A Survey of Kordofanian. Volume 1: The Heiban Group 3871184616

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Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika SUGIA Herausgegeben am Institut für Afrikanistik der Universität Köln ISSN 0720-0986

Beiheft 1

HELMUT BUSKE VERLAG HAMBURG

Thilo C.JSchadeberg THE HEIBAN GROUP Volume One

A SURVEY OF KORDOFANIAN

PER LtHRt

HELMUT BUSKE VERLAG HAMBURG

SUGIA - Beihefte erscheinen in loser Folge und werden heraus­ gegeben am Institut für Afrikanistik der Universität zu Köln

Herausgeber:

Istvän Fodor, Bernd Heine, Wilhelm J.G. Möhlig, Franz Rottland, Rainer Voßen, Jürgen Christoph Winter

Redaktion dieses Bandes: Rainer Voßen ötEBOy?

g

§

b■Ä m 1 11=1—ilA' CENTRAV BIBUOTBKET

CIP-Kurztitelaufnhame der Deutschen Bibliothek Schadeberg, Thilo C.: A survey of Kordofanian / Thilo C. Schadeberg. - Hamburg: Buske

Vol. 1. The Heibangroup. -1981. (Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika: Beih.; 1) ISBN 3-87118-461-6

NE: Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika / Beiheft

ISSN 0720-0986 (SUGIA-Beihefte) ISBN 3-87118-461-6 (SUGIA - Beiheft 1) Alle Rechte Vorbehalten © HELMUT BUSKE VERLAG HAMBURG 1981 Umschlagentwurf: Thilo C. Schadeberg Karten: Carla Butz Gesamtherstellung: Strauß & Cramer GmbH, 6945 Hirschberg 2

CONTENTS

Preface

7

Introduction PART ONE

SURVEY DATA

:

13 13

Informants and Languages

I.

Data Sheets

II.

PART TWO

11

:

19

DESCRIPTION

59

1.

Rere

59

2.

Ebang

64

2a Abul

68

3.

Laru

72

4.

Utoro

75

5.

Shirumba

79

6.

Tiro

84

7.

Moro

87

8.

Ko

94

9.

Warnang

PART THREE:

99

Logoi

103

COMPARISON

109

10.

1.

Lexicostatistic Subclassification

2.

Sound Correspondences and Phonological Recon­

109

115

structions 2.1.

Bilabial Obstruents

2.2.

Dental Obstruents

117

2.3.

Dental/Alveolar Correspondences

118

2.4.

Alveolar ObstruentsandtheRetroflex Flap

2.5.

Palatal Obstruents

120

2.6.

Velar Obstruents

121

2.7.

Nasals

123

116

119

6

3.

2,8.

Liquids and Glides

125

2.9.

Vowels

128

2.10.

Vowel Length

131

2.11.

Tone

132

Reconstruction of the Noun Class System 3.1.

4.

132

Summary

132

3.2.

Major Two-class Genders

134

3.3.

Minor Two-class Genders

137

3.4.

One-class Genders

140

3.5.

Historical Changes of the Noun Class System

181

.5. Reconstructions of Pronominal Forms

5.1.

Personal Pronouns

5.2.

Possessives

184

5.3.

Demonstratives

185

181

6. Conclusion

6.1.

185

Phonological Branch Innovations and

Differentiae 6.2.

186

Morphological Branch Innovations and

Differentiae

Appendix:

142

152

Reconstructions of Lexical Items

187

6.3.

Lexical Branch Innovations andDifferentiae

187

6.4.

The Position of Shirumba (5.SH)

188

Table of Cognation Judgements

References

191 198

Maps: The Distribution of the KordofanianLanguages

The Languages of the HEIBAN Group

9

10

PREFACE

The so-called Kordofanian languages are spoken in the Nuba Mountains in the Democratic Republic of the Sudan. The linguists' choice of the name

"Kordofanian" is not an entirely happy one because 'Kordofan' refers to the country around El Obeid and excludes the regions of the Nuba Mountains which for a long time used to be governed first by and then from Kordofan. In 1974 the province of Kordofan was split up and the southern half (re)gained pro­ vincial status with Kadugli as its capital. This new province, called South­

ern Kordofan, is the area in which all Kordofanian languages are spoken, and also Arabic (by townspeople and by the Baqqara), Hill Nubian dialects, Nyimang, Temein, and Daju.

Kordofanian occupies a prominent position in Greenberg’s (1963) clas­ sification of African languages: it is given the status of one of the two primary branches of Niger-Kordofanian (or: Congo-Kordofanian), which is one

of his four African language families. Greenberg’s affiliation of Kordofan­ ian with Niger-Congo has - to my knowledge - never been seriously challeng­ ed. Many authors, however, take a more cautious position leaving Kordofanian

unclassified. Such reticence seems wise in view of the paucity of our knowl­ edge about these languages and their internal relationships.

A feature of Kordofanian that has continuously aroused the linguists’

interest is its system of noun classes which is in structure strikingly rem­ iniscent of Bantu and related systems in Niger-Congo. Greenberg 1972:190

himself admits the importance of this for his classification:

"It is not too much to state that in at least one instance, that of Niger-Kordofanian, grammatical resemblances were treated as more deci­ sive than lexical ones." The purpose of the present survey is to clarify the internal relation­ ships between the various groups of Kordofanian languages, as well as to provide material that will shed light on the relation between Kordofanian

and Niger-Congo. I hope to present the results of my survey of Kordofanian in five parts corresponding to five language groups:

PREFACE

8

EEIBAN Group TALODI Group

RASHAD Group KATLA Group

KADUGLI Group The names chosen for the groups are the names of towns centrally located in

the respective areas; the hydronymy commonly used in African linguistics cannot be applied in the Nuba Mountains for want of permanent surface water.

The survey work was carried out in the Nuba Mountains during three months from October, 1974, to January, 1975. I hereby gratefully acknowledge

- the financial sponsoring by the Netherlands Foundation for the Ad­

vancement of Tropical Research (NOTRO), grant nr. W 39-28; - the recognition of my work by the Institute of African and Asian Studies, University of Khartoum;

- the administrative help received from the Netherlands Embassy in

Khartoum; - the friendly hospitality bestowed upon me by police officers, judges scribes, medical officers, teachers, Verona Fathers, traders, and many other

people wherever I went in the Nuba Mountains.

9

MAP:

Kordofanian

10

MAPs

H e i b a n

INTRODUCTION

The HEIBAN Group is essentially the same as the "Koalib-Moro language

Group" in Stevenson 1956-57. The group also appears in the Handbook of Afri­ can Languages (Tucker & Bryan 1956, 1966), as well as in Greenberg 1963 (un­

der the name "Koalib Group"). My change in nomenclature derives from the wish to avoid naming a language group after one or two individual languages. More­

over, the two languages Koalib and Moro do not occupy extreme positions with­ in this group, neither geographically nor linguistically. Heiban is the only

town in the area where the various languages of this group are spoken and it is located in the centre of this area. "Heiban" is the form of this place-

name that is generally accepted by Arabs and Europeans.

My own data on the languages of the HEIBAN Group consist of wordlists from eleven localities, two of which turned out to be nearly identical. The language names I am using are based on terms as they are used by the speakers

themselves. Often, such a name applies only to the speech-form of a single

locality, and no generic term covering all the dialects of a single language is in use. I have stripped the locally used names of their class prefixes,

and thus they may be used without any changes not only for the language, but also for the locality, the community, or the individual speaker. I have also

fully romanized all language names, omitting diacritics and uncommon digraphs. Here are the language names and their code abbreviations as I shall use them:

Rere

1.

RE

Tiro

6.

TI

Ebang

2.

EB

Moro

7.

MO

Abul

2a

AB

Ko

8.

KO

Laru

3.

LA

Warnang

9.

NA

Utoro

4.

UT

Logoi

10.

LO

Shirumba

5.

SH

Hitherto, the languages of the HEIBAN Group have been known from the following publications: Ruppell 1829, Seligman 1910/11, Meinhof 1915-19,

MacDiarmid & MacDiarmid 1931, Meinhof 1943/44, Stevenson 1956-57, and Black &

Black 1971. To these may be added four translations of the New Testament into Rere, Ebang, Utoro, and Moro.

12

INTRODUCTION

Ruppell 1829 contains a short wordlist of "Schabun" which is probably the same as Shirumba (5.SH). Meinhof 1943/44 and Black 1971 are descriptions

of Ebang (2.EB) and Moro (7.MO), respectively. The other sources all contain information on several languages; for ease of reference I give a comparative

list of language names as they are used by the various authors. Stevenson

MacDiarmid

Meinhof

Seligman

1956-57

1931

1915-19

1910/11

Koalib?

-

1.

RE

Koalib/qlrErE

2.

EB

Koalib

Heiban

-

-

-

2a. AB

Heiban/Abul

-

-

-

3.

LA

Laro

-

-

4.

UT

Otoro

-

Kawama

5.

SH

Shwai

-

Schabun

6.

TI

Tira

Tira el Akhdar

Kanderma, Tira Kanderma

7.

MO

Moro

Moro

Moro

-

-

-

-

-

8,

KO

"Fungor"/Kau-Nyaro Fungor

9.

WA

”Fungor"/Werni

10.

LO

"Lukha"

-

Kawama

-

Except for the "Koalib" numbers 'one* through ' eight', which were pro­ vided by a speaker of "Tagoy" and are not easily recognizable, Meinhof 191519 did not himself record any data from the HEIBAN Group. His data on

"Schabun" are taken from Ruppell 1829, those on "Kawama" and "Kanderma" from Seligman 1910/11, and those on "Tira" and "Moro" were copied from unpublished

wordlists by W. Nicholls. Seligman 1910/11 provides a number of words from a language called "Lumun" (reproduced in Meinhof 1915-19) which Stevenson 1956:94 regards as

"a very minor variation of Tira" (6.TI). On the basis of my own data, however

"Lumun" must be placed within the TALODI Group where it is probably one of

the languages or dialects called "Moro Hills settlements" by Stevenson 1956-

57. The approximate positions of the various languages of the HEIBAN Group

are shown on the map proceeding this Introduction. More precise indications as to the origins of my informants will be given in Part One, I.

PART

ONE:

I.

INFORMANTS AND LANGUAGES

1,

RERE

SURVEY

DATA

A 200-word list was collected from Mr, Dinar Abd el Been, then 16 years old. He was born and raised in Majija; his father, too, was born in Majija,

and his mother came from Murtamba. (I have not been able to find these vil­ lages on the map NC-36-A.) The work sessions took place at Delami.

Mr. Dinar called his language

qi-rE£];E , his people

li-resfE , sg.

ku-reefE . The name of the language belongs to the same noun class as the word 'word, speech'

qa-^aaqal .

According to Stevenson, Rere is a dialect of the Koalib dialect clus­

ter, spoken in and around Abri. The form of speech used by Mr. Dinar differs slightly from the Rere examples found in Stevenson, as well as from the New Testament in Rere. For instance, z there corresponds regularly to j in my

notes, e.g.

1-izi

vs.

1-iji

'people*. Compare also the word for 'tongue':

MacDiarmid 1931:

thigila

Stevenson 1956-57:

fcigila

New Testament:

tigla

my notes:

tiliga

Meinhof 1915-19 recorded the "Koalib" numbers 'one' through 'eight' from a speaker of "Tagoy". Of these, the numbers 'one', 'four', 'five1,

'seven' and 'eight* correspond clearly to the forms in my notes, and his ' two'corresponds to my 'six’.

2.

EBANG

A 200-word list was collected from Mrs. Aziza Kaco who was then more than 30 years old. She and her parents were born and had spent all their lives in Heiban where the working sessions took place. "Heiban" is the conventional

spelling of the name of a small town and of the surrounding area including a prominent mountain. The local pronunciation is

EEbag , and the language is

14

SURVEY DATA

called

duquna da eebaij

or

deebaq .

The language recorded in my notes is identical with "Heiban" as de­ scribed by Stevenson 1956-57 and by Meinhof 1943/44.

2a. ABUL

A loo-word list was obtained from Mr. Fadlalla Usmaan Kunda, then 18

years old. He had been born in Dilling, but both his parents originated from Abul, and when he was three years old his family returned to Abul. Mr. Fad­ lalla found it difficult to provide me with the Abul equivalents of the Ara­

bic words I was giving him, he often hesitated or said he could not remember. Our work session took place at Heiban. Later - still in Heiban - the data obtained from Mr. Fadlalla were

checked with Mr. Ashaya, also 18 years old. He had been born in Abul which was also the home of both his parents. It was no trouble for him to fill in the gaps left by Mr. Fadlalla. He assigned a number of nouns to different

genders, and there are also a few phonetic differences between his form of speech and that of Mr. Fadlalla. Finally, ^-it was he who provided the record­

ing of the 100-word list. I shall mark forms which are specific for one of these two informants by their respective initials F and A. They called their language

ple' or, in short,

dugun dadi labl&

'speech of the Abul-peo-

^ablS - daabelS . The final & in these forms probably is

a case marker; they used the word

abul

to designate their village or coun­

try. (The name of the language was recorded in the frame 'he speaks...

On the map NC-36-A, "Aboil" is the name of a mountain four kilometers northwest of Heiban. Stevenson 1956-57 (correctly) regards Abul as a "minor variation" of the Ebang language.

3.

LARU A 100-word list was collected at Heiban from Mr. Baaballa Kodi, then

17 years old. Mr. Baaballa had been born in Karlo [ka^lo], and his parents

had come from Lera. Karlo might be the village "Kallo" on the eastern edge of the "Laro Hills", and Lera is probably "Alleira" in the centre of these hills. This is how the village names appear on the map WC-36-A, and the name

INFORMANTS & LANGUAGES

15

"Laro Hills" is taken from Map 2 in Stevenson 1956-57. Both villages are sit­ uated about 15 kilometers north of Heiban, Mr. Baaballa called his language

yillaaru , his people

Qullaaru , sg.

^illaaru , and his country

laaru.

"Laro" is also the name of a mountain on the western edge of the Laro hills,

and on the map there is a village "Allaro" close to "Alleira".

4.

UTORO

At first, a 100—word list was obtained from Mr. Rajab Rahma. He had grown up in his birth-place Kerindi [kerindi], which was also the home of his mother. His father had come from Sheibun, and Mr. Rajab grew up bilingually,.

I found the eliciting difficult, and I completed the 200-word list with the assistance of Mr. Abd er-Rahiim Kocco, then 32 years old. He and both his parents lived in Kacama [kacama]. As I was not sure whether both informants represented the same dialect, I tried to check the whole list with one and the same informant. I gained the help of Mr. Koodi Birjiil, then 18 years old. He too came from Kacama fkajama

in his pronunciation), and so did both his parents. From him I elicited the complete 200-word list, and we recorded the items of the 100-word list. All

work sessions took place at Heiban. Mr. Koodi called his language

and his country

uto^o .

, his people

, sg.

guto^o,

The centre of the Utoro Hills lies approximately 20

kilometers south of Heiban; on the map NC-36-A and in Stevenson 1956-57 they

are called "Otoro". Kacama (on the map: "Kachama") is the northernmost Utoro village, about 8 kilometers south of Heiban. In the descriptive notes, I shall refer to the idiolects of the three informants by their respective initials R.f A.f and K. K. and A. both repre­

sent the same dialect, i.e. Kacama, on which I shall base my descriptive statements. Diagnostic differences between the two dialects are (a) the gen­

der

g-/n-

in R., which is merged with the gender

g-/j-

in K. and A., and

(b) the occurrence of a voiced labiodental fricative in R., cf. 'blood,

liver'. The Utoro dialects described by Seligman ("Kawama"), re-described by

Meinhof and by Stevenson ("Kwara") are closer to R. than to "Kacama". The same is true for the dialect into which the New Testament has been translat­

16

SURVEY DATA

ed.

Compare:

stones

ears

blood

Stevenson 1956-57

n-oni

qavdn

New Testament

n-ani

R.

n-EEni . *f . 3-Esni

quwen u q van

Seligman 1910/11

n-adol

j-adol

K.

5.

gin

SHIRUMBA

A 200-word list was collected in Heiban from Mrs. Kaka Karu [kaaka kaapi], then (at least) 18 years old. She lived in Utingi [u^igi], but her parents were both from Shirumba [J/rumba]. The name of this village is spell­

ed "Churumba" on the map NC-36-A; it is situated near Jebel Shwai [Jivaya], 19 kilometers approximately west of Heiban. Mrs. Kaka called her language

31Jirumba

or, more fully,

qu^on qadi q/jirumba , and she referred to her

people as

lifirumba ,

ujirumba .

sg.

Stevenson 1956-57 speaks of a dialect cluster "Shwai", but he cites no examples from it. In 1829, Ruppell had published notes on a language he call­ ed "Schabun", and these notes were reproduced by Meinhof 1915-19. (On the map cited above, there is a Jebel Sheibun approximately 35 kilometers west

of Heiban.) Ruppell's word list contains about fourty items that are compa­ rable to my list, and such comparison points to our Shirumba as being the closest to "Schabun". A recurring difference between Shirumba and "Schabun"

lies in the presence of a noun-class prefix

k-

in the latter where the for­

mer has zero. This prefix is present in other languages of the Central group,

e.g. in Ebang, but these languages - unlike Shirumba and Schabun - have also preserved g in the noun prefix

gw-

and in intervocalic position.

Compare the following items:

EBANG

SCHABUN

SHIRUMBA

MORO

3 ah

yya

/ fr isia

hair

// xiga . ff , JAA^U

oru

avu

iir/a

knife

kadda

gondu

legs

goofa

romani

anda / * . rameni

irtia / / / rimanijia

fire

17

INFORMANTS & LANGUAGES MORO

EBANG

SCHABUN

SHIRUMBA

neck

kudom

kodom

udam

Etam

rain

kSw

kaf

awwa

ramua

woman

gwa

ua

wS

Conflicting evidence comes from the item 'stars': Schabun Shirumba.

robah ,

1-uugOm . The Schabun root is found only in Tiro and Moro, the

Shirumba root in all other languages of the Central group; cf. Tiro

ruppa .

Moro

yaba ,

The obvious explanation is that either the Schabun or the

Shirumba word is a borrowing.

6.

TIRO A 100-word list was collected at Heiban from Mr. Awad Murtiin, then 16

years old. He had been born in Dengir [dEijgir] , which was also the home of both his parents. (On the map NC-36-A, there is a place named Dunger approx­ imately 10 kilometers south-east of Heiban.)

Mr. Awad called his language i-£r3 . The area is referred to as

Bi-tirs , his people

li-^r3 , sg.

tiro .

The language recorded in my notes is essentially the same as "Tira" in Stevenson 1956-57.

7.

MORO A 200-word list was collected from Mr. Makrofoon, then 29 years old.

Like both of his parents, he had been born and had spent all his life at Um

Dorein, where the working sessions took place. Um Dorein is a small town ap­

proximately halfway between Kadugli and Talodi; cf. map NC-36-E. Mr. Makrofoon called the town Um Dorein [xqupOg], but I could not elic­

it any specific term for his people. When speaking Arabic, he used the un­ changing term "Moro", and from this he could derive

3imoro

as the language

name.

Thanks to the efforts of two linguistically trained missionaries, Mr.

and Mrs. K. Black, Moro may be considered the best described Kordofanian lan­ guage. Their grammar and dictionary of the Moro language was published in

SURVEY DATA

18

1971 by the Sudan Research Unit, University of Khartoum. Their mission sta­ tion used to be not far from Um Dorein, and the dialect they describe is the same as the one of my informant. I have occasionally filled gaps in my notes from their wordlist, and these additions are marked B.

8.

KO A 200-word list was obtained from Mr. Jabur, who gave his age as twen­

ty-five (though he appeared to be much older). He and his parents had been

born and had spent all their lives at Ko [ko] , usually referred to as "Kau", where our work sessions took place. "Kau" and the neighbouring hills/villages may be found on the western edge of map NC-36-F.

Mr. Jabur referred to his people as

guage as

east of Kau)

Ifo , sg.

wu^o , and to his lan-

. He called the place "Fungor" (12 kilometers south­

k-paw ka

pQaqare .

Stevenson 1956-57 sets up a "Fungor" dialect cluster, to which he as­

signs the dialects of (1) Fungor, (2) Kau and Nyaro, and (3) Werni. He bases himself on Nadel 1947 and 1950, and on MacDiarmid 1931, but se&ns to have no

first-hand data. The first two of his dialects are very close indeed: MacDiarmid's "Fungor" words and my own notes from Ko are almost identical,

except that "Fungor"

3

is weakened to

Y/y/0

'meat'

cidhe

cu-ye

’nose'

kedhin

keyun

'breast'

kudhu

kau

in Ko. Compare:

Warnang ("Werni") differs so radically from Ko - and frcrni all other languages of the HEIBAN Group - that I have treated it as a separate lan­ guage.

9.

WARNANG A 100-word list was collected from two brothers, both schoolboys at

Kologi. They were Adam (then 10 years old) and Muhammad (then 7 years old). Their parents lived at Warnang where they had spent all their lives. Warnang [warnaq] ,

which is also called Werni, is situated approximately 50 kilome­

ters south-south-east of Kologi, cf. map NC-36-E.

INFORMANTS & LANGUAGES

Adam and Muhammad referred to their people as

qeji qa warnaq , and to their language as

19

ciriq ca warnaq , sg.

giiro ra’ warnaq .

As far as I am aware, no data from the Warnang language have been pub­ lished so far, Stevenson 1956-57, basing himself on observations by Nadel

1950 and MacDiarmid 1931, puts "Nerni1' into one dialect cluster together

with "Fungor" and "Kau-Nyaro". However - according to my notes - Warnang dif­

fers so drastically from Ko that I had to treat it as a separate language.

10. LOGOL A 200-word list was obtained from Mr. Muhammad Musa, then 26 years old. Mr. Muhammad had been born at Dugili [dugili] , which was also the home of

both his parents. When we met at Kologi where our work sessions took place Mr. Muhammad had been working as a lorry driver and mechanic in various

places, but he still regularly visited his home. Dugili lies approximately ten kilometers north of Kologi, at the foot of Jebel Lukha; cf. "Dogilli" on

map NC-36-E. Mr. Muhammad referred to his ethnic group as

logoi , sg.

gulogol , and to his language as

loqan ,

talogoli .

to his people us

(The final

i

in

the last item is probably a case marker.) The distinction "ethnic group" vs. "people" is not entirely clear, but

the Arabic term

loqan

is felt to be the equivalent of

luxxa .

"Lukha" is listed by MacDiarmid 1931 and by Stevenson 1956-57 as a place where a language of the HEIBAN Group is spoken. But as far as I know, no data from this language have ever been published.

II. DATA SHEETS

Here I give an almost complete account of the data as I have collected

then. Not included are pronominal forms and a few items which I came upon by chance; these supplementary data are included into the descriptive state­

ments.

Each column ("meaning") is divided into thirteen rows. (Rows F and R

are only used when the respective entry differs from the proceeding row.)

SURVEY DATA

20

1

RE

2 EB 2a AB

Abul

F:

Abul (informant Mr, Fadlalla Usmaan Kunda)

UT

Utoro (A: informant Mr. Abd er-Rahiim Kocco)

3

4

Rere Ebang

LA

Laru

R: Utoro (informant Mr. Rajab Rahma)

5

SH

Shirumba

6

TI

Tiro

7

MO

Moro (B: citation from Black 1971)

8

KO

Ko

9

WA

Warnang

10

LO

Logoi

Entries of nouns show both singular and plural (where appropriate) in an abbreviated way; e.g., 'belly':

1

RE

k-aari/y-

stands for

sg

kaari/pl

yaari

9

WA

aariji/c-

stands for

sg

aariji/pl

caariji

Adjectives are given as stems, followed by the prefixes with which

they were recorded. ("Stem" and "Prefix" are here simply defined as the un-

variable and the variable parts, respectively.) E.g.-, 'bad*: 10

LO

-ikki ,

q-

,

j-

stands for

qikki , jikki

It is mainly with verbs that difficult problems of segmentation arise. Such segmentation - though at the present stage of knowledge largely guess-' work - is necessary in order to arrive at comparable units (hopefully roots),

imperatives (recognizable by their being followed by an exclamation point)

are normally segmented into root + suffix. Other verb forms are all third

person, usually present tense (but: 'he is dead', 'he has fallen', 'it is swollen'). Such verb forms have normally been segmented into three parts:

concord/tense marker + root + suffix. Occasionally, the tense marker has

been separated from the concord, and/or there is no apparent suffix. In the examples below,the parts to be compared are underlined.

4

UT

5

SH1-rind-o

2a AB

gu-m-ay

dance/

they are dancing

he is dead

DATA SHEETS

10

LO

m-ay-1

he is dead

1

RE

ku-m-iid-i

he has fallen

MO

g-ii5-u

he has fallen

7

21

Forms in square brackets are not directly comparable, either because

they are complex expressions (the literal meaning of which is not always

known), or else they have also been listed under another meaning which is tak­ en to be primary. For instance, most entries under 'leaf' are really words

for 'ear1, and only under that meaning are they compared and judged for cog­ nation. Items are arranged alphabetically; only numerals are listed together at

the end.

all

animal

arm

ashes

back

t-t/rx/x

y-aari

t-uu^u/r-

[d-oy/d-J 1

(j-)aaro

d-uufo/d-

aapo

-

-

-

1

RE

(liji) ndSt (people)

Q-lfEl

2

EB

p£t

d-oola/dk-awaij/j-

p£t

-

[d-i/r-] 1

F:

-

-

[

3

LA

per//kurpai// ku//dar

-

[g-ui/ijw-] 1

gw-aru

-

4

VT

kur(n

A: j-ufu

d-ey/d-

j-aaru

d-o^o/d-

2a AB

coll.3 d. d. w.

/qu-1 1

KJ K)

tn § s Ml

-

R:

-

5

SH

kerubEl(l)aQ

ii3e/1-i3e

3

W.

6

TI

tarra

-

7

MO

prej

B: Swala// wagalo/laqge lalo

8

KO

9

WA

-cap (li-)

10 LO

thing..?

[3-e/r-] 1

aaro

d-uro/r-

3-i/r-

i^iaa

-

u^uuna

l-odua/qB: lupi

[3-aq/r-] 1 B: fre/perre

lower a.

muye/le- ; email a.

k-ala/c-

ewun

t-aqan/cf-aijan

-£ddam (j-)

-

k^a/kr^a

kuuga

-

-6r (j-)

gw-iye/i-

[d-i/cf-J 1

j-aaru [u~u]

d-uuru/cf-

w.

d. = domestic a. w. = wild a.

1 = hand

bad

bark n.

belly

big

bird

1

RE

-gi, kwo,t£af. rotten

k-iaw/y-

k-aari/y-

-uppa, k-,y-,jf~ = thick

t®-raw/ps1 ku-^aw/n-daw" lal-daw 2

2

EB

-ikke, l-,qw-,gw-

g-iu/j-

k-aave/p-

-ippa/-ipp£ -ippa, l-/qw= thick

q-ira/p-

g-/£yu

g-aare/p-

-ippa, l-/~puppa, qu-

q-ta/p-

2a AB

l-ii/nw-

F:

3

LA

-

J-iyu/qw-

1-aari/qw-

-ppa, kiu-,yi-

k-®ra/y-

-kkep, gwu-

g-iya/j-

g-aare/j-

-booSo, gu-,ji-

g-^uwa/jii-

-

k-aare/n-

R:

5

SH

-ikke, 3-

ab(u)gur/n-

i-riq/n-driq

-buudo, 0-,nu-

q-fuvia/p-

6

TI

-

3-/£yyu

ari/naari

-•pa, 3a-,r-

upuva/ltuva

7

MO

-cc£a, Sa­

3-/isia

ara/naara

-uufa, 1-

u^afia/ndaf ia

k-iye/c-

e-wip/cu-

qa-/fUwS

k-iiya

aarip/c-

-bat, ka-/-batpa, qa= many att ammaq/c-ot^£ c-oinmaq

g-iyyo

g-aaxi/j-

-afaaqa, g-,j-,d= thick

q-apuwo/p-

fi 9

KO -ekki, f-

WA

10 LO

-£kk£, q-,j= rotten

q-a^wa/p-

1 small bird 2 big bird

DATA SHEETS

4 UT

/qw-

bite

1

RE

2

EB

2a AB F:

black

blood

blow

blunt

bone

[ii-3u!] = eat

-uijuna, k-,y-

q-in, sg t-

u££-aaSu!

Jurugu-Jurugu

1-iya/qw-

[itt-i!] = eat

-umnag, g-

q-in

bud-EEdil

[gajj! gajjaa'dano] = not sharp

1-ui/q-

[itt-L] = eat

-uumanoQ, g-

Q-iin

-

-

l-uy/q-

[itt-il; qiln m-eji M.] = eat; dog

-umnag, g-,l~

13-in

-

-

1-iiya/q-uya

-

-

g-uya/y-

K> A

3

LA

[itt-u qwadune] = eat with teeth

-umna, g-,y-

// y-ixn

4

UT

qiin qa-m-erum dog

-umanag, gw= dirty

13-m

bud-adit A: wu-dSU

[g-ajug-erE^u no] = not sharp

1-qya/q-

R:

-

-

J3u-van

-

-

-

S

SH

[qiin q-i£J-£qa] = dog eat

uumana

13-av (v) in

ud-Edi!

[tan £a3o bo] - not sharp

l-’ia/qw-

6

TI

qeen q-armb-a3o dog

-umanu, k-

13-avin

-

-

l-u3a/q-

7

MO

[qiina q-ass-a] = dog eat

-munua, ka-

q-afani

uu3-u!

[gEsru gufxni] = not sharp

l-3ia/qu-

a

KO

M. u-gaj-o Jan caqo M. dog teeth

-ugun£u?u

13-un

kowr-u!

9

WA

qan qa-gleed-a M. karqae dog M. teeth

-uuqan,

q-

c-uunu

-

-

ktqi/kuriji

qin qu-m-oosum dof eat ?

-uquno, g= dirty

13-ivin

fu (u)d-Egi!

-a^yu, g= dead ?

1-uya/q-

10 LO

§ 8

k-wqp/c-

breast

breathe

brother

burn

branch

-

AA3u/y-ee3u

aqg-ari/li-®qg-$ri 1 my b.

1

RE

aar ua-13 say breath

w-udu-nno

1

d-arna/d- H lx-wawrs/qu-

gw-a-gug-e^^ uuwa ? breath

mag-aalo/li -niag-aalo your b. 1

1

EB

k-Adu/j-edu

i-^u-nnu

2

1

9-/aa^u

-

w-ud-i

d-rna/r-

yand-ud-s

1

-

a^u/qodu

2a AB F:

£-uwa n.

d-rna/r-

Adu/j-edu

gwa-gEE9-al° uuwa ? breath

R:

-

-

5

SH

uvfa/n< stick

1-sdu/Adu

avdi awwa

maqgen/la-

6

II

3- - r-/ii3u

qg-nft-u3o

-

7

MO

3-/traJia

i3u ~ a3uj B, [s? = pl ]

gaji-ufu3-anu

ur-4p/l-ur-deji my b.

8

KO

t-an/cC-

ka-u/ca-

wonjaqa taliqa

w-aq/1-

9

WA

-

abu/cubu

-

Ar.

q-oayu/j-

mu-wunn-i uwo inhale mu-wunn-syu uwo exhale

LA

4

VT

10 LO

a3u

maqga

1

1

1

ya-wud-s

1

yu-kud-o

1

y-uud-o

1

ya-ud-a

1

1-ood-a

2

// k-ogonoo^an * aqa (iye) konoun 1 [gi-ma-y-ataq] 1 = eat

gw-a^laalu/1your b. 1 = sister

1

[qa-ma-y] 1 = eat; past tense 1 subject: fire 2 subject: stick

DATA SHEETS

gu-m-uud-i subject: house

1-adu/qw[a 01’ AA ?]

3

0} § a

child 1

RE

2

EB

claw

t-elle/p-

1

[k-£pili/y-]

clean

clothing

cloud

-juulu, km-,yi-

k-erej/y-

l-abls£/gw-

k-Exag/j-

g-/j-ibAAru

£

g-aare/k-Elega

[k-/p- - l-aamun/qoomun] = finger

[-igger]

2a: AB

-

-

-

g-/ereg

F:

-

-

-

g-Exsda/1-

-

3

LA

-

-

-

-

k-ere/y-

4

UT

g-aapi/p- < tree ? = fruit, seed

[g-aamun/j-] < finger

g-Ers/j-

abapu S = sg of fog^

-

AXbut °

e-red/n[$ “"tl

g-ixig coll.

R:

[k-amof/n-]

1

[-Qir]

1

1

1

-

N y Sa

5

SR

g-iji/p< person

[3-amsEni 3-aa3o gup£via/r- r-] = foot of bird

[&ee1d]

6

HI

—

-

-

7

MO

g-Esri/p- small ch. u-mmia/lE- biff ch.

1-uppata/p-

-tr£, ka-

e-reenia/nd[ia ~ e]

tio/kalo [o~ow; lorp?] = fruit

ib”opua = fog

[k-eman/c-]

-ogacfa’ug, k-

k-ofian/c-

kulii'li = dust, fog

-

Ar.

g-oru/j-

Ieexe = sky

8

KO

9

1

1

l-/g-oome sg = rain

HA

10 LO

g-ilsEgs

coll.

1

[g-amun/j-]

[-ipiidu, g-J = white

1 - nail

[r or p?]

1 = good

(multi)coloured

come

cook

count

cut

dance

cold

uu^-u&ul

ritfi-u!

g-ur-i - split

gu-riJS-o

RE

-31, ku-,g£-

-

izl-a!

maan-ul

2

EB

-ijiilo, g-

girsenina

iil-a!

gu-man-u

iild-aSu! [id~ir] gwi-^ur-Edi

-

il-a!

-

-

-

-

-ijilo, g-

-

-

-

-

-

-

—

F: LA

-ijiilu, k-,y-

-

xl-a!

-

-

-

-

3

-ipidig, g-

-urtor, gw- # -urklo spotted

Il-a!

man-u1.

dul-sdi! n n

r£t-ol

UT

luu-di!

4

R:

-

-

-

—

SR

-ijilo, g-

arajia pulla

sel-al

adaj-ol

duup-s'dil

up-{dll

5

1-rind-a (people)

6

TI

-mola, ga-

-urarri, k-

11-al k-EEj-O

-

MO

ga-

-aa lundru, k-; -adi jiundru, k-

sl-agl g-EE^-u

burwaa-tow mano

umaSa-tslu1.

tsba-3iaanuL

7

la-rt-ia (people)

KO

-ojjo, g= wet

-

apa! u-pinu [p~b]

wa^-ul

ka^togofi'

marts! marro:

lak-ul

8 9

WA

Ar.

-

koy! g-urjf-o

-

-

-

-Amoolu, g-

-

WEEl-a! m-EEl-a

maan-u1.

yuur-ediL

urwwdgo!

2a AB

It) LO

1

-

swixdx!

1 = play

DATA SHEETS

1

day (counting unit)

day(light)

die

dig

dirty

dog

drink

ku-m-ay; kw-ay-u

kur-tu!

-ruuqa, km-,y£-

t-£psn/ji-

ii-3u = eat

1

RE

t-aamin/ji~ < finger

[k-aagun-a]

2

EB

-

[k-egin gaanu] 1

gw-ay

gwi-kur-o 1

q-irle n. dirt

U-iin/jiP? ]

£yy-ol

2a AB

-

-

gu-m-ay

-

-

g-iin/p-

gw-iy-:

F:

-

-

-

-

-

3

LA

-

-

gwu-m-ay

-

-

ks-pen/yi-

iyy-u!

4

UT

[1-aamun/ gw-oomun]

m-ay

kur-u!

[g-umanaq gaanu] = black

g-iin/p-

y-u!

-

-

m-ay-e

gur-oL

g-irlej; n. dirt

g-iin/p-

iyy-u!

g-een(e)/p-

J-u!

R:

-

5

SH

[1-aaman/g-]

6

TI

7

MO

[1-uman/p-]

8

KO

1-ur/g-

[nfegsna]

9

WA

-

-

[1-aamun/gw~ -admun ] 1

[g-eegin]

1 = finger

1 < sun

10 LO

1

1 -

1

1

[apeenia]

1

/gw-

g-ay-u 1

[aa£p£n]

1

g-aay-u

gabol B. uru

-ttaga, ka-

g-££na/p-

t-ul

w-acc-u

kul-o!

-agarje, k-

J-sn/p-in

£y-ol [y ? ]

g-eej-i

-

-

g-an/p-

i3ejol g-ey past

m-ay-i

gur-u!

[-uguno] = black

g-£n/p-

-

1

1

1 = hoe v.

earth

eat

egg

wursy

[ii-3i — !] 1 = drink

l-qp/qw-

1

gw-iyag

rtt-il

1

l-op/pw-

1

gw-iyag

itt-£l

1

1-ejia/g-ojia

gu-yag

itt-il m-eji

1

-

fc-Zag

itt-£l

1

k-oopo/y-

dust

ear

k-upufa

k-sani/y-

g-uluq [lord?]

k-eeni/p-

-undo

-

g-eeni/ji-

F:

m-unde

-

aani/qoom

3

LA

-undu, k-

-

1-eeni/gw-

4

UT

-undog, gw-

g-ilag

g-eeni/j-

R:

-uddp, g-

1

-

g -aaani/n-

5

SH

-un^o, 0-

-2

3-araw = earth?

aani/n-eeni

6

TI

-undutu, 3-

-

an^po/n-aanojio 1

3-uu3o

y-ol

MO

-ondottu, k-

a0ur£ua

an£pa/n-

3-uu3wa

g-aas-a

7 8

KO

-qp, k-

[kuliili] = cloud

k-afi/c-

9

WA

-uwiji, g-

-

w-uuni/c-

1

k-uru

10 LO

-udog, g-

cf-ugun

g-eeni/j-

1

gw-iyaw

RE

-ndu, km-,y£-

2

EB

-i#,, g-

2a AB

1 = empty

*

1 = leaf

1

1

1-op/qw-

gw-xyom

1

-

1 1

-

-

l-e(pog/q-

amu^a fine e. // data less fine 1

l-^pe/g-

1

l-op/g-

k-afia

1

1 = dust

l-^pa/q-

yaa-do = bum

oqpe/cl-op/qw-

cf. bite •>

1 = bite

DATA SHEETS

dry

1

-

SURVEY DATA

[4nene]

1

empty

1

2

RE

eye

[k-u^i k-uuranna mac] = not full

EB

I

fall

far

l-sy/qw-oy

ku-m-iid-i

tuk

k-ey/j-

gw-iid-o

[-oolag]

fat

father

>3-eela

1

S-^ryi-in his f./ r-ar:1Ji-ariga our f. ^^/bobo-ga

ij-e ela

2a AB

-

F:

-

9-ay/X)w-oy

-

-

3

LA

-

1-ey/qw-oy

-

-

4

UT

[gw-undog gaanu]

y-xila 1 // y-aalu

0-ey/j-

ma-cal-u

q-eelaO

-

[gw-oolaq gaanu] 1 -

1-ey/g-

qa-maa-vaal-u

[waala-no]

q-eela

baba/-ga

i-ey/n-

-

-

g-eela

—

issi [sg^pl]

g-ii3-u

noldwan

g-eela

k-i/c-

pappa my f.// itteen his f.

u-berg-a

[-o^atoc, k-]

g-ee^a

tagajia

kii/kipi

-

-

C-E££a

-

q-ey/j-

m-awg-o

[-OO1O, g-]

ij-eela

deljiaalu your f.

5

SR

-

6

IT

[-unt-ano] 1 // afSe -

7

MO

-ppiaanu, ka-

8

KO

9

WA

io

LO

1

-odbcfXp, 0-

-oddug, g-,g-

Q“£Ela

1 = dry

2

1

2

1 = long

-

baaba/-tja

—

1 = fat, oil

fear v.

feather

few

fight v.

finger

fire

|lfp-pi3-u] = hit

1-aamin/y-

y-££ga [or:LL]

gwi-dur-o

l-aamun/gooinun, ~ - claw, nail

nga

RE

ku-3nji-a

k-uufa/y-

-okkupec, l-,y-

2

EB

gw-a-tti-deeji-a

g-ifwal/j-

[-rttiji, 1-]

2a AB

-

ga-fuwal/i-

-

-

1-aamun/qw-

iiga

F:

-

-

-

-

-

-

3

LA

-

ti-fwa/qu-

-

-

k-oomun/y-

l-iiga

4

UT

gwu-d^p-o

g— ~ d-alaij/j-

-tidog, li-

ped-u! < lizt

1-aamun/qw-oomun 1-aamun/y- (A.,)

i(i)ga

R:

-

k-apuwel/j-

-

5

SH

dfq-a // gatta difi-ada bo! 2

ij;wil/n-

[-danugo, lid-] 1

6

TI

-

I mb£ a/n -amb£ a

-

7

MO

ga-3iji-aalu

abpa/n-

[-tta, la-]

8

KO

u-luwe

t-ulE^a/cf-

9

WA

-

k-uboq/kurbog

gw-arr-u q-EEpa = work fear n.

g-uffu/jof. wing

10। LO

1 hive no fear!

1-aamon/ji-

1

iiga/j-

ki3-o!

l-aaman/g-

1

yya

-

1-DTnmon/Q-

pi3-ul

l-uman/ji-

-spaceman, 1-

DY-i!

l-oman/q-

-

-

l-aamin/ji-

jippiy-ul

1-admun / n (w) n f •v — aamun

31 = small

1

1 = day

wyu

1

is£a

ig£ [k-g-Y] kiiga/kriiga g-iigu

DATA SHEETS

i

1

SURVEY DATA

R:

0-/ey

fish

float

flow

flower

fly v.

fog

K)

1

RE

k-um/1-

[ku-naan-u gaaw-la] sit water-on

geb-bal-aSalu

uva^iji [v - f ] coll.

fi-diir-u

Ar.

2

EB

k-Gm/1- 1-/13-

[gaw aalag] water on

gi-bal-Ado gaalu

1-awra/gw-

gi-dip-a

g-irim

g (w) -um/1-

-

-

-

ga-di^-a

-

F:

1-um/q-

-

-

-

-

-

3

LA

f-um/g-

-

-

-

[k-ind-i kee^ala] go up'

-

4

UT

1-uum/g-

[gw-md-i gaw-log] go water-on

g-ad-o3o gaalu

1-awur/gw-

g-a-dir-i kEjien above

j-abafu =pl of cloud

§

R:

-

-

-

-

-

-

g s

S

SH

1-um/g-

[wa miirn gaar eelo] sth. be on water go ?

[qiJSin geedeelo] go 7

n-awrino < Ar. ?

[miiro gawilo] stay above

Ar. ?

6

TI

uumi/1-

-

-

-

[gabri] above

-

7

MO

uumi/lammwi

[Ia-laa3a na-gaw] swim on water

g-iruw-a

[l-Sab^a/ga-] = seed

[gaa-bar-u] go up

[ibwofua] = cloud

8

KO

wum/lam

-

g-obuttan

kubirag

m-brl-u

[kulixli] = cloud, dust

9

WA

g-um/ji-

-

-

-

jia-bleeri

-

Ar.

[gaw-onn] water-on

g-umfaal-adgo

Ar.

ge-di^-u

[gaw-fur] < water

2a AB

10 LO

subject: water

food

foot

fruit

full

gazelle

give

[-uuranna, k-,y-] 1

ku-Se/li-

nd-a’

gwu-de/li- // kw-aaral/1-

de-di!

1

RE

adiney

k-aaga/y-

t-ur/y= boy

2

EB

g-iddi (g.gadeji)

g-imada/j-

-

-

[l-oo^a/g-]

2a AB

[gw-qpad-aalag]

[gi-jiadu]

1

3

LA

-

-

4

UT

d-eeta

[1-aara/gw-]

R:

ga-dia

-

1

dee-di!

SH

ama

[d-ameni/r-]

6

TI

-

[Samanyia Sarlaalu] = leg below ?

7

MO

3-asa

[3-iman{pa/r-]

8

KO

cigaw

[t-amafi/d''*]

9

WA

-

[a-maani/ci-]

d-aeda

[1-aara/gw-]

1 = leg

1

1 1 1

-

geta!

-

de-di! gw-nd-a

-

[k-ojijadu]

[g-aafi/ji-] 1,2 < tree

gw-ajieSo

gwu-de/1-

-

-

-

rUn°

ifi coll.

(n)de-di!

-

k-ujiugunu < many ?

-

gac(c)i!

-

k-undeey-nu

□o3i/ndwi

nac(c)i-jiil

[tiaw/kalow] 2H [1-uufa/g-] 1

-ottab, 0-

k-ural/c-

nd-fl 1 [d or d ? ]

-

biyar&u

-

aninig! 1 de-dogogl 2

g-u^i/j-

adigi! 1 iJS"1 2

[n-aape] < tree

5

1

1

-

F:

10 LO

subject: bird(s)

1

g-

1 1 = seed 2 = child

1 = many

1

§

01

1

1 = give me! 2 = give him!

£

90

good

grass

green

guts

hair

-xccaw, kw[cc ~ j]

k-arawa

-iigaia, k-,y= blue 1

k-aanu/y-

AA£U

k-aaro

-igslai3, g-

c-u

g-AAru/j-

1

RE

nd-ul

2

EB

£dd-il

^-,j-,g-

1

= clean

2a AB

coll.

ind-il

-iiKjer, g-

-

-iig3latj, g-,1-

-

Apj

F:

-

-Peelo, gi-

-

-

-

-

3

LA

ind-i!

-jaw, kx-,qu-,yi-

-

-lyijia, k-,y-

-

1-Afu/gw-

4

UT

xnd-i!

-(q)gir, di-,gwu-

g-arum

-igalog, gw-

c-u

A^u

R:

-

-

-

-

-

-

5

SB

eel-ol

$eelo = clean, right

l-/g-4pa

iigala

XXJU

3-/aa£u

6

TI

b-u! k-aare

-icci^o

-

-

-

ge-ru/xxru

7

MO

mb-ul g-aabel-a

-qara, 9a-

l-mia/g-

-ee3x, k-

3 - - r-u/xyu

Qirxa/iirxa

8

KO

^ord?] w-ugg-o

-umti, J= right, rightside

k-u^u/k-aru

occi’it

k-u/c-

ta-/ru

9

WA

nd-o! ade

-waa^a, g-,r-

-

-

ku/ku^u

wudd-x!

-adiilu,

g-aa^u

k-u/c-

ij-aa^u

1

1

1

-iyya, 0-,q-urkqpkqp, g-

SURVEY DATA

10 LO

1

coll.

coll,

[aa - oo]

1 = walk

1 = wet

hand

head

hear

heart

heavy

hit

n-da/iju-ra

niq-enal

jj-ugor/r[or: LL]

-ni, km-,yi-

pi3-u! = fightj play> swim

li'-^a/iju- - gwi-

diq-ino!

g-igor/d-

-unag, g-

gwi-px^-i

1-ra/iju-

diQ-anul

d-ugor/r-

-

-

-

-

d-ugor/g-

-

-

k3-i;a/yi-

dig-inu! [d or d?]

l-ugor/g-~ y-

1

RE

k-erige/y-

2

EB

d-oy/d-

2a AB F:

d-i/r-

1 1 1

/qu-

-

LA

g-ui/gw-

4

UT

g-irge/j-

ra/q"-

dag-anu!

d-ugore/d-

-uniji, gw-

px3-il

R:

(ka-fga/npalm )

-

gwo-leg-enug

-

-

-

5

SB

3-e/r-

da/Qfa

lig-ano!

d-uwar/r-

riiga

ma^-iSil

6

TI

i-re3/n-dre3

tta/gra

n-oi

3-u/r-

-

-

7

MO

3-aij/r-

nda/nufa

ga-nn-a

ufu3a/n= breath

-iijia, 1-

bu^-ul

8

KO

t-ui/cf-

u-^e/l-

nel

j-agar/cr-

-ninnic, 0-,ta= thick

pu-a!

9

WA

a-wi/cu-

tuli (?)

naa-8o!

Ar.

-

-

l-ra/qu-

leg-Enn!

g-agure/cf-

-inni, g-

piid-x! (many times) maril^3-cfil (once)

10 LO

d-i/d-

1

1

1

1

DATA SHEETS

3

hoe v.

hole

horn

house

hunt

husband

kill

$

1

RE

kuu-3u!

li-buq/qu-

-

y~iqana

-

kulan her/his 1 [kur gwiijii] my 2

if{p-i3u!

2

EB

[gwi-kur-o] 1

li-bugul/qu-

d-Il/d-

-

(gwimeela) k-n na

[ kw-omma gwiji ] 2 my h.

gwi-ma-rip-a

2a AB

-

-

d-il/r-

dun (sg = pl?)

-

-

gu-ma-rdp-i

F:

-

-

-

d-on/q-

-

-

-

3

LA

-

-

g-il/gw-

qu-dun coll.

-

-

gu-ma-ldp-E

4

UT

[kur-ul]

l-UpU^o/q-

1-uuba/q-

-

(indi) g-Eenal

[gwunya gwa3iF.] h. of F. 2

gw-a-rip-E§

R:

-

-

-

-

-

-

ma-liji-e

5

SH

bart-edi! // gar-aaju!

1-ubol/q-

l-uupa/q-

o-dun/n-dun [d or d?]

(lllo) y-xinal

[uripi] my h.

6

TI

-

-

1-upa/q-

-

-

-

tXp-3!

7

MO

raSt-u!

Sadi/rti

Qal/arl^i

B: e];a/n-

(mb ) iqapp-u!

[urra galatip] 2 my h.

rdp-ul

8

KO

ragd-al

k-alo/c-

-

-

(ndo) qgare!

u-faga/1-

□a!

9

WA

-

-

iile/c-

-

-

-

rii-So!

1-ufugul/q-

d-il/cf-

-

(wuddi) giVna!

[gwa-mma/le-]

( ) « go

1 = wife 2 = man

10 LO

[gur-ul]

1

1

1 = dig

knee

knife

know

Lake

laugh

2

2

RE

NT: /qwu-rgwu

k-andaq/y-

ku-lig-i3u

1-uraji/g- small I. ku-3o/yx- big I.

aaru y-nmal say ...

2

EB

li-rko/qu[r or f?]

k-edda/?

gwi-liq-xidi

1-xkuq/g-

gwako j-uma Bo (?) ...

1-rko/iju-rko

-

gu-lxji-e3i

-

-

F:

1-urko/g-

-

-

-

-

3

LA

ka-rko/yx-

-

gwu-lxq-xxdi

-

-

4

UT

rko/gu-rko

g-anda/?

gwu-liq-ii3i

Ix-bug/gu-

akiuw j -ummaq A: ar j-umaql

R:

tko/qu-fko

-

-

-

-

5

SH

1-ruwa/g-

anda/? [nd or nd?]

qaa-lip-Sdxgi

la-bu/? 1-aado 1-aade gaar/g- g- 1

at(t)E dima

6

TI

x-rxyo/n-drayo

-

ga-lig-eto

-

-

7

MO

ka-ria/nd-

irtia/ndar£ia (B, pl)

ka-lig-eto

l-abu/getta/natta big I.

urum-uSu!

8

KO

k-rge/c-

t-ebalala/1-

w-aqal-e

ka-dbro/ci-

acu qge^amEl

9

WA

karga/krrga

-

q-erq-a

-

-

1-urgu/q-

g-ablaala/j-

gu-lig-eedi

Ar.

arra1jummo! do/work ...

2a AB

10 LO

1 = lake with water

§

rap-Egx!

DATA SHEETS

1

maa-pap-e

leaf

left (side)

leg

lie

light (not heavy)

live (at)

RE

[k-aani/y-] 2

£~AAgur

1-aara/gw-

ku-nder-alu 7

-awra, k-,y-

[ku-nann-u] = sit

3

EB

[k-EEni/p-] 1

£-awr

1-aafa/qoofa

gu-dr-o 7 [dr or dr?]

-awraq, g-

gwa-t-i j-e

2a AB

[g-EEni/p-] 1

-

1-oora/g-

ndf-o!

-

-

E:

[aani/pooni] 1

-

-

indr-o!

-

-

3

LA

j-uufXp/g-

-

k-oora/y-

ndr-u!

7

-

-

i

UT

[g-eeni/j-] 2

d-awur

1-aara/qw-

ndr-o!

7

—awre gaanu, gw-

gw-i£-iqg-i

R:

[g-xeasni/n-] 2

-

-

dsr-o!

7

-

-

5

SH

[n-eeni 2 (n-a waa^e)]

d-awr

d-amsni/r= clan

ndr-o! 7 [n or n?]

avria

qa-mir-a = stay

&

TI

[an£po 2 (k-i 3uupi)]

-

3-amanipa/r- 2

ndr-u!

7

-

-

7

MO

3-atay/r-

Sag 3-agafuur hand ...

3-iman£pa/r- 2 B: 1-Afia/p- 2

ndr-u!

7

-aapia, 1-

ga-laa^-a

8

KO

[k-api/c-]

fca-dewur

t-ama^i/d-

ndr-ow! 7

-urrs, = thin

w-arn-a

9

HA

[w-uuni/c-]

2

-

a-maani/ci-

ass-o!; g-gad-a

-

-

20 LO

[g-eeni/j-]

2

d-awur

l-aara/gw-

i^dar-gn! 7?

-awr£, Q-

g-u

2

2 = ear(s) (of a tree)

live Cbe alive)

2

RE

ku-mi i -Su

2

EB

gu-mii-5a

liver

awe

2

2

2

2 2 2

7

7

SURVEY DATA

1

7 = sleep

2 = foot 2 loner leg

long

louse

man

many

-uula, k-

k-uugi/y-

k-Gr/1-

-uuru, l-,y-

-

kw-omma/1-

-oolag, d-,r-

ga-ndegel/i[1 or r?]

gu-mma/le-

-ijiago, l-,qw-

-onjadu, qw-

-oolaij,

-ojia^o, 1-

1

7

7

2 2a AB

-

F:

awe

7

l-/aawe 7

3

LA

-

l-4y

-oola, k-,y-

ta-ndegal/yi- - qwu-

S-ur/xi-

4

UT

gu-mE-do

aw/j-

-oolag, gw-,d- 2

g-amul/j< Ar.

gw-ummea/1A: gw-unya/l-

R:

-

aave/j-

-olla, t-,c-

ka-deegsle/ji-

-

amar/n-smar

-uwala, d-

d-/indil

ura/12 [r or r?]

-aalu, y-,!-/* -uroodo Z^-agcdo -opa, 1-

/ -uttug, 12

5 S S tn ft §

5

SH

6

TI

-

avvi/n-

-ola, 3-

i-rla/n-drla

(uuj£) gar-oijor/ (lij£) Itr-laqor

7

MO

ga-ma-tu [t or S?]

caapea

-“aala, 0-

Ar.

urra/drra

3

KO

w-uma-ru

f-u£p/tf-

-ofatoc, J-itf- 1

ta-gdji/jix-

(k£o!) k-adagipa/ (land? ) 1-

q-psl, Is-ppal // [gu~, lo-6cdr] 2

9

WA

-

Ar.

-olla, g-,r-

atagXn/c-

(qo) g-oijor/ (ciri ca) c-oqor

-ujjuumi, c-

gu-mn-du = sharp

q-aawi/j-

-oolo-go, g-,j-

g-isigil/j-

gw-omme/l-emmE

10 LO

2 = far

1

B: gwaipa

2

2 = husband

2

-uusun, j-

2 = full 3 = big

fS

1 2

RE EB

meat

moon/ month

mother

y-iiSi,

AWWA/y—

ayya/-qa laaji-alu

mountain

mouth

nail

ayyin/y-

J- 2/r-uujiu kwoorana 2

k-ifili/y-

1

& O

name

1

y-iiriq

j-i

g-uwa/1-

nana / -qa

1-En/qw-

1- 2/gw-iJjiu

[1-aamun/qoomun - k-/ji-] 2

j-ir{n

iiS i

g-uwa/?

-

1-en/qw-

if- 1/gu-jiu gworom 2

d-aamun/r< finger

ir^n

F:

i3i

-

-

-

1- l/.Q-qjiu

-

-

3

LA

qudl

^-uwa/q-

-

k-Eenu/y-

1- 2/qw-fpu qulem 2

-

qu-riji

4

UT

uwa/1-

naana A: na/-qa 2

1-rogom/ qu-rgom

l-4pu/g-

g-aamun/j< finger

Sa AB

tn § IS Pl

j-£rip

1

R:

-

-

-

-

-

k-amo^/n-

5

SR

3ir-3ia/i£-

Awwa (sg = pl)

nan(n)a/-qa

1-udmur/q-

1- 2/fjjio

umar/n-

/ / iriji

6

TI

r-3e/ii-

uuwd/?

-

cito

1-aojia/g-

13-^ap^a/ndr-

ii-ri/n-dri

7

MO

r-3a/EE-

upwa/n-

nna

aayen

ajioa

i-Sap^a/n-dabva

B: iraq/ndraq

8

KO

c-uyE

ui/1-

kal£pa

k-scfa/c-

t-smu/cf-

k-Eman/c-

9

WA

kir3e

awi

-

k-oop:/ koroo^u

oojio/c-

ab^ne/c-

kir£p

j-Xl

uwo/1 -uwo (yu)

lEEjiaalu

1-afiy^i/ qw-ofiyeji

d-njiu/cf-

g-amun/j< finger

j-iriji

1 = lip 2 = in the m.

2 = claw 2 = finger

10 LO

1

1 = your m. 2: + pass.

1

-

1

g §

c-ir£p

narrow

near

neck

new

night

nose

old 1 new)

kajj^ok

ku-rom/1-

k-i xyaq, y-iiyaq

kilkeelu

l-a3ulu/qw-

-uu^un, k-,y-

ku-~ kwi-dom/li-

-£yaq, g-

ffiley

1-aa^un/qw-

-uufun, g-

1

RE

-agu^ac, l-,qw-,w-,y-

2

EB

-imAAdi,

2a AB

-

-

gu-rrom/1-rom

-£yaq, g-

go ley

1-aa^un/qw-

-

F:

-

-

g-ullo/q-

-

-

-

-

-

l-ug^o/iO- - yJ-ullu 1

-yaq, ki-,qu-

£-ulug

k-aadil/y-

-

[-□badaq gaanu, gw-] 1

gu-rom/r-

-£yaq, gw-

g-ilfyorj

g-aagalu/j-

-oo^on, g- 1

-

k-urom/1-

-

-

-

aadalo/n-

-uu^on, 1

3

LA

4

UT

-ummaq gaanu, g-

R:

a

tn

i Pl

5

SH

mAAnu - mwEEnu

uu^udo

irdiq - rdiq/? udam/n- 1

pagsdan

aliilia Ar.?

6

TI

-

-

ittam/n-

-amb^o, 3-

ullage

-

-

7

MO

-amu-3aanu, 3-

Juan

e-tam/n[tnor t?]

-majsn, ka-

uluijgi

a3ola/n-

-rram, ga-

8

KO

-umme, k-

[-oppan, w-]

(w) u -dum/1 -d am

-iya, k-

guloogx

k-syun/c[y?]

-oofan, k-

9

WA

-

-

a-^am/ci-

-eyya, g-,r-

aaligu

a^uSo/c-

-

-amumaago, d-

[-ablo, g-] < short

g-u0om/l-

-iyaq, g-

guloogf [u ~ i]

1-uyul/q-

-□□run, g-

1 = short

1 = front of n.

10 LO

1

[e ~ s]

2 = old 2

old 2 ■

*t-/5W-

(D)

*a-/a-

->■ *k-/gw-

I fail to see how these changes may have come about. Suppose that the

three plural prefixes

*j-,

*li-,

*d-

and

*j- .

first merged into

life are

then left with three crisscross replacements of nominal prefixes: plural:

singular:

(A) *li-\ ✓k-

\1-

(B) *g-

(A)

(c) *gu-

*gu-x

✓y-

(B,C,D) *j- /Xgw-

Xk-

(D) *n~

(Here, the horizontal rows represent the continuation*of the sets of roots belonging to a certain gender, and the crossing

lines indicate the phonological continuation of the prefixes,

except that we find

k-

instead of an expected

kw- .)

The developments of the one-class genders also pose problems; only

The shift

*q-

is identical with the shift of the plural prefix

gw-

*j-

*g-

-> y-

but rather to

velopment of

*g-

*gu~

*g

-*■ y- ; likewise,

but of

to see a link between

initial

above.

is no parallel to the shift of the singular prefix

*0-

did not go to

*gu-

and 0

•*

*g-

*g-

->

t- resembles not the de­

above. Finally, it seems attractive

both being replaced by

1- , but word­

in pre-Laru as it often did in the closely re­

lated Abul. I have described the situation of Laru in so much detail because I am

puzzled how a language, i.e. Laru, which on a lexical basis would be regard­

ed as only dialectically different from another language, i.e. Ebang with which it shares some 90 % cognates (100 word list), could radically innovate an important sector of its morphological system and leave no trace of the

forces and mechanisms involved.

COMPARISON

150

3.5.5. The case of Abul (2a AB/F)

Mr. Fadlalla, one of my informants for Abul, used a gender system that

was strikingly different from the one recorded with other speakers of the lan­ guage. I list here the dominant gender correspondences between the two rec­

orded forms of Abul, Laru, and PH.

LA

PH

AB/A

gu-/li-

gw-/l-

gw-/l-

gu-/j-

gw-/(i)~

gw-/qw-

AB/F

Ws*-

) 0-/(i>- , g~/j-

g-/(i)~

l-/qw-

J g-/w- ,

0~/n"

g-Zn-

) 0-/qw-

d-/d-

S-/r-

d-/qw-

k-Zqw-

| k-/yli-/ijw-

7l-/qw-

q-/ji-

q-/ji-

q-Zn- , q~Zqw

g-

0-

0-

s-

q-

q-

0-

y-

! (i)-

5 (i)-

qw-

j-

0-

1-

It can be seen that the differences between AB/A and AB/F concern only the plural prefixes. The only exceptions are found with the items 'breast'

and 'ear' which have a prefix

g-

in AB/A and

0-

in AB/F. This difference

does not seem significant when we remember that initial

g

may be pronounced

very weakly in Abul. As for the plurals, the tendency is clearly to use class out except for human beings; (i)-

and

p-

gw-

through­

appear only sporadically.

As Mr. Fadlalla's parents both originated from Abul, and as he was fre­

quently uncertain as to the correct plural form of a word, I am inclined to think that the system presented here as AB/F has no dialectal status but re­

presents a form of speech of an individual with ad-hoc simplifications made

under the influence of Laru.

151

NOUN CLASSES 3.5.6. Eastern HEIBAN Branch

Summary of changes 8,. KO

9 . RA

PH

?

*gu-/li-

>

-+ 0-/C-

> i-Ar

-> k-/k-r~

> k-/c>

0-/C-

*a-/d-

+ k-A-r-

> cf-/c-

*q-/p-

> U-/n-

-> S-/P- ?

*g-/n-

0-/C-

7

k-/c-

-> k-/c~

k-/k-r-

-* Wr

> 1-Zn-

m-Zn-

*5-

c-

*g-

•* 0- ?

> q> k-

*j-

-> k-r-

> c-

*0-

k-

> 0-

[ > : direct representation. phonological changes only

[ •* : shift of gender

]

The table above shows that most genders are preserved in at least one

of the two languages, the exceptions being the first three minor genders. No data are available for gender

because its only reconstructable

item ’tree' has no cognates in these languages. Gender

*g-/n~

has undergone different mergers in 9.WA and 8.KO? it

is therefore judged to have survived from PH into Proto-Eastern-Heiban (PEN).

Only

has merged in both Eastern languages with major gender

This merger is the only change in the noun class system reconstructable for the development from PH to PEH. The table above also shows that 8.KO has been more conservative than

9.WA. The only change affecting a major gender is the replacement of

by

t~

in gender

occur in the item

.

*q-

It should be noted that this replacement did not

ga^uwe/^uwe

’bird'.

COMPARISON

152

The mergers of the minor genders are easy to follow:

j-

have both been absorbed by

*g-/j-

and *li-/

*g-/n-

thus preserving the singular prefix

in one case and the plural prefix in the other. Similarly, gender

has been absorbed by

*li-/gu- .

No explanation can be offered for the many additional genders found in

8.KO, i.e.

u-/^- , k-/0- , ^-/L- , t-/c- , £-/k- ,

q-/c- , 0-/1- ,

e-/c-

.

On the other side, 9.WA has preserved but two of the original PH genders, i.

e. 0-/c-

and

*li-/p- . All other nouns fall into one of two classes:

(more precisely

(a)-/c(V)-)) and

k-/k-r- .

responds to all PH genders with a plural prefix Typologically, gender

k-/k-r-

The latter of these cor­

*j- .

is very strange indeed; it is extreme­

ly uncommon to form a plural by inserting a prefix between the singular pre­

fix and the stem. The concords

k-/r-

suggest that

k-

and

r-

are sepa­

rate morphemes. No historical explanation can be offered for the evolution of the noun class system of 9. NA.

4. RECONSTRUCTIONS OF LEXICAL ITEMS

It is the primary purpose of the following list of reconstructions to

enable us to carry out comparisons between the HEIBAN Group and other groups of (Kordofanian) languages. This limitation of purpose may justify the set­

ting up of starred forms which do not properly deserve the name "reconstruc­ tions". Rather, they should be interpreted as provisional guesses as to

shape and meaning of lexical proto-items. The list contains reconstructions belonging to different proto-lan­

guages, i.e., PH, PWCH, PWH, PCH, and PEH; cf. the following partial recapit­ ulation of our subclassification:

2.EB 2a AB 3. LA 10.LO 1 .RE

LEXICON

153

In order to ensure some consistency, a number of working rules for re­

construction were laid down: (1) An item is judged to go back to a proto-language if it has reflexes

in at least two primary branches. However, this principle

needs two restric­

tions. Firstly, if the only reflex from the Central Branch is from 5.SH, this is not sufficient evidence for reconstruction to the PWCH level. (The reason is the doubtful position of 5.SH.) Secondly, a reconstruction for the PH lev­ el is judged to be doubtful if its only reflex from the West-Central Branch comes from 10.LO. (The reason is the easterly geographical position of 10.LO.) (2) A higher level reconstruction precludes the setting up of a lower

level reconstruction, except where the higher level reconstruction was judged to be doubtful. (3) A reconstruction may be doubtful for one of three reason: distribu­

tion (e.g., PH

*-blaala

'knife1 is only attested in 10.LO and in 8.KO and

it might be a loanword), form (e.g., PH

*-o

'stick' is only attested in

4.UT and in 8.KO and the similarity might be due to chance), or meaning (e. g-r PH

*-aaral

and PWCH

'gazelle' may refer to different

*-de ,

species). Doubtful reconstructions are marked by (?) in the appropriate plac­

es, i.e., after the meaning, after the indication of level, or after the form,

respecti vely.

air/breath

PCH

2. EB: uuwa

1O.LO: uwo

*-uwa , 0-

'breath, wind' 'breath'

cf. breathe PWH all

animal

PWCH

7. MO:

prefc

2.EB:

pet

-

PWCH

7.MO:

Swala

2.EB:

doola/doola

*beD

(?)

*-oola

(Black 1971)

'domestic animal' cf. gazelle PWCH

COMPARISON

154

*-La ,

PEH

arm

9. NA:

k^a/kria

8.KO:

ksla/csla

?/j-

(L?)

cf. hand /arm PH

ashes

7. MO:

upuuna

8. KO:

ewun

5. SH:

10.LO:

PCH

*-aaro ,

PNCH

*-UUro

lutu (Black 1371) tuufu/ruupu

7. MO:

// -ccia

bad

2.EB:

-ikke

8. KO:

-ekki

bark

6.TI:

31yyu/iyyu

l.RE:

kiaw/yiaw

9.NA:

kiyya

belly

6.TI:

9. NA:

PH

*l-gge

PH

d‘-iyaw , g-/j-

PH

k-aare , g-/n-

ari/naari

gaare/jiaare aariji/caaraji PNH

big 7. MO:

6.TI:

j-

jaaru

l.RE:

2a.AB:

(?)

aaro

back 7.MO:

* -wun

-ra -uufa

*-(u)ra

155

LEXICON *-bba

PCH

3.LA:

-ppa

1 .RE:

-uppa

bird 7.MO:

upefia/ndafia

1O.LO:

gafuwo/papuwa

9.WA: bite

PH

*-fwa ,

PH

*-uquna

PH

*-win ,

'big, thick’

g-Zr>-

[vowels ?]

gapwa/papwa

cf. eat/bite

black 6.TI:

-umanu

l.RE:

-uquna

9.WA:

-uuqan

blood

6.TI:

gavin

4.UT:

gin

8.KO:

gun

blow 7.MO:

-uu8-

10.LO:

-fuud-

ione

6.TI:

Iu3a/gu3a

4.UT:

luya/guya

PWCH

*-bud“

PWCH

*-uya ,

PEH

9.WA:

kpp/kurip

8. KO:

kwqp/cwop

breast

PH 6.TI:

3ii3u ~ rii3u/ii3u

2.EB:

kadu/j edu

8.KO:

kau/cau

a-

*-pp ,

li-/gu-

[y or d ?]

?/j-

*-eedu , g-/j"

(gender?)

COMPARISON

156

*-awud-

PWH

breathe

7. MO:

-ufu3-

6.TI:

-uft-

5.SH:

-avdcf. air

brother/sister

5.SH:

PH

*“(m)a-ng , 0-/li-

maggEn/lamaggEn

l.RE:

agg-ari/lizegg-ari

8.KO;

wag/lag

burn

7.MO:

PCH

'my... '

PWCH

*-UUd-

PWCH

*-aare ,

-ood-

5.SH:

-uud-

3.LA:

-uud-

child 7.MO;

gEEri/jiEEri

2.EB:

ijaarE

children

PCH

2.EB:

kslEija

10.LO:

gilEEQE

*-ileega , g-

[plural suffix PNCH

claw/nail 7.MO:

4.UT(K):

*-inat

(?)

iSab^a/ndab^a kamof/namo£

cf. finger clothing

PWCH

7.MO:

ErEEnia/ndreenia

l.RE:

kEre^/yEre^

*-ered , g-/j”

[d

-Qa ?]

LEXICON cloud

7. MO:

2a. AB:

6.TI:

PWCH

*-ebepi

PWCH

*-moolo

ib"oiua

A^Atu

cold

10. LO:

-molo —Amoolu

come

*-IIL-

ph

6.TI:

—xl—

2.EB:

-x'x'l-

8.KO:

-af-

cook

PWCH

7. MO:

-man-

1O.LO:

-maan-

5.SH:

-duuf-

2.EB:

-dur-

‘-maan-

(Black 1971)

count

10.LO:

157

PCH

*-duur-

PCH

*-uur-

-yuur-

cut 5.SH:

l.RE:

-uur-

dance/play

day

PWCH

7.MO:

-rt-

2.EB:

-ritt-

*-ridd-

1. . (unit for counting)

cf. finger

2.. (daylight)

cf. sun

die

PH

6.TI:

-ay-

3 . LA:

-ay—

8.KO:

-acc-

*-ay-

[vowels ?]

COMPARISON

158

PH

dig

-ur-

(Black 1971)

10.LO:

-gur-

'dig, hoe'

8. KO:

-kul-

7.MO:

*-gur-

PCH (PH ?)

dirt 4.UT:

qirlet

2. SB:

qirle

cf. 8.KO:

*-irled ,

Q-

-aqarte

dog 7.MO:

[r?]

PH

*-iin ,

PH

*-iy-

qiina/juxna

10.LO:

qin/jiin

8.KO:

£an/jiin

drink/eat

6.TI:

-y-

'eat'

l.RE:

-ii-

'drink, eat'

8.KO:

-xy-

'drink ’

cf. eat/bite PCH PWCH

dry 6.TI:

-undutu

2. EB:

-uddo

'dry, empty'

PEH

9.VIA:

-uwyi

8.KO:

-4r> PH

ear/leaf 7. MO:

4.UT(R): 9.WA:

*-unDo

anijia/nanijia

gse $ ni/nse s ni

wuuni/cuuni

*-vgi

*-aani , g-/n-

159

LEXICON PH

earth l.RE:

wurey

9.WA:

kuru

7.MO:

3-uu3o

6. TI:

3-uu3wa

4. UT:

gwryom

2a.AB:

gwiyag

10.LO:

gwiyaw

eat/bite

5.SH:

-itt-

2.EB:

-xtt-

(?)

* -ur.

PWH

'-undo , d-

PCH

‘-iyag(u) , gu-

PCH

‘-iDD-

cf. drink/eat

egg 7.MO:

lejia/nejia

2.EB:

Iqp/qwqn

8.KO:

Iqp/W

elephant 6.TI:

PH

* -epa , li-/gu~

PH

* -ogor , d-/j-

PH

* -ay , Q-/1-

3ogor/yogor

2.EB:

dugur/jugur

8.KO:

cfugr/cogr

eye

7.MO:

issi/issi

2.EB:

key/jey

8.KO:

ki/cx PWCH

fall 7. MO:

-ii3-

l.RE:

-iid-

[o or U ?]

COMPARISON

160

far

cf. long

PH

fat 7.MO;

QEela

2.EB:

QEEla

8.KO:

QEEfa

fear v.

PWCH

*-eeLa ,

*-DHjv-

7.MO:

2.EB:

-dEEJi-

feather

(?)

PH

4.UT:

galag ~ galaq/jalaq

8.KO:

^ulega/cfulEiaa

PWH 7.MO:

abfa/nabfa

6.TI:

xmbfa/nambfa

*-bfa , g-/n-

PCH

5.SH:

xfwxl/nxfwxl

2.EB:

gifwal/jifwal

l.RE:

kuufa/yuufa

few

cf. small PWCH

fight

cf. hit

finger

PH

7.MO:

luman/jiuman

l.RE:

laamin/yaamin

9. NA:

laamin/paaniin

nail/claw

gaamun/jaamun

8. KO:

k Eman/c Eman

, g-/j"

*-aamin , li-Zn-

'finger, day'

PH

4.UT:

or

*g-/j_

cf. claw/nail

j-

LEXICON fire

7.MO:

isia

2.EB:

iiga

8.KO:

ige

fish

*-iiga , 0-

PH

*-Um , gu-/li-

PH

*-birag

gwum/lum

8.KO:

wum/lam

flower

5.SH:

nawrino

l.RE:

uva^iji

8.KO:

kubirag

fly v.

P(E)H

9.WA:

-brl-

8.KO:

-bleer-

4.UT:

foot

PH

uumi/luumi

6.TI:

2a.AB:

161

?

*-brl-

?

cf. 7.MO:

-bar-

6.TI:

gabri

'above'

5.SH:

gawila

'above ’

PCH

*-dip-

PWCH

*-ojia

-dir-

2a.AB:

-dif-

10.LO:

-di^-

cf. leg

full/many

6.TI:

2.EB:

-qpa

'full'

-yjiugunu

'many'

-qjia^o

cf. many gazelle

(?)

PH

2.EB:

kwaaral/laaral

8.KO:

kura1/cura1

*-aaral

'go up'

COMPARISON

162

*~de , gu-/li“

PWCH

oo&i/ndwl kuSe/liSs

1O.LO:

gwiy e/1 iy £

[imperative]

give

go

7.MO:

l.RE:

5.SH:

(nldedi

l.RE:

nda

8.KO:

ndl

7.MO:

naci-jii

6.TI:

gaci

[imperati ve] 4.UT:

indi

9.WA:

ndo

7. MO:

mbu

6.TI:

bu

good

'wild animal'

PH

*-(n)d-

PWH

1‘najji

PH

PWH

fc (m)bU

PWCH

*-gir

-gara -igger

'good, clean /

1O.LO:

-igir

'right(side) PEH

-waafa -EEfa

grass kaaro

8.KO:

^uru/karu

g~

[r

or

i

*-E£ra

'correct' PH

2.EB:

q ?]

*■-nD-

7.MO:

8.KO:

or

'give me’

2.EB:

9.WA:

[n

*■-aaro ,

i ?]

163

LEXICON

5.SH:

-iigsla

2.EB:

-ig3laa

guts 7.MO:

cu

8. KO:

ku/cu

6.TI:

&u/ru

* -u ,

PH

* -ee^u

'heart’

hair

deru/iiru

2.EB:

gAAfU/jAAru

8.KO:

teru/ru PWCH

hand 6.TI:

j-

PH

3u - ru/iyu

4.UT:

6.TI;

*-iigla

PCH

gresn/wet

*-irge(d) , g-/j-

or

ire3/ndre3

4.UT:

girge/jirge

l.RE:

kerige/yerige

PH

hand/arm

2.EB:

doy/doy

8.KO:

tui/cfui

* -oi , d-/d-

(?)

'hand' cf. arm PEH; ten ?

head 7.MO:

10.LO: 8. KO:

PH

* ~ra ,

PH

* -n-

nda^ Qufa

lya/ijuja ufe/lfE

hear 6.TI:

-n-

' 8.KO:

-n-

(?)

g-/n-

164 •

COMPARISON PCH

5.SH:

-llq-

2.EB:

-diq-

10. LO:

-leq-

l.RE:

-mq-

heart 2a.AB:

8.

KO:

PH

*-ugor , d-/d-

ph

*-ni

ph

*-bid-

PH

*-rand-

1?]

[vowels ?]

tegar/cfsgar

MO:

7.

8. KO:

or

[d

dugor/rugor

heavy

l.RE:

*-dIg-

-iijia

-ni -ninnic

hit 7.MO:

-pi3-

2.EB:

-pi3-

8. KO :

-pu-

hoe v. 7. MO:

-rafc^-

8. KO:

-faq#-

’fightr

[r

or

r ?]

cf. dig

hole

PCH

5.SH:

lubol/qubol

2.EB:

libugul/gubugul

10.LO:

lufugul/qufugul

*-bugul ,

li-/gw-

cf. water-hole horn

ph

7.MO:

10.LO: 9.WA:

Qal/arl^i $£l/d£l

iilE/ciile

*-il , g-/d"

LEXICON house

PCH 5.SH:

2a.AB: 3.LA:

□dun/ndun

[d

or

*-dUn

[d

or

d ?]

dun (coll.)

gudun

hunt n.

*-IIna , g-

PCH

5.SH:

165

yiina

4.UT:

geena

10.LO:

giina

cf. man/husband

husband

kill

6.TI:

PH

*-rvi-

PH

*-rgo

-w-

2a.AB:

9.NA:

-rii-

knee 6. TI:

iriyo/ndriyo

2.EB:

lirko/qurko

9. NA:

karga/krrga

knife

PH(?) 10.LO: 8.

*-blaala

gablaala/jablaala

^abalala/labslala KO: PCH

5.SH:

anda/?

2.EB:

ksdda/?

l.RE:

kandag/yandag

know

[nd

or

nd ?]

PH 7.MO:

-liq-

1 .RE:

-Iiq-

9.

NA: -erg-

*-anda , g-/?

d ?]

166

COMPARISON

lake

PWCH

7.MO:

Et£a/net£a

5.SH:

laado/gaago

l.RE:

kubo/yibo

*-do

'big lake'

’big lake'

cf. water-hole

P(W)CH

laughter

5.SH:

dima

2.SB:

juma

10.LO: cf. 7.MO:

leaf

*-Um(m)a ,

j-

(?)

jummo

' laugh!'

urum-u3u

cf. ear PH

left(side)

7.MO:

Sagafuur

4.UT:

dawur

8.KO:

ta-dcwur

(cf.

Sag

*-awur 'hand')

cf.

leg/foot

6.TI:

Samanijia/raman^pa

5.SH:

^amEni/ranieni

8. KO:

^smaxi/cfania^i

lie/sleep

6.TI:

-ndr-

l.RE:

-ndar-

8.KO:

-ndr-

light (not heavy)

PH

*-mani , d—/d-

PH

*-ndr-

PH

*-awria

7.MO:

-aapia

l.RE:

-awra

8.KO:

-urre

'light, thin'

-rwa$o

'thin' (Black 1971)

cf. 7.MO:

*d-*oi

(?)

'hand/arm'

LEXICON

live (be alive) 7.MO:

-ma-

2.EB:

-mir-

8.KO:

- (u) ma-

liver 6.TI:

PH

*-mII-

PH

*-awe

PH

*-ama , d-/j-

PH

*-oola

PH

*-ogor

awi

4.UT:

awe/jawE

8.KO:

tuiji/cfuiji

locust

6.TI:

167

?

rama/yama

4.UT:

Sama/jama

8. KO:

cfema/c cma

long/far 6.TI:

-ola

3.LA:

-cola

9.NA:

-olla

8. KO:

-ofa-^Dc

man/male

[1

or

L ?]

6.TI:

uuji ger-ogor/lij i Itr-lagor

'male person/people’

9.NA:

(go) gogor/Cciri ca) cogor

'male (person/people) '

PWCH

man/husband 7-MO:

urra/drra

l.RE:

kur/lur

many

PH

4.UT:

-uttug

10.LO:

-uusun

9. NA:

*“ur , gu-/li-

*-uDDun

“u££uumi

cf. full/many

COMPARISON

168

meat 6.TI:

rSe/iiSE

4.UT:

jlgi

8.KO:

cuys

moon/month 7.MO:

upwa/nupwa

l.RE:

AWWA/yAWWa

8.KO:

ui/lui

mother

l.RE:

laaji-alu

8. KO:

kaljyia

7.MO:

4.UT(A):

2.EB:

*-idi ,

PH

*-awa

PH

*-laaji

j-

(?)

*your...’

PWCH

*-na(na)

PWCH

*-ayin

na/naqa nana/nanaga

7. MO:

aaysn

2.EB:

len/gwen

l.RE:

ayyin/yayyin PH

mouth

6. TI:

loqna/qoqpa

l.RE:

£u4nu/ru4nu

9.WA:

oqno/coqpo

[vowels ?]

*“uujiu

'lip, mouth '

cf. claw; finger PH

name 6.TI:

, 0-/^'

nna

mountain

nail

PH

iiri/ndri

4

.UT:

jiroji.

8

. KO:

cirXji

,

3-

169

LEXICON narrow 7. MO: 4.UT:

10.LO:

8.KO:

near

*~muma...

PH

*-Dam , gu-/li-

PH

*-iyag

PH

*-lUqgi , g-

PH

*-adalo , g~/j”

PH

*~oo];an

(?)

-amu / / -ummaq-amumaa/__/ —umme

cf. short

neck

7.MO:

Etam/ntam

2.EB:

kudom/lidom

8. KO:

(w) ugum/lgam

new 2a. AB:

-iyaq

9.WA:

-Eyya

night 7.MO:

uluqgi

4.UT:

gil^yoq

8.KO:

guloogi

nose

7. MO:

a3ola/na3ola

4.UT:

gaagalu/jaa^alu

8. KO:

keyun/cEyun

old (not new)

7. MO:

-rram

4.UT:

-oox'on

8.KO:

-oofan

old person

person

PH

2.EB:

kaburu/j aburu

gabATu/jibApi

cf. woman/person

(?)

or

g-/n- [vowels ?]

'old (not new/not young) *

PCH

10.L0:

[vowel ? ]

*-aberu , g-/j~

[r

or

f ?]

COMPARISON

170 play

cf, dance

PH

rain

2a,AB: 9 .WA:

*-a« , ST

gaw aw cf. water

red

PH 7.MO:

-uuri

2.EB:

-uure

9.WA:

-uuri

right(side)

*-UUre

*-iger

PCH

5.SH:

g-Egir

4.UT:

d-iqcr

[vowels ?j

10.LO:. d-iqir cf. river

PH 2a.AB:

8. KO:

*d-oi

'hand/arm'

*-oe

koy kwe/cws cf. river (bed) PWCH

river(bed)

PWCH

*-barda

[V

?]

7.MO:

Sabaarlda/ebaarlda

2.EB:

dibir£a/dibir£a - jibir^a

l.RE:

kubur£a/yibur£a

'river, sand'

apur^ua

'dust ’

cf. 7.MO:

cf. river road

PWCH

7.MO:

10.LO:

9aa0/raa9

*-ad , d-/d“

171

LEXICON

root

2.EB:

duwa/ruwa

8. KO:

^au/cfau

rope

rough

7. MO:

©aar/yaar

2.EB:

dar/jar

8. KO:

tar/dar

(?)

l.RE:

kurtugurtu

8.KO:

ogkorto(q)kor£o

PH

*-ua , d-/d-

PH

*-ar , d-/j-

(?)

PH

*-gordogordo

[d

PWCH

7. MO:

1O.LO:

round

or

d , g

*-waayo

-waaya . . . -awayo

cf. turn [final C ?]

PH

rub l.RE:

-mxrxg-

8.KO:

-marid-r

cf. wipe

PH

salt

2.EB:

mu^a

8.KO:

lunu^E

sand 7.MO:

ee^xa

6.TI:

3eve

4. UT:

amu];u

2.EB:

amur

*-mu^a , 0-

PWH

*-ewe ,

PCH

*-amur , 0-

[loanword ?]

[r

or

f ?]

prefix?]

COMPARISON

172

say

3.LA:

-aar-

9.NA:

-ar(a)-

scratch 7.MO:

-qaag-^ii

l.RE:

-gaag-ma

8.KO:

-gag-inu

see

PH

*-aar-

PH

*-qaaq-(in-)

*-non-

PWH 7.MO:

-nwan-

6.TI:

-non-

(Black 1971)

PEH 9. NA:

mayu

8. KO:

lyu

cf. 5.SH:

ama/o

cf. l.RE:

ilja

*-iy-

(all imperative) seed

6.TI: 2a.AB:

8.KO:

*-UUla ,

PH

*-wadd-

PH

*-abla

gula

luulag/guulag

luu^a/guupa

sew

shoot

PH

7

.MO:

-wat£-

8

.KO:

-wat-

cf. throw

short 7.MO:

-□□bela

l.RE:

-ubla

10.LO:

-ablo

‘short, near

8.KO:

-oppan

'short, near

li-/gu-

173

LEXICON

sing

*-alig-

PWCH

7

. MO:

-aalaq-

2

.EB:

-elig

sister cf. brother sit

*“j-

PCH

4 10.LO:

.UT:

-j-

-ji-

skin

*-irna ,

PWCH

7.MO:

3arna/ima

l.RE:

kima/yirna

PEN

sleep

9.WA:

acu/cucu

8.KO:

lie ow/qecew

*-cu ,

g-/j-

li-/gu-

cf. lie

small

PWCH 7.MO:

2a.AB:

-ittx

9.WA:

a-jialiq/ci-jiEsniq

8.KO:

-eIIxij

smoke

10.LO:

gulu

9.WA:

kulu

smooth

8.KO:

'small/few*

-tta

PEH

4.UT:

*-ddi

-umrEji-

*-(ji)aliQ

PH

*-ulu , g-

PH

*-omri-

(?)

COMPARISON

174

*-madidi

PWCH

7.MO:

-matti

5.SH:

-mitts

l.RE:

-medst PH

snake 7. MO:

rsmwa/imwa

10.LO:

cCugu/jUQU

8.KO:

tfiije/ciqe

speak.

7.MO:

-loof-

6. TI:

-loop-

5.SH:

-um-

2a.AB:

-m£-’

10.LO:

-imEE-

spear

10.LO: 8.KO:

(?)

* -uga , d-/j-

’snake; rain; God’

PWH

*-lOO£-

PCH

*-um(a) -

PH

* -Uri ,

PH

* -QP-

Q-/p-

QEEriZpEEri ^sri/psri

spit 2.EB:

-gap- ,

8. KO:

-pa- ,

split 7. MO:

-nda-

l.RE:

-und-

squeeze 7.MO:

-Andij-

l.RE:

-andij-

qwqp Qpa

'saliva'

’saliva' PWCH

*-(u)nd-

PWCH

*-andij-

175

LEXICON stab 4.UT:

-dig-

10. LO:

-yoog-

stand

7. MO:

-3er-

6.TI:

-gur-

3.LA:

“dun”

10.LO:

dytUQ“

star 4.UT:

lurom/guram

8. KO:

lujaq/ijojfag

stick 4.UT:

^o/doa

8.KO:

tajo/jiajo

PCH

*-£oog-

PWH

*-dur-

PCH

*-dun-

PH

*-UDam , li-/gu-

PH

*-o

*-awfa , li-/QU-

PWCH 7.MO:

lefra/gafra

2.EB:

luura/guu^a

stcne

5.IT:

aal/naal

2. EB:

kol/jiol

9.WA:

31/cd1

sun

7.MO:

2.EB:

aSajiina / / agm

8.KO:

PH

*-al , g-/n~

PH

*-aqin , 0-

7. MO:

-mm-

[f

or

'daylight'

cf.

aSajiin

cf.

kegin-gaanu

'daylight'

cf.

njeijana

'daylight'

PH

swell

(?)

*-inun-

COMPARISON

176

2.EB:

- (i)nun-

8. KO:

-yiinb--

tail

PH

1 .RE:

tia/na

8.KO:

tia/cfia

take

thick

PWCH 7. MO:

-app-

10.LO:

-aaf-

* -ia , d-/d-

*-abb-

cf. big PCH

thin

PCH

5.SH:

-dra

2.EB:

-drag

10.LO:

-adra

thorn 7. MO:

3i/ri

l.RE:

tugwi/yugwi

8. KO:

tugi/cfugi

throw/shoot 7. MO:

*-dra

PH

*‘-ugi , &-/j-

PH

*l-aw-

-af(f)-

5.SH:

-av (v) -

2.EB:

-aw-

'shoot'

8. KO:

—WE~

'throw'

tie

PH

7. MO:

-akk-

1O.LO:

-gak-

8. KO:

-kay-

tongue

i'-gagg-

PH *•-gela

7. MO:

SagEla/egela

2.EB:

gigsla/diijala

[-iqla ?] , a-/a

LEXICON 8.KO:

ta^a/da^ara

*-qad ,

PH

tooth

6.TI:

177

LiqaQ/iiQaQ

l.RE:

liqat/yiga^

9.WA:

kagaG/kargaG

tree

*-aa^e , gu-/j~

PWCH

6. TI:

Suu^i/ruufi

4. UT:

gwaafe/jaa^E

turn

PCH 5.SH:

-vrl-

2.EB:

-url-

1O.LO:

-warl-

cf. 2a.AB:

li-/j-

cf.

-rl-

7. MO:

-bii-

-WAA-

walk 6.TI:

-eeL-

10.LO:

-eeI-

Arloofo

warm

PWCH

*-wey-

PWCH

*-eel-

PWCH

*-buudu

?

6.TI:

-uwu

l.RE:

-upuu3u

PEH 9.WA:

-uuju

8.KO:

-uccu

wa£h

PH

7. MO:

-ass-

2.EB:

-Uy-

'round'

'round1

vomit

l.RE:

*-warl-

*-uuju

*-way-

COMPARISON

178

8.KO:

-W£y(c)PH

water

6.TI:

gaave

4.VT:

gaw

8.KO:

ga

*-aw ,

g-

cf. rain

*-bu(g) , li-/gw-

PWCH

water-hole 7.MO:

lebu/gabu

' small lake'

l.RE:

1 ibug/ gubug

’hole’

cf. lake

wet

cf. green

what?

5.SH:

alia

8. KO:

iia

cf. 2.EB:

aga

10.LO:

7.

8.

*-ARa

PH

*~ndog

ag

when?

10.LO:

PH

MO:

nda-

bandog KO:

dug PWCH

whi te 7.MO: 1O.LO:

-bujo

*-biido

(?)

~lpXl$U

PEH 9.WA:

-eepa

8.KO:

-eera

*-eepa

[p

ox

r ?]

179

LEXICON PWCH

who? 6.TI:

Ajo

2.EB:

eyi

1O.LO:

iyu

wide

wife

*ejo

7. MO:

-braa-

10.LO:

-awra-

8.KO:

-urra

PH

*-awra

PH

*-urun

PH

*-ibo 1 g-/n-

cf. woman/wife

wind

l.RE:

kurun

8.KO:

uru

wing

5.SH:

ubbo/nebbo

2.EB:

kibo/jiibo

8.

KO:

kabow/cabow

9.

WA:

* feather’ kuboq/kurborj

PH

wipe

MO:

7.

10.LO:

-bar^-

KO:

*wipef rub’ ’rub'

-fur^-

8.

*-bird-

-prt-

cf. rub woman/person 7. MO:

(?)

PH

uji/liji

’woman ’

gwijx/liji

’woman’

qa ^1/pe jxji

’woman ’

6.TI:

iiji/liiji

’person ’

2.EB:

gwiji/liji

’person'

10.LO: 9. WA:

*-iji , gw-/l:

COMPARISON

180 woman /wife

PWCH

*-a(u) , gw-/H-

6.TI:

-wa/-la

'woman, wife'

l.RE:

kwau/lau

'woman, wife'

work

7.MO:

...gumarr!

4. UT:

garo

10. LO:

-arr-

8. KO:

-arr-

PH

*-arr-

PH

*-ondo ,

PH

*-diLa , g-/j-

PH

*-aDDe

(n. ?)

n.

worm

7.MO:

u3a/lBwa

l.RE:

kwondog/londog

8. KO:

£o/cfo

year 7. MO:

it£ilia/n£ilia

2.EB:

gidila/jidila

8. KO:

katave/cijafe

gu-/li-

Numerals

one

5.SH: l.RE:

IfcSiPo kWAttE

9.NA:

three

PWH 7. MO:

ndijin cf.

6.TI:

(ga)fijin

(Black 1971)

kfcin PCH

4. UT:

*$-eril

terel

10.L0:

cf. six PCH

181

PRONOUNS four 4.UT:

kwofOQ

8. KO:

awards

five

6.TI:

&e(n)ene

3.LA:

tugini

8. KO:

Ufa™ -

six

PH

*gu-argo

PH

*d-ugine

*ji-d-Efil

PCH

5.SH:

(?)

jierevd

l.RE:

jietIeI

10.LO:

jierlil

cf. three PCH

eight

PWCH

6.TI:

*-uuba(q)

□bbo

2.EB:

dubag

10. LO:

cfuufog

ten

PH

6.TI:

/ / urri

3. LA:

di

8.KO:

(£) acCui

*d-ui

(?)

cf. hand/arm ?

5. RECONSTRUCTIONS OF PRONOMINAL FORMS 5.1. Personal pronouns

Independent personal pronouns have been reconstructed for three persons in the singular.

COMPARISON

182

1 sg 7. MO

f

/

3 sg

2 sg r

f

f

/

1J11

qqa

qqu

6. TI

iql

qqa

qqu

5. SH

pi

qa

qu

4. . UT

pi

qa

qun

2. EB

Pi

qa

geda

2a AB

pi

qa

qinda

3. LA

£P

qa

ginde

gweeni

qa

guunu

Pi jW

qa

gundu

uqa

qane

ipi

qwa

wa

10. LO

1. RE

9. NA 8. KO

From these data, the reconstructions

*pi

'I* and

*qa

‘you (sg) * are

straightforward. The appearance in 6.TI of a velar nasal instead of a palatal one in the first person singular can be explained as a regularization of the paradigm.

The situation is less clear for the third person. An element widely in the Nest-Central Branch, but its relation to 9.WA

gane

qu

occurs

is uncer­

tain. The forms in 10.LO and 8.KO are unrelated; they contain the concords of the respective "personal genders" (cf. the third person plural forms in these

two languages) and thereby they resemble demonstratives. No further contrasts

exist for the third person, in particular, there is no masculine/feminine dis­ tinction. In some languages of the Central Branch, the forms are enlarged by

a suffix containing

nd

or

d ; cf. the set of sound correspondences A4.

The following development of the third person singular pronoun is sug­

gested:

Nonsingular personal pronouns have a more extended paradigm and are morphologically more complex. A general reservation has to be made in view of the difficulties I encountered during the elicitation of these forms.

183

PRONOUNS The system with the maximum number of terms was recorded for 6.TI: 1 dual inclusive

1 plural inclusive

1 dual exclusive

1 plural exclusive

2 dual

2 plural 3 plural

(In 5.SH I recorded a masculine/feminine distinction in the first persons which I am now inclined to ascribe to a misunderstanding. Note that somewhat unexpectedly no dual forms have been recorded from this language.)

The contrast inclusive vs. exclusive probably goes back, to PH, it exists

in all primary and secondary branches. The same is probably true for the con­ trast dual vs. plural, even though it is less clearly attested for the East­

ern Branch. This contrast applied to the first person only; its occurrence in

6.TI in the second person is unique.

1 pl incl

1 du 7. MO

IeeIbq incl nendr

6. TI

xlli /

incl

excl

1 pl excl

2 pl

3 pl

nanda

Pag

qqulu

/ o ajiani

xllir

ajialon

ijianun

du

OTul

aalagar fem aalaga

5. SH

aanaqar masc aanaqa 4. UT

daaga

2. EB

gaaga

paagu

paagen

Jiaags

JiEri

jiaalu

aliga

aanaqa

Jiaaga

pediga

2a AB

anaga

gaaga

pindaga

3. LA

alaagei ■. naana

gaaga a• Jiaaga

qindega

10.LO 1. RE ina

9. WA 8. KO

excl

99 j- , 1-uunu

Jiiga

gaaga

gunduga

xnaq

unag

unane

JIE

1-a

/ / ina

iri

Most of these forms appealr to be morphologically complex. The third

person forms of 1O.LO and 8.KO contain a concord and are not comparable to the other forms. In the Central Branch there are two pluralizing affixes: a

suffix

-qa

(which also occurs with some nouns, especially kinship terms) in

2.EB, 2a AB, 3.LA, and l.RE, and a prefix prefix

qaa-

jia-

in 4.UT. In 5.SH there is a

in the second and third person; and in the Western languages

7.NO and 6.TI a suffix

-Ku)

marks the plural of the third person pronouns.

COMPARISON

184

In some languages, these affixes directly derive the plural pronouns from the singular ones, but this does not appear to have been the situation in PH. No

clear reconstructions have been achieved, only some elements are discernible that may go back to PH:

1 dual

?

1 plural inclusive

-r(i)~

1 plural exclusive

-n(a)-

2 plural

-ji(a)-

3 plural

?

5.2. Possessives The following attempts to reconstruct possessives can only refer to PWCH because the data from EH are unsufficient. PWCH expressed possession in two ways. Enclitic forms were used in con­

nection with a number of kinship terms; non-enclitic, concord-bearing forms were used with'other nouns. The enclitic possessives can be reconstructed for the singular persons

1 sg

2 sg

3 sg

7. MO

-ap

-aalu

-sen

5. SH

-Eri

-alo

-en

2. EB

-eri

-aalo

-eri

-EEri

-aalu

-in

-ari

-alu

-in

*-ari

*-alo

*-en

10. LO 1. RE

(vowel length ?)

As far as can be judged from the scanty data, the non-enclitic, con­

cord-bearing possessives are related to the independent personal pronouns. Here too, reconstructions are only possible for the singular persons.

1 sg

*-ini

my

cf.

2 sg

*-aqa

your

cf.

you (sg)

3 sg

*-ugun

his/her

cf.

he/she

*jii

I

CONCLUSION

185

5.3. Demonstratives

v

If two demonstratives only have been collected, this may reflect the structure of the medium of communication (Sudan Arabic) rather than the system'of the investigated languages. No data are available from the Western and Eastern Branches; the following note therefore refers only to the languages

of the Central Branch and to PCH. The general structure of the demonstratives is rather constant: a concord (C) is embedded between two elements, the first

of which is either constant or in some way determined by the concord/noun class, and the second one marks the distinction between "proximate" and "re­

mote". "this’ 5. SH

o - C - □

2. EB

ib - C - a

2a AB

[lab]i - C - a

’that’

a - C ~ ay

ib - C -

e

[lab]i - C - ai

3. LA

? — C — E

? - C - one

10. LO

? - C - E

? - C - ey

1. RE

? - C - u

? - C - ala

6. CONCLUSION

The foregoing phonological, morphological, and lexical reconstructions

generally have confirmed the initial, lexicostatistical subclassification. An exception has to be made for the position of Shirumba (5.SH). In the follow­ ing notes I provisionally exclude this language from consideration, but I

shall return to it in more detail below. If we take a mechanistic point of view it is impossible to distinguish

between innovations and retentions in primary branches. In the case of the HEIBAN Group this means that whenever there is an element X in the West-Cen­

tral Branch and an element Y in the Eastern Branch, it is normally impossible

to decide whether PH had X or Y. Only when either WH or CH shares an element

X with EH, and Y is restricted to the other secondary branch, can we assume ■ that X was present in PH and that Y is an innovation.

COMPARISON

186 schema:

PH

INNOVATION

HEIBAN

WCH WH

EH

| CH

(a)

7

X

Y

(b)

?

X

X

Y

?

X

Y

X

y

(ch)

Y

X

X

X

(WH)

X

X

X

-

(c)

*x *x

(d)

(e)

Z

However, case (b) above may permit - under favourable circumstances - a hypothesis as to which of the two elements X and Y is directly inherited from

PH, and which is the innovation. Such favourable conditions are given when the change linking the two corresponding elements is more likely to have oc­ curred in one out of the two possible directions, i.e., when

probable than

*X > Y is more

*Y > X. In extreme cases, the direction of a certain change

may be so evident that even situations above represented schematically under

(c) and (d) demand an interpretation "*Y > X twice independently (drift) ".

It is usually easier to unravel the direction of phonological changes than to do the same with lexical innovations; morphological changes occupy an

intermediate position. A distribution of elements such as (a) and (b) above may not permit to

reconstruct the proto-element but it can still serve as an argument for the

unity of the branches concerned. In such cases I refer to "branch differenti­ ae

6.1 . Phonological branch innovations and differentiae (1)

*L

(2)

>

(3)

*w

>

WH >

EH

i / WCH

1

0 WH

v,f,...

(A similar but isolated development occurs in 10.LO (CH).) (4)

*e

>

EH, WH

0/*__ Cu

(This is a case where it seems more likely to assume parallel de­ velopments in two places rather than positing a development *0 > CH e / *

Cu. )

CONCLUSION

187

6,2. Morphological branch innovations and differentiae

None of the changes in the noun class system occurs in all and only in the languages of a given (sub)branch. It is only on the level of individual

items that a number of branch specific morphological innovations appear. In the Western Branch, the following items have undergone a shift of gender. ’bird'