A morphological study of Egyptian colloquial Arabic [Reprint 2017 ed.] 3111274675, 9783111274676

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A MORPHOLOGICAL STUDY OF EGYPTIAN COLLOQUIAL ARABIC

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE NICOLAI VAN W I J K DEDICATA

edenda curat

C.H. VAN SCHOONEVELD INDIANA

UNIVERSITY

SERIES PRACTICA 33

1969

MOUTON T H E H A G U E • PARIS

A MORPHOLOGICAL STUDY OF EGYPTIAN COLLOQUIAL ARABIC

by

H I L M I M. A B O U L - F E T O U H UNIVERSITY OF CAIRO

1969

MOUTON THE H A G U E • PARIS

© Copyright 1969 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 69-17869

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

PREFACE

This study of the Morphology of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic is a revision of a doctoral dissertation presented to the University of Texas in 1961. It presents one more step toward a complete analysis of the dialect. I should like to acknowledge previous contributions in the field of Arabic linguistics and wish to express my thanks to the Rockefeller Foundation and the Institute of International Education for their grant which made the study possible. I am deeply indebted to Professor W. P. Lehmann, who was my thesis director, to Professor A. A. Hill and to Dr. W. Lehn of the University of Texas for their guided patience and illuminating suggestions. Without their kind help this would never have been done. I am specially thankful to Professor W. F. Twaddell of Brown University for his unfailing encouragement. Cairo, U.A.R.,

H.

M.

ABOUL-FETOUH

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface I. Introductory Notes 1.1 Aim and scope of study 1.2 Nature of the dialect 1.3 Sources of study 1.4 Notation 1.41 Segmentals 1.42 Supra-segmentals 1.5 Morphophonological alternations 1.51 The morphophonological word 1.52 The shortening of long vowels 1.53 Elision of short vowels 1.54 Lengthening of short vowels 1.55 Elision of the glottal stop 1.56 vC ~ vCC 1.6 List of abbreviations II. Morphological elements 2.1 Segmentals 2.11 Morpheme shapes 2.12 Morphemic elements 2.2 Supra-segmentals 2.21 Stress morphemes 2.22 Pitch morphemes

5 11 11 11 12 12 12 13 15 15 15 16 16 16 17 17 18 18 18 19 27 27 27

III. Form classes 3.1 Introduction 3.11 Tabulation of different stems 3.12 Classification of the stems

30 30 30 33

IV. The verb

36

8

TABLE OF CONTENTS

4.1 Introduction 4.11 Aspect 4.2 Verb stems 4.21 Roots 4.3 Stem Formatives 4.31 Stem Formatives type I (StFx) 4.32 Stem Formatives type II (StF2) 4.33 Stem Formatives type III (StF3) 4.34 Stem Formatives type 3.3a (StF3>3a) 4.4 Classification of verb forms 4.41 A list of verb forms 4.5 The imperative 4.6 Morphophonemics of the verb stem 4.61 Dropping of the final vowel of the stem 4.7 Exceptions 4.8 Impersonal verb forms 4.81 /Saiwiz/ and /na:wi/ 4.82 /nifs-/ etc 4.9 Participles and verbal nouns V. The noun 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Number 5.21 The singular 5.22 Dual Aff 2 v^D 5.23 Plural: (Aff3) V P I n 5.3 Gender 5.31 Introduction 5.4 Definiteness 5.5 Noun stems 5.51 Roots 5.52 Stem formatives 5.6 Compound nouns 5.7 Classification of nouns 5.71 Classification I 5.72 Classification II 5.73 Classification III 5.8 Nouns of place and instrument 5.9 Participles 5.10 Verbal nouns 5.11 Numerals

36 36 38 38 39 39 40 41 44 45 45 52 53 53 54 55 55 55 55 57 57 58 58 58 59 66 66 68 69 69 69 74 75 75 76 76 77 79 80

TABLE OF CONTENTS

VI. Pronouns 6.1 Personal pronouns 6.11 Free forms 6.12 The bound forms 6.13 The pronominal verb affixes 6.14 A summary of the whole pronominal system 6.2 Demonstratives 6.21 Set A 6.22 Set B 6.3 Pronominal adverbs VII. Adjectives, adverbs and agreement 7.1 Adjectives 7.11 Introduction 7.12 Definition of the adjective slot 7.13 Adjective Inflections 7.14 Degree 7.15 Adjective stems 7.2 Adverbs (Av) 7.21 Distribution 7.22 Inflection 7.23 Adverb classes 7.3 Agreement VIII. Particles 8.1 Prepositions 8.11 List 8.12 Distribution 8.13 Compound prepositions 8.14 Morphophonemic changes 8.2 Negative particles 8.3 Interrogative particles 8.31 List 8.4 /ha/ 4 and/bi-/ 8.5 Conjunctions 8.51 The relative /Pilli/ 8.52 /Pin/ 8.53 Conditional particles 8.54 Connectives 8.55 The temporal/lamma/,/Pamma/ 8.56 /Sasa:n/ and /liPin/

9

85 85 85 87 89 92 93 93 94 95 96 96 96 96 100 102 103 105 105 105 105 106 109 109 109 110 110 110 113 115 115 115 116 116 116 116 117 117 117

10

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Appendix A: Tabulation of possible sequences of radicals in tri-consonantal roots 121 Appendix B: Tabulation of singular noun patterns and their corresponding plural patterns

124

Appendix C: Lists of stem formatives (type III) and the stem patterns with which they combine

142

Bibliography

150

I. INTRODUCTORY NOTES

1.1

AIM A N D SCOPE OF STUDY

This paper is a study of the morphology of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (henceforth referred to as ECA). 1 Morphology is taken here in its narrower sense, the study of morphemes, their phonemic shapes, classification and internal distribution. It is understood that morphology and syntax overlap in more than one area of the structure of a language. In this study syntactical criteria are kept to a minimum.

1.2

NATURE OF THE DIALECT

Arabic is a composite of linguistic systems which are so closely related that a satisfactory treatment of them has to take into consideration a multiple of geographical and cultural factors. This is beyond the scope of this paper; but a brief statement is not out of place. My speech embraces the following types of Arabic. 1. The "Fusha" (classical) conforms with the rules set by the Arab grammarians. 2. The "Semi-Fusha" has as its general feature the use of pausal forms. 3. Educated colloquial is elevated through the use of classicisms; its lexicon is larger and wider than "plain colloquial". 2 4. "Plain colloquial" is the kind of speech I use when talking with uneducated people. This may be sub-classified as "urban" and "rural" colloquial. This is the complex situation which one has to cope with. It is not an easy task to confine a description to the structure of one level, especially when most of the data are elicited introspectively; but on the whole I intend to limit myself to the 1

This does not imply that Egypt is a unified dialect area. On the contrary, the dialect situation is diverse. It might have been more appropriate to refer to the dialect under study as Cairene Arabic but for the already established tradition of broad classification of modern Arabic dialects. A detailed definition of the dialect will be given later in this chapter. 2 The term is used by Haim Blanc in his "Style Variations in Spoken Arabic", Contribution to Arabic Linguistics (Harvard Middle Eastern Monographs, IIIJ (Harvard University Press, 1960). Pp. 81-85 deal with the dialect situation in Arabic. Also see Hilmi M. Aboul-Fetouh, "The Plural Morpheme of Egyptian Arabic Nouns". M.A. thesis presented to the University of Texas (1959).

12

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

third and fourth types in an attempt to keep to a minimum problems that may arise of a broader mixture of dialect.

1.3 SOURCES O F STUDY The material on which this study is based comes from the speech of my wife and myself. Culturally we share the same dialect, and geographically the gap is narrow. Her linguistic background is that of Cairo with traits of the North-Eastern region of the Delta; mine is that of the central area of the Delta and of Cairo, in which I have lived since the beginning of my higher education. The only difference between us is the limitation of her vocabulary when it comes to village life. It is a sound assumption that these two idiolects have the characteristics of an educated Cairene dialect. The data are mainly that of a personal dialect of a single speaker, myself. They were checked against the speech of my wife, especially in the area of paradigmatic behaviour. Variants of occurrences were not excluded from the description since in a general dialect diversity is to be expected.

1.4

NOTATION»

1.41 1.411 Short: Long 5 : 3

Segmentals

Vowels* i, i:,

u, e:,

a u:,

o:,

a:

The notation used in this paper is mainly based on the works of a) Richard S. Harrell, The Phonology of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic (New York, American Council of Learned Societies, 1957). b) Albert George Abdalla, "An Instrumental Study of the Intonation of Egyptian Colloquial Arabic", a dissertation submitted to the University of Michigan (1960). 4 Harrell's two epenthetic vowel phonemes, /e/ and /o/ and his voiceless intercostal syllable pulse, /-/ are not included in the inventory. The argument against the phonemic status of the epenthetic vowels is clearly stated by Haim Blanc, Review of R. S. Harrell, The Phonology of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic, in Word, Vol. 15 (1959), pp. 539-543. The phonemic status of /-/ was not insisted on by Harrell. I quote from Harrell's p. 52: "This syllable pulse is audible as the voiceless release or closure of pre-pause or post-pause consonants. It occurs in alternation with pre-stress /i/ and /u/ and with post-stress /e/ and /o/. Its status as a separate phoneme may be disputed." 6 It is the choice here to transcribe long vowels with a colon after the vowel. The argument whether long vowels are best analysed as geminate vowels or vowel plus a phoneme of length reflects the analyst's views rather than the structure of the language. For a detailed discussion see Harrell, op. cit., pp. 52 and 67-68 and T. F. Mitchell, Introduction to Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (London, Oxford University Press, 1956).

13

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

Trill Lateral Nasal Semivowels

1.413

f

m w

z s

q

i

X

Laryngeal

g k

Pharyngeal

Palatal

d t z s r 1 n

Uvular

Fricatives :

b

Velar

Voiced Voiceless Voiced Voiceless

Stops :

Dental

Consonants6

Labial

1.412

? S h

h

y

Emphasis

There is more than one analysis7 for the phenomenon of emphasis. Its phonemic status is extensively demonstrated but no effective notation has been devised. It is the choice here, for a morphological description, to analyse emphasis as co-occurring with the consonants and marked by underlining the pertinent segments. 1.42 1.421

Supra-segmentals

Stress

The phonemic status of stress may be illustrated by the following contrasts (given without pitch morphemes) 1) /sikit/ 2) /sikit/

"he was silent" "I was silent"

A lexical item, such as /sikit/, has one prominent stress marked /'/ while the other syllables, if the word is polysyllabic, carry a less prominent stress, marked / v /. If we examine a longer stretch such as : 3)

/hûwwà + sikït/

"he was silent"

which may occur under a different stress pattern 4) 6

/huwwa + sîkït/

/q/ and /z/ are marginal phonemes. The first occurs in literary forms and the second in borrowed words. 7 Harrell, op. cit., pp. 69-82 gives a comprehensive statement of the situation: Different analyses include positing a set of emphatic and non emphatic phonemes (consonants or vowels) or treating it as a prosodie feature which occurs over segments of variable length. The domain of emphasis has never been satisfactorily defined because of the complexity of its phonetic features.

14

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

w e notice that the syllables marked / A / are o f m e d i u m prominence when compared with the primary / ' / and the weak / v /.

It is observed that the contrast primary-

secondary occur o n the phrase level but their position is n o t predictable by p h o n o logical criteria. W e are then to recognize three degrees o f stress: primary, secondary, weak. In spite o f its p h o n e m i c status, stress is highly predictable o n the w o r d level. 8 1.422

Pitch9

There are four contrastive pitch levels, t o be referred to by the numerals: 1 2 3 4. 8

Stress is highly predictable in terms of the syllabic patterns and quality of the vowels within a microsegment. These are the rules. 1. Stress falls on the last syllable if it is of the patterns: -CvCC katibt "I wrote" -Cv:C kita:b "book" 2. Stress falls on the ante penult if the last three syllables are of the pattern Cv and: a) if the last three vowels are identical, e.g. a a a sagara "tree" kutubu "his books" u u u b) if the penult vowel is an /a/, e.g. a a i S^rabi a a u darabu i a a dibaba i a i Sinabi u a a suraka u a i iudali c) if the penult vowel is an /i/ and the form is a noun, e.g. a i a malika 3. Otherwise it falls on the penult, e.g. CCvCv Pitmila CCvCvC Pistdlaf CvCCv sikittu CvCCvC kdttib Cv:Cv Salu:ha ..CCv:Cv sayyd:lu (long vowels do not precede the penult) CvCvCv e.g. a i a Salitak a i u salitu i i a hisina i u a rimu§a u u a sububa Notice that the penult vowel in these patterns is either /i/ or /u/. The only overlap in the above patterns and the patterns listed under 2.b occurs with a i a The distribution is morphological: & i a in noun forms a i a in verb forms 4. Two lexical items are stressed differently: ?ahu ?ahi • These are based on Abdalla, op. cit.

15

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

1.423

Juncture10

Internal juncture / + / Terminals /\/ /||/ / # / . In the following chapters supra-segmentals will not be marked unless relevant to the specific discussion. However, transcription will be phonemic. The slant lines will be removed for convenience and a non-linguistic space will be left at word boundary when clarification of the discussion necessitates it. 1.5 MORPHOPHONOLOGICAL ALTERNATIONS

The subject was previously dealt with,11 but it is useful to restate some of the general morphophonemic rules for the convenience of reference in the following chapters. Morphophonemic alternations which are relevant to a certain form class will be discussed separately under their respective chapters. 1.51

The morphophonological

word

Stems in ECA have the structural characteristic of accepting as outer layers a succession of bound forms in the shape of prefixes and suffixes, e.g. ma^ha^yi^ktib^hum^s

This morphological structure will be referred to as a morphological word. The domain of the morphophonemic alternations is the morphological word or the immediate boundaries of two morphological words when in close transition. 1.52

The shortening

of long

vowels

Changes of this type follow the limitations on the syllabic patterns of a morphological word : a) a long vowel does not precede the penult; b) a long vowel must carry a major stress ' A; c) syllables of the patterns Cv:C and CvCC stand in final position only; d) a word has one long vowel only ; e) a syllable with a long vowel can be closed by one consonant only. 10

See Harrell, op. cit., pp. 9-13. Morphophonological alternations were treated by: a) Mitchell, op. cit., pp. 111-116. b) Harrell, op. cit., pp. 83-88. c) Saad M. Gamal-Eldin, Morphophonemics of Colloquial Egyptian Arabic (The Hague, Mouton & Co., 1966).

11

16

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

The shortening of the vowels occurs in this manner: ii :

1: >

>

l

e:

u

a:

>

a

o:

in the following environments: 1.1

....Cv:C~C

1.2 . ...Cv:C"~v:C sa:l^u:h 1.3 . . . . C v : C ~ C v ( C ) sa:l"~ni sa:l^hum 1.4 . . . . C v : C v C ~ C v C kana:yis^hum

. . . . CvCC maSals . . . .CvCv:C salu:h . . . . CvCCv(C) salni salhum . . . . CvCvCCvC kanayishum

"He did not carry" "They carried him" "He carried me" "He carried them" "Their churches"

1.53 Elision of short vowels A short vowel may be elided in the following environments: (J = major juncture) a) b)

J Cv-~-C,j Cv(:)(C)(:C)(CC)... -> ha^tiSa:mil JCa:CiC~v(C)... -» sa:hib^ak

CvCC'... fiatSa:mil CaCCa(C) sahbak

1.54 Lengthening of short vowels A short vowel (i u a) alternates with a long vowel (i:, u:, a:) in the following environment . . . .Cv~C(v)(C) rama:hum rama N ?irmi:hum Firmi hum ?irhu:hum Pirmu

1.55

Elision of the glottal stop

Not all glottal stops are elided in combination. Phonological differentiation between the elidable and non-elidable glottal stop is not possible. However, they are mor-

INTRODUCTORY NOTES

17

phologically distinct. The glottal stop is elided when it is part of a stem formative or an inflectional affix in these environments : a) b) c)

.

....Cv ...a.. a u i li..

—>

?a...

-

1.56

vC ~ vCC

Final stressed syllables of the pattern vC alternate with vCC in combination.

1.6

LIST O F ABBREVIATIONS

The following are the most frequently used symbols and abbreviations:

+ I II

#

V = —>

Cl-2-3-4 V

N V

close transition internal juncture terminal junctures alternates with morpheme allomorph analysed as follows the resulting form is refers to the radicals of root morphemes vowel noun verb

A Av R StF StF N .. Aff Aff N .. St St. StR k t

* com

VC2

adjective adverb root stem formative sub-classes of stem formatives affixes sub-classes of affixes stem simple stem reduplicated stem complex stem reduplication of the second radical, a morpheme.

Other less frequent abbreviations will be explained when introduced.

II MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

2.1 2.11

SEGMENTALS Morpheme

shapes

The dialect analyzed here, like all other Arabic dialects, displays three types of morpheme shapes: the sequential, the non-sequential, and the portmanteau. 2.111

Sequential morphemes are those in which the sequential components, consonants and vowels, combine in sequential order with clear-cut boundaries. These are common in particles and affixes. Some nouns are of the same type, e.g. mis?ista?iliktro:n

a negation particle a stem formative N. "an electron".

2.112

Non-sequential morphs are those which occur in a discontinuous order, i.e. the phonemes of one morpheme are interrupted by the phonemes of one or more other morphemes. They occur in two different shapes: staggered and broken. The staggered may be consonantal as in root morphemes, or vocalic as in the vocalic morphemes, e.g. katab kita:b

"he wrote" "book"

= =

\ / k t b ^ \Z-2l-clVktb"~V->-a:-

The broken morphemes are non-sequential in a different way from the previous type. They occur in two parts separated by one or more other morphemes, e.g. makatabs "he did not write" =

v'ma

s^-y/ktb - ^....

2.113 Portmanteau morphs are those which are postulated on structural grounds but presented as a bundle for economy of statement: This is to be illustrated by the /-a:t/

MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

19

in mudarrisa:t "women teachers", where the /-a:t/ signals the categories of gender and number. 2.12 Morphemic elements 2.121

Roots

A root is a non-sequential consonantal morpheme which generally has a lexical meaning. The lexical meaning may be clear as in the case of \/ktb, a morpheme which recurs in a long list of nominal and verbal forms and which has something to do with "writing": Verb forms katab kattib ka:tib Pinkatab Pistaktib Piktatab Pitkattib, etc.

nominal forms kita:b ka:tib kutub kutta:b maktab maktaba maktu:b, etc.

The lexical meaning may be and often is difficult to identify, e.g. sahlu.l sanalirl

s I pi. J

The vocalic pattern in the plural form may be analysed as a plural pattern -a-a-i:since it recurs in a productive manner. Once this vocalic pattern is isolated, we have to recognize the consonantal segment of the form /s-fr-1-1/ as a root morpheme -v/sftll which occurs only in these two forms. 2.1211 Root homonymy The limitations, mathematical and phonological, 1 on combinations of consonants in root morphemes result in a good number of homonyms. Compare these forms faras fara:sa farsi

"horse" "far-sightedness" "Persian"

where two or three root morphemes of the shape frs have to be postulated. 2.1212

The phonemic shape of roots

The minimum number of consonants that constitute a root morpheme is two and the maximum is four, e.g. 1

See Appendix A.

20

MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

Bi-consonantal roots: This class is relatively small.2 e.g. \/bk

in and

baka buka

"he wept" "weeping".

There is also the root •s/gy which has the allomorph v'g, as in gi but, migiy

"he came" "the coming"

Tri-consonantal roots: This is the most common and frequent of the classes. It occurs in different shapes: a) C 1 C 2 C 3 with three radicals as in katab

"he wrote"

b) ? C 2 C 3 with a glottal stop as C t . This shape has also the allomorph C 2 C 3 as in \Z?kl kal ~ ?akal kul ?akla

"he ate" "eat" (imperative) "a meal".

c) C J S C J (S stands for the semivowel /w/ or /y/). This shape has the allomorph Q C 3 as in: f ba:t "he stayed overnight" ) bayyit "he made him stay over night" | xa:l "uncle" . . •v/xwl -> < , « , „ > maternal [ rixwal uncles d) QC2S This shape has also the allomorph C 1 C 2 , e.g. ¿ada ¿ada:k ¿adwa ?a:di ?adi:na ?ada:ya

"lunch" "your lunch' "a lunch" "judge" "our judge" "lawsuits"

e) CSS in which the second radical is /w/ and the third is /y/. It has the allomorphic shapes CS Cwy Cyy e.g. „ •v/rwy 2

-»•

i 1 I i [

kawa kawya rawa rayya

"he ironed" N "he watered" N

Some of these roots have a glottal stop as a third radical in Classical Arabic.

MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

21

f) C 1 C 2 C 2 This shape has identical C 2 and C 3 . It has the allomorph CXC2 when C 2 occurs before a terminal, e.g. •v/btt

-«•

batta bat # battina

"duck" "ducks" "our ducks"

Quadri-consonantal roots: The consonants of this type of root may be partially identical or non-identical, e.g. -v/Snwn Vb?ss

-»•

Sinwa:n ba?sis

"address" V "tip" V

Although the radicals of the root morpheme are described as non-sequential, they, unlike vocalic patterns, cluster within the stem as follows: CjC 2 : C2C3: C3C4:

-v/ktb \/rnis \Anwn -s/nrng

yiktib rims Sinwa:n naring

—>

—>

"he writes" "an eyelash" "an address" "a fruit"

2.1213 Emphasis in root morphemes When root morphemes combine with a vocalic pattern they may occur either in an emphatic or a non-emphatic form. For this reason root morphemes which have emphatic allomorphs are transcribed here with the phonemic symbol of emphasis /_/. It is to be understood that these root morphemes may have emphatic and nonemphatic allomorphs. e.g. /f

J faras | firsa:n

= =

-^frs v"frs

/-a-a-/ /-i~a:n/

"horse" "horseman"

Because the occurrence of emphasis is partially limited by some vocalic sequences, it is the choice here to say that emphasis co-occurs with the consonantal segments. 2.122 Stem Formatives Stem formatives are derivational morphemes which combine with root morphemes or stem morphemes3 to form a stem. They may be classified under three groups: 2.1221

Stem Formative I:

Unlike the root morpheme, the components of Stem formative I (StFJ are vocalic. They occur non-sequentially when there is more than one vowel; and, generally speaking, StFx may signal a grammatical function. There are two types of StFj: 3

These are monomorphic, without an underlying root.

22

MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

a) The type which is unique in the sense that it has no clear-cut function except that it combines with the root to form a pronounceable stem. e.g. Vbwb-~V-a:-

-

/ba:b/

"door"

The morpheme \/-a:- may be called a noun-formative. b) The type which signals a grammatical function, e.g. \/byt^7-i-u:-/ a plural stem formative ->• /biyu:t/

"houses"

StFj is obligatory with the stem to form a simple stem. In a few instances a stem may consist of two radicals without the vocalic element, e.g. /timlu/ "you (pi.) fill" =

/ti

u/ "you"~/-ml-/.

StFi occurs in the following general patterns: (v stands for both short and long vowels, - for a consonant) -v~v —V-V-V

-v-v-v~v -V--V-

-v-v— -v-v-v -V-V--V

There is a maximum of one long vowel in a pattern. Details of the phonemic content of these will be listed later. 2.1222 Stem Formative II: Stem Formatives type II (StF 2 ) are morphemes which involve reduplication. There are two kinds: 1) Reduplication of the second radical of the root morpheme, e.g. V k s r ^ v / C 2 '^/-a~a-/ Vs??"VC 2 '~Y-a--a-/

-*

kassar sa??a?

"break" "split"

2) Reduplication of a root morpheme or a simple stem. e.g. Vbll /sa?/

: v / bl^v / bl'~/-a--i/ -» balbil "wet" : /sa?/~/sa?/ /saPsa?/ (the sun) "rise"

MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

23

2.1223 Stem Formative III: Stem formatives type III (StF 3 ) are either prefixed or suffixed to a simple stem or a reduplicated stem. They are classified, according to their distribution, into four different groups: StF 3 . 1 StF 3 . 2 StF 3 . 3 StF,3 . 4

- prefixed - prefixed when together 3.1 comes first - prefixed - suffixed or infixed

e.g. v ' m i - / m a z l a ' ) / y?it-^/kawa/ Vma-^/kwa/ V-gi^/makwa/

mimazla? Pitkawa makwa makwagi

"slippery" "was ironed" "an iron" "laundryman"

2.123 Stems (St) Stems may consist of one morpheme; the majority, however, are multi-morphemic. They are to be classified into three types: Simple, reduplicated, and complex.

2.1231

Simple stems (Sts)

a) monomorphemic or sequential b) Root + StF t 2.1232 Reduplicated stems (StR) _

2.1233

2.124

_

StF, S t F 2,i1 StF 2 . 2

: :

Reduplication of C 2 Rec Reduplication of root or St 3

Complex stems (Stcom) St.

StF,.!,

StR

Í Sts StR

3.2.

3.3.

3.4

Affixes

The term affix is reserved here for inflectional categories. Affixes are the outer layers of a construction in the sense that they close it. They have the characteristic of oc-

24

MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

curring in the partially symmetrical sets called paradigms. They occur in two shapes: prefixes and suffixes and are to be classified according to their order: AffiXl Affix2 Affi Aff 2 .i Aff2.2

(Affj) is prefixed (Aff 2 1 Aff 2 2 ) is suffixed Person (subject) Gender Number

2.1241 The inflectional categories are4 Number (N) : Gender (G) : Definiteness (D) Degree (Deg) Person (P) Aspect (As) Mood

singular (s), dual (d), plural (pi) masculine (m), feminine (f)

subject reference perfective (per), imperfective (imper) Imperative

2.125 Clitics Clitics are bound forms, which may have alternate free forms occurring in prefixed, suffixed or broken shape. They belong to five particle classes : prepositions, negative particles, interrogatives, tense markers and conjunctions. A clitic may also be a pronominal suffix. 2.126 Compound forms A compound form is either a minimum free form with two stems or a compound of two possible free forms.

* The distinction between derivational and inflectional formations is based on what I think the simplest way of presentation, taking the whole grammar into consideration. The following points, however, are my criteria: a) Criterion of distribution: whenever an affix is substitutable by a free form in a parallel formation, the affix is taken as a clitic, not as an inflectional affix. On these grounds, pronominal subject reference is inflectional; object reference and allocation are not. b) Affixes which modify a stem, not a free form, shared by both verb and noun (two different form classes) are derivational affixes: e.g. /Pit-/ a prefix which generally, but not always, means "passive" or "impersonal" may be part of a noun, a verb, or an adjective. c) Inflectional affixes close a form in the sense that they constitute the outer layers of a free form. d) Inflectional affixes have to signal a clear grammatical category.

25

Clitic

-H

Pronoun

MORPHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS

?s Z

£ s Ë

S -H

c

0 £

-H

o

^

>

W -H tt= 3 CO

-H

fe +

55

b 1/3

01

+

K+

m

ÜH M

ta
it*/?in§a:rik/ / Pitkassar/ /kassar/^V?^*/Pinkassar/

v^-nin close transition Verb stems with this prefix are generally referred to as "passive" or "impersonal" verb forms. 4.334

StF3.2d

V?ista- has four allomorphs: ^Pisti- in post-junctural position when followed by stems of the patterns Ca:CiC and CaCCa. v'Pista- otherwise in post-junctural position, v^-sta- and v^-sti- when in close transition. The morpheme has a general semantic meaning as "causative", "reflexive" or "estimative". 4.335

StF3_2t

\/?i-t- a broken morpheme with the /t/ after the first consonant of the stem. It has two allomorphs: \/?iCtV^-Ct-

post-juncturally otherwise

THE VERB

43

Its semantic meaning is varied. It may be "reflexive action" or "common action". 4.336

Relationship between StF3

2

and stems

No more than one morpheme of the type S t F 3 2 may occur in a stem. Table IVa shows members of S t F 3 and their relationship with the different patterns of stems. TABLE IVa Stem StF 3

V?i-

R XV

CJCJCJ

type St St.

C!C2vC3

Pihmár Pihmarru

"he became red" "they became red"

CiC^Cs

Pagbar

"he compelled"

Pitbaka ?itwa:sa Pitmala ?itza:h Pitbal Pitkasar

"weep" "console" "fill"

C 1 V :C 2 VC 3 C1VC2C2V

Pistabka PistaSla Pistada:n Pistamwit PistaSar Pistafhim Pistibarrik Pistixabba

"weep" "be haughty" "borrow" "die" "feel ashamed" "inquire" "be blessed" "hide"

CjtvCjV C 1 ta:C 3 CitvC2(C2) C!tvC 2 vC 3

Piktafa ?iftta:r Pistad pirtabat

"be satisfied" "be hesitant" "feel strong" "promise"

C

1C2VC3C3

V?a-

QC.C,

St.

V?it-

CiC2

St.

CÍVC 2 V

St R

Ct\:C2\ C1VC2V C 1 v:C 3 ClVC2 CivC 2 vC 3 C^QvC, C x vC 2 Cv CxvC 2 C 2 v CÍVSSVCJ CxvC2C2sC2 C1vC2C2vC3 CtvC2C3vC4 Cl\C2Ci\C2

C±C2S CiSCj CXC2C2 Clc2c3 CtC2 CtC2S CXSC3 CtC2C2 CJCJCJ

C1C2C3C4 CxC 2 \/?ista-

St. StR St.

Ctsc3

V?i-t-

St R

C ^C^S C,SC2

St.

CXC2C3

ClC2\ CtC2v ClV:C3 C 1 SvC 3 ClVC2(C2) CxQvC,

CiC.S

Examples

pattern St

"remove" "wet" "break" "exchange" ?itba:dil Pitnadda "sprinkle with water" "dictate" Pitmalla Pitsayyah "melt" Pitmaddid "stretch" Pitfakkar "remind" Pitbahdil "be maltreated" PitdaPdaP "crush"

44 4.337

THE VERB

A summary of the previous table TABLE IVb

StF 3 Stem pattern

CCv CCvC CvCv CvC(C) Cv:C CvCvC CvCCv Cv:Cv Cv:CvC CvCCvC

?i

?a

Pit

Pista

?i-t-

* *

*

* *

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

* *

*

*

Observations: 1. -\/?i- and \/?a are limited in distribution to stems of the pattern CCv. 2. \/?it- occurs with all patterns except the first two in which it is impossible for phonological reasons. The frequency of occurrences reflects its grammatical function as the "passive" formative. 3. V^ista- and \/?iCt- are limited to bi-consonantal and tri-consonantal stems. 4.34

Stem Formative type 3.3a S t F 3 3 a

There is only one morpheme of this type: Vma-. Its occurrence is limited to a very few lexical items, e.g. masmar mahza?

"to nail" "to make fun of"

To treat these as derivatives of a quadri-consonantal root would be overlooking forms like: sammar musma:r hazza? huzu? Pistahza?

"to nail" *- \ / s m r ^ \ / C 2 ^ / - a - a - / "a nail" • misi^e:t

d. Ca:Ca~v e.g.

"I filled"

fade:t

"I avoided"

misert

"I walked"

fa:du

"they avoided"

timli

"you fill"

CiCv— -» Ca:Cv

farda^u

e. C C a ^ v e.g.

male:t

CaCv—

c. CiCi^v-e.g.

-

CCv ti^-mla^i

->

4.62 Change of final /i/ into the third radical of the root /y/: (This change is not obligatory with all speakers). cicr>.. misi^it

CiCyv misyit

'she walked away"

54

THE VERB

4.63 8

Re-duplication of the final consonant of the final syllable when stressed: ...CvC~v Sad"~~e:t

->•

.. CvCCv Sadde:t

"I counted"

The only exceptions are xad "take" and kal "eat". 4.64 Vocalic change in the suffixed stem: Imperfective stems of the shape Ca:C in the 3 p.m.s. change the vowel in the 2 p.m. and f.s. & pi. and the first person s. & pi. i.e. when the suffix is of the shape -C, the long vowel /a:/ becomes either /i/ or /u/. e.g. 3 s.m. 3 s.f. 2 s.m. 2 s.f. 1 3 pi. 2 pi. lpl.

ba:t "spend the night" ba:t ba:tit bit bitti bit ba:tu bittu bitna

xa:f xa:f xa:fit xuft xufti xuft xa:fu xuftu xufna

"afraid"

4.65 7

Reduction of the long vowel of the stem when followed by a long vowel, e.g.: sa:l salu:h

"he carried" "they carried him" 4.7 EXCEPTIONS

4.71 The verb /gi/ "come, amount to" has a structure of its own which is best described by listing: Root Vgy Perfective

3.s.m. 3.s.f. 2.s.m. 2.s.f. 1

3 pi. 2 pi. lpl.

gi gat ge:t ge:t ge:t gum ge:tu ge:na

• See paragraph 1.56. 7 See paragraph 1.52.

Imperfective

yi:gi ti:gi ti:gi ti:gi ?a:gi yi:gu(m) ti:gu ni:gi

55

THE VERB

It has no imperative form. And it does not occur with stem formatives of the type: StF 2 or StF 3 . 4.72 The verb /ha:t/ "bring, get" occurs only in the imperative form: 2 s.m. 2 s.f. 2 pi.

ha:t ha:ti ha:tu 4.73

The verb /taSa:la/ "come" occurs only in the imperative form: 2.s.m. 2.s.f. 3.pl.

taSa:la taSa:li taSa:lu

4.8

IMPERSONAL VERB FORMS

There are a few forms which are not inflected for pronominal subject reference but show the distributional characteristics of verbs. 4.81

/

gidya:n tira:n subya:n ftul?a:n ¿izla:n

"he-goats" "oxen" "lads" "ear-rings" "deer"

61

THE NOUN

VII.3 Number of reference to pi. pattern 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

Vocalic pattern no change -i-a— -i—

Examples

mudarris sana sa:yim razil

VII.4 Number of reference to pi. patterns 4.1 4.2

-*

mudarrisi:n sini:n -> saymi:n -> rizlirn

-y^a

Vocalic pattern no change final -i>iyy

"teachers" "years" "fasting persons" "unpleasant persons"

Examples

nifi:r makwagi

->

nifira "horns" makwagiyya "laundrymen"

VII.5 Number of reference to pi. patterns 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4

Vocalic pattern -Sa:~iya —a:-i-a

Examples

di:n nabi sir maka:n

In close transition the glottal stop drops.

?adya:n Panbiya -> ?asra:r Pamkina

"religions" "prophets" "secrets" "places"

62

THE NOUN

VII.6 Number of reference to pi. patterns 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4

Vocalic pattern -Sa:-Si-a -a:-i-a

Examples

na:b di:b mi§t Samu:d

—»• —> —>

—>

?inya:b Pidyiba ?imsa:t PiSmida

"pre-molars" "wolves" "combs" "columns"

For the elision of the glottal stop and the following vowel see paragraph 1.55. VII.7 Number of reference to pi. patterns 7.1 7.2 7.3

Vocalic pattern -u-a-u--a:-i--a:-a

Examples

ha:mil Sa:mil rargil

VII. 8 Number of reference to pi. patterns 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 8.7 8.8

yc 2

—> —> —>

hummal Summa:l rigga:la

V0

Vocalic pattern loss of final /-a/ -u— -u:-i-a-u-a-u-u-a-a:-i-i>

"careless person" "workers" men

Examples

ti:na Pahmar da:r fatla sarba rasu:l kilma ftumarr

-

ti:n

"figs"

—V

humr du:r fital surab rusul kalarm himi:r

"red things" "houses" "threads" "laxatives" "prophets" "speech" "donkeys"

- > —>

->

—»

63

THE NOUN

Number of reference to pi. patterns 8.9 8.10 8.11 8.12 8.13 8.14 8.15 8.16 8.17 8.18 8.19 8.20 8.21 8.22 8.23

Vocalic pattern

-i-a:-i-u:-u-u:-u-a:-a-a-a -i-a-a -i-u-a -u-u-a -u-a-a -a-a:-a -a-a:-i -a-ay-a -a-a:yi-a-a:-i-a-a-i:-

Examples

kalb rims gidr ?a:di ta:lib dib rims sab tilim Jhibla [Satsa:n samsiyya mala:k

—»

- * —• —> —> —>

—t —>

- >

kila:b rimu:s gudu:r fuda:h tajaba dibaba r i musa sububa tulama habarla Sata:sa sama:si malayka Sada:yil mada:ris Safari :t

"dogs" "eye lashes" "roots" "judges" "students" "bears" "eye lashes" oxen "unpleasant persons" "pregnant women" "thirsty persons" "umbrellas" "angels" "brothers-in-law" "schools" "ghosts" T

C 2 of the tri-consonantal or quadri-consonantal plural pattern is either /y/ or /w/ when the singular form is bi-consonantal or tri-consonantal. The distribution is thus: /y/ when the "singular" vowel is either /i:/ or /e:/; /w/ when the "singular" vowel is either /o:/ or /a:/, except in yo:m "day" -> ?iyya:m "days". Patterns

8.12 8.13 8.14 8.15 8.16 8.16

-a-a-a -i-a-a -u-u-a -u-a-a -a-a:-a -a-ay-a

may be grouped under 4, i.e. /-a/ plus a vocalic pattern.

5.233 Table VIII Tables listing the possible singular patterns and their corresponding plural patterns. (See Appendix B). 5.234

Predictability

of plural forms

Table VIII which lists the relationship between singular and plural patterns shows the diversity of plural patterns within one singular class. Most singular patterns

64

THE NOUN

of one type have a general similar plural pattern,2 but the exceptions in each class are not few. The following observations outline an attempt at partial predictability of the plural form through the syllabic structure of the singular. 1) Singular forms with final /-a/ generally have a plural with /-a:t/. 2) Singular forms with final /-a/ of the patterns Cv:Ca CvCCa CvCvCa generally have a second plural with loss of the final /-a/ Cv:C CvCaC CvCvC 3) Singular forms with final /-i/ generally have a plural with final /-iyya/. In other words, they take the plural allomorph a-v/-a. 4) Singular forms with final /-iyya/ generally have a plural with final /-i/, i.e. with the loss of /-a/. 5) Singular forms with final /-a/ of the pattern C 1 vC 2 v:C 3 a and CivC 2 C 3 vC 4 a generally have a plural in the pattern CaCa:CiC. 6) Singular forms of the pattern C 1 vC 2 C 3 vC 4 and C 1 vC 2 C 3 v:C 4 generally have a plural of the pattern CjaC 2 a:C 3 iC 4 . 7) Singular forms of the patterns: —a:n mu— "C2C2*" have plurals of the pattern —i:n. 8) Singular forms with final / — a / of the patterns: mu—a —(2

have the plural pattern —a:t. 5.235

Multiplicity

of plurals

Singular nouns in ECA fall into four main categories,3 Nj—N 4 , with regard to their 2

Hilimi M. Aboul-Fetouh, "The Plural Morpheme of Egyptian Arabic Nouns". Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Texas (1959). 8 Ibid.

THE NOUN

65

selection of the plural allomorph. Before describing them I would like to classify the plural allomorphs into three groups: 1. The suffix /-a:t/. 2. The suffix /-i:n/. 3. Any other. N t takes the suffix /-a:t/ and nothing else. The suffix may refer to natural gender and the forms may or may not be structurally marked by a final /-a/, e.g. mudarrisa mifas

'woman-teacher" "scissors"

mudarrisa:t mi?assa:t

N 2 takes the suffix /-i:n/ and nothing else. mudarris

"teacher"

-+

mudarrisi:n

->

kara:si

N 3 takes any allomorph of group 3. e.g. kursi

"chair"

N 4 has more than one plural form within the following limitations: a) /-i:n/ + one or more of group 3. e.g. xaddam

"servant" (one who offers his services)

xaddami:n xudda:m xadam xadama

b) /-a:t/ + one or more of group 3. e.g. samSa

"candle"

—

samSa:t samS sumu:S

c) two of group 3. e.g. ta:lib

"student"

— talaba tulla:b

Another grouping on distributional grounds is possible. There are two contrastive positions for the occurrence of plural nouns; post-numeral (for numerals between three and ten) and elsewhere. With regard to N l 5 N 2 and N 3 which do not have alternative plural forms, there is no problem of distribution; their plural forms fit in both slots, e.g. xamas + mi?assa:t mi?assa:t + kuwayyisa

"five scissors" "good scissors"

66

THE NOUN

With regard to N 4 , plurals with /-i:n/ and /-a:t/ occur with numerals. This is not an absolute rule and certain forms seem to be gaining in usage, e.g. I

xamas + samSa:t samS + kuwayyis

"five candles" "good candles"

samSa:t + kuwayyisa "good candles" is a possible occurrence with an underlying notion of countability. II

xamas + hizmart xamas + hizam

"five bundles" "five bundles"

Both utterances occur in the same slot without the slightest difference in semantic or stylistic implication.

5.3

GENDER

5.31

Introduction

Gender in ECA nouns is tied up with the syntactical features of selection, concord and government. It is manifest in two different ways. Some nouns are overtly marked for gender while others are not. To illustrate: mudarris "a male teacher" may be inflected for feminine gender by an /-a/ suffix to become mudarrisa "a female teacher". In this instance the gender marker has a semantic reference to sex. The suffix may also occur without reference to sex. e.g. wara?a "a paper" is feminine in gender. Forms like rigl f. "leg" and Padam m. "foot" are overtly marked for grammatical gender. Their "proper" gender is shown when they are used with a verb or an adjective. 5.311

Gender is also formally tied up with number in this manner: ( - unmarked, + marked) N singular singular dual dual plural plural

+ + + + + +

masculine: feminine : masculine : feminine : masculine: feminine :

G

—

—

—

—

+ + + +

—

— — —

5.312

Singular masculine nouns are not marked, unless we take the vocalic patterns as number and gender markers, a procedure which is not followed here.

THE NOUN

67

5.313

Singular feminine nouns may be marked or unmarked, e.g. unmarked : marked by /-a/ : marked by /-t/ :

sams kanaba ?uxt

"sun" "a sofa" "sister"

I analyse the unmarked form as: stem^v 7 0

(feminine marker)

and the marked forms as: stem^/-a/

or

/-t/

(feminine marker)

It is possible to argue that the /-a/ is a portmanteau morph expressing number and gender. I do not accept this argument since the /-a/ occurs with plural forms, and also because it would lead us to analyse the /-t/ as a singular feminine portmanteau, whereas it also occurs as gender marker only. 5.314

Dual masculine nouns are marked for number only. e.g. kalbe:n

"two dogs"

=

stem^/-e:n/ dual marker

The procedure here, and later in connection with the pronouns, is to analyse the masculine gender as unmarked. 5.315

Dual feminine nouns are marked for both gender and number: kanabte:n

"two sofas"

=

stem"~7-t-/ gender^/-e:n/ number

=

s t e m ^ / 0 / gender^/e:n/ number

The gender is not always overt. 1ine:n

"two eyes"

5.316

Plural masculine nouns are not marked for gender but number is marked in the form of an affix or a 0 (i.e. a vocalic pattern). 5.317

Plural feminine nouns are marked for both gender and number in the form of a portmanteau /-a:t/. 5.32

To summarize the previous argument: There is no masculine morpheme, but a

68

THE NOUN

stem may be inherently masculine. The feminine morpheme V ^ n (Feminine morpheme of noun forms) has the following allomorphs: \/-a morphologically selected by the singular stem. \/-t morphologically selected by the singular stem. v^t- a phonological alternation of /-a/ when in close transition with a suffix and the stem is of the structure — v C . e.g. kanaba"~~/-ak/

kanabtak

"your sofa"

-v^-it- a phonological alternation of /-a/ when in close transition with a suffix and the stem is of the structure — v C C . e.g. gazma^7-ak/

-»

gazmitak

"your shoes"

v'-it a syntactically conditioned alternation of /-a/. The alternation signals a genitival relationship with a following noun. e.g. N N

+ +

A N

kanaba + kanabit +

Salya Salya

"high sofa" "alya's sofa"

There is the possibility of analyzing /-it/ as a marker for gender and case4 (genitive or possessive) or just for case, since it occurs with masculine nouns of the pattern — a . e.g. Sumda "mayor" and Sumdit + masr "mayor of Cairo". This analysis would introduce case as part of the inflectional system of the dialect and result in a series of complex statements. \/0

is morphologically selected by the singular stem.

5.4

DEFINITENESS

The definite morpheme -\/?it- has the following phonologically conditioned allomorphs: ^ ? i l - and v'PiC- initially after silence or a terminal. The assimilation of the /I/ to the following C occurs when the following consonant is a dental, a palatal, or a velar except /I/ and /y/, i.e. /t/, /d/, /s/, /z/, /r/, /n/, /s/, /k/, or /g/. With the velars the assimilation may be optional. -V^-il- 1 conditions stated in paragraph 1.55. v7-!- J \/0 occurs with a certain class of nouns, proper nouns. 4

The only other marking for a genitival relationship occurs with Pax "brother" and Pab "father" Compare: Paxxi^kwayyis "a good brother" ?axu o,ttilmi:z "the pupil's brother" Pabbi^kwayyis "a good father" Pabu^ttilmirz "the pupil's father". The alternation /Pabu/ and /Paxu/ occurs in this environment and when followed by a pronominal suffix, e.g. /?axu:h/ "his brother".

69

THE NOUN 5.5

N O U N STEMS

5.51

Roots

The number of radicals in roots which may constitute part of a noun stem is restricted to a minimum of two and a maximum of four. For a detailed treatment of root types see 2.123. 5.52 5.521

Stem

Formatives

Stem Formative type I

StFx is a vocalic pattern that combines with a root to form a simple stem. Table IX shows the phonemic shapes of the different morphemes of this class and their relationship to the singular and plural forms: TABLE IX (The digits preceding the examples refer to Table VIII).

StFx -i:-e:-u:-o:-a:-

Singular stems 2.11 2.21 2.31 2.41 2.51

bi:r be:t su:r ko:m xa:l

-i-(-) -u-(-) -i—i-U--U-u—i-u-a-a~a-a~i-

4.41 4.51 11.11 11.21 11.31 12.21 11.41 11.51

rims durg sillim Punsul Punfid muntazSaPrab markib

—— i— :i -i-a:-u~a:-a~a: -a-i:-a~u:-

13.11 13.21 13.41 13.61 13.71 13.81

?ingi:l finga:l ¿urba:l fadda:n Safri:t Sasfu:r

-a-a~ -a-a-a -i-u-a -u-u-a -u-a-a -i-a-a

15.11

kalabs

Plural stems

3.21 3.32

5.22

ti:n be:d fu:l

"mud"

figl ñumr

"radishes" "red things"

14.22 4.34

tiífa:h hugga:g

8.15 4.42 4.32 6.12 4.14

talaba rimusa sububa tulama dibaba

70

THE NOUN

StFi -a-a:-a -a-a:-i

Singular stems 10.71 10.151

zara:fa kafa:fi

-a-(-)

4.61

far gazmagiyya /maSa^a/ -> maSa:ya

"for me" "The shoemaker with whom I deal" "with me"

6.125 Gender is marked by one morpheme: \ / F b has two allomorphs \ / a which occurs after -v/P3b and /i/ after VP2bThe /i/ of V F 3 b precedes the /k/ of x/P2b> ' n stems ending with a vowel, however, the /k/ precedes, e.g. kita:b"^i"~*k/ /katabu^k^i/

"your (fem.) book" "they wrote you (fem.) (your name)"

89

PRONOUNS 6.126

Number is marked for the plural only. \ / P l b has three allomorphs: •\/n after VPib 0 u" cu J3 £

Uvulars and Pharyngeals

N CM Ë « T3 OS ÏCO •M

Velars

£>

dentals

/

XXX

Emphatic

u

X

Dental stops

/

XXX

Labials

ri

/

X

X

X X X

XXX b f

•¿à -o es Ki

Labials

O. ÍU •g bo .e S o •s: tn

X XXX

S. V.

Emph. dentals

X

©

X

X X

s

O

to tu

X

XX

«

u s s

X

X

X XX XXXX XX X

s:

S? KS u m •< H

XX

X

X

•H M U

X XX

X

X

X

k

o o ¡k -s: -h«

Velars

Uvular & Phary

XXX

Si

u o o 0 u ï S 1 " -•s3

^ï/5 s-8 st 2 o c e o g Ci o u u 00 ë. . •a T3 •g § § O. O O 1ÜU ¡a & S j? S o

•a § m a ra

a

o b

X

X

> "

s J3

X X X X X X XXX

X

X X X X XXX X

« •C OH j3 3>•

»O

¡3

-es

X X

X

X X

X

X

X X

XX XX

XX XXX

X X

X

X

X X

X XX

X

X X

X X X

Z

Emph. Dentals

X

X XXX X

X

X

h*

X

X XXX X

X

X X X XX X

c

X

X X XX XXXX X

X X XX X

k

g

Velars

XXX

X

X

0

X X

X X

X

X X X XXXX X X

X

X

^

X X

X

X X XXX

X X

X X XXX

X

Î 4 s

X X XXX X X X X

>EA

X

N

X X X

TFÍ

X

X X

XXX

X X XX

X

X X

X

X X X X XXX

X

X X

XXX X XX X

X X

XX

C g3

X

£ cd ¿3 o 2 ï

X X

X

X

X X X XX X

X

X o

X XX X

. a s 10 «

X XXX

X XX X

X

X

X

c«í -C T3 -o » MS J3 "Oí S ^ ° a « « o. J 8

X

m

/

U

X (H S

«

"O

«i N >w

"öl «31 NI u. _ C

M

oo X ~as vi

>,

5 a o Ä o S •ö n CM 9a '5. " a U 8) 3 2 es H ü

APPENDIX B (TO CHAPTER V)

TABLE VIII The object of the following listing is: 1) to illustrate, in detail, pattern relationship between singular and plural forms, and 2) to illustrate the possible combinations of syllabic patterns and their vocalic content. For this reason there is no attempt at listing the forms according to their stem type (simple, reduplicated, or complex). Note: From Table VIII. 19 on, the plural patterns show regularity in inflection (suffix shape). For this reason consonants are not numbered.

125

APPENDIX B

VIII. 1 CvCv Sing, pattern 1.1

1.2

CaCi

CaCa

Plural forms

Singular forms

Panbiya

Plural pattern PaCCiya

General pi. pattern Pa + ~iya

1.11 nabi

"prophet"

1.12 safci

"boy"

1.21 sana

"year"

sinirn

CiCirn

-i-irn

1.21 sana

"year"

sanawart

CaCawart

-a-awart

1.3

CiCa

1.31 misa

"evening"

1.4

CuCa

1.41 muna

"a girl's name"

sufcyarn

CuCyarn

-u-y + arn

VUI.2 Cv:C Sing, pattern 2.1

QiQ

2.2 Cie:C 2

Singular forms

Plural forms

Plural patterns

2.11 2.12 2.13 2.14 2.15

birr di:n di:b dirk Sirk

"well" "religion" "wolf" "cock" "cheque"

Pibyarr Padyam Pidyiba diyurk 5ika:t

?iC,ya;C 2 PaCiya:C 2 PiCiyiC 2 a Ciyu:C 2 CiiC 2 art

2.21 2.22 2.23 2.24

bert gert serx Serx

"house" "field" "sheik" "sheik"

biyurt ¿itarn Siyurx masaryix

Ciiyu:C 2 CiiC 2 a:n Ciiyu:C 2 maCiaryiC 2

2.3 Ciu:C 2

2.31 surr

"fence"

Piswarr

PiCiwa:C 2

2.4 Cio:C 2

2.41 2.42 2.43 2.44

korm lorn torr born

"pile" "color" "ox" "free pass"

Pikwarm Palwam tiram bunart

PiCiwa:C 2 PaCiwa:C 2 CiiC 2 am CiuC 2 art

2.5 Cia:C 2

2.51 2.52 2.53 2.54 2.55

narb xarl fars garr garz

"pre-molar" "uncle" "hoe" "neighbour" "gas"

Pinyarb Pixwarl furs girarn gazart

PiCiya:C 2 PiCiwa:C 2 Cìu:C 2 CiiC 2 a:n CiaC 2 art

General plural patterns

Pi-yarPi-war-Pi-i-a Pa-yarma-ar-i-i-arn -v-art -i-ur-u-ur-ur-

Singular pattern 3.11 3.12 3.13 3.21 3.22 3.23 3.24 3.31 3.32 3.41 3.42 3.43 3.44 3.51 3.52 3.53 3.61 3.71 3.81 3.82

ti:na ti:na si:ra be:da be:da he:ta xe:ma fu:ta fu:îa do:ra do:ra do:ra So:ra fia:ra fia:ra Sa:da si:si nu:ri ?a:di ¿a:li "a

"fig" "fig" "reputation" "egg" "egg" "wall" "tent" "towell" "bean" "restroom" "restroom" "restroom" "one-eyed" "lane" "lane" "habit" "pony" "thief" "judge" dear person"

Singular forms

| 1

ti:n tina:t siyar

Plural forms

cIdN y û

en a E l ' I ' M j5i JDi iO X

U

a

en fiwat fu:l diwar dura:t dawra:t 5u:r

cd

a

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y 3

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U

U

u

en

tN

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•o « 'h >> ci Ci ci

43* iG

(S Ü y

tr

nuriyya

I

Plural pattern

-u-a:h -a-yi:n

iya-wa-awa:-awa:yi-u-iyya

-v:- (loss of -a)

-i-a:n -v-a:t -aw-a:t

General plural pattern

126 APPENDIX B

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