A Scapegoat for all Seasons: The Dönmes or Crypto-Jews of Turkey 9781463225568

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A Scapegoat for all Seasons

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Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies are brought together in Analecta Isisiana. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

A Scapegoat for all Seasons

The Dönmes or Crypto-Jews of Turkey

Rifat N. Bali

The Isis Press, Istanbul

pre** 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 2008 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010

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ISBN 978-1-61719-101-5

Printed in the United States of America

About the Author Rifat N. Bali was born in Istanbul in 1948. He graduated from the Department of Religious Sciences of the Sorbonne University's Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes in 2001. In addition to contributing a great number of encyclopedia, magazine and journal articles, he has also authored, edited and prepared for publication a number of books for publication. Authored books: Cumhuriyet Yillarinda Tiirkiye Yahudileri - Bir Turkle§tirme Seriiveni (1923-1945) [The Jews of Turkey During the Republican Period—A Turkification Odyssey (1923-1945)] (Istanbul: iletigim Yayinlari) 1999; Musa'mn Evlatlari Cumhuriyet 'in Yurltaslari [From 'Children of Moses' to 'Citizens of the Republic] (Istanbul: ilctigim) 2001; Les Relations Entre Turcs et Juifs dans La Turquie Moderne [Relations between Turks and Jews in Modem Turkey| (Istanbul: Les Éditions Isis) 2001; Tarz-i Hayat'tan Life Style'e [From 'Way of Life' to 'Life Style'] (Istanbul: iletisim Yaymlari) 2002; Cumhuriyet Yillarinda Tiirkiye Yahudileri — Aliya: Bir Toplu Gôçiin Oykiïsii (1946-1949) [The Jews of Turkey During the Republican Period — Aliyah: The Story of a Mass Immigration (1946-1949)](Istanbul: Heti§im Yaymlari) 2003; Devlet'in Yahudileri ve Ôteki Yahudi [The Jews of the State and the 'Other' Jew] (Istanbul: tlctisim Yaymlari) 2004; Anadolu'dan Yeni Dunya'ya Amerika'ya Ilk Goç Eden Tiirklerin Yagam Oykiileri [From Anatolia to the New World: The Life Stories of the First Turkish Immigrants to America] (Istanbul: iletigim Yaymlari) 2004 [this book received the 2005 Yunus Nadi Prize for Social Sciences Research]; limit Kivanç'a Cevap Birikim Dergisi'nin Yayinlamayi Reddettigi Makalenin Ôykiisu [A Response to Umit Kivanç: The Story of an Article that Birikim Journal Refused to Publish] (Istanbul) 2005; The "Varlik Vergisi" Affair: A Study of its Legacy - Selected Documents (Istanbul: The Isis Press), 2005; Maziyi E§elerken [While Studying the Past] (Istanbul: Diinya Kitaplan), 2006; Saray'in ve Cumhuriyet'in Di§çiba§isi: Sami Giinzberg (Istanbul: Kitabevi), 2007; US Diplomatic Documents on Turkey IV: New Documents on Atattirk - Atatiirk As Viewed Through the Eyes of American Diplomats (Istanbul: The Isis Press), 2007. The Jews and Prostitution un Constantinople 1854-1922 (Istanbul: The Isis Press) 2008. 1934 Trakya Olaylari [The 1934 Thrace Incidents] (Istanbul: Kitabevi), 2008. Edited books: Tiirkiye'de Yayinlanmi§ Yahudilikle llgili Kitap, Tez ve Makaleler Bibliyografyasi, 1923-2003 [A Bibliography of Books, Theses and Articles Published in Turkey on Jews and Judaism, 1923-2003] (Istanbul: Turkuaz Yayincilik) 2004; Avram Benaroya: Un Journaliste Juif Oublié Suivi De Ses Mémoires [Avram Benaroya: A Forgotten Jewish Journalist] (Istanbul: Les Éditions Isis) 2004; US Diplomatie Documents on Turkey I: Turkish Students' Movements and the Turkish Left in the 1950s-1960s (Istanbul: The Isis Press), 2007; US Diplomatic Documents on Turkey II: The Turkish Cinema in the Early Republican Years (Istanbul: The Isis Press), 2007; US Diplomatic Documents on Turkey III: Family Life in the Turkish Republic of the 1930's (Istanbul: The Isis Press), 2007. George Mayer, Tiirk Çarsisi: §ark'ta Ticaretin Piif Noktalari, translated by Yusuf Ôztel, (Istanbul: Kitabevi), 2008.

AN ATHEIST...OR A SABBATEAN? If you look at their names, they are Ali or Ferit. Sometimes they are "meowing " cats, sometimes, barking dogs. Ignore the fact that their names are those of Muslims; They are most certainly atheists, or maybe Sabbateans... TAHA Mi lit Gazete, December 10, 2006

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABBREVIATIONS PREFACE 1. A Scapcgoat for All Seasons: the Dônmes or Crypto-Jews of Turkey 2. A Delusional Obsession: the "Dônme" Question 3. Statements by Persons Accused of Being Dônmes 4. The Dônmes in Memoirs and Interviews 5. A Testimony by V. Avdet: "How I Discovered the Truth About My Ancestors' Origins" 6. The Nazis Perceptions of the Dônmes 7. Mustafa Kemal and the Claim of his Dônme Roots 8. The Dônmes as a Theme of Turkish Antisemitism 9. A Recent Antisemitic Theme: The Sabbatean Role in the Armenian Genocide 10. What is Efendi Telling us? 11. What is Really Being Discussed Here, Sabbateanism or the Republican Regime? 12. A Mutilated Translation: Gerschom Scholem's Sabbatai Sevi

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APPENDICES 1. The Chapter Titled "Sabbataism and Sabbataists" From §eref Mercan's Book 2. Mehmed §evket Eygi: "The Awesome Power of the Dônmes" 3. Mehmed §evket Eygi: "Various Question and Their Answers" 4. Abdurrahman Dilipak: "Btilbiil Deresi" 5. The writings of Necip Fazil Kisakiirek 6. Gôkhan Yamangiil: "Dictionary of the Official [State] Ideology" ... 7. Mustafa Miiftuoglu, "A Turkist and a Donme" 8. Alper Sedat Aslanda§-Baskm Biçakçi: "Salonican Dônme"

357 379 364 366 369 377 382 383

Glosssary Bibliography

383 387

17 89 105 117 189 213 223 249 277 317

ABBREVIATIONS

ADL AKP ASALA BBC CEO CHP CUP DEP DMG DP DSP DTP DYP EU FAO FP GATA

Anti-Defamation League Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi - The Justice and Development Party Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia British Broadcasting Corporation Chief Executive Officer Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi - The Republican People's Party Committee for Union and Progress (ittihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti) Demokrasi Partisi - The Democracy Party Dogan Media Group Demokrat Parti - The Democrat Party Demokratik Sol Partisi - The Democratic Left Party Demokrat Tiirkiye Partisi - Democrat Turkey Party Dogru Yol Partisi - The True Path Party European Union The UN Food and Agriculture Organization Fazilet Partisi - The Virtue Party Giilhane Askeri Tip Akademisi - Giilhane Academy of Military Medicine HADEP Halkin Demokrasi Partisi (The People's Democracy Party) IGMG Islamische Gemeinschaft Milli Görü§ - Islamic Association Milli Görü§ ÌDP islam Demokrat Partisi - The Islamic Democrat Party ÌHD insan Haklari Dernegi - The Human Rights Association ÌHOP Insan Haklari Ortak Platformu - Human Rights Joint Platform IP 4 « Partisi - The Worker's Party [of Turkey] ISKI Istanbul Su ve Kanalizasyon idaresi - Istanbul Water and Sewerage Administration HÜ istanbul Teknik Üniversitesi - Istanbul Technical University MAZLUMDER insan Haklari ve Mazlumlar igin Dayanigma Dernegi Organization for Human Rights and Solidarity for Oppressed People METU Middle East Technical University MGK Milli Giivenlik Konseyi - National Security Council MHP Milliyetgi Hareket Partisi - The Nationalist Action Party MIT Milli istihbarat Tefkilati - The National Intelligence Organization MNP Milli Nizam Partisi - The National Order Party MSP Milli Selamet Partisi - The National Salvation Party NARA LU.S.] National Archives and Research Administration (in College Park, MD)

ABBREVIATIONS NGO PEN PKK RP SP SSK STAM TBMM TKSEV TGAV TiHV TRT TUSIAD UN WASP YTP

Non Governmental Organization International Association of Poets, Playwriters, Editors, Essayists and Novelists Partlya Karkeran Kurdistan - Kurdish Workers' Party Refah Partisi - The Welfare Party Saadet Partisi - The Felicity Party Sosyal Sigortalar Kurumu - Social Insurances Institution Stratejik Ara§tirmalar Merkezi - Strategic Researches Center Tiirkiye Btiytik Millet Meclisi - The Turkish Grand National Assembly (Turkey's unicameral parliament) Tiirkiye Ekonomik ve Sosyal Etudler Vakfi - The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation Turk Gelecek Ara^tirma Vakfi - Turkish Foundation for the Study of the Future Tiirkiye Insan Haklari Vakfi - Human Rights Foundation of Turkey Tiirkiye Radyo ve Television [Kurumu] - The Turkish Radio and Television Organization Tiirk Sanayicileri ve l$adamlari Dernegi - Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association United Nations White Anglo-Saxon Protestant Yeni Tiirkiye Partisi - The New Turkey Party

PREFACE

The topic of the Donme, or 'Sabbateans' (Sabetayci) as they have increasingly been referred to of late, has in recent years grown into a much discussed and hotly debated issue in the Turkish media, so much so that certain journals have devoted entire issues to it1 and television talk shows have hosted lengthy and repeated debates, with various so-called "specialists" on the subject—as often as not ill-informed conspiracy theorists or antisemites—taking part along side or in place of journalists and academics.2 But despite the volume of discussion and ink spilled in the past decade, the subject has heretofore enjoyed woefully little scholarly research in Turkey. In fact, almost all the serious research that has been done on the issue has come from American researchers 3 or Turks who have completed their graduate studies in the United States.4 Interestingly, none of these persons have been asked to give their opinions on the matter in the Turkish media. Instead, the public debate has tended to focus on gossip rather than measured opinion, preferring to present the racier aspects of the debate, such as 'name dropping' or 'revealing' the donme roots of well-known personalities in Turkish political and cultural life. The 'Sabbatean craze' that has occupied the Turkish media for much of the past decade was first inspired by the appearance of Ilgaz Zorlu, an accountant who admitted his Donme origins and presented himself to the Turkish public as an 'insider' and expert on things Sabbatean. In 1994 he began to publish a series of articles in the monthly history journals Tarih ve Toplum and Toplumsal Tarih on various Sabbatean-related topics.5 These originally gained little attention, and it was only after their collection into 1 See, for instance, Tarih ve Dugtince, no. 200011 (November, 2000) / Egitim - Bilim, Year 3, no. 26 (November, 2000) / Tarih ve Toplum, vol. 38, no. 223 (July, 2002) / Turkiye'de ve Dunyada Yarm, year 1, no. 27-28 (July-August, 2004), Httrriyet Tarih, July 14, 2004 / Turk Yurdu, vol.24, no. 206, (October, 2004). 9 For instance, Kanal 7's panel on "Sabetaycihk" on February 10, 1999, which featured 'confessed' Sabbatean and author Ilgaz Zorlu, along with the journalists Mustafa Aydm (Aksiyon journal) and Mehmed §evket Eygi {Millt Gazete). The same station hosted a debate on September 22, 2000 between Nukhet Ipekfi, (the daughter of murdered journalist Abdi Ipekfi, who was of Sabbatean origin), Abdurrahman Dilipak (editor in chief of the radical Islamist daily Akit) and Mehmed §evket Eygi. CNN Turk hosted a discussion/debate with Marmara University Theology Professor Zekeriya Beyaz on October 1, 2000, while independent researcher Aytun§ Altmdal discussed the issue on the SKY TURK channel on April 27, 2004 and both Altmdal and publisher Mahmut f etin were featured on Kanal 7 on September 19, 2004. 3

Most notably, Marc Baer and Paul F. Bessemer. Namely, Leyla Neyzi of Sabanci University and Cengiz §i§man of Bilkent University and TOBB ETU University of Economics and Technology. 5 These eight articles were reprinted as 14 separate pieces in the Turkish Jewish monthly Tiryaki between 1994-1998. 4

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book form, along with other, more 'confessional' material, in the 1998 work Evet, Ben Selanikliyim! ('Yes, I'm a Salonican!'), that the author began to attract an audience. Zorlu became something of a media darling — particularly in the Islamist media — and gave numerous print and televised interviews. After several years in the spotlight, however, Zorlu's star began to fade when he failed to produce new material or substantiate many of his previous claims. In the meantime, Zorlu's claims — particularly the wilder ones—had been taken up by the Islamist press and others, most notably the Marxist professor of economy Yalcin Ku§iik. Kti§uk began publishing a number of hostile articles in the leftist weekly Aydinlik on Sabbateans and Jews, claiming that they controlled much of the country's wealth, politics and intellectual cultural life. These and other 'studies' were eventually compiled in a large volume titled Tekelistan ('Monopolia'), 1 in which the author accuses Jews of being 'rentiers' for taking an inordinate share — hence, the 'monopolia' — of wealth, media attention and privilege, among other things, and claims that Turkey's state bureaucracy and other apparatus are thoroughly infiltrated with and controlled by Sabbateans. It is also here that he presents his theories — based on the 'science' of onomastie or name origins and expanded upon in a subsequent work 2 — whereby he claims to be able to discern the Jewish origins of various Turkish names. In April, 2004 the television producer 3 and investigative journalist Soner Yalgin came out with his work Efendi: Beyaz Turklerin Bityiik Sim ('Efendi: The Great Secret of the White Turks'). Although the 600-plus-page work itself is based on sloppy research and gossip and cost the equivalent of $20.00—an extremely high price for the Turkish market, it quickly became a bestseller, and by May, 2007 had sold 154,000 copies, an all-time record in Turkey for non-fiction works. The book's message is that most if not all of the Republican elites, especially those who were instrumental in establishing the Turkish Republic and its institutions, were Donmes, as are the leading figures in Turkey's military, political, cultural and social spheres. While certain sectors of the Turkish media have long produced antisemitic materials, the appearance of Yalgin's book represented a new milestone. The book's 1 Yal§in Kü9ük, Tekelistan, (Istanbul: YGS Yayinlan), 2000. In case the reader failed to catch the gist of the K i c k ' s work, the cover of the expanded 3 rd printing (March, 2002) featured a picture of two large skyscrapers bearing the Stars of David and being ascended by cockroaches. 2 Yalcm Kü5ük, Tekelistan 1: isimlerin ibranile§tirilmesi ('Monopolia 1: The Hebraization of Names') (Istanbul: Salyangoz Yayinlan) 2006. The last page of this work appears to be an advertisement for the author's forthcoming book in this series, Tekelistan 2: Sabetayizm ve Grup Seks ('Sabbateanism and Group Sex'). 3 Yal9in and his colleague Cüneyt Özdemir founded the company Proje-CT Productions in December, 2003. The company produces documentaries and TV series for the Dogan Media Group's television stations Kanal D and CNN Türk. [Source: www.proje-ct.netl.

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publisher, Dogan Kitap, was not an obscure or ideologically motivated press but rather a subsidiary of the Dogan Media Group, the country's leading media company. Despite a number of highly critical reviews of the book and of its author—both for its methodology and its antisemitism, the astronomical sales that the work enjoyed far overshadowed any other concerns that the company might have otherwise had about publishing such works. In August, 2006, in fact, Dogan Kitap published the book's sequel, Beyaz Muslumanlarin Biiytik Sirri: Efendi-2 ('The Great Secret of the White Muslims: Efendi - 2'), 1 with the unheard of first printing of 100,000 copies. This time Yal§in followed up his previous work with the even more amazing claim that not only the country's secular elites but even most of the conservative, Islamist bourgeoisie possess Donme origins. One has to make a note that this business of propagating anti-Donme literature has proved very profitable for both the publisher Dogan Kitap and the author Soner Yalcin. A conservative estimation of Yal§in's author's right revenue would be around 700.000 Dollars. 2 Between them, first Zorlu, then Kii§iik and Yal§in after him have churned out numerous, allegedly 'authoritative' works all claiming that the Republic of Turkey was founded and continues to be ruled by the Donmes. Their frequent 'expert' statements and appearances in the media have helped to create a situation wherein the question of the Donmes —and, more specifically, of Donme control of Turkey—has preoccupied much of the Turkish press and media for nearly a decade. Constant rumors and reports of the Sabbatean origins of one or other public figure grace the pages of the country's dailies and the claim that the Turkish Republic is somehow a 'Jewish invention', created alternately to assist in the Zionist conquest of Palestine or to tear Turkey away from the Muslim fold, a claim once the exclusive domain of the more extreme Islamist circles, has in recent years gained a level of legitimacy that much of the Turkish public now considers it an established fact. It is worth noting that this recent obsession with the Donmes and with their alleged dominance in and/or influence on Turkey's political and cultural life has also found some resonance among Turkish Jews as well. To give but one example, in his recent novel Sabetayci Selim'in Oykusii ('The Story of Selim the Sabbatean') the Turkish-born (Izmir) Israeli author Haim Erroll Gelardin writes:

' Soner Yal?in, Beyaz Muslumanlarin Buytik Sun: Efendi - 2 (Istanbul: Dogan Kitap), 2006. The calculation is based on the following data: For Efendi I: 15% author's right on the net (8% VAT deducted) resale price of TL. 27.50 for 154.000 copies. For Efendi II: 15% author's right on the net (8% VAT deducted) resale price of T L 19.- for 100.000 copies. The exchange rate of TL/US S has been taken as 1.18 as per November 2007. On the subject of Soner Yal§in's revenues see also Esengul Metin, 'En cok kazanan yazarlar', Turkishtime, September 2005, no. 41, pp. 66-71. 2

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The Sabbateans provided much assistance to Atatiirk in the founding of this country. It is because of the Sabbateans that Turkey did not enter the Second World War, and it is again for this reason that our country, which was still in ruins, was not entirely obliterated. If Hitler, who wanted to reach the oil [deposits of the Middle East], had entered Turkey it would have only taken him a few days to send his [fuel] transport vehicles all the way from Thrace to Mosul and thereby obtain the petroleum [deposits] of Iraq. And the Jews and Donmes of Turkey, of the entire free world, would have all perished.1 Gelardin has since repeated many of the novel's more extravagant claims on television, where he declared that the founders of the Turkish Republic were Donmes and that the reason why Turkey's President (19381950) Ismet Inonii decided to remain neutral during the Second World War was that his wife Mevhibe was a Donme, and he wished to save the lives of her wife and her family. This claim and others were made on CINE 5 television channel on July 5, 2006. Another example, this time from an American Jew, is the following reader's comment 2 to an article which appeared in the American Jewish weekly Forward concerning the house in Izmir where supposedly Sabbatai Sevi was born: 3 Salonica's some 20,000 Sabbateans, together with those of Izmir and the Aegean region, became the founding elite of the nascent Turkish Republic in the 1920s. During WWII many among the leaders of the Turkish government from the president down, as well as key diplomats of the Foreign Ministry, and a great part of Turkey's military, cultural, academic, economic, professional elites, were known to belong, or have close tigs, to this Sabbatean community. AND THESE PEOPLE WELL KNEW THAT, IF HITLER WERE EVER TO ENTER TURKEY, THE FATE OF TURKEY'S SABBATEAN COMMUNITY WOULD BE NO DIFFERENT THAN THE COUNTRY'S JEWS!!! So by various means, ranging from creative diplomacy to military tough-talk - including the full mobilization of a 1 million strong Turkish army, famous for its fierce fighting ability - they prevented Hitler from invading Turkey. Hitler, who desperately needed to reach to oil wells, was thus pushed to take the Stalingrad route instead, where he faced Russia's Gen. Winter, his army was destroyed, and this is how the Nazis lost the war. You can say that by blocking Hitler's entry to Turkey, the Sabbateans not only saved their own skin... They also clearly: -Saved Turkey's Jews; -Saved their native Turkish Republic;

1

H. Erroll Gelardin, Sabetayci Selim'in Oykusit, (Istanbul: Dharma Yaymlari), 2006, p. 158. S. Hirschon, "Sabbetai Sevi: The Sage that Saved the World", Forward, May 25, 2007. 3 Jay Michaelson, "Shrine of False Messiah in Turkey May Be Razed", Forward, May 18, 2007. 2

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-Saved all the Jews of Israel and allowed the Jewish State to be born a few years later (which, as already planned by Hitler's ally, the Mufti of Jerusalem, would be easy prey if the Nazis had marched over Turkey); and -Saved THE WHOLE WORLD (most historians agree that if Hitler would have reached the oil wells of Iraq, linked-up with Nazi-leaning Arab countries, taken control of the Suez Canal, and thus achieve control all the way to the Muslims of India, he would become invincible and would have won the war)!!! Thus Hitler, the Jewish people's — as well the civilized world's greatest genocidal demon, was destroyed in essence by none other than Sabbatean Jews! I am not a religious person, but when you look at all the above chain of events, it is undeniable that, through the forces that he set in motion in 1666, Sabbetai Sevi eventually not only saved his own followers.... He saved Israel! And he saved the Whole World! WASN'T THAT WHAT A MESSIAH IS SUPPOSED TO DO???

The idea that Turkish foreign policy would be so completely determined and directed by a cabal of Donmes within the country's ruling class is, in fact, no different than the views espoused by the Islamist and ultranationalist camps. The only difference between their versions and that of Gck-rdin is that the latter—no doubt due to his own Jewishness—depicts the matter in a more positive light. The work before you represents my attempt to grapple with various aspects of the Donme issue and, equally important, with the question of how and why the Donmes have become an issue in Turkey. It consists of a number of separate articles, several of which have been either previously published or presented at workshops during the last five years. And for this reason there might be some sort of repetition of the treated subject here and there. Since their original publication/presentation each of these pieces has been revised, expanded and updated in light of new information that has appeared. The articles which appear here for the first time are "A Scapegoat for All Seasons: The Donmes or Crypto Jews of Turkey"; 'A Delusional Obsession The Donme Question"; "Statements by Persons Accused of Being Donmes"; "A Testimony by V. Avdet"; "The Nazis Perception of the Donmes", "Mustafa Kemal and the Claim of His Donme Roots"; "A Recent Antisemitic Theme: The Sabbatean Role in the Armenian Genocide". Terms marked in italics in the text are to be found in the glossary at the end of the book. Seven of the eight texts published in the "Annex" are representative specimens of the antisemitic literature published ad nauseuam by well known Islamist journalists such as Mehmed §evket Eygi, Mustafa Miiftiioglu, Abdurrahman Dilipak and by the well known poet and publicist Necip Fazil Kisakurek. The eight text has been quoted form the Dictionary of Popular Political Expressions authored by Sedat Aslandag and Baskin Bigakyi and is the

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definition of the term "Salonican Donme", an expression which is part of the Turkish popular culture. Finally, I would like to thank Paul F. Bessemer, my friend, colleague and fellow student of things Sabbatean, for translating this work from the original Turkish, as well as for translating the Hebrew passage from Itamar Ben-Avi's memoirs concerning his encounters with Mustafa Kemal and for preparing the glossary. Te§vikiye - Osmanbey,

2005-2007

1 A SCAPEGOAT FOR ALL SEASONS: THE DONMES, OR CRYPTO-JEWS OF TURKEY*

Present Perceptions of Donmes in Turkey In order to convey a good overview of how the Donmes and their descendents are today perceived in Turkey, the writings of two authors, in particular, can be seen as representative. The first of these is Abdurrahman KuQiik. a Professor at the Theology Faculty of the University of Ankara and the President of the Turkish Association for the history of religions, who actually wrote his doctoral thesis on this group, an effort that was later converted into what was then the largest and most scholarly work on the subject in Turkish. 1 Between 1999 and 2002 he also served as a parliamentary deputy and as a member of the Central Committee for the ultra-nationalist Nationalist Action Party (MHP). Long considered the 'scholarly' authority on the subject in Turkey, Kiigiik also authored the article on the 'Donme' in the Turkish version of the Encyclopaedia of Islam (islam. Ansiklopedisi). In this article the professor describes the 'Donmes' as "a Jewish community which became Ottoman subjects and appeared to adopt Islam in order to be able to more easily attain their religious and political objectives". 2 The sentence "be able to more easily attain their religious and political objectives" is worth bearing in mind, as it is reflective of the wary and mistrustful approach to the subject frequently encountered in the Turkish literature, a view which apriori assumes the Donmes to be a unified group possessing a secret, nefarious political agenda—and one that is invariably harmful to Turkey and the Turks.

* This article is a modifed and expanded version of a lecture originally delivered at the Central European University (Budapest) on October 25, 2005. 1 Abdurrahman Kflfiik, Donmeler Tarihi (Ankara: Alperen Yayinlari), 5"' edition, 2001. When first published, this work was titled Donmelik ve Donmeler Tarihi, but has since undergone a number of printings, with the 6 t h and most recent bearing the title Donmeler [Sabetayistler] Tarihi, (Istanbul: Andi§ Yayinlari), 2001. 2 Prof. Abdurrahman Ku?uk, "Donme", islam Ansiklopedisi, Vol. 9, (Istanbul: Ttirkiye Diyanet Vakfi - Islam Ara§tirmalari Merkezi) 1994, pp. 518-520.

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The second author is one Mehmed §evket Eygi. 1 In greatest 'unknown' in the c r y p t o - J e w s . " 2 In another follows:

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of Turkey's better known Islamist journalists, a recent article, he wrote of this group that "the Turkish equation is the Sabbateans and other piece, he describes the power of this group as

The Sabbateans have taken control of all of the street corners, all of the important and strategic points, and all of the vital and fundamental institutions. There is a newspaper that is so militant, so fanatic that it has declared war against Islam, nationalism, the customs [of the Turkish people] and the line of historic continuity. This press organ is 100% in the hands of the Sabbateans. The person at the head of an institution connected with the universities is a Donme, and his predecessor was a Jew. They are everywhere, their noisy chatter is heard everywhere. A great portion of Turkey's revenues finds its way straight into their pockets and accounts. In order to understand what the author is implying here, it is first necessary to decipher the various terms employed in the text. 'Historical continuity' (tarihi devamlilik) refers to the popular Islamist notion that the secular Turkish Republic of Mustafa Kemal Atatiirk represented a break with the 'historic order' of Islamically-based rule, and has caused Turkey and its people to veer from the path of the Shari'a as the political and social foundation of the state. Eygi's reference to the "person at the head of an institution connected with the universities" is an allusion to Prof. Kemal Guriiz, the former President of Turkey's Council of Higher Education, the umbrella organization that acts as the controlling authority over Turkish universities. Why would the author focus his attention on this person? The answer lies in the fact that, under current Turkish Law and its understanding of the founding constitutional principle of Secularism, female students are not allowed to enter government buildings, and, by extension, to study at the university, with their heads covered (i.e., with a veil), and that the council's former president has been one of the most uncompromising defenders of this prohibition. Eygi's mention of him is meant to imply that the Council Chairman's steadfast defense of Turkish secularism stems from his Donme

1 Mehmed Çevket Eygi (1933- ) is a graduate of the prestigious Galatasaray Lycée and the Faculty of Political Sciences of Ankara University. In the 1960's he published the Islamist newspapers Bugiin, Babiali'de Sabah, Büyiik Gazete and Yeni Îstiklâl known for their virulent antisemite rhetoric. He is currently a daily columnist at Mill! Gazete, the semi-official organ of the "Millî Görü§" (National View), the Islamist movement established by Necmettin Erbakan in 1970 and espoused by all of the Erbakan-led political parties since then. Source: Hiidavendigar Onur, Türk Sagt Sözlügü, (Istanbul: Biyografi.net), 2004, p. 351. 2 Mehmed §evket Eygi, "Türkiye'nin En Büyiik Bilinmeyeni", Millî Gazete, June 7, 2003. 3 Mehmed §evket Eygi, "Sabetaycihgi ve Sabetaycilari Ögrenmek Hakki", Millî Gazete, May 22,2003.

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origins. Lastly, the author's mention of a "fanatic newspaper" refers to the liberal, secular daily Sabah, whose founding family is also of Donme origin. These statements are typical examples of the widely-held opinion in Turkey that "the Donmes"—and again, their common origins are assumed to equate to a separate group identity and solidarity that has continued down to our day—are a secret, separate and perhaps all-powerful group harboring a secret political agenda that includes the control of all aspects of Turkey's political, social and economic life and the creation and preservation of the constitutionally-mandated secularism—and all this over and above the will of the Turkish people, which, in the view of the Islamists, is the return to rule by Islamic law, or Shari'a. In this vein, the aforementioned Mehmed §evket Eygi has given the example of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, who is said to have declared sometimes before the 1960 military coup at one of the meetings of his party's parliamentary representatives, "My friends, the Turkish people gave you the power to represent them. If you want you can even restore the Caliphate."1 According to Eygi, it was upon hearing these words that "the Donmes decreed Menderes' execution, because he had pronounced two words which could shake the Donmes' dominance on Turkey" namely, that secularism was an ideology foisted upon the nation by the Donmes. 2 In part because of their past history of secrecy and [intra- if not inter-] group solidarity while in Salonica, since their arrival in Turkey at the end of the first quarter of the 20 th century, the Donmes have been perceived as "a clan" whose members exercise an extreme solidarity and loyal devotion to one another, very much like Freemasons, as well as—paradoxically—closed on themselves and in secret contact and solidarity with the Jews. Therefore, the Donmes have always been considered as similar to the country's non-Muslim minorities (Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Syriac Christians, etc.): not "real Turks" and thus, without the inherent love and concern for the fatherland possessed by "real Turks". Below are presented several examples of this outlook.

"Demokrat Parti Meclis grupunun tarihi celsesi", Ak$am, November 30, 1955. Menderes' exact statement was: "Since we have received [our] power from our noble nation, there is nothing that we cannot do here, no decision that we cannot take. You can even restore the Sultanate". 2A Cemal A. Kalyoncu, "Mehmet §evket Eygi: Hicbir ige yarayamiyorum", Aksiyon, No. 559, August 22, 2005, pp. 32-37. After the military coup of May 27, 1960, all of the DP members of the government and parliamentary deputies were arrested. Most were later released, but after a series of trials at the Yassiada island prison, Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, Finance Minister Hasan Polatkan and Foreign Affairs Minister Fatin Rü§tü Zorlu were sentenced to death and the sentences were executed on September 17, 1961. President Celäl Bayar was also given a death sentence, but was pardoned because of his age.

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Adnan Demirtiirk, President of the National V i e w Foundation ( M i l l i Gorii§

Vak.fi)

affiliated with the Necmettin Erbakan-founded Islamist

movement of the same name 1 has defined the movement's opponents through allusions to the late journalist Ahmet Emin Yalman who during the National War of Independence was a tireless advocate for the idea of a U.S.-run mandate over the lands of Turkey: 2 We are the core of our nation, we are 99 percent of it. And now the children of those 'mandate-ist' Donmes who at that time hid themselves under haystacks [instead of fighting with the Turkish Nationalists] are struggling against us. It is impossible that we would either intend to or pass a decision that would leave the Republic to two or three donme spawn [families]. Ismail Kara, a professor of Islamic philosophy of Marmara University of Istanbul, had the following comments regarding the Biilbiildere Cemetery in Usktidar, on the eastern shores of the Bosphorus, where many Donmes are buried: As you're heading straight up from Usktidar toward Baglarba§i, if you look to your right just as the road begins to bend and climb steeply you'll see a cemetery. It's a graveyard full of cypress trees, which from a distance remind one of a Muslim cemetery, [but] it's "The Donme Cemetery". A few years back (1993), I was suspicious when I saw that the cemetery's walls on the side facing the street had collapsed. The continuing [construction] work [there] increased my suspicions. The remains of little structures located between the cemetery and the street were torn down, after which excavators and dump trucks began to cart away the earth, as a path was made to the [grounds'] woodcutter of many years, who[se room] almost abutted the mosque. I began to grow curious as to who was behind the renovation to this area, an area that I continued to watch [each time] I traveled to and from Usktidar. In truth, I was expecting it to shortly emerge that this intervention was [being done by] some institution like The Quincentennial Foundation3 or some extension of it. I was wrong. A little while later a placard was hung: "Usktidar Municipality Bulbulderesi Park Construction".4

1 Erbakan's movement was the first serious political Islam movement in Turkey, originally represented by the National Order Party (Mitli Nizam Partisi), established in 1970, and it has acted as the standard bearer for this trend over the decades. 2 "MGV 90k sert", Radikal, January 17, 1998. 3 The Quincentennial Foundation was established in 1989 by the leaders of the Turkish Jewish community (with the assistance of the Turkish government) with the purpose of celebrating the 500 th anniversary of the arrival of Sephardic Jews expelled from Spain (1492), and, through this example, to make known to the world the "benevolent tolerance" shown by the Ottoman State and the Turkish Republic to its minority populations. 4 Ismail Kara, Biraz Yakm Tarih Biraz Uzak Hurafe, (Istanbul: Kitabevi), 1998, p. 30.

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What is of interest here is Kara's first assumption as to who might be restoring the cemetery is that it was probably a Jewish institution, such as The Quincentennial Foundation, indirectly reflecting the commonly-held attitude that those of Donme origin are simply an extension of Turkey's Jewish community. The final example here comes f r o m Ctineyt Arcaytirek, a veteran journalist who also became the press advisor of Siileyman Demirel during the latter's Presidency. In his memoirs, Arcayiirek recounts a conversation he held with Demirel concerning then-Prime Minister Tansu (filler's 1994 visit to Israel: C.A. - Did (filler come to you and talk to you about the Middle East? S.D. - She said that "very important" things had happened. C.A. - (filler's entourage wrote "promised lands" and gave it to her. (I listed their names. Demirel confirmed all of them).1 S.D. - (in a soft voice) The woman is also Salonican. In her roots. These people are in solidarity with each other. C.A. - Oh [really?]. This is the first time I'm hearing that. Is filler a Donme? S.D. - I don't know whether or not she is a Donme. But her father came from Salonica. He is from those who were settled in Milas and the surrounding area during the population exchange. 2 We shall discuss in further detail this perception of the Donmes as well as the 'Donme-mania' that has become such a central feature of Turkish public debate in recent years, but in order to fully understand this phenomenon it will first be necessary to go back and take a look to the historical background of the subject.

The Historical Background

of the

Donmes3

The term 'Donme' means, among other things, 'one who has changed religions', or 'a convert', but in modern Turkish parlance, it is used especially to refer to the followers of Sabbetai Sevi, the 17 th century rabbi who declared himself Messiah in 1666, and to their descendants. Sevi himself was born in Izmir, or Smyrna, in 1626. He was ordained as a rabbi at the age of 18 and at the same time began his study of Kabbalah. Sevi came to believe himself the The "entourage" to whom Arcayiirek is alluding were Yalim Eralp and Emre Gonensay, both Turkish Foreign Ministry officials who became advisors of Prime Minister f i l l e r and were known to be of Donme origin. 2 Cuneyt Arcayiirek, gankaya Muhalefeti, (Ankara: Bilgi Yaymevi), 2002, p. 39. 3 This part is based on Scholem's work: Gershom Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi, The Mystical Messiah, translated by R. J. Zwi Werblowsky, (Princeton: Princeton University Press) 1989.

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Messiah early on, and began to tell this to those in his milieu. Joseph Escapa, the Chief Rabbi of Izmir, reacted strongly to Sevi's pronouncements regarding his messiahship, eventually prompting the young rabbi to depart from his hometown and embark on an odyssey that would take him to other major centers of Jewish culture, including Salonica, Athens, Cairo and Jerusalem, among others. While on his way from Egypt to Jerusalem, he encountered another young Kabbalist by the name of Abraham Nathan, who had a dream in which he later claimed to have seen Sevi and to have been told that he was the long-awaited Messiah. As a result, Nathan, who has become known in history as 'Nathan of Gaza', began to proclaim Sevi as such. He became something of a 'John the Baptist' to Sevi's 'Jesus', earning himself a prominent place in the movement and increasing its number of adherents, as well. After returning to Izmir in 1666, Sevi declared himself the Messiah, giving himself the title "The One who will establish the Kingdom of God" and speaking of the return of the entire Jewish nation to Jerusalem, the rebuilding of Solomon's Temple and of the coming salvation of all nations. His followers' practice of mentioning Sevi as 'King' in their prayers began to disquiet the Sultan, Mehmet IV, and while on a sea journey to Istanbul to make his 'grand entrance' Sevi was arrested by the Sultan's forces. He was brought to Istanbul, from whence he was subsequently summoned to the Sultan's palace in Edirne, where, during his questioning before the Imperial Court and the demand that he either prove the divinity of his mission or face death, he admitted that he was not actually the Messiah, only a simple rabbi, and agreed to adopt the religion of Islam. He was then given the name 'Aziz Mehmet Efendi' and given the honorific position of 'Gatekeeper' (Kapicibcqi) at the Imperial Palace in Edirne (Adrianople). His conversion naturally caused a crisis within the ranks of his followers, with some abandoning him in disgust and disillusionment and others following his example and converting—albeit nominally—to Islam. After his conversion, Sevi taught his followers the principles which became known as 'The 18 Commandments'. These principles, such as the belief in Sevi's Messiahship, the prohibition against marrying outside of the sect, the external observance Muslim custom and religious ritual, the (secret) recitation of the Psalms and the public observance and celebration of Muslim religious festivals and covert celebration of the Sabbatean holidays, would become the fundamental components of Donme life and religious practice for the next two-and-a-half centuries. 1 In the meantime, Sevi's continued unorthodox behavior after his conversion eventually compelled the Sultan to distance him from both his followers (as well as his detractors), eventually exiling him in 1673 to the city of Ulgiin (alt. Ulcinj, Dulcigno), in what is present-day Montenegro. He died there three years later.

1

Abdurrahman Kiiciik, Donmeler Tarihi...op. clt., p. 349.

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After Sevi's death, his brother-in-law Jacob, or 'Yakup' Querido would assume the mantle of the sect's leadership. Thirteen years after Sevi's death, the ongoing personal and religious tensions within the group finally erupted, and the sect split, at first into two and later three sub-sects: 1) the 'Yakubi' sect, which continued to follow Querido and his successors; 2) the 'Karaka§', who believed that Osman Baba, a child born nine months and ten days after Sevi's death was actually the reincarnated Messiah himself; and 3) the 'Kapanci's, members of the second group who split off after rejecting Osman's messiahship. After living in peace in a few neighborhoods of Salonica and, to a lesser extent, Edirne and Izmir for the next two centuries, the community and its insular structure was irreparably damaged by the Balkan Wars of 1912-13 and the massive wave of migrations that ensued over the next decade. According to various sources, at the dawn of the 20 th century there were between 10-15,000 Donmes living in Salonica. 1 In order to be able to preserve and continue their own specific culture and social construction, the Donmes had taken care to marry only within their own sects, to bury their dead in specifically Donme cemeteries and—beginning in the last quarter of the 19th century—to send their children to their own schools, where over the years the education took on an increasingly Western character and flavor, including the teaching of foreign languages. This lifestyle continued in some form or another until the Lausanne Peace Conference.

The Donme debate in the Turkish Republic - Part 1:1923-1945 During the Lausanne peace talks which were undertaken at the end of Turkey's successful War of Independence, the Turkish delegation demanded, among other things, to be rid of much of their own indigenous Greek population, which had collaborated with the Greek invasion forces and was therefore seen as an element of permanent insecurity. For both sides, the most practical way to do this was simply to exchange the Greek population of Anatolia for the Greek state's Turkish Muslim minority. Such a decision was completely in keeping with the desire of the new Republic's leadership to create a Turkish nation-state by homogenizing the population and society of Anatolia. Thus, the 'Agreement and Protocol Regarding the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations' was signed between the two countries on January 30, 1923, whereby those Turks living in Greece (apart from those in 1 Ibid., pp. 347, 353; Giacomo Saban, 'Residui di Tradizioni Sabbatiane Ancora Presenti in Turchia', Annuario del Collegio Rabbinico Italiano, no. 3 (1988-1991), pp. 117-118, 131.

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Western Thrace) would be 'exchanged' for all the Greeks living in Turkey (apart from those in Istanbul). As the Donmes of Salonica were considered to be Muslim Turks, they too were subject to the exchange and sent packing to Turkey. Marc Baer, a scholar specialised on the Donmes, narrated this episode as follows: 1 Relying on their Jewish origins, some Donme asked the Greek government to excuse them from the expulsion, an odd request considering that the rabbis of Salonika refused to allow the Donme to return to Judaism 2 since they opposed the sect's customs and did not consider them Jews. The government in Athens refused to allow the Donme to remain, probably because it wanted to be rid of a significant non-Greek economic element. Other Donme approached Turkish officials with the same aim. When a Donme asked Riza Nur, the second most important representative of the Turkish delegation to the Lausanne conference, to exclude the community from the population exchange, the Turkish diplomat realized that "this means they are a group in Turkey that thinks differently and has opposite interests than Turks. The disaster (for us) is that they appear as Turks. Greeks and Armenians are better than they if for no other reason than we know they are Greeks and Armenians. This foreign element, this parasite, hides in our bloods". Despite their protests and Turkish apprehension about their true identity and potential danger, the estimated ten to fifteen thousand Donme were compelled to abandon their native Salonika. The majority eventually settled in Istanbul, 4 with a much smaller number going to Izmir and other major cities. Those going to Istanbul tended to concentrate in the most exclusive neighborhoods 5 , where they established their schools anew. 6 When they died, the new emigrants would be buried in

1 Marc Baer, "The Double Bind of Race and Religion: The Conversion of the Dönme to Turkish Secular Nationalism", Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 46, No. 4, October 2004, pp. 682-708. ^ Avram Galanté, Nouveaux Documents sur Sabbetai Sevi: Organisation et Us et Coutumes de Ses Adeptes, Société Anonyme de Papeterie et d'Imprimerie (Fratelli Haim), Istanbul, 1935, pp. 77-79. 3 Riza Nur, Hayat ve Hatiratim, Altindag Yaymevi, 1967-1968, Vol. 3, p. 1081. 4 For a study on this subject I suggest: Renée Hirschon, (Ed.), Crossing the Aegean — An Appraisal of the 1923 Compulsory Population Exchange Between Greece and Turkey, (Oxford: Berghahn Books), 1998; Onur Yildinm, Diplomacy and Displacement: Reconsidering the Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations 1922-1934, (London: Routledge) 2006; Bruce Clark, Twice a Stranger: How Mass Expulsion Forged Modern Greece and Turkey, (London: Granta) 2006. 5 Namely, the neighborhoods of Tejvikiye, Niganta§i and Maçka and the Istanbul suburb of Bakirköy. 6 These schools which are still operating in Istanbul today are: Feyziye Mektepleri Vakfi Özel Isik Lisesi, §i§li Terakki Lisesi and Bogaziçi Lisesi. The history of the Terakki schools has been published: Mehmet Ö. Alkan, Selanik'ten istanbul'a: imparatorluk'tan Cumhuriyet'e Terakki Vakfi ve Terakki Okullari 1877-2000, (Istanbul: Terakki Vakfi Yayinlari), 2003. For a history of the Feyziye Schools see Mert Sandalci, Feyz-i Sibyan'dan Içik'a Feyziye Mektepleri, (Istanbul: Feyziye Egitim Vakfi), 2005.

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25

the Biilbtildcre Cemetery, across the Bosphorus in Uskiidar. While at first glance it appears no different than any other Muslim cemetery, a closer examination shows that many of the tombstones contain photographs of the deceased, a habit which is prohibited in Muslim traditions. In regard to their occupations, the Donmes who settled in Istanbul and Izmir have distinguished themselves in a variety of fields, including journalism, movie theater ownership and movie production and distribution, finance, foreign affairs, higher education, commerce and the arts. Nevertheless, worldly success has not been accompanied popular acceptance. The descendants of this community, whose number is unknown are still identified as 'Donme's, or 'Salonicans', both of which terms possess a decidedly negative connotation in popular parlance. The origins of this negative view of the Donmes stems from the widespread view of them as a community of individuals who are two-faced and unreliable.

The "Karaka$ Rti§tti Affair" The first time the Donme issue became a public debate was in January 1924 after Turkey declared herself a Republic and it was known as the "Karaka§ Rii§tu Affair". The name 'Karaka§ Rust if first became known to the Turkish public through a petition submitted by a certain Ru§tu, claiming to be a member of the Donmes' Karaka§ sect, to the Turkish Grand National Assembly on January 1, 1924, just as the Greek-Turkish Population Exchange was to come into effect. In his petition, Ru§tii claimed that his coreligionists were neither ethnically, racially, spiritually nor morally Turkish, and suggested that, unless they were willing to fully assimilate and intermarry with Turks, they should not be allowed to come to Turkey. 1 The petition was reported in the press the following day, giving rise to an animated debate in the country's press lasting for a couple weeks, after which it disappeared as quickly as it had appeared. 2 During this period, the Donme population continued to quickly assimilate into the newly-created 'Turkish' national identity. Marriages between Donmes and ordinary Muslims increased apace. In other words, the

1 Paul F. Bessemer, "Who is a Crypto-Jew? A Historical Survey of the Sabbatean Debate in Turkey", Kabbalah, Journal for the Study of Jewish Mystical Texts, Vol. 9 (2003), pp. 121-122. 2 For an investigation of this debate, see Marc Baer, "The Double Bind of Race and Religion: The Conversion of the Donme to Turkish Secular Nationalism", Society for Comparative Study of Society and History (2004), pp. 682-708.

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communal mentality and solidarity of which Karaka§ Riigtii had complained gradually disappeared. As a matter of fact, the Jewish ideologue of Turkification Moise Cohen (who changed his name to Tekin Alp), mentions in his book Tiirklegtirme (Turkification, 1928) that the Donmes who were still being cducatcd at their own community established schools were giving up to this habit, meaning that they were assimilating into Turkish culture: Is there n o difference, f r o m the standpoint of individual characteristics and group particularities, between a Rumelian T u r k and an Erzurum Turk, even in our own homeland? It is inconceivable that one would claim that these differences would affect national unity. For this reason, in regard lo their culture and education those non-Turkish elements m a y well preserve s o m e of their racial and familial characteristics for a while after [their] nationalization. A n d it is also p o s s i b l e that these peculiarities will also lend themselves to [increased] in-group solidarity for a short period. In this f a s h i o n this [type of] solidarity even exists a m o n g the D o n m e s , w h o are completely Turkish f r o m the standpoint of culture and education. But since this solidarity is gradually and irrevocably disappearing f r o m one day to the next day, any assertion that they are not T u r k s m e a n s an attempt to destroy the belief among them that they are, in fact, Turks. '

But another 13 years would have to pass before the subject would once more come to the agenda. In October, 1937, a minor journalistic feud erupted between Yunus Nadi, the owner and editor-in-chief of the mainstream daily Cumhuriyet and Ahmet Emin Yalman, the owner and editor-in-chief of the rival Tan and a person of Donme extraction. The spat, which was conducted in the press over several days, began in response to a statement by Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels, who had made the statement "our case is going forward successfully in Poland, Austria, Bulgaria, Serbia and Turkey" at a Nazi Party Congress in Nuremberg the previous month. When Tan published an editorial concurring with Goebbels' statement and claiming that Nazi propaganda had indeed made great advances in Turkey, Cumhuriyet responded critically. 2 During the print dispute that followed Yunus Nadi responded to the Tan owner's characterization of him as the descendant of 'derebey' 3 with reference to Yalman's Donme origins: 4 A n d so I ' m a ' d e r e b e y ' . W e l l , I ' m not someone w h o is a s h a m e d to h a v e such g e n t l e m e n a m o n g m y a n c e s t o r s . T o d a y ' s n a t i o n a l i s t a n d revolutionary Turkism is no different than a noble occupation of those 1 Tekin Alp, TUrkle$tirme, [transliterated by Ozer Ozenkaya], (Ankara: Kiiltur Bakanhgi), 2001, p. 10. 2 Emin Karaca, Turk Bastninda Kalem Kavgalari, (Istanbul: Genda§), 1998, s. 112-139. 3 'derebey' signifies an Anatolian feudal lord, but in this sense Yalman probably meant is 'despot' or 'bully'. 4 Yunus Nadi, "Ahmed Emin Yalmana", Cumhuriyet, October 22, 1937.

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ancestors of yesteryear. Believe me: when I said that I wouldn't trade even a fingernail of a Turkish brigand for the whole lot of your donme people and tribe, I was telling the truth. Fine, I come from a family of feudal lords. And how about you? Aren't you the descendant of that Jewish trouble maker Sabbatai Sevi, w h o insincerely changed his religion in order to save himself f r o m execution at Tekirdag?

In a lengthy reply to Nadi's comments, Ahmet Emin Yalman would subsequently recount his life story—without denying that he came from a Donme family. After describing the Donmes' communal life and custom of endogamy during the period in which they lived in Salonica, he claimed that these practices had been left behind and were now in the past and went on to tell about the situation in the 1930s: M y f a t h e r ' s generation began to dismantle these c u s t o m s . T h e generation after him rebelled strongly against the tradition, which was the product of ignorance and backwardness. Even if there was a girl among their relatives of w h o m they were f o n d , they would not marry her, preferring instead to mix into the greater society. Today not the slightest trace remains of these old, outdated social conditions, they have now become but a distant memory.

For the ruling cadres of the fledgling Republic, who were in any case determined to 'Turkify' the country's various ethnic and religious minorities, the assimilation of the Donmes into the Turkish nation could only be seen as a favorable development. Over the first two decades of the Republic's history, the state had for all practical purposes appeared to have forgotten about the Donmes. But with the appearance of the wartime 'Capital Tax Law' in November 1942, it quickly became clear that the state had remembered them after all...

The Capital Tax Law During the winter of 1942, when the fate of Europe still hung in the balance and Turkey, which had only managed with great difficulty to maintain its neutrality, was suffering greatly from the shortages, speculation and black marketeering created by the wartime conditions, the Turkish Grand National Assembly voted to the 'Capital Tax Law' that November. This extraordinary tax was passed upon the reasonable pretext of taxing the excessive profits being reaped by those taking advantage of the market imbalances and 1

Ahmet Emin Yalman, "Kirli iglerle miicadele etmekten yilmiyorum", Tan, October 24, 1937.

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shortages. 1 Yet, despite the stated intent of the law, the determination and implementation of the tax was carried out in completely arbitrary fashion, one devoid of all pretense of justice or equality. In actuality, Turkish taxpayers were divided into three categories: 2 Muslims, non-Muslims and Donmes, with the percentage of one's capital to be delivered as a tax obligation being determined according to one's membership in one of these groups. Among these three groups, Muslim merchants and industrialists paid at the lowest rate, with the Donmes paying twice the rate of other Muslims and non-Muslims being charged four times that rate. As formulated, the law decreed that those unable to pay the tax, whose assessment could not be appealed, would be obliged to perform physical labor in work camps until their tax debt was paid off in full. This stipulation, however, was only enforced for non-Muslims, never on Muslims or Donmes. In this way, the Turkish Republic, which in its 1924 Constitution had declared that all Turkish citizens would be considered and treated equally before the law, had imposed a system whereby its population was actually treated as first, second and third class citizens. Such a policy brings to mind a number of questions. For instance: How, during the implementation of the Capital Tax Law, did the responsible officials know which persons were of Donme origin? How and where was this information recorded, and why had it been preserved in the nearly two decades between the founding of the Republic and the adoption of the law? It is difficult to answer these questions on the basis of the surviving documentation, because no detailed or in-depth research has yet been carried out in the population registries. A possible and plausible explanation is that, during the population exchange, those among the Turkish immigrants from Greece who were known to be Donmes were identified as such in the 1 The Capital Tax Law was passed on November 11, 1942. The law, which aimed to tax the excessive profits made by black marketeers and war profiteers under the difficult wartime conditions, was ultimately implemented in the most discriminatory of fashions. Non-Muslims and those identified as descendants of the Donmes were taxed at rates far higher than the rate for Muslims. Those of the former groups who were unable to pay the tax, which was often assessed arbitrarily and with little recourse to appeal, were sent to labor camps, such as A§kale in Eastern Anatolia as punishment, where they were forced to perform hard manual labor such as road building. By imposing the law in this manner, the goal was to weaken or eliminate the presence of non-Muslims in the fields of commerce and industry and to enable a Muslim bourgeoisie to emerge in its place. There is as of yet little material available in English on these events, but one of the most important primary sources on the period, the memoirs of the Istanbul Province's Director of Finance during the war years, has been translated. Faik Okte, The Tragedy of the Turkish Capital Tax (London: Croom Helm) 1987 [transl., by Geoffrey Cox], For more detailed information on this subject, see: Rifat N. Bali, The 'Varlik Vergisi' Affair A Study of Its Legacy - Selected Documents (Istanbul: Isis Press) 2005; Ayhan Aktar, Varlik Vergisi ve •Tiirkle$tirme' Politikalari, (Istanbul: iletijim Yayinlari), 2004; Ridvan Akar, A§kale Yolculari Varlik Vergisi ve falisma Kamplari, (Istanbul: Mephisto Yayinlari), 2006; Huseyin Perviz Pur, Varlik Vergisi ve Azinhklar, (Istanbul: Eren Yaymcihk) 2007. 2 There were actually four total categories, but the fourth, the 'E' category (for Ecnebi) was for non-Turkish nationals.

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population registries. But if we ask why it was felt necessary to record such information we find ourselves in a very different field of research. This question ultimately touches on the problem of the Turkish Republic's 'minority policies' from its inception until the end of World War II. During this period the state continually pursued the goal of creating a 'Turkish' nation-state, destroying the various sub-state communal structures remaining from the Ottoman period and forcibly 'Turkifying' and assimilating the country's minorities within an overarching Turkish national identity, and a single shared language, culture and national ideal. 1 But despite this often repeated objective, the state and much of its ruling cadre continued to doubt the loyalty of Donmes and non-Muslims and to view them as a foreign element within the Turkish body politic. What's more, the indisputable predominance of these two relatively small groups within the country's economic life was seen as intolerable, and they continually strove to transfer the control of the economy to Muslim Turks, who were seen as the true owners of the country. Ultimately, the two notions which played a role in the discriminatory and unjust imposition of the Capital Tax against the Donmes —the questionable loyalty of non-Muslims and Donmes to the Turkish Republic and their control of the nation's trade and industry—are convictions that had long before taken root in the popular mind and still continue down to our day. Indeed, the declaration of Mehmed §evket Eygi which was quoted at the outset, that "a great portion of Turkey's revenues finds its way straight into their pockets and accounts" is of a piece with those beliefs that allowed for the tax's discriminatory implementation more than six decades earlier. In a sentence, this conviction can be expressed thus: 'Even though Muslims are the predominant element and deserving rulers of this country, it is only the non-Muslims and Donmes who benefit from its blessings.'

The Donme Debate, Part II: 1946-1980 After the Second World War drew to a close, the Turkish Republic, which had been under single party rule throughout its 22-year existence, now decided to wholeheartedly throw in its lot with the West and accordingly took some halting steps toward multi-party democracy. In the new climate of social and political freedom that followed the ending of the country's wartime 1 For more information on this subject the following book is suggested: Rjfat N. Bali, Cumhuriyet Yillarinda Tiirkiye Yahudileri Bir Turkle$tirme Seriiveni (1923-1945), (Istanbul: Iletigim Yaymlari), 1999.

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economy and its entry into a period of party politics, an Islamist movement, long-suppressed under the trenchantly secularist Republican People's Party, now began to rear its head again. Accompanying this revival was the reappearance of enmity and hatred toward the Donmes, among others, which had not been able to be expressed openly during the authoritarian single-party period. In the period between the initial resurrection of the Islamist movement in 1946 and the military intervention of 1980, the Donmes served repeatedly as a scapegoat for both Turkey's Islamists and its ultra-nationalists. This phenomenon was at least partially connected with the country's internal political developments. For example, Ahmet Emin Yalman, the owner of the secular, liberal newspaper Vatan who was a totally assimilated descendant of the Donmes, attracted much of the Islamist's wrath until his death in 1972, largely on account of his fiery advocacy of the principle of secularism and because, during the Armistice following World War I, he had been an advocate of the idea that the parts of Anatolia with a Turkish majority should be temporarily administered under a U.S. mandate. The hateful publications directed at Yalman were even translated into actions in 1952, when a young man by the name of Hiiscyin Uzmez shot Yalman in an attempted assassination. On a side note, the assailant would in the 1990s reappear in Turkish public life as a lawyer and a columnist for a radical Islamist newspaper. 1 After Yalman's death in 1972, the Islamists and ultra nationalists found a new target for their hatred in the Editor-in-Chief of Milliyet, Abdi Ipekgi, another person of Donme origin who was, however, also completely assimilated. This was a period in Turkish history which witnessed the most violent and protracted struggles between the country's various Islamist, ultranationalist and revolutionary leftist streams. The former entered the political fray as a fully independent movement in 1970 with the establishment of the National Order Party ( M i l l i Nizam Partisi, or MNP); meanwhile, the revolutionary left was attempting to bring about its own social and political revolution through armed struggle, while the ultra-nationalists fought violent clashes against them in an attempt to prevent Turkey from going communist. As a left-leaning journalist—albeit a moderate, liberal one, Ipckci became a target for both the Islamist and nationalist circles, and he was eventually assassinated in 1979 by the ultra-nationalist militant Mehmet Ali Agca, who would later be implicated in the attempt on the life of Pope John Paul II. According to later statements by Ipekgi's daughter, both his Donme origins and his leftist politics were responsible for hastening his murder, because both 1

The paper in question is Anadolu 'da Vakit.

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the Islamists and the ultra-nationalists have long held the belief that since Karl Marx was of Jewish origin both Communism and Socialism were 'Jewish' inventions. 1 Yet another person who during the 1970s came to symbolize 'Donme influence and power' was Abdi Ipekfi's nephew, Ismail Cem [ipekgi].2 Like his uncle, Cem, who was appointed Director-General of Turkish State Radio and Television in the late 1970s, was a left-leaning liberal of Donme extraction, thus causing him to be subject to the most extreme verbal and written attacks from extreme nationalist quarters.3 During the 1980s, the subject of the Donmes would again disappear from Turkey's public agenda. The main reason for this was that, with the military coup by Turkey's Armed Forces on September 12, 1980, the largescale verbal and physical violence between the various armed factions that had plagued the country for much of the previous decade was brought to an end as all political parties were temporarily abolished and the country was placed under martial law. With the gradual lifting of political and press restrictions over the next seven years and the restoration of multi-party democracy, the increasing social, intellectual and political freedoms that accompanied them allowed for the subject to once again emerge in public discourse. One individual in particular would act as a catalyst for this phenomenon.

The Donme Debate, Part III: the 1990s and Beyond In the 1990's two events reinvigorated the Donme debate and transformed it into one of the central issues discussed in the Turkish media. Hundreds of articles and interviews appeared in the press on the subject, and the country's various television channels hosted frequent discussions and debates. Nearly all those writing on and discussing the subject did so from the starting assumption that there indeed existed a 'Sabbatean hegemony' over Turkey, with but the rare voice daring to criticize the 'Donme-mania' that had taken hold of the country.

1

Hiilya Efcgigil, "Operasyonun adi gibi umutlaniyorum", Yeni Binyil, May 21, 2000. Ismail Cem, (1940-2007) who has ably served as Turkey's Foreign Minister in successive governments since the late 1990s, dropped the name ¡pekiji early on in his career, since he started his journalistic career in Milliyet where his uncle Abdi Ipek9i was editor-in-chief and he did not want to give the impression that he was engaged in the newspaper because of favoritism from his uncle. 2

Concerning publications on the Ipekgi family the following sources are available: Abdullah Muradoglu, Selanik'ten Istanbul'a ipekgiler ve Ismail Cem, (Istanbul: Baki§ Yayinlari), 2002 and Ali Can Sekme?, "Ipek Ticaretinden Sinemaciliga Ipekciler", Chronicle, No. 2, 2005, pp. 72-79.

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The first of the aforementioned events was the flight of the textile industrialist Halil Bezmen, of Donme origin, to the U.S. The second was the appearance of Ilgaz Zorlu, an accountant who (on his mother's side) was of Donme origin. After going public with his identity, Zorlu began "revealing" that prominent public figures within Turkey's political, cultural and military fields were Donmes and were supposedly conspiring for a hegemony on the Turkish society.

The Halil Bezmen Affair Halil Bezmen, was the son of Fuad Bezmen, the founder of Mensucat Santral and the managing director of the holding company Santral Holding, a textile manufacturing concern established in 1929. 1 By the mid-1990's Santral Holding had over-leveraged itself and thus became unable to pay its debtors. Halil Bezmen was caught in 1993 attempting to smuggle his collection of art and historical artifacts to the United States, where he intended to reestablish himself. When a legal case was opened against him Bezmen, fearing conviction and a lengthy incarceration, fled to the U.S. On December 2, 1994, the well-known investigative journalist Ugur Dtindar arrived at Bezmen's new home in Greenwich, Connecticut with a TV crew, hoping to get him to consent to an interview and to having his estate filmed. Bezmen, however, refused to be interviewed, and one of Bezmen's employees later complained that he had been assaulted by Diindar while the latter was attempting to enter Bezmen's estate without a permission. This resulted in Ugur Diindar's arrest by the Connecticut police and the incident occupied a central place in pages of the Turkish daily Httrriyet for an entire week. 2 Six months later, on August 7, 1995, Bezmen finally broke his silence by giving an interview to a local newspaper, the Greenwich Time. In this interview Bezmen stated that:

* For the history of Mensucat Santral, see: Gokhan Akoster.php?k=176341 2

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But one of the external signs of these is that they don't carry a pure Muslim name. The names Ahmed, Mehmed and Ali are never used among them. They instead choose names like Refet, Hikmet, Cezmi and Muslihiddin, that are common to Jews and Muslims, and others, like Siileyman (Salamon) that can be used in two different forms. Their complexions, their [skin] color differentiate them from pure Turks. These Levantine Turks took control of the [Ottoman] administration in 1908 (1324 [a.H.]) under the name [of the Committee of] Union and Progress. The program of this force, which was drawn up centuries earlier, was always to proceed to the East. They acted in the manner of a true Islamic power. A great many Ottoman officers and high officials, seeing this and supposing it to be actually the case, joined their ranks. With the phrase "Islamic Unity" (!) this force seized the lands of Iran, Turan, Afghanistan, Turkistan, Mongolia and China. The messengers of the force who marched from Russia also assisted [them]. In the countries in which they were to be found, this force would behave in accordance with the [mores and popular] sentiments of that country, so that [in the Ottoman Empire] they pursued the Ottoman dreams of Islamic unity and acted on them. They had their propagandists who were dispatched to Arabia, to Africa, but his actual goal was neither to reach and make contact with the West, nor to wander around in the harsh and purposeless wastes, like the places in which the religion of Muhammad was [first] propagated. Instead, it was to conquer and subject the [far] corners of the Orient which still possessed an ocean of wealth and inspiration.

Andrew Mango, biographer of Ataturk, remembers the Donmes: Ever since my childhood years in Istanbul I have encountered the term "Donme" and have known people to whom this term was applied. Levantines (whom the Turks used to call "Sweet-water Franks" i.e. local people of European extraction or pretension) used to assume that any successful Muslim Turk was of Donme (in Frenchified spelling "deunmeh") origin on the grounds that the "Donme" were a "clever lot". "It is the "Donme" who made modern Turkey", I heard an Istanbul-born, Frenchspeaking "international" Greek say recently. It was rumoured, for example, that Atatiirk's long-time foreign minister Tcvfik Rii§tu Aras (who was born in Gelibolu/Gallipoli) was of Donme origin. As for my Turkish acquaintances, they tended to use the term "Salonican" (Seldnikli) as a more polite alternative for Donme. I spent part of my childhood in the district of Tegvikiye, at one time a smart Istanbul suburb on the hills above the Bosphorus, which was said to be a favourite neighbourhood of the "Donme". The local mosque was often chosen for smart Donme funerals, and two private Turkish schools (of which they were very few at the time) had moved to the neighbourhood from Salonica where they had been originally established. One of my contemporaries in the English High School in Istanbul was §iar Yal§in, the son of the Ottoman finance minister Cavit Bey, who was hanged on the trumped up charge of participation in an attempt on

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Atatiirk's life. Cavit was called by his enemies "Djavid the Jew", and 1 knew that Siar was of Donme origin. I remember that one of my school friends, the late Henri Ergas, who was Jewish and held a foreign passport (later he became a departmental head of the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation in Rome, and then a director of the Rothschild Bank), saying of another boy known as a Donme, "his forebears and mine used to worship in the same synagogue." In later years when I started my career in journalism in the Turkishlanguage broadcasts section of the BBC, I worked alongside at least two Donme or "Salonicans". One of them was the late Mehmet Refig, who told me that there were two classes of "Salonicans" - "the so-many families" and "the so-many families" (I can't remember the numbers) - and that one group was of higher social standing than the other. I am convinced that neither Mehmet Refig, nor any other "Salonican" I knew personally in Istanbul, ever took part in any ritual inherited from Judaism, or had any knowledge of one. When I visited Turkey as a BBC representative, or in the course of my work in London, I met leading "Salonican" intellectuals, such as the liberal newspaper editor Abdi tpek§i and the jurist, Professor Miinci Kapani. 2 In my experience, the tendency to intellectual pursuits was characteristic of the Donme. Those I knew were all secular-minded - many were deists, some atheists, others agnostic. However, one of my "Salonican" colleagues in London used to say that his father was a very pious Muslim. I knew that the Donme originated in the messianic movement of Sabetai Zvi, but until recently I had never heard the term "Sabetaist". However, I remember Henri Ergas telling me that not all Donme were descendants of Sabetai Zvi's followers, some being the product of a swing away from religion which occurred among Salonican Jews in the second half of the 19th century. I realised that many Muslim Turks looked at the Donme with a degree of suspicion. It was common knowledge that the Donme were the victims of discrimination when the notorious capital levy (Varlik Vergisi) was assessed during World War II. When I started work on my biography of Ataturk I realised that throughout his life he was on friendly terms with many Donme. However, I found no evidence that Ataturk was himself of Donme origin, as has sometimes been claimed. As far as I could make out, among the Ottoman officers who made up Atatiirk's immediate circle of friends, the Donme tended to be military doctors. Leading Donme, such as the veteran newspaper editor and publisher Ahmet Emin Yalman, whom I knew towards the end of his life, were liberal-minded men open to the outside world, but at the same time staunch defenders of Turkey's interests. In any case, one of the most important characteristics of the Donme was the wish to be accepted as ordinary patriotic Turks. As far as I could make out, their community which was originally endogamous, had by now become exogamous, or at least the Donme I knew often married partners of different ethnic origin. It is therefore arguable that the Donme no longer form a separate community. However, it may be that because of" 1 According to H.C. Armstrong, the biographer of Atatiirk, "Powerful Jewish organisations in New York, Paris and Berlin had sent messages and telegrams asking for clemency. A number of great financial concerns, including the banking houses of the Rotschilds in Vienna and London, had tried to persuade the English and the French Governments and the leading newspapers in both countries to use all their influence to save Javid." H.C. Armstrong, Grey Wolf An Intimate Study of a Dictator, (London: Arthur Barker Ltd.), 1932, p. 276. ^ Miinci Kapani was a Professor of Public Law at Ankara University, Faculty of Law.

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the persistence of family traditions they may be more educated and, therefore, more successful than the average Turk of the same social class.1

A Document from the American National Archives: In the American National Archives and Research Administration (NARA) in College Park, Maryland, I came across an interesting bit of information in a document titled "Reports from Izmir", dated July 2 , 1 9 3 2 and prepared by the American Consulate in Izmir: Adnan Bey, Assistant Manager of the Agricultural Bank at Izmir, stated on good authority to be a Deunmeh, was recently engaged to a young lady of one of the leading Turkish families of this city. This is one of the first instances of the breaking down of the barrier between real Turks and Deunmehs in leading circles. That the barrier stil exists is indicated by the insistence of the bride's family that the groom is not a Deunmeh.2

A Memoir from a Young Man of Donme Origin: In the house of my paternal grandmother there was a row of built-in cabinets and compartmental shelves. I saw inside there a [number of] red volumes bound with thick string. It was forbidden for us to touch them. Nevertheless, I tried to look at them, but it was written in an alphabet and language that I didn't understand. I only remember this. They disappeared. Nobody knows where they are any longer. In all likelihood my uncle took them. After the death of my paternal grandmother my uncle got rid of all her things. One time my uncle told me that there had been the seal of the sheikh of a sufi order in the house. But what happened to it, I don't know.3

A Memoir from a Young Woman: I was 11-12 years old when I learned that my family had belonged to a "special" community, Because at that time neither the words "community" nor "Sabbatai" meant very much to me, I never registered them in my mind as important information connected to my origins. Until I was 17 years old I never mentioned this "special" situation to any of my friends. Neither my father nor mother ever took us aside and gave us any information on this matter. My older sister discovered the situation by starting with the things 1 Email message of Andrew Mango to the author dated August 23, 2006. - NARA, RG59, Records of the Department of State Relating to Internal Affairs of Turkey (1930-1939), File 867.9111, Box 6924 (1930-1937), Document dated July 2, 1932, no. 867.9111/369. ^ Mehmet Ali Izmir, "Kimligini arayan bir Sabetayist!" Gergek Hayat, January 10-16, 2003, No. 2003-2 (116), p.17.

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that she heard during gatherings with our cousins like "He/She isn't one of ours", or "He's one of ours". Everything that I learned was because of her. If we hadn't discovered it in this manner, would our mother ever have revealed it to us? And how would she have done so? I don't know. When I ask my mother today, she glosses over it by saying "There's nothing to explain". She feels extremely uncomfortable when the subject is discussed, and it's more than simply the fear that others will hear and tell it further; it's like the fear of committing a sin. Just as there are certain months of the year in which matches or onions aren't to be brought into the house, and certain times in which lamb isn't eaten, my mother says that she is observing some rules for which she doesn't know the reason, and which she can't question. There is an incredible lack of information about our beliefs and about our origins. The information given by those who have on their own initiative read one or two books and have tried to learn something about it, is not clear and contradicts each other. It's as if it's a great disrespect to ask questions about this subject to those persons who are believed to know something about it. Among the cousins on my father's side no more than three of them have ever gotten married with an "outsider"; and at the very least they have observed the rule of marrying [only within one's group]. But this subject isn't discussed among their children, and recently I found out that my cousins themselves aren't even aware of this situation. We still don't openly ask any of our cousins whether or not they [know about their origins], but it is a manifestation of this "taboo" mindset that was bred into us during those years. I suppose that the rule of marriage [within the clan] has come to an end with my generation. For mc, the most interesting sight was to see it being vehemently insisted upon that "We are not Jews. It's as if my mother's side bears all the responsibility for keeping the community alive. I remember that because of a problem that we had in the family during my high school years my mother went to the house of one of her relatives, and after the meal she began to read some things that I thought were a Hebrew prayer from a piece of paper that she took from her hand. When years later we asked this person, who I thought was the one actively running the communities activities, something along the lines of "What was that whole business about?", he told mc that he himself didn't know anything about it. But my maternal grandfather's second wife was an "outsider": when the two of them lost their lives in a traffic accident, the problem subsequently arose of which side's customs would be adhered to in the [funeral] ceremonies that had to be performed. For me, the connection of my father's side with the [Sabbatean] community was more confusing. There was never any hostility to the "foreign" bride that had joined the family or to her children; on the contrary, they were shown great affection, but I remember that my father's aunts in particular observed very specific practices. I remember once when I was at a rather young age that my father's oldest and most respected aunt came to our house to eat on one specific evening of the week, and that dessert absolutely had to be served afterward. At one time back then there was a "graveyard", which was a sort of "magic kingdom" for me. It wasn't merely the place itself, but the entire day of visiting it that was a enjoyable activity, or at least that's what it became for us. Even if my father believed all of it, he was steadfast on the matter of keeping it to himself, and he was most persnickety about this in regard to the "graveyard".

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When I ask my mother about her childhood she mentioned the "Prayer of Sabbatai" that they would recite in the mornings. But she also used to fast until she married my father. But an aunt even promised my mother in marriage to the son of a family that would be considered devout Muslim, and when my mother gradually began to show the tendency to "withdraw", my aunt broke off the engagement. When she brought it before the attention of the community, they thought the situation to be a little odd, but I haven't seen or know about any other examples of a tendency to move toward being or marrying pious Muslims. There are even lesser groups of "our kind" within the community. There is some criterion that I do not understand, but which I have been able to distill from comments—especially those of my grandmother—such as "our line is noble, not like your grandfather's". The belief is very strong in the older generation that the members of the community were truly 'chosen' individuals. "We don't produce any bad people", they say. Among the younger generation there are sometimes rebellions against parental compulsion in regard to marriage, and there are those who now feel that Sabbateanism is simply a cultural heritage whose essence has to be preserved. In the end, membership in the community is still a source of pride, whether open or hidden.1

Memoirs of Businessman Rafael Sadi whose Partners were Donmes: As people, both of them are very refined and agreeable persons, and there is no fault in them apart from their desire to appear overly Muslim. To the best of my knowledge, they have their own mosques (they call them temples) and cemeteries (Biilbiilderesi, if I am not mistaken), and they fast on Yom Kippur. You understand, in other words, that, in their eyes they have created a sort of hybrid religion. They believe that Sabbatai Sevi will one day return as the Messiah. They marry among themselves and 99% of them take care not to assimilate.

Memoirs of Businessman Denis Ojalvo: In my opinion the Donmes are Deists and educated persons who see and want to see themselves as citizens of the secular Republic of Turkey. They are persons who see nationalism and patriotism through the same lens as Atattirk. I don't in the least believe that they still follow the religion of Sabbatai, who is now something of an anachronistic event. I can evaluate these persons' approach to Israel and to Jews from the perspective of the Donmes with whom I am still in contact: I know that on the subject of

' Email message from E.G. to the author, dated June 9, 2003. Email message from Rafael Sadi to the author, dated February 26, 2003.

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Israel they have been critical and have kept their distance, (and God forbid that it should have any influence on them!). I know that they are more liberal than the Jews in regard to intermarriage. But I can say that in friendly circles in which there are both Jews and Muslim Turks together they feel like they have to constantly convince others of their Turkishness. Let me tell you frankly about one event: When the father of my friend, who was born in 1950 died, they buried the father, who was a Dônme (that is to say, he was 100% Jewish), in the Bulbiilderesi cemetery on the back side of Kuzguncuk, if I'm not mistaken. After his mother passed away, they were going to bury her in the Jewish Ashkenazi cemetery, but ended up burying her in the Muslim cemetery on Burgaz island, in any case, they didn't accept her in the same cemetery. Now, a female friend of mine who is in the same situation has reserved a place in the Ashkenazi Jewish cemetery so that the same thing doesn't happen to her mother. If you ask my female friend, she [will tell you that] she herself is a Muslim! But she is an utterly secular being, with no connection to Islam whatsoever, and until today she still calls her mother "mami". 1 While she lived in the United States, she publicly admitted her true identity and didn't keep it so suppressed in her subconscious like [she does] here. I find this identity crisis to be very frightening. My first-hand source regarding the Donmes is my neighbor on Burgazada and Mr. N.S., with whom [my father] Harry had a business partnership for a while. He himself was a high-level Freemason and one of the oldest original members of the Lions' Club in Turkey. A memory that my father related to me concerns the earthquake in Istanbul in the summer of 1964. During those same days there was a very powerful earthquake in Yugoslavia and a great many people lost their lives. At the time of the earthquake N.S. and my father were playing bridge. When their surroundings began to shake, Mr. N.S. said Shma Israel! Before he passed away, I urged Mr. N.S. to write down on paper everything he knew about the Salonicans, and was even quite blunt about it: "Write whatever you want", I said, "and we'll put it in a safe and only open it 50 years later". As for his daughter, "N.", she defended her father's "right to be silent", and claimed that speaking [about the subject] could be very counterproductive, since the gains achieved by secular Turkish society until now could be put at risk. In other words, the Salonican family elders consciously planned to take their knowledge with them to the grave!! I visited N.S. again at his house on the eve of his passing (two weeks earlier) and told him Hag Sameah (Happy Holiday) for Rosh Hashana (Jewish New Year). I told him that, from my point of view, as a secular Jew, the Salonicans were 100% Jewish, and I said that I didn't approve of the fact that the Jews had expelled them from Judaism. This moved him greatly. May he rest in peace! Another memory I have concerns my years at the lycée. One day I went with my classmate "B.O." to the house of another classmate, "E.t.", who B.O. and I knew to be a Salonican. [When we got] there, the smell of [stewed | dried beans was emanating from the kitchen. But it was a different smell than that of the dried beans such as in the soup that received from the "Mami" is the diminutive of the French "maman" (meaning 'mother'). During much of the century, the Jews of Istanbul, most of whom were fluent in French, would refer to their mother in this way.

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school cafeteria, it was like the type that we cooked at home. When I said to my friend, "This is the Salonica method |for cooking] dried beans", he replied to me "Do you teach a forty year old whore how to f**k?" Another memory comes from my childhood on Burgaz [island]. In the Indos neighborhood there was a woman named Selma who was known as "Crazy Selma" (she was actually a very cultured but very irritable woman who wasn't crazy in the least). She owned one of the more beautiful houses in the neighborhood. She used to curse us because she didn't like us playing ball in front of her house. Finally, she got into an argument with the neighborhood parents over the ballplaying [in front of her house]. I remember that when they were finishing the argument she said "We are Salonicans too", which meant something like "You can't tell me any stories". During his childhood Cemil Ipek§i was her renter. We used to play ball together. During those days Cemil tpck^'i was rather chubby. Sometimes his (maternal or paternal) uncle "Big Brother Ozer" used to play ball with us. Big Brother Ozer was much more agile and nimble that you would expect from a big, overweight body like his. There were other friends at our school (at the end of the 1960s) named Dilber, Kaymak, Idemen and Oray whom I knew to be Salonican.'

Businessman Ralf Arditti's Impressions on the Donmes in Turkey: 2 Throughout the years my friendships with the Donmes increased greatly and I was truly amazed to find out that quite a few of my classmates at Robert Academy (Robert College) were closer to me in thinking, and probably in genes, than it was at first apparent. Still it took a long time to explore and have the courage to talk about their background, family traditions and their hopes for the future of Turkey. Naturally they are very secretive and indeed will only divulge their origins if they are absolutely confident that the information will not be used in a negative manner. That is why there was such negative reaction to Ilgaz Zorlu when he wrote his book on his being a "Selanikli". Leading up to Ilgaz Zorlu's book I met him a number of times. During the 1980's there was extensive fear that the Donme community might be at the mercy of the Islamists led by Erbakan. Indeed the various parties that Erbakan formed from the 1970's onwards have attacked the Turkish Sabbateans as enemies of the State or of Islam. It was a method to attack the secularism of Turkey through proxy means. The Donme had no where to go should Turkey embrace an Islamic way of life. Jews always had a way out, they could emigrate to Israel or even the USA. Therefore fear of the Islamists drove a few young Donme towards Israel to study in rabbinical schools. Some who went and some who did not, had a profound knowledge of the Talmud and the Kabbala. They hoped to be admitted back to Judaism. If the Falasha were accepted back to the mainstream after almost 2000 years why shouldn't the Sabbateans, who were Jews only 300 years ago?

' Email message from Denis Ojalvo to the author, dated April 13, 2003. Email dated August 16, 2007.

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This fact could not be admitted by the Israeli government, in order not to damage the strategic relationship with Turkey, or by the Jewish Community in Istanbul who, it is said, promised the Sultan at the time of their arrival from Spain, that they will never convert Moslems. In any case the majority of the Donmes in Turkey were quite happy to stay in the country and defend the secular order to which they were deeply attached. Indeed 'laicism' was probably their newly adopted religion. The essence of the Kemalist transformation of Turkey has been the backbone of their attachment to the country. At every level of the liberal professions, education, business and civic society, the Donme mission in Turkey has been to keep the country firmly tied to the West. Many of my acquaintances are at the forefront of building bridges with the Western world through diplomacy or by establishing the most succesful NGO's. I have heard from them that they kept a special prayer room in their homes, that they have second (Jewish) names and that their funerals only take place in Te§vikiye mosque, with a separate set of prayers undertaken by the elders. However the generation born after WW II have mostly strayed away from these traditions and find them irritating and exotic. Their relationship to Israel is also double-edged. They understand that they cannot be admitted back to the Jewish mainstream and probably do not care much about that. But they are intrigued by Sabbatai Zvi's travels in the country and definitely look forward to making a pilgrimage to Safed and also Jerusalem. During a recent trip, I was amazed to find out that the Sabbatean movement did not only attract the Salonika community but was quite widespread in Western and Northern Europe. Indeed Zvi's acceptance of Islam was a terrible shock to Jews from Hamburg to Prague. Most Donme in Turkey are unaware of tbe extent of Sabbatai's influence all over Europe. However the new generation born after World War II, be it from the Kapanci, Yakubi or Karakash branches, have mostly preferred to melt into the secular Turkish mainstream, instead of keeping only to their own. However some of my friends from amongst the Donme probably studied the Talmud and the Kabbala much deeper than the average Jew.

Memoirs of Samuel Sami Coyas, Accountant:1 In business life I met some Donme people from Salonika, who were of Jewish origin, but had become Muslims later on. But none of them were my friends. Most of them knew Spanish. Their cemeteries were in a different place. They were in Uskudar-Biilbiil Deresi. All of them were well-educated and owned businesses. They were regarded as non-Muslims [by the state authorities] during the Wealth Tax period, and had become liable for the Wealth Tax.

Memoirs of Businessman Haron Bozo:2 My first wife's brother, Ceki Ibrahimzade, had a partner called Koyuncular. They belonged to the Shabbatai Tzvi [Donme]. After I became a member of the Anatolian Club in Biiyiikada in 1952,1 met a lot of these 1 "The Library of Rcscued Memories", www.centropa.org/downloads/TR Coyas final A4.pdf p. 29, 32. "The Library of Rescued Memories", www.centropa.org/downloads/TR Bozo A4.pdf p. 26.

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Selanikli [Salonican] Donmes. I was even on quite intimate terms with some of them. They had a very closed community and married among themselves. My brother told me once that during the period when Ribi [Rafael] Saban was Hahambashi, they wouldn't open their shops on [Yom] Kippur.

The Donmes Cahit Uguk:

in

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The novelist Cahit IJguk (1909-2004), who was born in Salonica and later moved to Istanbul, had the following to say about the Donmes in his memoirs: The refined Salonicans lived in the §igli neighborhood. They inhabited the apartment buildings that were situated on many streets; this was known because they spoke with a Salonican accent all their own. All of them were utterly educated, well-bred and gentel persons.... Those in §i§li who were referred to as Salonicans didn't allow their daughters to marry anyone who wasn't from their own lineage. And they married off their sons to girls from this same line. These persons, about whom we heard a whole series of rumors, were extremely respectful, cultured and industrious. Few outsiders were able to enter into their own little colonies. According to what we had heard, many years earlier a Jew by the name of Sabbatai Sevi, a man of fantastic visions, established a new religion. He became the leader of this new religion. Year after year, the people who belonged to this very secretive religion lived without stepping outside the boundaries that had been laid down for them.1 In a subsequent interview Cahit Uijuk also recounted some other memories that were not found in his memoirs: I know Salonica very well, my mother told me all about it. Very late in my mother's youth — I don't know during the time of what sultan—a man appeared by the name of Sabbatai Sevi. He was an extraordinarily handsome man, bearded, extraordinary, young, handsome. And he so persuaded some of the Jews that all of the Jews of Salonica converted to this religion. In their appearance they are like Turks, they live like Muslims, they don't have any connection with Sabbatai Sevi, but they have their own rules and principles. My mother had a friend from school; she was a really good girl. She was going to be married. She explained to my mother: "I didn't enter the bridal chamber [right away]" she told her, "First of all they brought me to a rabbi. After the haham took my virginity I was married". Because they were a small community, a poor girl would marry a rich man, or a poor boy would marry a rich girl, [and that's how they] evened out the social standings of everyone. Naturally, they were much more capable because they were Jews. [They had] homes on the most beautiful streets of Salonica, and although those in our neighborhood lived in the city, they lived in the 1 Cahit U f u k , Erkekler Diinyasinda Yayinlari), 2003, p. 43,47.

Bir Kadin Yazar, (Istanbul: Yapi Kredi Kulttir Sanat

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most magnificent homes on the street, and had pictures or paintings of Salonica; and they were extremely miserly. This wealthy Muslim woman, whether she was a Muslim or a Jew, would buy this many socks (using his hands to express a large amount) and would mend them. Anyway, later on — I don't remember who was sultan at that time, maybe you can look up his name and the date — summoned Sabbatai Sevi and told him "Either turn your whole people into Muslims or your throat gets cut right here and now". After that these people all became Muslims and began to speak Turkish. But when we lived in §i§li, please forgive me but the street was full of spit. I could pick them out easily enough [from their accents when they said] "Hey, Miss Remziye". They were all sickly (because they only married within a tiny community). I could also tell [who was a Donme] when I would pass before their doors. "Hey, Miss Remziye" they would say, "What are you doing today?" "We're going to the cinema. What's playing at the cinema?" and so on. I went home and said "Mother, today I passed by the Donmes' street again". Their names were 'Donme', 'Selanik Donmesi'. They lived in the most beautiful homes on all the boulevards and side streets of Osmanbey. Very wealthy men have taken very poor girls [in marriage], and poor men, wealthy girls, but the last thing I'll tell is about Mecdi Eren Bey, who was the owner of the magazine Yarim Ay. [Mecdi Eren Bey] was a good friend of mine. "Ah, my girl, our own generation is so sickly because of this Sabbatai Sevi question. Look, my child, all of these are all the medications [used by] our family. We are all sickly. Over the long years, for two or three hundred years the marrying off of o n e ' s daughters rich with poor, poor with rich, was done under the supervision of a rabbi, for the sake of their social situation, but without consideration for their health [or that of their line], I married my daughter off to a famous efe1 of Izmir (there was a famous swashbuckling efe of Izmir — f akircali was it? But he wasn't a bandit). Thank God, my line has since then revived and grown healthy". That's what I know [about these things]. R.B. - Is this thing with the rabbi [taking the woman's virginity before her marriage] simply a story? C.U. - No, it's not made up. My mother's friend told her that. R.B. - Why do they do it like this? C.U. - They receive the seed—good seed—the other seed is no good, they take it from the elite gentlemen. The rabbi was a very sound specimen. His seed will produce [healthy] offspring. Otherwise, what would happen to them? How would the child of the rich girl and the scrawny, withered poor boy turn out?? It would be an emaciated thing [just like its father]. But this is a bit of a mess. They haven't been able to grow [as a community] anymore. After becoming Muslims they haven't grown at all. I understand this as soon as they open their mouths. 2

' Efe is used for the members of West Anatiolian Zeybeks. Zeybek is a Turk of Southwestern Anatolia in traditional costume. 2 Author's interview with Cahit Ufuk, dated April 22, 2003.

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Donmes in the Memoirs of Novelist Samiha Ayverdi:1 One other author who makes some mention of the Donmes in her memoirs is the conservative nationalist writer Samiha Ayverdi. Her extremely negative view of the Donmes comes across quite clearly in her recollections. Although due to her situation Ayverdi was able to relay much of interest regarding the Donmes that she knew in the 1950s, due to the mistrust and hostility that she felt toward them, her discussion of them in her memoirs is largely limited to her own negative judgments about them. 2 She relates what was said to her by one Donme who introduced himself to her in the manner: "I was a Salonican Donme. God be praised, I became a Muslim. I married a Turk and became a disciple of Abdulhakim Efendi. My name is Zahide, and the Islamic school [of jurisprudence] to which I belong is the Shafi'i". After that, Ayverdi says, the woman went on: You cannot know just how damaging a group the Donmes are for this country. No enemy could possibly do as much evil to the Turks as the Donmes. They have such premeditated hostility in the economic, social and cultural spheres that only someone like me, who comes from their race and was raised among them can really know. The fact that I married a Muslim Turk drove them all crazy. My family—and even my own mother did such bad things against me, they conspired to lock me in and not let me do or have anything with all the games that they played. The reason that I came here was to tell you about the Donmes and to suggest that you keep your 3 distance from them.

Donmes in the Memoirs of Novelist Miinevver Aya§li:4 Like Samiha Ayverdi, the Salonica-born writer Miinevver Aya§li also knew the Donmes, and, like her, looked at them with disdain and contempt. But despite this hostility, there are some interesting passages in her memoirs regarding the Donmes that she knew well. In two of her works of recollections, Aya§h has the following to say:

1 Over her career Sâmiha Ayverdi (1906-1993) published several novels, memoirs and essays. Her husband Ekrem Hakki Ayverdi was an art historian and architect. (Source: ihsan I§ik, ibid, p. 280). 2

Sâmiha Ayverdi, Ne Idik Ne Olduk Hâtiralar, (Istanbul: Hülbe Yaymlari), 1985, p.76-87. ^ Sâmiha Ayverdi, ibid, pp.77-78. 4 Aya§li (1909-1999) was a graduate of Collège de France, Ecole Des Langues Orientales. She was a columnist in the newspapers Yeni istanbul, Sabah and Yen i Asya. She has published many novels, memoirs and essays. (Source Ihsan Igik, op. cit., pp. 249-250).

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Justice Minister Riza Pasha was also Governor of [the Province of] Salonica. And he hated the Donmes: "I can't pray because of this mob. I cannot pray, because I keep thinking that these two-faced hypocrites shouldn't be praying". During the evenings of the month of Ramazan all of leading Donmes would get undressed and spread out in their houses, they would wear furs, and done [western-style] caps on their heads, while holding their prayer beads in their hands. They would come to the Governor's mansion to perform the "teravih" prayer. Upon seeing them, Riza Pasha would fall into an angry exasperation and would refrain from the performing the prayers, saying "I will not have any prayers performed for these hypocrites". Let me tell you a funny story about the Islam of the Salonican Donmes. My grandfather Ali Riza Pasha served as the [military] commander of Salonica some 25 years ago, after having come to the city from Koprulii. My grandmother was in Istanbul. My mother was still very young at the time, while my [maternal] aunt was even younger than her, a child, but there were nursemaids, tutors and old women from the family who were always with them. The Donme Mayor of Salonica Hamdi Bey (he was the only one among the Donmes who was authorized to use this title) met my grandfather and his family at the train station, and he asked—even insisted on hosting the newfly arrived] military commander and his family at his own house. So my grandfather consented. In this way the whole procession of Ali Riza Pasha's family, having come from Kopriilii became guests in the palatial home of the very wealthy Hamdi Bey. Up until that time neither my mother, my aunt, the old women of the family nor even my grandfather Ali Riza Pasha, had ever heard of the existence of a community known as the 'Donme's. Hamdi Bey's house was absolutely beautiful; there were dozens of manservants and maids, but there was a strange mood and peculiar air about the place. For instance, there were also older women at Hamdi Bey's house, but none of them were wearing scarves or coverings on their head, and they had their white hair up in a bun like the Christian women, their clothing and their stockings were black as could be. When prayer time arrived, our women wanted to pray and asked for prayers rugs. They asked for them, but upon doing so the whole house flew into a panic, because there weren't any prayer rugs in the house. They sent one of the manservants to Hamid Bey, who was at the municipal building. A certain panic also gripped Hamdi Bey, but he immediately sent his agha to the bazaar to have him purchase 12 brand new prayer rugs embroidered with "arakiyye" (the fine wool used in the little conical caps worn by the dervishes). An enormous bale arrived at Hamdi Bey's palatial mansion, containing twelve enormous fine-woolen prayer rugs. Our people were astonished at this situation. As our old women began to pray, the poor Donme women also pretended to pray —incorrectly—by watching [and copying] them. Just as they knew Salonica very well, because of this, my mother and aunt also knew the Donmes and their customs very well. In Salonica no Donme was addressed as 'Bey', but as 'Efendi'. But when they arrived in Istanbul these customs and traditions changed with the [new] situation, and they all began to be addressed as 'Bey' and 'Hammefendi', and to marry Turks. This was not possible while they were in Salonica. The Turks would neither give their daughter to the Donmes nor accept theirs. My late mother used to say: "For the love of God, would you look at these Istanbulians?

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They've turned all those Donmes that we used to call 'Efendi' into 'Bey's and 'Beyefendi's. The Donmes also had a pasha (from the civilian service). Hamdi Bey's eldest son, whose name I can't remember right now, was given the title of 'Pasha', just as the title 'Bey' had been given to his father. My aunt and this pasha continued their friendship until the very end of their lives, and met and spoke with each other quite frequently. My aunt both loved the pasha and also laughed at his state, because at home he would always dress in Arab costume, over which he would carry an expensive (megláh) , with a kefiyyah on his head and an old, enameled silver pistol that had reached the state of being unusable. My aunt attributed the late Donme pasha's condition to senility, and felt very sad and sorry about it. Because I'm such a suspicious and skeptical person, I don't simply write this off as senility. In my opinion, the pasha must have worn that costume out of a fervent Zionism; in other words, out of the inspiration from the Old Testament, and he must not have seen it as Arab dress at all, but rather as the the costume of the Canaanites and of the original Jews. More telling, he himself would say "I am the emir" and his family members in the house would refer to him as "emir". This wasn't simply of a case of senility, as all these people supposed. If he was senile, those things in his subconscious that were secret came out. Some of Hamdi Bey's other sons were also quite affectionate toward my late mother; they used to say to her "We are family". At those times my mother's face would take on an expression that neither showed agreement nor disagreement, and she would want to escape from among these "Donme relatives" as soon as possible.2 I earlier mentioned that Salónica was a very cosmopolitan city. There were many Greeks, a good number of Italians, and a very high number of Jews. The Jews who had been expelled from Spain had come to Salónica, and another section of them had come to Izmir, but in Izmir, the Jews were in the minority. Nevertheless, despite their small numbers, there was one event in Izmir, a disturbance that eventually became a troublesome matter for the state itself. Among those Jews who only just escaped death by fleeing Spain and settling in Turkey, there was one Jew by the name of Sabbatai Sevi, but he did not remain alone: he began to claim that he was a prophet, the awaited Messiah and attracted many people to his side. There was another difficulty for the state, however: all of these [believers] suddenly converted to Islam and thereby saved themselves from execution. This was the period of Sultan Mehmet IV ("Mehmed the Hunter"), whose Sheikh ul-Islam was Vani Mehmed Efendi. The[ followers] became Muslims, but Sabbatai Sevi gave his disciples, those who believed in him and followed him, a number of commandments: "You shall not be like the Turks, You shall speak Turkish. You shall take Turkish names, but never do not forget your true identities, your Jewishness". But these very people could not remain in Izmir any longer and so they migrated to Salónica, which possessed a large Jewish community. In this way there came to be two different Jewish communities in Salónica. Those who preserve their original identities, that is, those who remain Jews, as well as those who were compelled to convert to Islam in order to save their lives, these are called "Donme". After the Balkan War, 1 Me§lah or magldh is a loose open fronted cloak without sleeves. ^ Munevver Aya§li, Dersaadet, 2 n d edition, (Istanbul: Bedir Yayinevi), 1993, pp. 170-173.

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those Donmes in Salónica who didn't want to remain under Greek domination came to Istanbul. Those that came to Istanbul were no longer referred to as 'Dónme's. In Istanbul they began to call them 'Salonican' or 'Salonicans'. This appellation bothered the Muslims and Turks from Salónica, because the inhabitants of Istanbul called not only the Salonicans, but everyone who came from Rumelia 'Salonicans' without making any differentiation among them. This had to do with the matter of the Donme Salonicans; but this offended the Turkish Muslims from Salónica. The inhabitants of Istanbul didn't understand those Turks who complained, because they didn't know what the problem was. They had neither heard nor knew anything about this donme problem. The Donmes began to live in Istanbul like they had in Salónica, and in Izmir as they had in the old days. They lived close together in one place, they would meet and speak socially with one another and never, ever married Turks. Over time their lifestyle naturally became more flexible, and this fanaticism largely remained only with the older generation. Among these elders there were those who were so fervent in keeping this separation that they wanted to be buried in their own cemeteries; and in no way wanted to be buried in—God forbid! —a Turkish Muslim cemetery. There own cemetery is on a hillside in Biilbiilderesi, in Üsküdar; it's very well cared for. It resembles a Christian cemetery more than a Muslim one. Among the younger generation that was born and grew up in Istanbul they have been unable to preserve these customs, this same fanaticism to the same extent. There have been many who have married Turkish Muslim girls. They have joined the Turkish Muslim community. The strange thing about the whole thing is that the fanatical older generation allow the young Donme men to marry foreign girls, such as Europeans, but they under no circumstances want them to marry Turkish girls, or to allow their daughters to marry Turkish men. The threat didn't come from European men or women, but from Turkish ones, because sooner or later they would enter a Turkish family and join the [greater] Turkish community, and gradually lose their Donme-ness. An event occurred in the years 1924-1925 that made it into the newspapers. A very well known wealthy Salonican girl wanted to marry a Turk, and when her father would not allow it the girl ran off with the man she loved and all hell broke loose. It was reported in the papers and it was written about for years, accompanied by lots of photographs. The inhabitants of Istanbul followed this story in the papers with great interest and excitement, saying to themselves "So, there really is such a problem", and finally awakening—at least for a little while—from their deep sleep. There was another problem that arose and another incident. The War of Independence resulted in a major Turkish victory, thank God. Among the Donmes there was one individual —I think his name was Ismail. Anyway, this Ismail Bey appealed to Mustafa Kemal Pasha saying "What is going to happen to us? What are you thinking of doing in our regard?" Let's get rid of this separation that is between [usj". These two incidents could be read about in practically all of the newspapers of the day. The Turks and the young Donmes received this message with great astonishement.

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Among them, whether they were Jews and Donmes, there were very good doctors, lawyers, finance experts, journalists, teachers and founders of schools, merchants, tobacco dealers and well-known persons in general. These are the ones that I can remember: The Unionists' Finance Minister Cavid Bey, another Finance Minister, Faik Niizhet Bey; among their excellent doctors the ones I knew about were 'Big' Rifat and 'Little' Rifat; and our former jurists Ishak Tevfik Bey, Veli §efik Bey, Gizer Bey, Re§ad Atabey... Among the journalists, Ahmed Emin Yalman , Abdi tpek§i, Ismail Cem Ipekgi. There is a very important industry that was established [in this country] by the entire Ipek§i family: movie theaters and movie making. This family brought motion pictures to this country. We owe our entire movie industry to this family, to the ipek§is. They were very advanced in tobacco production and marketing. They brought our tobacco industry to Europe. As far as I know, the Katipzade Sabri Bey, Fazil Kibar Bey, and the father of Azra Erhad all lived in Europe, in Belgium, for a long time. These persons, who are difficult to make friends with, after they do become one's friend are reliable, sincere and devoted friends. There are many rich members of this group, and almost no poor ones. They are very successful at whatever they do: if they are doctors, they are very good physicians; if they become lawyers, they become very good lawyers—in short, they are intelligent, capable and industrious. The great majority of them are members of the masonic lodges. Before going on to another matter, there is one more story I would like to tell. As I recounted earlier on, my grandfather Ali Riza Pasha remained as [military] commander in Salonica for a full 25 years. Ali Riza Pasha arrived in Salonica from Koprulii. [It was just] my grandfather, my mother and her sister; my grandmother wasn't there. My mother's mother was in Istanbul, while my maternal uncle was somewhere else, either at school or somewhere on duty. My mother was still a young girl at the time; but my aunt was even younger. These two young girls didn't have a mother with them, and so the older people of the house would accompany and befriend them. When the train [bearing my family] arrived at the station in Salonica, Hamdi Bey was there to greet my grandfather. In those days Hamdi Bey was the Mayor of Salonica and the first Donme who had ever received the title 'Bey', from Sultan [Abdul] Hamid [II]. Hamdi Bey received the new [military] commander of Salonica with great respect and politeness, and expressed his desire to host him and his daughters and his entire retinue at his own house. Although Ali Riza Pasha was not overly desirous of such an arrangement, Hamdi Bey was so insistent that he felt obliged to accept his invitation. Indeed, the vehicles [to transport them] were already waiting at the station, and Ali Riza Pasha and Hamdi Bey stepped into the very first one. The pasha's daughters—that is my mother and her sister—got into the second coach, while the rest of the retinue got into subsequent ones, at which point they all set off for Hamdi Bey's house. My mother and aunt were initially awed at the size and beauty of Salonica. And then, when they arrived at Hamdi Bey's place they were astonished once again, for this wasn't a house, but a palace [before which they stood], one as big and beautiful as any they had seen until that point. * Owner and Editor-in-chief of the Vatan newspaper.

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The house, was full of people: the manservants, the maids, cooks and old women...They were a little shocked by the older women. These were old women of a type that they had never encountered or seen up to that time: they went around with their heads uncovered, and tied their white hair up in a bun; they wore all black clothing, and black socks and shoes on their feet. The children had never before seen such old women. Nor did the old women who came with the children. Nevertheless, they continued with the hospitality and formalities, and settled their guests in their rooms. After settling in noontime arrived, and the call to prayer was heard, and with it the time for prayer. Our older women wanted to pray and asked for prayers rugs. You wouldn't believe it, but there were no prayer rugs in the entire house! This highly intelligent, well-prepared Hamdi Bey had overlooked this. The whole house flew into a panic, because there weren't any prayer rugs in the house. Finally, they sent one of the manservants to Hamdi Bey, who was at the municipal building. A certain panic also gripped Hamdi Bey, who was angry with himself for not having thought of this, but he immediately sent his agha to the bazaar to have him purchase 9 of the most beautiful rugs. Some time after prayer time had already passed, a wagon loaded with prayer rugs arrived at the house. I heard this story a great many times from my mother. Yes, Hamdi Bey and his family were Salonica's most honorable and wealthiest Dônme family. There were a number of very famous and capable Jewish doctors in Salonica, such as Jak Pasha and Iskender Pasha. Iskcnder Pasha never married and lived together with his two elderly sisters who also never married. My maternal aunt used to do imitations of Iskender Pasha's sisters. These two elderly sisters never married; but deep inside them there was such a regret that they would get quite irritated at those young women who married and had children. They would be so incensed by this that they would go house to house, banging on the doors in order to report such events, event announcing it before they would be invited in. "She had another child! She gave birth again!" they would say while still on the doorstep, or " S h e ' s getting married again! She's marrying again!" and then quickly move on to the next house. There were powerful jurists, famous lawyers among the Jews. One of the most famous one was Maitre Salem. Maitre Salem was one of the founders of the Bank of Salonica (Selânik Bankasi). This bank was almost as large and important as the Ottoman Bank. After our national bank was established it slowly lost its importance. Nevertheless, it long remained in its glorious building beside the Ottoman Bank on Istanbul's Boulevard of Banks (Bankalar Caddesi). Both the Jews and the Dônmes put laid great value and importance in schools [and education]. The Alliance Israélite was a school that taught very good French. It was in Paris, as well as in every other corner of the world; it was a school that taught French better and faster than any other. The Dônmes also had very good schools. I'm not sure if these schools, like the I§ik Lycée and Fevziye Lycée, were separate from one another or the same school. The efforts to establish these schools began among the Dônmes even back in Salonica. A great many Turkish children went to the school of Çemsi Efendi. My older brother, the daughter of my mother's sister, §azile Hanim, and her sons Nejat Bey and Vedat Bey [all went there], I think that even our very own Atattirk went to that school.

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Instruction was given at in Istanbul in the palace of two sultans on the Bosphorus, on the way to Bebek. I don't know if this was a different school or if these schools all belonged to I§ik Lycée or Fevziye School. I don't even know if it even had a director or somebody to run it. Hifzi Tevfik Bey was also a Salonican Donme. They would frequently stage plays at these schools, performing the works of our great poet Abdiilhak Hamid Bey. Abdiilhak Hamid Beyefendi would be invited and would go to [these performances], and would be very pleased by them. If I'm not mistaken, the father of the journalist and writer Ahmed Emin Yalman was either the founder or director of the schools in Salonica. The Donmes were overjoyed at the declaration of the Second Constitutional Period, because they utterly despised Sultan Abdtilhamid II. They never forgave him for refusing to give Palestine to the Zionists. After the 'Great Ruler' was deposed, they even wrote poems and composed marches about him. Our own doctor and dear friend Rifat Efendi (Btiyiik Rifat) even composed such a march. The march began with the line "Today we have carried out a revolution; [against] traitors and scoundrels...", and then [I don't remember how] it continued. It's true, they had harbored great enmity toward Sultan Abdiilhamid. Even though they didn't have any blueprint during those days, they provided great aid and assistance to the [Committee of] Union and Progress.

A Donme Family in the 1970's In an article for the Sephardic magazine, Aki Yerushalayim, the Turkish-born Israeli researcher Moshe Sevilla Sharon reported his recollections regarding a Donme family that he met during a visit to Istanbul: I have some Donme friends, whom I had the opportunity to see during various times [that I am] in Istanbul, and who still have some things that they hide [from me and others]. In 1970, during a visity to the house of one of these friends, his grandmother asked whether or not I knew Hebrew. I said that I did know it, and with words that expressed sadness and great longing, she asked me "Do you know what Lashon is?", using the Hebrew term [for language], and without waiting for me to answer, she turned her head. When 1 began to explain what it was, she looked at me with a smile that showed that she somehow knew, too. She mentioned the words "lashon" or "lashon hakodesh" that are used to refer to the Hebrew language, which still called "the Holy Tongue". No doubt, her father knew this [language] and she heard it from her father. Another friend of mine from different family told me in 1970 that his family was "like the Jews" and added that they "celebrated Passover and all of the [Jewish] holidays like you [do]". He was a Donme, and he did something that he had been taught not to do until now: he revealed his [true] identity. Another Donme 1

Munevver A y a j h , Rumeli ve Muhte§em istanbul, (Istanbul: l imas Yaymlari), 2003, pp. 96-

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friend who kept his identity a little more hidden unknowingly assisted me in discovering that the Donmes were still true to their traditions. He never told me that he was a Donme, but 1 knew that he was such. He was about to marry in 1973. | At that time] he told me that there was a "big problem" at home with his family, because "during my childhood, I swore that I would not tell, and there's a secret reason that I can't even tell you": His family would not give [him] permission to marry the girl he wanted. The girl that this friend of mine wanted to marry and for whom his family would not grant permission was a Muslim.1

An Interview with a Donme Woman In a 1977 article in the French-Jewish magazine L'Arche there is a conversation with a woman who comes from a family of Sabbatean origin. The author of the article, Raphael Valensi, made the acquaintance of this woman via a woman who was a member of Istanbul's Jewish community. This Donme woman, who met with Valensi during a visit to Paris and is described by him as "in her forties, short, of dark complexion, stylishlydressed and possessing Sephardic facial features", put forth one condition before she would agree to speak with the author: he would not reveal her name. When Valensi subsequently asked the woman "Since your family has long ago [abandoned Sabbateanism and] become Muslim... why are you keeping your name secret?" the reply that she gave to the author's question revealed what the greatest obstacle is before those who wish to do research on the subject of the Sabbateans in Turkey. Smiling, the woman gave the following reply: The Far Right identifies us as fake Muslims. For those who are opposed to Kemalism and wish to return to the Shari'a regime that was abolished by Atatiirk we are liberals and Freemasons. This opinion is in fact not so inaccurate, because we are indeed respectful of all religions, and proponents of a humanistic ecumenicalism and opposed to all manner of intolerance. The Islamist reaction that is once again raising its head is presenting us as champions of atheism and godlessness. Because a great many of us are in a powerful position in commerce and in all branches of the free professions, the Leftists see us as capitalists. Thus, we are forced to lead a hidden existence.

1 Moshe Sevilla Sharon, "Los Donmes-Parte II", Aki Yerushalayim, July-October 1984, Year 6, No. 22-23, pp. 8-12.

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After this introduction, the conversation continued: Question (Valensi): In your current state, how many of you are there? Answer (Dónme woman): About ten thousand. Most of them are in Istanbul, while the others live in Izmir. Question: How do you perform your religious rites and ceremonies? Answer: (hesitatingly) There hasn't been any for the past two centuries. At least [not] in the Kapanci group of which I am a member. Question: At this time are the Dónmeler divided up? Answer: Yes, [there are] three groups: the Yakubi, the Karakag and the Kapanci. Question: What are the specific characteristics of the Kapancis vis-avis the other groups? Answer: I can't answer this in any definitive way. I know that there are three thousand of us who live in Istanbul. We marry among ourselves. My husband is from the same group [as me]. We are secular. My father told me that "Our family came from Salónica". He was a very liberal [-minded] person and he wasn't himself interested in matters of religion. I already learned from my maternal aunt that we were of Jewish origin when 1 was 15 years old. Certain facts and details caused me to start thinking about it at that time. For example, when my grandfather used to speak, he'd sometimes use Spanish words, and when he'd realize it, he'd correct himself as if he'd made a mistake. Question: What sort of words were these? Answer: I don't remember. Question : [Can you| try to remember one.... Answer: Yes, there was the word "lonso" (bear), that he would use to describe a stupid person. There was "vaziyo", to describe someone who was garrulous or indiscreet; there was "abasho" to describe someone from a lower social class. Something else: I remember that my grandmother would open the window every evening and say some things that I couldn't understand. Later on I learned that these were their prayers meant to hasten the return of Sabbatai Sevi. In the houses of the Dónmes there was always an empty bed in order to receive "the person who must return". An older relative of mine told me the following: For centuries, the Sabbateans would gather at dusk on the shores of the sea in the more rural neighborhoods of Salónica and say in unison 'Sabbatai asperamos a ti' (we are waiting for you, Sabbatai). We Kapancis only inform the children among us at a very late age that they belong to this group and that it is connected to Judaism. This fact sent my cousin into shock when she heard it upon turning 18. For the past few years, mixed marriages have been increasing. The Kapancis are no longer very many in number. I don't even believe that my two daughters will be able to find husbands from among our own kind. Question: How do you refer to yourselves? Answer: We call ourselves "Our kind" or "Salonicans". Question: How do you know if the person that you are with is a Dónme? Answer: Because mixed marriages are a very recent phenomenon, and previously the Dónmes only married among themselves, they all have Jewish characteristics. Question: Do all Dónmes lead a dual life, religiously speaking [so that] at home they are Jewish and in public they are Muslim?

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Answer: As I previously said, [the answer would be] 'no' among the Kapancjs. I can't say anything about the other two groups because I don't speak with them. It's not beyond the realm of possibility that the Karaka§ have remained faithful to their past. In any case, no Donme goes to mosque the way they used to. Question: Do you feel yourself more Jewish than Muslim? Answer: In the sense that they are [more] enlightened, I feel myself closer to the Jews. Apart for a liberal-thinking minority, It's much more difficult to have contact with Turks. But on the other hand, I have Muslim and Catholic friends, and no special connections with Judaism. Question: Are you hoping to preserve Sabbateanism as a social condition? Answer: Yes, but I believe that it's destined to disappear. I feel respect toward the memory of Sabbatai Sevi, who converted in order to prevent the massacre of the Jews. He was an extraordinary individual. In the current state, it's already too late to believe in the teachings that he laid down, but a quite enlightened and progressive group have made it possible to preserve their own existence. The Young Turks were able to draw their manpower from this group. When the Donmes abandoned their faith they became zealous partisans of Atatiirk. Cavid Bey, a minister in the Young Turk government, was a Donme. He was the child of a family that were the descendants of Osman Baba (the original founder of the Karaka; group).1

Ha'aretz

Correspondent Yo'av Karney's Testimony

In August 1991 the Israeli journalist Yo'av Karney published a lengthy report of his visit to the Jewish Community of Istanbul during the time in which its members were making preparations to celebrate the upcoming Quincentennial, or 500th anniversary (1992) of the arrival of the Spanish Jewry to the Ottoman lands. In his report Karney also mentionned about Donmes: Gerschom Sholem, the greatest scholar of the Sabbatean movement, wrote that one of his colleagues (he did not specify who), managed in the spring of 1960 to identify the religious leader of the "Karakash", a sect of Baruchia's disciples. But a Jewish researcher from Paris, Lucette Valensi2, who tried to trace the "Doenme" in 1988, says with a degree of certainty that "there is no more a religious hierarchy or a theology of the Donme sect, and there are no secret synagogues." Valensi's efforts to encourage "Doenme" to speak about their tradition, about their history and customs were not fruitful. She conducted the research together with her husband, [Middle Eastern History Professor] Abraham L. Udovitch, of Princeton University. They based their 1 Raphael Valensi, "Une Dunmeh parie", L'Arche, April 1977, No. 241, pp. 41-44. ^ Valensi's publications on the subject are: "Conversion, Integration, Exclusion: Les Sabbatéens dans l'Empire Ottoman et en Turquie", pp. 169-185 in Dimensioni e Problemi Della Ricerca Storica, no. 2, 1996 / Lucette Valensi, "La Deuxième Mort de Sabbataï Sevi, ou La Fin des Saloniciens de Turquie", Hespéris-Tamuda, Vol. XXXVII (1999), pp. 71-85.

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conclusions mainly on Moslem testimony. "We would ask for meetings with people whom we knew well what we wanted but their answer was the same: Those who know something are already dead and those who are alive do not wish to speak." In some cases, Valensi and Udovitch did not believe the denials of their partners to the conversation. "We met two sisters, in their 80's, who said that they did not know. But we saw how they looked at each other... they were born in Saloniki, and seemed to be from a noble circle. They were very sophisticated".... In Istanbul I met a man who has a Jewish mother and a "Donme" father. The man invited me to his parents' home and there I had a polite conversation with the father. When I served to him a bottle of Israeli wine that I brought with me, he warmed up to me and asked whether the wine was from Rishon Letzion. Later on he said that he had visited in Israel and was very interested in it. I did not speak to him about the Sabbatean movement, and I heard that he even turned down the request of his children [that he tell them something] about the sect. This story, says Lucette Valensi, repeats itself in many families. Moslem children suddenly hear at school, insulting calls, "Doenme, Doenme". They go home, and ask their parents whether it is true that they are different. The parents confirm, but do not want, or are not able to pass on the tradition to their children.1

An Interview with a Donme Gentleman In an article printed in the annual of Italy's Rabbinical College, the Italian Prof. Dr. Giacomo Saban related an interesting conversation he had in Istanbul with a person of Donme extraction. 2 According to Saban, this person had published an article on the subject of Sabbateanism under an assumed name in the Turkish history journal Tarih ve Tophun? Below are some of the more relevent and interesting aspects of Saban's conversation with this individual, and the latter's responses—which Saban claims were sincere and accurate—to the professor's questions: Question (Saban): Approximately how many persons are there in the Donme community? Answer (Donme): We are approximately 15,000 in number. Most of us live in Istanbul, and a small number of families live in Izmir. Question: Are you a homogenous group?

1 Yo'av Karney, "The 500 t h Anniversary", Ha'aretz [Hebrew], August 23, 1991, supplement 2, pp. 26-7, 29-38. 2 Giacomo Saban, "Residui Di Tradizioni Sabbatiane Ancora Presenti in Turchia", Annuario Del Collegio Rabbinico Italiani, No. 3,1988-1991, pp. 117-131. 3 The article in question is: A. Haluk Dervi§, "Sabbetay Sevi Olayi ve Dônmeler", Tarih ve Toplum, June 1986, No. 30, pp. 329-334.

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Answer: No, not at all! We are divided into three main branches: the Kapancis, the Yakubis and the Kanyoncus. 1 Question: Do you see yourselves as Jews or as Muslims? Answer: I see myself as a descendant of the Jewish race. This is certain. But I received a Muslim education at home, and my religion is Islam. When we do this, we —that is to say, the Donmes—try to bring it in line with Sabbateanism to the greatest possible extent. Q u e s t i o n : In your religion, your dress and your customs, are their aspects that resemble our Judaism? Answer: We have a fast day in the month of January where we fast for the entire day, like Yom Kippur gibi. At the end of the fast we eat burekitas (borek). We celebrate the holiday of Purim during the month of December and eat sesame pastries and sweets called 'Capeta's. Question: Do you read the Shema2r! Answer: To tell the truth, my grandmother, who went to an Alliance School 3 learned it there and would recite it at home. Question: Is there a Kaddish prayer? Answer: There is, but it's not like the one in Hebrew. We recite it to the same melody that we use when we are reciting the "Allahu Akbar" (Tekbir). Question: Do you have special ceremonies when your members pass away? Answer: To tell the truth, I know that a [special] ceremony is performed, but I don't know the details. So prayers are read at home. Later on, another ceremony is held publicly that is like the one in Islam. When someone dies, a candle is lit and prayers are read in the mornings, similar to the seven days of mourning and prayer in the Jewish religion Question: In what language are the prayers read? Answer: In Judeo-Spanish (Ladino)! Some of the words are from Hebrew or Turkish, but it's basically Spanish. Question: Do you have your own special cemetery? Answer: Yes, the Bulbiildere cemetery in Uskildar. The 'Kanyoncu's are buried on the right side, the others are buried on the left. Question: So do you also circumcise? Answer: Of course! Question: How do you do it? Answer: Like the Jews and the Muslims. Prayers are read before the circumcision [is performed]. Question: Who performs the circumcision? Answer: One of our own, of course. Question: Where do you hold your ceremonies? This may be Saban's misunderstanding of 'Kalyoncu', which is the name of one family among the Karaka§ group, although it is interesting that a person claiming to be an authoritative source and member of the community would use the name of this family—not the most important Karakag family by any stretch—to refer to the larger group. ^ Literally, the Hebrew command form "Hear!" that is used to refer to the fundamental Jewish prayer of "Hear, O Israel: The LORD our God, the LORD is one". (Deuteronomy, 6:4) The author is referring to one of the schools established by the Paris-based Alliance Israelite Universelle (AIU). The organization was founded in Paris in 1860 by French Jews, who, imbibed with the ideas of the French Revolution, hoped by means of this organization to 'raise up' the oppressed and impoverished Jews throughout the world by means of, among others, providing them with a western, enlightened education. For this purpose a series of schools were established within the Ottoman Empire and Muslim world which provided a French-language and francocentric education to the members of the Jewish communities who lived in these countries.

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A n s w e r : There is a house which is called the 'Shared House' in the neighborhood. Circumcisions, weddings and religious holidays are all celebrated there. There used to be a wax statue of Osman Baba there. One holiday that we celebrate at the 'Shared House' is the Lamb Holiday (Kuzu Bayrami). The Yakubis no longer celebrate it. As for the Kapancis they come to the [Shared] House and take a piece of lamb and then bring it home and eat it there. For their part, the Kanyoncus celebrate [the holiday] in a different manner. T h e D ô n m e s in the M e m o i r s of Zekeriya Sertel: 1 In his m e m o i r s , the f a m o u s Turkish journalist and leftist Z e k e r i y a Sertel writes about his engagement and marriage to Sabiha Sertel, w h o c a m e f r o m a D ô n m e family, and claims that he was the 'first' outsider to marry a D o n m e . W h e n he originally wrote a letter asking f o r S a b i h a ' s hand in marriage, her family, whose surname was Dervi§, was vehemently opposed to the idea. 2 But in the f a c e of SertePs persistence, a little while later S a b i h a ' s older brother Celal Dervi§ called on him, explaining the purpose of his visit: " Y o u wanted to marry m y sister. I wish to learn j u s t h o w serious you are on this matter". Sertel tells what happened next: It appears that they had been asking around about me, gathering information, and had decided to meet me once and speak with me, because the decision that they would reach would be very important. It even [could be said] to be of historic importance. The girl was a member of a 'Dônme' family. The Dônmes were a bunch of Jews who had fled the terror of the Inquisition in Spain in the middle ages and had found refuge in the Ottoman Empire, [eventually] settling in Salonica. After returning to the Ottoman Empire they became Muslims. Although they did [officially] convert, they cannot have been said to have completely embraced Islam. There was some resistance to them from their immediate milieu. They didn't observe a single precept of Islam. They didn't go to prayer, they didn't keep the [Ramadan] fast, and they didn't mix with either [other] Muslims or Turks. They lived as a separate caste. They were intelligent, industrious, capable and decent individuals. But they lived within their own shell, not entering into the surrounding Turkish society, not intermarrying with the Turks, and continuing their own narrow existence in this fashion. They were very involved in commerce. For this reason they had frequent and close ties with Europe. This had an effect on their lifestyles. The businesses went well and they grew wealthier and their standard of living rose above that of the others in their milieu. After immigrating from Salonica to Istanbul, most of them settled in the Ni§anta§i and §i§li neighborhoods, and reestablished their communal life there. Because they didn't send their children to Turkish schools, they opened two schools called the 'Feyziye Lycée' and the '§igli Terakki Lycée'.They didn't send their children to state schools, they sent them to study at these schools. 1 Sertel (1890-1980) was a graduate of Istanbul University Faculty of Law, Sorbonne University, Department of Sociology and Columbia University School of Journalism. He was the publisher of the magazines Resimli Ay, Gorii§ler and the newspaper Tan (with Halil Lutfii Dordiincil and his wife Sabiha Sertel). Source: Ihsan Igik, ibid, Vol. 3, p. 1590. 2 Yildiz Sertel, Annem Sabiha Sertel Kimdi Neler Yazdi, (Istanbul: Yapi Kredi Kultur Sanat Yaymlari), 1993, pp. 66-68.

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This girl that I wanted to marry was a member of this community. If her family agreed [to the union] it would be the first time that a Donme girl had married a Turk. Celal Dervig had studied law in Istanbul, and his irritation [with his community] had grown; he was a person who thought these old customs [of his community] to be unnecessary. In any case, the Donme community had begun to experience a number of shocks after immigrating to Istanbul. Because the unity of the caste had more or less collapsed, they now decided to mix with the Turks, to break out of the shell and completely sever the bonds of this community. One week after our meeting, Celal Dcrvi§, invited me to eat with him. On that day I met, for the first time, the girl that would in the future become my life partner. Before this, I had not even seen a photograph of her. For some reason she was dressed entirely in black. It quite suited her. That day we dined together. This [mean] was something like an engagement. After that day I went to visit her once a week. But they never left the two of us by ourselves. They always had some female member of the family be present with us. The Central Committee of the [Committee of] Union and Progress caught wind that I was going to marry a 'Donme' girl. One day I was summoned by Doctor Nazim, who was considered to be one of the more wellknown members of the committee. He congratulated me and he wanted to know whether or not I knew the significance of the thing I was about to do. "Maybe you haven't noticed", he said, "but you are paving the way for two communities, which have looked disparagingly at one another for centuries, to finally unite and mix together. You are landing a death blow to the structure of Donme-ism. We must show just how necessary this event and by this means we must celebrate the uniting of the Turks and Donmes". I was surprised and confused. "So, what should be do, Sir?", I said. "What I mean is that we will have an engagement party. We will inform the newspapers of the matter. We will not let this engagement just be a family mattter, but will turn it into a national event". Our engagement party was held at the Suphi Pasha Mansion in §ehzadeba§i. At that time only religious engagement parties were performed. A religious teacher {hoca) performed the engagement ceremony, during which the girl and boy weren't allowed to come together. For the engagement both sides would choose one person to represent them. At our engagement, the representative for the girl's side was then-Prime Minister Talat Pasha, the most powerful many in the '[Committee of] Union and Progress'. Tevfik Rii§tu Aras, the person who would be the Ataturk's Foreign Minister, took it upon himself to be my representative. All of the 'Union and Progress' bigwigs were present at the engagement. The girl was in the women's chamber, and I was with the men. Laughing and joking, Talat Pa§a said: "We're not just giving away our girl. We want a thousand lira!". At that time it was customary to promise such amounts for the engagement. They asked me "The girl's side is asking for a thousand lira. What do you say?" At that moment I didn't have ten lira to my name. The Unionists saw to all the expenses for the engagement. I made the extravagant promise, saying "I will give it". The Imam recited the prayers. They congratulated us. Turkish delight was offered and eaten, and we were officially engaged. The

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next day's papers gave lots of space to this news. After that time our wedding became an example [for emulation] among the 'Donme' community. After us, the number of those [Donmes] marrying Turks multiplied. And in this way the Donme caste was destroyed and passed into history. 1

Four "confessions" from Donmes on the Internet Because of the sense of security that the anonymity of the Internet often provides, one can occasionally find the most unlikely information there. Below are the 'confessions' of four persons of Donme origin that I came across on two separate websites. Confession A When I was young, my grandmother used to sing me to sleep with lullabies in a language that I didn't understand. 1 memorized most of them. My father wouldn't go to work on Saturdays, he'd always make that a holiday. When I was six years old, my maternal grandmother shocked me when she said that our prophet was a man named Sabbatai Sevi. She warned me that I shouldn't tell a soul about this, and that if I didn't she would buy me all sorts of toys, and said that it was necessary that this secret remained only inside the family. At that time I didn't really understand, and thought that it was a kind of game, but I agreed to do so. Except for our relatives, everyone thinks we are Muslims. But in fact, we belong to a Jewish sect called the Salonicans. I am admitting this here for the first time. And I know many people who behave in this manner.2 Confession B My family are immigrants from Salonica. More correctly, my mother's side. They migrated long before 1924 and settled in the inonti district of the Eskigehir province. During that period my ancestors, fearing that they would be seen as Jews, chose Islam. I still have a Torah that remains from this period. The inonti district is 50-60% people of Jewish origin. The people who immigrated during that period—those who know the inonti neighborhood know what I'm talking about—buried their gold, their possessions and their property in caves within the rock formations. There was a great deal of treasure in that area. Well then, what sort of life do I live as someone with Jewish roots? 1- It's written in my identity papers that I'm a Muslim. 2- I don't have any connection with Judaism, apart from [knowing] three or four prayers. 3 - 1 like the Kabbalah. 4- We don't harbor any desire, such as to turn Turkey into Israel. 5- I have gone into a synagogue two times in my life. I wasn't impressed.

1

Zekeriya Sertel, Hattrladiklanm, (Istanbul: Gozlem Yayinlari), 1977, pp. 79-81. www.itiraf.com/defanlt.asp?p=17&arsiv=l nickname: zwi; Gender: Male; Age: 24; City: Istanbul, October 15, 2001. 2

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6- There is a road leading up from the [central] square in the Inonii district to the upper neighborhoods. On the right-hand side there is a house with very large doors. There is a synagogue there. The position of rabbi is passed down from father to son. But they are Muslim in their appearance. 7- Despite everything, I am very happy with my life and with being a Muslim. 1 Confession C My name is a Turkish name, in my identity papers it is written that I am a Muslim, but I'm actually a crypto-Jew. I am a member of the community known to the public as the "Avdeti-Donme-Sabbatean"s. There is a secret corner for worship in our house. We read the Torah. Our funeral ceremonies are held in "special" mosques and [our dead] are buried in "special" cemeteries. We have a high standard of living. But what does it matter, so long as we are unable to come out proudly and say "Here I am"? 2 Confession D This past year, my paternal uncle, whom I only rarely visit, had had a little too much too drink and said that our family had a Sabbatean past. Because of my own ignorance in this area, I at first assumed that this matter only had to do with "belief". Until [one day] I was reading the back cover of a book on Sabbatai Sevi that I came across at a bookseller's in Beyoglu. If my paternal uncle is telling the truth, there were converted Jews in my family. But when I spoke to my mother about this subject, I saw from her anxiety that this was a little bigger than that. My mother attributed all of the things that my paternal uncle had said to the fact that he was drunk. A few days later my father and his brother got in a fight and cursed each other. They still aren't on speaking terms. Every family has its own idiosyncrasies, and ours is that neither my sister nor I know very much about our family's past. My mother is from Edirne. We've never gotten to know a single person from her side, apart from her nephew [or niece]. In passing, we've heard mention of the names of a few persons who live in Edirne, but that's it: my father's maternal grandfather died at a very young age; my grandfather was a naval officer, and so on. Whenever we broach the subject, it's quickly closed, so for this reason it's mostly my sister and I discussing things among ourselves, and we're always tossing it around, discussing what we don't know. In the end, I learned everything. My paternal uncle pulled out a whole series of documents that had to do with my father's side of the family. They go back to Salonica, and Crete. The old names. I even got in the car with my friend and drove to Edirne in order to get to know my mother's relatives. I'm Jewish. I'm a Donme, on both my mother's and father's sides. I have to say it: this truth has affected me so deeply! Although I am not a person who concerns themselves very much with politics and such, I know that I have strong nationalist inclinations, and I hate Israel's policies toward Palestine. I remember one time joking with a friend of mine and telling him "These Jews deserve to be slaughtered like this". I want you 1 http://fl.parsimony.net/forum789/messages/8207.htm ("Bir Sabataycimn Ifgaati", February 6 2003) 2 Nickname: demoklesk; Gender: Male; Age: 38; Country: Outside Turkey; March 15, 2003. http://www.itiraf.com/default.asp'?p=17&arsiv=1

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to know the terror [that I feel] because of the miserable situation into which I have fallen.... In middle school we used to grab hold of one kid because he was Jewish and push him around and bully him, and we would let loose with unbelievable insults and curses. The things that people do when they are children are very cruel. My mother still won't admit it, she thinks that my sister and I are talking nonsense. It makes me wonder, that she can keep denying it, even after seeing the facts so clearly. When 1 manage to suppress the idea I can free myself from the unease—even if only a little bit—but when I get tired and the thought resurfaces I start to get pains in my stomach. I look in the mirror and the "me" I am now has turned into the "old me". I cannot understand what this being a Jew has changed in my genes. With this new information, all of my thoughts have been thrown into confusion and disorder. We are all the victims of our social conditioning, but as for mine, I think it's a little more serious.1

The Karaka§ House in Bakirkoy Another recollection concerning Sabbateanism can be found in the recollections of a family that moved in 1932 to a house in Bakirkoy that was alleged to have belonged to a wealthy Salonican and was known as the "Karaka§ Mansion". One of the family's members describes the mansion so: The mansion was divided into two parts: a private inner and an outer public section for the men and for guests (haremlik ve selamhk) that were divided from one another by an intervening door. Both of the parts had separate entry ways. The persons who found this house and proposed that we divide it in two took one part, and we moved into the other one. Our humble little family got lost, along with our few possessions, in the enormouse rooms of the mansion. The floors were covered with linoleum; we threw down a few rugs, put curtains over the windows, and hung some pictures on the walls, and in very little time we had settled in to our new house. Since the mansion's huge kitchen was on the opposite side [of the house], we turned one end of the corridor into a kitchen. There was also a separate section of the mansion that stretched toward the back yard garden, and that always remained locked, unused by anyone. Only on a few specific days per year would a middle aged woman wearing a hairnet over her completely straight hair open this door with the key she had and enter inside. When we noticed and peeked through the keyhole we saw marble basins adorned with lions' heads and assumed that these were areas for washing or bathing. According to the rumors, it was still being used as a synagogue by the Salonican Jews who had over time converted to Islam and were still performing secret worship services. According to what I learned later, among the Jews the religious women would shave their heads entirely and then cover their heads, when necessary, with a wig. In my opinion, the fact that they woman who opened up the secret section from time to time wore a wig proved that the rumors were true. 1 2

"Boyle oldu i§te...", nickname izmarit, October 20, 2002, www.hafif.org/yayi/boyle-oldu-iste

Miinib Engin Noyan-Selma Turkis Noyan, "OMA...", Yaymcilik), 1999, pp. 245-246.

(Istanbul: Birun Kultur Sanat

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Two Interviews with Donme Men: A 2004 Master's thesis on the subject of Sabbateanism in Turkey, by a cultural relations student at Istanbul's Bilgi University, included two interviews with two men of Dônme origin, both of whom consented to grant the interviews with the researcher on condition of anonimity. These interviews are reproduced in full below: 1 Mr. A. Mr. 'A.' is a 46 year old Salonican and the father of two children. His ancestors on both his mother's and father's side came from Salonica between 1917 and 1924, during the [population] exchange. His father's side originally settled in the Sultanahmet District. Those who came during that period settled in the areas that were considered Istanbul's most central areas. Mr. A. says that those who were in a good economic position settled in Sultanahmet, those who were in moderate economic condition went to Gcdikpasa, while those who had become rather destitute settled in Rami. Later on, when Mr. A.'s father was four or five years old, his family purchased a house in Kuzguncuk and settled there. Mr. A.'s grandfather worked in stocks and bonds, and in the buying and selling of savings bonds. Later on, after the creation of the Tekel [state monopoly] he began to sell tobacco to the company, and work in insurance; he was a man who understood commerce. As for Mr. A.'s father, shortly after graduating from the Haydarpa§a Lycée he began working at the Ottoman Bank as an assistant inspector, but he soon understood that this wasn't work suited for him and got training as a carpenter, where he could apply his manual skills. His father then earned his living doing carpentry in the workshop that he built underneath his house. Mr. A.'s mother and father met in 1953 and married in 1955. His mother's side is Salonican. "My father fell into my mother" is how Mr. A. characterizes their marriage. He says that at that time marriages within the community were made in this manner, that individuals would fall into each other. As for my mother's father, he went from Salonica to Germany in order to study, but later on, upon feeling that the war was about to break out, he returned from there to his family, who by then had migrated to Istanbul. Because there are many people in her family who know [foreign] languages, there are a lot of them working for the foreign ministry. "In one period, almost one third of the ambassadors [from Turkey] were people from the same circle", he says. When his mother was three or four years old the family moved to Keçioren, in Ankara. "At that time, Keçiôren was a rural place, a place that's nothing like the present-day Keçioren. There my mother would wear a sleeveless blouse and shorts and ride her bike. She was a very different, very modern type for those days in Ankara", Mr. A. stated. In 1955, my mother and father got married and moved into my father's house in Kuzguncuk. Mr. A. was born there. During the period until before primary school, his whole family lived there. Mr. A. Ash Yurdda§, Megru Vatanda§lik, Gayri Me§ru Kimlik? TUrkiye'de Sabetaycilik, Istanbul Bilgi University, Cultural Relations Programme, 2004, pp. 29-41, unpublished MA thesis. For two interviews with Yurddas see Nevzat Atal, "Onlar bizi bulurlar", Sabah, April 19, 2005.; Semin Giimuçel. "Gizemin Obiir Adi: Sabetaycilik", Nokta, Year 23, No. 1104, August 30 - September 6,2004, pp. 28-40.

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was more close to his grandfather than his father. He remembers that, in contrast to his own circles, his father ran a very patriarchal order at home, and was very ill-tempered. During that period Kuzguncuk was a neighborhood in which people from various religions lived. Armenians, Greeks, Jews and Muslims all lived together. "The Armenian Church abutted the mosque on one side. One hundred meters down there was a synagogue", Mr. A. said, recalling the Kuzguncuk of that period. He thinks that it was this cosmopolitan character that persuaded his grandfather to chose it as a residence. Mr. A. describes himself as an Istanbullian with Salonican roots and claims that at a very young age, even at two or three years, he understood that he belonged to a different community and possessed a separate identity. "A person senses something different. When you went into a different house there was a different smell. Jewish houses have more or less the same smell. Even the smell of the other apartments in our building were different. When we would go to the residence of one of our neighbors there was just such a different smell. Of course, nowadays, there aren't these smells anymore. The odors have all intermingled with one another. I'm not speaking of actual scents and odors. The 'scent' that I smelled was the different 'scent' of a [another person's] house. I'm talking about that [different] smell; I'm talking about [different] conversation. Among us such nonsensical talk about I-don't-know-what wasn't made, and arguments weren't allowed, because, among us arguing was a sin, it was something undesirable. "Where there is strife, the Spirit of God (Sehina) departs" it is said, "So be calm and quiet, and do not create strife". There is a connection between the Spirit of God and adrenalin. For this reason, it is necessary not to create situations in which adrenalin levels will be raised. There should always be a cheery and friendly disposition, and calm....When I was young, there was among our neighbors a man who would always yell at his wife, and we would be shocked by this, it seemed very strange to us. A husband yelling at his wife was not looked upon favorably, and was not done [among us]. At our house, for instance, there was never any yelling or shouting between the [parents]". Mr. A. was told of his different identity by his grandfather when he was seven years old. His grandfather told Mr. A. that they [i.e., his family] was different. Mr. A. recounted this event and its effect on him thus: "He said that we had a different constitution than that of the [rest of] society, and that, although we appeared to be a part of that society, as people, we were different. [At the time] I understood this as [meaning a] physiological difference. "How can you tell the difference?", I asked. "Only we know it", my grandfather replied. When I asked then "So how do we recognize the others?", he said "They will let you know; but don't speak about this very much, and don't share it with anyone". Because of these [different] constitutions, until about middle school I grew up closed within myself. I suppose that certain psychological problems may appear [because of this], like fearfulness, shyness, and not speaking within groups". Mr. A. was a curious and intelligent child during his school years. He says that within the community the children who think analytically and are believed to be smart are "snatched away". For this reason, some grown-ups notice them and they are selected at age eleven or twelve to be subjected to a special education within the family. The community's religious functionaries, who are called either "Rabbi" or "Hoca", begin to work

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through certain passages and texts from the Torah. They are taught Hebrew and Spanish. Since Hebrew is seen as the holy tongue, Hebrew words aren't simply used in every situation that might seem appropriate for this reason, the [religious] rituals that have to be performed are generally done in Spanish. These lessons are given in houses that belong to community members. These are the houses in which community members live and still belong to the community. Mr. A. is a member of the Karaka§ branch of the Salonicans. This group follows Osman Baba and believes in him. "David" is what they call the person known as "Osman Aga" [i.e., Osman Baba| and they believe that he shall come with certain signs and wonders. For instance, they believe that nobody knew of Sabbatai [Sevi's] death, apart from the Karaka§, bccause Davut [i.e., David] was born exactly nine months and ten days after [his death]. All of Osman A g a ' s commandments abrogated the 18 commandments of Sabbatai [Sevi], and absolutely nothing was set up in its place. The Karakag believe that the Shari'a has to disappear, and that in its place every single person has the obligation to bring about his or her own perfection, because it is thought that the place in which everyone will be and everyone will [eventually] enter is Israel, in other words "the event has taken on a symbolic meaning". This idea is, in essence, one that Osman Aga created, it's his words. The Karakag believe that each one of Osman Bey words are holy passages. Mr. A. met his wife at an organization belonging to community members. It's a place that doesn't actually have legal status as a recognized association, but it is known as such by the members of the community. The location of this organization is a house belonging to one of the elder members of [his] family, which has been turned into a [social] locale. It's a place in which there are a library, a corner in which tea, coffee and toast can be made, film projectors, record and cassette players. It has been set up solely for the youth, with the intention that the younger members of the community will get to know one another, mingle and lake part in cultural activities at this place. There are various side activities held there, such as theater, book clubs, and social services. Mr. A. says that he remembers Yildiz Kenter 1 coming there to give lessons. Mr. A. and his future wife began to date when he was 15 and she was 13 hears old. While male-female relations are very stiff and formal on the outside, they are a lot more relaxed within these [Sabbatean] circles, and this also creates another reason for students to go to the association. [After originally dating,] Mr. A. and his [future] wife later had various relationships, but eventually came back together and married at a young age. His family never pressured him on the matter of marrying afnother] Salonican, but his father was against the marriage at first, but because [he believed that] they were still too young. "Why are you going to marry at such a young age, like those villagers [do]?", he would say. Mr. A.'s father doesn't have any connection or interest in the community's affairs. In fact, he's "a real Muslim".

Mr. A. explained how his father's relationship with Islam grew and developed [over timc|: "While my father was in high school, he began to become interested in religion. He was very interested in philosophy. You know, in those times 1 Yildiz Kenter is a well known theater actress.

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there were a lot of philosophy courses in schools. My father has a very thorough foundation in philosophy. On top of this, he began [to read] the Mesnevi. Before that, he began to think of himself as a Mevlevi. He became a serious devotee of the Mevlana. Soon thereafter he began play the reed flute (ney). He became taken up with a dreadful passion. But when embarking on such a search, "He that seeks, shall find". Afterward, he entered into certain sufi orders. Later on he was on familiar terms with a Kadiri community and he became a Kadiri. In other words, I too grew up within such an milieu. When I was three or four years old there was a sheikh to whom my father would go [and visit]. I would go to those meetings, too. I also took away some things from there. You participate in the conversations. You're a little kid. I was within this milieu until I was about 16 or 17 years old. I really liked it, but I couldn't really embrace it, because I had a real sense of discrimination in my head at that time, but after a certain age, it disappeared. That was about age 35 or so". Mr. A. then explained what he meant by "discrimination": "I think we Salonicans have a superiority complex, believing ourselves to be of 'noble descent'. He says that he remained under the influence of those persons who had provided him with religious instruction, and that he therefore felt pressured by "our kind"—that is, by the [Sabbatean] community. Mr. A. says that his father does not like the Salonicans, that he found them to be too haughty. He says that [his father] began to feel uncomfortable with this haughtiness, then later began to discern this situation and for that reason distanced himself from the community. Mr. A.'s mother and father are both persons who are attached to Islam; they keep the [Ramadan] fast and pray. Mr. A. kept the fast during his youth. When breaking the fast he would say a prayer in Hebrew. In his mind, the [different] religions [should not be] divided into compartments, they all see God. For him, it's not really important which road you travel to reach it. For this reason he says that all Salonicans are essentially Muslims. He believes that the [Sabbatean] system won't work without [a person first] being a Muslim. There has to be a Qur'an in existence for the formation of the belief system created by Sabbatai Sevi and Osman Bey. In his view, there is a great deal of common ground between Sabbateanism, Islam and Judaism. It is the structure of Islam that allows for this possibility. Mr. A. grew up within the religious path that the Karakag followed, within an environment that was made possible by Islam, and that it emerged as a belief system [within that environment]. Here it should be explained that Mr. A. has a broad knowledge regarding all of the different religions, and that he is a person who has worked to delve deeply into this subject. For this reason, he tends to attribute meaning and understandings to events that are far deeper and more profound than simply their "external" understanding. Because [I] didn't possess information on this subject, it was very difficult to understand what it was he wanted to say. Mr. A. says that he knows that his mother descends from the line of the Prophet, which is to say, from the line of Moses himself. She has the genealogical tree in her possession. He says that his mother's entire family tree on various pages, with one period written on gazelle skins, later on parchment, and finally on paper. Mr. A.'s family still undertake certain rituals related to their faith. In fact, the obligatory rituals related to their faith are performed by [the community's religious] functionaries on behalf of the entire community,

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but there are also other rituals apart from this that individuals attempt to carry out themselves. This rituals have left the realm of being purely religious, and have become 'acculturated' to some extent. Mr. A. has two children: a daughter and a son, and they will occasionally go to the locale that has since reopened, after having been closed for a very long time. Social activities and efforts are conducted at the locale, just as during Mr. A.'s youth. It is here that the customs and traditions are passed on to the youth, but no information is ever given about the religion. In order to make this a reality, it's necessary for a person to be curious and desirous to learn things himself, and for him to get married within the community. The great majority of the rituals have to do with food. Group meals and activities surrounding food are held at this locale, especially in the spring, at which times [traditional] Salonican foods are eaten. During these days persons from the entire community, from [ages] seven to seventy, come to the locale. The fundamental point here is the bounty of the banquet and the variety of foods. Moreover, some of the foods possess a religious association. For example, although meat and fish are not normally eaten together, there is one day per year in which they are. The daughter of Mr. A. says that his mother holds a special feast on certain days, during which she will prepare a food in order for it to be taken from the kitchen and brought to everyone at the table, and that something is recited silently. They are made aware of these days by a special calendar. This calendar is prepared by those persons within the community who deal with religious matters, and is then sent out to those who are interested [in observing such things]. While it resembles the Jewish calendar [in some ways], there are also certain differences which this calendar displays. There are special ceremonies at circumcisions and weddings. As Mr. B. [below] explains, circumcisions are performed by a doctor from within the community, because the operation is different [than that performed by the Muslims] Mr. A. believes that the education within the communities, and especially the cuisine are very important: "Our families are very interested in education. The education of the children is extremely important. They work to ensure that all of the children receive a good education. I even think about selling five or ten times as much as I have, about selling my home—even for nothing—so as to ensure my children's education. It's very important. Let them get a good education. They should have a really good education. That's generally how it is within our families. In other words, nothing is denied them in regards to the cuisine and the education. Cuisine and education. And the cuisine will be truly bountiful. Great importance is given to [the cuisine]. In other words, everything should be in abundance. There's no such thing as 'all out' among us. If the rice run out, we would say "rice is abundance" [and refill it]. It's a manner of speaking that comes from the family, but we all adapt ourselves to it. We just don't say 'there's none left'. It's thought that if you say 'there's none left', you lose the blessing of the thing; as if "the rice will later curse me [for saying this]". Very great respect is shown to [the subject of] nourishment and sustenance. What can I say, there are plenty of things, like when you drop bread to the ground you kiss it and hold it to your head. We no longer do such things, the kissing and everything, but we feel respect for it. The level of kissing is another thing. It's a little different

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occurrencc". For Mr. A., like for a great many Salonicans, Atatiirk is an historically significant] individual. Mr. A. expressed his feelings toward Atatiirk and inonii thus: "He is the reason that we [Salonicans] live. Laws are the reason that one can leave peacefully within a society. If it weren't for Atatiirk, we would never have attained the possibility of living in peace and comfort. Or we would have been forced to emigrate to some other country. The Salonicans were under the special protection of Atatiirk, until Inonii came along, inonii was a very jealous individual. History doesn't record this, but he was a person who attempted to erase all the things that [his predecessor] had done. As for the Republican People's Party (CHP), during the Single Party Period it was a completely fascist party. That's how the administration was. He harbored a particular hostility toward the Salonicans, a terrible enmity toward those who were Donme. I see this as [part of] his desire to avenge himself on Atatiirk". Mr. A. feels himself close to the army. Although it doesn't embrace the pro-democracy movements, he trusts that it is fair and just, and that it would not act lawlessly. But he explains that this [feeling of sympathy] does not extend as far as actually entering the military: "There is a feeling of reluctance among the Salonicans. They don't want to enter the army or politics, because they don't want to make themselves the focus of attention. What's more, [the Salonicans] have an anti-military belief system. The role of the soldier is not a very positive thing in our belief system. Therefore, there aren't a great many people [from within our ranks] who tend toward military careers". He explained that some persons from their community wanted to be in certain key positions, as a sort of "early warning system", so that they would be aware from early on of any [hostile] trend directed at the community. For this reason, he says, he knows that there are even Salonicans who are close to Turkey. 1 Like Mr. B. [see below], Mr. A. believes that in some way their identities have been recorded by the state: "In many official places—in the bureaucracy, for instance—there is something called the service record that is searched for. Those persons in whose service record it appears that they may be Salonican are not accepted into the bureaucracy. This was experienced very frequently after Atatiirk [but still] during the [Single Party] CHP period, due to inonu's hostility toward This predecessor] Atatiirk. Not a single Salonican was made into an active service [military] officer. My father-in-law, for instance, wanted to be an officer, but they refused him, saying « You're Salonican, you can't be a soldier ». "...Special documents are kept regarding the Salonicans. Their movements and actions are followed, there are records kept, even the fronts of their passports are different. It's not that they are said to be different or something, but I suppose that they are [on the basis of] certain things that I know. All of the[ir passports] begin with a certain number, or 95% of them anyway. There might be some who are overlooked. I mean, this many can't be a coincidence. I don't know why they keep records on them, but this much I know: it's not just us that they keep tabs on; I know that they

1 Alparslan Türkeg (1917-1997) was a Turkish politican, president of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). For more on him see: "Alparslan Türke?", http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Alparslan T%C3%BCrke%C5%9F

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keep tabs on the Circassians as well. I don't know for sure, but I assume that they do because of the maps that they prepared. I have on occasion seen certain maps that came from [the National Intelligence Organization] (MIT). When I was working in the Narin Mesucat textile industry, we had one fellow called Halit Narin ; I worked there for a long time, and we had another fellow called Hiram Abbas', who was killed here. He used to give us special counsel and advice. We were in a good place within the company, and were very loyal to it. We shared many things with him, and he provided us with certain information. It's from there that I know that certain files are kept, and not just on us. They keep files on all of the ethnic groups, just like they do on us. They don't keep them on the Laz, but they do on the Circassians. There are even maps of certain areas in which they live, and they follow their actions and movements. So there are even neighborhoods where people have settled, such as the Sivasli neighborhood; they follow the activities and movements of certain ethnic groups of this type, but I have no idea what wc did to make the security [services] nervous or uncomfortable; I don't know, maybe that's it. Maybe it's just a conspiracy theory, and they don't keep tabs on us after all, maybe we just think so....I mean, I don't have [any concrete] information in this regard, but if a person looks at your identity papers and then says that you cannot do military service, that means that such information does exist, it means some file is being kept somewhere." While both Mr. A. and Mr. B. are Freemasons, unlike Mr. B. Mr. A. thinks that masonry has created a great deal of unease because it not approved of in their communities —especially by those individuals who are religious, and bccause [since] a person can discuss anything with his fellow masons it is feared that this openness can be understood as [freedom to] discuss the Sabbatean religion, which must be kept secret. Mr. A. has, like Mr. B., distanced himself from the community somewhat, and has drifted to the margins of the community. Over time a distance has appeared between his religious ideas and those of his community, and works about the Kabbalah have led him in other directions. It is for this reason, and also partially on account of our having a mutual friend, he has been able to speak so openly to me about this subject. And again, both Mr. A. and Mr. B. have stated that their conversations with me will not be looked upon favorably by those who live within the boundaries of the community's belief system. One of these persons is Mr. A.'s wife. [For this reason] we have had this conversation without her knowledge. Mr. A.'s daughter occasionally took part in our conversation, but he again stated that his wife would be distressed were she to hear that she had discussed these subjects. As for the reasons that the [Sabbatean] religion needs to stay secret, Mr. A. says there are two. One of these is entirely social : namely the [outer] society's great interest in this subject and especially, the fear of being attacked by the Islamists. The other reason conccrns the Kabbalistic tradition of secrecy. Mr. A. says that this tradition has permeated the life [of the community], and has become an essential part of it. He also says that this is a factor that has been internalized at the subconscious level, and

Hiram Abbas (1932-1990) was Assistant Undersecretary of the National Intelligence Organization. He was killed in 1990 by militants of the armed leftist organization, Devrimci Sol (Revolutionary left).

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that the religion is therefore naturally experienced behind this veil of secrecy. Mr. B. The protagonist of our [next] story came into the world as the third child of a well-to-do family in Istanbul's Sultanahmet District. When he was three years old his family moved to the Tc§vikiye District. His mother and father are both from Salonica, although Mr. B. refers to himself as an Istanbulian. "I lived in England for four years. Not one of my English friends knows that I am a Salonican, [they think] I'm a Turk", he says. But he adds that he doesn't deny that he is a Salonican, and is trying to understand what being a Salonican means. His father was born in Salonica, while his mother was born after the immigration from Salonica to Istanbul. In any case, his mother and father are related : His mother is the daughter of his maternal uncle. His paternal grandfather works in commerce. He has a tiny little clothing shop in Salonica, in a place called Felester. "It's a shop in which he stands behind the counter, maybe a meter square or so", he says, adding that, in that period it was very common for the textile trade to be done from private houses. Mr. B.'s father owned a sock & hosiery factor in Istanbul. The factory was later closed, and he continued to work in commerce in Sultanhamam. The family had earlier lived in Divanyolu, but later moved to Nigantagi. Mr. B. studied at the §i§li Terakki Lycée. After that, he completed his degree in Construction Engineering at the Istanbul Technical University he completed a doctorate in the same field in Great Britain. Mr. B. is currently married and has one child. His wife is not related to him, but she is from a Salonican family. Although Mr. B. now describes himself as an Istanbulian, he thinks that the situation was different for the previous generation. "The generations before us were more connected to one another. I suppose that they were a lot more closed among themselves over there [i.e., in Salonica]", he says. Mr. B. avoids giving really clear and direct answers to the questions that are asked on this subject, in place of giving information regarding his whole family, he prefers to give explanations that tended toward generalizations. Mr. B. says that at age 13-14, when he was leaving behind his childhood and becoming a young man, he understood that he possessed "a separate identity". He remembers that when one died, they behaved differently; for instance, gatherings were held concerning the upkeep of the graveyard. He thinks that one who discerned this and discerned this separate identity, could then do one of two things: "If you look and see that you are different, you either start to ask a lot of questions and to delve into the matter more deeply, or you understand it and then disregard it." He hints that he himself belongs to the second group. During his younger years he began, by means of the in house old lady from Kastamonu, Ay§e, to perform certain Islam-based rituals at their house. He would keep the fast, perform the teravih prayer, the last prayer during Ramadan. He would even do this in the middle of his house, before his mother and father. He would wear his great-grandfather's Muslim skullcap, take his prayer beads and pray. He would take his father to

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holiday prayers. His family wasn't thrilled by this subject, and under the influence of those things he had read, he later "left religion" in his own words, and not longer performs any religious rituals whatsoever. Mr. B. doesn't openly say to which of the three branches of the Salonicans he belongs, [although] he belongs to the Karakag. After being steered in that direction by [my] questions and hearing it from me, he confirms it. During the course of our meeting he takes special effort to convey the sense that he no longer has any interest in the subjcct. As for his ideas regarding the various branches of the community, he had the following to say: "They are aware of the other groups, which are called 'neighbors'. The [group of] people of which I am a member are today the most engaged in this subject. I think that one of the groups of which we are speaking (he had the Kapanci in mind) left this whole business behind one hundred years ago or so. The other group (meaning the Yakubis) left it a little later. And it's gradually shrinking and disappearing. And this is natural. Over time it's necessary to abandon it. It's necessary not to force [them to abandon it] because people will believe what they will. If [a person] believes that Sabbatai Sevi told the truth, and as long as they aren't doing something that will cause you harm, they have the right to believe it, in my opinion. Let them act on their beliefs until the very end." When Mr. B. was at the age to marry, a tailor came to their house and mentioned a beautiful girl at another house that he had visited. His older sister knew this girl and in this manner the sister introduced him to his future wife. His mother and father very much wanted him to marry a Salonican, and they made it very clear that they would be very unhappy if he married, a girl from outside. Although Mr. B. repeatedly insisted that he had no more connection to the [Sabbatean] religion, he didn't go against the wishes of his milieu in this regard. When he got married a hoja from the community came and said some prayers. He didn't say a thing because it was what his father and mother had wanted. Later on, during his son's circumcision, a similar ritual was performed. The actual circumcision is performed by "one of the family". He says that he doesn't have any special desire in regard to his own son marrying someone from within the community. He thinks that what is important for him is that his son will marry a girl from a good family, and simply being from Salonica is no guarantee of this. He says that there are no more [Sabbatean] rituals performed at their house. But he knows that there is a group of persons who do still perform such rituals. "For example, when we eat at the house of one of my relatives, if there is anyone there who is a believer and they are serving Iamb that day, there might be some talk about it. In other words, this whole business still exists. They don't eat certain things on certain days. That's all. My father didn't pass these things on to me because I'm such a contrary type". He says that he once saw his father praying and it was in Turkish. But he knows that the prayers aren't generally said openly. He says that he doesn't know if they are in Hebrew or in Turkish. He knows that the religious documents that were in a house that was considered sacred to the Salonicans were destroyed during the great fire [of 1917]. He remembers this story from his childhood. As for the present, he doesn't believe that there are any written [documents] still left. He thinks that everything is now done from memory, and that the folksongs that are sung, the Psalms,

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etc. are all passed on orally. He becomes uncomfortable while speaking about this subject. He declares with insistence that he doesn't actually know anything, and that he's just making guesses and assumptions. Mr. B. mentions some of the food that were specific to Salonica. He himself is a person who loves this and takes great pleasure in it, but there are certain foods that he particularly enjoys and remembers. He says that some of these foods are no longer prepared. His wife doesn't know how to cook them. Some of those that are still made arc leek kofteh, walnut kofteh, ground chicken meat that is eaten with both chicken and ground almonds, and holiday kebab. Cracked wheat stuffed with cheese (Peynirli yarma dolma), and a dish made from roasted eggplant and filled with cheese. For many years this dish hasn't been made any more ; it's a dish that his mother used to make. Regarding desserts, he remembers « lye » Turkish Delight. His wife made this one time, but it didn't catch. Although Mr. B. and his family have occasionally experienced several rough spots in their relations with the state, he doesn't attribute any importance to these things. For instance, he recalls how his family was affected to some extent by the Capital l ax.' He says that they weren't that badly hurt by the tax because they weren't that rich, but his wealthier relatives were much more affected. He estimated the number of members in his own group as somewhere between three and four thousand persons, and although he insistently describes himself as a Turk, he recalls an event that he experienced that has caused him to think that this [Turkish] state put him in a separate class [than the rest of the Muslim population], and that they have him 'registered' in this manner. He related the event as follows: "During my military service, I had a girlfriend in Great Britain. She cut an article out of the Sunday Times newspaper there and send it to me while I was a soldier. It was an article about the [Turkish] army and torture, and it mentioned [the Leftist Revolutionary] Deniz Gezmig and such. I didn't throw away the article ; I read it, but didn't throw it out afterward. There was one kid by the name of Omer. We would read among ourselves, and I told him about the article that I had received. "Give it to me" Omer said, and he took it and read it. I told him "Tear it up and throw it away when you're done reading it". But he didn't throw it away. The next day the commanders said that they found the article on him. He said that he had gotten it from me. They dragged me before three generals for a three-hour interrogation. They said things like "What is this?'. I told them that my friend had written and sent me this article from an extremely conservative newspaper in Great Britain. "Why are you looking into this [subject]?" they asked. "My friend sent it and I read it", I replied. "There are three types of person who [would] read this", they said; "One group would read it and believe what it says; another group would be the opposite, meaning that they would be a complete Turkish nationalist, and would read it in order to understand what the enemy side thinks; and the third group would read it as a neutral observer: so, how are you reading it?". "I'm reading it as a neutral [observer]", I answered. "My Goodness!" they then replied, "How can you not be a Turkish nationalist?" In this manner we passed three hours. What

Mr. B. refers here to the November 1942 Capital Tax Levy. For a detailed study of this subject in English see: Rifat N. Bali, The "Varlik Vergisi" Affair A Study of Its Legacy-Selected Documents, (Istanbul: The Isis Press) 2005, Faik Ökte, The Tragedy of the Capital Tax, translated by Geoffrex Cox (London: Croom Helm) 1987.

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they did after this I am now telling you. They asked another kid who slept next to me in the same barracks, some of the same questions. N o one understood this. They said to them that " H o w many non-Muslims are there in the reserve officers regiment?" There were two. One was Greek, the other, Jewish, and this kid said as much. "Is that what you think?" they said, " I f that's what you think, then you're wrong", and made him quite uncomfortable. But they did this to the young soldier who slept next to me. I mean, they asked it as if to say ' Y o u sleep beside him and you still don't know him?'. In short, they still looked at me as a non-Muslim". Mr. B. blames his own community f o r this discrimination that he feels has existed and been directed against them on occasion. He thinks that when the community separates itself [from the rest of society], it allows others to discern this. He blames the community for separating itself and for remaining closed. In this sense, he believes that for a long time the Salonicans used to work harder in the [service of the] country, but that this later began to fade. In the first period of the Republic's history in particular, he thinks, there were a lot more Salonicans serving as doctors or generals in the Turkish army, but they later retreated [from such service]. Politically speaking, he thinks that the Salonicans tend especially toward the Liberal Right at present, but when these parties began to retreat from their previous secularism, many also returned to the Republican People's Party. In other words, secularism is one of the issues in which the community lays prime importance. He states that the [occasional] military interventions did not bother the community because they were all [done] within [the framework o f ] a military discipline and Atatiirk's [secular] order. Mr. B. says that he is also a Freemason, like a great many other Salonicans. He likens the Salonican community to the masons, especially in regard to their secrecy. But Mr. B. is in favor of openness for the masons, as well as within the Salonican community. He thinks that hiddenness and secrecy cannot but awaken curiosity [and suspicion in others]. Mr. B. does not care to speak too much on the Sabbatean religion itself, or to reveal exactly what he knows in this regard. Nevertheless, it is clear from [his answers to m y ] persistent questioning that he does know some things, or at least that he has been at gatherings in which these things were discussed. He knows that, in its essence, the secrecy is entirely connected to mysticism, and that the religion [itself] commands this. "Both silence and secrecy are important for those who believe these things. It's a part of this whole phenomenon. Everyone will disapprove of what I am doing here [i.e., speaking about Sabbateanism with an outsider] ; it's seen as a sin", he says. He is aware of the belief that one portion of the Sabbateans are supposed to carry a 'chosen' gene. He finds this to be a bunch of nonsense and utterly ridiculous. He explains—with frequent references to his own scientific past—that he has great respect for those persons who have the inclination toward rejecting everything that they have been unable to explain everything through their intellects, and yet, do not think in this way, and who wish to live and experience through their beliefs. Mr. B. believes that this community must, in the end, be revealed and must forego its traditional secrecy. Although he has his concerns as to

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whether or not the necessary conditions are present for such a move, he still finds it inevitable for the sake of the community itself.

A Meeting between a Donme and Israeli President Itzhak BenZvi In the February 1954 edition of La Verdad, the Ladino-language paper published in Tel Aviv and directed toward Israeli immigrants from Turkey and the Balkans, the following brief but interesting report appeared: During these last days a businessman who is one of the most important members of the Donme community has arrived in Israel. The person in question came to Israel within the framework of a special assignment on behalf of the Donmes, in order to observe the living conditions in Israel, their customs and traditions and then to submit a detailed report [on the same] to the members of the [Donme] community. According to this businessman, ever since the establishment of the State of Israel the Donmes have been returning to the Jewish religion, and wish to come to Israel and settle there. The Donmes have entrusted this businessman with the task of getting to know [Israeli] President Itzhak Ben-Zvi, who has done a great deal of research on the topic of Sabbatai Sevi and his disciples. The Donmes see our President as Godsend, because there is a prediction in the holy scriptures of the Donmes that savs that the King of Israel shall come from the line of [Sabbatai] Sevi. When Ben-Zvi was elected President, the Donmes saw this as a realization of the prophecy foretold in their secret books. The Donme businessman asked, by means of a prominent lawyer in our capital city, for an audience with President Ben-Zvi. The President immediately received him and their meeting went on for quite some time. The Donme businessman saw just how informed the President was about everything and was surprised to see that [Ben-Zvi] knew a great many things about Donme life, customs and traditions that he had up to that moment supposed had remained a secret. But the Donme businessman refused to answer a great many of the President's questions regarding the Donme community. He apologized, informing [the President] he could not reveal things that were forbidden to be revealed. The Donme businessman stated that since the Jewish people had gained their independence, there were a great many Donmes in Turkey and in other countries who wished to come and settle in Israel.

An Interview with a Donme Woman In an oral history interview with Assoc. Prof. Leyla Neyzi of Sabanci University, Fatma Arig stated: "I told my child everything with complete 1 Both "Sevi" and "Zvi" are frequent English transliterations of the same Hebrew word meaning 'stag' or 'deer'. ^ "Los Donmes", La Verdad, February 4, 1954.

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honesty and openness. I don't have any desire to be Sabbatean whatsoever. But without completely disregarding this culture, one should see the beneficial aspects of it and to be proud of it". She then proceeded to give an account of her own recollections of growing up in a Sabbatean family: During my own childhood my family was in a complete state of denial. I would see my aunt's husband, she would fast although it wasn't Ramadan. When I would ask, they would say "the three moons are meeting". Afterward, Ramadan would come and the same person wouldn't fast. Years later, I understood that this fast was the fast before the prohibition on slaughtering sheep that comes from Judaism. The social solidarity also continued in our family as a complete [product of] minority psychology. When you're talking about a bad day, take a look and you'll see that group all gathered together. How would [they] explain this solidarity to me? "They are my dearest friends". Fine, they're your dearest friends, but isn't that a little odd? There were certain bon mots and inside jokes that I never once understood. When I was young and would go to my mother's bed [at night when I was scared], my grandmother would say that my bed—which was now empty—was "the bed of Osman Baba". I didn't know what she was talking about. Later on I learned that they would always leave one bed in their houses empty and light a candle at the head of it, because a messiah by the name of Osman Baba was expected to come after Sabbetai Sevi. In my family they still joke about such a bed. My grandmother and grandfather's generation performed all of the duties and rules [connected with] this [Sabbatean] identity. And why should I suppose that this isn't around today? (..) When I once asked my maternal grandmother why she didn't pray, I would always get the reply "We are Atatiirkists". In other words, this group took shelter behind Atatiirk, and because the concept of secularism was one that comforted them, they tried to escape this inconvenience of [practicing Islam] by characterizing themselves before [the rest of] society by saying "We're not Salonican/ Donmes, we are Atatiirkist/secular". I could see that, when I would ask [about this] it made them uncomfortable. "What is that supposed to mean?", they would say, "Some are born in Istanbul, others, in Salonica, but there's no other difference between us whatsoever. We are Muslims, but we are modern and Atatiirkist". The impression was given to me that my trying to learn more about the subject was a shameful thing. The whole thing had some very vexing aspect sides to it. When growing up it tends to undermine a person's self confidence. I experienced this sense of emptiness inside me. "Who am I?" [I would ask]. This is a very normal question. Everybody has asked themselves the same question. But it would be said [to me] "I forgot, I don't know". What did you forget? How can [such things] be forgotten? In fact, these people had experienced a profound crisis of identity. They were not massacred but they were subjected to profound serious psychological torment. There was a great deal of repressed emotion and fear. These persons took on a great deal of stress and anxiety in their struggle for [a new] identity. For any society, [the process of] assimilation is in no way an enviable situation. Neither those within the group nor those outside of it can simply wash away a[n existing] reality and eliminate it. Only after many years was I able to

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accept that this ' s h a m e ' [with myself] was not really something that I should be ashamed of. Milliyet Dônme

Editor-in-Chief A b d i I p e k ç i a n d his A p p r o a c h to his

roots

A b d i i p e k ç i , t h e e d i t o r - i n - c h i e f of t h e m a j o r T u r k i s h d a i l y

Milliyet

w h o w a s m u r d e r e d by M e h m e t A l i A g c a o n F e b r u a r y 1, 1 9 7 9 , h a d b e e n continually harassed by Islamists and ultranationalists throughout the 1970s. O r h a n K a r a v e l i , a j o u r n a l i s t w h o h a d a l s o b e e n a s c h o o l m a t e of i p e k ç i at t h e p r e s t i g i o u s G a l a t a s a r a y L y c é e , in his m e m o i r s n a r r a t e s h o w s h o c k e d h e f e l t w h e n o n e of his p r o f e s s o r s m e n t i o n e d his c l a s s m a t e ' s D ô n m e roots, a n d a b o u t h o w o n e d a y , y e a r s later, i p e k ç i s p o k e w i t h h i m a b o u t t h i s m a t t e r : Our geography professor was the Assistant Director Ferruhzat Turaç, [someone who was] "special kind of person" who never married or had kids until his death at an advanced age, and who was said to have graduated from the Sorbonne with the assessment "bon pour l'Orient" (good enough for the East). One day, as he was passing by m e he made a sharp about-face and said: "How wonderful, we have grown close to Abdi [ipekçi]!" I was confused: "Why is that so great that we have become friends?" "Don't you know that he is a "dônme"? "...?!?"

My God!..."Donme"? What did that mean? I was only fifteen years old at the time, and I didn't know what that word was supposed to mean. I sat down and researched [the matter] and I was surprised that the professor would dwell on a person's origins, and that such an instructor could find a home at a such an exemplary educational 'nest' as Galatasaray. A bunch of empty-headed fanatics hounded this absolutely brilliant Turkish journalist and intellectual to the point that he was finally killed on February 1, 1979, and even after his death. Once he called m e to Milliyet's new building in Nuruosmaniye [and told me]: "Ah, Orhan, these racists and yokels have been going on about m e again. T h e y ' r e back on that old " . . . A b d i Ipekçi is a d o n m e . . . " calumny again. What do you think: What else can we do? Should I respond to them in the newspaper?" "Pay them no mind, Abdi. Is it really worth it to get mixed up with these people, w h o ' v e got no more to go on about than this "incident" f r o m three hundred years ago? Let it go; let them say what they will. All of Turkey knows who you are and knows who they are. A s if they any of them could be as devoted to the Turks and to Turkey as you".

1 Leyla Neyzi, istanbul'da Hatirlamak ve Unutmak Birey, Bellek ve Aidiyet, (Istanbul: Tarih Vakfi Yurt Yayinlari), 1999, p. 99. Leyla Neyzi, has published an article on her interview with Fatma Arig, See Leyla Neyzi, "Remembering to Forget: Sabbateanism, National Identity, and Subjectivity in Turkey", Comparative Studies in Society and History, January, 44(1): 137-158. Arig also testified in the movie Les Derniers Donmeh, see footnote 419.

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"Thanks. I['m sorry to have] wearied you, but I really don't like to get into this subject with my friends at the newspaper. I think of you as my closest [friend from whom] to seek counsel".1 Certain passages f r o m an unofficial biography written by two journalists shortly after Abdi Ipekgi was murdered provide some further insight into the late editor's view of his Donme roots. 2 The first of these discusses his approach to his ethnic origins as follows: One of the subjects on which Abdi [ipek§i] was most sensitive was the fact of him being "of Salonican origin".... In those days there were a great many problems, and suffering. The group of friends who all lived together knew Abdi's sensitivity on the matter, but they understood that he didn't want to talk about it and they tried not to broach the subject. On those rare occasions when the fact that his origins were Salonican was thrown in his face as if this were his fault, the subject was quickly changed.... One of his friends with whom he was most able to share his pain on this matter was Firuz... On occasion, when the two of them were alone, Abdi would open up to Firuz, "Is it a crime that my ancestors were Salonican?", he would fume, "And even if it were a crime, why is this my fault? Aren't I a part of this society too?" On those days when Abdi would be ranting and fuming in this manner Firuz would always try to cheer him up, saying things like: "Those who came from Salonica have all assimilated into this society; they are a part of this society" in an attempt to chase away his sorrow. On one of those days when Abdi was really down about the subject, he took Firuz off by himself and poured out his heart to her, and asked her an interesting question: "Listen Firuz, I want to ask you a question that's very important for me. Listen well and then give me your opinion..." "Of course I'll give it, Abdi". "I want to change my surname from fpek^i. What do you think?" "Well now! Where did you all of a sudden get an idea like that?" "Firuz, my dear, the surname ipek§i is that of a well-known Salonican family. I'm afraid that this name will be a "ball and chain" to me in the future. Tell me what you think, and be honest". After being initially flabbergasted by such an unexpected question, Firuz thought for a bit and then answered the friend that she loved so much; "If you do such a thing, I'd look at you as a pathetic person..." "How so?"

1 Orhan Karaveli, Gorgu Tanigi Bir Gazetecinin pp. 89-90. 2

st

"Siradisi" Anilari, (Istanbul: Pergamon) 2001

Abdi ipekfi (August 9, 1929 - February 1 , 1979) was murdered by Mehmet Ali Agca, an ultranationalist who was ultimately arrested and imprisoned for the crime. Agca escaped from prison soon thereafter, and on May 13, 1981 he carried out a failed attempt to assassinate Pope John Paul II, for which he was once again arrested, convicted and imprisoned. Until now the question of Agca's motivation for killing lpek?i and attempting to kill the Pope has not been clarified. Claire Sterling's book The Time of the Assassins (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston) 1985, claimed that Agca was a hired gun of the Bulgarian Secret Service.

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"A person cannot completely make himself what he is. Can a person choose their own mother? Their own father? Their siblings? They [are all the results] of the law of nature. A person would only see such the need to do such a thing in order to deny his own self. I don't believe that the Abdi that I know would do such a thing..." Abdi was pleased with the things that Firuz had said... "You're right", he said. He then continued the conversation: "Anyway, this isn't going to happen; I've always been very proud of my family. I'm not really serious about this matter; I was just curious to see what you would say..." Abdi Ipekfi was so sensitive about this subject and his attitude so fixed that in spite of the reactions about there being a community of "those of Salonican origin" he could even say to his good friends like Firuz and Engin "Look, if you're still around after me, don't let me be buried in the Salonican cemetery in Bulbuldcrcsi".' According to the authors, Ipek§i was categorically opposed to the idea of marrying a Donme woman. He had no tolerance for the conservative attitude of some Salonicians and strongly criticized those members of the community who opposed exogamy. 2 Nevertheless, he would eventually fall in love with Sibel Dilber, the daughter of another well-known Donme—and Karaka§—family and would subsequently marry her. 3 In the same work there is an account of an incident which occured between Kemal Bisalman, a columnist at Milliyet and Abdi Ipek§i, his Editor-in-Chief. The argument started when Abdi Ipek§i asked Kemal Bisalman to review some of his articles, as they had leftist tones and were hostile to private enterprise. The authors narrate the argument thus: When Kemal Bisalman came into his office Abdi Ipekgi was rather calm. He was carefully reading the piece that Bisalman had given him and was was trying to determine the sections that were contrary to the newspaper's political line. After having fixed the sections of the article that needed to be a little more 'softening', he turned to Bisalman and shared his thoughts. "Look, Bisalman" he said, I wanted to stop the changes in your articles. You're not paying attention again. Go over these sections one more time..." At first Kemal Bisalman countered the criticisms, first of Turhan Aytul, then of Ipek§i, but then he grew angry and the argument itself took a a nasty personal turn. "Your objections make it obvious to what class you two belong", Bisalman told them. "Don't be boorish" [replied Abdi ipek§i] "You can't call me boorish. But what else can you expect from a Salonican Donme?" 1 2 3

Tufan Turen?, Erhan Akyildiz, Gazeteci, (Istanbul: 1986) [2.ed.], pp. 58-60. Tufan Turen? - Erhan Akyildiz, ibid, 1986, p.83. Tufan Turen? - Erhan Akyildiz, ibid, 1986, p.92.

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This argument, which was the most heated one that Abdi Ipekiji had ever experienced in his life, was ended with a sentence that he perhaps used the first and last time in his life: "Get the hell out of here, punk! Beat it!. I don't want you [working] at this paper!", he shouted, growing really furious. He then took everything from the table, newspaper, papers, coffee cup, and threw it on the floor.... 1

After Abdi Ipek§i was murdered the question arose of where he should be buried. The biography narrates the discussion between his family members as follows: 2 They called f r o m the newspaper. They wanted to speak to the family member with the most authority in regard to the grave. T h e phone was given to [Abdi's] older brother, Mehmed ipek£i. Taking the phone, Mehmed Ipek§i listened for a while, and then, asking for the chance [to discuss the matter first], he returned to the salon where the other members of the Ipek^i family were sitting. "The people from the newspaper are asking at which cemetery we would like to reserve a plot", he said. "If we were to ask Sibel..." "Yes, one of you should ask Sibel. If it were up to me, [I would say that] he should be buried in the family plot in Biilbulderesi". Two or three of the family's 'heads' then went into the other room and tried to explain the situation to Sibel lpek§i, w h o was lying down, faint and half-conscious. All of Abdi Ipekgi's friends who were present intervened with the same message: "At various times Abdi told us insistently that he d i d n ' t want to be buried in the Salonicans cemetery in Biilbulderesi". This was a sort of oral last will and testament, but, ultimately, the decision belonged to Sibel and to his family. Only with great difficulty Sibel lpek9i was able to mutter the statement "Bury him in Zincirlikuyu". "Let him be close to me". Both Sibel ipek£i's wishes and the testimony of [Abdi's] friends were related to Mehmed Ipek§i. Mehmed, who was completely grief-stricken over [the loss of] his favorite brother, went directly and without any hesistation and picked up the receiver: "Let's reserve [a plot] in Zincirlikuyu. Yes, let it be Zincirlikuyu..." After replacing the receiver on the hook, he returned to those still in the salon. "Abdi d o e s n ' t only belong to us... He belongs to the whole nation... It's good that he be buried in Zincirlikuyu.

1 2

Tufan Turenc - Erhan Akyildiz, ibid, 1986, pp. 282-283. Tufan Tureni - Erhan Akyildiz, ibid, pp. 18-19.

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b) Testimonies in the Documentary

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Sazanikos Les Derniers Dònmehs 1

The aforementioned film is a French documentary produced by Michael Grossman and Michèle Blumental, and one of the rare examples of persons of Dònme origin speaking openly about their origins and experiences. Below are the translated statements of those interviewed in the film. Mustafa D. The first time I heard the word "Dònme" was on the street, from some guy about my age; he called [me] a: "Salonican Dònme", and I said "Are you saying something bad to me?". I didn't know what he was talking about, and he said "yes" and so we had a fight. If this is something that they can't pass on to their sons and so forth, how do they expect it to survive? So I was thinking: if my father and our close relatives — uncles and such, if they were preserving the secret, shouldn't they have passed it on to us? Who else do they have? But they never even tried to do this. I mean, I may be unusual, unorthodox, but when I was young I was just a regular kid and they should have started to indoctrinate me at that time. They haven't done anything like that. Ibrahim K. At a very advanced age, I found myself knowing nothing about this extraordinary odyssey of my ancestors. In fact, it was only by pure coincidence that I discovered that I had Dònme origins. Emotionally speaking, [II was very affected by this whole affair—but not at all in a religious sense, because for me [religion] is not important. To try to reconstruct the saga of this family expelled by Isabel [la] the Catholic [Queen of Spain], cast from one end of the Mediterrannean to the other, finally finding themselves in Salonica, where they established a real family. What has astonished me the most about this mantle of secrecy is that I understood that this family has lived in terror for many generations. They were horrified to discover their own true origins. There was a real sense of secrecy that was pushed to the extreme, so that only the head of the family would keep the secret and would only transmit it [to others] when he was forced to do so [by age or circumstance], Niikhet S. My father say, his fear, public life in Turkey, then we because of what we would Jewishness, because of [our how

is that if we were to become prominent in should be somehow denigrated and disparaged now call ethnic identity. Because of [our] origins as] Donmes. But I never understand

1 November 1992 [Arte La 7, Sodaprega (Paris), Istanbul Film Agency (Istanbul), Hyperion Films (Athens)]. The persons of Dönme origin speaking before the camera are identified in the film as: Esin Eden, Niikhet S., Fatma Ang, Pamir Bezmen, Mustafa D., Ibrahim K., Can T., Yildiz Sertel, Ismail D.

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much it comes from being Jewish — from my mother being Jewish, and how much it is from his own [Donme] origins. The two seemed completely intertwined. So my father always says that I shouldn't speak about my origins or my identity to anybody, that it wouldn't do me any good, that it would only bring me sorrow and grief. [The real secret was] That we were different, that we were not Muslims or 'true' Muslims, or that we were not the same as everybody else. Because this knowledge would not have necessarily meant that we would be persecuted, mind you, but that we would not be treated equally. [We would have been] rejected, or somehow excluded from the normal daily life in Turkey. The implication was that people would be jealous of us. That was the implication: that we were more educated, more modern, more enlightened than the rest [of the population], because people would [hate and] persecute the Enlightenment, and we were a part of the enlightened [minority]. In that sense, being Salonican was presented to me as something very positive. The idea was that there are things that should be known or that can be known and that the less you know, the better it is. So it's not that there is nothing to know there, that there isn't a past, there isn't a history, there isn't a difference that can be known. It is accepted that there is such a difference, but the point is that what that difference is should not be revealed, and it wasn't revealed to me either. I don't know what the difference is. So I know that there is a difference—but I don't know what this difference consists of. And so the secret is of what that difference consists. So, [ultimately,] I don't know what this difference consists of, all I know is that something is different. Can T. At a certain point I asked myself the question of my origins. I wanted to know "Were the Dflnmes considered to be Jews?" Let's say that some authority were to say "OK, you are Jews". I was wondering to myself a few days ago whether the State of Israel would accept immigrants who would say "look, 1 am a Donme and therefore I am a Jew". Do the Jews of the world, the Jewish Diaspora or Israel consider the Donmes to be Jews? I have no idea. I would say it's like having a double identity and a hidden identity. I can fully understand when somebody says that there is something suspicious in this affair. My father was the first one to marry a non-Donme—my mother, that is—and by being the child of this [mixed] marriage I became what what they call a 'bitter onion' (act sogari). And I remained a bitter onion, since I married a Christian. It always means doing a little research, [and there's] a certain security [to be had from] researching one's origins. It [shows that] you have roots somewhere, it makes you feel secure. Obviously there is a need to feel secure [about one's self], but at the same time there it is also necessary to keep some distance from one's roots in order to retain some freedom. Therefore, it's a very contradictory thing. What's interesting is not only the identity that you have, but also the question of how other people see you, what identity they attach to you.

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c) Donmes in Izmir: Izmir is a Turkish city with the second largest Donme population (after Istanbul). As a result, one might expect to find frequent mention of them in various reports and memoirs of those living their. Below are three such reports, namely, the memoirs of three Jews all born in Izmir.

The Memoirs of Selim Amado: When I was fifteen years old during the summer vacation my late father made me work with some persons who he knew. I should mention their names, although 1 don't know how proper it would be to publish them. They were two individuals by the name of Ahmet Besim Dover and Ismail Eden, the owners of an insurance office in the Biiyiik Kardicali Han 1 in Izmir. I never heard them speak Spanish, but they both had very typical Jewish accents. Most of their customers were Jews or Levantines. One of them was a Mason, I came across him there when I joined the Mason Lodge. Now, [when I think about it] I don't think that either of them were very healthy. I don't know whether they came from Salonica during the [great 1924 population] exchange. There were some families that were rumored to be Donmes (maaminiko). When I was a child we used to buy my shoes from the department store of Nedim Pelin. We'd purchase things at the most important clothing stores in Kemeralti. One of the biggest and best known department stores was the Karakag department store. The Kibar family (of whom Osman Kibar would later become Mayor of Izmir) were producers of oil and soap in Izmir, the Bilgin family were owners of the daily Yeni Asir, and both these families were from the [Donmes], During the 1950s the best known doctors of Beyler Street were the following: Faik Muhittin, Liitfi Sabri, dentists Muzaffer and Kemal, Hakki Berkmen, and such. For some reason the Jews of Izmir were never concerned by these persons. I was curious about this fact, but I never could get enough information. Seli Kibar, who studied at the Saint Joseph school was first in the class, but he wasn't very friendly with the Jewish students. And parallel to this, it was said that, when the leaders of Izmir's Jewish community went to visit the mayor, Osman Kibar, and asked him not to legally expropriate the old Jewish cemetary in Kangegme,2 reminding him that the grave of famous Rabbi Escapa—and Rabbi Palachi, too, I think—were there and that these were holy, even though he decided to do so anyway, Osman Kibar gave them the assurance "Don't pay it any mind; as long as I am alive, nothing will happen to this cemetery". This cemetery is still standing, right in the middle of the very crowded Giircejme district. During my childhood there was a man who would sit in the front row [of the synagogue] every Yorn Kippur, a hat on his head but not wearing a prayer shawl. My late father said that this man was a "Turko" who was very fond of the Jewish liturgy, but he never once said the word "Sabbatean". In any case, "Sevi" was probably an abominable name. If I had heard it I would ' "Han" means office building. Today it is called Gur?e§me.

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at least visit his house, which was in the area of Basmane. Years later I came across a copy of Moshe Attias' book Sefer Shirot Utishbahot Shel haShabtaim (Dvir Co. Ltd, Tel Aviv, 1947, preface: Itshak Ben-Zvi); there (while still in Salonica) I learned that the [Sabbateans] continued for years [after their conversion] to speak Spanish, but I still didn't understand very much about their holy writings and prayers, because I didn't understand very much about Kabbalah or the Zohar. I am still amazed at the fact that, for 350 years, they could simultaneously perform so many of the religious obligations f o r t w o different religions. I think that their wholehearted embrace of secularism derives from the fact that they were liked by neither the Jews, nor the Muslims. But today I don't believe that most of them have any more connection with Judaism whatsoever. One day, I asked a high-level Jewish mason about his friend, who was also a high level mason, (because he also met with him and his family socially). He said to me "They're also Jews". As proof of this, he said that when they mentioned Israel they called [it] "Our kind". That wasn't enough, but it meant that some things have remained f r o m what transpired some 350 years earlier. ^ T h e M e m o i r s of Eli §aul T h e d e n t i s t Eli § a u l e m i g r a t e d t o I s r a e l in 1 9 4 9 . H e p u b l i s h e d his r e c o l l e c t i o n s of his c h i l d h o o d a n d of t h e S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , 2 b u t in t h e s e m e m o i r s , § a u l m a k e s n o t m e n t i o n of t h e S a b b a t e a n s w h o l i v e d in I z m i r . N e v e r t h e l e s s , in a L a d i n o - l a n g u a g e j o u r n a l p u b l i s h e d in J e r u s a l e m a n d directed at t h e S e p h a r d i c J e w i s h c o m m u n i t y , § a u l d i d r e c o r d his r e c o l l e c t i o n s of t h e D o n m e s of I z m i r d u r i n g h i s y e a r s t h e r e . 3 I n this p i e c e h e w r o t e t h a t t h e D o n m e c o m m u n i t y l i v i n g in I z m i r l a r g e l y a r r i v e d in t h e c i t y d u r i n g 1 9 2 3 1 9 2 4 as a r e s u l t of t h e " A g r e e m e n t a n d P r o t o c o l R e g a r d i n g t h e E x c h a n g e of Greek and Turkish Populations": The Donmes who settled in Izmir were very wealthy, in general, and most of them were good friends with the Jews. But the relations between the J e w s and the D o n m e s were quite tense due to the commercial competition between them. T h e Donmes would call the Jews " J e w " or " g i f i t " (a derogatory term along the lines of " J e w b o y " or "dirty Jew"), while the Jews would refer to the Donmes as "former J e w " or "former ffifit". While I was living in Izmir, my best friend was f r o m among the Donmes was Hakki Efendi. H e lived with his wife, Binnaz H a m m , across f r o m our house, in the Giizelyah neighborhood. We would visit each other at home. His wife would often laugh and say to us, "My husband is neither Turkish (Muslim) nor Jewish. But God understands him anyway!". In fact, Hakki Efendi would g o t o the mosque and perform his religious duties, but,

1 E-mail communication From Selim Amado to the author, dated March 6, 2006. Eli Çaui, Balat'tan Bat Yam'a, (eds. Birsen Talay-Rrfat N. Bali), (Istanbul: lletisim Yavinlan), 1999. •2

Dr. Eli Shaul, "Los Donmes de Izmir", Aki Yerushalayim, 1993, Year 14, No. 48, pp.25-26.

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strangely enough, his house was full of books about the Jewish religion. His most sincere form of vow was "Por el §abat bendi