on the southern extension of the Great Plains and competed with the Comanches for hunting grounds. The Franciscans established Santa Cruz de San Saba mission in 1757 and the presidio San 7-40, Robert H. Jackson, “A Colonization Born of Frustration: Rosario Mission and the Karankawas,” Journal of South Texas 17:1 (Spring, 2004),. 31-50, Jackson, Missions and Frontiers of Spanish America, 314-317, and Robert Ricklis, The Karankawa Indians of Texas: An Ecological Study of Cultural Tradition and Change (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996). 164 Jackson, Missions and Frontiers of Spanish America, 312-314.
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Luis de las Amarillas, after the heads of Lipan Apaches bands promised to settle on the missions. Pedro Romero de Terreros, the Conde de Regla, who was a successful miner in Pachuca and Real del Monte (Hidalgo, Mexico), gave the money for the mission on the condition that his cousin Fr. Alonso Giraldo de Terreros, O.F.M., be placed in charge of the mission. The Lipan Apache did not settle on the mission. Instead a coalition of tribes that included Comanches and Wichitas that numbered some 2,000 warriors, attacked and destroyed the mission on March 16, 1758. Those killed included two missionaries and six others. Although one last effort was made to establish a mission, but it also failed as the Lipan Apaches refused to settle and the Comanches raided the settlement located on the Nueces River.165
Figure 388: A contemporary painting showing the destruction of San Saba mission, and the death of two Franciscans.
165
On the San Saba debacle see Robert Weddle, The San Saba Mission: Pivot in Spanish Texas (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964), Robert Weddle, After the Massacre: The Violent Legacy of the San Saba Mission (Lubbock: Texas Tech University Press, 2007), Lesly Byrd Simpson, editor, The San Saba Papers: A Documentary Account of the Founding and Destruction of San Saba Mission (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 2000).
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Figure 389: A contemporary diagram of Presidio San Luis de las Amarillas, abandoned in 1770.
The failure of the mission for the Lipan Apache marked the limit of the effectiveness of the mission system in Texas, and on the northern frontier. The mission system worked best among sedentary agriculturalists and some groups of nomadic hunters and gatherers. On the northern fringe of colonies such as Texas and New Mexico, the Spanish encountered the hunters of the Great Plains, who categorically rejected congregation on the missions. Hunting and warfare defined male status in society, and it was unlikely that men from these tribes would become farmers and adopt a sedentary lifestyle. Shortly after the debacle at San Saba, the Spanish abandoned their old policy, and decided on an alliance with the Comanche to exterminate the Lipan Apache or to force them onto reservations. By the end of the 1760s, royal officials had given up on missions in Texas as the means of controlling native populations. In the 1790s, royal officials ordered the secularization of the five missions in the San Antonio area.
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The Franciscans added one mission to the Karankawas, Nuestra Señora del Refugio, during the same decade, and continued to operate the three missions along the Gulf Coast. The effort to transform the coastal groups into sedentary natives largely failed, and the missions languished for several decades until finally closed around 1830. The secularization of the Gulf Coast establishments marked the passing of the Texas missions.166
Figure 390: The irrigation system in the San Antonio missions.
The Franciscans stationed on the five San Antonio area missions directed the development of an extensive irrigation system that drew water from springs and the San Antonio River to irrigate agricultural lands in the river bottomlands. The Franciscans had a variety of crops grown on the mission farms, but corn was the staple grain produced to feed the natives congregated on the missions. The Franciscans imported other food such as wheat through the administrators of the apostolic colleges.167 Remnants of 166
On the secularization of the missions and distribution of mission lands see Felix D. Almaraz, The San Antonio Missions and Their System of Land Tenure (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1989), Habig, The Alamo Chain of Missions, 66-70, 108-111, 146-147, 180/181, 224-225. For a general overview to the demise of the missions on the northern frontiers of Mexico see Robert H. Jackson, From Savages to Subjects: Missions in the History of the American Southwest (Armonk, New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2000), 116-125, Jackson, Missions and Frontiers of Spanish America, 377-388. 167 Robert H. Jackson, “Eighteenth-Century Supply System in Texas and California: The Development of Mission Economics,” in John F. Schwaller, ed., Francis in America: Essays on the Franciscan Family in North and South America. (Berkeley: Academy of American Franciscan History, 2005),. 277-293.
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the irrigation system still exist, including several dams, an aqueduct that carried an irrigation canal over a stream, and sections of irrigation canal that are still in use. Table 58: The Spanish Missions of Texas Mission
Region
San Francisco Santísimo Nombre de María San Miguel de Linares de los Adaes San José de los Nazonis Nra Sra de Guadalupe de los Nacogdoches Nra Sra de los Dolores de los Ais Padre San Francisco de los Tejas San Francisco de los Neches San Antonio de Valero San Jose y San Miguel de Aguayo La Purísima Concepción de Acuña San Juan Capistrano San Francisco de la Espada Nuestra Señora del Espíritu Santo de Zúñiga Nuestra Señora del Rosario Nuestra Señora del Refugio San Francisco Xavier de Horcasitas San Ildefonso Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria del Cañón Nuestra Señora de la Luz Santa Cruz de San Sabá San Lorenzo de la Santa Cruz #Relocated from East Texas
East Texas
Year Founded 1690 1690 1716 1716 1716
San Antonio
Gulf Coast
San Xavier Missions
1716 1716 1721 1718 1720 1731# 1731# 1731# 1722 1754 1793 1745 1746 1749
Trinity River Lipan Apache Missions
1756 1757 1762
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403
Table 59: Population of the Coahuila-Texas Missions Mission 1706 1745 1756/58 1761 1768 1790 1794/95 SJ 153 224 222 63 Bautista S 115 297 370 103 Bernardo S 311 328 48 51 Antonio San José 275 350 104 90 E. Santo 400 178 300 79 125 La 207 247 207 63 Purísima San Juan 163 271 203 69 26 S 204 200 133 94 40 Francisco Rosario 400 67 107 Refugio Source: Robert H. Jackson, Missions and Frontiers of Spanish America: A Comparative Study of the Impact of Environmental, Economic, Political, and Socio-Cultural Variations on the Missions in the Rio de la Plata Region and on the Northern Frontier of New Spain (Scottsdale, Pentacle Press. 2005), 457, 459-460, 462.. Table 60: Population of the San Xavier Missions, Texas Mission 1749 1750 San Francisco Xavier 128 153 San Ildefonso 132 165 Candelaria 72 90 Source: Robert H. Jackson, “Congregation and Depopulation: Demographic Patterns in the Texas Missions,” The Journal of South Texas 17:2 (fall 2004), 13.
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Table 61: Baptisms and Burials Recorded on Selected Coahuila-Texas Missions Mission Years Baptisms Burials Espiritu Santo 1722-1768 623 278 Rosario 1754-1768 200 110 San Antonio 1703-1756 1,269 944 San José 1720-1761 1,972 1,247 San José 1720-1824 2,175 Purísima 1731-1761 792 558 San Juan 1731-1762 847 645 San Francisco 1731-1761 815 513 S Juan Bautista 1699-1761 1,434 San Bernardo 1702-1777 1,618 1,073 Source: Robert H. Jackson, “Congregation and Depopulation: Demographic Patterns in the Texas Missions,” The Journal of South Texas 17:2 (fall 2004), 25, 32. Table 62: Baptisms Recorded at San Francisco Solano/ San Antonio de Valero/San Francisco Xavier de Najera, 1703-1780 Baptisms of Natives Year Births Converts San Francisco Solano 1703 14 1704 145 1705 1 1706 75 1707 94 1708 10 1710 2 1711 2 1712 4 1713 4 1715 1 1716 1 San Francisco Xavier de Najera (Hyerbipiamos) 1721 2 1722 6 1723 7 1724 7 1725 6 1726 5
Non-Natives
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas San Antonio de Valero 1718 1 1719 1720 2 1721 1722 1723 6 1724 1 1725 9 1726 11 1727 3 1728 8 1729 4 1730 9 1731 18 1732 8 1733 5 1734 17 1735 8 1736 4 1737 14 1738 15 1739 12 1740 9 1741 10 1742 10 1743 14 1744 11 1745 11 1746 14 1747 18 1748 9 1749 11 1750 10 1751 11 1752 9 1753 9 1754 5 1755 6 1756 7 1757 6 1758 2 1759 5 1760 2
9 17 27 11 7 7 9 1 12 21 52 13 15 3 8 10 1 7 6 1 2 14 26 51 12 38 6 14 1 30 8 7 9 10 4 6 8 12 6 4 4 13 3
405
1 5
8 4 6 5 14 9 10 6
2 1
1 1 1 4 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
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406 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 1783
4 4 4 4 3 3 4 4 2 1 4 4 1 3 2 0 5 1 2 1 3
1 1 3 1 1 5 1 5 4 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 3 4 9 2 3 3 6
Table 63: Burials Recorded at San Francisco Solano/San Antonio de Valero, 1703-1782 Year Natives San Francisco Solano 1703 4 1704 20 1705 4 1706 11 1707 61 1708 17 1710 2 1711 3 1712 1 1713 4 San Antonio de Valero 1721 3 1722 11 1723 3 1724 8 1725 5
Non-Natives
Total 4 20 4 11 61 17 2 3 1 4
1
3 12 3 8 5
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730 1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1749 1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769
6 5 61 13 25 11 7 9 15 13 21 ? ? 35 16 14 20 23 14 23 17 25 53 30 18 40 10 11 12 22 28 19 21 46 18 12 10 96 9 9 12 9 9 14
1
407 6 5 61 13 25 11 7 9 15 13 21 ? ? 35 16 14 20 23 14 23 17 25 53 30 18 40 10 11 12 22 28 19 21 47 18 12 10 96 9 9 12 9 9 14
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1770 7 7 1771 4 4 1772 3 3 1773 4 4 1774 3 3 1775 5 5 1776 6 6 1777 12 12 1778 15 15 1779 2 2 1780 2 2 1781 3 3 1782 2 2 Source: San Antonio de Valero Burial Register, San Antonio Archdiocese Chancery Archive, San Antonio, Texas. Table 64: Missionaries stationed on San Francisco Solano, 1703-1716 Misssionary Francisco Esteves Antonio de San Buenaventura y Olivares Francisco Hidalgo Ysidro de Espinosa Francisco Moreno Luis Ybarra José Soto Francisco Ruiz
Dates 1703 1704 1704-1707 1708 1708 1708 1710-1713 1714-1716?
Table 65: Missionaries stationed on San Antonio de Valero, 1718-1793 Missionary Dates Apostolic College of Santa Cruz de Querétaro Antonio de San Buenaventura y Olivares 1718-1722 Pedro Muñoz 1718-1719 José Rodriguez de Jesús María 1719-1721 Agustín Patrón Guzmán 1720-1721 Francisco Hidalgo 1720-1724 1727José Gonzalez 1725-1727 José Hurtado 1725 Miguel Sevillano de Paredes 1726-1728 Benito Sanchez 1727-1728 Juan Salvador de Anaya 1728-1733 Benito de Santa Ana Fernandez 1733-1736 Mariano de los Dolores y Viana 1733-1736, 1739-1769
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Benito Varela 1754-1755 Diego Martín Garcia 1747-1754 José Lopez 1756-1764 José Zarate 1764-1769 Manuel Carrasco -1772 Apostolic College of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas Francisco Mariano de la Garza 1772-1777 José María Salas 1773-1783 José Francisco Lopez 1783-1793 José Mariano Cárdenas 1793-
Table 66: Baptisms Recorded at San José y San Miguel de Aguayo Mission, 1778-1823 Baptisms of Natives Year
Births
1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802
10 4 3 5 9 9 8 2 6 9 5 7 7 4 2 1 1 2 3 1 1 3 3 1 2
Converts
Births San Juan
5 6 11 2 2
Births Espada
1
1 1 2
1 2 1 3 1 1 4 5 2 2
1 1
5 7 1 2 2
Non-Natives Espositos Births Abandoned
4 1
2 3 3
1
1 1
1
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410
1803 1 1804 1 1805 1 1806 2 1807 3 1808 1 1809 2 1810 1811 3 1812 1813* 1814 1 1815 1816 3 1817 1 1818 1 1819 5 1820 4 1821 1822 1823 2 Source: San José y San Miguel de Aguayo Baptismal Archdiocese Chancery Archive, San Antonio, Texas.
2
2 2 1 1 7 10 15 9 7 14 12 6 6 4 1 3 12 Register, San Antonio
Table 67: Burials Recorded at San José y San Miguel de Aguayo Mission, 1781-1824 Year 1781 1782 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796
Natives 19 14 4 3 10 23 13 13 8 9 7 8 7 4 7 2
Non-Natives 1 2 1
9 4 7 3 3 4 5 2 1
Not Given
Total 20 16 5 3 10 32 17 13 15 12 10 12 12 4 9 3
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas 1797 6 2 1798 8 2 1799 6 1800 5 3 1801 6 2 1802 11 1803 3 1 1804 4 1 1805 2 1806 2 1807 2 1 1808 2 1 1809 1 1810 1 1811 1 1812 1 1 1813 2 2 1814 3 7 1815 3 6 1816 6 1817 3 2 1818 11 1819 5 9 1820 1 3 1821 1 1822 No Burials Recorded 1823 4 2 1824 6 Source: San José y San Miguel de Aguayo Buriall Register, Archdiocese Chancery Archive, San Antonio, Texas.
411 8 10 6 8 8 11 4 5 2 2 3 3 1 1 1 2 4 10 9 6 5 11 14 4 1 6 6 San Antonio
Tab le 68: Missionaries stationed on San José y San Miguel de Aguayo, 17771823 Missionary Pedro Ramirez de Arellano Mariano Antonio de Vasconcelos José de la Guerra José María de Salas José Agustín Falcón Pedro Noreña Luis Gomez José Mariano Rojo José Manuel Pedrasa
Dates 1777?-1781 1781-1783, 1786 1782-1783 1783-1784, 1787-1790 1785 786 1786 1790-1792 1790-1792
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412 José Mariano Garcia José Mariano Cárdenas Bernardino Vallejo José María Huerta Mariano Sosa Manuel María Gollechea Francisco Freres Miguel Muro JHosé Antonio Diaz
1793 1794-1799 800-1811, 1813-1816 1811 1812 816-1817 1817-1819 1819-1820 1821-1823
San Bernardo (Guerrero, Coahuila)
Figure 391: San Bernardo in a 1769 map.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 392: The unfinished church.
Figure 393: A second view of the church.
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Figure 394: A room behind the church.
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Figure 395: A diagram of the mission.
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San Antonio de Valero (San Antonio, Texas)
Figure 396: The unfinished church. It was later roofed by the U.S. Army.
Figure 397: The remains of the convent.
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417
Figure 398: A diagram of the mission complex.
San José y San Miguel de Aguayo (San Antonio, Texas)
Figure 399: An historic photograph of the church.
418
Figure 400: The church.
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The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 401: The “Rose” window on the lateral wall of the church.
Figure 402: The convent.
419
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Figure 403: Housing for the indigenous population.
Figure 404: A bastion used for defense.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 405: A diagram of the mission complex.
421
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422
La Purísima Concepción (San Antonio, Texas)
Figure 406: The church and convent.
Figure 407: The church façade.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 408: A mural fragment of the crucifixion in the church.
Figure 409: The convent.
423
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Figure 410: A mural on the ceiling of a room in the convent.
Figure 411: A diagram of the mission.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
San Juan Capistrano (San Antonio, Texas)
Figure 412: The church and convent.
Figure 412: The church and convent.
425
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Figure 414: An unfinished church.
Figure 415: Ruins of housing for the indigenous population.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 416: Ruins of housing for the indigenous population.
Figure 417: The mission dam.
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428
Figure 418: A diagram of the mission complex.
San Francisco de la Espada (San Antonio, Texas)
Figure 419: The church.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 420: The ruins of the mission.
Figure 421: The ruins of the mission.
429
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Figure 422: A bastion for defense.
Figure 423: An aqueduct that was a part of the irrigation system.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 424: A second view of the aqueduct.
Figure 425: A diagram of the mission complex.
431
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Figure 426: The ruins of Las Cabras ranch complex.
Figure 427: A diagram of the ranch.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Nuestra Señora del Espiritu Santo (Goliad, Texas)
Figure 428: Excavations of the second mission site.
433
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Figure 429: The ruins of the third mission site.
Figure 430: The restored church at the fourth site.
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Figure 431: The church interior.
Figure 432: Ruins of the convent.
435
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Figure 433: A restored chapel in the convent.
Figure 434: A 1936 diagram of the mission at the time of its reconstruction.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Nuestra Señora del Rosario (Goliad, Texas)
Figure 435: A panoramic view of the mission ruins.
Figure 436: The ruins of the church.
437
438
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Figure 437: The ruins of the church.
Figure 438: A design element excavated in the church.
The Spanish Missions of Coahuila-Texas
Figure 439: A diagram of the mission complex.
439
CHAPTER NINE BAJA CALIFORNIA
Herán Cortés organized the first expeditions that explored and attempted to colonize Baja California, but his effort failed because of the hostility of the indigenous peoples and the aridity of the Peninsula. Other colonization schemes failed, and the Crown abandoned efforts to occupy the Peninsula following the last failure in 1685. After the failed attempts at colonization the Jesuits assumed responsibility for establishing missions in Baja California in 1697, but at their own expense. This also allowed the Jesuits to control the selection of non-missionary personnel that came into the Peninsula and contacts with Sinaloa and Sonora on the mainland. In the first decades of the eighteenth century and as the Jesuits expanded the number of missions. At the same time disease decimated the mission populations. A series of individual reports drafted in 1744 provided a reckoning of sorts of population decline. The reports recorded the total number of baptisms registered from the date of the founding of the missions to the point of the report and the population, which enables an estimate of the degree of depopulation. The Jesuits had recorded 14,830 baptisms at the eight missions for which reports exist, and the population totaled 4,222, indicating a decline in the population in the range of 72 percent from levels when the Black Robes found the first mission in 1697. The record shows, however, that the populations of several missions stabilized and experienced growth following several decades of decline. A 1762 report on San Francisco Xavier (founded 1699) noted that the Jesuits had baptized 448 and recorded 357 burials between 1745 and the drafting of the report, and a net increase in population of 91. The population grew from 352 in 1744 to 380 in 1755, 448 in 1762, and 482 in 1768. Population of Guadalupe mission (founded 1720) also grew during the same period. It totaled 701 in 1744, dropped to 472 in 1755, and then increased to 524 in 1762 and 544 in 1768 (see Table 2). Following the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767/1768, the Franciscans occupied the Peninsula missions for five years (1768-1773). They established one mission, San Fernando, in 1769. In 1774, the Dominicans replaced the Franciscans, and staffed the missions until the last left in
Baja California
441
1840. They established five missions: Rosario (1774). Santo Domingo (1775), San Vicente (1780), San Miguel (1787), and Santo Tomás (1791). Of these Rosario, San Miguel, Santo Tomás occupied multiple sites. The smaller complexes built of adobe deteriorated following their abandonment, and are in a ruined state today, although efforts have been made to conserve and protect the remains of the missions.
Figure 430: An historic map of Baja California.
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Figure 431: A 1769 painting by Alexandre Jean-Noël of the funeral procession at San José del Cabo for Jean-Baptiste Chappe d'Auteroche, a member of the French scientific team sent to observe the transit of Venus across the face of the sun. He died during a measles epidemic.
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443
Figure 432: A 1769 painting by Alexandre Jean-Noël San José del Cabo mission.
Two initiatives implemented by José de Gálvez following the Jesuit expulsion in 1767/1768 accelerated the cycle of demographic collapse on the Peninsula missions. The first was the shifting of population between missions to increase the labor available at missions with greater agricultural potential.168 This was an effort to make the missions as selfsufficient as possible in line with the Bourbon initiative to make colonial administration cost-effective, and was similar in intent to the policies of the civil administration on the Paraguay missions. Gálvez had people transferred from San Francisco Xavier to Loreto and San José del Cabo and from Guadalupe to La Purísima and Comondú. The second was the colonization of Alta California in 1769 which required the movement of more people from the mainland through the Peninsula that resulted in the spread of contagion. One contemporary account, for example, noted that a group of colonists bound for Alta California in early 1781 from the mainland to colonize Los Angeles in Alta California carried smallpox into 168
Robert H. Jackson, "The Guaycuros, Jesuit and Franciscan Missionaries, and José de Gálvez: The Failure of Spanish Policy in Baja California, Memoria Americana (2004): 221-233; bert H. Jackson, "Demographic patterns in the missions of central Baja California." Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 6, no. 1 (1984): 91-112.
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the Peninsula.169 With the increased movement of people disease spread through the missions between 1769 and 1781-1782, killing hundreds. The mission populations continued to decline in the last decades of the eighteenth century and in the first decades of the nineteenth. There was a pattern of chronically high infant and child mortality in non-epidemic years, and the populations continued to decline. A family reconstruction of Mulegé mission tracked the life history of 143 children born to 75 women between 1771 and 1835. Fifty percent of the children died before age one, another 33 percent died between ages one and five, and 11 percent between ages five and ten. Only six percent lived beyond age ten. One factor contributing to the low survival rate of infants and children was the spread of syphilis among the population. A second factor was a growing gender imbalance on the Baja California missions, with fewer females than males.170 Rather than presenting a detailed history of all of the missions that has been done in a number of recent publications, this chapter discusses one mission, San José de Comondú founded in 1708. This was a representative Jesuit-era mission, and a number of historic photographs depict the church and complex that have largely disappeared. Table 69: The Population of the Baja California Missions in 1744 and the total number of baptisms from the date of foundation to 1744 Mission Year Founded Baptisms to 1744 Population in 1744 Loreto 1697 1,199 150 San Francisco 1699 1,726 352 Xavier Mulegé 1705 1,358 326 Comondú 1708 1,563 513 La Purísima 1718 1,890 535 Guadalupe 1720 2,599 701 Santiago 1721 1,749 440 San Ignacio 1728 2,746 1,196 Source: Robert H. Jackson, Indian population decline: the missions of northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 58. 169
Robert H. Jackson,. "The 1781-1782 Smallpox Epidemic in Baja California."Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 3, no. 1 (1981): 138-143; 170 For demographic patterns on the Baja California missions see Robert H. Jackson, Indian population decline: the missions of northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 108-116.
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Table 70: The Population of San Francisco Xavier and Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe Missions, in selected years San Francisco Baptisms Burials Guadalupe Baptisms Xavier 16991745Reported 62 Year Population 1761 Year Population 1720-1744 1744 352 2,174 357 1744 701 2,599 1755 380 1755 472 1762 448 1762 524 1768 482 1768 544 1771 212 1771 140 1773 279 1773 176 1774 275 1774 105 1782 169 1782 Source: Robert H. Jackson, "Demographic patterns in the missions of central Baja California." Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology 6, no. 1 (1984): 91-112.
San José de Comondú The Jesuits founded San José de Comondú in 1708 at a site known today as Comondú Viejo. The Jesuits established the mission once they had an endowment of 10,000 pesos to cover the costs of its administration. The Jesuits operated the mission at the site for 28 or 29 years, and there are still ruins of a small church and other structures. The Black Robes relocated in the mission in 1736 or 1737 to a valley to the south that had a more reliable water supply. The new site had been a visita of Loreto mission known as San Ignacio. Juan Maria Salvatierra, S.J., developed the site at San Ignacio because of its agricultural potential. A second visita named San Miguel Cadandogomo existed at a site in the same valley several miles away. Juan de Ugarte, S.J., stationed on San Francisco Xavier, founded the visita in 1714. He had the site populated, and had a dam and irrigation system constructed. Between 1730 and 1737, Agustin Luyando, S.J. resided there. It became a visita of Comondú following the relocation of the mission to San Ignacio.171 In the 1740s and 1750s, the Jesuits initiated major construction projects at a number of mission sites including Loreto, San Francisco Xavier, Mulege, and Comondú. The construction of the stone three nave church with vaulted roof at Comondú took six years from 1754 to 1760, 171
Jackson, “Central Baja California,” 98-102.
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and it was the only three nave church built on the Peninsula missions. A 1793 report described the church as having dimensions of 30 x 13 varas, or 25.1 x 10.8 meters, and it had three entrances and the same number of main altars. Other buildings in the complex described in a 1773 inventory included several granaries and store rooms, a forge, weaving room, tack room, and shoe shop. The residence of the missionaries was spacious and was also built of stone. A 1796 report on the mission noted the construction of a dormitory for single men, and seven small apartments for native families.172 A dormitory for single women most likely already existed, and the construction of dormitories to segregate single adults represented a policy of social control. Historic photographs show the church and parts of the mission complex, including the three naves divided by arches. The roof had collapsed by the early twentieth century, and local officials had the remaining ruins removed around mid-century. A small chapel that was a part of the original complex is all that remains, along with some ruins and foundations. Table 71: The Population of San José de Comondú Mission, in selected years Year Population Year Population 1744 513 1796 40 1755 387 1797 41 1762 350 1798 40 1768 350 1799 19 1771 216 1800 21 1773 284 1801 20 1774 269 1802 26 1782 80 1803 30 1790 67 1804 20 1791 73 1806 28 1794 40 1808 36 1795 46 Source: Robert H. Jackson, Indian Population Decline: The Missions of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 169-170.
172
Robert H. Jackson, Missions and the Frontiers of Spanish America (Scottsdale: Pentacle Press, 2005), 196-199.
Baja California
Figure 433: The ruins of the first mission site.
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Figure 434: A diagram of the complex at the last mission site.
Baja California
Figure 435: An historic photograph of the three nave church façade.
Figure 436: An historic photograph of the church.
Figure 437: An historic photograph of the church ruins.
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Figure 438: An historic photograph of the church ruins.
Baja California
Figure 439: An historic photograph of the church.
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Figure 450: The chapel that exists today.
Figure 451: The mission ruins.
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Other Selected Baja California Missions This section presents photographs of selected Baja California missions. There are several other mission sites where only ruins exist today that are not included here.
Nuestra Señora de Loreto (1697)
Figure 452: An historic illustration of the mission complex.
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Figure 453: The restored mission today.
San Francisco Xavier (1699)
Figure 454: The church built between 1744 and 1758.
Baja California
Santa Rosalia Mulege (1705)
Figure 455: The Jesuit-era church.
San Juan Bautista Malibat y Ligui (1705)
Figure 456: The ruins of the mission that operated from 1705 to 1721.
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San Ignacio (1728)
Figure 457: The church completed by the Dominicans in 1786.
Baja California
Santa Rosa de las Palmas (1733)
Figure 458: The ruins of the church.
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Todos Santos
Figure 459: The church built around 1840.
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San Luis Gonzaga (1737)
Figure 460: The mission operated from 1737 to 1768. Photograph courtesy of David Kier.
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Santa Gertrudis la Magna (1752)
Figure 461: The mission church built in the 1790s under the direction of the Dominicans.
San Francisco de Borja (1762)
Figure 462: The ruins of the Franciscan-era church.
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Figure 463: The ruins of the Franciscan-era mission complex and the stone church and convent built under the direction of the Dominicans.
Figure 464: The church and convent.
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San Fernando (1769)
Figure 465: The ruins of the church.
Baja Caliifornia
Nuestrra Señora deel Rosario (1 774)
Figure 466: T The ruins of the first mission siite.
An historic phottograph of the ruins r of the secoond site. Figure 467: A
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Figure 468: The ruins of the second site.
Baja California
Santo Domingo (1775)
Figure 469: An historic photograph of the mission ruins from 1880.
Figure 470: The mission ruins in the 1920s.
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Figure 471: A panoramic view of the ruins.
Figure 472: The ruins of the church.
Baja California
San Vicente Ferrer (1780)
Figure 473: An historic photograph of the mission ruins from 1880.
Figure 474: Detail of the photograph showing the church.
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Figure 475: An artist’s reconstruction of the mission complex.
Figure 476: A panoramic view of the mission ruins.
Baja California
Figure 477: The ruins of the church.
San Miguel (1787)
Figure 478: The mission ruins.
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Santo Tomás (1791)
Figure 479: The ruins of the first mission site.
Figure 480: An historic photograph of the ruins of the final mission site.
Baja California
Figure 481: The ruins of the final mission site.
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CHAPTER TEN ALTA CALIFORNIA
Franciscans from the Apostolic College of San Fernando (Mexico City) led by Junipero Serra staffed the missions established in the Sierra Gorda in 1744, and in 1768 replaced the Jesuits in Baja California following their expulsion. In 1769, José de Gálvez used the Peninsula missions as a base of operations, and source of manpower and supplies for the colonization of Alta California. He assigned the Franciscans the task of establishing missions to evangelize the indigenous populations. Junipero Serra led the first group of missionaries that established the first mission at San Diego in July of 1769 and at San Carlos in the following year. Serra designed the mission program based on his previous experience in the Sierra Gorda and Baja California, and that responded to the Bourbon initiative to accelerate the incorporation of frontier indigenous populations into colonial society. The system contained a strong element of social control and the imposition of European social and cultural norms. The Franciscans expanded the number of missions in the 1770s and 1780s as more missionaries became available, and as a part of a colonization scheme that included the establishment of four military garrisons at San Diego (1769), Monterey (1770), San Francisco (1776), and Santa Barbara (1782), and several communities including Los Angeles established in 1781. The Bourbon imperative to make colonization cost effective resulted in the evolution of a symbiotic relationship between the Franciscan missionaries, civil officials, and military. The missionaries put the indigenous populations brought to live on the missions to produce surplus food and clothing to supply the military and subsidize the cost of colonization, and particularly following the outbreak of the independence war in central Mexico that resulted in the suspension of subsidies and shipments of supplies for the presidio garrisons. The need to supply the military resulted in the Franciscan attempt to convert the indigenous populations into a disciplined labor force, and the use of corporal punishment to impose discipline and compliance with the new social and
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cultural norms.173 This, in turn, engendered resistance including flight from the missions.
Figure 482: San Fernando church (Mexico City). This is all that remains of the Apostolic College.
This chapter presents a case study of one of the missions La Purísima Concepción established in 1787. The mission occupied two sites during its history, and historic photographs of the first site document the configuration of the mission complex before the urban development of the site. The second section of this chapter reproduces a series of plat maps 173
Robert H. Jackson and Edward Castillo, Indians, Franciscans, and Spanish Colonization: The Impact of the Mission System on California Indians. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995); Robert H. Jackson, "Population and the Economic Dimension of Colonization in Alta California: Four Mission Communities," Journal of the Southwest 33 (1991), 387-439; Robert H. Jackson, “The Changing Economic Structure of the Alta California Missions: A Reinterpretation," Pacific Historical Review 61:3 (1992), 387-415; Robert H. Jackson, “Eighteenth-Century Supply System in Texas and California: The Development of Mission Economics,” in John F. Schwaller, ed., Francis in America: Essays on the Franciscan Family in North and South America. (Berkeley: Academy of American Franciscan History, 2005), 277-293.
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prepared in 1854 in support of the claim of the Catholic Church to the mission sites and lands. The maps show the mission complexes as they existed two decades following the secularization of the missions. Historic photographs of selected missions supplement the plat maps.
La Purísima Concepción (1787) La Purísima Concepción was the eleventh mission in Alta California, and was established at the end of 1787. The Spanish government required more complete documentation of the status and development of the California missions. The Franciscans at each mission prepared detailed annual reports that reported different categories of information including the population, the number of sacraments administered (baptisms, marriages, burials, confirmations), grain production and the number of livestock, and building projects. The Father-President of the missions then prepared tables that summarized numerical data for all of the missions. In this regards the record for the California missions is more complete than those on other frontiers. What does the record show? Demographic patterns on La Purísima Concepción mission were distinct from patterns on missions on other frontiers, such as the Jesuit missions among the Guaraní. The California missions were geographically isolated, and did not experience epidemics with the same frequency as on the Jesuit missions. Moreover, the population of La Purísima Concepción mission did not rebound or recover. Rather, there was chronically high mortality, especially infant and child mortality related to living conditions on the missions and the spread of syphilis. This can be shown as the percentage of children born on the mission in five year cohorts that died by age four. For example, 55.9 percent of the children born on the mission between 1790 and 1794, died by age four. It was 70.2 percent of the children born in the 1805-1809 cohort, 70.5 percent in the 1815-1819 cohort, and 71.7 percent in the 1825-1829 cohort.174 The Franciscans expanded the mission population by congregating non-Christians, but as the resettlement of natives slowed the numbers dropped. The Franciscans baptized 2,075 non-Christians congregated on the mission, and 1,192 born there.175 The highest recorded population was 1,520 in 1804, which was the last period of the 174
Robert H. Jackson, Demographic Change and Ethnic Survival Among The Sedentary Populations On The Jesuit Mission Frontiers of Spanish South America, 1609-1803: The Formation and Persistence of Mission Communities in a Comparative Context (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 2015), 150. 175 Ibid., 149.
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congregation of large numbers of non-Christians. The numbers fluctuated, but dropped to 407 in 1834. The annual reports contain a fairly complete record of building construction at the two sites of La Purísima Concepción mission. The mission occupied two sites. The reports document the construction of buildings mostly of adobe. A large church constructed from 1798 to 1802 dominated the complex, and the Franciscans imposed European housing norms by having 100 small apartments erected for native families. Soldiers were stationed on the mission to maintain social control, and there is a record of the construction of three barracks for the escolta. A powerful earthquake on December 21, 1812 badly damaged the adobe buildings, and heavy rains following the earthquake further damaged the buildings. The Franciscans had temporary buildings constructed.176 The 1812 report for nearby Santa Ines mission provided more details of the earthquake. A first earthquake struck around 10 in the morning, and was followed about a strong aftershock about 15 minutes later. The first quake opened one corner of the mission church, and the second caused that part of the church to collapse. The La Purísima Concepción mission annual report, written ten days following the earthquake, suggested that aftershocks continued for days.177 A series of historic photographs from the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries and archaeological excavations enable a reconstruction 176
Robert H. Jackson, “La colonización de la Alta California: Un análisis del desarrollo de dos comunidades misionales,” Historia Mexicana 41:1 (1991), 92-93. The 1812 annual report described the damage: “Nota: el extraordinario y horroroso terremoto que el memorable día del glorioso Apóstol Santo Tomás padeció esta Misión arruinó enteramente la Yglesia, destrozo su colateral, varias imágenes y lienzos, y hechos a perder el mayor parte de sus adornos. Los ornamentos no han padecido por estar dentro de los cajones. Sus fabricas. Unas están por el suelo, y otras (si no sigue el daño) después de una esquisita compoisición, podrán servir, no para viviendas, sino para unos menores que no exigen tanta seguridad. Cien casas de los Neofitos, y la pozolera fabricas de adove y medio, y techado con texa quedan inservicibles, hasta la cerca de la huerta de adove, y cubierta con texa, esta caída o displomada[…] se ha trabajado con jacalón para Yglesia, dos chozas para la habitación para los Pp al modo primitivo, y seguiremos construiendo de palos y zacate lo indispensable hasta que se aquiete la tierra[…] 177 Ibid., 92-93. The 1812 report for Santa Ines noted: “El 21 de diciembre como a las 10 de la mañana huvo 2 terremotos mediando de como uno a otro 1 quarto de hora, el primero hizo una avertura de consideracion en una esquina de la Yglesia, el segundo tumbo dicha esquina; un quarto contiguo a la Yglesia de las casas nuebas cayo hasta los cimientos[,] bajo todos los taviques de los altos de dichas casas, derrivo todas las texas de la Mission, y se abrieron muchas paredes [. . . ] .
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of the appearance of the church and mission complex prior to the 1812 earthquake.178 Photographs from the 1880s show the form of the quadrangle and the tall church walls that made it susceptible to earthquake damage. The unroofed adobe structures exposed to the elements deteriorated, and the last elements gradually disappeared with the urban development of Lompoc. Houses now occupy most of the mission site, although some undeveloped sections have now been preserved as a park. A section of the stone wall of the main entrance to the church still exists, there are sections of other foundations, and foundations can be seen in a railroad cut that runs through the mission site. In April of 1813, the Franciscans relocated the mission to a new site, and developed a different mission plan that is documented in the 1854 plat map (see below). Instead of the conventional quadrangle, the church and other structures were built along a line. This was a response to the earthquake threat. The annual reports noted the construction of a permanent church in 1817-1818, and two other large structures that contained the residence of the missionaries, an apartment for visitors to the mission, a barracks for the soldiers stationed on the mission, a residence for the overseer (mayordomo), and workshops. There is one reference to the construction of residence of the natives. Archaeological excavations provide more details regarding native housing that consisted of small apartments in long multi-apartment structures.179 The Civilian Conservation Corps restored the structures of the second mission site between 1935 and 1939, and the site today is a historic park. The reports also contained information on grain production and the numbers of livestock. Other documents and an analysis of the ratio of grown sown to harvested indicate that agriculture production was uneven, with some good years and then not so good years resulting from drought conditions, frost, or crop losses to pests such as locust. However, the construction of a dam and aqueduct in 1806 provided a more reliable water supply for agriculture which improved production. Production levels not only supplied the food needs of the native population, but also of subsidies for the military including the escoltas assigned to the missions. The 178
Julia G.Costello, "Archaeological Survey of Mission Vieja de la Purisima." Pacific Coast Archaeological Soc. Quarterly ll 2 (1975); Julia G.Costello "Putting Mission Vieja la Purisima on the map."Proceedings of the Society for California Archaeology 7 (1993): 67-85. 179 James Deetz. "Archaeological investigations at La Purisima mission." UCLA Archaeological Survey Annual Report 5 (1963): 165-191; James Deetz, Final Summary Report of Investigations at La Purisima Mission State Historical Monument. University of California, 1963.
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numbers of livestock, and particularly cattle, generally increased up to 1809, but after that the numbers fluctuated. This can be attributed to the over culling of the herds to produce hides and tallow to trade with an increasing number of foreign merchants that visited California illegally. For example, Americans bough hides for shoe production in New England. Examples of the rapid decline in the number of cattle include a drop from 10,000 head of cattle reported in 1809 to 4,000 three years later in 1812. This was a period of intense warfare in central Mexico during the first stages of the independence movement. A second was a decline from 10,500 in 1824 to 6,000 head of cattle in the following year. The Franciscans used funds from trading to defray the costs of the missions, but also of the military and civil government. Although the armed conflict had ended by the 1820s, the financial problems of the newly independent Mexican government made it difficult or impossible to supply the missions from the apostolic college of San Fernando or the military. This situation continued up to the time of the secularization of the missions in 1834 and 1835. Table 72: The Population of La Purísima Concepción Mission, in selected years Year Population Year Population Year Population 1788 95 1806 1,166 1824 662 1789 151 1807 1,124 1825 564 1790 278 1808 1,084 1826 521 1791 434 1809 1,031 1827 471 1792 510 1810 1,020 1828 445 1793 546 1811 978 1829 406 1794 656 1812 999 1830 413 1795 743 1813 1,010 1831 404 1796 760 1814 982 1832 372 1797 842 1815 1,019 1833 343 1798 920 1816 1,018 1834 407 1799 937 1817 958 1838 242 1800 961 1818 937 1839 142 1801 956 1819 888 1842 60 1802 1,028 1820 840 1803 1,436 1821 808 1804 1,520 1822 764 1805 1,383 1823 722 Source: Robert H. Jackson, “La colonización de la Alta California: Un análisis del desarrollo de dos comunidades misionales,” Historia Mexicana 41:1 (1991), 83110.
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Table 73: Building Construction at the two sites of La Purísima Concepción Mission Year Construction Projects Reported The First Mission Site 1788 Temporary buildings of wattle and daub or adobe were built. They included a chapel, granary, a residence for the missionaries, corrals for the livestock, and other structures. 1789 Construction projects included an adobe church and sacristy, granary, and communal kitchen for the native population. 1790 A wing with seven rooms was added to the main complex, and an oven for burning tiles. 1791 A granary was added to the main complex, and outside of the main square a kitchen, chicken coop, and oven. 1792 The church built in 1789 was enlarged. 1793 Another wing was added to the main complex. It contained a new residence for the missionaries, an apartment for visitors to the mission, an office, a store room for the clothing for the native population, and a kitchen. 1794 A barracks and store room was built for the soldiers stationed on the mission, a residence for the overseer (mayordomo), and other structures included a carpenter’s shop and tack room. 1795 A granary and office were built. 1796 Three store rooms were added to the main complex. 1797 A new residence for the missionaries was built. 1798-1802 A new and larger adobe church was built. 1798 A new barracks was built for the soldiers. 1799 Two structures were added to the main complex. 1800 A wing with eight rooms was added to the main complex. 1804 A new barracks with a kitchen and patio was built for the soldiers. 1806 A dam and aqueduct were built. 1810 A residence and granary were built at Rancho San Antonio. Unknown One hundred small apartments were built for as many native Date families. 1812. An earthquake followed by heavy rains in December damaged the mission complex. A temporary church and other structures were built. The Second Mission Site 1813 The Franciscans relocated the mission to a new site in April. Temporary buildings were erected of stakes and adobe including a church. 1815 A large adobe building was constructed with a residence for the missionaries, apartment for visitors, workshops, and a chapel. 1816 A large adobe building was constructed with a barracks for the soldiers, residence for the overseer (mayordomo), and workshops.
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A hospital was built. Foundations were laid for a new church, and a fountain was added to the village of the native population. 1818 The new church was completed. 1821 A bell tower was added to the church. 1823 New residences were added to the native village. Source: Robert H. Jackson, “La colonización de la Alta California: Un análisis del desarrollo de dos comunidades misionales,” Historia Mexicana 41:1 (1991), 83110. 1817
Table 74: Grain Production Reported at La Purísima Concepción Mission, in fanegas
Year 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817
Wheat Sown 15 25 76 61 55 68 96 75 65 92 92 69 165 96 161 230 140 300 400 177 175 200 180 150 150 100 180 123 157
Harvested 331 530 800 602 1102 1254 308 1250 1700 1900 2500 1200 1600 1000 500 3000 3000 1200 1000 2000 1800 3000 3000 3000 3600 200 2000 2500 2800
Corn Sown 2 3 4 4 6 2 3 2 2 ½ 1 1 10 1 1 3 2 3 3 5 6 4 4 1 7 6 6 8 8
Harvested 357 521 653 891 200 549 502 15 0 38 15 160 150 160 125 130 100 200 400 450 600 506 450 50 2000 2000 400 10 1000
Barley Sown 0 ½ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1/6 1/6 0 0 0 10 10 3 6 13 25 0 100 0 3 18 39
Harvested 0 16 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 70 0 8 5 0 0 0 50 50 10 60 360 800 0 2000 0 50 600 500
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1818 250 3000 2 200 12 200 1819 180 2900 6 900 6 200 1820 208 2435 4 0 0 0 1821 240 4000 6 400 13 334 1822 150 1587 7 900 0 0 1823 150 1500 4 200 0 0 1824 112 1100 4 120 0 0 1825 90 2000 5 200 3 30 1826 150 2000 4 80 0 0 1827 120 2000 4 800 12 60 1828 102 1000 7 200 15 58 1829 90 300 4 400 10 80 1830 50 500 4 300 12 50 1831 70 700 4 100 14 56 1832 60 500 4 100 11 45 Source: Robert H. Jackson, “La colonización de la Alta California: Un análisis del desarrollo de dos comunidades misionales,” Historia Mexicana 41:1 (1991), 83110. Table 75: Livestock Reported at La Purísima Concepción Mission Year 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810
Cattle 124 169 232 311 380 451 607 700 900 1,016 1,400 1,600 2,000 2,640 3,230 3,736 4,372 5,000 5,000 7,000 10,000 8,000
Sheep 371 464 603 626 1,142 1,587 1,503 2,200 3,300 3,700 4,000 4,000 4,300 5,400 5,400 4,967 6,800 6,000 7,000 10,000 11,000 10,000
Horses 16 74 87 94 143 148 121 176 192 208 224 262 288 326 320 352 400 590 700 800 1,350 1,100
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1811 7,000 9,000 1,080 1812 4,000 12,000 1,150 1813 5,000 12,000 1,160 1814 8,000 12,999 1,160 1815 8,000 12,000 1,110 1816 8,500 11,000 1,217 1817 8,500 11,500 1,300 1818 9,000 12,000 1,300 1819 9,000 12,000 1,110 1820 9,500 12,000 1,305 1821 11,000 11,000 1,344 1822 10,000 11,000 1.463 1824 10,500 10,000 1,445 1825 6,000 8,365 330 1826 10,100 6,150 1,200 1827 10,202 9,000 ? 1828 10,200 9,000 1,000 1829 8,000 6,000 1,000 1830 13,000 6,000 ? 1831 10,500 7,000 1,000 1832 9,200 3,500 1,000 Source: Robert H. Jackson, “La colonización de la Alta California: Un análisis del desarrollo de dos comunidades misionales,” Historia Mexicana 41:1 (1991), 83110.
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The first site of La Purísima Concepción (1787-1812)
Figure 483: A diagram of the building complex based on historic photographs and archaeological excavations.
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Figure 484: A second diagram of the mission site.
Figure 485: A hypothetical reconstruction of the mission complex prior to the 1812 earthquake.
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Historic photographs of the first mission site
Figure 486: A c. 1880 panoramic view of the mission ruins.
Figure 487: A c. 1880 panoramic view of the mission ruins.
Alta California
Figure 488: A c. 1880 panoramic view of the mission ruins.
Figure 489: A c. 1880 view of the ruins of the church built from 1798 to 1802.
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Figure 490: An 1887 sketch of the mission ruins.
Figure 491: The mission ruins in 1898.
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Figure 492: The ruins in the early 20th centuryof the church built from 1798 to 1802 showing signs of deterioration.
Figure 493: The ruins in the early 20th century of the church built from 1798 to 1802 showing signs of deterioration.
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Figure 494: The ruins in the early 20th century of the church built from 1798 to 1802 showing signs of deterioration.
Figure 495: An historic photograph that shows the stone and adobe construction of the main door to the church.
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Figure 496: Detail of the main door to the church and adobe ruins of the church.
Figure 497: The remains of the church today.
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Figure 498: The remains of the church today.
Figure 499: Foundations and the remains of the church.
Alta California
Figure 500: Foundations.
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The second site of La Purísima Concepción (1813-1835)
Figure 501: The complex reconstructed in the 1930s by the Civilian Conservation Corps.
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1854 Plat Maps of the California Missions and selected historic illustrations San Diego (1769)
Figure 502: The plat map.
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Figure 503: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Figure 504: An historic photograph of the ruins of San Diego mission.
Alta California
San Carlos (1770)
Figure 505: The plat map.
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Figure 506: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Figure 507: San Carlos mission in a 1791 drawing.
Alta California
Figure 508: San Carlos mission in an 1827 etching.
San Antonio (1771)
Figure 509: The plat map.
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Figure 510: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Alta California
San Gabriel (1771)
Figure 511: The plat map.
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Figure 512: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Alta California
San Luis Obispo (1772)
Figure 513: The plat map.
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Figure 514: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
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San Francisco (1776)
Figure 515: The plat map.
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Figure 516: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Figure 517: San Francisco in the 1870s.
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San Juan Capistrano (1776)
Figure 517: The plat map.
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Figure 518: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
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Santa Clara (1777)
Figure 519: The plat map.
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Figure 520: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex at the second mission site.
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Figure 521: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex at the third mission site.
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Figure 522: An historic photograph of Santa Clara mission.
Alta California
San Buenaventura (1782)
Figure 523: The plat map.
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Figure 524: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Figure 525: San Buenaventura in the 1880s.
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Santa Barbara (1786)
Figure 526: The plat map.
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Figure 527: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Alta California
Figure 528: An historic photograph of Santa Barbara mission.
La Purísima Concepción (1787)
Figure 529: The plat map of the second mission site.
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Figure 530: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex at the second mission site.
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La Exaltación de la Santa Cruz (1791)
Figure 531: The plat map.
Figure 532: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
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Nuestra Señora de la Soledad (1791)
Figure 533: The plat map.
Alta California
Figure 534: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
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San Jose (1797)
Figure 535: The plat map.
Alta California
Figure 536: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Figure 537: An 1827 drawing of San Jose mission.
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Figure 538: An historic photograph of San Jose mission in the 1860s.
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San Juan Bautista (1797)
Figure 539: The plat map.
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Figure 540: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Alta California
San Miguel (1797)
Figure 541: The plat map.
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Figure 542: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Figure 543: An historic photograph of San Miguel.
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San Fernando (1797)
Figure 544: The plat map.
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Figure 545: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Alta California
Figure 546: An historic photograph of San Fernando mission.
Figure 547: An historic photograph of San Fernando mission.
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San Luis Rey (1798)
Figure 548: The plat map.
Alta California
Figure 549: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
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Figure 550: An historic photograph of San Luis Rey mission.
Figure 551: An historic photograph of San Antonio de Pala Asistencia (visita).
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Santa Ines (1804)
Figure 552: The plat map.
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Figure 553: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Alta California
San Rafael (1817)
Figure 554: The plat map.
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Figure 555: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
Alta California
San Francisco Solano (1825)
Figure 556: The plat map.
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Figure 557: Detail showing the buildings of the mission complex.
CHAPTER ELEVEN THE EARTHQUAKES OF SEPTEMBER 7 AND SEPTEMBER 19, 2017
On September 7, 2017 an earthquake of 8.2 on the Richter scale struck the Pacific Coast of Oaxaca, causing extensive damage. Twelve days later, on September 19, 2017, a second earthquake of 7.1 on the Richter scale struck southern Puebla about 120 kilometers from Mexico City. It also caused massive damage in Mexico City and surrounding states, particularly Puebla and Morelos. The two earthquakes damaged more than 1,800 historic religious structures, and thousands of houses and other public buildings. This chapter presents examples of damage to missions in Oaxaca, Morelos, Mexico City, and Puebla.
Earthquake of September 7, 2017 Santo Domingo Tehuantepec, Oaxaca
Figure 558: Damage to the cloister.
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Figure 559: Damage to the cloister.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 560: Damage to the cloister.
Figure 561: Damage to the cloister.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 562: Damage to the cloister.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 563: Damage to the cloister.
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Chapter Eleven
Earthquake of September 19, 2017 San Juan Bautista Tlayacapan, Morelos
Figure 564: Damage to the church roof, bell wall, and facade.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 565: Detail of damage to the facade.
Figure 566: Detail of damage to the facade.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 567: A crack behind the church facade.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 568: Damage to the interior of the church.
Figure 569: Damage to the interior of the church.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 570: Damage to the interior of the church.
Figure 571: Damage to the interior of the church.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 572: A crack in the ceiling of the lower cloister.
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Figure 573: A collapsed buttress.
Chapter Eleven
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
551
Barrio chapels damaged by the earthquake, Tlayacapan, Morelos
Figure 574: Altica and la Concepción
552
Figure 575: La Exaltación
Chapter Eleven
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 576: La Natividad and Magdalena
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 577: El Rosario and San Diego.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 578: San Martín and San Nicolás
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 579: Santa Ana
Figure 580: San Andrés Cuauhtempan. This was a visita of the doctrina at Tlayacapan.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
San Guillermo Totolapan, Morelos
Figure 581: The church before the earthquake.
Figure 582: The church showwing earthquake damage.
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Chapter Eleven
The visita chapels of Ahuatlán
Figure 583: Before the earthquake.
Figure 584: Showing earthquake damage.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
La Natividad Tepoztlán, Morelos
Figure 585: The church facade.
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Figure 586: The church interior.
Figure 587: The church interior.
Chapter Eleven
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 588: The church interior.
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Figure 589: The church interior.
Chapter Eleven
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 590: The church interior.
Figure 591: The church interior.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 592: Cracks in the church roof.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 593: Damage to the mirador.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 594: Damage to the mirador.
Figure 595: Damage to the mirador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Hospital de la Cruz, Oaxtepec, Morelos
Figure 596: The hospital chapel.
Figure 597: The hospital chapel.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 598: Damage to the chapel.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 599: Damage to the chapel.
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Chapter Eleven
570
La Asunción Milpa Alta, Mexico City
Figure 600: A collapsed tower.
Figure 601: A bell sitting on the rubble from the collapsed tower.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
571
San Miguel Huejotzingo, Puebla
Figure 602: A crack on the facade. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
572
Chapter Eleven
Figure 603: The church interior. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
573
Figure 604: The church interior. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 605: The church interior. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
575
Figure 606: The church interior. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
576
Chapter Eleven
Figure 607: The church interior. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
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Figure 608: Cracks in the lateral wall of the church. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
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Chapter Eleven
San Gabriel Cholula, Puebla
Figure 609: The church. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
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Figure 610: Damage to the towers. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 611: Rubble. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 612: Rubble. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
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Chapter Eleven
San Martín de Tours Huaquechula, Puebla
Figure 613: Damage to the tower, facade, and Capilla de Indios.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 614: Detail of the damage to the facade.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 615: The capilla de indios.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 616: Dmage to the church interior.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 617: Dmage to the church interior.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
Figure 618: Dmage to the church interior.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 619: Dmage to the church interior.
Santo Domingo Izucar, Puebla
Figure 620: The church. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
589
Figure 621: The church interior. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
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Chapter Eleven
Figure 622: The cloister. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.
The Earthquakes of September 7 and September 19, 2017
591
Figure 623: Damage to the tower. Photograph courtesy of Fernando Esparragoza Amador.