A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites 9781784913816, 9781784913823

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English Pages [479] Year 2016

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents
Introduction: The Significance of Syria in Human History
Youssef Kanjou and Akira Tsuneki
Preface
Chapter 1
Prehistory
1. El Kowm Oasis (Homs)
Reto Jagher, Dorota Wojtczak and Jean-Marie Le Tensorer
2. Dederiyeh Cave (Aleppo)
Takeru Akazawa
Yoshihiro Nishiaki
3. Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter (Damascus)
Nicholas J. Conard
4. Baaz Rockshelter (Damascus)
Nicholas J. Conard
5. Kaus Kozah Cave (Damascus)
Nicholas J. Conard
6. Abu Hureyra (Raqqa)
Andrew M. T. Moore
7. Qarassa (Sweida)
Frank Braemer
Juan J. Ibanez and Xavier Terradas
8. Mureybet (Raqqa)
Marie-Claire Cauvin and Danielle Stordeur
9. Tell Qaramel (Aleppo)
Youssef Kanjou
10. Jerf el-Ahmar (Aleppo)
Danielle Stordeur and George Willcox
11. Dja’de el-Mughara (Aleppo)
Eric Coqueugniot
12. Tell Halula (Aleppo)
Miquel Molist
13. Tell Aswad (Damascus)
Danielle Stordeur
Rima Khawam
14. Tell el-Kerkh (Idlib)
Akira Tsuneki
15. Tell Sabi Abyad (Raqqa)
Peter M. M. G. Akkermans
16. Tell Seker al-Aheimar (Hassake)
Yoshihiro Nishiaki
17. Shir (Hama)
Karin Bartl
18. Tell Kosak Shamali (Aleppo)
Yoshihiro Nishiaki
19. Tell el-‘Abr (Aleppo)
Yayoi Yamazaki
Hamido Hammade
20. Chagar Bazar (Hassake)
Walter Cruells and Anna Gómez Bach
21. Tell Zeidan (Raqqa)
Anas Al Khabour
22. Tell Feres (Hassake)
Régis Vallet
Johnny Samuele Baldi
23. Tell Ziyadeh (Hassake)
Frank Hole
Chapter 2
Ancient Syria (Bronze and Iron Ages)
24. Tell Beydar / Nabada / Nabatium (Hassake)
Marc Lebeau
Antoine Suleiman
25. Tell Banat (Aleppo)
Thomas L. McClellan and Anne Porter
26. Tell Mozan/Urkesh (Hassake)
Giorgio Buccellati and Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati
27. Tell Leilan (Hassake)
Harvey Weiss
28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor)
Hartmut Kühne
29. Umm el-Marra (Aleppo)
Glenn M. Schwartz
30. Tell Jerablus Tahtani (Aleppo)
Edgar Peltenburg
31. Tell Al-Rawda (Hama)
Corinne Castel
Nazir Awad
32. Tell Munbāqa (Raqqa)
Dittmar Machule
33. Tell el-Abd (Raqqa)
Uwe Finkbeiner
34. Tell Ali al-Hajj, Rumeilah (Aleppo)
Kazuya Shimogama
35. Mishrifeh / Qatna (Homs)
Daniele Morandi Bonacossi
36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs)
Michel Al-Maqdissi
Massoud Badawi
37. Tell Mastuma (Idlib)
Hidetoshi Tsumoto
38. Tell Sakka (Damascus)
Ahmad Taraqji
39. Tell Iris (Lattakia)
Antoine Suleiman
Michel Al-Maqdissi
40. Tell Toueini (Lattakia)
Michel Al-Maqdissi
Massoud Badawi
Eva Ishaq
41. Tell Sianu (Lattakia)
Michel Al-Maqdissi
42. Tell Taban (Hassake)
Hirotoshi Numoto
43. Tell Hammam el-Turkman (Raqqa)
Diederik J.W. Meijer
44. Tell Selenkahiye (Aleppo)
Diederik J.W. Meijer
45. Tell Mohammed Diyab (Hassake)
Christophe Nicolle
46. Tell Tuqan (Idlib)
Francesca Baffi
47. Khirbet Al-Umbashi, Khirbet Dabab and Hebariye (Sweida)
Frank Braemer
Ahmad Taraqji
48. Tell Masaikh and the Region around Terqa (Deir ez-Zor)
Maria Grazia Masetti-Rouault
49. Tell Ashara/Terqa (Deir ez-Zor)
Olivier Rouault
50. Tell Bazi (Aleppo)
Adelheid Otto and Berthold Einwag
51. Tell Afis (Idlib)
Stefania Mazzoni
52. Tell Fekheriye (Hassake)
Dominik Bonatz
53. Mari (Deir ez-Zor)
Pascal Butterlin
54. Tell Nebi Mend (Homs)
Peter Parr
55. Qala’at Halwanji (Aleppo)
Jesper Eidem
56. Tell Ahmar/Til Barsib (Aleppo)
Guy Bunnens
57. Chagar Bazar/Ashnakkum (Hassake)
Önhan Tunca
58. Tell Humeida (Deir ez-Zor)
Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós
Yaroob al-Abdallah
59. Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq (Deir ez-Zor)
Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós
Shaker Al-Shbib
60. Tulul el-Far, Tell Taouil and Tell el-Kharaze (Damascus)
Sophie Cluzan
Ahmad Taraqji
61. Tell Massin and Tell al-Nasriyah (Hama)
Dominique Parayre
Martin Sauvage
62. Tell Arbid (Hassake)
Piotr Bieliński
63. Tell Halaf (Hassake)
Lutz Martin
64. Halawa (Raqqa)
Jan-Waalke Meyer
Winfried Orthmann
65. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani (Aleppo)
Gioacchino Falsone
Paola Sconzo
66. Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Lattakia)
Valérie Matoïan
Khozama al-Bahloul
67. Tell Chuera (Raqqa)
Jan-Waalke Meyer
68. Amrith/Marathos (Tartous)
Michel Al-Maqdissi
Eva Ishaq
69. Arslan Tash (Aleppo)
Anas Al Khabour
70. Tell Meskene/Emar (Aleppo)
Ferhan Sakal
71. Tell Barri/Kahat (al Hassake)
Raffaella Pierobon Benoit
72. Tell Kazel/Sumur (Tartous)
Leila Badre
73. Tell Qumluq (Aleppo)
Youssef Kanjou
Andrew Jamieson
74. The Cemetery of Abu Hamad (Raqqa)
Jan-Waalke Meyer
75. The cemeteries of Wreide, Tawi and Shameseddin (Raqqa)
Jan-Waalke Meyer
Winfried Orthmann
76. Tell Ajaja (Hassake)
Asa’d Mahmoud
Hartmut Kühne
77. Tell Bderi (Hassake)
Hartmut Kühne
Chapter 3
Syria in the Classic World
(Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine)
78. Jebel Khalid, (Aleppo)
Graeme Clarke
Heather Jackson
79. Palmyra, 30 Years of Syro-German/Austrian Archaeological Research (Homs)
Andreas Schmidt-Colinet
Khaled al-As‘ad and Waleed al-As‘ad
80. Palmyra, Japanese Archaeological Research (Homs)
Kiyohide Saito
81. Palmyrena. The Northern Hinterland of Palmyra (Homs)
Jørgen Christian Meyer, Nils Anfinset and Torbjørn Preus Schou
82. Palmyra/Tadmor (Homs)
Michal Gawlikowski
83. Cyrrhus/Nebi Houri (Aleppo)
Jeanine Abdul Massih
Shaker Al-Shbib
84. Tell As-Sin (Deir ez-Zor)
Shaker Al-Shbib
Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós
85. Gindaros (Aleppo)
Ammar Abdulrahman
86. El-Iss/Qinnasrin (Aleppo)
Marie-Odile Rousset
Youssef Kanjou
87. Resafa/Sergiopolis (Raqqa)
Anas Al Khabour
88. Resafa/Sergiupolis /Rusafat Hisham (Raqqa)
Dorothée Sack and Martin Gussone
89. Zenobia – Halabiya (Deir ez-Zor)
Sylvie Blétry
90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib)
Maamoun Abdulkarim
Gérard Charpentier
91. Musaytbeh-Jableh (Lattakia)
Massoud Badawi
92. Deir Qinnsrin-Jarabulus (Aleppo)
Mohamad Fakhro
93. Tell el-Kasra (Deir ez-Zor)
Yaroob al-Abdallah
94. Syriac Inscriptions of Syria
Françoise Briquel Chatonnet
95. Sura (Raqqa)
Ali Othman
96. Tell Shayzar (Hama)
Matthias Grawehr
Abdulsalam Albachkami
Chapter 4
Islamic Archaeology in Syria
97. The Citadel of Tell Shayzar (Hama)
Cristina Tonghini
98. Qalaat Al Mudiq/Apamean Citadel (Hama)
Shaker Al-Shbib
Mathilde Gelin
99. Tell Tuneinir (Hassake)
Michael Fuller and Neathery Fuller
100. Aleppo Castle (Aleppo)
Assad Yusof
Youssef Kanjou
101. Madinat el-Far/Hisn Maslama (Raqqa)
Claus-Peter Haase
102. Kharab Sayyar (Raqqa)
Jan-Waalke Meyer
103. Tell Damir (Raqqa)
Anas Al Khabour
Synthesis: Syrian Archaeology in the Past, Present and Future
List of Figures
91. Musaytbeh-Jableh (Lattakia)
Fig. 1 The site of Musaytbeh, Jableh.
Fig. 2 Archaeological features in trench A.
Fig. 3 A lead weight.
Fig. 4 A bone needle.
Fig. 5 A small glass flacon, Abbasid period.
92. Deir Qinnsrin-Jarabulus (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 A general view of the site.
Fig. 2 The remains of the Islamic structures.
Fig. 3 The discovered parts of the monastery (from the southwest corner: the rectangular hall).
Fig. 4 Attached sections.
Fig. 5 Floor mosaic from the rectangular hall.
Fig. 6 Rectangular hall and the attached sections
Fig. 7 Reconstruction of the rectangular hall and the attached sections
Fig. 8 Monastery of Qansreen in 2014.
93. Tell el-Kasra (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 Tell el-Kisr excavations.
Fig. 2 Mosaic floor
Fig. 3 Mosaic detail.
Fig. 4 Mosaic detail.
94. Syriac Inscriptions of Syria
Fig. 1 Tell Matin
Fig. 2 Nabgha
Fig. 3 Basufan
Fig. 4 Qalb Loze
Fig. 5 Khirbet Hassan
Fig. 6 Mar Musa
95. Sura (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 The baths, general view from the west.
Fig. 2 The Byzantine hypogeum.
Fig. 3 A Justinian tower.
Fig. 4 Western tower.
Fig. 5 Various terracotta oil lamps.
96. Tell Shayzar (Hama)
Fig. 1 Aerial view of the castle and tell Shayzar in 1935
Fig. 2 Test trench with occupation level of the 12th century AD.
Fig. 3 Handmade painted ware of the 12th century AD.
97. The Citadel of Tell Shayzar (Hama)
Fig. 1 General map of the citadel showing the main buildings.
Fig. 2 General view of the citadel from the north-east.
Fig. 3 Building CF6 from the south-east (Period II).
Fig. 4 Entrance complex, CA2: the glacis attributed to Nur al-Din (Period IV) and the tower built by Qalawun (Period V).
Fig. 5 Complex CA1 (Periods IV-V) and the ditch from the east.
98. Qalaat Al Mudiq/Apamean Citadel (Hama)
Fig.1 The plan of the citadel
Fig. 2 The southeastern part of the Qal’at el Mudiq tell and the collapsed area of the medieval glacis
Fig. 3. - Excavations in Sector A: mudbrick wall M4 and Hellenistic rampart M1
Fig. 5 Tower 5 after restorations
Fig. 4 Tower 5: foundations in the sounding outside the tower
Fig. 6 Sector B after restorations
99. Tell Tuneinir (Hassake)
(Photo Prof Michael Fuller, STLCC).
Fig. 1 View of Area 1 excavation area at Tell Tuneinir and impounded floodwater, 2004
(Photo Prof David Hanlon, STLCC).
Fig. 2 Braided Arabic script on a circular stucco panel from the interior of the Area 4 mesjed bearing the inscription rabbil ‘alamin
Fig. 3 Decorated marble panel dating from ca. AD 1000 and excavated from the Area 9 monastic church. Syriac text was faintly incised in the space around the two smaller crosses
100. Aleppo Castle (Aleppo)
Fig. 1a Multicoloured glazed vessel with decorations of foliage and animal designs on the inner surface.
Fig. 1b Glazed vessel with animal designs on the background.
Fig. 1c Multicoloured glazed bowl in sgrafitto style.
Fig. 2a Multicoloured small glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with geometrical designs on the inner surface.
Fig. 2b Multicoloured glazed bowl with geometrical designs on the inner surface.
Fig. 3 Plate fragment with geometric design.
Fig. 4a Multicoloured large glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with foliage designs (early Mamluk period).
Fig. 4b Large glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with decorated inner surface.
Fig. 5 Multicoloured glazed vessel in sgrafitto style.
101. Madinat el-Far/Hisn Maslama (Raqqa)
Fig. 2 Stucco relief in the reception hall of the mansion (field S26).
Fig. 3 Stucco wall cupboard with shelves, reconstruction (S10).
Fig. 4 Wadi flood gate between the quadrangular north compound and the citadel (S22).
Fig. 5 Eastern bathroom and water supply in the citadel (S29).
Fig. 6. Painted floor in the northwest room of the citadel (S22).
Fig. 7 Lid of ivory pyxis and drawing of the complete pyxis (S10).
Fig. 8 Glass bowl from a well with coloured applications (S24).
102. Kharab Sayyar (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Satellite image
Fig. 2 Step-trench through the layers of the 3rd millennium.
Fig. 3 Geomagnetic map.
Fig. 4 ‘Great House’ (plan)
Fig. 5 Stucco decoration.
Fig. 6 Bath.
Fig. 7. ‘Great Mosque’ (plan).
Fig. 8 The west gate.
Fig. 9 Cistern underneath the west riwaq of the mosque.
103. Tell Damir (Raqqa)
Fig. .1 Tell Damir in the Balikh Valley.
Fig. 2 Eastern and western sections of Tell Damir.
Fig. 3 Sketch of room C5 showing location of oven.
Fig. 4 Plan of the central courtyard.
Fig. 5 Ceramic vessel from Tell Damir.
55. Qala’at Halwanji (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 3D model of Qala’at Halwanji.
Fig. 2 Topographic map of the site showing locations of test excavations.
Fig. 3 View of room with storage jars (sondage 13).
Fig. 4 Seal impression on clay cap from sondage 19.
Fig. 5 Examples of drinking cups found at Halwanji.
56. Tell Ahmar/Til Barsib (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Tentative reconstruction of the Early Bronze Age temple (a) and view of the installations set against the north wall of the temple (b).
Fig. 2 Middle Bronze Age storerooms (looking east).
Fig. 3 The Storm-God stele discovered in the Euphrates near Tell Ahmar.
Fig. 4 Detail of the Iron Age II mosaic excavated on the tell.
Fig. 5 Ivory from the Neo-Assyrian residence C1a.
Fig. 6 Neo-Assyrian vaulted tomb (a) and statue of an Assyrian official discovered near the tomb (b).
57. Chagar Bazar/Ashnakkum (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Plan of Chagar Bazar.
Fig. 2 Habur pottery (Middle Bronze Age) from Area I.
Fig. 3 Early Bronze Age grave covered with mudbricks (already opened) (Area H, T.198).
Fig. 4 Bulla with Middle Bronze Age cylinder seal impression (Area I).
Fig. 5 Cuneiform tablet (CB 3341) relating to the delivery of good quality beer (Area I).
Fig. 6 Silver pendant (CB 4497) found in a favissa (Area I).
Fig. 7 Middle Bronze Age grave with a shaft and lateral inhumation cavity (Area I, T.122).
58. Tell Humeida (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 Location of Tell Humeida on the Middle Syrian Euprates.
Fig. 2 Byzantine baths.
Fig. 3 Byzantine wall.
Fig. 4 Bevelled-rim bowls in situ.
Fig. 5 Collection of bevelled-rim bowls.
59. Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 Situation of Tell Qubr Abu al-‘Atiq on the Middle Syrian Euphrates.
Fig. 2 Two rooms of the Early Bronze Age building.
Fig. 3 Digital model of the Middle Assyrian building.
Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian Administrative Pottery (room 1).
Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian Administrative Pottery (room 3).
60. Tulul el-Far, Tell Taouil and Tell el-Kharaze (Damascus)
Fig. 1 Map of Damascus area featuring Bronze Age main archaeological sites
Fig. 2 Topography and site mapping showing Tulul el-Far (north), Tell Taouil (south), Tell el-Kharaze (east)
Fig. 3 Tulul el-Far, field C, level I (© M.-G. Froidevaux, E. Devidal, Mission of Tulul el-Far).
Fig. 4 Circular building I with consisting of two rings of bricks. Hole-mouth jars with incisions were found on the floors of these storage buildings
Fig. 5 Ceramics and objects found in situ, field B, level I
Fig. 6 Tell Taouil
Fig. 7 First draft of site pattern around the Damascus oasis. To the south, the Nahr el-A’ouaj valley might have acted as a natural boundary
61. Tell Massin and Tell al-Nasriyah (Hama)
Fig. 1 The ‘micro-region’ on the right bank of the Orontes River
Fig. 2 Tell Massin, topographical survey
Fig. 3 Tell Massin, the Bronze Age levels, a reconstruction
Fig. 4 Tell al-Nasriyah, geomorphological survey
Fig. 5 Tell al-Nasriyah, topographical survey
Fig. 6 Tell al-Nasriyah, acropolis, sounding D, the monumental building dated from Iron Age II
Fig. 7 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding F, the large residence dated from Iron Age II
Fig. 8 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding F, the large residence, storage area with an amphora set in a pithos
Fig. 9 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding A, the cremation cemetery
62. Tell Arbid (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Tell Arbid seen from the north.
Fig. 2 Step trench on the eastern slope of Tell Arbid.
Fig. 3 Grave of the Mitannian period discovered near the top of the tell.
Fig. 4 Ninevite period house from sector D.
Fig. 5 Ninevite shrine with adjacent terrace.
Fig. 6 Façade of the ‘Public Building’, with later cubicles in the foreground.
63. Tell Halaf (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Sketch map with the location of Tell Halaf
Fig. 2 Tell Halaf from North, 2006
Fig. 3 Trench A, 1899
Fig. 4 Round building with rectangular annex: Halaf Period 2009
Fig. 5 The ‘scorpion gate’, 1911
Fig. 6 Remains of the ‘western palace’ and the ‘scorpion-gate’ from the east, 2006
Fig. 7 Southern part of the Assyrian ‘governor’s-palace’ from the west, 2009, 2010
64. Halawa (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Overall plan of Halawa (Halawa A marked).
Fig. 2 Plan of Halawa A, Layer 3.
Fig. 3 Plan of Halawa A, Layer 2.
Fig. 4 Main room of the temple.
Fig. 5 Main room of a household.
Fig. 6 Wall at Area Q.
Fig. 7 Stele fragment.
Fig. 8 Overall plan of Halawa (Halawa B marked).
Fig. 9 Building II.
Fig. 10 Halawa B finds.
Fig. 11 Wall painting at Halawa B.
Fig. 12 Limestone stele with painting.
65. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Tell Shiyukh Tahtani, viewed from the west
Fig. 2 Mudbrick architecture (late 4th millennium BC)
Fig. 3 Jar burial (a) containing ‘champagne cups’ (b) (3000-2700 BC)
Fig. 4 Pit grave with rich pottery finds (2500-2200 BC)
Fig. 5 Bronze bull pendant (2500-2200 BC)
Fig. 6 Burnt building with household inventory (Middle Bronze Age II)
Fig. 7 Pit burial of a child with sheep offering (Middle Bronze Age II)
66. Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Lattakia)
Fig. 1 Tablet RS 94.2411, H. 6.5cm, so-called ‘house of Urtenu’, Ugarit, Late Bronze Age.
Fig. 2 Restoration of the temple of Baal, acropolis of Ras Shamra, Late Bronze Age
Fig. 3 – The so-called temple of Dagan, acropolis of Ras Shamra, Late Bronze Age
Fig. 4a-b The ‘bridge-dam’ on the Nahr ed-Delbe, photography and restoration of the first phase, probably dated to the Late Bronze Age
Fig. 5 Stelae discovered in a great building south of the so-called ‘residence of Yabninu’, Ugarit, Late Bronze Age, Latakia Museum
Fig. 6 Gold covering in the form of a wing, probably from a figure of a sphinx decorating a piece of furniture, royal palace of Ugarit, Late Bronze Age, Damascus Museum
Fig. 7 The so-called temple of Dagan: view from the east of the stone wall
67. Tell Chuera (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Satellite image
Fig. 2 Geomagnetic map.
Fig. 3 Development of the settlement during the Early Bronze Age.
Fig. 4 Residential area K (aerial photo).
Fig. 5. Steinbau I (aerial photo).
Fig. 6 Steinbau VI (entrance).
Fig. 7. Steinbau III: monumental staircase leading to the platform.
Fig. 8 Part of the outer city wall of the EBA IVA.
Fig. 9 Palace G (aerial photo).
Fig. 10 Palace G (reconstruction).
68. Amrith/Marathos (Tartous)
Fig. 1 Amrith: aerial view with locations of main buildings
Fig. 2 Amrith 2010: pottery from the Early Bronze Age IV
Fig. 3 Amrith 1965: pottery from the Middle Bronze Age
Fig. 4 Amrith 1957 (?): general view of the ‘Sanctuary of Melqart’
Fig. 5 Amrith 2010: the royal necropolis known as ‘Maghazel’
Fig. 6 Amrith 1996 (?): stone steles from the Bayyada necropolis
Fig. 7 Amrith 1987: anthropomorphic marble sarcophagi from Roumet el Zahab
Fig. 8 Amrith 1864: sanctuary of ‘Ain al-Hayyate,
69. Arslan Tash (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Plan of Arslan Tash
Fig. 2 Plan of the ‘House of the Ivories’
Fig. 3 Ivory representation of a cow suckling her calf, 8th century
Fig. 4 Ivory representation of the birth of Horus, 8th century
Fig. 5 Basalt Lion from the site of Arslan Tash
70. Tell Meskene/Emar (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 General plan.
Fig. 2 EME 5 rooms.
Fig. 3 Triple bowl with figurine heads.
Fig. 4 Town wall after restoration in 2010.
Fig. 5 Temple of Baal and the north temple after restoration in 2010.
Fig. 6 A ‘front-room’ house.
71. Tell Barri/Kahat (al Hassake)
Fig. 1a and b Tell Barri: chronological sequence. Bottom right, site plan with excavation areas.
Fig. 2 Tell Barri: A) Area G – sacred complex, general view; bottom left, votive objects from the shrine. B) Votive miniature bottle. C) Small bowl, Ninivite 5. D) Cretula with two seal impressions.
Fig. 3 Tell Barri: A) Area G – the bathroom of the palace of Adad Nirari I; bottom right, basalt mortar with cuneiform inscription referring to the palace (B).
Fig. 4 Tell Barri: A) Area J – the palace of Tukulti Ninurta II, general view from the north. B) fresco fragment from the palace wall. C) Detail of threshold decoration .
Fig. 5 Tell Barri: A) The Parthian defensive wall on the acropolis, general view from the north; Parthian glazed dish (B); jar fragment with impressed decoration, Sasanian (C); Islamic jug with impressed decoration (D); hand-made jug (E).
72. Tell Kazel/Sumur (Tartous)
Fig. 1 Map of the Akkar Plain showing the three major sites of Tell Kazel, Arqa and Jamous.
Fig. 2 Spiral stairway (Middle Bronze Age).
Fig. 3 Three superimposed temples.
Fig. 4 Temple offerings (Late Bronze Age I).
Fig. 5 Painted brasero (Late Bronze Age I).
Fig. 6 Luxury faience offerings on display in the Tartous Museum (Late Bronza Age I).
Fig. 7 Sheet bronze figurines.
Fig. 8 Shell floor (Late Bronze Age II).
Fig. 9 Handmade burnished ware (Late Bronze Age II – Iron Age I).
73. Tell Qumluq (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Map of Syria
Fig. 2 Tell Qumluq, 2008
Fig. 3 Surface collection and sherd scatters at the base of Tell Qumluq, 2008
Fig. 4 Flooded Tomb III at Tell Qumluq, August 2008
Fig. 5 Pottery from Tomb III
Fig. 6:1-6 Pottery from Tomb III
74. The Cemetery of Abu Hamad (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Plan of Abu Hamed.
Fig. 2 Area Z, grave 17.
Fig. 4 Area M: two graves (stone cists).
Fig. 5 Area J: plan of the graves.
Fig. 6 Area E: stone cist-grave.
Fig. 3 Pottery assemblage.
75. The cemeteries of Wreide, Tawi and Shameseddin (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Map of the upper region of the Tabqa Dam.
Fig. 2 Wreide: grave O11.
Fig. 3 Wreide: figurine.
Fig. 4 Tawi: location of the cemeteries.
Fig. 5 Tawi: grave T5.
Fig. 6 Tawi: grave T64.
Fig. 7 Shameseddin, grave 6.
Fig. 8 Shameseddin, grave 34.
76. Tell Ajaja (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Tell Ajaja: topographic sketch
Fig. 2 Lamassu 1: Reproduction from Layard, A. H., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon
Fig. 3 Tell Ajaja 1989: trench from east, showing door 1 with muzzle for drainage; door 2 with lamassu 3 in situ; and limits of Layard’s tunnel in the background
Fig. 4 Lamassu 1 as excavated in 1982
Fig. 5 Lion lamassu (no. 6) as excavated in 1989
Fig. 6 The same lion lamassu: Reproduction from Layard, A. H., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon
Fig. 7 Lamassu no. 5
Fig. 8 Stele no. 1: postcard
Fig. 9 Stele no. 2: postcard
Fig. 10 Orthostat as excavated in 1984
77. Tell Bderi (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Tell Bderi: plateau looking north
Fig. 2 Tell Bderi: topographic plan
Fig. 3 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’ area looking north
Fig. 4 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, phase 25, town wall and gate, Early Dynastic I
Fig. 5 Tell Bderi: town wall and gate, reconstruction
Fig. 6 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, House I
Fig. 7 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’,
Fig. 8 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, reconstructed inventory
Fig. 9 Tell Bderi: phase 8, House on the ‘northern knoll’, ‘kitchen’, reconstruction in the National Museum of Deir ez-Zor
Fig. 10 Tell Bderi: the ‘northern knoll’, plan of Mittani platform and architecture
Fig. 11: Tell Bderi, Phase 2, shaft with Middle Assyrian fill
Fig. 12: Tell Bderi, Phase 2, Middel Assyrian foundation cylinder
78. Jebel Khalid, (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Contour map of Jebel Khalid, showing areas excavated up to 2010
Fig. 2 Plan of the acropolis palace
Fig. 3 Plan of the Jebel Khalid temple
Fig. 4 Limestone head found in temple, Area B.
Fig. 5 3D reconstruction of the ‘House of the Painted Frieze’
Fig. 6 Stucco fragments from the oikos of the ‘House of the Painted Frieze’, featuring Eros and goat chariot.
Fig. 7 Entry to the courtyard in T44, Area S (east), 2010.
79. Palmyra, 30 Years of Syro-German/Austrian Archaeological Research (Homs)
Fig. 1 Palmyra: tomb no 36, reconstructed entrance facade.
Fig. 2 Palmyra: tomb no. 36, reconstructed ground plan.
Fig. 3 Palmyra: tomb no. 36, architectural sculpture.
Fig. 4 Rome: Villa Albani, Roman sarcophagus.
Fig. 5 Palmyra: quarry no. 1, plan.
Fig. 6 Palmyra: quarry no. 1, columns.
Fig. 7 Palmyra: quarry no. 3, ‘dragon-house’.
Fig. 8 Palmyra: restoration of a textile, from the tower-tomb of Kitot (40 AD).
Fig. 9 Palmyra: linen shawl of local production.
Fig. 10 Palmyra: textile ornament of an architectural decoration.
Fig. 11 Palmyra: silk fabric imported from China, from the tower-tomb of Kitot (40 AD).
Fig. 12 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, magnetogram of the underground settlement.
Fig. 13 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, test trench I, Rhodian amphora stamp (3rd century BC).
Fig. 14 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, ‘khan’, ground plan.
Fig. 15 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, ‘khan’, stucco fragment.
Fig. 16 Map of Palmyra’s trade network, as documented by artefacts found in the ‘khan’.
Fig. 17 ‘Atlas de Palmyre’, detail
80. Palmyra, Japanese Archaeological Research (Homs)
Fig. 1 Tombs excavated by the Japanese Archaeological Mission in the southeast necropolis.
Fig. 2 Innermost wall of Tomb C.
Fig. 3 General view of the main chamber of Tomb F.
Fig. 4 Accessories from Tomb G.
Fig. 5 Exedra on the north sidewall in Tomb H.
Fig. 6 General view of house-tomb 129-b in the north necropolis (before excavation).
Fig. 7 3D image of house-tomb 129-b (before excavation).
Fig. 8 Reconstruction image of house-tomb 129-b.
81. Palmyrena. The Northern Hinterland of Palmyra (Homs)
Fig. 1 Arrowheads from Jebel Abyad.
Fig. 2a Large Bronze Age cairn, Jebel Abyad.
Fig. 2 Distribution of Bronze Age cairns north of Palmyra.
Fig. 3 Distribution of settlements and forts north of Palmyra.
Fig. 4 Remains of building in Jebel Merah.
82. Palmyra/Tadmor (Homs)
Fig. 1 ‘Diocletian’s Camp’. The headquarters at the forefront, the Bel sanctuary at the far end.
Fig. 2 The ruins of the Allat temple and, beyond, the gate of the sanctuary.
Fig. 3 An artist’s rendering of the Allat temple in the 2nd century CE
Fig. 4 The ‘Allat Lion’ as restored in front of the Palmyra Museum.
Fig. 5 Some sculptures from the Allat temple; in the background, the statue of Athena.
83. Cyrrhus/Nebi Houri (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 One of the three Roman-Byzantine bridges crossing the Sabun and Afrin Rivers
(© The Cyrrhus Syro-Lebanese Excavation Mission).
Fig. 2 The polygonal foundation of the Hellenistic southern fortification
Fig. 3 Topographical plan of Cyrrhus
Fig. 4 Aerial view of the Roman theatre
Fig. 5 Aerial view of the mosaics of the Roman house
Fig. 6 Aerial view of the cathedral
Fig. 7 Aerial view of the church located east of the theatre on the main street
Fig. 8 Detail of the figurative mosaic found in the Roman house
Fig. 9 The mausoleum of Nebi Houri
84. Tell As-Sin (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 Plan of the site
Fig. 2 Bastion 20: (A): picture after the excavation; (B): plan of the bastion
Fig. 3 Sounding F in the lower town
Fig. 4. Hypogeum 14: plan and section
Fig. 5 The arcosolium in the hypogeum
Fig. 6 A sample of the types of beads found in the tombs
85. Gindaros (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Gendaros: geomagnetic survey of the western acropolis showing the excavation areas.
Fig. 2 Juvenile graves with amphorae.
Fig. 3 Basalt censer (bokal) in ritual context in the Hellenistic level.
Fig. 4 Domestic structures in the western acropolis (A6).
Fig. 5 Ceramic horsehead.
Fig. 6 Mosaic (detail) from the hammam.
86. El-Iss/Qinnasrin (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Prints of cylinder seals found during the survey of the Bronze Age necropolis
Fig. 2 Roman funerary sculpture at Qinnasrin
Fig. 3 Inscribed lintel on the gate of the Byzantine rampart
Fig. 4 Angle of the Early Islamic fortress wall on the mountain
Fig. 5 The bath discovered in area B
Fig. 6 The tomb of ‘Nabi ‘Is’ on a mountain tell , today destroyed
87. Resafa/Sergiopolis (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Rusafa
Fig. 2 Rusafa: the huge church containing the remains of St. Sergio.
88. Resafa/Sergiupolis /Rusafat Hisham (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Resafa: aerial photograph from the northeast
Fig. 2 Resafa: city plan
Fig. 3 Resafa: Basilica A, view from the southwest
Fig. 4 Resafa: Basilica A, view from the southern side aisle to the east
Fig. 5 Resafa: Tetraconch Church
Fig. 6 Resafa: site plan of the city and its surroundings with selected find-sites
Fig. 7 Roman limes between the Euphrates and Palmyra
89. Zenobia – Halabiya (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 General view of Halabiya from the east.
Fig. 2 General map of the city.
Fig. 3 View of sector 6 from the east.
Fig. 4 Amphorae, jars and pots from sector 6.
Fig. 5 Map of sector 3.
Fig. 6 Examples of tower-tombs and hypogea.
Fig. 7 Frescoes in tomb 29.
90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib)
Fig. 1 Northern Syria, showing the village sites.
Fig. 2 Sergilla.
Fig. 3 View of the gebel al Zawiya.
Fig. 4 Landscape near Ruweiha.
Fig. 5 Topographical plan of Sergilla.
Fig. 6 Reconstruction of the large press found at Sergilla.
Fig. 7 Al Bara.
Fig. 8 Reconstruction of the baths and mosque at al Bara.
Fig. 9 Ruweiha.
Fig. 10 Excavations in house 22 (Ruweiha).
1. El Kowm Oasis (Homs)
Fig. 1 The Landscape at El Kowm with the eponymous Tell.
Fig. 2 View of the excavation at Hummal site.
Fig. 3 General view of the site of Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar.
Fig. 4 Excavation at Nadaouiyeh.
Fig. 5 Excavation at Hummal.
Fig. 6 Animal remains discovered in Yabrudian layer, Hummal.
Fig. 7 Reconstruction of the Homo erectus skull from Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar.
Fig. 8 Human remains from the Mousterian levels of Hummal, medial upper incisor
Fig. 9 Chopping tool from Ain Al Fil.
Fig. 10 Acheulian handaxes from Nadaouiyeh
Fig. 11 Yabrudian artefacts from Nadaouiyeh
Fig. 12 Hummalian blades from Nadaouiyeh
2. Dederiyeh Cave (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Dederiyeh Cave, looking from the main entrance.
Fig. 2 Stone tools of the Neanderthals at Dederiyeh Cave.
Fig. 3 Discovery of the first Neanderthal burial in 1993.
Fig. 4 Close-up of the first Neanderthal burial.
Fig. 5 Reconstruction of the first Neanderthal child.
3. Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter (Damascus)
Fig. 1 Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter. Overview of the site showing its location on the northern edge of the wadi beneath the limestone cuesta
Fig. 2 Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter. Overview of excavations in the October 2010
4. Baaz Rockshelter (Damascus)
Fig. 1 Baaz Rockshelter at the time of its discovery in May 14, 1999
Fig. 2 Baaz Rockshelter, Autumn 2000: excavating the Natufian house
5. Kaus Kozah Cave (Damascus)
Figure 1 Kaus Kozah Cave during the 2006 excavation season
Figure 2 Kaus Kozah Cave. Excavations on the terrace in front of the eastern entrance in the autumn of 2006
Figure 3 Kaus Kozah Cave. Terminal Natufian infant burial
Figure 4 Kaus Kozah Cave. View of the bedrock mortars in the area just inside the western entrance to the cave
Figure 5 View from Kaus Kozah toward the fertile springs above Ma’aloula
6. Abu Hureyra (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Abu Hureyra from the south-west.
Fig. 2 Pit dwellings in Abu Hureyra 1.
Fig. 3 Reconstruction of a pit dwelling in Abu Hureyra 1.
Fig. 4 Abu Hureyra 2, Trench A. A multi-roomed mudbrick house with plaster floors.
Fig. 5 The village of Abu Hureyra 2 c. 7,000 B.C.
Fig. 6 Abu Hureyra 2, Trench C. A collective burial illustrating separation of skulls.
7. Qarassa (Sweida)
Fig. 1 Qarassa. Digital elevation model of the site viewed toward the south-east.
Fig. 2 Aerial view of the Natufian settlement.
Fig. 3 Plan of a Natufian house.
Fig. 4 Plan of the Early PPNB house.
Fig. 5 Early PPNB bone wand with two human faces.
Fig. 6 Chalcolithic pottery sample.
Fig. 7 Early Bronze Age III rampart.
Fig. 8 Iron Age storage room.
8. Mureybet (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Mureybet, on the left bank of the Euphrates.
Fig. 2 The most ancient building at the site (Khiamian: IB).
Fig. 3 A figurine representing a woman.
Fig. 4 ‘Maison 47’, a PPNA communal building (picture).
Fig. 5 ‘Maison 47’, a PPNA communal building (drawing).
9. Tell Qaramel (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Tower 5 at Tell Qaramel dating to the early Neolithic period.
Fig. 2 A pit with four wild bull skulls.
Fig. 3 A group of graves.
Fig. 4 Animal and geometric decoration on stone tools.
10. Jerf el-Ahmar (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 A communal building subdivided by radiating walls.
Fig. 2 A communal building with a circular bench.
Fig. 3 The construction of houses planned around these communal buildings.
Fig. 4 A house showing signs of food preparation activities.
Fig. 5 Engraved pictograms.
11. Dja’de el-Mughara (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Plan of the communal building. The paintings covered the walls of the three piers (666.667, 668) whose primary purpose would have been to support the roof. Pier 668 was badly damaged, the other two remarkably well preserved.
Fig. 2 General view of pier 666 under excavation in 2006.
Fig. 3 Bucrania of a female aurochs
Fig. 4 General view of one side of pier 666 in situ showing the painted decoration before its removal in 2008. The composition evokes weaving or basketry, and must be part of a long tradition.
Fig. 5 Typical tubercular lesions present on the 9th and 10th thoracic vertebrae of an adult (phase DJ III).
12. Tell Halula (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 General view from the south of the Tell Halula site
Fig. 2 View from the south of the three houses from sector 2-4 sector, contemporary chronology of the middle PPNB phase
FIg. 3 Detail of the schematic paintings recovered in the ground of a room from the PPNB Half period
Fig. 4 Detail of the stone wall from sector I, Late Phase PPNB
FIg. 5 View from the wall and pipeline, sector 7A, Late Neolithic phase (pre-Halaf period)
13. Tell Aswad (Damascus)
Fig. 1 A collective burial with 4 modelled skulls (level B0).
Fig. 2 A burial deposit of 5 modelled skulls (level B-5).
Fig. 3 A modelled skull with white plaster applied directly to the bone (level B0).
Fig. 4 3 modelled skulls of the B-5 group. CS3 in the centre, close to CS1 (right).
Fig. 5 Skull CS3
14. Tell el-Kerkh (Idlib)
Fig. 1 Communal storehouse.
Fig. 2 Kerkh Ware.
Fig. 3 Excavating the ground floor of a two-storeyed building.
Fig. 4 Communal kitchen.
Fig. 5 Communal cemetery.
Fig. 6 A ‘foundation deposit’ below floor level.
Fig. 7 Various stamp seals.
15. Tell Sabi Abyad (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Tell Sabi Abyad: the excavations in the prehistoric areas in full swing.
Fig. 2 Tell Sabi Abyad: symmetrical, tripartite structure built on a platform, ca. 6900 BC.
Fig. 3 Tell Sabi Abyad: prehistoric mud-brick architecture, ca. 6400 BC.
Fig. 4 Tell Sabi Abyad: Late Neolithic pottery, ca. 6700 BC.
Fig. 5 Tell Sabi Abyad: an Early Halaf burial of a young woman with grave gifts, ca. 5800 BC.
Fig. 6 Tell Sabi Abyad: a colourful prehistoric necklace from a burial, ca. 6100 BC.
Fig. 7 Tell Sabi Abyad: a cuneiform tablet from the Assyrian fortress, ca. 1,190 BC.
Fig. 8 Tell Sabi Abyad: an intricately painted bowl from the grave of a young woman, ca. 5,800 BC.
16. Tell Seker al-Aheimar (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Tell Seker Al-Aheimarand The Khabur River
Fig. 2 PPNB architecture.
Fig. 3 PPNB flint cores.
Fig. 4 The unique PPNB female figurine.
Fig. 5 The PPNB water well.
Fig. 6 A collection of ground stone tools found in the PPNB water well.
Fig. 7 ‘Pre’ Proto-Hassuna pottery.
17. Shir (Hama)
Fig. 1 Shir: map of the site with excavation areas
Fig. 2 Shir: south area, burials under the floor in the ‘house of the dead’
Fig. 3. – Shir: south area, south area, corner of a house with large storage vessel
Fig. 4 Shir: south area, terracotta figurine
Fig. 5 Shir - central area of the excavations, view from the northeast
(Photo Th. Urban, DAI, Orient Department).
18. Tell Kosak Shamali (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Suggested room functions for the Ubaid pottery workshop.
Fig. 2 Complete pottery discovered in the large storage area of the Ubaid pottery workshop.
Fig. 3 Complete pottery discovered in the small storage area of the Ubaid pottery workshop.
Fig. 4 Internal surface of pottery with snake and goat figurines from the small storage area.
Fig. 5 Pottery manufacturing tools recovered in a broken vessel at the Ubaid pottery workshop.
Fig. 6 Suggested room functions for the Post-Ubaid pottery workshop.
Fig. 7 A Post-Ubaid pottery kiln.
19. Tell el-‘Abr (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Pottery from Level 6
Fig. 2 Pottery of stage 1
Fig. 3 Pottery of Stage 2
Fig. 4 Pottery of Stage III
Fig. 5 Pottery of Stage IV
Fig. 6 Structures of Level 7
Fig. 7 Terracotta bird figurine from Level 5
20. Chagar Bazar (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Top: The site from the north; Bottom: excavation areas A and B.
Fig. 2 Circular buildings from the Proto-Halaf phase (early 6th millennium cal BC).
Fig. 3 Multi-cellular house with associated domestic installations.
Fig. 4 Large circular building during the excavation process.
Fig. 5 A chronological framework of 700 years is proposed for the Halaf periodization.
Fig. 6 Pit grave with an inhumation and a ‘cream bowl’ as a burial good (Primitive Halaf period).
21. Tell Zeidan (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Location of Tell Zeidan to the east of Raqqa.
Fig. 2 Painted ceramics from Ubeid Period (first season report 2007).
Fig. 3 Baked clay mullers (first season report 2007).
Fig. 4 Blowpipe mouthpiece for smelting copper (first season report 2007).
Fig. 5 Late Chalcolithic stamp seals (first excavation report 2007).
22. Tell Feres (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Tell Feres, location and sequence
Fig. 2 Tell Feres Level 10. Late Ubaid Ceramic workshop: plan, photo and ceramic samples
Fig. 3 Phases 9B (I) and 9A (II) of the communal building of Level 9 (© the French-Syrian archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).
Fig. 4 Level 7 (I): plan and photo – and Level 6 (II) – plan and photo of the small tripartite house. In both levels the distribution of the traditional chaînes opératoires shows the spatial segregation
Fig. 5 Level 5 (I): plan, photograph and details of the wheel-coiled bowls in the hall the buttressed building. Gawra X-like clay sealing from Level 4A (II). LC1 ‘spectacle idol’ from Level 7 (III)
Fig. 6 Level 2B: plan and 3D reconstructions
23. Tell Ziyadeh (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Bowl sherds in the typical style of the northern Ubaid.
Fig. 2 A tripartite house with attached grill-like storage buildings.
Fig. 3 An Ubaid kiln for firing pottery. The column supported a perforated floor on which the pots were stacked above the firebox.
Fig. 4 An eroded casemate structure on the upper edge of the mound. This structure is part of the Post-Ubaid Kuranian settlement.
Fig. 5 Walls of a massive storage building dating to the early 3rd millennium BC.
24. Tell Beydar / Nabada / Nabatium (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Aerial view of Tell Beydar
Fig. 2 Areas of excavations and main buildings.
Fig. 3 The discovery of the earliest written documents in Syria.
Fig. 4 ‘Southern Square’, a ceremonial court.
Fig. 5 Clay ‘mask’ of a bearded man.
Fig. 6 The undisturbed tomb of a warrior.
25. Tell Banat (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Plan of Tell Banat settlement complex.
Fig. 2 Tell Banat North, also known as the White Monument.
Fig. 3 Phases A and B of the White Monument.
Fig. 4 Schematized plan of Mortuary Mound II, Phase B, Building 7 and Tomb 7.
Fig. 5 Plan of Tomb 7.
Fig. 6 Reused column in Tomb 7.
Fig. 7 Plinths and Lintel added to Tomb 7.
26. Tell Mozan/Urkesh (Hassake)
Fig. 1 The ‘High Mound’, situated in the fertile plains of north-eastern Syria, with the mountains of the Tur-Abdin in the background.
Fig. 2 The corner of a niched structure of the mid 4th millennium, just below the 3rd millennium glacis. A reconstruction of the 3rd millennium temple is in the background.
Fig. 3 The monumental temple terrace of the 3rd millennium.
Fig. 4 The necromantic shaft (abi); the walls on the left are those of the palace. In this shape, it dates to the time of the palace, about 2250 BC.
Fig. 5 The palace of Tupkish, about 2250 BC. The mudbrick walls are covered with a system of trellis and cloth that protect them from weathering.
Fig. 6 Composite of the impression of the seal of Uqnitum showing the royal family.
Fig. 7 Stone plaque showing Gilgamesh and Enkidu.
27. Tell Leilan (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Map of Khabur Plains survey areas and precipitation isohyets.
Fig. 2 Tell Leilan Lower Town South, residential area and street, 600m2, 2600-2200 BC, excavated 1989.
Fig. 3 Akkadian administrative building, room 12, terminal floor, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 2006.
Fig. 4 The ‘unfinished building’, south stratigraphic section, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 1999.
Fig. 5 ‘Hayabum, šabra’, seal impression retrieved from the ‘unfinished building’, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 1993.
Fig. 6 Northeast acropolis, building level II, period I, Shamshi-Adad temple, north facade, ca. 1800 BC, excavated in 1982.
28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 Aerial photograph by G. Gerster
Fig. 2. Tell Sheikh Hamad topographic map and areas of operation, and step trench, Area 1927, House 4, level 6
Fig. 3 Two superimposed graves of the Parthian-Roman cemetery
Fig. 4 Plan of Middle Assyrian Building P, western slope of the Citadel
Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian tablets in ashy earth layer as excavated in Room A, Building P
Fig. 6 Two fragments of orthostats and reconstruction of the scene, 9th century BC
Fig. 7 Map of geophysical prospection of the settlement of Dūr-Katlimmu with the deep linear anomaly passing
Fig. 8 Seal impression of Ishme-ilu, eunuch of Nergal-eresh
Fig. 9 Schematic plan of architectural complex of northeast corner of lower town II
Fig. 10 The eastern town wall as seen from the north
Fig. 11 Aerial photograph of operations 5 and 6, neo-Assyrian residences on the left, ‘Red House’ on the right
Fig. 12 Schematic plan of neo-Assyrian residences
Fig. 13 Mural on the east wall of hall B of House 4 of the neo-Assyrian residences
Fig. 14 Schematic plan of the ‘Red House’
29. Umm el-Marra (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Tomb 8.
Fig. 2 Tomb 1, middle layer (two men).
Fig. 3 Lapis lazuli amulet in shape of wild goat, Tomb 1.
Fig. 4 Gold filigreed pendant, Tomb 1.
Fig. 5 Installation E, with four equids.
Fig. 6 Monument 1.
Fig. 7 Shaft 1 layer 10, two vultures missing wings.
Fig. 8 Mittani period Akkadian legal tablet, with cylinder seal impression of Saustatar.
30. Tell Jerablus Tahtani (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 Site plan showing Early Bronze Age levels.
Fig. 2 Concentration of Uruk bevel-rim bowls.
Fig. 3 Seal impression with horned animal and snake.
Fig. 4 First Early Bronze Age fort wall.
Fig. 5 Reconstruction of Early Bronze Age burial.
Fig. 6 Objects from an Early Bronze Age grave.
Fig. 7 Figurines from a grave-like facility.
Fig. 8 Tomb 302 beside the South Terrace.
31. Tell Al-Rawda (Hama)
Fig. 1 Aerial picture of Tell Al-Rawda
Fig. 2 Geomagnetic map of Tell Al-Rawda after treatment of the image superimposed on satellite image
Fig. 3 Tell Al-Rawda: aerial picture of the main sanctuary
Fig. 4 Hypothetical reconstruction of the main sanctuary
Fig. 5 Tell Al-Rawda: plan of Early Bronze IVB dwellings in sector 4, south-west of the tell
Fig. 6 Hypothetical reconstruction of the whole city
32. Tell Munbāqa (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Overall Site Plan 2007 with accented results of the campaign 1999-2010 in the North Gate Area
Fig. 2 Excavated houses, temple district near North gate (below) and clay tablet MBQ-T 77
Fig. 3 Floorplan of House A and terracotta moulded female figurines
Fig. 4 Pottery and other inventory excavated in house M, rooms 12 and 13
Fig. 5 Little terracotta-made heads of men and a lion’s head application
Fig. 6 Terracotta-molded lute player and sitting God from the temple district
Fig. 7 Man with ram attached to a cascet’s corner and a terracotta face mask
Fig. 8 Pieces of a goldsmith’s deposit contained in a 2,5 kilo silver hoard
33. Tell el-Abd (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 Tell el-ΚAbd. Overall Plan (after Finkbeiner 2015).
Fig. 2 Tell el-ΚAbd. Overall plan af Area I
Fig. 3. Tell el-ΚAbdd, Area I. The stone wall is part of the earliest town wall with the north gate. In front, the massive reinforcements with mud-bricks.
Fig. 4 Tell el-ΚAbdd. Area I. Building B, Levels I.4 and I.3
Fig. 5 Tell el-ΚAbd. Plan of Area III
Fig. 6 Tell el-ΚAbd. Female Terracotta figurine
34. Tell Ali al-Hajj, Rumeilah (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 General view of Tell Ali al-Hajj, seen from the northeast.
Fig. 2 Stratigraphic section of the main excavation trench.
Fig. 3 Early Bronze Age tomb No. 21 in the Rumeilah area.
Fig. 4. Excavated house structures of Level VI
Fig. 5 Excavated room of Level VI, seen from the north.
Fig. 6 Clay house model (centre), pottery and stone objects.
Fig. 7 Painted pottery from the Middle Bronze Age levels.
35. Mishrifeh / Qatna (Homs)
Fig. 1 Aerial view of Qatna.
Fig. 2 Jars found in the favissa of Qatna’s sacred area.
Fig. 3 Plan of the Eastern Palace.
Fig. 4 Aerial view of the Lower City Palace (bottom left), the Royal Palace (centre) and the Eastern Palace (top left) from the north.
Fig. 5 Plan of the Lower City Palace.
Fig. 6 Ivory plaque from the Lower City Palace with limestone and rock crystal inlay.
36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs)
Fig. 1 Mishirfeh, topographical map with the Syrian excavations areas represented by black circles (Italian team).
Fig. 2 Mishirfeh, painted pottery from Area R
Fig. 3 Mishirfeh, arial view with in the centre the circular Upper City
Fig. 4 Mishirfeh, small temple from Area T
Fig. 5 Mishirfeh, residential structures from Area T
Fig. 6. Mishirfeh, individual tomb from Area T
Fig. 7 Mishirfeh, human figurine terracotta from Area T
Fig. 8 Mishirfeh, northern palace in Area C
Fig. 9 Mishirfeh, northern palace in Area C
Fig. 10 Mishirfeh, Aramean palace in Area C
Fig. 11 Mishirfeh, Aramean building in Area O
Fig. 12 Mishirfeh, Aramean building in Area O
Fig. 13 Mishirfeh, Aramean houses in Area S
37. Tell Mastuma (Idlib)
Fig. 1 Tell Mastuma on the road from Idlib to Latakia in northwest Syria.
Fig. 2 Topographical map of Tell Mastuma (showing Iron Age remains).
Fig. 3 Aerial view of Iron Age levels at Tell Mastuma.
Fig. 4 Reconstructed illustration of Iron Age settlement at Tell Mastuma (800 BC).
Fig. 5 Iron Age finds from Tell Mastuma.
38. Tell Sakka (Damascus)
Fig. 1 Tell Saka from the east.
Fig. 2 House from Level 3.
Fig. 3 Mud weights for looms from Level 3.
Fig. 4 ‘Prince’ wearing an Osiris headdress.
Fig. 5 Services section from Level 4.
Fig. 6 Uncovered sections of the ‘palace’ in Level 4.
Fig. 7 Text discovered in 2008.
Fig. 8 Text discovered in 2010.
39. Tell Iris (Lattakia)
Fig. 1 Tell Iris: aerial view.
Fig. 2 Tell Iris: collective grave of Middle Bronze Ages II B.
Fig. 3 Tell Iris: painted jug of Middle Bronze Age I.
Fig. 4 Tell Iris: plan of the burial chamber of collective grave of Middle Bronze Age II B
Fig. 5 Tell Iris: burnished juglets from the collective grave.
(Rudaina Harfouche).
Fig. 6 Tell Iris: jar from the collective grave.
Fig. 7 Tell Iris: incised bone tablets from the collective grave.
Fig. 8 Tel Iris: large building from the Late Bronze Age II.
Fig. 9 Tell Iris: jug from Late Bronze Age II.
40. Tell Toueini (Lattakia)
Fig. 1 Tell Toueini: aerial view
Fig. 2 Tell Toueini: pottery from Early Bronze Age IV
Fig. 3 Tell Toueini: stone silo from late 3rd millennium BC
Fig. 4 Tell Toueini: temple from Iron Age I
Fig. 5 Tell Toueini: urban organization of the city in Iron Age II/III
Fig. 6 Tell Toueini: sanctuary of Iron Age III
Fig. 7 Tell Toueini: female plaque figurine terracotta from Iron Age II/III
Fig. 8 Tell Toueini: terracotta figurine with moving legs from Iron Age III
Fig. 9 Tell Toueini: molded female figurine terracotta from Iron Age III
Fig. 10 Tell Toueini: ‘Persian Riders’ terracotta figurine from Iron Age III
Fig. 11 Tell Toueini: isometric view of Byzantine farm
41. Tell Sianu (Lattakia)
Fig. 1 Tell Sianu: aerial view.
Fig. 2 Tell Sianu: administration building (Early Bronze Age IV A).
Figs. 3, 4 Tell Sianu: combed jar (Early Bronze Age IV A).
Fig. 5 Tell Sianu: seal impression (Early Bronze Age IV A).
Fig. 6 Tell Sianu: cuneiform administration tablet (Middle Bronze Age II).
Fig. 7 Tell Sianu: milk bowl (Late Bronze II).
Fig. 8 Tell Sianu: isometric view of the sanctuary (Late Phoenician Period = Iron Age III).
42. Tell Taban (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Tell Taban, 1997 season.
Fig. 2 Middle Assyrian cylinder inscriptions, 1997-99 season.
Fig. 3 Tell Taban, 2005 winter season.
Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian clay tablets, 2005 winter season.
Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian underground tomb, 2006 season.
Fig. 6 Old Babylonian clay tablets, 2006 season.
Fig. 7 Old Babylonian tablet with envelope, 2006 season.
43. Tell Hammam el-Turkman (Raqqa)
Fig. 1 View of Tell Hammam from the northeast.
Fig. 2 View of main room and side rooms of the Uruk-period temple, facing northeast, ca. 3200 BC.
Fig. 3 Sumero-Akkadian dictionary on clay cube, ca. 1550 BC.
Fig. 4 Clay cylinder seal with modern impression, ca. 1750 BC.
44. Tell Selenkahiye (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 View of Tell Selenkahiye from the west.
Fig. 2 Plan of the Selenkahiye ‘Mansion’, ca. 2200 BC.
Fig. 3 Statues from the lining of the water conduit in Selenkahiye, ca. 2300 BC.
Fig. 4 Cylinder seal impression on pot, showing animal combat, ca. 2300 BC.
Fig. 5 Opened shaft tomb, ca. 2200 BC.
45. Tell Mohammed Diyab (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Plan and view of Tell Mohammed Diyab.
(area 5a).
Fig. 2 South-north trench revealing the surface of the 3rd millennium terrace in area 7b.
Fig. 3 Cultic stone in the temple of the first OJ 2 city
Fig. 4 Altar and podium from a reconstruction phase of the temple in the first OJ 2 city.
Fig. 5 Street of the second OJ 2 city (area 1).
46. Tell Tuqan (Idlib)
Fig. 1 Tell Tuqan: satellite image.
Fig. 2 Tell Tuqan: MB city gate F.
Fig. 3a Tell Tuqan: Area G, defense system plan.
Fig. 3b Tell Tuqan: Area G, circular tower.
Fig. 4 Tell Tuqan: Area T, east-west trench.
Fig. 5 Tell Tuqan: Area T, T1 Persian building.
47. Khirbet Al-Umbashi, Khirbet Dabab and Hebariye (Sweida)
Fig. 1 Angle of a bastion of the EBA III rampart.
Fig. 2 Remains of the dam inserted in the rampart.
Fig. 3 Houses on the northern side of the site.
Fig. 4 A megalithic house with roof slabs.
Fig. 5 Plan of a megalithic house associated with animal pens.
Fig. 6 Tomb in the eastern cemetery.
Fig. 7. a) Panoramic view of the northern village; b) plan of a house.
Fig. 8 Entrances to subterranean houses.
Fig. 9 Plan of a subterranean house.
48. Tell Masaikh and the Region around Terqa (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 Map of the Terqa and Masaikh region.
Fig. 2 Tell Masaikh: general plan.
Fig. 3 Tell Masaikh: view of the main reception room of the palace.
Fig. 4 Tell Masaikh: the acropolis area, view from the south.
Fig. 5 Tell Masaikh: plan of the acropolis area.
Fig. 6 Tell Masaikh: fragments of mural paintings from the palace.
49. Tell Ashara/Terqa (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 General view of Tell Ashara from the Djezireh.
Fig. 2 General plan of Tell Ashara.
Fig. 3 Tell Ashara: Area F, the superstructure of the hypogeum.
Fig. 4 Tell Ashara: Area F, DA II/III buildings.
Fig. 5 Tell Ashara: Area F, remains of Middle Bronze II administrative building.
Fig. 6 Tell Ashara: Area C, the neighbourhood of the Ninkarrak-Gula temple.
Fig. 7 Tell Ashara : Area E, the Khana buildings.
50. Tell Bazi (Aleppo)
Fig. 1 3D reconstruction of the citadel and the lower town during the Late Bronze Age.
Fig. 2 Hundreds of sling bullets cover the entrance of the fortified building on top of the citadel, ca. 2400 BC.
Fig. 3 The temple in the centre of the citadel.
Fig. 4 The dense domestic quarters of the ‘Weststadt’, ca. 1350 BC.
Fig. 5 A steatite stone mould for producing jewellery.
51. Tell Afis (Idlib)
Fig. 1 Tell Afis and areas of excavations
Fig. 2 Area E: view (1997) of the northern sector of the Late Chalcolithic wall.
Fig. 3 Area E: cylinder and stamp seals from the Late Chalcolithic period.
Fig. 4 Area E3: view (2009) of Early Bronze Age IVA-B Unit, phases 1-4.
Fig. 5 Area E3: view (2006) of Early Bronze Age IVB jar in place and after restoration.
Fig. 6 Area B1: Middle Bronze Age IIA, pottery and figurines from the graves (2002).
Fig. 7 Area E4b: view (2005) of Late Bronze Age II pillared building B.
Fig. 8 Area E4: Iron Age I, zoomorphic vase with painted decoration (TA.99.E.711/1).
Fig. 9 Area A: schematic plan of the sacred compound (2010).
Fig. 10 Area A: view (2006) of temple AI.
52. Tell Fekheriye (Hassake)
Fig. 1 Topographical map of the upper town area at Tell Fekheriye.
Fig. 2 Excavation area at the western slope of the upper town.
Fig. 3 Excavated area of the monumental building of the late Mittani and early Middle Assyrian phases in trenches C I-II.
Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian tablets found in the deposit C-1035/1199 (see Fig. 3).
Fig. 5 Selection of Mittani period seal impressions on jar stoppers and sealings on door-pegs.
53. Mari (Deir ez-Zor)
Fig. 1 Excavations at the Ishtar temple and French plane over the temple, March 1934
Fig. 2 Chantier L: general view (2005) of the ‘ville 1’ quarter (Mission archéologique françise de Mari).
Fig. 3 Mari, Palais Sud 2: general view (2008) of the southern wall of the palace and protruding tower (Mission archéologique française de Mari).
Fig. 4 ‘Massif rouge’: general view (2008) of the excavations
Fig. 5 Mari, temple of the ‘Lord of the Land’ (favissa) in 2009
Fig. 6 Mari, southern gate, western tower, massive stone foundations
54. Tell Nebi Mend (Homs)
Fig. 1 Plan of site.
Fig. 2 Neolithic pottery.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites
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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites edited by

Youssef Kanjou and Akira Tsuneki

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites edited by

Youssef Kanjou and Akira Tsuneki

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED

www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978 1 78491 381 6 ISBN 978 1 78491 382 3 (e-Pdf)

© Archaeopress and the authors 2016 Cover Illustration: View of the excavation at Hummal site © The Syro-Swiss mission on the Palaeolithic of the El Kowm Area

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners.

This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Contents

Preface�� vii Introduction: The Significance of Syria in Human History��1 Youssef Kanjou and Akira Tsuneki Chapter 1: Prehistory 1. El Kowm Oasis (Homs)��11 Reto Jagher, Dorota Wojtczak and Jean-Marie Le Tensorer 2. Dederiyeh Cave (Aleppo)��17 Takeru Akazawa and Yoshihiro Nishiaki 3. Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter (Damascus)��21 Nicholas J. Conard 4. Baaz Rockshelter (Damascus)��24 Nicholas J. Conard 5. Kaus Kozah Cave (Damascus)��27 Nicholas J. Conard 6. Abu Hureyra (Raqqa)��31 Andrew M. T. Moore 7. Qarassa (Sweida)��35 Frank Braemer, Juan J. Ibanez and Xavier Terradas 8. Mureybet (Raqqa)��41 Marie-Claire Cauvin and Danielle Stordeur 9. Tell Qaramel (Aleppo)��44 Youssef Kanjou 10. Jerf el-Ahmar (Aleppo)��47 Danielle Stordeur and George Willcox 11. Dja’de el-Mughara (Aleppo)��51 Eric Coqueugniot 12. Tell Halula (Aleppo)��54 Miquel Molist 13. Tell Aswad (Damascus)��57 Danielle Stordeur and Rima Khawam 14. Tell el-Kerkh (Idlib)��61 Akira Tsuneki 15. Tell Sabi Abyad (Raqqa)��65 Peter M. M. G. Akkermans 16. Tell Seker al-Aheimar (Hassake)��69 Yoshihiro Nishiaki 17. Shir (Hama)��72 Karin Bartl 18. Tell Kosak Shamali (Aleppo)��76 Yoshihiro Nishiaki

i

19. Tell el-‘Abr (Aleppo)��80 Yayoi Yamazaki and Hamido Hammade 20. Chagar Bazar (Hassake)��84 Walter Cruells and Anna Gómez Bach 21. Tell Zeidan (Raqqa)��88 Anas Al Khabour 22. Tell Feres (Hassake)��91 Régis Vallet and Johnny Samuele Baldi 23. Tell Ziyadeh (Hassake)��98 Frank Hole Chapter 2: Ancient Syria (Bronze and Iron Ages) 24. Tell Beydar / Nabada / Nabatium (Hassake)�� 103 Marc Lebeau and Antoine Suleiman 25. Tell Banat (Aleppo)�� 107 Thomas L. McClellan and Anne Porter 26. Tell Mozan/Urkesh (Hassake)�� 111 Giorgio Buccellati and Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati 27. Tell Leilan (Hassake)�� 115 Harvey Weiss 28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor)�� 119 Hartmut Kühne 29. Umm el-Marra (Aleppo)�� 127 Glenn M. Schwartz 30. Tell Jerablus Tahtani (Aleppo)�� 131 Edgar Peltenburg 31. Tell Al-Rawda (Hama)�� 135 Corinne Castel and Nazir Awad 32. Tell Munbāqa (Raqqa)�� 139 Dittmar Machule 33. Tell el-Abd (Raqqa)�� 143 Uwe Finkbeiner 34. Tell Ali al-Hajj, Rumeilah (Aleppo)�� 147 Kazuya Shimogama 35. Mishrifeh / Qatna (Homs)�� 151 Daniele Morandi Bonacossi 36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs)�� 156 Michel Al-Maqdissi and Massoud Badawi 37. Tell Mastuma (Idlib)�� 163 Hidetoshi Tsumoto 38. Tell Sakka (Damascus)�� 167 Ahmad Taraqji 39. Tell Iris (Lattakia)�� 171 Antoine Suleiman and Michel Al-Maqdissi 40. Tell Toueini (Lattakia)�� 174 Michel Al-Maqdissi, Massoud Badawi and Eva Ishaq

ii

41. Tell Sianu (Lattakia)�� 181 Michel Al-Maqdissi 42. Tell Taban (Hassake)�� 184 Hirotoshi Numoto 43. Tell Hammam el-Turkman (Raqqa)�� 188 Diederik J.W. Meijer 44. Tell Selenkahiye (Aleppo)�� 191 Diederik J.W. Meijer 45. Tell Mohammed Diyab (Hassake)�� 194 Christophe Nicolle 46. Tell Tuqan (Idlib)�� 197 Francesca Baffi 47. Khirbet Al-Umbashi, Khirbet Dabab and Hebariye (Sweida)�� 201 Frank Braemer and Ahmad Taraqji 48. Tell Masaikh and the Region around Terqa (Deir ez-Zor)�� 207 Maria Grazia Masetti-Rouault 49. Tell Ashara/Terqa (Deir ez-Zor)�� 211 Olivier Rouault 50. Tell Bazi (Aleppo)�� 215 Adelheid Otto and Berthold Einwag 51. Tell Afis (Idlib)�� 218 Stefania Mazzoni 52. Tell Fekheriye (Hassake)�� 224 Dominik Bonatz 53. Mari (Deir ez-Zor)�� 228 Pascal Butterlin 54. Tell Nebi Mend (Homs)�� 232 Peter Parr 55. Qala’at Halwanji (Aleppo)�� 235 Jesper Eidem 56. Tell Ahmar/Til Barsib (Aleppo)�� 239 Guy Bunnens 57. Chagar Bazar/Ashnakkum (Hassake)�� 243 Önhan Tunca 58. Tell Humeida (Deir ez-Zor)�� 247 Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós and Yaroob al-Abdallah 59. Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq (Deir ez-Zor)�� 250 Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós and Shaker Al-Shbib 60. Tulul el-Far, Tell Taouil and Tell el-Kharaze (Damascus)�� 253 Sophie Cluzan and Ahmad Taraqji 61. Tell Massin and Tell al-Nasriyah (Hama)�� 259 Dominique Parayre and Martin Sauvage 62. Tell Arbid (Hassake)�� 264 Piotr Bieliński 63. Tell Halaf (Hassake)�� 268 Lutz Martin

iii

64. Halawa (Raqqa)�� 272 Jan-Waalke Meyer and Winfried Orthmann 65. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani (Aleppo)�� 277 Gioacchino Falsone and Paola Sconzo 66. Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Lattakia)�� 282 Valérie Matoïan and Khozama al-Bahloul 67. Tell Chuera (Raqqa)�� 287 Jan-Waalke Meyer 68. Amrith/Marathos (Tartous)�� 293 Michel Al-Maqdissi and Eva Ishaq 69. Arslan Tash (Aleppo)�� 297 Anas Al Khabour 70. Tell Meskene/Emar (Aleppo)�� 300 Ferhan Sakal 71. Tell Barri/Kahat (al Hassake)�� 304 Raffaella Pierobon Benoit 72. Tell Kazel/Sumur (Tartous)�� 309 Leila Badre 73. Tell Qumluq (Aleppo)�� 313 Youssef Kanjou and Andrew Jamieson 74. The Cemetery of Abu Hamad (Raqqa)�� 317 Jan-Waalke Meyer 75. The cemeteries of Wreide, Tawi and Shameseddin (Raqqa)�� 319 Jan-Waalke Meyer and Winfried Orthmann 76. Tell Ajaja (Hassake)�� 323 Asa’d Mahmoud and Hartmut Kühne 77. Tell Bderi (Hassake) �� 327 Hartmut Kühne Chapter 3: Syria in the Classic World (Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine) 78. Jebel Khalid, (Aleppo)�� 335 Graeme Clarke and Heather Jackson 79. Palmyra, 30 Years of Syro-German/Austrian Archaeological Research (Homs)�� 339 Andreas Schmidt-Colinet, Khaled al-As‘ad and Wale, ed al-As‘ad 80. Palmyra, Japanese Archaeological Research (Homs)�� 349 Kiyohide Saito 81. Palmyrena. The Northern Hinterland of Palmyra (Homs)�� 355 Jørgen Christian Meyer, Nils Anfinset and Torbjørn Preus Schou 82. Palmyra/Tadmor (Homs)�� 359 Michal Gawlikowski 83. Cyrrhus/Nebi Houri (Aleppo)�� 362 Jeanine Abdul Massih and Shaker Al-Shbib 84. Tell As-Sin (Deir ez-Zor)�� 367 Shaker Al-Shbib and Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós 85. Gindaros (Aleppo)�� 371 Ammar Abdulrahman

iv

86. El-Iss/Qinnasrin (Aleppo)�� 375 Marie-Odile Rousset and Youssef Kanjou 87. Resafa/Sergiopolis (Raqqa)�� 379 Anas Al Khabour 88. Resafa/Sergiupolis /Rusafat Hisham (Raqqa)�� 382 Dorothée Sack and Martin Gussone 89. Zenobia – Halabiya (Deir ez-Zor)�� 388 Sylvie Blétry 90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib)�� 393 Maamoun Abdulkarim and Gérard Charpentier 91. Musaytbeh-Jableh (Lattakia)�� 401 Massoud Badawi 92. Deir Qinnsrin-Jarabulus (Aleppo)�� 404 Mohamad Fakhro 93. Tell el-Kasra (Deir ez-Zor)�� 408 Yaroob al-Abdallah 94. Syriac Inscriptions of Syria�� 411 Françoise Briquel Chatonnet 95. Sura (Raqqa)�� 414 Ali Othman 96. Tell Shayzar (Hama)�� 417 Matthias Grawehr and Abdulsalam Albachkami Chapter 4 Islamic Archaeology in Syria 97. The Citadel of Tell Shayzar (Hama)�� 423 Cristina Tonghini 98. Qalaat Al Mudiq/Apamean Citadel (Hama)�� 427 Shaker Al-Shbib and Mathilde Gelin 99. Tell Tuneinir (Hassake)�� 430 Michael Fuller and Neathery Fuller 100. Aleppo Castle (Aleppo)�� 433 Assad Yusof and Youssef Kanjou 101. Madinat el-Far/Hisn Maslama (Raqqa)�� 437 Claus-Peter Haase 102. Kharab Sayyar (Raqqa)�� 441 Jan-Waalke Meyer 103. Tell Damir (Raqqa)�� 447 Anas Al Khabour Synthesis: Syrian Archaeology in the Past, Present and Future�� 450 List of Figures�� 452

v

vi

Preface

This book presents the long history of Syria through a journey of the most important and recently excavated archaeological sites. The sites cover over 1.8 million years and all regions of Syria. Recent political conflicts in the Republic of Syria have caused severe problems and the destruction of cultural heritage, which resulted in concern of archaeologists throughout the world about this tragic situation. The situation also deprives the Syrian people of the right to reconstruct their prehistory and history, both indispensable for reorganising world history. Out of this concern we called archaeologists who undertook excavations at the sites in Syria in recent years and before the conflicts began, to submit contributions, which would describe every important archaeological site in Syria. Based on the contributions written by 110 colleagues, we edited A history of Syria in One Hundred Sites in English and Arabic. The effort and excellent feed back to our request in sending us the excellent summaries for each site excavated in Syria is highly appreciated. This volume is a results of their good intentions. This is an English volume, and we hope that readers of the book will understand the importance and true nature of Syrian history. We also believe that knowledge of Syrian history will help readers not only to have increased understanding of this county but will also help to act as a deterrent to the destruction of Syrian cultural heritage and to facilitate protection of Syrian sites. We plan to deliver the Arabic version to Syrians people and students, who are suffering as a result of the conflict. We believe that knowledge of Syrian history will help them not only to have pride in their own history but will become a cultural deterrent to the destruction of their cultural heritage and facilitate the protection of sites as well. 　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　 Youssef Kanjou and Akira Tsuneki

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viii

Introduction: The Significance of Syria in Human History Youssef Kanjou and Akira Tsuneki As mentioned in the preface, this volume presents the long history of Syria, in the light of results of recent archaeological excavations. For this purpose, 113 colleagues have contributed information on 103 topics for this volume. On the basis of these contributions we have summarized the history of Syria, a history as important as any in terms of the development of human society.

of north-eastern Syria, which was a part of wider Mesopotamia. The classical period was one of great prosperity, particularly in the mountainous limestone areas of south and north-western Syria (see the Dead Cities), while during the Bronze Age the riverine areas in the el-Jazierah region prospered (see Chuera, Beydar, Urkesh / Mozan and Leilan).

The Richness of Syrian Archaeology

The First Syrian Populations

Syria is located at the junction of three vast continents, Africa, Asia and Europe, and this strategic position has involved Syria in the tide of great historical events. Our direct ancestor, Homo sapiens, departed from East Africa and dispersed to Asia and Europe through the corridor of the Eastern Mediterranean. When the inhabitants faced the drastic climatic transition at the end of the Pleistocene they began a new way of life, farming and herding (which archaeologists call Neolithic Revolution, or the process of Neolithization) in the Middle Euphrates basin of Syria. Urbanization also first occurred in Syria and its vicinity as a result of the various strategic resources concentrated in the region, reflecting its position at the junction of many trade routes. During the Bronze and Iron Ages, the surrounding great powers, such as the Akkadian, Assyrian, Hittite, and the New Kingdom of Egypt, invaded and ravaged the area repeatedly. The strategic position and value of Syria was then recognized at that time. During the classical periods, when people travelled from the East along the Euphrates and the Tigris tributaries, they first met the Mediterranean Sea via the Syrian coast, the corridor to the west and Northern Africa. The Silk Road, the most famous of the ancient trade routes, passed through Syria between the Roman Empire and the Han dynasty. From Palaeolithic to modern times, Syria has been one of the most important regions in terms of human history.

People have lived in various regions in Syria since the Palaeolithic period, more than one million years ago. Human groups migrated from northeast Africa into Syria, finding suitable occupation sites near springs and rivers where plants and animals flourished. These locations supplied them too with good siliceous rocks for their chipped stone industries. A series of Palaeolithic cultures, such as the Acheulian, Mousterian, Hummalian and Yabrudian, and traces of early human activities, have been discovered in many regions in Syria (see el-Kowm, Wadi Mushkuna and Dederiyeh). The el-Kowm area in the heart of the Syrian Desert, half way between the city of Palmyra and the Euphrates River, is one of the regions inhabited by Palaeolithic populations since c. 1.8 million years ago. Since then, humans have lived in this area intermittently and developed several new technologies for manufacturing stone implements. The first inhabitants came to Syria with a simple biface hand-axe technology (Acheulian). Over time, they started to make new types of tools such as scrapers and blades, and these new tools spread from Syria to Palestine, Jordan and possibly even to Europe. They hunted various animals such as horses and cattle, but the most important resource for the people of elKown was the giant camel – three times the size of the modern camel. These giant camels were a direct ancestor of the modern camel. Based on this evidence, it is suggested that the origin of camels might be the Syrian Desert itself (see Baaz and el-Kowm).

Recent archaeological excavations have revealed and confirmed the depth and diversity of Syrian civilization. Newly discovered antiquities have contributed to different perspectives on regional history and civilization. Syria was a cultural centre during various periods, as demonstrated by excavations at Dederieyh, Mureybit, Tell Brak, Ebla, Mari, Ugarit and Palmyra. In all periods, Syrian geographical, social and ethnic environments have contributed to and influenced interactions with those civilizations impacting on Syria.

Sedentism and the Emergence of Villages Towards the end of Pleistocene (c. 15,000 BC), environmental conditions became warmer and wetter than previously. This new, temperate climate accellerated the spread of human occupation throughout Syria. The population increased, and the tools used for daily life improved. Most tools were made of stone, but increasingly the inhabitants utilized new materials such as bone and wood. From c. 12,000 BC, people started to build a new type of house. It was a dwelling with a round plan, a pit

Syrian cultural influences vary from region to region, and from period to period. The historical traces of south and north-western Syria are different from those 1

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites house with a stone foundation wall. The upper part of the house was made of tree branches and animal skins. Gradually a number of these pit houses grouped together and the ‘village’ appeared in human history. These pithouse dwellings indicate that the inhabitants started to settle down in one place throughout the year. They gave up their nomadic way of life and began to pursue a stable existence in one place. At the same time they became more familiar with the ecology of the animals and plants around them: gazelles became an important food source. The population began to focus on edible wild grains, such as wheat and barley, which were nutritious and could be stored. Several new types of stone tools were developed, including large arrowheads, burins, knives, scrapers and mortars. Sickle blades were used for harvesting wild grains (formed with wooden or bone hafts), becoming important tools. Also from this period the manufacture of ornaments and jewellery became more conspicuous in Syria. This new way of life was named the Natufian Culture, spreading from the southern to northern Levant and lasting nearly 3,000 years. Natufian cultural deposits have been discovered in both north and south Syria (see Kaus Kozah, Abu Hureyra and Qarassa).

wheat and lentils. Evidence of the first domesticated sheep, goats, and pigs was also obtained. Knowledge of domestication of plants and animals spread throughout the Levant, following cultural connections and trade routes. After several thousand years, farming spread to Europe, North Africa and other regions of the world (see Halulah and Abu Hureyra). The concepts of ‘religious’ belief appeared in the society of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period in Syria. The most significant indications for this were bull skulls, female figurines and plastered human skulls. Bull skulls were placed within a special room in the residence (see Qaramel and Mureybet). A number of female figurines, whose sexual and reproductive parts were sometimes emphasized, may be regarded as representing a fertility divinity (see Seker el-Aheimar and Shir). The societies of southern Syria had a custom of plastering human skulls, which was clearly a secondary treatment of the deceased body after the primary burial: skulls were decorated with lime-plaster and some were painted decoratively in an artistic style (see Aswad). Expressive ornamentation and decorated stones (geometric patterns, animals and plants) indicate that the people observed their surrounding environment and held some forms of belief. They started to decorate their houses with wall and floor paintings. The most important paintings are found at Tell Halula. Red-painted designs were visible on the floor of a house, including dancing figures, dating back to c. 7800 BC. The paintings found at Dja’de el Mughara, a site located on the Euphrates, consist mainly of geometric designs (triangle, squares, rectangles) and were discovered on the walls of a communal building with three massive pillars. Many colours were used for the designs and they are the oldest wall (mud wall) paintings known in the world so far, dating to c. 8700 BC (see Dja’de el Mughara and Halula).

Neolithization and the Development of Farming Villages Around the tenth millennium BC the process of Neolithization began in northern Syria. This was a new way of life based on agricultural cultivation and it changed human life and ideology completely. This cultural and cognitive transition mainly started in the tenth millennium BC and lasted for several thousand years. The most important results of Neolithization were that people no longer depended so extensively on natural resources but started to control other living creatures around them. This Neolithization process began in and around the Middle Euphrates basin in northern Syria, an area rich in water, plants and animals (see Mureybet, Qaramel and Abu Hureyra).

Chipped-stone implements formed the main categories among the artefacts from Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites. However from the beginning of the 7th millennium BC, pottery production on a large scale began in Syria (see Shir, el-Kerkh, Seker al-Aheimar). Hereafter, pottery became essential for everyday life. At the same time the use of stamp seals for sealing important items began (see el-Kerkh, Sabi Abyad). This was probably the first sealing system anywhere, and it indicates the recognition of prestige goods that needed to be protected by a sealing system. These seals, therefore, are evidence for private property, trade and administration within Neolithic Syrian society.

The new way of life provided local populations with more stability and encouraged them to build larger and more permanent villages. Initially single-room circular houses from stones, tree branches and mud were built. Gradually the houses became bigger and the layout changed into a rectangular form with several rooms. Grain storage areas next to the dwellings were added. When family members died they were buried in a flexed position below the house floor or courtyard (see Qaramel and Halula). Communal houses also appeared alongside ordinary family dwellings. These were located in the middle of the village, sometimes ornamented with decorated walls and other unusual features (see Jerf el-Ahmar and Dja’de el-Mughara).

In the 6th millennium BC, people started to manufacture other types of pottery, including Halaf ware, an extremely fine painted ceramic with a lustrous surface and wellprocessed clay (see Chagar Bazar and Sabi Abyad). Kilns were used for firing Halaf painted pottery, and this

Evidence of the earliest domesticated plants and animals was found in these villages. The first evidence for agriculture was identified by cultivated grains of barley, 2

Introduction: The Significance of Syria in Human History period marks the beginning of genuine pyrotechnology (control of fire) in human history. The Halaf people built distinctive buildings with a keyhole-shaped plan with a domed ceiling. This style is similar to the beehive buildings in modern villages around Aleppo in northwest Syria (see Sabi Abyad). The excavations at Halaf sites produced many pendant style stamp seals, suggesting that the people were engaged in trade and exchange as well as traditional farming and husbandry.

Uruk. One of the most important discoveries was the so-called ‘EyeTemple’, which has revealed many eyeshaped amulets. Urbanism developed further in the Uruk period. The settlements were linked through a network of villages, towns and small cities, all of which were administered by a large city. This situation emerged in southern Mesopotamia, where the huge settlement of Uruk, with huge temples and large public buildings, required collective action and the ability to organize and allocate work. This necessitated central control, and apparently at Uruk this role was fulfilled by some form of religious authority (Hammam al-Turkman).

In the following, Chalcolithic periods, craft manufacturing was established on a larger scale. Pottery manufacturing kilns have been discovered at some Ubaid Culture sites (see Feres, Kosak Shamali, el-Abr, and Ziyadeh), and subsistence specialization had already begun in Syria during the early Chalcolithic period.

One of the most important developments in this period was a system of writing. Evidence for the earlier stages of writing includes small clay pieces in various forms (tokens), comprised of signs and symbols; these must have been used for calculating and the recording of goods and communications between the various interested parties. This system shows economic development in tandem with increasing agricultural surpluses, animal husbandry and the evolution of trade. At this period it was necessary to confirm ownership of resources, particularly when the products and goods were transported from one place to another (see Shiyukh Tahtani).

Emergence of Urbanization It is notable that evidence for the first urban society can be observed among the Syrian Chalcolithic sites, such as Brak and Hamoukar in Hassaka province, and Hamam el-Turkman in Raqqa province. Archaeologists have discovered thick mudbrick walls and gates of monumental public buildings, as well as streets which connected these public buildings at these sites. In addition, many industrial workshops, for textiles, leather tanning and pottery were also discovered. These early urban settlements in Syria may date from the end of the 5th and early 4th millennium BC, and indicate that urban societies appeared in Syria much earlier than in southern Mesopotamia – areas archaeologists and philologists have traditionally thought of as the birthplaces of urban society during the late 4th millennium BC. Ancient cities in southern Mesopotamia, especially Uruk, have long been the focus of discussion about the beginning of urban society. However the results of new excavations in Syria challenge this view. Some researchers argue that Syria provided a possible starting place for urban society (see Feres and Hammam al-Turkman). Considering the early development of agriculture in Syria (Neolithization in Syria appeared much earlier than in southern Iraq), Syria could also provide a possible origin for the appearance of more complex societies, such as cities.

One of the main advances was the emergence of temples with distinct and clear architectural styles, consisting of a main central room and two side rooms (the socalled tripartite temple). This complex was provided with an altar and its inner walls were decorated with multi-coloured clay corn mosaics. It is clear that rituals were practised in these buildings. Such temples were discovered at Tell Brak in Hassake and Jabal Aruda on the banks of the Middle Euphrates (see Hammam alTurkman). A representative city complex in this era was excavated at the site of Habuba Kebira, located along the Euphrates River; it was fortified with 3m-wide mudbrick walls which extended for 600m. The Era of City-States

In the late 4th millennium BC, large Syrian settlements became specific ‘cities’ and radical changes appeared in social and religious life. The appearance of large temples and a writing system were important innovations, indicating the formation of religious and economic authorities. In this period, it seems that there were two centres of significant civilization in Syria. The first was in the Middle Euphrates region, which had a close relationship with the civilization of Uruk in southern Mesopotamia. The other was in the upper Khabur tributary region, where a local Syrian civilization prospered. The representative site in the latter area is Tell Brak, contemporaneous with the civilization of

In the 3rd millennium BC a new authority having a different culture and administrative system appeared, generally referred to as a ‘city-state’. The city-states had a governor, army and agricultural lands, and were often in conflict with one another. They ruled the surrounding villages, and the religious and political authorities organized the various aspects of the social and religious life of the cities’ inhabitants and local villagers. In later periods, many such cities developed, or united to form kingdoms and sometimes even empires (see Mari and Leilan).

3

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites It is clear that there were several factors which helped these embryonic city-states to flourish. The evolution of agriculture, sometimes with an irrigation system, produced sufficient the surpluses to support the ruling elites and armies. The development of trade routes (Anatolia, the Mediterranean coast, and southern Mesopotamia) empowered Syrian cities, especially those located on the banks of the Euphrates, to act as major trading centres for the collection and distribution of important resources, including minerals and timber (see Munbaqa, Tulul el-Far and Jerablus Tahtani).

of Mesopotamia. Their influence extended from the Mediterranean Sea to the Gulf. The Amorite people originated from the Syrian Desert (Badia), later moving to the Euphrates region and later into Mesopotamia. It seems that this drastic change in the region was due to the appearance and development of the Amorite people. The abandoned settlements revived as large centres, such as Mari, Ebla and Chagar Bazar. The period might also represent the return of the local populations themselves, who rebuilt their towns based on the former administrative models and adjusted to become even more successful (see Sakka, Ali al-Hajj, Chagar Bazar, Taban, Masaikh and Mishrifeh/Qatna).

By 2600 BC several kingdoms had appeared in Syria, varying in size from region to region. In the Euphrates valley and the Khabur headwater, the capital city covered 100 hectares (see Leilan) and the secondary centres reached 15–30ha (see Baydar). The cities on the Balikh River grew to 50-65ha (see Hammam al-Turkman). These areas incorporated fortification walls for the cities, and even smaller villages had external mudbrick walls (see Selenkahiye and Halawa). This period also provides clear evidence of warfare (see Mohammed Diyab, AlRawda, Baydar and Bderi).

Conflicts and wars between the states must have been frequent – there is recurrent evidence of fortifications with outer and internal supporting walls, glacis, ramparts, and strong city gates. Several types of new weapons were also found from tombs at these sites (see Bazi, Munbaqa, Qala’at Halwanji, Tuqan, Mishrifeh/Qatna). The Era of International Relations Amorite domination ended in Syria around the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, according to the evidence of the destruction at Yamhad (Aleppo) and Ebla. External invasion, such as the Mitannian attack on northwest Syria, revealed the beginning of a new era in Syrian history (see Tell Ahmar/Til Barsib). In Syria the period between 1600 and 1200 BC can well be considered the age of ‘international’ empires, as Syria became a pawn in the confrontations between great empires – the Mitanni, Egyptian, Hittite and Assyrian (see Sianu and Toueini).

During this era Syria was relegated to the role of buffer zone between the great powers of Iraq and Egypt. In these societies, social division had widened and social classes distinguished between rich and poor, workers and artisans, farmers and nomads (see Arbid, Umm elMarra, Qumluq, Barri, Abu Hamad and Wreide). Perhaps one of the most important characteristics of this era was the form of writing. Cuneiform was used widely in economic, social and religious spheres. Evidence from clay tablets indicates that there were special schools for teaching cuneiform writing. Clay tablets were collected in an archive similar to present-day libraries. Such archives, containing several thousands of cuneiform tablets, were discovered at Mari and Ebla. Ancient cities had schools where bureaucrats practised reading and writing, in addition to engaging in religious affairs (see Leilan, Ashara/Terqa and Beydar).

Egypt dominated south Syria and the Mediterranean coast, while the Mitanni spread into northern Syria, where their capital, Washshukanni, was located (see Fekheriye). Later, after the victory of the Hittites over the Mitanni, Hittite power began to control northwest Syria. After the battle of Kadesh (Nabi Mend), the Hittites and Egyptians controlled northwest and southern Syria respectively (see Nabi Mend). Northeast Syria continued under Mitannian control, however soon afterwards the Assyrians attacked the Mitanni from the east and destroyed their capital. As a result, northeast Syria (Khabur area) fell under Assyrian control (see Fekheriye).

The Renaissance of Syrian Cities After the end of the Early Bronze Age, some drastic political changes occurred. Most of the existing Syrian states collapsed around 2,000 BC, yet some small towns managed to continue without interruption. However, from the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, there seems to have been a renaissance of Syrian cities with technological innovation, adaptation to environmental conditions, and the appearance of new ethnic groups (see Sakka, Banat, Ashara/Terqa, Afis and Tuqan).

Towards the end of the 2nd millennium BC, which coincides with the end of the Late Bronze Age, local Syrian and foreign hybrid cultures emerged. For example in northwest Syria there was a strong influence from the Hittite culture, manifested through the many seals and cuneiform texts found at several sites (e.g. Emar and Ugarit). MitanniHittite impact can be observed at Munbaqa and Ugarit, and Assyrian influence in the Khabur area (see Munbaqa, elAbd, Ugarit, Taban and Mozan).

Written sources indicate that this period features the appearance of the Amorites, with their own kings and language, and who controlled Syria and most

At the end of the 2nd millennium BC, major Syrian cities, such as Emar, Ugarit, Hammam al-Turkaman and 4

Introduction: The Significance of Syria in Human History Tell Brak, were either abandoned or destroyed. It has been suggested that the Syrian principal cities, especially along the coast, had been invaded and destroyed by the so-called ‘sea people’ who had arrived from the Mediterranean Sea. We may also suppose other causes for the collapse of these cities, such as increasing internal pressures in local societies (see Ugarit, Meskene, Iris and Amrith).

into the Aramaic and Greek alphabets. The writing system was no longer dominated by specific elites, or official institutions, linked to the palace or temple (see Ugarit). An important ideological development occurred in terms of burial customs, whereby the deceased were cremated and their charred bones then transferred into a ceramic vessel. This new custom was observed in several cemeteries. The use of gravestones also started in this era. Along the Syrian coast different types of graves appeared for the elites, including the use of decorated sarcophagi (see Tell Afis).

Syria as a Dependent State Aramaean influence appeared and spread into central and north Syria before the end of the 2nd millennium and many Aramaic kingdoms were established. This formation process was very similar to that of the Amorites in the early 2nd millennium BC. Each Aramean tribal group was called by the family name, ‘Bit’ (house), following a coastal Phoenician writing system. The most important Aramaic kingdoms were established at Halaf (Kingdom of Guzana – the Kingdom of Bit-Bahiani), Ahmar (the Kingdom of Bit-Adini), Damascus (the Kingdom of Aram Damascus) and North of Aleppo (the Kingdom of Bit-Agushi). The upper classes of these states lived in elaborate structures based on a new plan, and their settlements were decorated with artistic features – basalt sphinxes and lion statues at the gates of the temples and palaces. The most notable temples are the Ain-Dara temple and the ‘Storm God’ temples at Aleppo and Tell Halaf (see Halaf).

After the new Babylonian Empire, the Persian Empire of the Achaemenian dynasty (550–330 BC) took control of Syria. The region was now designated Abre Nahr, dominated by local kings, and although the land was well exploited agriculturally, its commercial role was still important (see Tell Tuqan). Syria in the Classical World Syria was led into Classical times by Alexander the Great in 333 BC. After his death, Syria became part of the Seleucid State, named after the founder of the dynasty, Seleucus I Nicator, one of Alexander’s generals. The first capital was Seleucia on the River Tigris, which was transferred subsequently to Antioch in Syria. Three further new cities were founded at Laodicea (Latakia), Apamea and Sleuceia Pieria, and these centres formed the Syrian ‘tetrapolis’ as the main cities of the Seleucid State. These cities were constructed according to a grid plan: one of the most important features of this era. This plan consisted of a main thoroughfare with intersecting streets at right angles, with a standardized location for public buildings: temples, palace, theatre, markets, and strong external walls with towers and gates.

Conflicts occurred frequently among these kingdoms and with the new Assyrian Empire. Eventually the new Assyrian Empire attacked all the Aramean areas except those on the Mediterranean coast - which was later to become Phoenicia. In the Phoenician regions the people of Sukas, Kazal and Ras Ibn Haani were engaged in trade and maritime activities. Among the most important trading commodities were metals of various kinds, especially bronze objects that were traded into inland Syria. Local artisans were also engaged in craft manufacture, in particular of skilfully-made ivory ornaments (see Kazal, Mastuma, Afis, Qabr Abu al-ΚAtiq and Sianu).

Hellenistic culture dominated during this period in Syria, reflecting the combination and interaction of the wider Greek influence with the regional and ancient Near Eastern civilizations of Syria. These interactions are visible at archaeological sites from this era, especially in features involving the arts (sculpture and mosaics), temples, monumental public buildings, theatres, ceramic industries, etc. Settlers established their own schools to instruct their children in Greek culture (see Jabel Khalid).

The Iron Age was marked by developments in certain characteristics that can be clearly identified. Economic and political development placed Syria within a broader network of international relations than ever before. At the beginning of the Iron Age the changing economy depended on the dynamics of the temple complex and relied on the regional ‘state’ having its own cultural and ethnic links. New forms and styles of art and architecture evolved in this era. Syria fell under the control of the great regional empires: New Assyria, New Babylonia and Achaemenid Persia (see Sheikh Hamad, Ajaja, Arslan Tash and Ahmar).

The Roman commander Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus overthrew Greek governance in Syria in 64 BC, making the country the centre of the eastern Roman Empire, later called Syria Palaestina. The Romans restored the building and urban planning of the Hellenistic period, based on the same model. The most important Roman cities in Syria were Bosra, Cyrrhus, Antioch, Dura Europos, Resafa, Apamea and Palmyra (see Cyrrhus and Palmyra). The trade roads in this period were paved,

Writing also took another leap forward, represented by the Phoenician alphabet, and branching in due course 5

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites with Syria having 22 Roman roads connecting the cities and neighbouring lands. Roman roads intersected in the centre of large cities, such as Palmyra and Apamea (see Cyrrhus). The ancient Syrian cities in this period can be distinguished by their orthogonal (Hellenistic) city plans, with a preferred axis and city walls. The public buildings (temples, theatres, baths and monumental gates) were modified and enlarged in the Roman period (see Resafa, Musaytbeh and as-Sin).

Syria in the Islamic World In the later 7th century, Arab Muslims arrived in the Levant and conquered most of the Syrian cities under Roman occupation. The majority of them continued under their new overlords, while some declined and some new towns emerged (see Qinnasrin). Although documentary evidence clearly shows the intellectual and cultural aspects of the Islamic period, archaeological excavations confirm the information provided by historical sources (and much previously unknown information has been revealed by such enterprises, e.g. Tell Damir).

Luxury items were gradually introduced into private dwellings and palaces in the cities of Antioch, Cyrrhus/ Nabi Hori, and others. The house sizes often exceeded 1,000m2, with courtyards, corridors and reception rooms with tiled mosaics. Beautiful paintings decorated the houses found at Apamea, Bossra, and even small towns, e.g. Shahba. The most elaborate paintings represented the mythological world, depicting characters such as Orpheus, Aphrodite, Hercules, etc. (see Resafa, Qinnasrin, el-Kasra and Cyrrhus).

The Omayyad Dynasty was assiduous in developing architecture, such as mosque complexes, shrines, palaces, houses, baths, etc. Subsequent Muslim dynasties eagerly constructed fortifications and castles as a result of persistent conflict, especially during the Crusader/ Ayyub period. Most well-preserved Syrian castles may date back to that period, such as those at Aleppo and Shayzar (see Aleppo Castle, Citadel of Shayzar and Qalat al-Mudiq). A number of palaces, for instance those at Qasr al-Hayr al-Sharqi, Qasr al-Hayr al-Gharbi and Resafa, were constructed over the period, as well as large mosques in the centre of each city, as represented by the Umayyad mosques in Damascus and Aleppo (see Madinat el-Far and Kharab Sayyar).

Syria continued to prosper in the following Byzantine period, with an increased population and the wide distribution of settlements in most areas. Many Byzantine settlements (with churches, monasteries, cemeteries, tombs, high-status dwellings, olive presses, etc.) established in northwest Syria (and now known as the Dead/Forgotten Cities), reflect the increased prosperity in this region. It is believed that this prosperity was mainly due to olive cultivation on the limestone massifs. The ‘Dead Cities’ exported large quantities of oil to the markets of the Roman-Byzantine world. Over 700 Romano-Byzantine sites were discovered in the mountains in this area (see Sergilla, Shyzar and Qinnasrin) .

Islamic art and ideology flourished. Calligraphy and abstract decorations on the facades of mosques and other buildings are the most notable representations of this, especially in Aleppo and Damascus. Most Islamic art is abstract, represented by geometric shapes, floral motifs, arabesques and calligraphy, and rarely represent the human form (see Aleppo Castle).

Most of the settlements in the Classical period in Syria were established in the Hellenistic period and flourished until the end of Byzantine times. Among them all the city of Apamea was paramount – in the Hellenistic era this city had its own mint, and its religious significance was emphasised particularly by a temple to Zeus-Beols there. The city boasted a main street axis some 1850m long and 37.5m wide. Other features included a large market, a public bath, and a large residence for the governor (see Cyrrhus, Sura, Zenobia Halabiya).

Muslim control also saw the development the ceramic industry in various aspects of pottery making, such as clays and pastes, surface finishes, painting, etc. New techniques were developed, such as metal oxide coating. A number of pottery workshops have been excavated, including the important kilns producing Raqqa and Mamluki pottery (see Tuneinir). After the Mamluk period, Syria became a part of the Ottoman Empire for over 400 years until the end of World War I. The modern history of Syria must be told by historians rather than archaeologists. However, archaeology can often provide new insights for the reconstruction of modern Syrian history, thus contributing to a more integrated discourse.

Another major city of the time was Palmyra, because of its significant military, political, economic and cultural influence. In a famous action, Queen Zenobia of Palmyra announced secession from Rome and established a kingdom with Palmyra as its capital. Her territory extended beyond modern Syria and Palmyra continued to prosper during her reign: the abundance of archaeological remains indicates its particularly rich culture (see Palmyra). However, as is well known, her reign did not last and Palmyra and its lands were eventually re-taken by Rome. 6

Introduction: The Significance of Syria in Human History

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International Boundary Province Boundary

Damascus

Province Capitals Prehistoric Sites

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Classic Sites

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0

1- el-Kowm oasis　 2- Dederiyeh Cave 3- Wadi Mushkuna 4- Baaz Rockshelter 5- Kaus Kozah Cave 6- Abu Hureyra 7- Tell Qarassa 8- Mureybet 9- Qaramel 10- Jerf el-Ahmar 11- Dja`de el-Mughara 12- Hallula 13- Aswad 14- el-Kerkh 15- Sabi Abyad 16- Seker al-Aheimer 17- Shir 18- Kosak Shamali 19- al-`Abr 20- Chagar Bazar 21- Zeidan 22- Feres

23- Ziyadeh 24- Beydar 25- Banat 26- Mozan 27- Leilan 28- Sheikh Hamad 29- Umm el-Marra 30- Jerablus Tahtani 31- Al-Rawda 32- Munbaqa 33- el-Abd 34- Ali al-Hajj 35 Mishrifeh (Qatna) 36 37- Mastuma 38- Sakka 39- Iris 40- Toueini 41- Sianu 42- Taban 43- Hammam al-Turkman 44- Selenkahiye

Bronze and Iron Age Sites

50

45- Mohammed Diyab 46- Tuqan 47- Khirbet Al-Umbashi 48- Masaikh 49- Ashara (Terqa) 50- Bazi 51- Afis 52- Fekheriye 53- Mari 54- Nebi Mend 55- Qala`at Halwanji 56- Ahmar 57- Chagar Bazar 58- Humeida 59- Qabr Abu al-`Atiq 60- Tulul el-far 61- Massin & Nasriyah 62- Arbid 63- Halaf 64- Halawa 65- Shiyukh Tahtani 66- Ugarit

100 km

67- Chuera 68- Amrith 69- Arslan Tash 70- Meskene 71- Bari 72- Kazel 73- Qumluq 74- Abu Hamad 75- Wreide 76- Ajaja 77- Bderi 78- Jebel Khalid 79 80 Palmyra 81 82 83- Cyrrhus 84- As-Sin 85- Gindaros 86- el-Iss 87 Resafa 88

Map shows the location of the sites mentioned in the text.

7

▲

Islamic Sites

89- Zenobia - Halabiya 90- Sergilla 91- Musaytbeh 92- Dier Qinnsrin 93- Kasra 94- 95- Sura 96 Shayzar 97 98- Qalaat Al Mudiq 99- Tuneinir 100- Aleppo Castle 101- Madinat el-Far 102- Kharab Sayyar 103- Damir

8

Chapter 1 Prehistory

10

1. El Kowm Oasis (Homs) Reto Jagher, Dorota Wojtczak and Jean-Marie Le Tensorer (University of Basel, Switzerland)

tools in large quantities, a benefit to the archaeologist. Repeated occupations by humans at the same springs are in many cases preserved as extremely deep stratified sites, up to several tens of metres thick (Fig. 2). The area is distinguished for its unique sequence of perfectly documented Palaeolithic periods and its long history that reaches back to the arrival of the first humans in the Levant about 1.8 million years ago.

El Kowm is located about halfway between Palmyra and the Euphrates in a wide gap between the Abu Rujmain and Djebel Al Bishri mountain ranges, separating the northern Badia from the Arabian Dersert to the south. The area is located deep in the arid interior of modern Syria, today, like for most of the past two million years, it is ecologically synonymous with desert conditions. The oasis consisted of an important cluster of variably-sized local wetlands associated with natural springs (Fig. 1). Due to a particular geological setting about 60 active or desiccated springs are clustered into a small area about 12km across. Even if all were never simultaneously active, water was plentiful, at least for the most part of the last two million years. The particular natural conditions at these springs permitted a fast deposition of sediments, perfectly preserving the remains of human presence. Furthermore, flint as the basic raw material for stone tools is plentiful and of excellent quality a close distance from the spring sites. The easy access to this resource permitted Palaeolithic peoples to produce their stone

History of Archaeological Investigations Pioneering Palaeolithic investigations started in the 1960s (Buccellati/Kobory & Suzuki survey) signalling the presence of Palaeolithic sites in El Kowm. Systematic research started in 1978 with a survey conducted by Jacques Cauvin. From 1980 onwards Loraine Copeland, Francis Hours, Sultan Muhesen and Jean-Marie Le Tensorer conducted systematic explorations, revealing the richness and importance of this area. Comprehensive excavations of Palaeolithic sites started in 1989 at

Fig. 1 The Landscape at El Kowm with the eponymous Tell.

11

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Importance of El Kowm for the Levant El Kowm oasis presents an exceptional archive due to its length and remarkable preservation of human history covering an uninterrupted span from the first human occupations of the Middle East until today. The area is a unique showcase for the Palaeolithic of the Levant with a remarkable archaeological record renowned for its completeness and comprehensive documentation seen in no other area of the Levant. Besides the human story, El Kowm is a singular natural archive, preserving the environmental history in a rarely seen resolution over such a long Fig. 2 View of the excavation at Hummal site. period. This includes in particular the palaeontological material of animal bones, leftovers of human hunting, which not only reflect the ecological situation, but also allows us to follow the evolutionary progress of faunal elements, particularly the evolution of camels, for which El Kowm is a unique hot spot (Fig. 6). The small territory defined by the confined distribution of the springs, makes El Kowm a perfect test site to study cultural evolution and human adaption through the whole stone-age period, as the ecological setting remained constant through the whole period. Such a geographically condensed situation in time and space is Fig. 3 General view of the site of Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar. unique far beyond the Levant and rare worldwide. Since the very beginnings of human presence in the Levant, the first humans not Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar and later at Hummal by the only occupied favourable zones but regularly ventured Syro-Swiss team of the Universities of Damascus and deep into less welcoming environments, suggesting an Basel and the Directorate of Antiquities and Museums astonishing flexibility in their behavioural and survival (Figs. 3-5). Subsequently a team from the University of skills. Paris continued to investigate the site of Umm El Tlel from the early 1990s. Fieldwork in El Kowm and its The Early Palaeolithic surroundings revealed within the area of 400km² more than 140 Palaeolithic sites. This includes single period The oldest traces of human presence in El Kowm date back workshops next to raw material outcrops, or simple to the era when the first humans left Africa and spread into open air camps, occupied once, but also places visited Eurasia 1.8 million years ago. The lithic industry in the over and over again during the same cultural period. lowest layers of Ain Al Fil and Hummal are characterized Particularly interesting are sites related to the natural by numerous unretouched flakes, pebble-tools and coresprings consistently attracting people over the whole like artefacts (Fig. 9). Those assemblages are typical of duration of the Palaeolithic. 12

1. El Kowm Oasis (Homs)

Fig. 4 Excavation at Nadaouiyeh.

Fig. 5 Excavation at Hummal.

Fig. 7 Reconstruction of the Homo erectus skull from Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar.

Fig. 8 Human remains from the Mousterian levels of Hummal, medial upper incisor

Fig. 6 Animal remains discovered in Yabrudian layer, Hummal.

13

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 9 Chopping tool from Ain Al Fil.

Fig. 10 Acheulian handaxes from Nadaouiyeh (photo E. Jagher).

the so-called Oldowan-stage archaic Palaeolithic and show remarkable similarities with the oldest African assemblages. According to preliminary studies at Aïn Al Fil of the faunal assemblage of large mammals, coupled with the paleomagnetic dating, indicate an age older than 1.8 million years. Together with those of the neighbouring site of Hummal, these levels would be the oldest traces of human presence ever found in Syria.

Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar – where more than 12,400 hand axes were excavated from 32 distinct archaeological levels (Fig. 10). This site is a key to understanding the evolution and surprising variability of the Acheulean culture in the Middle East and beyond. The stratigraphy of Nadaouiyeh shows an astonishing inversion of evolutionary concepts, with the most elaborate hand axes at the base and much less refined ones in the younger levels. The early hand axes at Nadaouiyeh show a level of refinement that far exceeds functional necessities and represent an inherent style, including an expression of symbolism. Besides the rich archaeological discoveries, some unique palaeontological material was excavated indicating specific survival strategies of these early hunters and gatherers. The oldest human remain from Syria, a left parietal bone of an early hominid, was discovered in level 8b (Fig. 7).

The Middle Acheulean During the Acheulean the El Kowm oasis was regularly visited by humans who produced a particular type of stone tool, the hand axe. Despite the seeming monotony of their tool sets, it was a vivid culture with a particular evolution and succession of different styles. The early Acheulean (about 1 million to 650,000 years ago) in El Kowm is best known from the site of Meirah with its typical hand axes of the Acheuléen moyen. Its age, estimated at around 800,000 years, falls well into the range of this period. Other traces of this period in El Kowm confirm its presence but give little information about its real situation (e.g. Nadaouiyeh).

The Yabrudian The subsequent Yabrudian, dated between 350,000 and 250,000 years, was discovered in 1930 in Yabrud by Alfred Rust. This culture is particularly well represented, present in approximately half of the known sites in the El Kowm oasis. Compared to the previous Acheulean, a form of cultural revolution occurred: hand axes are still present but the tool sets are dominated by heavily retouched scrapers, i.e. thick flakes with

The Upper Acheulean For the Upper Acheulean (650,000-325,000 years ago), El Kowm has a privileged situation, with the site of 14

1. El Kowm Oasis (Homs)

Fig. 11 Yabrudian artefacts from Nadaouiyeh (photo E. Jagher).

Fig. 12 Hummalian blades from Nadaouiyeh (photo E. Jagher).

a characteristic steep step-retouch (Fig. 11). In a surprising, and completely independent convergence, more than 150,000 years after the Yabrudian an almost identical way of producing stone tools emerges in Europe. The Yabrudian assemblages from Hummal are characterized by tool curation, tool discard and blank production being exceptional. There are no signs of blades or Levallois production. The same traits were also recognised in the Yabrudian assemblage from Nadaouyieh.

The Levalloiso Mousterian Blade production was abandoned in the subsequent period, the Lavalloiso Mousterian, dating in El Kowm from 150,000 to 42,000 years. The Levallois technique became the main process for the production of blanks for tools. As in the Levant, in El Kowm this period also shows a certain, non-linear evolution throughout its existence. In Hummal an earlier phase is well documented through more than 30 archaeological levels. Comparison with other Levantine Mousterian sites advocates that the lowermost Mousterian levels of Hummal belong to the so-called ‘Tabun C-type Mousterian’. In the upper Mousterian sequence of the Hummal site, the production of Levallois points comes into prominence. In Umm El Tlel a younger stage between 75,000 and 42,000 years is particularly well represented with more than 60 levels, including the transition to the subsequent Upper Palaeolithic in a unique resolution. The LevlloisoMousterian is widespread throughout the Levant and at least in its younger phase is associated with Neanderthal man, although there is little direct skeletal evidence from either Hummal or Umm El Tlel.

The Hummalian Named after the site of Hummal where it was discovered in 1980. A new series of studies on the Hummal sequence since 2003 shows that the materials from these new excavations can, unlike the materials found previously, be considered to have been in situ. The Hummalian industry is located in the stratigraphy between the Yabrudian and Levallois-Mousterian layers and is dated between 250,000 and 160,000 years. Today this blade industry is seen as a single, but very complex, reduction strategy related to both the Laminar and the Levallois-like system of debitage (Fig. 12). Although, the Hummalian still shares many technotypological similarities, the same chronological and stratigraphical position, with the other laminar lithic assemblages found on Early Middle Palaeolithic sites in the Levant. From a technological point of view, the Hummalian industry differs strongly from the preceding Yabrudian industry and cannot be considered as a cultural continuation. However, with respect to the retouched blanks, both cultures reveal diversified tool kits as a common feature.

The Upper Palaeolithic With the arrival of modern man in the Levant around 45,000 years ago, a cultural transformation ensued with the appearance of the Upper Palaeolithic. Flakes as blanks for tools were systematically replaced by blades. Additionally artefacts made of bone or antler were introduced to the tool sets, as were ornaments made of shells or teeth, unknown from the previous periods. In El Kowm this period, called Levantine Aurignacian, is 15

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites best known from Umm El Tlel and to some extent from a number of surface sites. Umm El Tlel is one of the scarce Levantine sites which provide a continuous transition from the Middle to the Upper Palaeolithic, and more than 30 Upper Palaeolithic levels are correlated to the Levantine Aurignacian and Ahmarian. Compared to other areas in the Middle East, human occupation in El Kowm was steady and regular during this period. Different to the Middle Palaeolithic people, who chose mainly spring sites for their settlements, Upper Palaeolithic men put up their camps randomly and inexplicably in the open landscape.

Bibliography Hauck Th.C. 2015. Garden of Eden or Desert Exile: the Mousterian of Hummal in Context. L’Anthropologie 119: 659-675. Jagher R., Elsuede H., Le Tensorer J-M. 2015. El Kowm Oasis, human settlement in the Syrian Desert during the Pleistocene, L’Anthropologie 119: 542-580. Le Tensorer J-M., Le Tensorer H., Martini P., von Falkenstein V., Schmid P., Villalain J.J. 2015. The Oldowan site Aïn al Fil (El Kowm, Syria) and the first humans of the Syrian Desert, L’Anthropologie 119: 581-594. Wojtczak D. 2015. Rethinking the Hummalian industry, L’Anthropologie 119: 610-658.

The Late Palaeolithic Until the late Palaeolithic (23,700-15,300 years ago), El Kowm remained popular for hunters and gatherers. The late Palaeolithic is one of the best documented periods in the area with sites next to springs or in the open landscape. Until now, only a few sites of this period have been investigated in a limited extent in El Kowm. With the beginning of a more sedentary life style and the beginning of farming El Kowm became less attractive for unknown reasons. Sites of the Natoufian and early Neolithic (PPNA) are scarce. Obviously the ecological conditions in this area were not suited to the requirements of these peoples. With farming and herding fully developed, and also most likely including irrigation techniques and intensified gardening, people returned and found again conditions suitable for their subsistence in the area. Conclusions El Kowm oasis is one of the oldest cultural landscapes not only in Syria but in the whole of the Middle East. In fact, this modest landscape is one of the most important archaeological archives worldwide. Not only for the numbers of sites, but also for their exceptional preservation and unrivalled depth in time, permitting a unique approach to understanding the whole set of human survival strategies since the arrival of the very first people in this part of the world, where, after all, the concept of paradise was coined. If such a mythical place should exist, perhaps El Kowm could be a candidate because of the antiquity and continuity of its history.

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2. Dederiyeh Cave (Aleppo) Takeru Akazawa (Kochi University of Technology, Japan)

Yoshihiro Nishiaki (The University of Tokyo, Japan)

The cave of Dederiye is located on the left bank of Wadi Dederiyeh, approximately 60km north of Aleppo. It measures about 60m by 15-20m, is 10m high, and has an entrance at each end, one facing the wadi and the other opening to the sky on the hilly limestone plateau of the Jabaal Samman. Excavations conducted by the SyriaJapan joint mission between 1989 and 2011 revealed a long history of occupation in the cave, beginning as early as 400,000 years ago. However, the most exciting discoveries were found in the layers from about 75,000 to 50,000 years ago, when the Neanderthals inhabited Dederiyeh (Fig. 1).

Modern humans (Homo sapiens) emerged in Africa some 200,000 years ago, at a rather late stage in human history itself, which dates from more than 6 million years ago. Yet, unparalleled cultural achievements, including the extensive colonization of every region of the world and the development of civilizations, were made by modern humans during this relatively short period of time. Investigating how modern humans differed from previous hominins directly contributes to an improved understanding of ourselves. One approach is to study one of our closest relatives, the Neanderthal, and compare ourselves with them in both cultural and physical terms. Dederiyeh Cave, Afrin, is the only archaeological site in Syria that has yielded Neanderthal skeletal remains, along with tools and food residue. As such it enjoys a privileged status, serving as a prime location for paleoanthropologists and archaeologists to investigate this distinct human population.

Neanderthals evolved from their European ancestors more than 200,000 years ago and entered the Levant around 75,000 years ago. This geographical expansion in their distribution probably resulted from adaptation to the cold and dry climatic episode known as MIS4,

Fig. 1 Dederiyeh Cave, looking from the main entrance.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 2 Stone tools of the Neanderthals at Dederiyeh Cave.

Fig. 3 Discovery of the first Neanderthal burial in 1993.

Fig. 4 Close-up of the first Neanderthal burial.

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2. Dederiyeh Cave (Aleppo)

Fig. 5 Reconstruction of the first Neanderthal child.

which considerably reduced the habitable lands for Neanderthals in Europe. While they originated in Europe, this does not necessarily mean that Neanderthals came to Syria with tool kits from their homelands. Over the course of their expansion, they fully adapted their technology to local environments and developed new tool kits. The stone tools discovered at Dederiyeh Cave differ from European tools, but are similar to those of Lebanon and Palestine, demonstrating that a local social network was already established in the Levant (Fig. 2).

why only infants appeared to be buried and not adults. While adults were likely buried as well, their larger body size made covering them more difficult, and thus their remains might not have been very well preserved. We should also consider that infants often died early, as seen in many pre-industrial societies. Whatever the case, the good anatomical preservation of the Neanderthals at Dederiyeh provides unique opportunities to study the growth patterns of Neanderthal children. Our preliminary study shows that they were born small but grew rapidly. It also shows that Neanderthal children walked in the same way as modern humans (Fig. 5).

The representative tools were points and scrapers. Points were used as spearheads for hunting, and scrapers were used for various daily activities such as butchering animals and cutting plants. The major game animals at Dederiyeh changed over time. Wild goats, which had adapted to the dry and cold environment, were widely hunted in the early stages. In the later stages, however, animals living in forest environments – such as deer, aurochs, and wild pigs – were more commonly hunted. This trend probably reflects the Neanderthals’ adaptation to the changing environment, which became increasingly warm and humid starting about 60,000 years ago. The zooarchaeological study showed that felled animals were dismembered probably close to the hunting spots, and the prime parts for consumption were brought to the cave. Plant foods also played an important role in the Neanderthal diet. Hackberry nuts, available in the Afrin mountains and valleys, were habitually exploited. Such food remains have been frequently discovered near fireplaces or hearths. Fireplaces were important focal points for Neanderthals, where, as in modern society, they not only prepared and ate food but also performed social activities.

The archaeological evidence shows that Neanderthal occupations at Dederiyeh Cave intensified over time. In the beginning, they left only a small amount of stone tools, hearths, and food remains, indicating a small population size or infrequent visits to the cave. However, this significantly increased by over 10 times during the late occupational phases. Group sizes might have increased, although probably not exceeding 20 to 30 members, or their stays at the cave became considerably longer during the later phase. However Neanderthals suddenly disappeared from Dederiyeh Cave 50,000 to 45,000 years ago. The disappearance of Neanderthals during this period was observed at not only Dederiyeh but also other caves in Palestine and even Europe. One reason for this disappearance would appear to be a brief but harsh period of climatic deterioration, during which the Neanderthal population was reduced. When the climate recovered, the Neanderthals faced a new situation: the arrival of newcomers from the south – modern humans – who had started to expand from Africa into Eurasia on a large scale. Neanderthals disappeared first from the Levant and then from Europe and other regions, mostly by 40,000 years ago.

Three nearly complete Neanderthal individual remains and dozens of isolated bones have been recovered at Dederiyeh. The three individuals were all children of less than three years old. Given their remarkable preservation, we believe that these infants were carefully buried by their family members (Figs. 3 and 4). One might wonder

The drama played out between Neanderthals and modern humans during this period of contact has not been fully clarified. Research on ancient DNA shows that there was interbreeding and archaeological evidence shows cultural 19

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites contact between them. As such, the Neanderthals did not vanish completely; rather, we inherited their physical and cultural legacy. How this ‘replacement’ occurred can be better reconstructed by systematically comparing the archaeological and anthropological evidence for these two human populations. The data from Dederiyeh, representing the only records of Neanderthals in Syria, will remain an invaluable source of information for further analysis. Bibliography Akazawa T. and Muhesen S. (eds.) 2002. The Neanderthal Burials: Excavations of the Dederiyeh Cave, Afrin, Syria. Kyoto: International Research Center for Japanese Studies. Akazawa, T. and Nishiaki Y. (in press) The Palaeolithic cultural sequence of Dederiyeh Cave, in Y. Enzel and O. Bar-Yosef (eds.) Quaternary Environments, Climate Change, and Humans in the Levant. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nishiaki Y., Kanjo, Y., Muhesen S. and Akazawa T. 2011. Recent progress in Lower and Middle Palaeolithic research at Dederiyeh Cave, Northwest Syria, in J.M. Le Tensorer, R. Jagher and M. Otte (eds.) The Lower and Middle Palaeolithic in the Middle East and Neighbouring Regions, pp. 67–76. ERAUL 126.

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3. Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter (Damascus) Nicholas J. Conard (University of Tübingen, Germany)

Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter is a small abri with an area of about 10m2 behind the dripline of its overhang. With its 20 main archaeological horizons, Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter is the first stratified Middle Palaeolithic site identified in the Damascus Province since Alfred Rust’s (1950) seminal research in the early 1930s at the sites of Yabroud in nearby Wadi Skifta. The author discovered the site during the 2006 field season while the TDASP (Tübingen Damaskus Ausgrabung und Survey Projekt) crew excavated the Epipaleolithic site of Ain Dabbour Cave 200m downstream in the same drainage. Looters had dug a deep pit in the rockshelter and exposed many lithic artefacts and faunal remains. The team excavated at Wadi Mushkuna in 2007, 2008 and 2010, and the site provides important information for studying cultural evolution during the Middle Palaeolithic in the central

Levant (Figs. 1, 2). While we have not yet reached bedrock, the site’s 4m sequence contains 20 stratigraphic units, some divided into subunits. Before the Syrian civil war stopped fieldwork at the site, we had excavated to a depth of more than 4m below the surface. While the assemblages recovered from the deepest find horizons remain small, the crew has recovered enough material from most of the layers to assess their content and archaeological implications. The geological strata at the site accumulated through aeolian, fluvial and proluvial deposition. Most strata also contain a high proportion of limestone debris derived from the immediate surroundings of the rockshelter and varying in size and degree of weathering. The rockshelter is located at the downstream end of the narrowest

Fig. 1 Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter. Overview of the site showing its location on the northern edge of the wadi beneath the limestone cuesta (photo N. J. Conard, October 2010).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites amounts of angular limestone debris, rounded limestone, silt from weathered limestone and red-brown sand. These units are relatively thick, but often lack clear stratigraphic markers. Stratigraphic units AH IV and V show a clear increase in gray, brown and black sediments with more burnt material than in the upper units. The massive units of burnt material beneath the dripline grade to bands of gray silt towards the south. Horizons AH IV and V are generally richer in artefacts and fauna than the overlying horizons. Stratigraphic unit AH Va rests directly on the heavily cemented unit AH VI. Under the cemented unit AH VI we observe a complex of alternating grey, black and brown silty deposits separated by variously cemented bands of red-brown sand and fine limestone gravel. The dark horizons usually contain much burnt material, and we postulate that the dark colour derives mainly from fires that the site’s inhabitants maintained under the shelter. While in some cases we observed what appeared to be intact fireplaces, such as in AH VII features 1 and 3 (Conard et al. 2010b), biogenic, geogenic and cultural processes have altered and disturbed the deposits so that clear features are generally difficult to recognize. The description of AH VII-XVI mirrors the alternating pattern of red-brown geogenic and grey-black anthropogenic layers documented in the overlying layers. The oldest deposit studied so far is the complex of AH XX and XXa corresponding to a depth of more than 4m below the original ground surface. AH XXa yielded lithic artefacts and faunal remains.

Fig. 2 Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter. Overview of excavations in the October 2010 (photo N. J. Conard).

portion of the wadi where the drainage emerges from the Oligocene cuesta that encircles the al Majar Basin (Dodonov et al. 2007). Further downstream where the valley widens, recent erosion has exposed proluvial deposits, more than 10m thick, which accumulated during periods with strong seasonal runoff. Depending on the hydrodynamics of the wadi, the drainage system can either deposit or erode large amounts of sediment.

At present we have no radiometric dates for the site. Several bone samples were analyzed for radiocarbon, but none yielded sufficient collagen to produce reliable ages. Daniel Richter has sampled the site for thermoluminescence dating of burnt flints, but results from this work are not yet available. The excavations at Wadi Mushkuna have produced animal bones from most of the archaeological horizons. Considering the Middle Palaeolithic age of these finds, the faunal preservation is surprisingly good. Layers AH IV, VII and IX are richer in fauna than the other layers. Hannes Napierala (2011) has studied the assemblages AH IV and IVa in some detail. Combining 295 single finds with the fauna collected from the screens, AH IV totals 5,949 faunal remains that weigh 2,208 grams. The breakage patterns of these bones often resemble fresh bone fracture. Of 143 finds identified to genus or species, with the exception of one tortoise bone, all of them are mammals. A single bone from an unidentified small bird is also present in the assemblage. Equids dominate all other taxa, and both the onager (Equus hemionus) and the African wild ass (Equus africanus) are securely identified, with each species roughly equally well represented. Besides equids, caprines represent a major part of the assemblage. Both wild goat and wild sheep have been identified among the assemblage, while

Sedimentary changes occur along the north-south axis of the excavation and reflect distance from the rear wall of the shelter. While these facies shifts usually occur gradually, there is often a distinction between the deposits inside and outside the dripline. Inside the dripline the deposits tend to contain more anthropogenic material and gray ashy sediment, as well as more angular limestone debris from the walls of the shelter. Ashy and anthropogenic deposits are also present outside the dripline further to the south, but they are thinner than in the interior of the shelter. In the southern part of the excavation, we stopped digging at the top of the cemented archaeological horizon (AH) VI to protect the underlying strata. Thus, we base our observations about the strata from AH VI - XX on observations from the northern part of the site inside the dripline. The upper part of the sequence down to AH III is comprised of largely geogenic material with variable 22

3. Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter (Damascus) gazelles, hares and tortoises were hunted by the Middle Palaeolithic inhabitants of Wadi Mushkuna to a lesser extent.

from the deepest horizon excavated so far (AH XX) contains a non-Levallois assemblage that suggests that the site may contain a sequence extending into the early phases of the Middle Palaeolithic. While the faunal and floral record from the site has not yet been studied exhaustively, most layers preserve sufficient organic materials to provide key information on human subsistence and paleoenvironmental conditions. With the work at Wadi Mushkuna the importance of the region of the eastern foothills of the Anti-Lebanon Mountains for human evolution is coming into focus after many decades of neglect since the excavations of Alfred Rust in Wadi Skifta between 1931 and 1933.

Charcoal was extremely rare in the largely geogenic upper strata of AH I-III, but especially in layer AH IX a greater amount of charcoal was recovered during excavation. While the flotation samples from Wadi Mushkuna yielded some botanical remains, we have yet to publish the archaeobotanical material in detail. Of the 20,638 lithic artefacts recovered over three years of excavation, 52% represent debitage smaller than 10mm recovered during dry screening and floating. While most of the other layers seem to contain a high proportion of knapping products toward the distal end of the reduction series, the assemblages from AH XX and especially XXa contain evidence for primary reduction including several refitting cortical and non-cortical flakes of a semi-translucent, banded, brown flint. A larger sample is still needed to document the knapping technology, but the reduction does not fit within the Levallois system and the few retouched tools from AH XX and XXa are made on thick, non-Levallois flakes. This small assemblage is remarkable in comparison with the overlying lithic assemblages that are typically dominated by Levallois technology. Thus the lowest find horizons appear to predate the Levalloisian Middle Palaeolithic. Levallois reduction is well documented starting in AH XIV, and typical Middle Palaeolithic points and scrapers are present starting with AH XI and moving up the stratigraphic sequence to AH V.

Bibliography Conard N. J., Masrie M., Bretzke, K., Napierala H. A., Welte B. and Kandel A. W. 2010a. The 2008 excavation at the Middle Palaeolithic Site of Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter, Damascus Province, Syria. Chronique Archéologie en Syrie 4: 13-22. Conard N. J., Masrie M., Bretzke, K., Napierala H. A., Welte B. and Kandel A. W. 2010b. Modeling Middle Palaeolithic land use in the Damascus Province, Syria, in Conard, N. J., and A. Delagnes. Kerns Verlag (Eds.) Settlement Dynamics of the Middle Palaeolithic and Middle Stone Age. Vol. 3. Tübingen. pp.123-144. Dodonov A. E., Kandel A. W., Simakova A., Masri M. and Conard N. J. 2007. Geomorphology, site distribution and Palaeolithic settlement dynamics of the Ma’aloula Region, Damascus Province, Syria, Geoarchaeology 22, 589-606. Napierala H. 2011. The Paleolithic Background of Early Food Producing Societies in the Fertile Crescent Faunal Analysis. Published doctoral dissertation. University of Tübingen Rust A. 1950. Die Höhlenfunde von Jabrud (Syrien). Karl Wachholtz Verlag: Neumünster.

Among the cores from the upper find horizons, we see a number of technological trends. As we move upward through the sequence, especially from AH VII to AH II, we see a change in technology marked by a dominance of Levallois cores in the older layers, changing to the dominance of platform cores in the younger layers (Conard et al. 2010a). This being said, AH II-IV so far lack characteristic artefacts of the Initial Upper Palaeolithic. However, tools suggestive of the Upper Palaeolithic, such as burins, a retouched burin spall and a carinated scraper, are present in AH IV to AH II. This shift likely represents a decreasing use of the Levallois concept for debitage and a move toward the use of platform cores in connection with the transition from the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic. Over much of the Levant the development of the Upper Palaeolithic has been shown to be a gradual process rather than a sudden break in technological traditions, and the same seems to be the case at Wadi Mushkuna. Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter is a promising site for research for a number of reasons. First the site preserves a cultural stratigraphic sequence covering much of the Levalloisian Middle Palaeolithic and a glimpse of the transition to the Upper Palaeolithic. The assemblage 23

4. Baaz Rockshelter (Damascus) Nicholas J. Conard (University of Tübingen, Germany)

Andrew Kandel and I discovered Baaz Rockshelter on survey on May 14, 1999 near the permanent springs in Wadi Jaba’deen. This small shelter with an area of about 30m2 inside the dripline is located at an elevation of 1529 m.a.s.l. and provides an excellent view over the surrounding landscape. A number of large boulders in front of the shelter helped to protect the sediments from erosion.

almond woodland steppe, such as Pistacia (pistachio), Rhamnus (buckthorn), Acer (maple), Juniperus (juniper), and Chenopodiaceae (goosefoot family). Besides the woodland-steppe flora, Baaz produced a relatively large proportion of hydrophilic vegetation; for example Fraxinus (ash), Populus/Salix (polar and willow). This shows that the residents of the site had access to the wellwatered areas in the nearby wadi. Despite having excellent conditions for charcoal preservation, we have recovered few seeds. Two specimens of Celtis sp. (hackberry) are the only seeds from edible plants recovered in the Natufian deposits at Baaz (Dodonov et al. 2009).

Excavation began at the site in the fall of 1999 and continued in the autumns of 2000 and 2004. The excavation at Baaz covered an area of about 18m2. The site contains a long sequence of Upper and Epipaleolithic deposits and concludes with a Middle Neolithic occupation, with dates ranging from 34,000 BP to 5000 BP (Conard 2006). Here I focus on the well-known Natufian finds from Archaeological Horizons (AH) III and II.

The faunal remains from the Natufian at Baaz have been studied by Hannes Napierala (2011) and include both goitered and mountain gazelle (Gazella subgutturosa, G. gazella), wild sheep (Ovis orientalis) and onager (Equus hemionus). Small game species, which make up a large portion of the assemblage, include hare and tortoise. Finally, several species of fish including trout (Salmo trutta) and several cyprinids suggesting that perennial

The site has excellent botanical preservation, and Katleen Deckers has documented taxa including Amygdalus (almond) and other typical plants common to the

Fig. 1 Baaz Rockshelter at the time of its discovery in May 14, 1999 (photo A. W. Kandel).

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4. Baaz Rockshelter (Damascus) The architecture and finds from the Baaz provide much information on how the site was used (Conard et al 2006). Late Natufian people arrived at the site and dug a shallow depression into the geogenic silt and limestone gravel. They then packed and stabilized this anthropogenic surface. Next they carried tens of kilograms of redbrown silty clay to the site and carefully spread it across the surface of the site to create a floor. This material lay in direct contact with the limestone blocks that form the lower level of the circular stone wall of the house. In the middle of the structure the builders placed silty clay to secure the limestone mortar and integrate it into the house floor. The same is true for the limestone cobbles that constitute the adjacent fireplace. The house was well made, with a diameter of about 3m and an area of about 7m2. We do not know exactly what kind of organic materials were used to cover the structure. Wood, reeds and matting materials for this purpose could have been obtained in the wadi bottom. Poplar or willow, which represent about 5% of the identified wood charcoal from AH III, may have been used as construction wood (Deckers et al. 2009). These tree species probably provided the largest and straightest pieces of timber in the vicinity. However, since the house is situated inside the dripline of the small shelter, it may not have needed a substantial roof. Felix Hillgruber (2010) has recently presented the lithic assemblages of Baaz in great detail. The inhabitants of Baaz used a variety of locally available flints (Dodonov et al. 2007) which they collected in the surrounding lowlands and highlands. High numbers of cortical flakes and early products of lithic reduction demonstrate that cobbles were often reduced directly on site. The assemblages also document all subsequent stages of lithic knapping and frequent discard at the site. The nature of the assemblages provided clear insight into activities executed both on and offsite. The lithic assemblages from AH III and II are indicative of a site used primarily as a camp from which hunts were staged and to which hunted game was brought. This is consistent with the abundance of lunates, which could have served as composite projectile-tools. The abundance of scrapers is consistent with an emphasis on hide or woodworking. A key point in interpreting Baaz as a hunting camp is the absence of sickle gloss on the backed blades, backed bladelets, lunates and other tools.

Fig. 2 Baaz Rockshelter, Autumn 2000: excavating the Natufian house (photo N. J. Conard).

streams existed in the al Majar Basin and were linked directly to the Orontes River system (Napiarala et al 2013). Most of these faunal resources would have been available within a few kilometers of the site. The inhabitants of Baaz must have regularly hunted animals in all of the major landscape forms of the vicinity. Goitered gazelle and onager were probably ubiquitous, with a slight preference for the grass rich steppe of the eastern lowlands, while sheep were probably hunted along the cuesta. The gazelle were probably not hunted in the open landscape but rather in the more sheltered terrain of the lowland hills or in wadi drainages that provided better cover for hunters. The fish must have come from former highland waters that flowed through the al Majar Basin into the greater drainage system of the Orontes. Our analyses are consistent with a mixed economy utilizing a wide variety of faunal and botanical resources. The Natufian faunal remains at Baaz include a poorly developed bone industry consisting of several bone points or awls. Tortoise shell bowls were used for heating or cooking, as is indicated by the soot covered outer surface of several specimens.

The site provides little or no evidence for harvesting wild grains, which is supported by the small amount of seed remains. Several backed bladelets bear traces or even nearly complete hafts along their backed edges with preserved mastic made of bitumen, and the inhabitants of Baaz must have had access to bitumen via trade or direct procurement. While we are not sure about the exact origin of this bitumen, or what variables controlled its access, sources are known from the eastern Syrian Desert and Iraq. The best preserved hafted backed bladelet shows macroscopic damage to the cutting edge, but lacks sickle gloss. 25

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites the contrary, this region must have been attractive for human settlement during the Younger Dryas period of global cooling just before the beginning of the Holocene.

The Natufian horizons from Baaz include a number of mortars and pestles. The mortars are invariably made of local limestone, while pestles were typically made from basalt originating from either the vast volcanic fields near Homs, the Hauran or the Golan. While we cannot rule out the possibility that the mortars were used to grind grain, in this case they may well have been used to grind nuts, fruits, herbs or other materials. The best preserved and most complete pestle made of basalt appears to contain red pigments in its porous cavities along the pounding and grinding surface, indicating that the pestle was at times used to process pigments.

Bibliography Conard N. J. (ed.) 2006. Tübingen-Damascus Excavation and Survey Project 1999 – 2005. Kerns Verlag: Tübingen. Conard N. J., Bretzke K., Deckers K., Kandel A. W., Masri M., Napierala H., Riehl S. and Stahlschmidt M. 2013. Natufian Lifeways in the Eastern Foothills of the Anti-Lebanon Mountains, in Natufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia. O. Bar-Yosef and F. R. Valla (eds.). International Monographs in Prehistory: Ann Arbor. pp. 1-16 Deckers K., Riehl S., Jenkins E., Rosen A., Dodonov A., Simakova A. N. and Conard N. J. 2009. Vegetation development and human occupation in the Damascus region of southwestern Syria from the Late Pleistocene to Holocene. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 18:329-340. Dodonov A. E., Kandel, A. W., Simakova, A. Masri, M. and Conard N. J. 2007. Geomorphology, site distribution and Paleolithic settlement dynamics of the Ma’aloula Region, Damascus Province, Syria. Geoarchaeology 22:589-606. Hillgruber K.F. 2010. The last hunter-gatherers: the Epipaleolithic in southwestern Syria. Doctoral dissertation. University of Tübingen. Napierala H., Van Neer W., Kandel A. W., Peters J., Uerpmann H.-P. and Conard N. J. 2013. Fish in the Desert? The Younger Dryas and its Influence on the Paleoenvironment at Baaz Rockshelter, SyriaNatufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia. O. Bar-Yosef and F. R. Valla (eds.). International Monographs in Prehistory: Ann Arbor. pp. 73-82. Napierala H. 2011. The Paleolithic Background of Early Food Producing Societies in the Fertile Crescent Faunal Analysis. Published doctoral dissertation. University of Tübingen.

Excavations at Baaz produced 41 examples of personal ornaments made of shell. These include three kinds of perforated marine gastropods (Nassarius gibbosula, Columbella rustica and Conus mediterraneus) from the Mediterranean. Also present are the freshwater gastropod Theodoxus jordanii, the tusk shell Dentalium spp. and a bivalve from the family Cardiidae. We assume that the marine shells originate from the Mediterranean as it is much closer than the Red Sea. These finds provide us with a number of insights into the use of the site. First, the small number of people who lived at or used the site of Baaz participated in the patterns of social signalling characteristic of the Natufian in other parts of the Levant where these mollusks have been recovered from many sites. The personal ornaments, together with the clear Natufian house structure, lithic artefacts and radiocarbon dates, unambiguously place Baaz within the Natufian cultural group. In summary, Baaz did not serve as a base camp, but instead seems to have been used regularly as a semipermanent camp from which multiple activities including hunting and gathering were staged. Although stationary and mobile mortars and pestles are present, the scarcity of carbonized grains at the site and the lack of lithic artefacts bearing sickle gloss suggest that the harvesting of wild grains was not an important activity at Baaz. Still the level of energy involved in building a semi-permanent structure represents a significant investment for a site that was regularly used and maintained. The large amount of ash and charcoal and the relatively high amount of debitage at the site also point to the repeated use of this site. The features that may have attracted people to this location include: 1) the ready access to water in Wadi Jaba’deen; 2) the presence of wood for tools, building and fuel in Wadi Jaba’deen; 3) the outstanding view over vast areas of the lowland hills; 4) the incised canyon providing passage from lowland to highland; 5) the presence of abundant flint in the area; 6) opportunities for collecting nuts, fruit and perhaps harvesting small amounts of grain; and 7) access to an abundance of game along the cliffline, and in the lowland and highland hills. Interesting, in contrast to the Southern Levant, sites dating to the Late Natufian are much better represented in this part of the Damascus Province than sites dating to the Early Natufian. This suggests that, contrary to many claims to

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5. Kaus Kozah Cave (Damascus) Nicholas J. Conard (University of Tübingen, Germany)

The author discovered the Kaus Kozah Cave in the autumn of 2000 not far from our dig house above Ma’aloula. The TDASP (Tübingen Damaskus Ausgrabung und Survey Projekt) team conducted preliminary test excavations in 2003, which were followed by excavations in 2004, 2005 and 2006. The site is named after the Arabic word for rainbow, because a prominent rainbow arched over the site when it was discovered. The cave is located at the back of the Oligocene cuesta above Ma’aloula and near the permanent springs that have long supplied the city and its famous convents with excellent drinking water. The site has an elevation of 1490 m.a.s.l. and commands an excellent view of the surrounding landscape. Looters badly damaged the sediments inside the cave, but the deposits on the terrace in front of the eastern entrance escaped such damage.

Excavations covering an area of 18m2 focused on the terrace and eastern entrance to the cave and produced rich finds in four archaeological horizons (Figs. 1, 2). AH IV contains a small assemblage of Levallois Middle Palaeolithic artefacts and the intrusive burials of two terminal Natufian aged infants (Fig. 3). The upper three units include Natufian, Khiamian and PPN finds. The site contains a rich faunal assemblage and carbonized botanical remains. Of the many sites in the TDASP survey area, Kaus Kozah is only the second one that preserves bedrock mortars (Fig. 4). Unlike most of the sites known along the cuesta of the al Majar Depression, Kaus Kozah is located on the back of the cuesta overlooking the highland hills above Ma’aloula (Fig. 5). Since the site is near the top of the

Figure 1 Kaus Kozah Cave during the 2006 excavation season (photo N. J. Conard).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Figure 2 Kaus Kozah Cave. Excavations on the terrace in front of the eastern entrance in the autumn of 2006 (photo N. J. Conard).

the Pleistocene lake above Ma’aloula still existed during the late Younger Dryas, the major springs of Ma’aloula likely flowed and provided permanent sources of water. No architectural features are preserved at Kaus Kozah, but the inhabitants of the site could easily have used the ca. 350m2 interior space of the cave for shelter, if needed. The richest deposits are located on the terrace in front of the eastern entrance to the cave. While the site had been used since the Middle Palaeolithic, the richest cultural deposits date to the period stretching from the Late Natufian to the early Neolithic. Kaus Kozah is well protected and hard to see from the valley. The stratigraphy at Kaus Kozah does not allow a clear separation of the Late Natufian, the Khiamian or the early PPN. The presence of lunates and small, broad cores with multiple removal surfaces documents a Natufian component among the lithic assemblage. The relatively small sizes of the lunates and the absence of Helwan retouch indicate a late age for the Natufian of Kaus Kozah. The placement of the lithics within the Late Natufian and the periods immediately following the Natufian is consistent with radiocarbon dates on bone and charcoal, which fall between 11,300 and 9400 BP. Radiocarbon dates of 10,130 BP and 10,485 BP were obtained on bones from the children’s burials at Kaus Kozah. These ages place the burials at the end of the Younger Dryas and near the end of the Natufian. The children of roughly 3-4 and 1-2 years of age were interred in the dense red clay of AH IV near the end of the Late Natufian. No grave goods were associated with the children.

Figure 3 Kaus Kozah Cave. Terminal Natufian infant burial (photo N. J. Conard).

cuesta, it also provided its residents an excellent view over the vast lowlands east of the al Majar Depression. Unlike Baaz Rockshelter near the village of Jaba’deen, the geographic setting of Kaus Kozah suggests a stronger connection to the highlands than to the lowlands, to which there was no direct access. Although we do not know if

Personal ornaments made of shell are well represented at Kaus Kozah. In all, 53 perforated mollusks were recovered from the site. These include two species of marine gastropods (Nassarius gibbosula and Columbella rustica), the tusk shell (Dentalium spp.) and one taxa 28

5. Kaus Kozah Cave (Damascus)

Figure 4 Kaus Kozah Cave. View of the bedrock mortars in the area just inside the western entrance to the cave (photo K. Bretzke).

Figure 5 View from Kaus Kozah toward the fertile springs above Ma’aloula (photo N. J. Conard).

percentage of Pistacia, a fragment of deciduous Quercus (oak), and a smaller proportion of Chenopodiaceae. This may be due to the fact that some of the occupation phases represented at Kaus Kozah were later than the main occupation phase represented in Baaz. In addition to the woodland-steppe taxa, Kaus Kozah also produced a relatively large proportion of hydrophilic vegetation, showing that the inhabitants of the site had access to wellwatered areas. No remains of wild grains were recovered at Kaus Kozah, and there are no indications of sickle gloss on the lithic artefacts. There are, however, some seeds of the small pulses indicating open habitats (Deckers et al. 2009).

of the small freshwater gastropod, Theodoxus jordanii. Additionally, excavators recovered a total of seven other mollusk species including four gastropods and three bivalves. We assume that the marine shells came from the Mediterranean, but it is possible that some may have originated from the Red Sea. The freshwater mollusks could have been collected from nearby perennial rivers or lakes. The personal ornaments were scattered throughout the fill of the site rather than being found in concentrations. While we cannot prove that all of the ornaments date to the Late Natufian, their abundance at Baaz and in other Natufian contexts suggest that many of them date to this phase of the occupation at Kaus Kozah.

Evidence for grinding activities comes in the form of two bedrock mortars just under the roof of the cave near the western entrance. One mortar is medium-sized with a diameter of 23cm and a depth of 14cm, while the other one is smaller, with a diameter of 15cm and a depth of 10cm.

The wood charcoal from the site is dominated by Amygdalus (almond). A similar range of other woodland steppe taxa was found at Kaus Kozah as at Baaz. Overall, though, it is of particular interest that Kaus Kozah contains a fairly large 29

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites The faunal assemblage from Kaus Kozah differs from Baaz, with considerably fewer remains of small game at Kaus Kozah. In contrast to Baaz, no fish remains have yet been recovered from Kaus Kozah, but several mammalian species, such as fallow deer (Dama dama) and red deer (Cervus elaphus) as well as the hartebeest (Alcelaphus buselaphus) point to moister conditions (Napierala 2011 and Napierala et al. 2013). The charcoal remains from Kaus Kozah also point to wetter conditions than those documented at Baaz.

and a far less rigid tethering to permanent water and flint sources than in all of the earlier phases of the Palaeolithic (Conard et al 2006). With the start of the pre-pottery Neolithic, settlement intensity in the uplands of the TDASP survey area declines and settlement shift to the lowlands, where local village life began and tell deposits accumulated. This lowland settlement was made possible by large scale cultivation of wild and later domesticated cereals and pulses which were augmented by domesticated livestock later during the PPN. Evidence for intense agricultural activities becomes apparent in the lowlands rather than in the highlands, where in the preceding period small groups of Late Natufian people maintained a settlement system based on the exploitation of a wide variety of wild plants and animals. Based on what we see in our study area in southwestern Syria, the Younger Dryas represents a period of fairly productive ecological conditions as well as the high point of Natufian settlement intensity.

Kaus Kozah documents short but repeated periods of occupations. The site is too small to be considered a hamlet, since only a small group of people could have used the site at one time. The children’s burials at Kaus Kozah suggest that this cave, with its pleasant setting above former Lake Dodonov and the springs of Ma’aloula, was viewed as home by the people who lived there. More work is needed to determine how the site fits into the larger economic system of the latest Natufian, Khiamian and early PPN people living in the eastern foothills of the Anti-Lebanon.

Bibliography Conard N. J. (ed.) 2006. Tübingen-Damascus Excavation and Survey Project 1999 – 2005. Kerns Verlag: Tübingen Conard N. J., Bretzke K., Deckers K., Kandel A. W., Masri M., Napierala H., Riehl S. and Stahlschmidt M. 2013. Natufian Lifeways in the Eastern Foothills of the Anti-Lebanon Mountains, in O. Bar-Yosef and F. R. Valla (Eds.) Natufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia.. International Monographs in Prehistory, Ann Arbor. 1-16. Deckers K., Riehl S., Jenkins E., Rosen, A., Dodonov A., Simakova A. N. and Conard N. J. 2009. Vegetation development and human occupation in the Damascus region of southwestern Syria from the Late Pleistocene to Holocene. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 18:329-340. Napierala H., W., Van Neer A., Kandel W., Peters J., Uerpmann H.-P. and Conard N. J. 2013. Fish in the Desert? The Younger Dryas and its Influence on the Paleoenvironment at Baaz Rockshelter, Syria, in BarYosef O. and Valla F. R. (eds.) Natufian Foragers in the Levant: Terminal Pleistocene Social Changes in Western Asia. International Monographs in Prehistory: Ann Arbor. pp. 73-82. Napierala H. 2011. The Paleolithic Background of Early Food Producing Societies in the Fertile Crescent Faunal Analysis. Published doctoral dissertation. University of Tübingen.

Results from excavations and survey indicate that the region around Ma’aloula in the Damascus Province of Syria was occupied more intensely during the Late Natufian than during the Early Natufian. While these observations do not negate the results of decades of research in the Mediterranean heartland of the Natufian, where small hamlets with multiple houses are well documented at several sites during the Early Natufian and Late Natufian occupations are more ephemeral, they do demonstrate that each region of the Near East needs to be examined in its own right rather than projecting models from one region across the entire Levant. As far as we can tell, based on our data from excavations, during the Late Natufian the eastern foothills of the Anti-Lebanon Mountains were better suited for people settlement than the previous period. The Late Natufian of the area consisted of small, relatively mobile groups that had access to stable sources of water, the economically important open pistachio and almond woodlands, as well as flowing highland streams and resource-rich wadi bottoms. While wild cereals must have been present in the wider area, their use does not seem to have been as ubiquitous as one might expect. Instead the economies of the Late Natufian appear to have been based on a balanced use of medium and small-sized game, and to an as yet undetermined extent on fruits, nuts and cereals. As far as we can tell, population densities were moderately high, but people tended to use the landscape broadly without forming major settlements with substantial groups of houses or extremely high densities of finds. These results are consistent with survey data from the Epipaleolithic that show the use of a variety of environmental settings 30

6. Abu Hureyra (Raqqa) Andrew M. T. Moore (Rochester Institute of Technology, USA)

Abu Hureyra was one of the largest prehistoric villages ever excavated in western Asia (11.5ha). The site was significant because of its great size and long sequence of occupation, and because it documented the transition from a hunting and gathering way of life to farming (Fig. 1). This transformation took place around 11,000 BC, earlier than anywhere else in the world, and environmental change was a contributing factor. The new agricultural economy altered culture and society across western Asia, and made possible the emergence of urban life and civilization.

that took place during the dam’s construction. Given the potential importance of the site for understanding the development of farming, the excavators took care to recover information about the economy, especially animal bones and plant remains, as well as artefacts. They also carried out a large-scale program of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dating to determine the duration of habitation on the site and the timing of key events. Abu Hureyra was inhabited during a major episode of climatic and environmental change, the transition from the Pleistocene to the Holocene, and this had a major impact on its inhabitants.

The site was located in the Euphrates Valley upstream from Raqqa in the zone that was flooded by the completion of the Tabqa Dam. It was excavated from 1972 to 1973 in the archaeological salvage campaign

The first village, Abu Hureyra 1, was founded c. 11,500 BC by hunters and gatherers who established a village of multi-roomed pit dwellings (Figs. 2, 3). They lived there

Fig. 1 Abu Hureyra from the south-west.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites all year round and so were sedentary. Their economy was based on collecting wild plants from the valley bottom and the nearby open woodland. The site was on a gazelle migration route and they hunted large numbers of these animals every spring, preserving the meat for use later in the year. The material culture of these people was typical of a late Epipalaeolithic community, with microlithic flint tools and also grinding stones to process wild plants to eat, bone tools, stone weights, beads and amulets. They obtained a few pieces of obsidian from sources in Turkey through long-distance exchange.

The climatic dramatically worsened at 11,000 BC, suddenly becoming much cooler and drier. This obliged the inhabitants to change their way of life, so they became farmers and hunters. They cultivated rye, other cereals, and legumes while continuing to collect some wild plants and hunt gazelle. The climate change was caused by a comet or asteroid exploding in bursts across the northern hemisphere. One of these explosions occurred near Abu Hureyra, causing the village of pit dwellings to catch fire. Thereafter, occupation continued, but the form of the village changed as the inhabitants built rectangular huts on level ground, precursors of the houses in the Neolithic village of Abu Hureyra 2. Occupation continued at Abu Hureyra during the Intermediate Period (c. 9600-8700 BC), the transition from Epipalaeolithic to Neolithic in the Euphrates Valley. During this phase the inhabitants began to raise flocks of sheep as well as crops of cereals. Following the Intermediate Period, the village of Abu Hureyra 2 took shape. It consisted of rectangular, multi-roomed mudbrick houses that were built close together with only narrow lanes and courtyards in between (Fig. 4). As mixed farming became the basis of the economy, this caused an increase in population that drove the growth in size of the village until it covered an estimated minimum of 16ha by 7000 BC. It was by then one of the largest settlements anywhere in western Asia (Fig. 5). At 7400 BC there was another abrupt change in the economy as domestic sheep and goats replaced gazelles as the main source of meat. This happened because the population of gazelles had diminished through overhunting. By 7000 BC the inhabitants were full-time

Fig. 2 Pit dwellings in Abu Hureyra 1.

Fig. 3 Reconstruction of a pit dwelling in Abu Hureyra 1.

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6. Abu Hureyra (Raqqa) indicates that the people maintained great reverence for their ancestors and likely had a strong belief in an afterlife. The skeletons themselves demonstrate that people were well nourished but also worked very hard. Mortality rates were relatively high among the young but some people lived to an advanced age, i.e. more than 50 years old. The most numerous artefacts were flint tools, nearly all made on blades. These included large arrowheads, burins, knives, scrapers and sickle blades. There were also bone tools, mostly awls, stone carpentry tools, fine

Fig. 4 Abu Hureyra 2, Trench A. A multi-roomed mudbrick house with plaster floors.

farmers, relying on crops of cereals, mainly wheat, and legumes, including lentils, chickpeas and vetches, for sustenance. As well as flocks of sheep and goats, they kept some domestic cattle and pigs. By this time wild plants and animals contributed very little to the economy. The inhabitants of the Abu Hureyra 2 village disposed of their dead through an elaborate process. The corpses were usually exposed to the air for several months in charnel rooms where the flesh decayed. Then the bones were gathered up and buried under the floors of their houses. Often the skull was removed and given special treatment (Fig. 6). This process of secondary burial

Fig. 6 Abu Hureyra 2, Trench C. A collective burial illustrating separation of skulls.

Fig. 5 The village of Abu Hureyra 2 c. 7,000 B.C.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites stone bowls and dishes, as well as ornamental items. Obsidian from Turkey was found in all phases of the Abu Hureyra 2 village. Other items that found their way to the site from far away included basalt, malachite, turquoise, and marine shells. In the last phase of occupation, from c. 6100 to 5900 BC, the village contracted somewhat. The mudbrick houses were more widely spaced and large pits that were used for cooking were dug between them. After that the site was abandoned, to be used intermittently during the Chalcolithic Ubaid period and again in Byzantine, Islamic and modern times. The excavation at Abu Hureyra has demonstrated that agriculture began in Syria, the crossroads of the Middle East, earlier than anywhere else in the world. The wild ancestors of many of the domesticates, that is the cereals, legumes and animals such as sheep and goats, were native to the region and so could become the basis of a farming economy. The immediate results of the development of farming were a major increase in the population and the formation of very large village sites, of which Abu Hureyra was the most impressive. Bibliography

.

Hillman G., Hedges R., Moore A., Colledge S. and Pettitt P. 2001. New evidence of Lateglacial cereal cultivation at Abu Hureyra on the Euphrates.The Holocene11, 4, 383-393. Moore A.M.T. and Kennett D.J. 2014. Cosmic impact, the Younger Dryas, Abu Hureyra, and the inception of agriculture in Western Asia.In the Wenner-Gren Workshop on Island Archaeology and the Origins of Seafaring in the Eastern Mediterranean, edited by A. J. Ammerman and T. Davis. Eurasian Prehistory 10, 1-2, 57-66. Moore A.M.T., Hillman G.C. and Legge A.J. 2000 Village on the Euphrates. From Foraging to Farming at Abu Hureyra. Oxford University Press.

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7. Qarassa (Sweida) Frank Braemer (University of Nice, CNRS, France)

Juan J. Ibanez and Xavier Terradas (CSIC, Barcelona, Spain)

The floors had been very poorly preserved together with levels corresponding to the destruction of the structures (Fig. 3). Apart from these remains, the basalt outflow covered most of the surface of the hills around. We can distinguish two subsets:

Qarassa is a complex site implanted on the southern fringe of the Leja basaltic plateau at the junction with the Hauran plain. It presents an exceptional chronology of occupation preserved in stratigraphy divided between four distinct areas. A Natufian settlement was on the rock surface 400m to the north of a paleolake. The northern tell yields Pre Pottery Neolithic B (PPNB) to Final Chalcolithic occupations, and the southern one was occupied from the Early Bronze Age I to the Iron Age. A huge Early Bronze Age megalithic necropolis spreads over 14 hectares on the rocky area to the north of these living sites.

•• The 8 easternmost structures with an interior diameter reaching almost 5m. Their walls consist of a single row of stones of irregular size and shape, where the largest blocks are up to 50cm long. •• The 3 westernmost structures, whose interior diameter is nearer 4m. Their walls are made up of more than one row of stones, and usually more than two and their heights can reach a maximum of 50cm. The size and shape of the stones are smaller and more regular than in the eastern subset, and the stones are normally laid out in two lines.

The Syro-French-Spanish Qarassa 2007-2010 excavations, connected to the 2002-2006 Leja archaeological surveys, are shedding light on regional archaeological evidence and cultural developments from the onset of Neolithisation to the rise of complex urbanism in a region so far practically neglected, at last merging the Jordan valley with the Northern Levant and Syria.

A small rock cliff, completely filled by sediment contains archaeological material 20m to the west of the circular structures. A high number of bones and lithic artefacts are visible on the surface. It is probably a rock-shelter within a small cliff that the human groups may have used as a dwelling or as a refuge. The later use as a basalt quarry disturbed some of the layers that contained the evidence for its use by Epipaleolithic human groups.

The Natufian settlement (Qarassa 3) A group of 11 circular houses structures was built in line forming an arc around a natural depression in the basalt outflow (Fig. 2). The distribution of these structures forming a continuous line with no overlapping, suggests that this group could have been in use at the same time.

Fig. 1 Qarassa. Digital elevation model of the site viewed toward the south-east.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 2 Aerial view of the Natufian settlement.

Fig. 3 Plan of a Natufian house.

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7. Qarassa (Sweida) A large number of bed-rock mortars were seen, carved in the rock surface, both on the top of the basalt hills and in the adjacent lower ground. This association is quite common at other Natufian sites, and it is considered a sign of the process of intensification in food processing in the final Pleistocene in the Levant

It possesses layers belonging to the Early PPNB, Pottery Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. In Zone 1, an Early PPNB level dated in the mid 9th millennium cal BC has been found consisting of buildings with stonewalls, in which two building phases are separated by an intermediate phase of a fire and destruction. Later, in the second half of the 9th millennium, new buildings were raised and a funerary area was established. In Zone 2 a trench was excavated across the slope of the mound, in order to determine its global stratigraphy.

Lithic artefacts were found whose technological analysis showed a production oriented towards bladelets, with a high proportion of microliths (lunates). This industry, associated with other characteristic objects such heavy implements made from basalt, bed-rock mortars, and the absence of pottery meant that this ensemble could be attributed to the Natufian culture.

The PPNB features The Early PPNB period is crucial to the understanding of the emergence of farming in the Levant. The process of domestication of animals and plants characterizes PPNB communities, and is associated with the appearance of complex buildings, the transition from rounded to squared houses and the appearance of technological and symbolic innovations.

The fauna, all of wild species, reflects a typical hunting spectrum of the last hunter-gatherers, settled in a lacustrine environment. The huts at Qarassa 3 by their size and shape can be compared with the structures found in recent Natufian levels at Ain Mallaha. The results of the fieldwork at Qarassa 3 have considerably widened our knowledge of the Natufian occupation of southern Syria and northern Jordan, known at Taibé (Daraa, Syria) and Ain Rabuha (Irbid, Jordan). The association of the Qarassa group of huts with a lacustrine environment is not a trivial point: the settlement might be regarded as a base-camp.

Architecture found in Zone 1 can be defined as transitional, showing clusters of rectangular buildings with round corners (Fig. 4). The remains of a collapsed burned roof were excavated. A radial wooden support system pivoting on a central post and resting on the perimeter walls, typical of round buildings, seems to have been adapted here to cover a square building with round corners. It is the first possible example of a radial covering structure associated with a transitional square building, providing direct evidence of an architectural change from round to square buildings that implies a fundamental topological shift for the creation of social spaces.

The Northern Tell The Northern Tell at Qarassa is a large mound, 10m high, 3.37ha at its base and 1.21ha on the higher terrace.

Fig. 4 Plan of the Early PPNB house.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites evolutionary terms of how human beings conceived and represented themselves. This has been related to a new need to create, through material culture, the concepts of identity and personhood. In Zone 2 PPNB layers, two rooms have been partially excavated and a cranial cache was found in one of them. The oval room contained 11 crania placed in two independent groups and the postcranial remains of an adult which were separate from the groups of crania. Most of the crania belong to young adults (age at death more or less 18 to 25 years). Two of the individuals could have been over 30 years of age, while the remaining non-adult individuals died at 5 and 12 years of age. This deposit can hardly be interpreted as a form of ancestor-veneration, because of the clear signs of ritual hostility towards the deceased individuals by face destruction. Moreover, the crania had been kept for a short period of time (a few years) before being buried, so they seem to have been used in a specific ritual period. This shows that some funerary rituals could be considered an expression of the existence of conflicts as a component of social organization among the first farmers, raising certain doubts about interpretations that highlight the supposed social stability based on shared beliefs of ancestor veneration.

Fig. 5 Early PPNB bone wand with two human faces.

The funerary level was dated to the second half of the 9th millennium BC (9100±60 BP). 24 individuals proceeding from 18 funerary complexes were excavated within and outside the wall structure. Most of the bodies were buried along the structure walls, in foetal lateral position. However, the variety observed within the excavated burials shows the enormous complexity of the funerary ritual, typical of this period. Primary and secondary burials are present, some individual, others collective. Skull removal was documented for several of the burials found at the site, and a deposit with two skulls was found. Caches/concentrations of milling tools and polished axes, and the presence of clay figurines and ornamental objects suggest ritual practices in connection with the burials. Symbolic and ornamental objects include pierced shells and some very schematic mud tokens. Anthropomorphic figurines include a seated male figurine made of clay, a fragment of female figurine made of plaster and a fragment of bone rod with two human faces.

The faunal remains from Qarassa Tell North indicate that subsistence was based on the exploitation of a large variety of animal species (more than 15 taxa). Cereal and legume seeds are present. Their systematic study is providing substantial information on early PPNB farming practices and woodland exploitation in the region. Flint tools reveal that PPNB communities relied on a wide exchange network: Qarassa is located in the middle of a basaltic region with little or no potential for the collection of good lithic raw material. The raw material found at the archaeological site is varied in colour and of good quality, indicating that it was gathered from sources situated some tens of kilometres from the site. Obsidian tools have also been found, indicating exchange with northern groups. Early PPNB technological markers are present, such as bipolar blade knapping, Helwan and Jericho projectile points, microdenticulated sickle blades showing traces of intense use for harvesting, polished axes and adzes and milling and pounding tools.

A bone rod (Fig. 5) with two engraved human faces was found on the surface of an exterior area, associated with the funerary level, dated in the second half of the 9th millennium BC (8310-8020 cal BC). The engraving, a bas-relief, was carved on the convex surface of a planeconvex rod, 51mm long by 17mm wide, made from the rib of a large mammal. The faces, represented in frontal view, were displayed vertically, one above the other. The object was voluntarily cut, by partial sawing and snapping, presumably in order to keep the fragment with the two images. The engravings show similar iconographic conventions to those used for the modelled skulls. These faces are two of the oldest naturalistic and detailed representations of Neolithic human faces. The most important implications of the human faces found in Tell Qarassa North refer to the interpretation in

The stratigraphic trench (Zone 2) Five stratigraphic horizons were defined. The earliest Horizon (V), dating back to the PPNB, comprises a leveled settlement with two building stages. Horizon IV corresponds to a wet climatic event, with heavy rains causing significant erosion processes that truncated anthropic deposits on the slope. It may attest to the known climatic changes and increase in humidity around 8200 BP. 38

7. Qarassa (Sweida) BC. In this period Qarassa belonged to the general Chalcolithic koine of the southern Levant but the outcomes of the regionalization process are visible but not associated with cultural isolation. The Late Chalcolithic emergence of ceramic provinces (as in southern Syria between Qarassa and Tell el-Khazzami) seems to be the expression of social entities with strong locally-based cultural links and increasingly important long-distance exchanges. The Qarassa excavations define a new regional cultural entity strongly connected to those in the southern Levant during the Pottery Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods, and demonstrate the existence of exchange links with northern Levant from the end of the 5th millennium onward. The Southern Tell The Southern Tell (6ha) was occupied in several episodes, whose continuity is not yet guaranteed, from the Early Bronze Age (EBA) I until the end of the Middle Bronze Age I, and then during the Iron Age II, after an hiatus of almost a millennium. It has a crescent shape, open to the north. The central depressed zone was originally much deeper and originally was probably open to the north and thus flooded by the lake and the source. The history of the formation of the tell is marked by a major planning operation in the first half of the 3rd millennium with the construction of a rampart wall and residential areas. The oldest level dating back to the EBA Ia (mid 4th mill. BC) was identified on an extremely limited surface at the centre of the depression embankment on the rocky bottom, topped by a soil horizon of clay with burned cereal grains. So backfilling of the central depression began at that time. The next level is identified in the central depression with beaten earth floors sometimes indurate with a stone platform and few in situ potteries. No house wall was identified. A C14 date indicates the first quarter of the 3rd millennium, so the EBA II. At the same time, the rocky ridge to the north was also occupied as seen under the rampart wall.

Fig. 6 Chalcolithic pottery sample.

Horizon III represents the Late Neolithic to Late Chalcolithic macro-phases occupation layers on the northern terrace. Horizon II is characterized by a continuous colluvial deposit, light remains of platform layouts made of pisé and flimsy evidence of a Final Chalcolithic occupation connected with the better preserved one in the upper terrace. During the Pottery Neolithic, Qarassa was part of the Yarmoukian cultural complex. But from the Early Chalcolithic onward, local specificities become increasingly important (Fig. 6). The relationship with the Wadi Rabah complex is undeniable, but the main links seem to be with Byblos ‘Néolithique Moyen’. The major technological and social evolutional rupture happened between the Middle and Late Chalcolithic, around the middle of the 5th millennium

It is on this level that the rampart (Fig. 7) was built probably at the boundary between the first and second quarters of the 3rd millennium BC, so the beginning of the EBA III. In a second phase, a home line was built parallel to the wall, forming an internal ring road. The fortification

Fig. 7 Early Bronze Age III rampart.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 8 Iron Age storage room.

Qarassa is a continuous wall with a total length of c. 1,000 m, covering an area of 5.6ha, reinforced by at least two long strongholds in the west and southeast, and pierced by a door to west. Its elevation was 5 to 6m. The wall is visible at several places around the tell and thus it was possible to reconstruct its construction method. In this construction period nothing remains, or nothing existed in the centre of the tell: therefore we could have a crown agglomeration structure and a street along the city wall, with a large empty central space. Reoccupation dated to the EBA IV uses the same general layout.

The Megalithic Necropolis The necropolis of Qarassa with its 232 graves and 14ha, is the largest one in the Leja area. The burial chambers are surrounded by one or more walls forming usually a semicircular monument, and more rarely circular, oval or square. Originally these walls rose above the chamber. Monuments are 1 to 2m high. A stone fill protected the graves of looting. The burial chambers were covered by large monolithic slabs or corbelled blocks. 22 tombs have access doors. In a few cases some graves were grouped in a funeral enclosure that isolated them from others. The pottery and bead material in the 6 excavated tombs represents a large period covering all the Early Bronze age.

The olive tree cultivation is attested by large batches of stones in the EBA III layers. It could have been practised in the immediate vicinity of the site in a treefilled environment (deciduous oak and pistachio). The site being outside the distribution area of wild olive the question of a local olive growing is open.

Bibliography Braemer F., Nicolle Ch., Criaud H., Davtian G., Fiaccavento Ch., Flambeaux A., Liétar C., Ghanem Gh., Vila E., Herveux L., Ibanez J.-J. and Shaarani W. 2011. Qarassa, un site du Bronze ancien et Moyen en Syrie du sud. Travaux 2007-2010, Syria 88, 2011, 225250. Ibáñez J.J., Balbo A., Braemer F., Gourichon L., Iriarte, Santana E.J. and Zapata L. 2010. The early PPNB levels of Tell Qarassa North (Sweida, southern Syria), Antiquity, project gallery, vol. 084, 325. en ligne : http://antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/ibanez325/index.html Terradas X., Ibanez J.J., Braemer F., Gourichon L., Teira L. 2013. The Natufian Occupations of Qarassa 3 (Sweida, Southern Syria), in Bar-Yosef O., Valla F. (eds.) Natufian Foragers in the Levant. Terminal Pleistoce Social Changes in Western Asia, Ann Arbor, Michigan, p. 45-60.

At least two architectural levels are attributable to the Middle Bronze Age I, and the village could then be extended to the west with monumental structures (long wall with concrete floor and column base, very thick wall) and a village extension until the west side of the rampart. A building of the Iron Age has been directly built on the Middle Bronze levels that were still visible at that time. This is a large rectangular building over a surface area of more than 130m2 and preserved over 2m high. The existence of a two-storey structure, whose floor still had tableware on it at the time of destruction was evidenced. The ground floor was mainly devoted to storage, as many vases were found intact (Fig. 8). This building had only one phase of occupation, in the 7th century BC. The ceramic assemblage includes a wide range of shapes and many imports. This is a unique opportunity to identify the poorly known local pottery repertoire in this period. 40

8. Mureybet (Raqqa) Marie-Claire Cauvin and Danielle Stordeur (CNRS, France)

in a monograph (J. J. Ibanez-Estevez (ed.). 2008. Le site néolithique de Tell Mureybet (Syrie du Nord). En hommage à Jacques Cauvin. Oxford. BAR Int. Ser. 1843) written unfortunately after his death (2001).

Tell Mureybet, 89km east of Aleppo, on the left bank of the Euphrates (Fig. 1), was discovered by M. van Loon (University of Chicago). The excavation was then directed by J. Cauvin (J. Cauvin, 1977: ‘Les fouilles de Mureybet (1971-1974) et leur signification pour les origines de la sédentarisation au ProcheOrient’, Annuals of the American School of Oriental Research 44), before the site disappeared under the Tabqa dam lake. The occupation of Mureybet covers four millennia, from 10,200 to 8200 cal BC. J. Cauvin identified, after the analyses by a multidisciplinary team, the process of ‘Neolithization’ on this exceptional site. His most notable contribution (J. Cauvin: Naissance des divinités, Naissance de l’agriculture. La révolution des symboles au Néolithique. Paris, CNRS Editions) to the understanding of the origins of the Neolithic was to have considered that a profound mental transformation, perceptible through a ‘Revolution of symbols’ was the principal driving force behind the advent of farming and herding. The results obtained by his team were gathered

The environment of Tell Mureybet (after D. Helmer, G. Willcox and V. Roitel) is rich and varied with a range of biotypes: river banks, flood plain, steppe, gallery forest. Around 10,200 BC cal, a hunter-gatherer group, belonging to the Late Natufian (Phase IA), settled at Mureybet. No dwelling structures have been identified. The lithic industry is typical of the Euphrates area with unipolar cores, retouched bladelets, micro-borers, geometric microliths as lunates, and herminettes (M. -C. Cauvin and F. Abbès in J. J. Ibanez-Estevez 2008). Wild cereals (barley, einkorn and rye) were gathered (G. Willcox in J. J. Ibanez-Estevez 2008) together with seeds from plants. Gazelles and equids were the most exploited animals. The hunted avian fauna was varied, including water birds and birds of prey, and fishing was

Fig. 1 Mureybet, on the left bank of the Euphrates.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 2 The most ancient building at the site (Khiamian: IB).

an important activity (L. Gourichon and D. Helmer in J. J. Ibanez-Estevez 2008).

Fig. 3 A figurine representing a woman.

constructions, the first rectangular multicellular houses appeared. They coexisted with sunken collective buildings. The most famous of them: ‘Maison 47’ (Figs. 4 and 5) was destroyed by fire. Small radial walls define several cells organized around a central space. The collective nature of this building became clear after the discovery of Jerf el Ahmar (see article in this book).

From 10,000 to 9400 BC cal three phases can be distinguished during the development of Khiamian (Phases IB IIA, IIB) which are characterized by innovation. The most ancient building at the site (IB: Fig. 2) was round, monocellular and partially sunken (Stordeur, Ibanez in J. J. Ibanez-Estevez 2008), later houses were built at ground level (IIA). For the first time, cereal chaff was added to the building earth used to make the walls. Sunken buildings were divided with small straight walls defining cells; these were probably collective buildings. Changes in the lithic industry can be seen from the disappearance of the geometric microliths, the appearance of El Khiam points followed by Helwan and tanged points. New bone objects appeared (needles, combs, sheaths for axes). Many beads were found, produced in a wide variety of materials and shapes, using local raw or exogenous material (Maréchal, Alarashi in J. J. Ibanez-Estevez 2008). Figurines were made of limestone (Stordeur and Lebreton in J. J. Ibanez-Estevez 2008). One of them may represent a combination of a nocturnal bird of prey and a human (Fig. 3). The deposit of an aurochs skull in the wall of a house indicates a symbolic conception of the bull. This kind of deposit became more common during the PPNA period in the Levant.

The study of food resources demonstrates the evolution from a broad-spectrum economy (Natufian, Khiamian) to an agricultural economy characterized by an increase in the use of cereals (einkorn, barley, rye) and legumes, and the gradual abandonment of small game and fish. The morphology of cereals remains wild, reflecting the earliest signs of a predomestic agriculture (Willcox in J. J. Ibanez-Estevez 2008). The importance of storage is suggested by the small closed cells in the collective buildings and by the large increase in commensal rodents (after A. Haidar and Cucchi). The presence of weeds also supports the argument for agriculture during this period. At the same time, animal hunting became focused upon large species (equids, aurochs, fallow deer, wild sheep and boars). The Mureybetian is a period of profound change in lithic industry. Bipolar cores co-existed with unipolar cores, predetermined blade knapping appears to produce rectilinear blades, indicating a desire for enhanced control of size and morphology. The PPNB levels were discovered in the eastern part of the tell. No remains of architecture dating to the Early PPNB (Phase IVA: 8600 to 8200 BC cal) were found. Equid and aurochs were the animals most frequently hunted. Sheep, goat, cow and boar show possible signs of domestication (after Helmer). Byblos points, successors of the Mureybet points, were often produced using predetermined bipolar blades.

During the Mureybetian (PPNA : Phases IIIA and IIIB), from 9300 to 8600 BC cal, aspects of continuity with the Khiamian coexist with a new management of natural resources and technical innovations, especially in terms of architecture. Walls were built with courses of cigar-shaped stones of soft limestone built using earth containing cereal chaff. Alongside round monocellular 42

8. Mureybet (Raqqa)

Fig. 4 ‘Maison 47’, a PPNA communal building (picture).

Fig. 5 ‘Maison 47’, a PPNA communal building (drawing).

The Middle PPNB (Phase IVB: 8200 and 8000 BC cal) revealed a rectangular house with long parallel walls made with mud tempered with chaff. Domestication of sheep, goat and bovines has been identified. Flint blades were made on regular naviform cores. The blades are predetermined, standardized, and their dimensions increase. The best pre-determined blades were turned into points (Byblos, Amouq and Abu Gosh).

Bibliography Cauvin J. 1977. Les fouilles de Mureybet (19711974) et leur signification pour les origines de la sédentarisation au Proche-Orient, Annuals of the American School of Oriental Research 44: 19-48. Ibanez-Estevez J.J. (ed.) 2008. Le site néolithique de Tell Mureybet (Syrie du Nord). En hommage à Jacques Cauvin. Oxford: Archaeopress (BAR Int. Ser. 1843).

At Mureybet evidence of belief systems was demonstrated by finds of symbols from the Khiamian onwards. In the Mureybetian deposits of aurochs skulls were still present and female figurines were kept in the collective building 47. For J. Cauvin the symbolism of the woman and the bull began in 10,000 BC and developed throughout the Neolithic in the Near East. The new PPNA discoveries (Jerf el Ahmar, Tell Qaramel, Tell ‘Abr 3, Göbekli) confirm the importance of this symbolism and collective rituals at the beginning of the process of Neolithization.

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9. Tell Qaramel (Aleppo) Youssef Kanjou (University of Tsukuba, Japan & DGAM, Syria)

Humans inhabited Tell Qaramel, 25km north of Aleppo on the right bank of the Queiq river, over several different periods, the oldest dating back to the Neolithic period, around the beginning of 11,000 BC until the end of 9000 BC. This is consistent with the Neolithic revolution that occurred in the Levant area from the beginning of 10,000 BC, and thus Tell Qaramel provides important information about the history of the northern region of Aleppo and northwestern Syria for more than 1000 years. This was an important stage in human history, a transition period when people moved from hunting and gathering to living in permanent settlements. The building of homes and villages, and then acquiring the knowledge which led to agriculture and domestication of animals; all these transformations in daily life started from that time and still continue to this day. All these processes are found in the archaeological evidence from Tell Qaramel.

Fig. 1 Tower 5 at Tell Qaramel dating to the early Neolithic period.

To the east of the tower building is a very important house, a bucrania house which contained a pit with four wild bull skulls under the floor. It is well known that bull skulls were important sacred religious symbols during the Neolithic period, indicating that this house had a religious nature (see Fig. 2).

Tell Qaramel village consisted of many small houses grouped very closely together. Each group consisted of one to three houses, the shape and size of the houses changed over time. Houses where families lived were small and circular in shape with some parts underground, but over time the number of houses increased and included a number of internal divisions, and in the final phase the houses began to take the form of a rectangle. A variety of materials were used in building, the most important were mud, stone and twigs. The three most important architectural features of the site were towers, a bucrania house and communal house/ shrines. Among the most important discoveries at the site were five towers built in the same place, meaning that the towers were destroyed and then rebuilt in the same location each time. The towers are the oldest known in the world. The first was built using stone during the 10th century BC, had a circular shape with a diameter of 5-7m, and wall width of 1-1.5m. Its height is unknown and possibly had a central fireplace (see Fig. 1).

Another important building is the communal/shrine house. This was a large structure comprised of three sections: the rear section or apse (an attached semicircular architectural structure with a stela inside it);

Fig. 2 A pit with four wild bull skulls.

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9. Tell Qaramel (Aleppo)

Fig. 3 A group of graves.

Fig. 4 Animal and geometric decoration on stone tools.

varied. Each piece represents a whole art scene, which includes mainly animals, such as gazelles, turtles, snakes, birds and rabbits, and were often inscribed with a variety of geometric designs, In addition to plant forms and river systems, scientists believe that these paintings reflect local beliefs and the environment surrounding Tell Qaramel in that period. A large number of these works of art were discovered in Tell Qaramel, totalling more than 1,500 pieces, or parts of pieces, which suggests they developed mobile art on a large scale (Fig. 4).

a central section, an elliptical shape with a diameter of 5m; while the front section was rectangular with a number of parallel walls. The front section represents the entrance to the building and within the central section there is a fireplace and terraces near the walls. Inside all the sections a number of graves were found, mainly secondary graves for skulls without skeletons, or graves for skeletons without skulls. In particular, in the area located east of this house, a group of four graves was discovered: grave 8 contained 2 skulls with one skeleton, grave 7 contained only one skull, grave 6 contained a skeleton without any skull, and grave 5 contained one skull with 2 lower jaws (Fig. 3).

Archaeology and historical studies show us that the inhabitants of Qaramel and the surrounding area were dependent on multiple food sources including animals and vegetation. Animals were hunted on a very large scale, especially the equidae family, comprising animals such as horse and cows, as they provided a large amount of meat. In addition to collecting wild wheat and other wild plants, the environment surrounding Tell Qaramel provided a large number of plant and animal species.

One of the most remarkable phenomena in this historical period is the development of art and beliefs at Tell Qaramel, which were manifested through decoration patterns on pieces of small stone. These were often tools used in daily life, whether for food, hunting or the processing of stone tools; the art forms on the stones 45

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Its location near the Quieq River attracts animals and provides water for the plants, and additionally the flat area is suitable for growing grain and there are mountainous areas nearby good for growing fruit and nut trees (almonds and pistachios). This environment helped to stabilize the population in one place for a long time, which seems to have helped foster a highly developed culture represented by its stone industries, architecture and religious beliefs. It seems that the inhabitants of Tell Qaramel were affected by beliefs and cultures of other communities, especially those in southern Syria, Palestine, the Euphrates basin and central Turkey, due to its strategic location between these areas. Also the site of Tell Qaramel in the Quieq River Valley dominates the main route between the Levant and Anatolia and had a significant economic and cultural impact on the area. Thus the inhabitants of Qaramel had the opportunity to participate in the exchange of high-value raw materials, such as obsidian, green malachite and copper and other metals, in addition to manufactured materials such as stone tools and bowls, which contributed to the strengthening of a stable economy and a higher quality of life. Tell Qaramel gives a true vision of human life over more than 1000 years of the Neolithic period, between the 11th and until the 9th millennium BC. This timeframe represents the astonishing results of how humans in general, and the specifically population in western Syria, built some the earliest homes known and organized the first villages (architectural and artistic development), in addition to providing information on daily life and relationships within society. The site also provides evidence for early architecture and society during the trial phase of settlements and the later establishment of the first villages. Bibliography Kanjou Y. 2014. An anthropological study of Neolithic graves in Tel Qaramel, northern Syria, in Adumatu Journal, Saudi Arabia No. 30. Kanjou Y., Kuijt, I., Erdal, Y. S., and Kondo O. 2013. Early Human Decapitation, 11,700–10,700 cal BP, within the Pre-Pottery Neolithic Village of Tell Qaramel, North Syria, in International Journal of Osteoarchaeology. Ryszard F., Mazowski, R. Y. and Kanjou Y. (eds.) 2012. Tell Qaramel 1999-2007: ProtoNeolithic and early Pre-pottery Neolithic settlement in Northern Syria. (Preliminary results of the Syrian –Polish Archaeological Excavations in Seasons 1999-2007). PCMA No.2. University of Warsaw, Poland.

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10. Jerf el-Ahmar (Aleppo) Danielle Stordeur and George Willcox (CNRS, France)

Jerf el Ahmar is a site of the Mureybetian Culture (PPNA horizon) established on the left bank of the Middle Euphrates in Syria (D. Stordeur 2015. Le village de Jerf el Ahmar (Syrie, 9500-8700 av. J.C.). L’architecture, miroir d’une société néolithique complexe. Paris, CNRS Editions). It was occupied between approximately 9500 and 8700 cal BC. The site was discovered by T. Mc Clellan in the 1980s and was excavated by a Franco-Syrian team from 1995 to 1999 (by D. Stordeur CNRS and B. Jamous DGAM) as a rescue excavation due to the construction of Tichrin dam. Today, the site lies under the waters lake formed by the dam.

of communal work, such as the building of houses on terraces which were constructed and consolidated by small walls, were planned and performed collectively. Semi-subterranean communal buildings were built and used by the group. The earliest of these buildings were subdivided by radiating walls (Fig. 1). These walls delimited cells and peripheral benches and bordered a large empty central space. Some of the cells contained tools destined for various functions, all of outstanding quality. Other cells, difficult to access, were clearly destined for the storage of crops. The benches and

The site was established on two small hillocks separated by a small wadi. The cultivation of morphologically wild crops is attested in this area (G. Willcox, S. Fornite, L. Herveux 2008, ‘Early Holocene cultivation before domestication in northern Syria’ Vegetation History and Archaeobotany. 17/3:313325). Cultural developments can be seen during the 500 years of occupation. Towards the end of the occupation the inhabitants of Jerf el Ahmar enter into a phase of transition which announces the PPNB. Eleven occupation levels have been identified. The extent of the area excavation (1000m²) and the abundance of the finds, including building plans of the occupation, made it possible to identify the signs of a complex social organization at this site. The presence of an authority that managed the life of the group has been evidenced in particular through the study of the buildings and their distribution. It has been noted that a certain amount

Fig. 1 A communal building subdivided by radiating walls.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites to the communal buildings (Fig. 3). This may indicate early social differentiation. Another sign of a well-structured communal life at Jerf el Ahmar is the consumption of food, which seems to have been, at least in part, collective. Several houses show signs of food preparation activities (Fig. 4), for example the grinding of cereals, which was undertaken in the houses while the cooking of food took place outdoors in the courtyards or, more often in the communal spaces. Towards the end of the occupation of the site, several large outdoor pit hearths suggest the cooking of large volumes of food, probably large mammals. Finally, the constant presence of symbolism, well defined and common to the entire cultural area of the northern Levant may also be interpreted as a sign for social complexity. The predominantly animal symbolism was probably linked to myths dealing with death. Within this region, which shares the same imaginary world, engraved pictograms (Fig. 5) on mobile supports or on megalithic pillars (as in Anatolia) clearly show associations of signs and images that were undoubtedly Fig. 2 A communal building with a circular bench. understood by the inhabitants, or a part of them. This provides evidence that the societies of this period were able to the central space were intended for meetings. Finally, record and transmit messages across a large geographical buried human skeletal remains which appear to have area. been subjected to violence or even sacrifice were present. Thus, these buildings had multiple functions: Cereals were central to the subsistence economy at storage, meetings, rituals and various other activities. By Jerf el Ahmar. This is revealed by large-scale use of contrast, the most recent communal buildings (Fig. 2) chaff and grain, large storage structures in communal were used for only one function. Particularly well-built, buildings and processing installations in specialised invariably semi-subterranean and circular-shaped they rooms consisting of groups of querns. Cereals were were intended for meetings and ceremonies. The interior clearly important in the diet, the other important element was not subdivided by walls. Solely a circular bench ran for subsistence being the hunting of aurochs, gazelle along the periphery. Heavy limestone slabs formed the and equids (D. Helmer et al. 2005. ‘Identifying early vertical front; all of them were embellished by geometric domestic cattle from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites on patterns. One of these buildings showed even more the Middle Euphrates using sexual dimorphism’, in J. D sophisticated decoration with engraved slabs depicting Vigne et al: New methods and the first steps of mammal humans with stylized stele of birds of prey. domestication. Oxford). During the 500-year occupation cereals and pulses increased compared to gathered The construction of houses around these communal plants such as non-cereal grasses. Constructed storage buildings was carefully planned. Their size and the structures occur only in later levels. Grouped querns are quality of the construction depended on their proximity 48

10. Jerf el-Ahmar (Aleppo)

Fig. 3 The construction of houses planned around these communal buildings.

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Fig. 4 A house showing signs of food preparation activities.

more common in the upper levels. These trends represent a shift towards greater reliance on larger-scale cereal exploitation which required labour for preparing land, sowing, weeding, crop protection, storage, harvesting and processing. These tasks would have been planned collectively, implying a social hierarchy combined with an increase in social organisation. The cereal economy would have been intertwined with the social fabric of village life. Jerf el Ahmar thus provides a window of 500 years that illuminates the transition from foraging to farming, which started during the Natufian and culminated in the Middle PPNB, and is exemplified by the contrast between the small pit dwellings at Natufian Abu Hureyra and the rows of quasi-identical dwellings at Halula, where mixed domestic farming was established by about 8000 cal BC. The discoveries at Jerf el Ahmar demonstrate that largescale cereal exploitation and cultivation were practised at least a millennium before this date. Bibliography Stordeur D. 2015. Le village de Jerf el Ahmar (Syrie, 9500-8700 av. J.C.). L’architecture, miroir d’une société néolithique complexe. Paris, CNRS Editions. Willcox G., Stordeur D. 2012. Large-scale cereal processing before domestication during the tenth millennium BC cal, in northern Syria. Antiquity 86: 331, 99-114. Willcox G., Fornite S. and Herveux L. 2008. Early Holocene cultivation before domestication in northern Syria. Vegetation History and Archaeobotany. 17/3:313-325.

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Fig. 5 Engraved pictograms.

11. Dja’de el-Mughara (Aleppo) Eric Coqueugniot (CNRS, France)

Excavated as part of the rescue campaigns of the Tishreen Dam in the Euphates valley, the Neolithic tell of Dja’de el Mughara has yielded archaeological levels belonging mostly to the 9th millennium BC (9310-8290 cal. BCE).

technical developments (tools) and they give indices on the social organization (burial practices and ‘House of the Dead’, collective hunts and remnants of collective meals (‘feasting’ ?), semi-underground community building with painted decoration, etc.) and the health status of populations (wae have the oldest evidence of tuberculosis and this evidence of human tubercular infection before domestication is very important in terms of understanding the sanitary conditions of the population and the origin of this disease, often associated with cohabitation between

It concerns a crucial phase in the process of Neolithisation, the one which corresponds to the end of the period of gestation, and invention of the domestication of plants (raw agricultural practices but with wild cereals). The archaeological levels are particularly rich regarding

Fig. 1 Plan of the communal building. The paintings covered the walls of the three piers (666.667, 668) whose primary purpose would have been to support the roof. Pier 668 was badly damaged, the other two remarkably well preserved. (© Mission archéologique de Dja’de el Mughara).

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Fig. 2 General view of pier 666 under excavation in 2006. The overall shape of this pier and two apses could perhaps suggest a bucrania with a painted muzzle. (© Mission archéologique de Dja’de el Mughara).

humans and domesticated animals). Dja’de also helped to put into perspective the concepts relating to what might be called ‘symbolic thinking’ linked to female figurines and the so-called ‘cult of the bull’. Dja’de is currently the only known settlement in northern Levant covering all the 9th millennium and the importance of the archaeological levels (more than 9m thick) allows to show a gradual evolution. This evolutionary continuum leads us to question the hierarchy of cultural change between the PPNA and the Early-PPNB horizons (and during the PPNB), changes whose timing has been precisely dated by more than 50 radiocarbon dates.

Fig. 3 Bucrania of a female aurochs (notice the red ochre stain on the muzzle). During Neolithic time aurochs had a certain symbolic value, but it is not necessarily that of the virility of the bull. It is likely that the symbolism of the bull lies in the strength and power of the animal (notwithstanding the gender). (© Mission archéologique de Dja’de el Mughara).

Basal levels (phase DJ I, ca. 9310-8830 cal. BC) have delivered an 11,000-year-old ca. ‘community building’ (non-domestic). This large semi-underground circular building has three massive radial piers. One was very

Fig. 4 General view of one side of pier 666 in situ showing the painted decoration before its removal in 2008. The composition evokes weaving or basketry, and must be part of a long tradition. This is the earliest known painted decoration in the world on a manmade support (a wall). (© Mission archéologique de Dja’de el Mughara).

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11. Dja’de el-Mughara (Aleppo) damaged but the two others retain a nearly 1.8m tall and well-preserved geometric polychrome painted decoration, the oldest known in the Middle East. This is a major heritage discovery as they are not only the oldest known paintings in the Middle East, but also the oldest murals (painted decoration on a man-made wall) known in the world. Contemporary with the ‘communal buildings’ known at Mureybet, Jerf el Ahmar, tell ‘Abr and Göbekli, the ‘house of the paints’ presents an original architectural solution with its painted piers that separate rounded cells (apses). The decoration of one of these piers was removed, consolidated and transferred to a permanent support, then delivered to the museum of Aleppo in 2010 (apart from a panel that remained in the house of the excavations). However the second massive pier remained in place following the cessation of field work. If it is technically protected, long-term conservation is threatened by the rise of the water table and the security situation. The excellent preservation of the bulk of the painting seems to be related to the rapid filling of the building, to its voluntary closure. Indeed, during its abandonment the ‘house of the paints’ was closed by a voluntary act of sealing.

Fig. 5 Typical tubercular lesions present on the 9th and 10th thoracic vertebrae of an adult (phase DJ III). (© Mission archéologique de Dja’de el Mughara).

more than 70 individuals, evidencing the sustainability of its particular role during the last part of the former PPNB, combining primary inhumations and secondary burials in baskets or mats. Various indications lead us to believe that during this period of the Neolithic occupation, Dja’de was not yet fully sedentary, with residents periodically leaving the site, but returning regularly (‘seasonally nomadic’ ?). Around 8200 BC the site was then abandoned for a long period.

The following phase (DJ II, ca. 8800-8500 cal. BC, beginning of the EPPNB [Early Pre-Pottery Neolithic B]) is notable for the presence of particular butchering wastes left in place, which suggest the existence of ‘feasting’ (community meals), probably related to moments of the group life (perhaps before [seasonal ?] departure). A burned house gives the opportunity to study the buildings’ mode of covering. At present, this phase is known only at the site of Dja’de and it is particularly important for our understanding of the evolution of the pre-pottery Neolithic because it corresponds to a stratigraphic hiatus recognized in Mureybet between phases Mb III and IV, that is to say between PPNA and PPNB.

Although poorly preserved, Pottery Neolithic levels (phase Dj IV, pre-Halaf, first half of the 6th millennium) attest of the membership of this region to the cultural area also known in various parts of northern Syria. An Early Bronze Age cemetery (EB III-IV, phase Dj V) revealed individual graves with offerings (ceramic vases and arsenical copper items).

The best represented phase (Dj III, ca. 8540-8290 cal. BC) corresponds to the classical ‘Early PPNB’, known elsewhere in north Syria at Mureybet (phase Mb IVA) and in very limited excavations at tell Sheikh Hassan and tell el Kerkh, but absent from Jerf el Ahmar. The village had a different spatial organization, with rectangular houses of a very small size, separated by open spaces in which most activities were undertaken. The mode of construction appears to have remained the same: ‘earth walls with stone armature’, but earth floors still have an underlying bed of small pebbles. The funeral practices were varied, especially with a remarkable collective burial located under the floor of a structure termed the ‘House of the Dead’, more precisely under the floors of a series of five houses that occupied the same location during the site’s long occupancy (this structure presented a total of seven phases, but the first and last architectural phases were not particularly associated with burials). This repeated use revealed the remains of

Bibliography Baker O. et al. 2015. Human tuberculosis predates domestication in ancient Syria. Tuberculosis 95, suppl. 1: 4-12. Coqueugniot E. 2014. Dja’de (Syrie) et les représentations symboliques au IXe millénaire cal. BC. In Manen C., Perrin T., Guilaine J. (ed.) Transitions en Méditerranée. Comment des chasseurs devinrent agriculteurs, p. 91108. Paris, Editions Errance. Courty M.-A. and Coqueugniot E. 2013. A microfacies toolkit for revealing linkages between cultural discontinuities and exceptionnal events: the Tell Dja’de case study (NE Syria). Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 20, 2, 331-363. 53

12. Tell Halula (Aleppo) Miquel Molist (Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain)

and Late Pre-Pottery Neolithic B, the settlement had a considerable extension that covered 8ha in an agglomerated site plan. Houses were found in an organized way following a north-south axis with small circulation spaces between them (0.4cm to 1.5m wide). The spaces in front of the house were wide and were converted into open zones where the vast majority of the domestic and productive activities happened (Fig. 2). In some of these houses the remains of paint on the walls and floors were recovered; the finding of a picture assemblage of 24 painted figures on a house floor is one of the most interesting examples. These figures were painted by a simple technique and are distinguished from the grey floor by their red colour (Fig. 3). Their analysis identified 23 schematic human figures around a square with stripes inside. The human figures were interpreted as perhaps females in a dance ritual. In the most recent phases of the village (8th and 7th millennia), the location of the buildings and the distribution of the urban plan changed, the agglomeration decreased and wide open/

The archaeological site of Tell Halula is located near Membji, in the Aleppo province in the northern region of Syria. The site comprises a Tell of 11m in height above the valley and to a total extent of some 7ha. Tell Halula was excavated between 1991 and 2011 under an international rescue operation for the archaeological and historical heritage threatened by the construction of the Tchrine dam in the upper Euphrates valley. The process included a diachronic analysis of the stratigraphic layers in the settlement. Once the excavation and study of the most representative and interesting archaeological levels (PPNB periods, appearance of the first ceramics and development of the Halaf culture) was taken into account, 38 occupation phases covering 2000 years of history between 7800 and 5400 cal BC were detected (Fig. 1). The occupation of the site was initiated in 7800 cal BC, when the first Neolithic societies were developed. In the most archaic phase, which covers 1000 years and is located under the historic horizon named Middle

Fig. 1 General view from the south of the Tell Halula site (photo SAPPO/UAB).

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12. Tell Halula (Aleppo)

Fig. 2 View from the south of the three houses from sector 2-4 sector, contemporary chronology of the middle PPNB phase (photo SAPPO/UAB).

FIg. 3 Detail of the schematic paintings recovered in the ground of a room from the PPNB Half period (photo SAPPO/UAB).

Fig. 4 Detail of the stone wall from sector I, Late Phase PPNB (photo SAPPO/UAB).

FIg. 5 View from the wall and pipeline, sector 7A, Late Neolithic phase (preHalaf period) (photo SAPPO/UAB).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites free spaces were found between the houses. These spaces revealed an abundance of domestic activities, such as hearths, buried ovens, wide areas of accumulation of combustion debris, prepared floors, etc.

millennia is documented, which allows the analysis of the deep transformations that occurred towards the end of the Neolithisation process. Excavations at Tell Halula were initiated as a heritage rescue campaign but were performed as a scientific project that aimed to gain more knowledge on how a village from the first agriculturalists developed in one of Eurasia’s primal zones, the valley of the Euphrates. Its development with wide archaeological excavations is providing the acquisition of more knowledge about the structure of housing, its spatial characteristics, collective constructions, etc. Nevertheless, it is also improving our understanding of economic practices, such as the development of agriculture and herding, and also the difficult aspects of symbolism and the complex and wide fields of study of the different technologies then in use. Above all it is an interdisciplinary project and polyhedral study, whereby the different facets complement themselves in the study of a village and its intersection in terms of a fuller understanding of the first agricultural and herding societies in the Mediterranean.

A set of architectonic elements has been discovered. This indicates the society’s capacity to construct collective ‘equipment’, which also suggests some planning of the spatial occupation model in the interior of the village. Without doubt, the most impressive of these constructions is the stone wall, with a preserved height of 4m, which was excavated to a length of up to 30m (Fig. 4). In the recent phases of the settlement, around 6500 cal BC, another important new feature is documented, a wall with a preserved height of 1.2m, also built of stone but now with a closing function and clearly limiting the south-western part of the settlement. In the same sector of the site, an excavated pit with curved walls and base was located. Its length (20m) indicates its probable function as a structure for channelling waters (Fig. 5). In domestic architecture, all the phases of the village illustrate great investments of time, labour and skill in the construction of the room units. In the most archaic phases, houses have a uniform morphology consisting of a rectangular plan with three, four or five interior cells, which are distributed following an organised plan. In the most recent phases of the village, mainly after the Pre-Halaf horizons, the domestic architecture presents a habitat comprised of two types of structures: the rectangular or squared house (which is multicellular), and the circular planned house or tholoi.

Acknowledgements The Spanish Project at the Tell Halula archaeological site was made possible with the help and collaboration of the General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums (DGAM) of Syria, the IPCE (Instituto del Patrimonio Cultural de España) of the Spanish Ministerio de Educación, Cultura Deporte, and Ministerio de Ciencia y Innovación (HAR 2013-43624 P). In addition, the GRAMPO research group is supported by the Universitat Autònoma of Barcelona and the Generalitat de Catalunya (2014-SGR-1248). M. Molist is a member of ICREA Academia.

The excavation at Tell Halula has revealed a rich assemblage of vegetal and animal remains that allowed the classification of Tell Halula as a village that can be assigned to the first agriculturalists and herders. The archaeozoologic and palaeobothanic studies provide the material evidence necessary to note the evolution of a subsistence economy, which, in the lower layers, was essentially focused on the exploitation of wild species, and transitioned to the management of domestic products in the upper layers. This process of a gradual appearance of a new agricultural society is also shown in the change of the tools, mainly the chipped lithic industry, the polished utensils and the bone industry, but also in the cooked clay or bone figurines. The modelling of clay was initially used in the pre-ceramic phase for the elaboration of schematic animal figurines and some seals, these latter objects being always decorated with geometric motives. But the most interesting new feature that the Tell Halula site has revealed is the production of the first pottery vessels and its rapid development to the pre-Halaf and Halaf cultures, both well documented in the settlement. Tell Halula is, therefore, one of the few sites where a continuous occupation between the 7th and the 6th 56

13. Tell Aswad (Damascus) Danielle Stordeur (CNRS, France)

Rima Khawam (DGAM, Syria)

Tell Aswad, some 30km from Damascus, is a large tell discovered by H. de Contenson in 1967 and attributed by him to PPNA (Aswadian), then Early and Middle PPNB. Excavation of the site began again in 2001, under a Franco-Syrian team co-directed by D. Stordeur (CNRS) and B. Jamous (DGAM). Examination of the stratigraphy, together with a revision of the archaeological material, led a multidisciplinary team to rule out the existence of the PPNA. The site appears now to have been occupied at the end of the Early PPNB, the middle PPNB, and the beginning of Late PPNB (D. Stordeur, D. Helmer, B. Jamous, R. Khawam, M. Molist, G. Willcox 2010, ‘Le PPNB de Syrie du sud à travers les découvertes récentes à Tell Aswad’, in M. Maqdisi, F. Braemer, J. -M.

Dentzer (eds.): Hauran V. La Syrie du sud du néolithique à l’Antiquité tardive. Beyrouth, BAH). The environment is rich in natural resources. Plants and animals indicate the proximity of a lake. The steppe/ desert, just to the east, was also exploited, as were the mountains, 50km to the west. The cereals (emmer and barley) were cultivated as opposed to gathered, from the beginning to the end of the sequence (after K. Tanno and G. Willcox). Herding is also in evidence throughout the sequence at Tell Aswad. During the early PPNB, sheep and pigs are domesticated, as well as probably goats. Cattle were domestic from the beginning of the middle PPNB (after D. Helmer and L. Gourichon).

Fig. 1 A collective burial with 4 modelled skulls (level B0).

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Fig. 2 A burial deposit of 5 modelled skulls (level B-5).

Fig. 3 A modelled skull with white plaster applied directly to the bone (level B0).

The material used in the architecture was earth, mixed with cereal chaff. Although present in the PPNA at Jericho, hand-modelled bricks appear to have been ‘reinvented’ at Tell Aswad. In the early PPNB phase the walls were constructed using alternating beds of reeds and earth. Some layers of earth were made of handmodelled clods with no previous drying. Finally, starting in the middle PPNB phase, the use of bricks becomes generalised. The conception of the buildings does not seem to follow definite geometric models. Houses are mostly rounded and in general undefined in form.

The site has provided rich funerary evidence (R. Khawam 2014. L’homme et la mort au PPNB. L’exemple de Tell Aswad. PhD). During the earliest phase (levels B12-B10), the funerary deposits are inside the houses, as part of a family unit. During the middle PPNB phase (levels B8-B2), the tombs are less numerous and occur sometimes in the houses and sometimes outside. Primary burials are found in these contexts, as well as secondary burials, such as deposits of skulls. Later in the sequence, the corpses were assembled in funeral areas and plastered skulls make their appearance (D. Stordeur, R. Khawam 2007. ‘Les crânes surmodelés 58

13. Tell Aswad (Damascus)

Fig. 4 3 modelled skulls of the B-5 group. CS3 in the centre, close to CS1 (right).

Fig. 5 Skull CS3 (level B-5).

of a constant and active bond between the world of the living and the world of the dead.

de Tell Aswad (PPNB, Syrie). Premier regard sur l’ensemble, premières réflexions’. Syria, 84, 5-32). Both events suggest that the role of the dead in society had increased and was the concern of a larger circle than just the family. In the most ancient of the ‘cemeteries’ (level B0), 22 graves are disposed around a collective burial which contains at its base a deposit of four modelled skulls (Fig. 1). In the latest (B-5) ten burials were disposed in an arc and one of them contains a deposit of five modelled skulls (Fig. 2). Almost all the tombs show signs of having been reopened and of frequent handling of the remains that they contained, especially the moving of skulls. These cemeteries are thus evidence

All the modelled skulls are complete, with mandible and teeth. The eyes are always represented as shut. First (level B0 area) the preserved parts of the plastering cover the face from the eyebrows to the base of the chin, then extend to the temples, plugging the occipital bone. The ears and nose are added, and the eyes are represented as closed. On a smaller skull (Fig. 3) white plaster is applied directly to the bone. Traces of a red colouring are visible. The features are regular and fine. A broken nose was found nearby. 59

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Some new characters appear in the earliest area (level B-5). The plastering begins fairly high on the frontal bone and covers the face and the temporal bones around to the ears. The ears are no longer modelled separately but are now part of the mask, and a support is moulded for the base of each skull. The plaster coating of skull CS1 (Fig. 4, right) was white and then painted in red ochre once all the features had been modelled or attached, apart from the eyelashes. The entire top and side edge of the coating was delineated with a sharp tool in a single movement while the plaster was still soft and therefore damp. In the middle of the eye, a horizontal slit suggests the meeting of the lids, and a line of bitumen was then applied to represent the eyelashes. The nose is long and slender, perfectly shaped, with a suggestion of the nostrils. The skull plastering is realistic, and the face is slender, very fine-featured. Skull CS3 (Fig. 4, centre) was almost stuck to CS1 and the two faces formed such a harmonious whole that we are tempted to think that they were put together deliberately. It was coloured with vivid yellow ochre. The skill and knowledge involved are particularly evident in the nose, with a base modelled in detail, showing closed nostrils separated by the septum. The regularity and fineness of the features are very striking (Fig. 5).

Bibliography Contenson de et al. 1995. Aswad et Ghoraifé, sites Néolithiques en Damascène (Syrie) aux IXème et VIIIème millénaire avant l’ère chrétienne. Beyrouth, IFAPO, BAH CXXXVII. Stordeur D., Khawam R. 2007. Les crânes surmodelés de Tell Aswad (PPNB, Syrie). Premier regard sur l’ensemble, premières réflexions. Syria 84, 5-32. Stordeur D., Helmer D., Jamous B., Khawam R., Molist M., Willcox G. 2010. Le PPNB de Syrie du sud à travers les découvertes récentes à Tell Aswad, in M. Maqdisi, F. Braemer, J.-M. Dentzer (Eds.) : Hauran V. La Syrie du sud du néolithique à l’Antiquité tardive. Beyrouth, BAH (Actes du colloque de Damas 2007).

Only four plastered skulls were found in the first cemetery, and five in the earliest one. It appears that people chosen to benefit from such a sophisticated treatment had a special social status. The most usual explanation accepted by archaeologists is the ‘ancestor cult’, but ethnographic data help us to understand that the significance of these modelled skulls is more complicated. Precise observations and analyses will surely help us in the future to understand better this very fascinating tradition. The late adoption of quadrangular architecture and the practice of modelled skulls in the PPNB are the most striking features that link Tell Aswad to the southern Levant. Our hypothesis (after F. Abbès, D. Helmer, G. Le Dosseur) is that Tell Aswad is one of the most northern sites in the southern Levant traditional group. This site could have played a role in some sort of relay location between the north and south in the middle PPNB.

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14. Tell el-Kerkh (Idlib) Akira Tsuneki (University of Tsukuba, Japan)

people who first settled at Tell el-Kerkh seemed to follow the path from hunter-gatherers to farmer-herders.

Tell el-Kerkh is a large tell-complex located in the south of the Rouj Basin, Idlib province. It was occupied for long periods from the Neolithic to the Byzantine, however we concentrated our excavations on the Neolithic period.

In the late 8th millennium BC, the settlement at Tell el- Kerkh dramatically expanded to around 16ha. This expansion certainly occurred because of rich agricultural produce. The Rouj Basin has been blessed with rich water and fertile soil and is still one of the richest agricultural areas in Syria. All the evidence from the excavations indicates that the people were full-time farmers and herders in the late 8th millennium BC. We discovered a large communal storehouse with many clay bins (Fig. 1) and plural sickle blade caches, therefore agricultural activities were practised with communal coordination. Many exotic materials, such as obsidian, carnelian, malachite, gypsum stone, gabbro, etc. were imported from remote places.

It is the oldest Neolithic settlement in northwest Syria, dating back to the middle of the 9th millennium BC. Therefore, the site provided us with data on how farming villages appeared in this region. Based on the excavated plant remains and animal bones, the subsistence of the

The 7th millennium BC cultural layers have been the most extensively excavated at Tell el-Kerkh. The settlement seemed to reduce to half its previous size, but was still about 8ha in extent. The people were also prosperous during this era. They started pottery production on a large scale. We discovered the earliest pottery in the northern Levant, and named it Kerkh Ware (Fig. 2). It is the ancestor of all Dark-faced Burnished Ware, which became dominant during the 7th and early 6th millennia BC in the northern Levant. The architecture of this era consists of various types, such as one-roomed square- plan houses and multi-roomed

Fig. 2 Kerkh Ware.

Fig. 1 Communal storehouse.

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Fig. 3 Excavating the ground floor of a two-storeyed building.

Fig. 4 Communal kitchen.

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Fig. 5 Communal cemetery.

14. Tell el-Kerkh (Idlib)

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites The remains of rich ritual activities were recovered here and there from the Pottery Neolithic settlement. We can point out various remains, including ‘foundation deposits’ for buildings (Fig. 6), ‘ritual pits’ for the dead, ‘curious artefacts’ with buildings and individuals, etc. We guess that the Neolithic people held ritual ceremonies encompassing all aspects of their life, and these activities played an important role in human relations and social management. The excavations of the 7th millennium settlement produced many objects. Among these there were many seals (Fig. 7). 140 stamp seals and 6 clay sealings were discovered up until the 2010 season, and Tell el-Kerkh is one of the Neolithic sites which have produced a large number of stamp seals. The sizes of the stamp seals are quite small but they tell us much about the life of the Neolithic occupants. The discovery of the sealings indicates that they were used for the individual protection of property. Some seals were discovered in the graves, indicating that these objects protected not only property but also the dead from evil spirits.

Fig. 6 A ‘foundation deposit’ below floor level.

All of this evidence excavated from Tell el-Kerkh indicates that people once built large settlements (168ha) during the Neolithic period, which matched the small cities of later historic periods. Their societies were complicated, including communal storage, communal cemeteries, high technology in terms of craft products, long-distance trade, and ownership concepts. On the other hand, we did not find clear evidence of social classes. Neolithic people lived in egalitarian societies, where economic and social disparity had not yet been actualized. The discipline required for integrating large-scale societies might have been based on frequent ritual practices. The evidence from Tell el-Kerkh gives us with much of material for reconsidering why people started to congregate within settlements, why they started to create larger societies, and what constitutes a ‘city’.

Fig. 7 Various stamp seals.

rectangular planned houses. One of the most notable houses at Tell el-Kerkh is large and two storeyed. The ground floor (or foundation floor) consists of grid cellar rooms, and their ceilings were covered using timbers, twigs, pebbles, and lime-plaster (Fig. 3). The second floor was a large open room without partition. Such labour-intensive ceilingflooring was adopted probably for ventilation or storage purposes. Some buildings seemed to have been built for special uses. Str. 827 produced over 16 food-processing ground-stones (mortars, querns, grinding stones) with many other cooking facilities, and we suppose that the building was used as a communal kitchen (Fig. 4).

Bibliography Tsuneki A. 2013. The archaeology of death in the Late Neolithic: a view from Tell el-Kerkh, in Nieuwenhuyse, O. P., R. Bernbeck, P.P.M.G. Akkermans, and J. Rogasch (eds.) Interpreting the Late Neolithic of Upper Mesopotamia, Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, pp.203-212. Tsuneki A. 2012. Tell el-Kerkh as a Neolithic mega site, Orient 47: 29-65. Tsuneki A. (ed.) 2011. Life and Death in the Kerkh Neolithic Cemetery, University of Tsukuba and DGAM Archaeological Mission to Tell el-Kerkh, pp. 1-38.

One of the most notable discoveries from the 7th millennium settlement is a communal cemetery (Fig. 5). Over 240 human skeletons have been recovered from a vacant lot within the bounds of their settlement, with excavations extending to around 200m2 by the close of the 2010 season. 14C dating of the human bones indicate that the cemetery was in use for a period of some hundreds of years around 6400-6100 BC. As most of the previous burials in the Near East were discovered in habitation buildings, this cemetery is one of the oldest outdoor communal cemeteries ever discovered in the Near East. It is also notable that the secondary and cremation burial practices were observed along with many preliminary burials within the cemetery.

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15. Tell Sabi Abyad (Raqqa) Peter M. M. G. Akkermans (Leiden University, Netherlands)

artificial terraces or platforms measuring approximately 7 by 6m and 1m high. Most of these platforms served as a foundation for architecture (Fig. 2).

Tell Sabi Abyad lies about 80km north of Raqqa, in the gently undulating plain of the river Balikh, a perennial of the Euphrates. The site is about 5ha in extent and 10m high. Large-scale excavations by a team from Leiden University (The Netherlands) between 1986 and 2010 have revealed a very substantial and unique sequence of Neolithic settlement, dated from about 7100 to 5500 BC. Altogether, 145 radiocarbon dates were analyzed, establishing the most precise and best-dated chronology for a Late Neolithic site in the Near East thus far. In addition, Tell Sabi Abyad gave evidence of extensive occupation in the Late Bronze Age (or Middle Assyrian period), ca. 1230-1180 BC (Fig. 1).

Tell Sabi Abyad has yielded some of the earliest pottery of Syria, dated at ca. 7000-6900 BC, consisting of mineral-tempered, sometimes painted wares. Around 6700 BC pottery was turned in a plant-tempered mass product, with simple hole-mouth shapes lacking virtually any decoration (Fig. 3). Important change in the community at Tell Sabi Abyad took place around 6200 BC, involving new types of architecture, including extensive storehouses and small circular buildings (the so-called tholoi); the further development of pottery in many complex and often decorated shapes and wares; the introduction of small transverse arrowheads and short-tanged points; the abundant occurrence of clay spindle whorls, suggestive of changes in textile manufacture; and the introduction

The earliest levels are characterized by rectangular, multiroomed houses, their interiors often white-plastered, made of large clay slabs up to 1.2m long; the doors were low and narrow. Hearths, fire pits and white-plastered storage basins were sometimes inside the buildings but more often in the yards around them. Remarkable are the

Fig. 1 Tell Sabi Abyad: the excavations in the prehistoric areas in full swing.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites of seals and sealings as indicators of property and the organization of controlled storage. The best information comes from the ‘Burnt Village’, destroyed by a violent fire in about 6000 BC. Rich inventories were recovered from the burnt buildings, including pottery, stone vessels, flint and obsidian implements, ground-stone tools, figurines, personal ornaments, and hundreds of clay sealings with stamp-seal impressions. The heart of the Burnt Village consisted of a series of regular rectangular structures, interpreted as granaries and storehouses. They were usually divided into three wings, each of which consisted of fifteen or more very small cubicles, each only between 3 and 5m². There is evidence that various kinds of activities were carried out on the roofs, including rituals associated with fire and death. The storehouses were surrounded by whiteplastered circular structures up to 4m in diameter. Most tholoi were used briefly and then replaced. In the early 6th millennium (or Early Halaf period), a single rectangular building of monumental appearance, about 18 by 10m, stood prominently on the summit of the mound, with a large stone-walled terrace next to it and tholoi low on the slope. It had a stepped entrance and white-plastered facade with niches and benches on stone foundations, and possibly an upper storey. The building with its 20 small rooms probably served as the community’s communal granary or storehouse. Exceptional find were the hundreds of Neolithic burials of men, women and children, radiocarbon-dated to

Fig. 2 Tell Sabi Abyad: symmetrical, tripartite structure built on a platform, ca. 6900 BC.

Fig. 3 Tell Sabi Abyad: prehistoric mud-brick architecture, ca. 6400 BC.

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15. Tell Sabi Abyad (Raqqa)

Fig. 4 Tell Sabi Abyad: Late Neolithic pottery, ca. 6700 BC.

Fig. 6 Tell Sabi Abyad: a colourful prehistoric necklace from a burial, ca. 6100 BC.

occurred, as did primary burials in different positions. Pathologies occurred in many different forms, from dental caries to anemia, growth disturbances, and possibly epidemic diseases. Almost half of the deceased were accompanied by grave goods, including pottery and personal ornaments (Fig. 5). Around 5500 BC the prehistoric settlement at Tell Sabi Abyad seems to have come to an end. The reasons for this apparent decline are not yet clear, however the site was reused thousands of years later in the Late Bronze Age, when an Assyrian fortified administrative centre or dunnu was installed atop the Neolithic layers. The dunnu, dated to ca. 1230-1180 BC, covers roughly 1ha in total and has in its centre a walled stronghold (60 by 60m), surrounded by an impressive dry moat. In the heart of the installation was a massive square tower (20 by 23m) adjacent to what seems to have been a palace, a tripartite edifice with a central reception room flanked on its long sides by smaller chambers including baths and toilets. Around the tower and palace there were administrative units, houses, storage buildings, pottery kilns and workshops of all kinds, including those of a potter, brewer, and baker. The settlement yielded a remarkable array of in-situ artefacts including pottery, grinding tools, bone implements, weapons, jewellery, seals and sealings, and over 400 cuneiform tablets (Fig. 6).

Fig. 5 Tell Sabi Abyad: an Early Halaf burial of a young woman with grave gifts, ca. 5800 BC.

6400-5800 BC. Close examination of the stratigraphic context of each individual grave and the corresponding radiocarbon data has shown that there were at least seven cemeteries at the site, constructed one after the other over the centuries. There was a bewildering complexity in the burials found in the various cemeteries. Usually the deceased were interred in a crouched position on their side in unlined pits about 1m deep. Single, primary burials were most common in the cemeteries (Fig. 4). However, multiple and/or secondary burials also

The cuneiform texts, evincing a not infrequent mixture of state and private interests, prove that Tell Sabi Abyad was the seat of the regional Assyrian administration, as well as a garrison station, custom post and rural estate. Moreover, they show that from its foundation early in the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I the dunnu was maintained by a number of high-ranking officials affiliated with 67

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites the Assyrian royal house and each bearing the titles of ‘grand vizier’ and ‘king of Ḫanigalbat’: Aššur-iddin, Šulmānu-mušabši and, finally, Ilī-padâ. The death of Ilīpadâ around 1180 BC seems to have ushered in important changes in the layout and organization of the fortress in the first place, followed by its devastation by a violent conflagration. Shortly afterwards there were attempts to partially renovate and reconstruct the rural estate, and the occurrence of cuneiform texts reveals the continuing presence of both Assyrian functionaries and a centralized system of administration and control until the end of the 12th century BC, albeit at a much lower level and on a much smaller scale than before. Bibliography Akkermans P.M.M.G., Brüning M. L., Huigens H.O. and Nieuwenhuyse O.P. (eds.) 2014. Excavations at Late Neolithic Tell SabiAbyad, Syria. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers. Akkermans P.M.M.G. (ed.) 1996. Tell SabiAbyad - The Late Neolithic Settlement. Leiden/Istanbul: NH AI. Akkermans P.M.M.G. 2013. ‘Living space, Temporality and Community Segmentation - Interpreting Late Neolithic Settlement in Northern Syria,’ in O.P. Nieuwenhuyse, R. Bernbeck, P.M.M.G. Akkermans and J. Rogash (eds.) Interpreting the Late Neolithic of Upper Mesopotamia. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 63-75.

Fig. 7 Tell Sabi Abyad: a cuneiform tablet from the Assyrian fortress, ca. 1,190 BC. The text refers to a long list of men, women and children, probably prisoners of war, who are entitled to food rations.

Fig. 8 Tell Sabi Abyad: an intricately painted bowl from the grave of a young woman, ca. 5,800 BC.

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16. Tell Seker al-Aheimar (Hassake) Yoshihiro Nishiaki (The University of Tokyo, Japan)

for 11 seasons between 2000 and 2010. The revealed sequence covers a period of the late PPNB to the early Pottery Neolithic (ca. 7300 to 6500 cal BC). A series of important discoveries was made, greatly advancing our understanding of the emergence and developments of the earliest farming communities in this part of Upper Mesopotamia. Four of these discoveries are highlighted below.

Introduction The Khabur Basin of northeastern Syria is well known for containing an enormous number of archaeological mound sites, including those of the early Mesopotamian citystates that have often yielded cuneiform tablets. When and how was this large fertile plain first occupied by village communities prior to those city dwellers? One answer has been found at Tell Seker al-Aheimar, a Neolithic site situated on the right bank of the Upper Khabur River, ca. 7km west of the town of Tell Tamor (Fig. 1). Occupying an area of ca. 300m × 180m with a height of ca. 11m, this mound is one of the oldest Neolithic settlements in the Syrian Jazireh region. Excavations at the site revealed that the occupation history of the Khabur Basin dates back to at least the late Pre-Pottery Neolithic (PPNB), and that the cultural tradition of the first village communities shared many elements inherited by later communities of Mesopotamia (Fig. 2).

PPNB lithic production One characteristic feature of the PPNB in Syria is the development of blade production technology. The cores from which blades were produced usually retain two opposed platforms, and are thus often called doubleplatform cores. The technological tradition based on using this type of core was distributed across the Levant, constituting a major lithic tradition in the West Wing of the Fertile Crescent. However the blade cores recovered from the PPNB settlement of Tell Seker al-Aheimar never show this type, but instead it yields the bullet-shaped core with a single platform (Fig. 3). Moreover, blades

The site of Tell Seker al-Aheimar was discovered in 1991 and excavated by the University of Tokyo mission

Fig. 1 Tell Seker Al-Aheimarand The Khabur River

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Fig. 2 PPNB architecture.

Fig. 3 PPNB flint cores.

Fig. 5 The PPNB water well.

Zagros Mountain regions. This indicates that contrary to the case in other parts of Syria, the PPNB communities of Tell Seker al-Aheimar did not share the lithic tradition of the Levant, but of the east, or the East Wing of the Fertile Crescent. PPNB female figurine Among the other notable discoveries from the PPNB level of Tell Seker al-Aheimar is a very large clay female figurine, dated from ca. 7000 cal BC (Fig. 4). It depicts a seated female with realistic modeling and bichrome painted decoration. Its remarkably large size (ca. 14.2cm high) and highly elaborate artistry have no parallels among clay figurines of this period, raising issues on its cultural-historic and functional significance. Furthermore, the burnished/painted surface indicates its prolonged use and its importance when in use. Because the figurine was discovered from a subfloor also suggests its distinguished function, reminiscent of subfloor human burials common in the earlier PPNB. The study of this figurine will eventually help us understand the nature of the Pre-Pottery to Pottery Neolithic transition in Upper Mesopotamia, a period in which marked changes occurred in a range of aspects including the symbolic and ritualistic behavior of farming communities. In addition, while no comparable

Fig. 4 The unique PPNB female figurine.

were produced from this core type through pressure flaking instead of percussion, the common method in the Levant. This distinguishing technology is well documented in northern Iraq and eastwards toward the 70

16. Tell Seker al-Aheimar (Hassake)

Fig. 6 A collection of ground stone tools found in the PPNB water well.

examples exhibiting artistic representations similar to this figurine have been known at other PPNB sites, parallels can be seen in the female figurine assemblages of the Samarra Period of the Pottery Neolithic in Middle Mesopotamia, such as those from Choga Mami and Tell es-Sawwan, Iraq. This again indicates a strong link of the Neolithic cultural tradition at Tell Seker al-Aheimar to the east rather than the Levant. PPNB water well Another interesting discovery from the Late PPNB at Tell Seker al-Aheimar is a large water well with a diameter of approximately 2m and a depth of more than 4.5m (Fig. 5). This represents the oldest known example in Syria. This settlement is situated near a permanent water source, the Khabur River. Therefore the well may have had purposes beyond the sole procurement of water. One possibility was to control the quality of water and avoid the use of river water that was increasingly subject to pollution due to development of a sedentary agricultural community. The notable associated finds include a complete set of ground stone objects found near the bottom of the well (Fig. 6). Made of either basalt or limestone, these ground stone artefacts were intentionally thrown into the well for reasons yet unknown.

Fig. 7 ‘Pre’ Proto-Hassuna pottery.

BP, a period prior to that of Proto-Hassuna settlements in both northeastern Syria and northern Iraq. In summary, these new data on pottery and other material records mentioned above highlight the necessity of reconsidering the general Neolithic framework of Syria. It is quite evident that the Neolithic cultural occurrences of the Upper Khabur should be interpreted in the broader context of Mesopotamia. Moreover, the cultural traditions identified in the PPNB contexts of Tell Seker al-Aheimar seem to represent forerunners of the PN and later traditions that became common in Upper and Middle Mesopotamia.

The oldest pottery of Upper Mesopotamia The transition from the PPNB to the early PN has also been documented at Tell Seker al-Aheimar. The oldest Pottery Neolithic of Upper Mesopotamia including the Khabur Basin had long been believed to be represented by Proto-Hassuna (Sotto-Umm Dabaghiyah) pottery. Excavations at Tell Seker al-Aheimar revealed that a Pottery Neolithic phase predating the Proto-Hassuna existed in the Khabur Basin, characterized by a distinct set of pottery as well as architecture and lithic technology. The long uninterrupted sequence at the site shows that this cultural entity, referred to as ‘Pre-ProtoHassuna’, was derived from a local PPNB of the East Wing of the Fertile Crescent and gradually developed into Proto-Hassuna (Fig. 7). Radiocarbon dates for this phase indicate the early centuries of the 8th millennium

Bibliography Nishiaki Y. 2007. A unique Neolithic female figurine from Tell Seker al-Aheimar, Northeast Syria. Paléorient 33(2): 117–125. Nishiaki Y. and Nagai K. 2011. Obsidian knappers at the Late PPNB consumer settlement of Tell Seker AlAheimar, Northeast Syria. Paléorient 37(2): 91–105. Nishiaki Y., Kashima K. and Verhoeven M. (eds.) 2013. Neolithic Archaeology in the Khabur Valley, Upper Mesopotamia and Beyond. SENEPSE 15. Berlin: ex oriente.

71

17. Shir (Hama) Karin Bartl (German Archaeological Institute, Germany)

The Neolithic settlement at Shir is located about 12km northwest of the provincial capital Hama in a presently intensively cultivated area. The region offers particularly favourable conditions for settlement as it benefits from sufficient rainfall, fertile soils, and a perennial drainage assured by the Nahr as-Sarut, a western tributary to the Orontes river (Nahr al-‘Asi).

almost the entire 7th millennium BC (7000-6200/6100 BC) (calibrated dates) hence the early part of the Late Neolithic. The settlement grew to its maximum size of about 4ha in and around 6500 BC. However, both at the beginning as well as at the end of its occupation the site was much smaller as it then only covered about 2ha. Shir was on one hand set in a suitable environment for both crop raising and livestock keeping, but on the other also for gathering wide varieties of wild plants as well as for hunting game, as for instance in the flood plain along the Sarut river.

The site was discovered in 2005 during archaeological surface surveys and subsequently excavated between 2006 and 2010. Its sequence of occupation covers

Fig. 1 Shir: map of the site with excavation areas (map: Th. Urban, DAI, Orient Department).

72

17. Shir (Hama)

Fig. 2 Shir: south area, burials under the floor in the ‘house of the dead’ (photo: Th. Urban, DAI, Orient Department).

The excavations at Shir concentrated on three areas referred to respectively as the south, the central, and the northeast area. Each excavation area was chosen according to specific criteria connected to the study of the site’s stratigraphy and general chronology, its layout, and the presence of two outstanding buildings (Fig. 1). The settlement’s earliest layers date back to around 7000 BC and were recorded in the south area. Its six construction layers comprised complex architecture consisting of multi-roomed, rectangular buildings with stone foundations, white lime mortar floors, and severely damaged mud-brick or pisé walls. The lime mortar floors underwent frequent renewal, so that as time went by, they increased in thickness which sometimes amounted to 60 cm. It is therefore assumed that the intensive burning of limestone must have caused some degradation to the environment.

Fig. 3. – Shir: south area, south area, corner of a house with large storage vessel (photo: J. Krumnow, DAI, Orient Department).

Numerous burials of infants and young children up to the age of two were found in all layers below floors and walls, both inside and between the buildings. A study of their bones has revealed that many had suffered from deficiency diseases such as scurvy. One building had probably been used over a long period and was labelled as the house of the dead (Fig. 2). The oldest burials here were found in two adjacent pits below floor level in the corner of a room. They contained the bodies of a male youth and an elderly man who was holding a child in his arms.

early ceramics come in small shapes and have dark, burnished surfaces. Obviously it was still exceptional at this stage and thus comparatively scarce. There were still about 500 years to go before pottery containers were to become ordinary objects in everyday life. An interesting aspect is the emergence of large vessels of up to 0.80m in height that were probably intended to contain plantbased foodstuffs and that alongside pits and circular installations now started to be used as domestic storage containers (Fig.3).

The pottery from the excavations in the south area appears already in the lowermost layers dating to around 7000 BC and consequently belongs to the yet earliest known ceramic evidence from the entire Middle East. These

Crafted products were primarily produced at the settlement on a domestic level with local materials. These comprised a high quality flint used in the manufacture of tools but also limestone for the making of vessels, 73

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites figurines made of clay (Fig.4), jewellery, and seals. But there were also more outstanding objects that had apparently been made by specialists. Rare and valuable raw materials like obsidian, carnelian, turquoise, and sea shell were imported through contacts in a long-distance trade network reaching into Anatolia, the Southern Levant, to the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. The central settlement area, which was recorded in its most recent layers only, is characterised by a loose cluster of houses of very diverging appearances that consist of either one or several rooms, or merely small cells. In general, it is noticeable that the arrangement of the buildings followed no discernible pattern. Furthermore, clear-cut circulation areas such as paths and open spaces are undiscernible (Fig. 5). The settlement’s central area remained occupied until approximately 6200/6100 BC and was then abandoned, whereas important household items such as limestone pestles and pottery vessels were again left behind. The north-eastern settlement area is characterised by two seemingly planned buildings whose shape and size stand out from the rest of the settlement’s architecture. Both have long rectangular shapes and respectively two rows of relatively small rooms or cells. They were built virtually synchronously around 6300 BC and later connected to each other by a U-shaped building. Both houses revealed no access from the outside. A series of indications however suggest that both had upper floors and that the (surviving) ground floors were accessed

Fig. 4 Shir: south area, terracotta figurine (photo: I. Wagner, DAI, Orient Department).

Fig. 5

Shir - central area of the excavations, view from the northeast (Photo Th. Urban, DAI, Orient Department).

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17. Shir (Hama)

Fig. 6 Shir - northeast area of the excavations, buildings with storage rooms (photo: Th. Urban, DAI, Orient Department).

through openings in the ceiling by aid of ladders leading into them from the floor above.

Bibliography Bartl K. 2013. Shir, West Syria: The settlement and its surroundings in the 7th millennium cal. BCE, in O.P. Nieuwenhuyse, R. Bernbeck, P.M.M.G. Akkermans, J. Rogasch (eds.) Interpreting the Late Neolithic of Upper Mesopotamia, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium, 417-428. Bartl K., Farzat A., al-Hafian, W. 2012. The Late Neolithic Site of Shir. New Results from 2010, Zeitschrift für Orient-Archäologie 5, 168-187. Rokitta-Krumnow D. 2011. The Lithic Artefacts from the Late Neolithic Settlement of Shir/Western Syria, Zeitschrift für Orient-Archäologie 4, 212-244.

Both structures nevertheless reveal diverging functions. The cells of the base floor in the eastern building mainly served for storing plant foodstuffs. The preserved ground floor of the western building rather point at purpose for dwelling. At the same time, vegetable foods had apparently also been stored here, as indicated by a tubshaped clay structure documented in one of its rooms (Fig. 6). This outstanding complex may have been built and occupied as a dwelling and storage house by groups or individuals of a separate social ranking or otherwise may have been used as a collective storehouse and/or meeting house for the local community. The desertion the north-eastern occupation area coincided with that of the central settlement area around 6200/6100 BC. It yet remains to be determined whether an enduring climate change had been behind this abandonment, even though a widespread absence in the area of settlements dating to the 6th millennium BC may hint in this direction.

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18. Tell Kosak Shamali (Aleppo) Yoshihiro Nishiaki (The University of Tokyo, Japan)

approximately 5000 to 5100 cal BC. The workshop was part of a large burnt building comprising at least 10 spatial units. The fire resulted in exceptionally well-preserved room floors, on which numerous ceramics, stone tools, and other objects were identified in primary contexts. Analyses of the distribution of these remains allows the reconstruction of the workshop as follows (Fig. 1).

Introduction Tell Kosak Shamali is a small prehistoric mound situated on the left bank of the Upper Euphrates, approximately 50km southeast of Monbej, Syria. Archaeological investigations of Tell Kosak Shamali were conducted by the University of Tokyo team between 1994 and 1997 as part of salvage operations prior to constructing the Tishreen Dam. The excavation of two areas at this small mound, ca. 70m × 80m with a height of 11m, revealed stratified settlements of the Pottery Neolithic to the Middle Uruk periods, dating from the 7th to 4th millennia BC. Among numerous discoveries, the most important was a series of pottery workshops from the Ubaid and Post-Ubaid periods. Detailed analysis of those workshops revealed the increasing social and economic complexity in these periods, providing a foundation on which urban society emerged in later periods.

Two rooms, which contained more than 150 and 20 complete pottery vessels respectively (Figs. 2-4), were evidently used to store pottery. The larger room was probably used for pottery production as well, as indicated by a kiln and potters’ tools discovered there. The two smaller square rooms next to this large storage area yielded numerous pottery production tools such as ceramic scrapers and stone palettes, suggesting the use of these rooms for pottery manufacturing. In addition to these industrial rooms, the burnt building retained one room containing a large amount of wheat and barley grains, also well-preserved due to fire. The room appears to have been used for grain storage. An

Pottery workshop of the Ubaid Period The best-preserved pottery workshop of the Ubaid Period was discovered in Level 10 of Sector A, dated from

Fig. 1 Suggested room functions for the Ubaid pottery workshop.

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18. Tell Kosak Shamali (Aleppo)

Fig. 2 Complete pottery discovered in the large storage area of the Ubaid pottery workshop.

Fig. 3 Complete pottery discovered in the small storage area of the Ubaid pottery workshop.

Pottery from the workshops often contained pairs or groups of vessels displaying remarkably similar workmanship in terms of size, decoration, and manufacturing technique. This suggests the vessels were manufactured by a limited number of individuals.

archaeobotanical analysis of the grains shows that wheat and barley were stored separately in different bags. The wheat included two-seeded einkorn, a species locally domesticated on the Upper Euphrates. Clay for pottery was obtained from banks of the Nahar Sarine and the Euphrates rivers. It was then shaped into vessels on a slow turning table. Vessel surfaces were smoothed using stone polishers made on river pebbles, and possibly gazelle horncores as well. Crescent-shaped ceramic scrapers were also used for surface treatment Fig. 5). The main decoration method of pottery was painting. Natural outcrops of hematite and manganese, processed with grinding stones and palettes, were used as pigments. The painted motifs were mostly geometric, but animals and birds were also depicted. Pottery was fired in horseshoe-shaped kilns, and the vessels were piled in storage rooms for later distribution.

Pottery workshops were discovered from other Ubaid Period levels at Tell Kosak Shamali. One common feature of the workshops is the overlapping traces of domestic activities in the same building complexes; activities included use of ovens, infant burials, and grain storage. This undifferentiated use of similar structures for different purposes may characterize the use of space in the Ubaid Period in contrast with that in later periods. Pottery workshop of the Post-Ubaid Period Another noteworthy pottery workshop comes from Levels 6 and 5 of Sector B, dated from the Post-Ubaid 77

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 4 Internal surface of pottery with snake and goat figurines from the small storage area.

This highly sophisticated workshop was located away from the domestic quarter, suggesting the presence of specialized potters and more complex patterns of pottery production and consumption in this period. Post-Ubaid pottery no longer included many painted vessels, as seen in the Ubaid Period, but most were simple plain wares. Firing was done using a higher temperature in the developed kilns. Pottery production tools also showed changes following the Ubaid Period. Ring-shaped scrapers joined the tool inventory, and stone palettes for pigment preparation, very common in the Ubaid period, virtually disappeared. Faster turning tables were used for pottery shaping. Summary These and other archaeological records indicate that pottery production of the Ubaid and the Post-Ubaid periods in the Upper Euphrates region were highly organized to a level hinting at some sort of ‘craft specialization’. Was Ubaid pottery production conducted at limited workshops and were the products distributed to other villages? The available evidence suggests otherwise. Other settlements also yielded more or less comparable workshops in the same valley, suggesting that the pottery production was conducted on a village level rather than on a regional scale. However, the large amount of pottery production and stored vessels discovered at Tell Kosak Shamali unquestionably indicates some sort of community level

Fig. 5 Pottery manufacturing tools recovered in a broken vessel at the Ubaid pottery workshop.

Period, ca. 4300 cal BC. These two levels represent two episodes of use of the same workshop structures (Fig. 6). Two large kilns standing over 1.5m high from the floor were remarkable features that must have facilitated the mass production of pottery (Fig. 7). To the south was a pottery manufacturing room in which a circular bin for clay preparation was installed. The pottery was dried in an area to the east and then brought to the kiln through a passage paved with mud bricks. 78

18. Tell Kosak Shamali (Aleppo)

Fig. 6 Suggested room functions for the Post-Ubaid pottery workshop.

Bibliography Nishiaki Y. and Matsutani T. (eds.) 2001. Tell Kosak Shamali - The Archaeological Investigations on the Upper Euphrates, Syria. Volume 1: Chalcolithic Architecture and the Earlier Prehistoric Remains. UMUT Monograph 1. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Nishiaki Y. and Matsutani T. (eds.) 2003. Tell Kosak Shamali - The Archaeological Investigations on the Upper Euphrates, Syria. Volume II: Chalcolithic Technology and Subsistence. UMUT Monograph 2. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Nishiaki Y. 2004. Sickle manufacturing technologies at two Chalcolithic sites in the North Mesopotamia: Tell Kosak Shamali (Syria) and Telul eth-Thalathat II (Iraq), in O. Aurenche, M. Le Mière and P. Sanlaville (eds.) From the River to the Sea, the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic on the Euphrates and in the Northern Levant: Studies in Honour of L. Copeland, pp. 383– 394. Oxford: Archaeopress/Maison de l’Orient.

Fig. 7 A Post-Ubaid pottery kiln.

specialization beyond the daily needs and supply of one family. Trends for the systematic manufacture and mass production of pottery became even more enhanced in the Post-Ubaid Period. The archaeological records from these two different periods are undoubtedly invaluable sources of information for understanding the increasing socioeconomic complexity in the Chalcolithic Period of North Syria.

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19. Tell el-‘Abr (Aleppo) Yayoi Yamazaki (JICA, Japan)

Hamido Hammade (DGAM, Syria)

(The above is a poem which the inhabitants in the area used to recite for Tell al-‘Abr.) The well-stratified layers allowed us to pursue the details of the development of the Ubaid pottery in this site, where, in general, the painted pottery was predominant in lower levels and was transformed into plain ware in upper levels.

Tell al-‘Abr is an Ubaid-Uruk site located on the east bank of the Middle Euphrates 15km south of the SyrianTurkish border town, Jerablus. As indicated by the modern name ‘Abr, ‘crossing’, it was once a crossing point on the river. This strategic location, close to the confluence of the Euphrates and its tributary the Sejour, along which run routes to the Shamiyye region to the west, would have given the site significance in relation to past routes and attracted those who settled in this spot. (Taking the Euphrates as a border, the area of the west bank is locally called ‘Shamiyye’, while the east bank is recognized as ‘Jazira’.)

Four stage ceramic chronology has been proposed for Tell al-‘Abr and they are designated as I, Stage II, Stage III and Stage IV respectively. The development of the Ubaid painted pottery started as early as the end of the sixth millennium BC (Stage I). A change in the pottery assemblage was, however, marked by the notable introduction of a distinct group of plain pottery, the scraped bottom bowls, in the first half of the fifth millennium BC, while the painted pottery was still predominant, seem to have had much impact upon the manufacturing process of the other ceramics of Tell al-‘Abr, but the simplification of the ceramic was accelerated in the later stages.

The Ubaid Levels at Tell al-‘Abr An uninterrupted sequence of Northern Ubaid culture was identified at Tell al-‘Abr. We could trace gradual cultural transformation from the very beginning of the Ubaid intrusion into the area to the terminal Ubaid period, especially through its distinctive pottery evidences.

Processes towards simplification were gradually accelerated during Stage III. Although the painted pottery was still well represented. But the last stage (Stage IV) differed from the previous ones in many respects though it is considered as an extension of earlier traits. It seems that its very inception the pottery produced at Tell al-‘Abr, the painted pottery in particular, was intended not for purely domestic consumption but also for exchange. Its quality, although perhaps not matching that of Halaf painted pottery, was sufficiently high to allow it to serve as a commodity for exchange. While the zone of exchange for the Tell al-‘Abr ceramic cannot be defined exactly on the available evidence, it seems it was distributed within the area close to site. In the later period demand for pottery appears to have focused upon less decorated or plain material. However, production was not reduced because of this shift and ceramic industry remained as active as it had been in the earlier period. The process of ‘simplification’ at

Fig. 1 Pottery from Level 6

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19. Tell el-‘Abr (Aleppo)

Fig. 2 Pottery of stage 1

Fig. 3 Pottery of Stage 2

Tell al-‘Abr is a part of a broader trend towards vessel standardization, which possibly reflects a wider horizon of exchange system. It also concerns with so-called the post-Ubaid issues, which stresses on the development of a local Chalcolithic culture. It is not clear how far Tell al-‘Abr was integrated into this horizon, but the available data suggest that its Ubaid ‘identity’ was nonetheless maintained for an extended period.

were constructed and formed complexes of a potmanufacturing workshop. Even open spaces seems to have served as places, leaving some signs of potters` work. The abundance of potters’ tools is also considered as collateral evidence of intensive pottery activities. These features might provide an insight into a kind of specialized manufacture during this period, although further consideration is necessary for the issues of what one might call ‘specialization’.

As seen above, the characteristics of Tell al-‘Abr could be represented by ceramic industry and it is also attested by the structures of the Ubaid levels. The main structures of each level are those related to potters’ activities: kilns and accompanied workrooms and storerooms

Radiocarbon samples from the lower levels indicate that the earliest inhabitants of Tell al-‘Abr settled as early as around the end of the 6th millennium BC (ca.5200 BC). Since the data from the nearby site of Kosak Shamali

81

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 4 Pottery of Stage III

Fig. 5 Pottery of Stage IV

also gives a roughly similar result, the expansion of the Ubaid culture into this area can be estimated at a few hundred years before 5000 BC.

We are not able to present absolute dating of upper levels because of the lack of samples, however, as mentioned above, the pottery evidence suggests that it corresponds to the period of post-Ubaid times to some extent. Factors

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19. Tell el-‘Abr (Aleppo)

Fig. 7 Terracotta bird figurine from Level 5

Fig. 6 Structures of Level 7

obtained from this long-lasted sequence can be submitted as basic information for the Northen Ubaid in the Middle Euphrates region. The Uruk levels at Tell al-‘Abr Additionally it is worth mentioning that at least three layers representing the Southern Middle to Late Uruk, until the terminal Uruk, were found above the Ubaid levels at Tell al-‘Abr. In spite of its very limited scale, these layers show quite typical Southern Uruk features that claim the issues related to so-called Uruk expansion. It could also prove that the site was also a subject of the strategic movement during the drastic resettlements of this period. Typical Uruk pottery assemblages, such as some crude pottery and other distinctive wheel-made pottery, almost matches with those attested in the other sites along the Euphrates, such as Sheikh Hasan, Habuba Kabira and Hassek Hoyuk.

83

20. Chagar Bazar (Hassake) Walter Cruells and Anna Gómez Bach (Universitat Autònoma of Barcelona, Spain)

The site was firstly excavated by Sir Max Mallowan in 1934 under the auspices of the British Museum and the British School of Archaeology in Iraq. Since 1999 a new project was developed at the site by a joint mission of the General Direction of Antiquities and Museums of Syria (Dr. Abd el-Massih Baghdo from the Antiquities Department of Hassake) and the University of Liège (Prof. Önhan Tunca), with the cooperation of the Universitat Autònoma of Barcelona (under the

Introduction Chagar Bazar is a long-lived site located in north-eastern Syria lying in a fertile plain enriched by waters from the Khabur and other small tributaries. It is surrounded to the north by the Taurus and the city of Amuda, to the southwest by the Djebel Abd al-Aziz, and to the southeast by the Iraqian Djebel Sinjar.

Fig. 1 Top: The site from the north; Bottom: excavation areas A and B.

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20. Chagar Bazar (Hassake)

Fig. 2 Circular buildings from the Proto-Halaf phase (early 6th millennium cal BC).

coordination of Dr. Walter Cruells) and with the help of many enthusiastic workers from Chagar Bazar itself as well as other surrounding villages.

phases for every sequence meter, each phase showing a use of probably less than one generation. On the other hand, phases with more solid constructions, consisting of multi-cellular houses with a quadrangular plan or mono-cellular houses with a circular plan, provided with walls preserved up to 0.8m, have also been attested. Architectural remains with a rectangular plan are often contemporaneous with circular mono-cellular buildings.

Since 1999 until 2010 an extensive archaeological program started on the north-western slopes of the Tell covering around 450m2, with an upper area ‘A’ (Late Halaf layers) and a lower area ‘B’ (with Proto-Halaf and Halaf Primitive layers). The remaining space in between these two areas remains unexcavated (Fig. 1).

In the Proto-Halaf phase buildings with a circular plan are predominant. Their diameter varies around 3m and all of them are partly sunken and very badly preserved, as the same spaces were used during later inter-phases as open areas or re-used for the installation of partly buried structures (Fig. 2).

Working area ‘A’ currently covers around 150m2 and offers a rich stratigraphic sequence of about 3m, consisting of architectural remains of 11 occupation phases and cultural remains of an extraordinary value, which will enable us to understand the complexity of society during the second half of the 6th millennium in the Khabur region.

The diameters of the circular buildings of later phases range from 2.5m to more than 6m. They represent the better preserved constructions of the recent phases and usually form an integral part of a mixed constructive pattern, where buildings with a quadrangular plan are also present. The majority of these buildings rarely retain their interior installations, although one example of a bench attached to the wall has been found, whereas a larger building was provided with a pair of large buttresses. In general the entrances consist of a simple access, with the exception of one structure, where part of a large corridor was preserved.

Area ‘B’, in the lower part of Chantier F, measures around 140m2 and the first human occupation at the site was identified at a depth of 2.5-2.7m under the actual surface. This Proto-Halaf stage was partially covered by a heterogeneous deposit that was initially thought to be the result of different and successive erosion processes of the mound. Later investigations demonstrated that Mallowan had opened a huge sounding in this area, which largely affected part of area B, disturbing not only layers related to the Intermediate and Primitive Halaf, but also partially those of the Proto-Halaf.

Buildings of quadrangular plan are present at Chagar Bazar contemporaneously with those of circular plan or tholoi. These buildings usually consist of more than one single room, even though their dimensions can vary significantly. Multi-cellular buildings can have between two to four rooms and their dimensions vary between 2.5m2 and 6m2. They appear in the early and later periods, although the later examples are much better preserved (Figs. 3 and 4).

The architecture and settlement pattern Chagar Bazar offers today one of the most complete sequences related to the Halaf horizon in the Near East. Until now, the architectural pattern observed in the constructive sequence presents several outstanding characteristics. Firstly, the evidence suggests a rapid, virtually continuous sequence of building and rebuilding, with an average of five to six architectural 85

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Final considerations Recent archaeological work in Chagar Bazar has provided us with a range of relevant data concerning the settlement dynamics. The archaeological evidence shows that first human occupation at Chagar Bazar took place around 6000 cal BC and ended around 5300 cal BC, as attested by the archaeometric data (Fig. 5).

Fig. 3 Multi-cellular house with associated domestic installations.

Today, we also know that this first human occupation was located under the present surface of the plain. A difference of about 2.5m can be observed, due to the extraordinary accumulation of sediments, which continues until the present day. Chagar Bazar was a large village with a planned layout, which witnessed repeated occupations over more than 700 hundred years, resulting in an accumulation of more than 9m of stratigraphic layers. Most of the buildings were used as dwellings, whereas other small ones may have been used as storage spaces, shelter for animals, or even as workshops. Circular buildings or tholoi enjoyed a wide distribution beyond the boundaries of the northern cultural region and are predominant at Chagar Bazar from the earliest stages, even though many of them were only occupied for a short time and quickly replaced or re-used for other purposes.

Economic life at Chagar Bazar seemed to be typified by the comsumption of local resources. The site is located in a zone with adequate rainfall, and thus food could be easily obtained from the well-established exploitation of domesticated plants and animals. Cultived plants recovered consisted of Triticum dicoccum, Triticum aestivum/durum (Hordeum distichum) and to a lesser extent (Triticum monoccum). The presence of sub-products of cereals in the shape of emmer wheat spikelet and chaff, demonstrate that cereals were locally processed at the settlement. The faunal analysis shows that the remains of domestic species such as sheep, goats and pigs, represent 82% of the total assemblage. They are predominant in the diet, whereas the wild species, linked to dwindling hunting activities only represent 18%, with the gazelle and equid as the main representatives.

Fig. 4 Large circular building during the excavation process.

The surrounding large area of the living units contained different kinds of domestic installations such as tannurs (possible bread ovens) of circular plan, with diameters up to 2m. They were usually constructed with walls 20cm thick of modelled mud-bricks and covered with a curving superstructure, creating a dome. Most of these installations have a simple opening access, although some examples are provided with a small corridor. Although pottery kilns have not been found at Chagar Bazar, the recovery of pottery wasters or oven-fired vessels demonstrates that ceramic production was present at the site, but its exact location has not yet been discovered. The specific dynamics of the tell’s occupation, alternating between open areas and building areas, offers an explanation for the presence of most of the archaeological finds in the open areas, where the organic deposits of domestic debris tend to accumulate. On the other hand, the interior spaces of the buildings are in general kept very clean and thus void of archaeological remains, which points to a voluntary abandonment of the structures.

Mortuary practices were also practised at the site with primary inhumations of single individuals buried in simple circular or oval pits. Burials are found in all the sequences and were located within the settlement and placed outside houses, in courtyards or in between the buildings: burial goods were mainly pottery vessels (Fig. 6). 86

20. Chagar Bazar (Hassake) HALAF B Development Phase or Plain Halaf

CULTURAL PHASES

PRE-HALAF HASSUNA

Halaf AI

Halaf AII

CHRONOLOGY BC Cal.

6300

6100

5950

5850

North Iraq and Syria MALLOWAN i ROSE, 1936; PERKINS, 1945

-

-

-

Early Halaf

Khabur DAVIDSON, 1977; DAVIDSON i WATKINS, 1981

-

-

-

Early Halaf

Chagar Bazar. Khabur CRUELLS, in press

-

CBI (Proto-Halaf)

CBII (Primitive Halaf)

Hassuna - I, II

Hassuna -III

Halaf Ia (Primitive Halaf)

Tell Halula. Eufrates CRUELLS, 2005

Halula Fase III (Late Pre-Halaf)

Halula Fase IV (Proto-Halaf)

Halula Fase V (Primitive Halaf)

Sabi Abyad. Balikh AKKERMANS, 1993

Balikh IIC

Balikh IIIA

Balikh IIIB

North Iraq. CAMPBELL, 1992

HALAF A Formative Phase

Halaf BI

POST HALAF OBEID

Halaf BII

Post Halaf

5550

5300

Middle Halaf

Late Halaf

-

Middle Halaf

Late Halaf

HUT

CBIV (Latest halaf)

-

Halaf IIb (Late Halaf)

Post Halaf a/b

Halula Fase VI (Intermediate Halaf)

Halula Fase VII Latest Halaf)

Halula Fase VIII (Post Halaf)

Balikh IIIC

Balikh IIID

Balikh IV

CBIII (Intermediate Halaf) Halaf Ib (Traditional Early Halaf)

Halaf IIa (Middle Halaf)

Fig. 5 A chronological framework of 700 years is proposed for the Halaf periodization.

Other economic aspects form part of the development of administrative systems, as demonstrated by finds of seals and sealings and a large variety of tokens. They are related to some kind of artificial memory and may have been associated with new economic and social relationships concerning family identity, but are also linked to production and surpluses within the community. From a social point of view, the richness and diversity of the various materials recovered, suggest a considerably economic diversity at Chagar Bazar during the 6th millennium cal BC, enabling an autonomous state to form part of an extended network of short and longdistance exchanges, and to maintain economic and social relationships with other groups.

Fig. 6 Pit grave with an inhumation and a ‘cream bowl’ as a burial good (Primitive Halaf period).

Bibliography

Acknowledgements

Gómez Bach A. 2011. Caracterización del producto cerámico en las comunidades neolíticas de mediados del VI milenio cal BC: El valle del Éufrates y el valle del Khabur en el Halaf final. PhD. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Mallowan M. E. L. 1936. ‘The excavations at Tall Chagar Bazar, and an archaeological survey of the Habur Region, 1934-5.’ Iraq 3, pp. 1-59. Tunca Ö., Baghdo A., Cruells W. (eds.) 2006. Chagar Bazar (Syrie) I, Les sondages prehistòriques (19992001). Publications de la Mission archéologique de l’Université de Liège en Syrie. Peeters publishers, Leuven. Belgium.

The excavation was financed by the General Direction of the Antiquities and the Museums of Syria, by the Interuniversity Attraction Poles (IAP) Programme, the Belgian Science Policy Office, and as part of Project 591.278 of the Ministère de la Recherche scientifique de la Communauté Française Wallonie-Bruxelles de Belgique directed by Ö. Tunca. The collaboration of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona in this project has received the support of the Spanish Ministry of Education and Science (project HUM2007-66237) and has been developed within the general framework of the SAPPO quality research group (2009 SGR-607) funded by the Generalitat de Catalunya.

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21. Tell Zeidan (Raqqa) Anas Al Khabour (Gothenburg University, Sweden & DGAM, Syria)

of the irrigation system, agricultural advances, temple developments and changes in burial methods were equally important.

The Syrian-American mission began archaeological excavations in Tell Zeidan in June 2008, directed by G. Stein of the American team from the Oriental Institute of Chicago University and A Al Khabour of the Syrian team from the Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums.

The site was visited by Mallowan in 1926 during his investigation of the Balikh Valley, as well as by M. Van Loon 1983. The Dutch archaeologist Peter Akkermans studied ceramics from the site, and the Spanish archaeologist Joaquin Cordoba included Tell Zeidan in his survey of the Balikh Valley in 1983 during a project for the University of Autonoma, Madrid. The systematic excavation of the site was undertaken by a joint SyrianAmerican mission in 2008.

The investigation aimed to study the Ubaid period in the northern part of Syria and its relationship with older periods, e.g. Halaf and Late Chalcolithic 1 and 2, and covering the period between the 6th and 4th millennium BC. This period is exceptionally important in shedding light on the development of societies in Syria, by comparison with the well-known sites from Ubaid Period, such as Tell Halaf, Tell Hammam et-Turkman and Tell Hamoukar. Comparison with southern Mesopotamian sites, for example Edidu and Tell al-Oueili, where the appearance of the first political systems, development

The site is located on the eastern bank of the Balkh, close to its confluence with the Euphrates River, some 5km to the east of Raqqa. The site is of considerable extent (600x200m) in the north-east and south-west directions. It is 15m higher than the surrounding area. Two low mounds belong to the site and form the lower city. Tell

Fig. 1 Location of Tell Zeidan to the east of Raqqa.

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Fig. 2 Painted ceramics from Ubeid Period (first season report 2007).

Fig. 4 Blowpipe mouthpiece for smelting copper (first season report 2007).

Fig. 3 Baked clay mullers (first season report 2007).

The results of the excavation confirmed the continuity of site occupation in the northeastern mound over 500 years of the Chalcolithic between 4500-4000 BC. The most representative finds of Tell Zeidan are baked clay ‘mullers’, stamp seals, and blowpipe mouthpieces used in the smelting of copper (Fig. 3).

Zaedan is one of three important tells dated to the Ubaid Period in Syria (Fig. 1). The excavations at the site revealed finds from the Halaf and Ubaid periods, as well as the Late Chalcolithic. The Ubaid Period was represented by house walls made from bricks and the typical ceramics of this period. The results of C14 analysis provided a date of 4940-5055 BC for the Ubaid Period at the site.

Tell Zeidan witnessed advanced economic activities. Imported obsidian originating from Lake Van, around 400km to the north of Tell Zeidan, were found at the site, as well as pieces of artefacts involved in the smelting of copper – this metal was transported from Dyar Bakir in Anatolia, more than 300km away (Fig. 4).

The importance of this period is that it could provide answers to the question of how the Ubaid culture arrived from the southern part of Mesopotamia and replaced the peaceful Halaf culture present in northern Syria at the time. There was no evidence of any destruction or violence; it was a gradual change and the ceramics of the Ubaid replaced the Halaf ceramics and are dated to 5400-5500 BC (Fig. 2).

Artefacts from Tell Zeidan reflect elite or higher status individuals, as well as administrative aspects of the site, all suggestive of the presence of a governor. These are represented by a red-stone stamp seal with a deer carved in it (4.5x5.8cm), similar to Gawra stamps found in the Musil region in the north of Iraq (Fig. 5). 89

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Fig. 5 Late Chalcolithic stamp seals (first excavation report 2007).

The archaeological excavations at Tell Zeidan, to the east of Raqqa, have offered important data about the site, and the occupation from the 6th to the 4th millennium BC. It is one of the most relevant sites in terms of representing the transitional period from the Halaf culture to the adoption of the Ubaid culture; this was confirmed by the coexistence of ceramic traditions from both periods, as well as the transitional phase. The archaeological record also confirmed the occupation of the site during the Late Chalcolithic. The archaeological finds reflected the economic importance of the site and its relationships with distant regions, through the imports of obsidian and copper, the sites demonstrate administrative authorities similar to the artistic types and materials utilized in other sites in Mesopotamia. Bibliography Córdoba J. 2006. ‘Campesinos e imperios en una región ignorada: prospecciones y sondeos en el valle del Balih (Siria)’, in J. Mª Córdoba, M. C. Pérez Díe (eds.) La arqueología española en Oriente. Ministerio de Cultura, Madrid, pp. 51-54. Stein G. and Al Khabour A. 2008. The Joint SyrianAmerican Excavations at Tell Zeidan. Progress Report: July 26-August 8, 2008. Stein G. 2011. Tell Zeidan (2010). Oriental Institute Annual Report 2010-2011. Pp 121-138. Chicago.

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22. Tell Feres (Hassake) Régis Vallet (CNRS, Nanterre, France)

Johnny Samuele Baldi (IFPO, Beyrouth, Lebanon)

Recent research on Chalcolithic northern Mesopotamia has focused on the regionalized evolutionary processes towards social complexity. In this respect, Tell Feres in Syrian Jazira is a key site for the identification of regional patterns. Close to Tell Brak, this 4ha (7m high) mound, has shown its potential in terms of the development of proto-urban societies over five seasons (2006-2010). Excavations uncovered about 900m2 and ten main levels have been distinguished, from late Ubaid to Late Chalcolithic 5 (Fig. 1).

number. Amongst the five major groups identified in the Late Ubaid (including a total of 28 varieties, taking into account variabilities in the pastes) only two remained at the end of the LC2 (with 5 varieties of pastes). Hence one can observe the specialization process, with fewer and fewer producers facing an increasing demand. This process is achieved at the end of the LC2 and goes together with the progressive disappearance of painted decorations.

Level 10 (Fig. 2) is represented by no less than four workshops, symmetrically arranged within a single building: a 5th millennium ceramic factory. Each production unit was provided with two kilns, a basin for the preparation of the clay and benches for shaping and drying the vessels. Such a degree of labour organization, with all the steps of the manufacturing process concentrated in a same area, is absolutely remarkable. Each unit has specific features, as different types of kilns, and was used to produce the same complete set of Ubaid vessels, but by different techniques. Indeed, the whole assemblage has been examined from a technological point of view in order to reconstruct the chaînes operatoires through which ceramics were produced, each chaîne opératoire expressing a tradition typical of a group of producers. In Level 10, five main technical traditions existed at Tell Feres. This suggests that distinct (probably kinship-based) social groups were in charge of their own (maybe lineage-based) pottery production, characterized by some painted symbols. It is possible to follow through time and space the distribution and evolution of the traditional chaînes opératoires and to observe their dramatic decrease in Fig. 1 Tell Feres, location and sequence (© The French-Syrian Archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).

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Fig. 2 Tell Feres Level 10. Late Ubaid Ceramic workshop: plan, photo and ceramic samples (© The French-Syrian archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).

Moreover, the spatial distribution of the techniques within the settlement shows unexpected concentrations (up to 98%) in the same area or building. Living, storage and working spaces were segregated between different groups within the village community. These groups used ceramics produced for and by themselves, by means of their own traditional techniques. In addition, it is clear that this ceramic workshop produced on a micro-regional scale and that Tell Feres, despite the proximity of Tell Brak, was quite relevant in the 5th millennium, as also demonstrated by Level 9.

In its first phase (9B), we identified a compound covering around 250m2 (Fig. 4.I). To the east, Room 9 appears as a great hall, situated at the front of the building. At the back of the compound, two rows of three rooms are arranged on each side of a perpendicular room (4). In the second phase of the edifice (9A – Fig. 4.II), its north-west quarter is rebuilt and extended to the south, over Room 4, with a staircase. Roughly the same plan is maintained. The plan of the buttressed front hall and its associated materials – mainly huge quantities of Coba bowls, serially produced containers used during communal meals – suggest that Room 9 was a meeting 92

22. Tell Feres (Hassake)

Fig. 3 Phases 9B (I) and 9A (II) of the communal building of Level 9 (© the French-Syrian archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).

past attitudes (as in the firing areas documented during the 6th millennium), this concentration of kilns without a proper workshop constitutes another step towards craft specialization and explains the appearance of the socalled potters’ marks. Indeed, each kiln was associated with many (supra-lineage) chaînes opératoires and pots were fired in large batches, so the marks on some containers were necessary to distinguish batches (and their recipients) after firing.

hall. The north-west quarter and its long parallel rooms (1, 2 and 3) contained many urns and jars, clearly devoted to storage. The south-west quarter, with the large Room 4 and Rooms 5-8, displayed a functionally differentiated assemblage, suggesting that this part of the building was a private house. Despite some similarities with the ‘White Room Building’ at Gawra XII, this complex, surrounded by a ditch and including private and public areas, still has no close parallels. Therefore, it is a good example of regionalized patterns within the Late Chalcolithic of northern Mesopotamia.

Level 7 is represented by four granaries (Fig. 5.I). Each granary contained pottery produced according to only one technical tradition. Therefore, if storage was concentrated in a specific part of the site, it was still managed by several (lineage-based?) authorities. Botanical remains – mainly

In Level 8, amongst the ruins of this compound, some potters built several kilns, which – this time – were not integrated with any workshop. Rather than a return to 93

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Fig. 4 Level 7 (I): plan and photo – and Level 6 (II) – plan and photo of the small tripartite house. In both levels the distribution of the traditional chaînes opératoires shows the spatial segregation (© the French-Syrian archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).

cereals and pulses – have been extensively sampled throughout all the levels. Faunal remains mainly belong to domestic animals (sheep, goats, pigs, cattle), but there is also evidence for hunting (gazelle, equids, aurochs, birds).

framework, with wide crisscrossing streets. The core of the settlement was surrounded by a wall. It was not defensive: its function was rather to separate workshops (outside) from storage and housing (inside), or maybe to isolate a specific area for some social reason. In any case it provides a sample of late-5th millennium proto-urban organization, implying an authority able to implement the planning.

Level 6 gives a glimpse of the site at the beginning of the LC2 (Fig. 5.II). It contains craft and storage facilities in the northern sector and a tripartite house in the southern. But the most unexpected feature of Level 6 is its regular layout: all the constructions fulfill a perpendicular 94

22. Tell Feres (Hassake)

Fig. 5 Level 5 (I): plan, photograph and details of the wheel-coiled bowls in the hall the buttressed building. Gawra X-like clay sealing from Level 4A (II). LC1 ‘spectacle idol’ from Level 7 (III) (© The French-Syrian archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).

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Fig. 6 Level 2B: plan and 3D reconstructions (© the French-Syrian archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).

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22. Tell Feres (Hassake) Later on (Level 5 – Fig. 6.I), all the structures are replaced by an elite building, surrounded by underground silos. With its buttressed facade built on the top of the northern slope, this building was visible from afar. It contained nothing but sherds, including some fine small-sized wheel-coiled bowls (Fig. 6.I): it is the first appearance in northern Mesopotamia of the wheel-coiling technique, implying the (slow) use of the potter’s wheel. It did not appear in an urban context to improve productivity, but in a proto-urban context as a technique reserved for rare, fine elite-related materials.

also had a major impact on the countryside, where the post-Ubaid settlements were progressively turned into satellite productive sites embedded in wide regional networks, paving the way for the broader polities that spread out in northern Mesopotamia in the following centuries.

At the end of the LC2, Level 4B contains communal storages facilities and Level 4A a series of cooking ovens, one of which yielded a clay sealing (Fig. 6.II). In Level 3 (early LC3) another granary was built. More generally we collected an appreciable amount of small finds including grinding stones, evidence of an abundant lithic industry (mainly obsidian from Bingol A, Nemrut Dag and Aragat), and stone tools (axes and hammers). Terracotta objects include spindle whorls, figurines and ‘spectacle idols’, including also a LC1 sample, the earliest one known to date (Fig. 6. III). Level 2 is represented by a large housing/farming compound (Fig. 7). It covered an area of about 425m2 and integrates a tripartite house into a well-planned compound similar to those at Uruk. Most of the rooms were devoted to storage, exceeding by far any normal household scale. Clearly this large farm was producing also for the nearby city of Tell Brak, which had just reached an urban scale. In a few centuries society had completely changed and domestic architecture reflects this change. However in the 4th millennium there is still no difference between houses of rural sites, such as Feres, and dwellings of the first proto-urban sites, such as Hamoukar, which shows very similar compounds. Moreover, the owner of the compound of Tell Feres was probably of a high social status, as is suggested by the location of the building, by its size and regular layout, as well as by some rarer finds (seals, sealings and a marble mace-head). The late compound (Level 2A – Fig. 8) includes the mud-brick coffin of a child (even if the site continued being occupied for a while, the coffin was looted and partially destroyed soon after the abandonment of the building). One can hardly imagine that such looting could have happened if the family living there was still established on the site. Hypothetically, it may indicate that what remained of the local elite finally left the village and settled at Tell Brak. Soon afterwards the remaining inhabitants left the site and founded a much smaller settlement on the western tell, where the modern village stands. As one can see, Tell Feres delivers much new evidence about the formation of proto-urban societies in northern Mesopotamia. This process not only transformed a few main sites, such as Tell Brak, into the very first cities, it 97

23. Tell Ziyadeh (Hassake) Frank Hole (Yale University, USA)

The Ubaid sites were newly founded along the middle Khabur River and its tributaries around 5800 BC, the separate sites apparently comprising a dispersed cooperating social entity. While only Ziyadeh has been extensively excavated, the other sites are known to be contemporary through their shared styles of pottery, which are closely similar to those found in Ubaid sites in southern Mesopotamia (Fig. 1). While the general region from which they emigrated is known, it is not possible to determine from which sites the people may have emigrated.

Modern Syria, a land of many diverse ethnic and religious groups, may have been similarly diverse in antiquity, yet the cultural heritages of the ancient peoples have largely been lost, as a result of environmental changes, droughts, warfare, political maneuvering, governmental policies, growth and relocation of populations. For the most part, therefore, the lives and heritage of populations off the centre stage of world affairs at most points along the long course of history, are invisible and lost except through archaeology. These are the lives of farmers, herders and artisans who provided the sustenance and biological vigour to the land of Syria over at least nine millennia. While such people remain nameless, a glimpse of their lives has been preserved in the thousands of small settlements across the land. One such settlement is Tell Ziyadeh.

While the original settlers had artefacts closely similar to those of Ubaid sites in the south, they had a greatly reduced variety. From this we infer that they travelled north with only the minimum of artefacts, skills and social complexity necessary to be successful pioneers in a new and different landscape.

Ziyadeh is on the right bank of the Khabur River some 12.5km south of the city of Hasseke. The site, one of several small settlements established during the 5th millennium BC Ubaid period, was also occupied during the first centuries of the 3rd millennium. At each period the settlers arrived from outside the region and established homesteads on virgin ground. The Ubaid immigrants had travelled up the Euphrates and then the Khabur until they found suitable climate and soil to establish agriculture and animal husbandry. Today the sites are in a semi-arid zone that does not support annual rain-fed agriculture. We infer that the climate was more favorable in the past than today.

The region where the people settled was apparently not occupied by other groups of people and the surrounding steppe was a veritable game park, with abundant vegetation, fish, and wild animals including gazelle, onagers and carnivores such as lions and leopards. In short it was a relatively rich, but isolated environment with elements of danger for people and flocks. In the oldest settlement in Ziyadeh we found a typical Ubaid tripartite house with rooms surrounding an open courtyard. Attached to the house was a grill structure,

Fig. 1 Bowl sherds in the typical style of the northern Ubaid.

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23. Tell Ziyadeh (Hassake)

Fig. 2 A tripartite house with attached grill-like storage buildings.

Fig. 3 An Ubaid kiln for firing pottery. The column supported a perforated floor on which the pots were stacked above the firebox.

generational, but perhaps only specialized use of the site. Because of the absence of artefacts other than utilitarian ceramics from these structures it is difficult to assign specific functions to them. A number of other sites of similar age were also built along the Khabur, all of them featuring storage bins and rooms, and protected with outer walls and embankments against possible flooding by the river. After no more than two centuries the site was abandoned, not to be lived on again in antiquity.

probably used to store grain off the ground (Fig. 2). The settlers made pottery which was fired in a kiln (Fig. 3). After a few generations, the form of houses changed. The latest settlement at Ziyadeh consisted of a massive casemate structure and small rectangular rooms of uncertain function (Fig. 4). The site was then abandoned for at least 1000 years. During the last centuries of Ubaid occupation at Ziyadeh, hundreds of new settlements emerged in the wetter zones of the Khabur region and across the north Mesopotamian Jazirah. These latter settlements are recognized by a shift from the typical Ubaid painted designs to vessels left unpainted. This new ceramic tradition is known as Late Chalcolithic 1.

The two settlements at Ziyadeh reflect simple rural life, but of different quality. The Ubaid settlers grew wheat and barley, kept sheep and goats, and hunted the abundant wild animals on the steppe. There is no evidence that the settlement grew or that the people achieved special status. In this sense Ziyadeh represents the majority of settlements in the 5th millennium, which is often incorrectly regarded as typified by large settlements with temples, ritual figurines, and richly decorated graves.

In the early 3rd millennium the site was again occupied and consisted of a massive storage structure laid out in a series of narrow corridors, with some adjoining rooms (Fig. 5). The structure in Ziyadeh was preceded by a similar grill-like building, which we did not excavate. The rebuilding of this structure implies multi99

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Fig. 4 An eroded casemate structure on the upper edge of the mound. This structure is part of the Post-Ubaid Kuranian settlement.

Fig. 5 Walls of a massive storage building dating to the early 3rd millennium BC. The building has arched openings between corridors

We know less about the later settlement, but the early 3rd millennium saw the expansion of sites into the dry zones, again indicating greater rainfall. At this time it appears that there was an intensification of growing barley and raising sheep, although the people continued to hunt. The number of sites along the Khabur, not exceeded until modern times, suggests very close interaction. Curiously, when the sites along the river were mostly abandoned by the mid-3rd millennium, settlement shifted to large enclosed sites known as kranzhugel on the steppe, far from the river.

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24. Tell Beydar / Nabada / Nabatium (Hassake) Marc Lebeau (European Centre for Upper Mesopotamian Studies, Brussels, Belgium)

Antoine Suleiman (DGAM, Syria)

Tell Beydar is a 25ha circular city located 15km north of Hassake in the Syrian Jezirah. It was founded at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age (c. 2900 BC) and abandoned around 2340 BC (Fig. 1). After a long gap it was reoccupied during the Hellenistic period between c.150 and 50 BC. During eighteen seasons of intensive excavations by a Syrian-European mission (1992-2010), the Early Bronze Age city and an important building of the Hellenistic period were revealed. Eight seasons of architectural restoration were implemented from 2003 to 2010, simultaneously with the excavations.

The main architectural features of the city consist of two palatial buildings, five temples, a very large granary, a large building corresponding to a sheepfold or a storehouse, an impressive watchtower and a large ceremonial open area, all grouped on several terraces leading to the centre of the city and the Upper Palace, and bordered by concentric and radial streets (Fig. 2). The private houses were installed in quarters settled on lower terraces. The streets, most of them equipped with underground sewers, led to seven gates, opening to an unsettled lower city.

The excavations concentrated mainly on one period, the Early Jezirah 3b, which corresponds to the peak of the Jezirean civilization, just before the Akkadian conquest led by Sargon of Akkad. At that time Tell Beydar, the ancient city of Nabada (or Nabatium), was one of the main cities of the Kingdom of Nagar (modern Tell Brak).

The most ancient written documents found so far in Syria were discovered at Tell Beydar. They consist of 231 cuneiform tablets, found in several places, but mainly under the floor of a small private building. They date all from the same period, around 2390-2375 BC. These administrative documents are written in a Semitic dialect very close to

Fig. 1 Aerial view of Tell Beydar (from A. Poidebard).

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Fig. 2 Areas of excavations and main buildings.

Akkadian. The personal names mentioned in those texts are predominantly Semitic. This corpus is contemporary with the earliest documents from Ebla. Sixteen tablets found together in another area at Tell Beydar (Area I) date from thirty to fifty years earlier and thus represent the earliest appearance of writing in Syria (Fig. 3).

indeed is practically identical to Temple SS at Tell Brak. The open areas are paved with baked bricks arranged in a herringbone pattern at both sites. A particularly impressive sector of the city is the so-called Southern Square, which consists in a large trapezoidal open court allowing the transition between the Southern Gate (unfortunately completely eroded) and Main Street, the main access that led to the Upper Palace (Fig. 4). This open area was equipped with a large podium and was bordered to the south by a large room (White Hall), also

The official architecture of the ancient city of Nabada shows striking parallels with that of Nagar, the capital of the kingdom. The main temple at Tell Beydar (Temple E) 104

24. Tell Beydar / Nabada / Nabatium (Hassake)

Fig. 3 The discovery of the earliest written documents in Syria.

Fig. 4 ‘Southern Square’, a ceremonial court.

the floor of Temple A, close to the abandoned Upper Palace. It contained a very large number of ceramics, bronze weapons, tools and containers, and the skeleton of a warrior (Fig. 6).

equipped with a podium, where official ceremonies or audiences might have been organized. It seems that the city of Nabada endured a violent crisis around 2350-2340 BC, possibly the consequence of local warfare (Mari vs. Nagar ?). A small clay head depicting a bearded man (a high official ?) dates to that poorly documented period. This represents one of the few art masterpieces discovered at Tell Beydar (Fig. 5).

The city was partially rebuilt at the time of Naram-Sin, thus in the mature Akkadian period (Early Jezirah 4b), around 2250 BC. Some official buildings are rearranged with slightly modified plans and features. This seems to represent a new Akkadian policy in Upper Mesopotamia.

Soon afterwards, at the beginning of the Akkadian period (Early Jezirah 4a), the city was seized by intruders who transformed it into what can be described as a small garrison town, reoccupying only a few buildings and leaving the rest in ruins. The destruction and reoccupation possibly mark the arrival of Akkadian troops in Northern Mesopotamia. The settled area is considerably reduced and the palaces, like the main temple, are abandoned. An impressive unlooted tomb, maybe of the chief of this community of soldiers, was discovered in 2000, below

Around 2150 BC, in the post-Akkad period (Early Jezirah 4c), only one building is still standing at Tell Beydar, the last avatar of Temple A. It is reduced to a very modest sanctuary, but still contains features that suggest it is a temple. During this particular period the entire region, as well as Upper Mesopotamia at large, seems to be affected by a major climatic crisis that may have started slightly earlier at the end of the Akkadian period. This tiny building at Tell Beydar marks the end of the Bronze Age occupation. 105

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Three different phases of Hellenistic (Seleucid-Parthian) occupation were uncovered at Tell Beydar in a region that, at the time, was close to the frontier between West and East. The last phase is characterized by buildings reoccupied by squatters. Evidence was found to suggest that those squatters suddenly left the city, leaving all their goods in situ. The excavations at Tell Beydar were enhanced by a very large programme of interdisciplinary studies that involved the human and natural sciences. This programme, coordinated first by Karel Van Lerberghe and later by Lucio Milano, was published in two volumes. A survey of the Beydar region was conducted during two seasons by Tony Wilkinson. The excavations were undertaken by the DGAM with the collaboration of the following universities, partners at various periods of the European Centre for Upper Mesopotamian Studies: Brussels, Coimbra, Leuven, Lille, Madrid, Munich, Münster, Venice. Bibliography

Fig. 5 Clay ‘mask’ of a bearded man.

Ismail F., Sallaberger W., Talon Ph. and Van Lerberghe, K. 1996. Administrative Documents from Tell Beydar (Seasons 1993-1995), Subartu II, Brepols, Turnhout. Lebeau M. and Suleiman A. (eds.) 2014. Tell Beydar: The 2010 Season of Excavations and Architectural Restoration — A Preliminary Report. Rapport préliminaire sur la campagne de fouilles et de restauration architecturale 2010 = Subartu XXXIV, Brepols, Turnhout. Milano L. and Lebeau M. (eds.) 2014. Tell Beydar. Environmental and Technical Studies. Volume II, Subartu XXXIII, Brepols, Turnhout.

Two millennia afterwards, c.150 BC, the tell was reoccupied by a community of settlers, perhaps seasonal ones, who were situated around an important mudbrick building, which still shares certain characteristics with earlier traditional official mudbrick architecture. This ‘Hellenistic Palace’ was probably a building of economic function, built for controlling the production of cereals in the area. Indeed, hundreds of silos were discovered close to the surface of the tell. Many of the deep silos damaged the Bronze Age architecture underneath. Evidence for textile production (weaving) is also largely attested.

Fig. 6 The undisturbed tomb of a warrior.

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25. Tell Banat (Aleppo) Thomas L. McClellan and Anne Porter (James Madison University, USA)

Tell Banat, now under the waters of the Tishreen Dam, was a major 3rd-millennium BCE site located on the left bank of the Euphrates River. It is notable for its extraordinary mortuary monuments and its extensive pottery production quarter. It is also distinctive because of its physical layout (Fig. 1). The site extends across a natural promontory that extrudes north from a large hill, Jebel Bazi, into the flood plain (see Tall Bazi). To the north of Tell Banat lay a tall conical mound (Fig. 2) approximately 22m high and 100m in diameter. Called Tell Banat North (and also known as The White Monument) this mound proved to be a specialized burial site consisting of at least three phases of earthen and gravel construction in which disarticulated, fragmentary, and partial, human skeletal remains had been included.

The earliest phase was not excavated, but the second phase, White Monument B, consisted of a series of individual tumuli built on the outside of the previous phase, White Monument C. These tumuli were then encased in a packed clay coating that was placed in bands (Fig. 3). The next phase, White Monument A, was laid in horizontal stages. These stages were subsequently eroded away. Found between Tell Banat North and Tell Banat was a shaft and chamber tomb, Tomb 2, while on the edge of the main settlement at Banat itself another shaft and chamber tomb was recovered, Tomb 1. To the west of Tell Banat was a small multi-period site called Tell Kabir. Its close proximity to Banat suggests it was part of the Banat

Fig. 1 Plan of Tell Banat settlement complex.

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Fig. 2 Tell Banat North, also known as the White Monument.

Fig. 3 Phases A and B of the White Monument.

complex. Tell Kabir featured a large temple-in-antis during the second half of the 3rd millennium and, in the same vicinity, a prosperous residential quarter dated to the end of the 3rd, and beginning of the 2nd millennium. This later level represents the transition between Early Bronze and Middle Bronze and is important for the recognition of continuity in pottery assemblages between these two periods. Kabir and Banat were also occupied in the 2nd millennium, or Late Bronze Age, when Jebel Bazi formed the center of occupation.

that ceramics were already made at Banat, probably on a seasonal basis, before permanent settlement was established, and represented by two public buildings, one in Area C and one in Area F, and the workshops and kilns of Area D. Installations for the manufacture of pottery covered approximately 2ha of the site at the peak of production. The public building in Area C, Building 7, was in fact an elaborate facade enclosing an enlargement of Mortuary Mound II that had been constructed by depositing a massive layer of gravel over it, approximately 60m in diameter (Fig. 4). This was Mortuary Mound II Phase B. On top of this gravel deposit were at least two stone column bases, each 1m in diameter. Building 7 was terraced along the sides of Mortuary Mound II Phase B, and was oriented around a baked brick plaza mortared with bitumen. Dug into the south side of the mound was Tomb 7, unique among the unusual burial structures of the 3rd millennium Euphrates region and

The earliest evidence of activity at Banat dates to the second quarter of the 3rd millennium (Early Bronze II-III), and comes from Area C. It consists of a small mortuary mound, Mortuary Mound II, which was very similar to Phase B of Tell Banat North in appearance. Traces of other tumuli inside Tell Banat and around Tell Banat North suggest that the area was first used as a burial field. Dug into Mortuary Mound II was a series of pits. These pits contained ash, slag and wasters, suggesting 108

25. Tell Banat (Aleppo)

Fig. 4 Schematized plan of Mortuary Mound II, Phase B, Building 7 and Tomb 7.

Fig. 5 Plan of Tomb 7.

Fig. 6 Reused column in Tomb 7.

vessels, a round limestone tabletop, an inlaid ostrich egg, and a Syrian bottle in a cloth or leather bag that had been heavily encrusted with tiny shells and beads.

beyond. Tomb 7 was built so that the roof, consisting of five limestone slabs mortared with bitumen, formed part of an open area near a rectangular, partially stonelined, shaft that was at least 12m deep. Tomb 7 consisted of three chambers flanking a long hall, a dromos and a short entrance shaft (Fig. 5). The tomb was built of large stones that had been very precisely cut in the interior. It contained a wooden coffin in one room, the occupant of which had been completely removed or dissolved, leaving only a scatter of gold beads and a few other objects in it, and in another room, a pile of disarticulated fragmentary human bones next to a solid gold pendant. It was furnished with approximately 200 hundred pots and many other mortuary inclusions, such as: alabaster

On top of Tomb 7 were several mortuary structures and inhumations of varying kinds. These included a body placed on open ground and covered by a few rocks; an empty, and partially destroyed stone-lined cist grave (Tomb 5), a second stone-lined cist (Tomb 4) containing the long bones of a single adult individual tidied neatly at the back of the grave; placed over the entrance shaft were two female bodies, one aged 20-30 and another aged 2-4 years old. Some of these burials date to the first period of occupation, others date to the second period, when 109

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Fig. 7 Plinths and Lintel added to Tomb 7.

not only Building 7, but also Tomb 7, were substantially reconfigured. Building 7 was replaced by Building 6, which was no longer terraced and which covered over at least part of the mound, and Tomb 7 was buried beneath a thick layer of gravel. In order to sustain the weight of this deposit, the interior of the tomb was remodelled by the addition of a circular column to support the roof – possibly taken from what had been the top of the mound (Fig. 6) – and rectangular plinths holding lintels (Fig. 7). Tell Banat North was enlarged (Phase A), and at the same time, the large single-room temple with forecourt (in-antis) was constructed at Tell Kabir. On top of Jebel Bazi another public building of some kind was erected (see Tall Bazi). The unusual gate of this structure does not clarify its function – it could be an administrative building or a temple.

Bibliography McClellan T. and Porter A. 1998.  The Third Millennium Settlement Complex at Tell Banat: Results of the 1994 Excavations. Damaszener Mitteilungen 10: 1163. Porter A. 2002.  The Dynamics of Death. Ancestors, Pastoralism and the Origins of a Third Millennium City in Syria. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 325: 1-36. Porter A. 2007/8. Evocative Topography: Experience, Time and Politics, a Landscape of Death.  In: G. Bartoloni and M.-G. Benedettini, Sepolti tra i vivi. Evidenza edinterpretazione di contesti funerari in abitato. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Scienze dell’Antichità 15, Rome, 71-90.

The pottery production area seems to have shrunk at this time to the southern portion of the site, and pottery production itself was reorganized. The settlement was then abandoned, as was the temple at Kabir.

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26. Tell Mozan/Urkesh (Hassake) Giorgio Buccellati and Marilyn Kelly-Buccellati (University of California, USA)

Urkesh, from where he dispensed justice in the mountain hinterland. This myth, preserved in the later scribal schools, reflects a much earlier tradition, which very likely goes back to proto-historic periods, of which the archaeological record gives us an inkling.

Every excavation in Syria discloses great new riches that complement what we know already about its ancient past. Bringing to light ancient Urkesh, has added the surprise of opening a new window onto unsuspected evidence for a different civilization, that of the ancient Hurrians. They were known already from later periods, when the Hurrian kingdom of Mittani was at its peak. But this was in the mid 2nd millennium. Urkesh has now emerged as the only Hurrian kingdom of the 3rd millennium, and there are good reasons for assuming that it was so already by the middle of the 4th millennium.

Stunning evidence to this effect has in fact emerged during our last season of excavations, in 2010. Just below the surface, near the top of the tell, the corner of a niched building appeared (Fig. 2) that is almost certainly the 4th-millennium precursor of the later temple complex. We only have the external corner of the structure, which echoes the architectural template of southern Mesopotamia, such as the temple in Eridu. The date is certain because of both the glyptic and ceramic evidence, and because of 14C determinations; the stratigraphic seal just above the structure is extremely well defined (it was the solid glacis of the later temple terrace), and it seems most likely that the rest of the building is fully preserved.

By the mid 3rd millennium, the site had expanded to cover an area of some 130ha, enclosed by a city wall, with a central high mound of some 25ha (Fig. 1). One of the largest cities in Syro-Mesopotamia, it was dominated by a monumental Temple terrace, most likely dedicated to Kumarbi, the main god of the archaic Hurrian pantheon. He was described in the myths as residing in

Fig. 1 The ‘High Mound’, situated in the fertile plains of north-eastern Syria, with the mountains of the Tur-Abdin in the background.

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Fig. 2 The corner of a niched structure of the mid 4th millennium, just below the 3rd millennium glacis. A reconstruction of the 3rd millennium temple is in the background.

Fig. 3 The monumental temple terrace of the 3rd millennium.

In 2010, we did not reach the level of the original floor, which we had hoped to excavate in 2011, a project which has unfortunately remained in abeyance ever since. But there is also good evidence that this structure rested on top of what was already a very high temple terrace, about 22m above the plain level, implying the existence of a large city that could support the presence of such a monumental structure.

The temple terrace is well known in the shape it took by about 2400 BC (Fig. 3). It was a massive structure, with a monumental stone staircase bridging the space between a very large plaza and a glacis that sloped up towards the top where the temple proper was located. The temple stood some 27m above the plain level, and some 7m above the plaza. The terrace was bounded to the south by a stone revetment wall which posited a sharp boundary to the sacred area at the top. The very wide and monumental staircase, with 27 steps, was flanked by a much wider parallel row of higher steps, which may have served either as an impressive frame for the staircase proper, or perhaps even to provide seating. Indications are that the famous bronze lions of Tish-atal were part of a foundation deposit for just this temple.

This suggests an early urban development of a type different from the classical one known from the Sumerian south. Urkesh is located just at the foot of the Taurus range, the first city coming down from the mountains towards the fertile Syrian plain. Here the bond of solidarity that held people together transcended the immediacy of the territory, as was instead the case in the south. In Urkesh, the people in the mountain valleys were linked together by an ethnic bond that tied mountain people with the city. Since this is one of the earliest cities known, this assumption suggests an alternative type of urban revolution.

Just as the temple terrace projects the image of an ascent to the heavens, another astounding structure seems to thrust you downward in the direction of the netherworld. It is a deep, stone lined shaft, with a very steep and 112

26. Tell Mozan/Urkesh (Hassake) clear that its purpose was for a medium to connect with the spirits of the Netherworld, which were summoned according to specifically Hurrian rituals. We even know the Hurrian name for this structure, abi. Even more explicit is the evidence regarding the Hurrian character of Urkesh by shortly after the mid 3rd millennium. It comes from the royal palace of Tupkish (Fig. 5). It was built around 2250 BC, shortly before the reign of NaramSin of Akkad. The excavations have exposed the service sector and part of the formal wing. It is a large structure, built in a single phase according to a careful and welldocumented architectural planning. It was used during the reign of Tupkish and his wife Uqnitum: we know their names from the legends on numerous seals that belong to the king, the queen and members of their court, where we also find the name of the city, Urkesh. After Tupkish and Uqnitum, the palace was used for another generation as a storehouse by their immediate successors, the queen being now Tar’am-Agade, daughter of Naram-Sin. The seals also mention several of the courtiers connected with Uqnitum, especially her cook Tuli and wet-nurse of her children, Zamena: the style is very realistic, showing details of their professions, so that the Tuli iconography contains a butcher and a figure making butter, while Zamena is standing before Uqnitum touching the royal child held on her lap. One of the most significant of these royal sealings belonged to Uqnitum and pictures her seated opposite Tupkish holding a small child on her lap (Fig. 6). Between the two large seated figures is a small figure, interpreted by us as the son of this royal couple. He is touching the lap of Tupkish in a gesture of filiation, indicating that he is to be the next king (endan in Hurrian)

Fig. 4 The necromantic shaft (abi); the walls on the left are those of the palace. In this shape, it dates to the time of the palace, about 2250 BC.

narrow staircase (Fig. 4). It dates to at least the same time as the temple terrace, but it is likely to go back in time to the earliest occupation of the city, in the 4th millennium. From a careful comparison with later Hurrian texts, it is

Fig. 5 The palace of Tupkish, about 2250 BC. The mudbrick walls are covered with a system of trellis and cloth that protect them from weathering.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites a quiver. The identification of these two figures is based on the close correspondence between the iconography and the description in the Gilgamesh narrative, where Gilgamesh is described as young and Enkidu as older, more experienced and hirsute. Here in the Urkesh plaque we have the moment when their friendship is established, before they begin their adventures together. This plaque is dated to the beginning of the Akkadian period, much earlier than the other Mesopotamian scenes identifying these two protagonists. With the turn of the 2nd millennium, the city shrank to just the high mound, and fell under the political control of Mari first, and of Mittani later, until it was abandoned with the arrival of Assyrians shortly after 1300 BC. It had remained profoundly Hurrian. We surmise this from the continued use of the temple terrace (if with some reorganization of the space), from the equally continued use of the abi, from the resistance the city put up against the Mari governor, and even from its final abandonment: its cause may be attributed, in fact, to the strong Hurrian character of its religious institutions, which would have made the city somewhat undesirable for a political system like that of the Assyrians, rigorously intent on assimilation of all minorities.

Fig. 6 Composite of the impression of the seal of Uqnitum showing the royal family.

Before hostilities began in 2011, we had set in place an effective system of conservation and site presentation. It continues to date. In spite of our enforced and protracted physical absence from the site, we have been able to sustain without interruption work at the site, through direct supervision on our part of the work done by two guards and four assistants, and by providing the necessary resources and materials. As a result, the site is in excellent condition, documented by means of a thorough photographic and descriptive record. The conservation of the mudbrick architecture consisted in covering the walls with an iron trellis and tent material: this protects the mudbrick from the weather, and gives a visual sense of the architectural volumes; it is also simple enough that it can be maintained easily even during our protracted absence from the site.

Fig. 7 Stone plaque showing Gilgamesh and Enkidu.

after Tupkish. Nowhere else in 3rd millennium SyroMesopotamia do we find a portrait of a royal family. In this scene Uqnitum is shown seated opposite Tupkish and of equal height, indicating equal importance. This is the message in all her seals; she identifies herself as the most important wife and the mother of the next king. A number of free standing and relief sculptures have been excavated in Urkesh. A double-sided round-topped stela, from the area of the Temple, shows a farmer plowing on one side and an animal herd on the other. But the most significant is a stone plaque divided into registers with the preserved upper register depicting Gilgamesh and Enkidu (Fig. 7). Gilgamesh has short hair, no beard, a short garment and is touching in a friendly manner Enkidu, who is shown as having long hair, a long beard, nude and with 114

27. Tell Leilan (Hassake) Harvey Weiss (Yale University, USA)

Tell Leilan, in the centre of the fertile, rain-fed Khabur Plains of the Jezireh (Fig. 1), was one of the large, 90-100ha, cities that developed across northern Mesopotamia and western Syria during the 26th century BC (Fig. 2). These cities and their rich dry-farming agricultural landscapes became the target of southern Mesopotamian Akkadian imperialism during the 24th and 23rd centuries BC and were conquered, partially destroyed, and then rebuilt to serve Akkadian imperial interests for about 100 years. An impressive example of the Akkadian intrusion is the Akkadian scribal room on the Acropolis, located across the street and opposite the local pre-Akkadian palace which was retrieved in 2002. On the floor of this one-room building were 16 complete and fragmentary Akkadian school and administrative tablets. The building and its floor are dated stratigraphically and by radiocarbon to the late 24th century BC, while the ductus of the tablets indicates

that they are the earliest Akkadian tablets on the Habur Plains, perhaps from the reign of Rimush, son of Sargon of Akkad. The scribal room and its tablets document the complex, still enigmatic, earliest stage of the Akkadian imperialization of northern Mesopotamia. Subsequently, in the early 23rd century, probably in the reign of Naram-Sin, Sargon of Akkad’s grandson, the Akkadians destroyed the local pre-Akkadian palace, and then rebuilt it, renovating parts of the destroyed palace and constructing some areas anew. This Akkadian administrative building, partially retrieved in 2006 and 2008, comprised more than 17 interconnected rooms across more than 1000m2, and was protected on the northern part of the acropolis by an earthen glacis that extended 15m below to plain level. The rebuilt palace documents Akkadian imperial administrative activities across several rooms where cylinder seal impressions

Fig. 1 Map of Khabur Plains survey areas and precipitation isohyets.

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Fig. 2 Tell Leilan Lower Town South, residential area and street, 600m2, 2600-2200 BC, excavated 1989.

were retrieved, and in room 12, where clay balls for cuneiform tablet manufacture, clay tablets awaiting inscription, a ceramic cereal grain container, and a ground basalt 2-litre ration measure, were situated on the building’s last floor (Fig. 3). However, the Akkadians suddenly abandoned Tell Leilan and the region’s other cities at ca. 2230 BC, alongside most of the region’s local population. Abandoned, as well, at Tell Leilan and other sites were Akkadian buildings that were in the process of construction, such as ‘The Unfinished Building’, across

the street from the Akkadian administrative building, where basalt foundations for a large multi-room storehouse were left with only three or four courses of brickwork and unfinished floors (Fig. 4). On one of those unfinished floors, ‘Hayabum, šabra’ (Akkadian minister) left his finger-impressed seal impression (Fig. 5). The Akkadian and local population abandonment of the Khabur Plains, and the Akkadian empire collapse, were caused by a 250-year ‘megadrought’ (the ca. 2200-1950 116

27. Tell Leilan (Hassake)

Fig. 3 Akkadian administrative building, room 12, terminal floor, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 2006.

Fig. 4 The ‘unfinished building’, south stratigraphic section, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 1999.

megadrought levels returned to the region. Within one hundred years, the resettlement generated new agricultural states with Amorite-led populations warring with each other for control of the rich, new agricultural territories. Prominent among these states was the Kingdom of Upper Mesopotamia centred in part on the Khabur Plains by Shamshi-Adad, who reigned ca. 1836-1776 BC, and who built a new capital city at Tell Leilan, that was renamed Shubat Enlil. A well-preserved architectural monument of this period is the temple built by ShamshiAdad on the Tell Leilan acropolis (Fig. 6). The temple’s spiral column north facade dominated passage across the Khabur Plains below, and evoked the image of palmtree columns used in southern Mesopotamian temples. Other public buildings of this period include the lower town east palace, retrieved in 1985 and 1987, that was constructed initially by Shamshi-Adad, and rebuilt by

BC) that reduced the Mediterranean westerlies and the Indian Monsoon, including west Asian dry-farming plains’ precipitation, and produced the other regional collapses noted archaeologically from the Aegean to the Indus, including the First Intermediate Period in Egypt. On the Khabur Plains, the Leilan Region Survey (1650km2) documents an 87% reduction in settlement at 2230 BC, and complete abandonment about 30 years later. The local populations that abandoned the Khabur Plains and adjacent regions were both sedentary agriculturalists and Amorite seasonal pastoralists. These groups moved to drought refugia along the Euphrates and Orontes Rivers, in central and western Syria and, eventually, southern Iraq. The opportunistic resettlement of the abandoned Khabur Plains began at ca. 1950 BC when precipitation at pre117

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites his successors until abandonment of the city in 1726 BC when Samsu-iluna of Babylon’s conquered Shubat Enlil. The lower town east palace is notable for its size, the inscribed and uninscribed servants’ seal impressions on its floors, and for the royal archive, comprised of letters, treaties and administrative texts, and a copy of the Sumerian King List. Bibliography Ristvet L. and Weiss H. 2013. The Habur Region in the Old Babylonian Period, in W. Orthmann, P. Matthiae, and M. al-Maqdissi (eds.) Archéologieet Histoire de la Syrie I: La Syrie de l’époque néolithique à l’âge du fer. Schriften zur vorderasiatischen Archäologie Band 1,1. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, pp. 257-272. Weiss H. (ed). 2012. Seven Generations since the Fall of Akkad. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Weiss H. 2014 The Intermediate Bronze Age in the northern Levant: Altered Trajectories, in Margreet Steiner and Anne Killebrew, (eds.) Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of the Levant. Oxford University Press, pp 367-387.

Fig. 5 ‘Hayabum, šabra’, seal impression retrieved from the ‘unfinished building’, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 1993.

Fig. 6 Northeast acropolis, building level II, period I, Shamshi-Adad temple, north facade, ca. 1800 BC, excavated in 1982.

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28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor) Hartmut Kühne (Freie Universität Berlin, Germany)

Assyrian/Aramaean, and Parthian-Roman cities, ca. 1400 BCE to 300 AD.

Geographical and Environmental Setting Tell Sheikh Hamad (35.645°N, 40.743°E) is an ancient site of 52ha intramural space on the east bank of the Habur, about 70km NNE of Deir az-Zor (Fig. 1). Lying in Upper Mesopotamia, in the region called ‘Jazira’ in modern Arabic, it is situated beyond the dry-farming belt receiving less than 200mm mean annual precipitation. The evidence of an interdisciplinary project titled ‘Reconstruction of the Environment of the Lower Ḫābūr in the Late Holocene’, conducted between 1982 and 1995 and involving fourteen disciplines, suggested that the climate and the ecosystem had not been different 3500 years ago, but the natural environment has been overstrained since causing the present degradation. Thus the subsistence of the ancient settlement must have relied on irrigation agriculture.

Ancient names of the site Cuneiform texts excavated on the site furnished the Assyrian name ‘Dur-Katlimmu’ of the site and the

Excavation A joint venture of the Eberhard Karls Universitaet of Tuebingen, the National Museum of Deir azZor, lead managed by the Freie Universitatet Berlin, funded by the German Research Foundation, 32 seasons have been conducted in Tell Sheikh Hamad from 1978 to 2010. The site has been occupied continuously over 3600 years since the Late Uruk Period of the Late Chalcolithic (LC 4-5, c. 3300 BCE) to the Late Roman Empire (3rd cent. AD). Excavation was conducted in three sectors, each containing several operations (Fig. 2): the ‘Citadel’ (Tell) (19781984), the ‘Northeast Corner of Lower Town II’ (1978-1990), and the ‘Central Lower Town II’ (19922008). The overall excavated area covers approximately 30,000m2. Excavation focused on the

Fig. 1 Aerial photograph by G. Gerster (Reproduction authorized for T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Project; © G. Gerster).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites a decline and final desertion in about 300 AD. For once, the occupation of the city of Magdala can be matched with a contemporary cemetery (Fig. 3) in the Central Lower Town II. The excavated 750 graves date from the Early Parthian to the Late Roman period (c. 250 BCE to 250 AD). The Middle Assyrian city of Dur-Katlimmu

Fig. 2. Tell Sheikh Hamad topographic map and areas of operation, and step trench, Area 1927, House 4, level 6 (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

Covering an area of about 15ha the Middle Assyrian city consisted of the Citadel and a Lower Town underlying most of the present Lower Town I and adjacent areas. The Middle Assyrian ‘Building P’ (Fig. 4) was excavated on the western slope of the Citadel in level 28 of the occupation sequence covering 500m². In using phase 2 of this building (Fig. 4) the archive of the Great Vizier (sukkalu rabiu) Aššur-iddin consisting of 668 registered items was discovered (Fig. 5). The texts date to the reign of the Kings Salmanu-ašared I (12631234 BCE) and Tukulti-Ninurta I (1233-1197 BCE) covering about 60 years. The earlier using phase 1 of Building P can be allocated to King Adad-Nirari I (1295-1264 BCE) because it was destroyed by an historically documented earthquake which is dated to the early regnal years of his son and successor Salmanu-ašared I. Most probably, therefore, King Adad-Nirari I founded the Middle Assyrian district center of Dur-Katlimmu. The final using phase 3 of Building P extends to the beginning of the 11th cent. BCE and a few graves associated with level 27c can be attributed to the 11th/10th cent. BCE. The Neo-Assyrian city of Dur-Katlimmu

Fig. 3 Two superimposed graves of the Parthian-Roman cemetery (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

Aramaic name ‘Magdalu’. External texts make it very likely that ‘Magdala’ was the name of the Parthian-Roman city. The Parthian-Roman city of Magdala Levels 1 to 16 of the citadel (Tell, operation 1) represent the Seleucid, Parthian and Roman city of Magdala (250 BCE to 250 AD). In the upper levels the domestic architecture becomes poorer indicating 120

The Neo-Assyrian city of Dur-Katlimmu constitutes the largest urban intramural occupation of Tell Sheikh Hamad consisting of the citadel and two lower towns, covering 52ha plus 50ha of the extramural suburban occupation areas (Figs. 2, 7); dating to the 8th and 7th cent. BCE is the apex of the urban development of DurKatlimmu. Cropping out of the steep slope of the citadel (Tell) the Neo-Assyrian levels 23-26 remained mostly unexplored; however, level 27 in the catch basin of the canal revealed domestic architecture. Indicating the significance of the Neo-Assyrian citadel is a surface discovery on the southern slope of the Tell of two joining fragments of a reliefed orthostats (Fig. 6) dating to the 9th cent. BCE. Aiming to contribute to the knowledge of the urban structure of Neo-Assyrian cities the

28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor)

Fig. 4 Plan of Middle Assyrian Building P, western slope of the Citadel (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

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Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian tablets in ashy earth layer as excavated in Room A, Building P (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 6 Two fragments of orthostats and reconstruction of the scene, 9th century BC (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

attention of the expedition shifted to the lower town II (LT II) (Fig. 2) in 1984. Excavation was undertaken in two sectors, the ‘NE-corner of LT II’ (Operations 3 and 4) and the ‘Central Lower Town II’ (Operations 5 and 6). The excavated architectural ensembles and a magnetometrical prospection feature the urban layout of the occupational apex of Dur-Katlimmu in the 8th and 7th cent. (Fig. 7). In this context discovered written documents provide the absolute dates for the settlement sequence from the foundation of the lower town II in the late 10th cent. to the 6th cent. BCE, demonstrating continuity despite the collapse of the Assyrian Empire in 612 BCE, down to the implementation of the Parthian-Roman cemetery.

architecture of Phase 1; unfortunately it was robbed in antiquity. This Phase 1 architecture is superimposed in turn by the ‘Neo-Assyrian Residences’; a similar sequence was encountered in the ‘North-East Corner’. Very poorly preserved, the architecture of Phase 1 was founded on bed rock and had been razed when the later buildings were erected. The largest coherent architectural plan has been detected underneath the Neo-Assyrian residences. In one of five shallow cavities into bed rock that was sealed by room V of the Neo-Assyrian residences a clay stopper was discovered which rendered a seal impression with an inscription reading: ‘Seal of Išme-ilu, eunuch of Nergalēreš’ (Fig. 8). Nergal-ēreš is to be identified with the wellknown governor of the province of Raṣappa, who was listed twice as eponym – 803 and in 775 BCE. The latter date therefore features a terminus ante quem for the level in which the stopper was discovered and a terminus post quem for the construction of the Neo-Assyrian residences. Since there is no stratigraphic hiatus the operation of razing and rebuilding might have been initiated by Nergalēreš himself. A broad anomaly crossing the central lower town II from east to west over a distance of almost 360m had first become visible in the course of the geophysical prospection in 1999-2003 (Fig. 7). Five stratigraphic soundings revealed that this anomaly had to be interpreted as a town canal that had been refilled and sealed by a street which was associated with the earliest floor level of the Neo-Assyrian residences. Thus, the refilling process must have occurred prior or during the levelling of the architecture of Phase 1. With a width of 9m at the top and 6m at the bottom the dimensions of the town canal correspond to the formerly discovered regional Ḫābūr canal which passes the city of Dūr-Katlimmu 2.4km to the east; a side canal heads towards the city which could have connected to the town Canal. Its final use is contemporary with the architecture of Phase 1, i.e. with the late 9th cent. BCE. The period of its construction is possibly indicated by a local Middle Assyrian text which refers to a ‘town moat’. If this feature is identical

Foundation of Lower Town II (Phase 1) Representing the oldest evidence of the lower town II by stratigraphy is a chamber tomb cut into the bed rock accessible by a shaft and superimposed by the earliest 122

28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor)

Fig. 7 Map of geophysical prospection of the settlement of DūrKatlimmu with the deep linear anomaly passing north of the Phase 2 neo-Assyrian residences, extending underneath the Phase 3 ‘Red House’ (courtesy of Eastern Atlas, Berlin; © T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

with the town canal it would date the construction and utilization of both, the town canal and regional canal, to the late 13th cent. BCE.

Operations 5 & 6 The excavation sector the central lower town II consists of two operations, the Neo-Assyrian residences (operation 5) and the ‘Red House’ (operation 6), covering approximately 12,000m² (Fig. 11). While the Neo-Assyrian residences pertain to Phase 2 (8th/7th cent. BCE), the ‘Red House’ is affiliated stratigraphically to Phase 3 (late 7th and 6th cent. BCE).

Operation 3 and 4 (Phase 2) The excavation in the northeast corner of lower town II covers approximately 10,000m². A section of the urban layout was exposed featuring 5 separate buildings, open (public) areas, a system for fresh water supply, and the northeast corner of the town wall (Fig. 9). In operation 3 the multifunctional palace-like building F/W is the largest covering an area of 3768m² and consisting of almost 50 rooms. It functioned as the residence of a high official. The town wall (operation 4) was exposed over 60m in the north and 220m in the east (Fig. 10); the curtain wall between two towers amounts to 18m regularly. Between towers 5E and 6E an outlet and between towers 10E and 11E of the eastern wall a city gate was exposed. The ensemble is to be dated to 8th-7th cent. BCE.

The ‘Neo-Assyrian Residences’ (Phase 2) Four mansions, ‘Houses 1-4’, of different size were totally excavated, occupying an area of 3500m² (Fig. 12). Within the urban layout they perform a rectangular block which is flanked by streets to the north and west, and by open areas to the south and east. Furnished with bathrooms, kitchens, reception halls and living rooms, they clearly have to be associated with upper-class housing in spite of the differences in size. Two almost 123

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Fig. 8 Seal impression of Ishme-ilu, eunuch of Nergal-eresh (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 9 Schematic plan of architectural complex of northeast corner of lower town II (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

equally large reception halls in Houses 1 and 4 (17 x 5m) are situated in a T-arrangement to each other; hall B of House 4 was decorated with wall paintings featuring geometric, floral, and figurative scenes with animals, plants, a row of ostriches (Fig. 13) and a hut that was designated by a cuneiform inscription as the ‘Garden House’; this depiction was complemented by plant pits and a well, which were excavated in the southern court of House 1, obviously marking the site of an indoor garden. A very limited number of fragmentary cuneiform tablets were discovered in the rooms of Houses 1 and 3.

The ‘Red House’ (Phase 3) Covering an area of 5200m² the ‘Red House’ was fully excavated in operation 6 (Fig. 14); a living space of 3403m² is partitioned in 90 rooms. Reminiscent of the structure of Neo-Assyrian palaces, the building consists of three wings which can be assigned to administrative, representative, and residential functions. In rooms YV and WV of the northern wing of the building the archive of Šulmu Šarri was discovered, consisting of 544 cuneiform and 83 Aramaic registered units. The excavation context indicated that it had been deposited in jars stored in a room 124

28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor) above room YV, where it had fallen into oblivion; when the building collapsed it accumulated on a secondary usage level. The most prominent owner of the archive, Šulmu Šarri, held the position of confident (ša qurbuti) to the court of King Aššurbanipal (668-627 BCE). His son, Nabû-naṣir, witnessed the fall of the Empire. However, most important was the discovery of four extraordinary cuneiform texts on the floor of the main usage phase of room XX, dating to the years 2/3 and 5 of Nebuchadnezzar II (603/2, 600 BCE), but written in the Assyrian language by an Assyrian scribe. It is therefore most likely that the main usage level of the Red House dates to the period after the Assyrian core region had disintegrated while life in Dūr-Katlimmu apparently went on unchanged. Bibliography Kühne H. 2006-2008. Šaiḫ Ḥamad, Tall. B. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie Bd. 11, 543-51. Kühne H. 2013a. State and Empire of Assyria in Northeast Syria. W. Orthmann, P. Matthiae, M. alMaqdissi (eds.) Archéologie et Histoire de la Syrie I. Harrassowitz Verlag. Kühne H. 2013b. Tell Sheikh Hamad – The AssyrianAramaean Centre of Dūr-Katlimmu/Magdalu, in D. Bonatz and L. Martin (eds.), 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschung in Nordost-Syrien – eine Bilanz. Harrassowitz Verlag. Fig. 10 The eastern town wall as seen from the north (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 11 Aerial photograph of operations 5 and 6, neo-Assyrian residences on the left, ‘Red House’ on the right (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

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Fig. 12 Schematic plan of neo-Assyrian residences (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 13 Mural on the east wall of hall B of House 4 of the neo-Assyrian residences (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 14 Schematic plan of the ‘Red House’ (© T. ŠĒḪ Ḥamad Archive, Berlin).

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29. Umm el-Marra (Aleppo) Glenn M. Schwartz (Johns Hopkins University, USA)

Tell Umm el-Marra is the largest Bronze Age site in the Jabbul plain of western Syria, located between Aleppo and the Euphrates valley. Measuring ca. 20ha, the site was probably a regional centre subservient to the greater powers such as Ebla and Aleppo. Thus, investigation of Umm el-Marra allows for an examination of the character of a second-tier centre, in contrast to the usual focus on the largest cities. In addition, the results from Umm el-Marra reveal that the community had had an unusual focus on ritual activities and architecture.

and could serve as an exchange point for goods from both areas. The site’s ancient name was probably Tuba, capital of a small kingdom attested in texts from Ebla, Mari, and elsewhere. Occupation at Umm el-Marra began in the Early Bronze Age, perhaps ca. 2800 BC, and continued in the Middle and Late Bronze periods. In the Early Bronze Age occupation (ca. 2800-2200 BC), the site was surrounded by an earth enclosure wall. In the middle of the site was an ‘acropolis’ which contained a mortuary complex of elite, possibly royal, character. Ten monumental tombs were constructed from ca. 2500 to 2200 BC (Early Bronze III-IVB) (Fig. 1). Most tombs were aboveground rectangular single-room structures with a limestone foundations and mudbrick superstructures, but the latest two examples were completely built of limestone blocks and roof slabs and were subterranean.

Excavations were first conducted in 1977-1985 by a Belgian team directed by Roland Tefnin. Since 1994, the Johns Hopkins University and the University of Amsterdam have carried out fieldwork at the site under the direction of Glenn Schwartz and Hans Curvers. Umm el-Marra’s importance was connected to its location on an east-west road connecting Mesopotamia with Aleppo. Likewise, it was situated between a western agricultural zone and an eastern pastoralist zone

Many of the tombs had remarkably well-preserved and rich contents. Tomb 1, for example, had three layers of bodies

Fig. 1 Tomb 8.

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Fig. 2 Tomb 1, middle layer (two men).

inside remains of wooden coffins. In the lowest level was an adult with silver pins and a silver cup. The middle layer had two adult males lying side by side (Fig. 2), along with bronze and silver objects, and a baby to the side. In the top layer were two young females, each with the skeleton of a baby. An extraordinary collection of objects was found with these young women, including gold objects such as bracelets, pendants, toggle pins, and headbands, as well as silver and lapis lazuli ornaments (Figs. 3, 4). Nearby, a small painted goblet contained two cockle shells that were filled with kohl, a cosmetic material. The results from this tomb are somewhat mysterious: why are two richly adorned young women buried together with two babies on top of two men with far fewer objects?

Fig. 3 Lapis lazuli amulet in shape of wild goat, Tomb 1.

While remarkable in their own right, the tombs at Umm el-Marra were only one part of the complex. In addition were subterranean mudbrick installations that contained the skeletons of animals, particularly equids (Fig. 5), and sometimes the skeleton of a human infant. Zooarchaeologist Dr. Jill Weber of the University of Pennsylvania has proposed that the equids are hybrids of onagers and donkeys. Texts from Ebla and other thirdmillennium BC sites often refer to a highly prized and expensive equid called a kunga, and it is very likely that the Umm el-Marra equids are the first archaeological attestations of the kunga. Presumably they were buried near the tombs of their high-ranking human owners in order to illustrate the wealth of those humans and to provide transportation in the afterlife.

Fig. 4 Gold filigreed pendant, Tomb 1.

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29. Umm el-Marra (Aleppo)

Fig. 5 Installation E, with four equids.

Fig. 6 Monument 1.

This large complex of human tombs and equid installations on the Umm el-Marra acropolis is unique in the archaeology of Syria, but it is part of a larger phenomenon. In the mid-late 3rd millennium BC, when urban societies dominated by powerful rulers first emerged in western Syria, elites illustrated their power and status by building impressive tombs in the middle of their communities. Examples are attested in the Euphrates valley at Banat, Jerablus Tahtani, Ahmar, Bi’a, and Mari. It is likely that members of the living communities made frequent offerings to the dead ancestors, keeping their memory alive and reinforcing the importance of the elite families.

Umm el-Marra was reoccupied during the Middle Bronze period (ca. 1900-1600 BC), when Amorite-ruled kingdoms appeared throughout Syria. In a major building project, Umm el-Marra was refortified with new glacis constructions and a city wall, and the acropolis itself was encircled with an enclosure wall. Centred perfectly inside the acropolis wall was a unique structure, a round 40m diameter stone platform designated Monument 1 (Fig. 6). This structure presumably was a place for largescale ceremonies and rituals. Once again, the Umm elMarra acropolis was the site of important ritual activity. Perhaps the new Amorite rulers wanted to establish a link with the illustrious elites of the 3rd millennium and claim their sacred territory for their own.

By the late 3rd millennium, elite tombs were no longer built on the Umm el-Marra acropolis, and it appears that the site was abandoned during the era of urban crisis that occurred at the end of the Early Bronze Age. However,

Echoes of the 3rd millennium ritual activities are further evident in the discoveries in Shaft 1, a circular shaft in the middle of Monument 1 that was dug down 6m into the 129

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Fig. 7 Shaft 1 layer 10, two vultures missing wings.

nevertheless took place in the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500-1300 BC), in the period of the Mittani empire. In this era, Umm el-Marra was extensively occupied with houses and craft workshops but had no large-scale architecture. Evidence of Mittani control comes from a legal cuneiform tablet from the reign of Shuttarna II sealed with the cylinder of the previous king Saustatar (Fig. 8). Another destruction, again probably by the Hittites, occurred in the late 14th century BC. While Umm el-Marra was again settled in the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman periods, this was relatively small-scale and ephemeral. Thus, the main contribution of Umm el-Marra to Syrian archaeology and history is in the remarkable evidence for elite ritual and mortuary behavior and ideology in the Early and Middle Bronze Age, and its relationship to the rise and early establishment of urbanism and social hierarchy in Syria.

Fig. 8 Mittani period Akkadian legal tablet, with cylinder seal impression of Saustatar.

Bibliography

bedrock below. Shaft 1 contained 10 levels of animals interred ritually, including horses, dogs, sheep, goat, and fetal animals that must have had a special significance. The lowest level of animal remains included two vultures whose wing bones had been removed, likewise clearly of symbolic importance (Fig. 7). Below these, at the bottom of the shaft, were the bodies of 13 men, women and children who had been killed by a blow to the head. Perhaps they were highranking victims of an attack by enemies (the Hittites?), killed as part of an elaborate sacrificial ritual.

Schwartz G. M. 2007.   Status, Ideology and Memory in Third Millennium Syria: ‘Royal’ Tombs at Umm elMarra, in N. Laneri (ed.) Performing Death: Social Analyses of Funerary Traditions in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean, Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago pp. 39-68.  . Schwartz G. M. 2013.   Memory and its Demolition: Ancestors, Animals and Sacrifice at Umm el-Marra, Syria Cambridge Archaeological Journal 23/3: 495-522 Schwartz G. M., Hans H., Curvers S., Dunham S. and Stuart B. 2003.   A Third-Millennium BC Elite Tomb and Other New Evidence from Tell Umm el-Marra, Syria. American Journal of Archaeology 107: 32561.

We can certainly affirm that Umm el-Marra suffered a military catastrophe by the end of the Middle Bronze Age, which is well-illustrated by the burning of the northwest city gate, where the skeletons of four people killed in the catastrophe were excavated. The prosperous Middle Bronze city, with residential districts, fortifications, and ceremonial architecture, was abandoned. Reoccupation 130

30. Tell Jerablus Tahtani (Aleppo) Edgar Peltenburg (University of Edinburgh, U.K.)

framework of the Tishrin Dam International Salvage Programme (Fig. 1.)

This 2.7ha mound, c. 150 x 180m, rises some 16m on the western bank of the Euphrates River, 5km south of Carchemish. It is located in the fertile Jerablus Plain opposite the site of Shiukh Fawqani, so, in spite of its small size it served as a communication hub across the Euphrates and towards Carchemish and the west. The University of Edinburgh conducted 13 seasons of excavation here, from 1992 to 2003, within the

Results were obtained primarily from four excavation areas and survey, including soundings in the plain surrounding the tell. The team identified five major periods of occupation. Re-deposited Halaf sherds hint at the existence of settlement of that time. Period IA, Late

Fig. 1 Site plan showing Early Bronze Age levels.

131

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites little about the nature of the transition. An impression from a finely executed seal contrasts with the unsophisticated remains of the rest of the village. Rolled onto the exterior of a jar, the cylinder seal impression depicts a longhorned quadruped and snake between a partially preserved rosette and a quadruple spiral. It is commonly stated that many sites were abandoned at the end of the Late Uruk period, but, as in the case of other Middle Euphratean sites, Jerablus Tahtani continued to be occupied and, according to the seal, was engaged in administrative practices presumably for the control of stored and transported goods (Fig. 3). Fig. 2 Concentration of Uruk bevel-rim bowls.

A carefully planned fort was installed over the burnt remains of the open village of Period IIA. This Period IIB fort is arguably the most profound alteration to the configuration of the site, changing it from a low mound to a lofty, compact stronghold. Settlement nucleation, therefore, took place at the start of Period IIB, c. 2750 BC. The fort continued in use for some 500 years until c. 2250 BC (Fig. 4). The small fort was renovated with the additions of a glacis, an extension and an annex. Initially, it was enclosed with a free-standing wall that incorporated a drain at its base. This drain was linked to internal buildings in such a way that both the wall and the interior were constructed as an integrated unit. In its second phase, a 12m wide glacis was added to the wall. At the

Fig. 3 Seal impression with horned animal and snake.

Chalcolithic, c. 3900-3750 BC, has chaff-faced sherdage without Uruk-related wares, consistent with the Late Chalcolithic 3 period. It consists of post-built structures and a hearth. The appearance of in situ Uruk-related pottery signals the start of Period IB. Successive levels yielded open pitted areas with structures and a secondary burial suggestive of occasional low density occupation. Uruk and early Early Bronze Age pottery is attested in an extensive area surrounding the tell. Jerablus Tahtani, therefore, was a low mound with dispersed activity areas covering some 12ha at this time. Inhabitants processed bitumen, perhaps for caulking boats that transported goods for transhipment along a connecting long-distance overland route in the direction of Aleppo (Fig. 2). Fig. 4 First Early Bronze Age fort wall.

Period IIA belongs to the beginning of the Early Bronze Age. Standard Late Uruk pottery was gradually replaced, but poor preservation means that we can say 132

30. Tell Jerablus Tahtani (Aleppo)

Fig. 5 Reconstruction of Early Bronze Age burial.

Fig. 6 Objects from an Early Bronze Age grave.

Fig. 7 Figurines from a grave-like facility.

4. Lower Space, an open area below and in front of the South Terrace, with structures and graves, including the exceptionally large T. 302.

same time, the interior of the fort was artificially raised by c. 2m and a new drainage system was presumably installed to replace the older drain, now blocked by the glacis. The fort possessed four other major components (Figs. 5, 6, and 7):

Some 70 graves were placed in the North Sector and the Lower Space. Individual and multiple burials occurred in a range of grave types: pits, cists, pithoi and chambers. Almost all belong to the late history of the Period IIB fort, a chronology that suggests the existence of cemeteries in the surrounding countryside in the earlier 3rd millennium BC. Detailed analysis of the fort burials indicates that people started to dispose of the dead inside the built up area shortly before the fort was abandoned, and that they continued to do so immediately after its desertion. Many graves were crowded with individuals and were poorly

1. South Sector inside the fort, with more formal mudbrick structures and no graves; 2. North Sector inside the fort, with stone-based walls and graves; 3. South Terrace extending for 12m beyond the south gate, with a c. 2.4m high stone revetment wall supporting a mudbrick superstructure curving parallel to the fort wall;

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Fig. 8 Tomb 302 beside the South Terrace.

constructed. One possible reason for this transformation was that the immediately adjacent plain was increasingly flooded. Evidence for such exceptional inundation events comes primarily from high water incursions in a monumental tomb incorporated into the southern gateway system. In any case, more graves were inserted on the mound after it was abandoned in the 23rd century BC, so the tell became a remembered place that served to anchor dispersed people (Fig. 8).

offerings of weaponry, figurines, and many pottery vessels including a jug placed in a handled pan like that in the Tell Ahmar hypogeum. Bibliography Peltenburg E. et al. 2015 Tell Jerablus Tahtani, Syria, I. Mortuary practices at an Early Bronze Age fort on the EuphratesRiver. Levant Supplementary Series 17. Oxford: Oxbow. Peltenburg,E, in press Carchemish in the 3rd millennium: a view from neighbouring Jerablus Tahtani, in T. J. Wilkinson, E. Peltenburg & E. Wilkinson (eds.) Carchemish in Context. The Land of Carchemish Project, 2006–2010.BANEA Publication Series 4. Oxford: Oxbow pp. 117-131. Peltenburg E. 1999 The living and the ancestors: Early Bronze Age mortuary practices at Jerablus Tahtani, in G. del Olmo Lete and J.-L. Montero Fenollós (eds.) Archaeology of the Upper Syrian Euphrates: The Tishrin Dam Area. Aula Orientalis-Supplementa 15.Barcelona: Editorial AUSA, pp. 427-442.

The monumental tomb just mentioned is above ground T. 302, with two stone-built chambers and an entrance passage flanked by walls in antis, all covered by a mound, at least 15 x 10m. It was attached to the walled staircase that led up to a gatehouse on the South Terrace. Persons in their daily lives and in ceremonies must have passed by the entrance to this public monument. Its construction coincided with a period of political centralization and urbanization in north Syria. Because of its unusual location by the elaborate gate, it represents the materialisation of an ideology to enhance the power of ascendant elites and ensure the reproduction of a dominant political order. The latter feature is demonstrated by the long and chequered history of the monument, and by the fact that up to 30 men, women and children were buried inside the main chamber. In a late phase, people honoured the long deceased with 134

31. Tell Al-Rawda (Hama) Corinne Castel (CNRS-Université Lyon 2, France)

Nazir Awad (DGAM, Syria)

The site is a low circular tell located in an enlargement of a valley bottom (Fig. 1). The Early Bronze Age IV levels show outcrop at the surface and are very little disturbed. It was then possible to conduct extensive excavations as well as soundings up to the virgin soil.

Tell Al-Rawda is situated on the edge of the inner Syrian desert, some 80km east of Hama. It is located in a steppic environment, today as it was the case in the 3rd millennium BC, beyond the limit of rainfed agriculture. This region is quite inhospitable, but the site is installed in a favourable environmental niche where agriculture is possible.

Tell Al-Rawda (16ha) appears as a fortified and circular settlement. It is densely constructed and associated with a necropolis which extends to the edge of the plateau which dominates the site to the west. The excavations were concentrated on the encircling rampart and two monumental gates (sectors 2a, 2b and 2c), domestic quarters (sectors 4, 5 and 6), a vast religious complex comprising two temples and a sacred enclosure partially built (sector 1, to the north-east of the city) and the neighbouring necropolis. A trench through the fortifications (sector 2c) has shown that the city was

Tell Al-Rawda was a ‘new city’ founded around 2500 BC and abandoned around 2200 BC (Early Bronze Age IV period) as shown by the pottery and the radiocarbon determinations calibrated through Bayesian analysis. The archaeological Franco-Syrian Mission has conducted excavations between 2002 and 2010 and a thorough regional survey (2 x 100km2) around the city, with a multi-disciplinary team.

Fig. 1 Aerial picture of Tell Al-Rawda (© Mission archéologique d’Al-Rawda ; O. Barge).

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Fig. 2 Geomagnetic map of Tell Al-Rawda after treatment of the image superimposed on satellite image (© Mission archéologique d’Al-Rawda; survey: S. Gondet and R. AlKhontar).

Fig. 3 Tell Al-Rawda: aerial picture of the main sanctuary (© Mission archéologique d’AlRawda; O. Barge).

protected by four lines of defence: a rampart, a forewall and two ditches. These different elements have functioned together and date to the foundation of the city, around 2500 BC. A dike has protected the tell towards the end of the occupation of the city, when the fortifications were no longer in use.

and a network of streets in star form (Fig. 2). The largest radial roads end at four, or more probably five, fortified city gates. The remarkable regularity of this plan indicates that Tell Al-Rawda was a new city built according to a preconceived geometric plan. The city was imagined before being built.

An exceptional geomagnetic map reveals a very regular urban fabric: the dense ordinary and monumental buildings are distributed around three concentric streets

At the end of the occupation of the site, the religious complex which has been entirely excavated, includes two temples (Figs. 3 and 4). One is a well-preserved 136

31. Tell Al-Rawda (Hama)

Fig. 4 Hypothetical reconstruction of the main sanctuary (© Mission archéologique d’AlRawda; Y. Ubelmann, C. Castel).

cists could be an indication of a mixed population, sedentary people and nomads. But the dichotomy between farmers on the one hand and herders on the other is not so marked as one may think.

‘temple in antis’ probably dedicated to the tutelary god of the city and built above two other ‘temples in antis’, the oldest lying directly on virgin soil. The other is smaller and built according to another plan. These two side-byside temples are fitted into the same sacred enclosure. This enclosure partially built extends for some 60m, in front of the temples. Several religious installations were revealed including a 3.2m long betyl (aniconic and anepigraphic standing stone) in situ and several basins in plaster. These are evidence of the importance of religious rites exterior to the temples proper during the second half of the 3rd millennium.

Indeed, apart from exchanges, the existence of Tell AlRawda depended upon a mixed agro-pastoral economy. Archaeobotanical data (in particular barley, but also vines, peas and olive trees), the probable presence of canals, the discovery of plots surrounded by low walls and of certain type of tools (swing plough heads) are evidence that agricultural activity occurred near the city, and that diversified farming was practised both dry and most probably irrigated. Sheep and goats predominated in the faunal assemblage but pigs and oxen are also attested, confirming that at least a part of the population lived year-round on the site.

The discovery of a jar containing ca. 300 beads in shell (from Mediterranean and Persian Gulf), semi-precious stone (lapis-lazuli, cornelian…) and faience and a few fragments of exotic rocks provide evidence that AlRawda was part of a long-distance exchange network.

Unexpectedly, during the Early Bronze IV, the arid steppe around the city presents a continuous archaeological landscape: habitation sites reflecting the diversity of settlement patterns and subsistence strategies, tombs, animal enclosures, man-made terraces and ponds... The town appears to have been a ‘central place’ within a hierarchical network of smaller habitation and other sites.

Another temple in antis has been detected to the southeast of the city on the geomagnetic map. The habitation quarters are organized in regular blocks of the same width along the streets. The sizes of the rooms are comparable, the plots regular, the houses aligned (Fig. 5). One of the fully excavated domestic houses in sector 4 is organized in the form of an ‘L’ around a courtyard. The discovery of a cylinder seal in situ is an indication of the relatively high status of the man who leaved in the house, even if the style of the cylinder is ‘provincial’. A large building, probably of secular nature, has been spotted south of the central part of the city. We may ignore its function and its extension.

But on a larger scale, the ancient city of Al-Rawda was also part of an urban network of other cities occupied at the same period and conceived according to the same radio-concentric model (Tell Sh’airat), or at least fortified and circular, without knowing whether they have the same radioconcentric organization of the street layout (Tell Es-Sour, Khirbet Al-Qasr, Qatna…). This network of contemporary cities was established in a regular manner along the ‘Very Long Wall’, a 220km wall discovered by the ‘Mission des Marges arides’,

In the necropolis 78 graves have been found. The coexistence of shaft tombs dug into the limestone and 137

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Fig. 5 Tell Al-Rawda: plan of Early Bronze IVB dwellings in sector 4, south-west of the tell (© Mission archéologique d’AlRawda).

Fig. 6 Hypothetical reconstruction of the whole city (© Mission archéologique d’Al-Rawda; Y. Ubelmann).

which could define the boundary of a political territory during this period.

played a key role in this urban expansion which seems to have taken the form of a controlled colonization. The exploitation of wool, which formed a major pillar of the Eblaite economy, was probably one of the main stimuli for taking over the marginal lands of this region at a time of nascent territorial states.

These discoveries indicate a wave of urbanization which occurred in central-west Syria, as far as Tell Al-Rawda to the east, in the mid 3rd millennium and that originated in a context of territorial conquest. Ebla could have 138

32. Tell Munbāqa (Raqqa) Dittmar Machule (Hamburg University of Technology/Hafen City University Hamburg, Germany)

Tall Munbāqa, an urban ruin with Early, Middle and Late Bronze Age levels, is situated on the left bank of the river Euphrates, the present Lake Assad, about 90km to the east of Aleppo (Fig. 1). This settlement was erected on a small elongated gravel knoll amidst the Euphrates valley. Teams of the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft (Berlin) and Syrian staff members have worked at the site from 1969 to 2010. We have excavated almost the complete urban architectural remains and rich inventories of a Late Bronze Age town named Ekalte.

fertile valley. Trade routes criss-crossed the prosperous farmland. In the 2nd millennium BC northern Syria lay within the sphere of interest of powerful neighbours: the Egyptians, the Hittites and the Assyrians. Only sparse information has so far emerged on the history and culture of this region. We know that the Egyptian kings of the 18th dynasty penetrated as far as the Euphrates, with their incursions culminating in Thutmosis’ 33rd campaign in 1458 (BC). In his inscriptions in Karnak, the Pharao proudly reports on the towns he had destroyed on the north bank of the Euphrates. Munbāqa/Ekalte also fell victim to this disaster.

The banks of the river in this area had already been populated by the Stone Age (8th millennium BC). During the Bronze Age (3rd and 2nd millennia BC) a series of fortified towns sprang up along the edge of this

The town, very strategically situated, has had an eventful history. The entire town was subjected to six periods of

Fig. 1 Overall Site Plan 2007 with accented results of the campaign 1999-2010 in the North Gate Area

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Fig. 2 Excavated houses, temple district near North gate (below) and clay tablet MBQ-T 77

Fig. 3 Floorplan of House A and terracotta moulded female figurines

renovation and rebuilding due to wars, earthquakes or other causes. It is still not clear why after one of these events, the town ramparts, which are made of gravel and even today stand 10m high in places, were erected above the 3m wide stone and clay-brick town walls. Tall Munbāqa/Ekalte with a dimension of 14ha has a core settlement, rather like

a city centre (Kuppe) of 2.18ha, which is surrounded by an inner neighbourhood (Innenstadt) and an urban area as extension of the town (Außenstadt). Due to 40 years of research at Munbāqa/Ekalte, sections of streets and alleys have now been excavated in nearly 140

32. Tell Munbāqa (Raqqa)

Fig. 4 Pottery and other inventory excavated in house M, rooms 12 and 13

all parts of the ruins. Five town gates, the town walls and ramparts, one entire district of the town and over 50 houses, with all their movable relics and interior fittings, have been documented. Four large temples have been examined, including an unparalleled and important temple district located on a most promising urban spot just opposite the city North Gate. A whole range of relics of an urban culture have been found providing evidence of architectural and urban development, ceramics, terracotta figures, bronze weapons, stone domestic utensils and jewellery made from molten glass, silver and gold (Fig. 2). But the most important sources of information on the town and the people are 86 clay tablets from private archives bearing cuneiform inscriptions and cylinder seal impressions. The clay tablets furnish information on the purchase and sale of fields, vineyards, houses, sheep and slaves, as well as details of wills, adoptions and financial transactions. They mention hitherto unknown kings and tell of strange customs, such as breaking the Hungu-bread or the salving of a table with oil. Some of the real estate transactions conducted by the richer Ekaltens involve town houses, whose remains we dug out some 3500 years later. We now know the names of nearly 1500 inhabitants of Ekalte. The townsfolk lived from trade, crafts, farming and the rearing of livestock.

Fig. 5 Little terracotta-made heads of men and a lion’s head application

The street network is arranged in hierarchy. There are main streets and side streets, both straight and curved. There are narrow lanes and narrow dead ends as well, 1m or less wide, and broad streets up to 7m wide, sometimes enlarging into open spaces reminiscent of public town squares. Lanes and streets are surfaced with dirt and gravel. Long small benches on one or both sides of lanes and streets are rather usual. Urban plots had different widths and lengths. Constructions are erected that do not abut immediate neighbours, or resemble rows of urban houses, without gaps in-between them, on both sides of the street. Urban plots could have been completely overbuilt with constructions of different sizes. Back to back alignment of different houses is a common feature.

When the town was founded whole groups of houses of different sizes had been built simultaneously. The oneand two-storey houses were erected with mudbrick walls with bases of stone and with timber roof constructions. They have base areas up to 100m2. The dwellings have a large central room from which two to six side-rooms lead off. The interior fittings of the main room are often similar, consisting of a low stone pedestal in the middle used as fireplace, in the front of which lay a clay-brick pedestal, an oven for baking bread, together with two low walls which ran in the form of a ‘U’ in front of a great stone block, creating the impression of some cult facility. The room also contained long seating benches 141

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites and a large stone vessel. A stone stairway led onto the flat roof that was probably used as a workshop or dormitory. There are other urban houses with different room layouts and some other furniture. Their fixtures and their movable household items, e.g. drains, stone troughs and kilns, differ from the majority of urban houses. They may have served in the processes of craft production, trade or warehousing: barn-like, slaughterhouse-like and storelike buildings. A bakery building, whose round oven is 4m in diameter, or a workshop for special terracotta figures that lies in the Außenstadt, represent these urban house forms. It was here that the typical naked female figures, their hands cupped under their breasts, were modelled. In no other comparable excavations have so many been found before. Their significance is unclear. Evidence of thriving craftsmanship is also provided by rounded, three-dimensional figures, expressive representations of both man and animal, and especially by the jewellery recovered. The most precious find is a 2.5kg silver hoard, the remnants bowl of some silversmith, which contained 511 silver and two gold pieces. Apart from sheet metal and wire, it also contained numerous rings, pins, pendants and two animal figures (Figs. 3-8).

Fig. 6 Terracotta-molded lute player and sitting God from the temple district

Tall Munbāqa/Ekalte is currently the best-researched settlement of the 2nd millennium BC in northern Syria. Bibliography Czichon R. M., Werner P. 2008. Ausgrabungen in Tall Munbaqa-Ekalte IV, Die bronzezeitliche Keramik (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft, WVDOG 118), Wiesbaden. Machule D., Blocher F. 2013. The Late Bronce Age in the Middle Euphrates Valley Region, in: Winfried Orthmann, Paolo Matthiae, Michel alMaqdissi (Eds.): Archéologie et Histoire de la Syrie I, Wiesbaden, pp. 357-374. Werner P. 1998. Tall Munbaqa. Bronzezeit in Syrien, Neumünster (attandant book of an exhibition).

Fig. 7 Man with ram attached to a cascet’s corner and a terracotta face mask

Fig. 8 Pieces of a goldsmith’s deposit contained in a 2,5 kilo silver hoard

142

33. Tell el-Abd (Raqqa) Uwe Finkbeiner (University of Tübingen , Germany)

In 1971-72 Adnan Bounni, at the time Director of excavations at the DGAM, started the first rescue excavations at Tell el-ΚAbd, Raqqa province, on the eastern bank of the Euphrates. The small finds and architectural remains dated to the Middle Bronze Age and to the Hellenistic era. With Dr. Bounni’s kind permission his archaeological work was resumed by a GermanSyrian mission under the direction of Uwe Finkbeiner, Tübingen University, from 1992 to 1994 (Fig. 1).

Stratigraphy and architecture In the course of those three campaigns the water level of the Lake Assad reservoir of the Euphrates rose more than 3m – meaning that the earlier levels at the north of the site, Area I, could only be explored at the beginning of the excavation. Nevertheless those earlier levels, as well as subsequent ones, are clearly visible. That applies especially to Area III, the residential area in the south, but also to Area II at the western edge of the tell.

Fig. 1 Tell el-ΚAbd. Overall Plan (after Finkbeiner 2015).

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Fig. 2 Tell el-ΚAbd. Overall plan af Area I (after Finkbeiner 2015).

Area II: At the western edge of the tell there prevailed special conditions created by erosion: the remains of private dwellings that were visible on the bank (Level II.5) and that could be dated to EME 1 were followed by a sequence of dwelling-house levels (Levels II.4-3) dating to EME 2. Later levels (Levels II.2 to II.1(?)) were too badly disturbed to allow a safe dating. Differing from Area I the surface area, though much disturbed, yielded finds from the Middle Bronze Age.

Area I (Fig. 2): In Level I.5 there were exposed parts of the palatial Building A and of the first town wall including a gate. They date to period EME 2, which corresponds to the first quarter of the 3rd millennium (Fig. 3). To the same period belong Level I.4, the later phase of Building A, and the reinforced town wall, which, in Level I.3, EME 3-4, is even more heavily protected by a glacis. Level I.3 also includes Building B (Fig. 4), the continuation of Building A, but with less strong walls and with altered orientation and ground plan. The complete complex was possibly abandoned in Level I.2, EME 5. 144

33. Tell el-Abd (Raqqa) was dug into the town wall at a time when the latter was no longer intact. An overall stratigraphy of the levels in Areas I, II and III may only be achieved typologically via the distribution of the ceramics into Horizons 1-5. The following chart relies also on C14 datings:

Fig. 3. Tell el-ΚAbdd, Area I. The stone wall is part of the earliest town wall with the north gate. In front, the massive reinforcements with mud-bricks.

Horizon

EME

absolute date

1

1

3000 - 2900

2

2

2900 - 2650

3

3

2650 - 2450

4

4-5

2450 - 2100

5

6

2100 - 2000

Ceramics: The ceramics published by P. Sconzo (Sconzo, Tell el-ΚAbd vol. II, 2013) come from the best preserved levels, which belong exclusively to the Early Bronze Age, EME 2-5. Later periods, such as the Middle Bronze Age and the 1st millennium, are represented by just a few samples (Finkbeiner, Tell el-ΚAbd vol. III, in preparation). It seems as if Tell el-ΚAbd was abandoned for about a thousand years, from 1700 BC to 700 BC. Small finds: The frequency of terracotta finds is striking, some anthropomorphic, others theriomorphic (Fig. 6), all dating to the 3rd millennium. Other objects typical of the period were mostly made of bronze, stone or bone, but there were also some cylinder sealings on ceramics and a jar stopper. The small finds will be part of volume III of the final publication, to appear in 2016. Fauna and flora: The results of the scientific investigations concerning the vegetation and fauna of the time reveal something of the diet in the first half of the 3rd millennium. It was mainly based on the cultivation of barley and the keeping of sheep and goats (ca. 70%; M. Doll and S. Riehl, in Finkbeiner in preparation). Cattle is also well represented (ca. 19%), although pigs are rather rare. The results of the archaeobotany and archaeozoology will also be included in volume III of the final publication. To conclude: Tell el-ΚAbd was obviously founded around 3000 BC, from the start according to a definite layout: in the north a large, palatial building, in the south a dwelling quarter, and a town wall encompassing both areas. The settlement had its peak in the first half of the 3rd millennium. Later it loses its supra-regional importance, probably to neighbouring Ekalte (modern Munbāqa), a place which continued as an important town on the Euphrates until the Late Bronze Age.

Fig. 4 Tell el-ΚAbdd. Area I. Building B, Levels I.4 and I.3 (on-site photograph).

Area III (Fig. 5): A residential area of ca. 400 m2 with ground plans of houses and the courses of streets was exposed; Levels III.4 – III.2 include several phases all belonging to period EME 2. Later pits make up Level III.1, period EME 3. Period EME 4 is represented by findings from the Syrian excavation and by a grave that 145

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Fig. 5 Tell el-ΚAbd. Plan of Area III (after Sconzo 2013).

Fig. 6 Tell el-ΚAbd. Female Terracotta figurine TA 92:040.

German Excavations at Tell el-‘Abd, Vol. III, in Finkbeiner, U. (ed.) (Altertumskunde des Vorderen Orients 16/3). Münster: Ugarit Verlag. Sconzo P. 2013. Pottery and Potmarks at an early urban settlement of the Middle Euphrates river valley, Syria. Final reports of the Syrian-German Excavations at Tell el-‛Abd, Vol. II, in Finkbeiner, U. (ed.) (Altertumskunde des Vordered Orients 16/2). Münster: Ugarit Verlag.

Bibliography Finkbeiner U. 2015. A Palace from the early 3rd millennium in Tell el-‛Abd (Province Raqqa), in Ciafardoni P. & Giannessi D. (eds.) The Treasures of Syria. Essays in Art and Archaeology in honour of Stefania Mazzoni. PIHANS 126, Leiden, 3-12. Finkbeiner U. (ed.) In prep. Small Objects and Environmental Studies. Final reports of the Syrian146

34. Tell Ali al-Hajj, Rumeilah (Aleppo) Kazuya Shimogama (The Ancient Orient Museum, Japan)

comparison with major neighbouring settlements in the region.

The Euphrates basin from the eastern Anatolian plateaux, crossing through the Syrian hills to the Mesopotamian lowlands, witnessed one of the greatest phases of human history ever since the Neolithic period. For millennia, many ancient settlements and cities along this long watercourse played an important role in transferring goods and people, leading to the making of the Syrian cultural milieu.

The first settlement here appeared around 2300 BC, when large urban settlements like Ebla and Mari were thriving in all corners of Syrian Jezirah. The urbanization process in the Early Bronze Age must have been closely linked to the genesis of Tell Ali al-Hajj. But the first stage of this sedentary village looked just like a small farmstead, where some families built mudbrick houses, living a simple life of cereal agriculture and stockbreeding. The first settlers shared some cultural ties with their ancestors who held the territory through generations and buried their dead in underground tombs, which were discovered near the site (Fig. 3). And they were also actively involved both with north-south riverine traffic and with east-west overland trade, as painted sherds from neighbouring regions and metal objects found from the site clearly show.

Tell Ali al-Hajj is one of such settlements (Fig. 1). This relatively small mound of less than 2ha is situated on the middle Euphrates in northwestern Syria, overlooking the river flowing north to south and hilly landscapes with rich agricultural fields of wheat and barley and rolling pastoral steppe. The excavations of this archaeological site in the late 1970s by the Ancient Orient Museum, Tokyo, revealed that the site was a unique long-lived multi-layered village or town from the Bronze to the Iron Ages (Fig. 2), although it is extremely small in scale in

Fig. 1 General view of Tell Ali al-Hajj, seen from the northeast.

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Fig. 2 Stratigraphic section of the main excavation trench.

Fig. 3 Early Bronze Age tomb No. 21 in the Rumeilah area.

Fig. 4. Excavated house structures of Level VI (Middle Bronze Age), seen from the south.

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34. Tell Ali al-Hajj, Rumeilah (Aleppo)

Fig. 5 Excavated room of Level VI, seen from the north.

Fig. 6 Clay house model (centre), pottery and stone objects.

Fig. 7 Painted pottery from the Middle Bronze Age levels.

In the following Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000-1600 BC), the village grew into a town with a defensive wall and well-organized and planned houses (Fig. 4). The houses are rectangular in shape and with more or less similar sizes, and seem to be grouped together so as to form a distinctive quarter demarcated by streets. Inside the rooms of these houses we found many quotidian facilities in situ, like ovens, silos, and platforms (as well as child burials), and daily tools including ceramic vessels, ground-stone mortars, clay figurines, ornaments, bronze and bone tools (Fig. 5). Stone and clay moulds for making bronze tools, a basalt potter’s wheel, and clay moulds for female figurines demonstrate that most of the crafts, pottery vessels, and even figurines, were produced in the settlement. Of particular note are clay fragments of miniature house models. A single set of these models was uncovered from each house during

the excavations, leading us to suggest that they were used as a sort of sanctuary embedded in a room corner of each household. The house models may symbolize a shrine-in-house, a place of religious activities for the inhabitants, together with many seemingly ritual objects (Fig. 6). Not only local cultural tradition, as seen on the house models, but economic interactions with the Levant can also be observed by means of the painted Levantine pottery imported from the west (Fig. 7). There was a long break of about 700 years after the sudden abandonment of the Middle Bronze Age fortified town in ca. 1600 BC. In the Middle Iron Age (ca. 900 BC), when the settlers built another town directly on top of the Bronze Age town, they were facing new political challenges. In particular they had to manage the Late Assyrian military threat from the east, and according

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites to known textual sources, the area including Tell Ali al-Hajj was conquered by the Assyrians by the middle of the 9th century BC. This historical event and the following Assyrian control are reflected in the pottery style uncovered from the site, where a growing number of pottery vessels display some cultural affinities with the Assyrian influence from the east. Nevertheless, the majority of the ceramics, including askoi, show the local ceramic tradition of the Euphrates basin area persisting from the earlier periods. In addition, a thick fortification wall was installed on this town in the Late Iron Age, suggesting renewed defensive needs. After the Iron Age town was abandoned, around the 6th century BC, the mound was never resettled again. While we encountered some Hellenistic pottery fragments, an Ayyubid coin, and relatively recent graves near the surface, showing faint traces of human activities on the site, it seems that the site and the surrounding area for the most part were sparsely occupied later than the Iron Age, except for the nearby hilltop fortresses of Jebel Khalid and Tell Mishrifeh, as well as Byzantine rock-cut tombs. Tell Ali al-Hajj was not a large city with great temples or royal palace, nor produced any cuneiform tablets and magnificent objet d’art, but still it provides us with so many important clues of how ancient life looked, and how history was made by unnamed people living along the banks of the great river. Bibliography Egami N., Masuda S. and Iwasaki T. 1979. Rumeilah and Mishrifat: Excavations of Hellenistic Sites in the Euphrates Basin 1971-1978. Preliminary Report of Archaeological Researches in Syria. Vol. I. Tokyo: The Ancient Orient Museum. Ishida K., Tsumura M., and Tsumoto H. (eds.) 2014. Excavations at Tell Ali al-Hajj, Rumeilah: a BronzeIron Age Settlement on Syrian Euphrates. Memoirs of the Ancient Orient Museum, Vol. IV. Tokyo: The Ancient Orient Museum.

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35. Mishrifeh / Qatna (Homs) Daniele Morandi Bonacossi (University of Udine, Italy)

occupied a central position in the city and surely had a public function, as is suggested also by its association with a pair of Old Syrian king statues portraying enthroned royal ancestors which were found in a pit next to it.

After the pioneering explorations conducted in the 1920s by Count du Mesnil du Buisson, recent work by the Syrian, German and Italian Missions at Mishrifeh has radically changed our understanding of the urban organization of the ancient city of Qatna during the Middle and Late Bronze Ages, the periods of greatest splendour and urban development of the city.

To the north of this building, at the foot of the acropolis central mound, a space for cultic activities was brought to light. The sacred area included a 6m deep favissa, where votive materials and food offerings were piously buried. In the layers filling this votive pit a group of late Middle Bronze Age jars and jugs were discovered (Fig. 2).

The transition between the Early Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age at Mishrifeh is marked by a radical change in the organization of its urban layout. The city probably acquired its characteristic quadrangular shape in the early 2nd millennium BC, as a result of the construction of a mighty system of defensive earthworks, equipped with four principal and possibly several additional gates giving access to the city and enclosing an area of 110ha (Fig. 1).

The presence on the upper town Qatna of a sacred area allows us to hypothesize that a temple existed in this sector of the acropolis. But where was this temple? A possible and most plausible candidate is the monumental building on the summit of the upper town. This public building controlled an adjacent extensive area devoted to large-scale pottery production with installations for clay preparation, such as settling and levigation tanks, and basins and underground canals supplying the water used

On the summit of the upper town a monumental building of (as yet) unknown function was built. Unfortunately it has survived in a very poor state of conservation, but

Fig. 1 Aerial view of Qatna.

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Fig. 2 Jars found in the favissa of Qatna’s sacred area.

Fig. 3 Plan of the Eastern Palace.

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Fig. 4 Aerial view of the Lower City Palace (bottom left), the Royal Palace (centre) and the Eastern Palace (top left) from the north.

room M, still not fully excavated. The central reception block was flanked by two lateral wings, the western of which probably also contained a stairwell (Room Y) which may well have housed a wooden staircase giving access to the reception suite itself from an upper story.

to work the clay, pottery working and drying surfaces and different kiln types. As from the Early Bronze Age-Middle Bronze Age transition, the northern plateau of the acropolis was occupied by a large intramural necropolis. In its northern part, the cemetery included a series of multiple burials in rock-cut shaft graves, distinguished by abundant luxury and ostentatious grave goods – comprising numerous vases, and several weapons and personal ornaments made of metal – which indicate that the individuals interred in what were probably ‘family vaults’ belonged to Qatna’s urban elite. The south-central part of the cemetery, on the contrary, was reserved for the burial in simple pits or in jars/cooking pots of individuals of middling to low social status.

The discovery, for the first time at Qatna, of a Middle Bronze Age monumental palace of Syrian type with clear links to other contemporary western Syrian palaces is of exceptional importance and indicates that this sector of Qatna’s upper town was already occupied by official architecture in the late Middle Bronze Age II A/early II B. The upper town of Qatna in the Middle Bronze Age was possibly fortified with a defensive wall, the foundations of which have been detected at its northern foot. A further crucial point in Qatna’s urban development was reached during the late Middle Bronze Age and early Late Bronze Age. By this time the city had already lost the political rank of capital of a vast and powerful territorial state that it had held during the early part of the Middle Bronze Age. And yet it was during this poorly known epoch that Qatna’s royal dynasty initiated a centralized programme of public and institutional building, which appears to have involved both the upper and lower cities. Significantly, during this period both official buildings of the Middle Bronze Age, the Eastern Palace and the public building on the acropolis summit – as well as the Middle Bronze Age necropolis – were abandoned. Roughly at the same time during the late

To the east of the necropolis and the sacred area, joint Syrian-Italian excavations have brought to light the Eastern Palace, a late Middle Bronze Age II A/early II B monumental building that possesses the typical asymmetrical plan and tripartite reception suite, which are amongst the most distinctive characteristics of the Middle Bronze Age Western Syrian palace architectural tradition (Fig. 3). The (still incomplete) layout of the northern palace sector is dominated by a large tripartite reception suite, which is distinguished by thick polished concrete floors, lime plastered walls, a central block consisting of a large vestibule AL and what probably was the actual reception 153

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 5 Plan of the Lower City Palace.

Middle Bronze Age II, the new imposing Royal Palace was erected. To the north of it at the foot of the upper city, the ‘Lower City Palace’ was built. This large building shows the typical hallmarks of 2nd-millennium Syrian palace architecture, consisting of the following features: an elongate layout with the absence of the huge courtyards typical of Mesopotamian architectural tradition which here are replaced by several small courtyards strategically placed within the building to provide ventilation and illumination; a characteristic ceremonial suite (Rooms D-F) and the general internal arrangement of the entrance, reception, domestic and service wings which clearly derive from previous inner Syrian Middle Bronze Age prototypes such as the Southern Palace at Ebla; the use of wooden columns on basalt bases, with basalt orthostats lining the doorways

Fig. 6 Ivory plaque from the Lower City Palace with limestone and rock crystal inlay.

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35. Mishrifeh / Qatna (Homs) of the entrance and ceremonial blocks and Minoan or Minoanizing fresco-technique wall paintings; and finally, the utilization of half-timbered construction, which is typical of quite a few 2nd-millennium Levantine palaces (Fig. 5). The palace contained valuable Middle Cypriot (Redon-Black and White Painted), Late Cypriot (White Slip II and Base Ring I-II) and Mycenaean (LH IIIA2) type pottery, imported from the eastern Mediterranean and Argolis (as neutron activation analysis shows), hundreds of pieces of ivory inlay and administrative documents such as seals, clay sealings, a small archive of cuneiform tablets, and other remarkable finds (Fig. 6). Roughly at the same time the Royal Palace was destroyed and the whole system of Late Bronze Age palaces at Qatna fell into disuse. Both the Lower City Palace and the Southern Palace, together with the reused Eastern Palace, were abandoned during the mid 14th century BC and Qatna left the scene of the Syrian political powers of the 2nd millennium BC. Bibliography Iamoni M. 2015. The Eastern Palace of Qatna and the Middle Bronze Age Architectural Tradition of Western Syria, in P. Pfälzner and M. Al-Maqdissi (eds.) Qatna and the Networks of Bronze Age Globalism, QatnaStudien Supplementa 2, Wiesbaden, 451-466. Morandi Bonacossi D. 2008. Excavations on the Acropolis of Mishrifeh, Operation J. A New Early Bronze Age III – Iron Age III Sequence for Central Inner Syria. Part 1: Stratigraphy, Chronology and Architecture, Akkadica 129/1, 55-127. Morandi Bonacossi D. 2011. The Middle Bronze Age Necropolis at Mishrifeh, in P. Pfälzner (ed.) Interdisziplinäre Studien zur Königsgruft von Qatna, Qatna-Studien 1, Wiesbaden, 11-37.

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36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs) Michel Al-Maqdissi (DGAM, Syria, Musée du Louvre, France and Université Saint-Joseph, Libanon)

Massoud Badawi (DGAM, Syria)

Mishirfeh-Qatna stands on the eastern edge of the Syrian Steppe (Badiyat al-Sham), about 18km northeast of the town of Homs (Emesa in the classical period). It was systematically excavated by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson during four campaigns (1924, 1927-1929) at the time of the French Mandate.

In 1994, a Syrian mission undertook excavations in various areas of the site. In 1999, a joint Syrian, Italian and German team undertook a program to re-excavate the royal palace located in the norther part of the Upper City (Acropolis). In 2004 three missions began to carry out a new program: a Syrian mission directed by the

Fig. 1 Mishirfeh, topographical map with the Syrian excavations areas represented by black circles (Italian team).

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36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs) author of this contribution, a Syrian-Italian mission codirected by D. Morandi-Bonacossi (University of Udine), and a Syrian-German mission codirected by P. Pfälzner (University of Tübingen). The Syrian mission from the Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums of Syria has done work in several areas of the site in order to provide a comprehensive review of the nature of the occupation of this metropolis of central Syria, and especially to make a new examination of work began by R. du Mesnil du Buisson. We concentrated on different soundings located on the western slope of the upper city, in the lower city, in the area of the Coupole de Loth, at the northern and western gates, and recently in the eastern and southwestern lower city (Fig. 1). We propose to develop in this brief presentation, the stratigraphic results obtained during this action.

Fig. 2 Mishirfeh, painted pottery from Area R (Early Bronze IV A) (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

Second half of the 3rd millennium BC

IX = 2600-2400 BC). This period was followed by two phases of architectural development dated in EB IV A (Mishirfeh VIII A = 2400-2200 BC) and EB IV B (Mishirfeh VIII B = 2200-2000 BC) associated with simple and painted pottery (Fig. 2). This evidence from the sounding, the results of the more extensive

Soundings made in Area R in the northern section of the courtyard of the throne room of the royal palace of Late Bronze Age uncovered a level marked by the presence of several silos hewn out of the rock and associated with ceramics from middle of the 3rd millennium (Mishifeh

Fig. 3 Mishirfeh, arial view with in the centre the circular Upper City (DGAM).

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Fig. 4 Mishirfeh, small temple from Area T (Eva Zeidan).

tests made in Area J and those of the surface of the upper city all indicate that the initial occupation and first phase of urbanization took place at the site of the present-day upper city and that the town was organized around a circular plan (Fig. 3) identical to those of other settlements on the edge of the Syrian Steppe in particular in Tell Sh‘eirat and Tell es-Sour.

stratigraphic sequence covering the first half of the 2nd millennium BC associated with a large building (eastern palace), a small temple (Fig. 4), residential structures (Fig. 5), a street, and individual graves (Fig. 6). Archaeological material included tablets, various types of pottery, human and animal figurines terracotta (Fig. 7).

First half of 2nd millennium BC

Second half of 2nd millennium BC

Excavations have not yielded much evidence from the Middle Bronze Age (Mishirfeh VII-VI = 2000-1600 BC). Works on the surface and soundings in the areas of the northern and western gates show that the site underwent a period of redefinition upon the arrival of the Amorite population in the first century of the 2nd millennium BC. This phase of urbanization gave the city its present form: a big square ground plan of about 100ha, a high city centre, and four main gates facing the four cardinal directions.

The Late Bronze Age (Mishirfeh V-IV) involved a phase of intense urbanization. Excavations in Area C revealed a small palace to the south of royal palace. Archaeological analyses have given us a clear idea of the organization of the most important part of the city, which focused around a royal palace that was in turn surrounded by several smaller palaces having different functions: the residential south palace, the residential east palace, and the northern palace (Figs. 8, 9) which housed the high official who controlled the north gate.

Excavations in Area C show up a relatively large edifice with stone walls and floors made of beaten earth and pebbles reminiscent of the architecture of Tell MardikhEbla. The pottery found there enabled the elaboration of a stratigraphy extending from the Middle Bronze Age I to the Late Bronze Age I. The soundings in Area R confirm this evidence, despite the poor state of preservation of the remains.

In this context the excavations conducted in 2011 in the western gate (Area E) confirm the presence of a phase dated in Late Bronze I (Mishirfeh V = 1600-1350 BC), directly related to the royal palace, which leads us to assign to this gate (Porte royale) an important character in relationship to the palatial area. Around 1340 BC, most of the city structures were destroyed by fire due to the destruction wreaked after the invasion of the Hittite king Suppulilliuma II. The Late Bronze Age II (Mishirfeh IV = 1350-1200 BC) is revealed

However, examination of the accumulation of different levels in Area T has revealed the presence of a complete 158

36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs) by a secondary occupation marked by a reoccupation of the royal palace and the currently two areas occupied by domestic structures especially on the western slope of the Coupole de Loth (Area Q). First half of 1st millennium BC Occupation resumed in the Iron Age II (Mishirfeh III = 900-720 BC) after a period of hiatus that marks the Iron Age I (1200-900 BC). Structures from Aramaean period were brought to light in the excavations on the upper city (Acropolis) and the lower city, which revealed a variety of architectural vestiges. Examinations of surface excavations in Area C have uncovered a palace complex composed of a main building (Fig. 10) and sizable constructions to the north separated by a small religious monument. The palace has a rectangular ground plan laid around a long courtyard, with an entrance to the west and several storage rooms. Its location on the western slope, facing the northern gate, gives it prominence. This architectural ensemble is comparable to the palace complex at Hama, which consists of several juxtaposed buildings. In Area O at the foot of the eastern slope of the site, we found a block of structures dominated by an industrial building (Figs. 11, 12). This building was probably a commercial winepress, with areas for the preparation and pressing of grapes, as well as specialized structures and rooms for the storage of large jars of wine. In addition, we found in special rooms in the building a weaving workshop, special kilns and shops. Fig. 5 Mishirfeh, residential structures from Area T (Eva Zeidan).

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The presence of this type of industry suggests that the Aramean city supported a number of industrial activities, resulting in products intended for both the local market and exportation.

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Fig. 6. Mishirfeh, individual tomb from Area T (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

Fig. 7 Mishirfeh, human figurine terracotta from Area T (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

Fig. 8 Mishirfeh, northern palace in Area C (Nisrin Bouza and Noumer Chahin).

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36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs)

Fig. 9 Mishirfeh, northern palace in Area C (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

The excavation in the Area S located in the southwestern lower city in 2011 gives us a clear idea of a neighbourhood with houses and streets (Fig. 13). Generally, the style of Aramaic house is shaped around a small courtyard with side entrance. It has small rooms with walls of mudbrick and stone foundation. The pottery includes simple vases, pots, Aramean storage jars, and cups and bowls of ‘red slip’ ware.

Fig. 10 Mishirfeh, Aramean palace in Area C (Nisrin Bouza).

In several places levels of collapsed architecture indicate violent destruction, in some cases associated with fire. These remains are evidence of the triumphant passage of the neo-Assyrian king Sargon II, who annexed the entire region after the fall of the kingdom of Hama in 720 BC. Last occupation of the site The last occupation of the site was in the Iron Age III (Mishirfeh II = 550333 BC). This phase is indicated by only a few walls forming part of a domestic construction and associated with the pebble floor in Area C. There we discovered some potsherds of local production and fragments of attic ceramics imported from the Aegean Sea. 161

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Fig. 11 Mishirfeh, Aramean building in Area O (Dima Chahin and Eva Zeidan).

Fig. 12 Mishirfeh, Aramean building in Area O (Olivier Barge).

Fig. 13 Mishirfeh, Aramean houses in Area S (Ousama Ayyache).

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37. Tell Mastuma (Idlib) Hidetoshi Tsumoto (The Ancient Orient Museum, Japan)

by The Ancient Orient Museum, Tokyo were carried out between 1980 to 1988 (every 2 years) at the North Trench to confirm the stratigraphic sequences, and then between 1993 to 1995 on the top of the tell to investigate the structure of the Iron Age settlement (Fig. 3). These later excavations offered a rare opportunity to illustrate a small settlement from Iron Age Syria. The final excavation report was published in 2009.

Tell Mastuma (Fig. 1) is located on the road from Idlib to Latakia in northwest Syria. The surroundings are nowadays one of the richest orchard areas in Syria, and the tell is located right on the border between the grain producing area on the plain and the orchard on the rocky hilly terrain. The famous sites of Tell Mardikh (Ancient Ebla) and Tell Afis (Ancient Hazrak) are located some 15km (a day’s journey on foot) to the east of Tell Mastuma. The rise and fall of these Bronze and Iron Age regional centres must have affected the relatively small settlement on the Tell Mastuma itself.

The first settlement at Tell Mastuma goes back to the early 6th millennium BC (Neolithic period), as is shown from the results of the southernmost soundings in Square 15Gc, however no traces of Neolithic period have been found in the North Trench so far. The inhabitants settled down the low natural hill facing south near a spring (now dried up).

The mound of Tell Mastuma is some 200m in diameter and rises 18m above the surrounding field (Fig. 2). The hilltop is 478.5m.a.s.l. It is located at the northern end of today’s Mastuma village, which dates back to the Roman/ Byzantine period. The terrace on the flank around the tell (except to the south) was not original but was formed recently to plant olive trees. The excavations

Tell Mastuma was reoccupied probably just after 3000 BC, as shown also in Square 15Gc, but this settlement

Fig. 1 Tell Mastuma on the road from Idlib to Latakia in northwest Syria.

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Fig. 2 Topographical map of Tell Mastuma (showing Iron Age remains).

Fig. 3 Aerial view of Iron Age levels at Tell Mastuma.

was soon abandoned. The first prosperous period of the occupation at Tell Mastuma was the Early Bronze IV period (last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC). More than 11m thick accumulations of layers of this period from the North Trench show frequent building activity. Carbonized olive seeds found in Strata IX and VIII indicate that olive plantation was the main livelihood of this settlement, much as it is today. Metallurgy was also carried out. This settlement belonged most probably to the Ebla kingdom, whose capital was placed at Tell Mardikh. This settlement reduced its size radically in the following Middle Bronze Age (2000-1600 BC), and then was totally abandoned.

Settlers returned to Tell Mastuma sometime in the early 9th century BC (Iron Age). These first settlers seem to have built their houses in a circular position on the top of the mound, and then they expanded their occupation. Sometime around 800 BC, the settlement of some 1ha area was densely occupied, and it had a semicircular road and central avenue with several squares, as if it was built in accordance with some sense of urban planning (Fig. 4). At the southerly centre of the settlement, a remarkably large building was built, which functioned probably as a temple or the residence of a ruler. The main activities of the inhabitants were perhaps wine making and textile (wool) manufacture, because carbonized grape seeds 164

37. Tell Mastuma (Idlib)

Fig. 4 Reconstructed illustration of Iron Age settlement at Tell Mastuma (800 BC).

(female goddess and horsemen) suggest that this station functioned also as a religious (cultic) centre. This station was abandoned in the late Achaemenid period and from then on the tell was never re-occupied.

and huge numbers of spindle-whorls, loom weights, and bone spatula were found. Also installations with plastered basins were perhaps used for juice extraction from grapes. Other finds have included iron implements (arrowheads, sickles and knives), stamp- and cylinder seals, a game-board made of stone, stone vessels, and many large jars that may have contained wine, grain or oil. A faience statuette and painted ceramics indicate contacts with foreign lands, such as Phoenicia, Egypt or Greece (Fig. 5).

Bibliography Iwasaki T., Wakita Sh., Ishida K. and Wada H. (eds.) 2009. Tell Mastuma: An Iron Age Settlement in Northwest Syria. Memoirs of the Ancient Orient Museum, Vol. III. Tokyo: The Ancient Orient Museum. Nishiyama Sh. 2012. A local temple in the Iron Age village? Reassessing a building complex at Tell Mastuma in the Northern Levant. Orient XLVII: 91124. Wakita Sh., Wada H. and Nishiyama Sh. 2001. Tell Mastuma: Change in settlement plans and historical context during the first quarter of the first Millennium B.C, in G. Bunnens (ed.) Essays on Syria in the Iron Age. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement 7, 537-557. Louvain: Peeters Press.

At that time, this area of northwest Syria belonged to the territory of the Hamath kingdom, one of the neoHittite or Aramaic dynasties whose capital city was first at Hamath (today’s Hama), and then Hazrak (Tell Afis). ‘Aštammaku’, a ‘royal city’ of the Hamath kingdom mentioned in the Assyrian chronicle, can be identified with Tell Mastuma from the similarity of its name, although some scholars are sceptical of this identification. The Hamath kingdom was invaded and at last annexed by the Assyrians in the late 8th century. With its independence gone the prosperity of the settlement at Tell Mastuma was irrecoverably lost: it reduced its size gradually and was totally abandoned in the early 7th century. Under the rule of the Achaemenid Persian Empire (64th centuries BC), a few buildings were constructed on the mound of Tell Mastuma. It was not a settlement but perhaps a post-station on a road. Imported Greek pottery and glass vessels were used by travelling or stationed officials. Large numbers of terracotta figurines 165

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Iron Ax-adze

“Hamath Style” pottery

Iron sickle

Pottery shard with aramaic inscription

Imported pottery from Greece

Sipndle whorl

Bone spatula 10 cm

0

“Cult stand”

0

5cm

Egyptian faience statuette

Basalt bowl

Stone Game Board

0

Bronze pin

20cm

B

B’

Plastered basin

Floor

476m

475m

Jar

Juice Extraction installation

474m

A

2m

11H

c 11

Hd

A’

Main Finds from Iron Age Level of Tell Mastuma Fig. 5 Iron Age finds from Tell Mastuma.

166

476m

0

475m

50cm

B’

Jar

Balk

Large Jar 0

Plastered basin

Destruction by Pit

B

A

A’

38. Tell Sakka (Damascus) Ahmad Taraqji (DGAM, Syria)

Tell Sakka is one of a series of archaeological sites in the Damascus Ghouta region, located about 20km south-east of Damascus. This tell faced attack on several occasions, as evidenced by the destruction to certain key sections of it, but this does not detract from its archaeological and historical importance.

1). The archaeological excavations were undertaken from 1989 to 2012, by a national team, and have resulted in the discovery of five archaeological levels so far: The first level included Muslim graves from the Mamluki and Ottoman periods. However, there is no evidence of the names of the deceased. They are simple graves, some built of adobe, and mostly a plain hole dug in the earth.

The name of the Tell comes from the small village next to it, which is about 5km from Damascus airport, and mentioned by some pilgrims and Arab historians in the 12th and 13th centuries. In the 6th century the village contained a Jacobite monastery known as the monastery of Saint Paul, the word Sakka has an Aramaic origin.

The second level contained only graves of the classic periods (Seleucid, Roman, and Byzantine) from 300 BC to the 6th century AD. Many simple ornaments, pottery and metallic tools were recovered. The third level belongs to the late bronze age (16001300 BC). A group of simple houses built from adobe

The geographical location of the Tell is within the fertile agricultural area which makes it a significant site (Fig.

Fig. 1 Tell Saka from the east.

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Fig. 2 House from Level 3.

Fig. 3 Mud weights for looms from Level 3.

Fig. 4 ‘Prince’ wearing an Osiris headdress.

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38. Tell Sakka (Damascus) – presumably homes for farmers engaged in some industrial production inside their homes, such as sewing and weaving; evidence of pottery as well as grazing has been uncovered. The homes consisted of small rooms (4 × 4m), with an open space, or two rooms with an open space, usually tiled with stone. The thickness of the walls does not exceed 60 cm and were without any ornamentation or decorative elements. It is evident that the site was linked commercially or administratively with Egypt during this time (Figs. 2, 3).

protected by a mud case, was found that showed a judicial text that refers to a judgment against a landlord who failed to pay his taxes because he was travelling. This document, no doubt, was written at the same site it was recovered from (Fig. 8). The fifth level belongs to the first Middle Bronze age (2000-1800 BC), where one tomb was discovered under the floor of a room. The tomb contained the skeletons of two women and a child in a fetal position, and the grave contained a group of pottery objects.

The fourth level belongs to the second Middle Bronze age period (1800-1600 BC), and is the most important level at the site. A large building of particular importance, consisting of rooms and courtyards with thick walls, was constructed of mudbricks, ranging from 140-180cm in thickness. The floors reflected the use of high-standard technology, incorporating a sewage system. The walls of the building had an interior layer of plaster, featuring frescoes of geometric motifs, some in polychrome. In addition a huge pottery jar (used for grain storage) was recovered. The walls of this large building clearly mirror the original orthogonal form (Fig. 4). The entrance rooms always include basalt sills, similar to Amorite architecture at Mari or Alalakh & Qatna, and it would seem that this building formed part of an important complex.

Fig. 5 Services section from Level 4.

It is clear that this ‘palace’ was destroyed during an invasion or military attack and its walls vandalized and then razed. This is evidenced by the remains of wall decoration found scattered over the floor (Fig. 5). Murals represented in Tell Sakka deal with the daily life of the ruling class, in addition to mythological or religious scenes (Fig. 6). Perhaps the most important discovery found above floor level in the rooms in this building was a small clay tablet (4 x 4cm) featuring a ‘royal’ letter addressed to the king of Damascus (Fig. 7). Moreover, in the 2010 season, another tablet (4.5 x 9.5cm),

Fig. 6 Uncovered sections of the ‘palace’ in Level 4.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites The importance of Tell Saka comes from its location as a linking point on the trade route directly connecting the central Euphrates, Palestine and the Nile Valley, through Ghouta and across the Syrian Desert. The discovery of cuneiform texts may include Damascus in the world of cuneiform texts. Cuneiform texts were initially only found in the Damascus area in particular and the Syrian south in general. Their presence, as well as other archaeological finds and wall paintings, and their cultural interpretations, help close the large gap in Syrian history during the 2nd millennium BC. At this time Damascus was known by the name APUm, according to the Mari texts, through its relationship with the rest of the Amorite kingdoms scattered throughout the Levant. We expect that this site will reveal further surprises in the future and improve our knowledge of the history of Damascus in the 2nd millennium BC.

Fig. 7 Text discovered in 2008.

Fig. 8 Text discovered in 2010.

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39. Tell Iris (Lattakia) Antoine Suleiman (DGAM, Syria)

Michel Al-Maqdissi (DGAM, Syria, Musée du Louvre, France and Université Saint-Joseph, Libanon)

Tell Iris is located in the middle of the fertile plain of Jableh, 5km east of the city of Jableh and 2km to the south west of Tell Sianu. The site forms a nearly circular plan (250m in diameter) with an elevation that reaches almost 15m above the surrounding plain (Fig. 1).

The Bronze Age IV (= Iris X) finds include some pottery associated with floors and mudbrick elements. The beginning of the 2nd millennium BC (= Iris IX) is linked with the foundation walls of domestic structures accompanied sometimes with graves and simple or painted pottery vessels (Fig. 3).

The General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums, under the joint direction of Antoine Souleiman and Michel Al-Maqdissi, conducted five seasons of excavations (2003-2007) in order to establish the stratigraphic sequence and study the nature of the development of a local agglomeration in the orbit of Tell Sianu, south of the kingdom of Ugarit.

The collective grave (Fig. 2) of Middle Bronze II B (= Iris VIII B) provides rich information on an important aspect of the burial customs on the plain of Jableh in the 2nd millennium BC. This grave carved into the rock, consists of a vertical shaft leading to a burial chamber measuring approximately 2.1m long (east-west), 1.5m wide (north-south) and about 1.5m high (Fig. 4). It was covered by three stone blocks

The oldest level of occupation (= Iris XI), dated to the late 4th millennium BC or beginning of the 3rd millennium BC, is directly established on the bedrock.

Fig. 1 Tell Iris: aerial view.

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Fig. 2 Tell Iris: collective grave of Middle Bronze Ages II B.

Fig. 3 Tell Iris: painted jug of Middle Bronze Age I.

placed horizontally. This chamber contains two successive deposits of multiple burials, the oldest rests directly on the rock and has 12 partially preserved skeletons. The material found in the burial chamber includes pottery (jars, bowls, bottles, jugs) (Figs. 5, 6), small stone flasks, a basalt tripod, semiprecious beads, bone objects (small tablets, incised needles, comb fragment) (Fig. 7), as well as metal objects, including a bronze pin.

Fig. 4 Tell Iris: plan of the burial chamber of collective grave of Middle Bronze Age II B (Rudaina Harfouche).

The next phase marks a new organization shown by architectural elements that follow the topography of the site and associated with several successive floors. The structures of this level date back to the Late Bronze Age I (= Iris VII A).

Fig. 5 Tell Iris: burnished juglets from the collective grave.

The Late Bronze Age II ( = Iris VII B) is characterized by a large building consisting of seven rooms that form a facade erected on the edge of the site (Fig. 8). Ceramics collected on the floor include various types of local simple and painted pottery (monochrome and bichrome) (Fig. 9) associated with Cypriot production.

During the 8th century BC some architectural structures begin to appear (= Iris VI). The material collected in the stratigraphic layers confirms that this is a domestic occupation of Iron II B and associated with local pottery, various types of Red Slip and Red-on-Black production.

The Late Bronze level is marked by considerable destruction in the layers linked to extensive invasions by the ‘Sea Peoples’. This event left traces on all the structures of area A and it was followed by an hiatus of several centuries. 172

39. Tell Iris (Lattakia)

Fig. 6 Tell Iris: jar from the collective grave.

Fig. 9 Tell Iris: jug from Late Bronze Age II. Fig. 7 Tell Iris: incised bone tablets from the collective grave.

The following levels excavated on the surface of the site are very disturbed by recent farm work: Hellenistic levels (= Iris IV) is characterized by simple domestic architecture combined (2nd century BC) with pottery fragments of eastern terra sigillata and stamped handles of Rhodian amphorae. Byzantine levels (= Iris III) contains domestic structures and tannours associated with fragments of eastern sigillata (African Red Slip), and finally the Mamluk levels (= Iris II) are characterized by simple domestic structures associated with wells, silos and sgraffito glazed ceramics. Bibliography Al-Maqdissi M. and Souleimann A. Tell Iris, Le royaume d’Ougarit, aux origines de l’alphabet, G. Galliano et Y. Calvet (eds.) Lyon, 2004, p. 64. Al-Maqdissi M. The Development of Trade Routes in the Early Second Millennium B.C., Beyond Babylon, Art, Trade, and Diplomacy in the Second Millennium B.C., J. Aruz, K. Benzel and J. Evans (eds.) New York, 2008, p. 42-44. Saadé G. Note sur les tells archéologiques du royaume ougaritien, Syria 67, 1990, p. 195-199.

Fig. 8 Tel Iris: large building from the Late Bronze Age II.

The next phase dating from Iron III (= Iris V) has revealed a large building at the top of the site. The presence on the floor of a column base belonging to the Achaemenid tradition indicated the presence of an important monument. 173

40. Tell Toueini (Lattakia) Michel Al-Maqdissi (DGAM, Syria, Musée du Louvre, France and Université Saint-Joseph, Libanon)

Massoud Badawi (DGAM, Syria)

Eva Ishaq (DGAM, Syria and University of Warsaw, Poland)

Tell Toueini is located near the modern city of Jebleh, which lies on the Syrian coast 28km south of Lattakia and roughly 35km from the ancient city of Ugarit. Since 1999 a joint Syrian-Belgian mission has conducted several seasons of archaeological excavations, and much historical research on the site has been undertaken by Michel Al-Maqdissi and Massoud Badawi from the Direction Générale des Antiquitéset des Musées in Syria and Karel Van Lerberghe and Joachim Bretschneider from the KatholiekeUniversiteit Leuven.

Three areas were excavated during the archaeological fieldwork. The first (A) under the responsibility of the Belgian team is almost at the centre of the site, the second (B) under the responsibility of the Syrian team is located in the western part, and some limited work was done by the Belgian team in the third area (C) on the eastern border. Tell Toueini was an active and effective harbour during different periods. We know several important commercial exchanges of imports that came from Cyprus and the Aegean dated from the Middle Bronze to the late Iron Age. Geomorphologic studies have shown that this port is located in the western part of the site, and may be linked with the port city of Gabala near Tell Mouseitbeh.

The site reflects its triangular shape with a length of approximately 400m, and we can estimate about a width of 290m (with a surface area of c. 11ha). It rises about 15 to 20m from the surrounding agricultural region (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1 Tell Toueini: aerial view (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

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Fig. 2 Tell Toueini: pottery from Early Bronze Age IV (Samar Al-Zalf).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites After ten seasons of work, we can confirm that Tell Toueini was inhabited from the middle of the 3rd millennium BC and continued until the Byzantine period. The first occupation of the site dates from the Bronze Age III (= Toueini XI). The pottery found includes homogeneous types, including bowls, jugs and small jars. The surface of this material is usually fine and polished. The first urbanization of Tell Toueini began in the Early Bronze Age IV (= Toueini X) with a sequence of two main architectural levels (A and B), including construction. The pottery is characterized mainly by large combed jars with flat bases (Fig. 2). A large stone silo from the late 3rd millennium BC (fig. 3) was reused for funerary purposes. The remains of a ‘warrior burial’ date back to the end of Middle Bronze I (= Toueini IX A) and were found with a fenestrated Canaanite bronze duck-bill axe head and Levantine painted jug. During the Later Middle Bronze Age II (= Toueini IX B), the Belgian team of the mission discovered a group of houses associated with a collective tomb built of stone consisting of an entrance and funerary room. In the Late Bronze Age (= Toueini VIII), the site was part of the Kingdom of Ugarit and is mentioned as Gibala (?) in the treaty between the Hittite king Muršili II and Niqmepa, king of Ugarit. Gibala was the southern harbour of the Ugarit Kingdom, close to the border with the Kingdom of Sianu. Excavations revealed residential units linked with workshops similar to those discovered in the costal sites (e.g. Tell Sukas and Tell Kazel). Material culture finds of the Late Bronze Age (= Toueini VIII B) can be compared to those found in Ugarit, including many types of local pottery and special imports from all over the eastern Mediterranean: Cyprus White Slip II ware and Late Helladic ceramics. The careful study of pottery from the end of the Late Bronze Age (Late Helladic III C) confirms the existence of settlements at the site even after the incursions of the ‘Sea Peoples’ (around 1175 BC). Because of this, we confirm that the level dated to Iron Age I lies directly above the layer of ashes representing this destruction. What is observed in the earliest Iron Age I (= Toueini VII A) level of the 12th century BC is the presence of new buildings built on ruins of the Late Bronze Age town. In the two areas A and B, the study of the ceramics shows local types without any finds of imports, except for some regional imitations of Mycenaean pottery (Myc. IIIC 1). Fig. 3 Tell Toueini: stone silo from late 3rd millennium BC (Fayez Ayyache).

We note that the work conducted at the western border of area (B) has delivered a small cultic building. This

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Fig. 4 Tell Toueini: temple from Iron Age I (Siham Ibrahim).

Fig. 5 Tell Toueini: urban organization of the city in Iron Age II/III (Belgian Mission).

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Fig. 6 Tell Toueini: sanctuary of Iron Age III (Michel Al-Maqdissi and Rami Yassine).

temple has a simple rectangular plan and consists of a main room (cella) and a small sacristy at the rear with two lateral accesses (Fig. 4). In the main room a special altar made from clay was placed on the floor and associated with several miniature vases, fragments of basalt and one anthropomorphic beak from a jug. The general design of this temple is very similar to the design of the traditional Syrian temples and the nearest example exists in the Meskene/Emarin Late Bronze Age II. During the second half of Iron Age I and the beginning of Iron Age II (= Toueini VI), a new phase of urbanization with public buildings appeared in area A. The foundations of a larger (sometimes rectangular) building with several rooms were uncovered in area A. The final occupation phase is marked by destruction caused by fire leaving the inventories of the rooms in situ. Excavations and a geomagnetic survey revealed the well-preserved plan of the city during the Iron Age II/III (c. 950-400 BC). This new urban plan includes a ‘ring road’ linked with a straight road (via sacra), probably linking the eastern gate with the western quarter and the main sanctuary (Fig. 5). By the end of the 8th century BC, the central area is marked by domestic architecture associated with olive oil production, suggesting an industrial character. This industrial development stopped when the Syrian coast fell under Assyrian control. In the Iron Age III (= Toueini V) levels, a new phase began with domestic quarters associated with a large sanctuary in the western section. This monument is a major religious sanctuary dating back to the Late Phoenician period. The central building has two rooms, first represented by a cella, and the second an anticella with a large courtyard (Fig. 6). The cella was a

Fig. 7 Tell Toueini: female plaque figurine terracotta from Iron Age II/III (Eva Ishaq).

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40. Tell Toueini (Lattakia) –– Female plaque, plain or with outstretched hands (Fig. 7). –– Human and animal heads. –– Legs with special characteristics: amulet or moving leg (Fig. 8). –– Molded terracotta female figurine of a naked woman, made from double molds; associated hands and legs were added to the body using a special technique to allow them to move (Fig. 9). –– ‘Persian Riders’ (Fig. 10). At the beginning of the Hellenistic period (= Toueini IV) the site changed and domestic structures began a rapid decline; at the same time we find simple remains such as individual graves and dispersed pits. Tell Toueini experienced a period marked by very short occupation. Probably the population moved south to the city of Gabala founded at that time by the Seleucid. After an hiatus of several centuries, a Byzantine (= Toueini II) farm appears; this was excavated including (Fig. 11) a house, olive press, external courtyard, pit, and a collective grave. In this period the site became an agricultural area, similar to the majority of other sites around the city of Gabala, which was a great urban centre.

Fig. 8 Tell Toueini: terracotta figurine with moving legs from Iron Age III (Eva Ishaq).

rectangular space with stone slabs on the floor, probably for offering animals to the gods. In the courtyard we found a water well and a basin, to purify worshippers before entering the sacred places. The archeological material related to these levels includes a flat stone seal, stone vases and a varied series of terracotta figurines of the following types:

We can say that during the Islamic period settlement was very rare at the site and there is no significant level that reflects this, however some bronze coins and pottery sherds were recovered from the surface of the site.

Fig. 9 Tell Toueini: molded female figurine terracotta from Iron Age III (Eva Ishaq).

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Fig. 10 Tell Toueini: ‘Persian Riders’ terracotta figurine from Iron Age III (Eva Ishaq).

Fig. 11 Tell Toueini: isometric view of Byzantine farm (Michel Al-Maqdissi and Fayez Ayyache).

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41. Tell Sianu (Lattakia) Michel Al-Maqdissi (DGAM, Syria, Musée du Louvre, France and Université Saint-Joseph, Lebanon)

BC) of a large administrative building (Fig. 2) with walls of mudbrick and stone foundations. The archaeological material includes combed jars (Figs. 3, 4), polished jugs, cups and the print of a flat seal with an administration character (Fig. 5).

The archaeological works carried out since 1990 at Tell Sianu (Fig. 1), located on the Syrian coast on the Jable Plain, 35km south of Ugarit (Ras Shamra), by a Syrian archaeological mission of the Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums of Syria (successive direction Adnan Bounni and Michel Al-Maqdisi) have produced important data to trace the history of the occupation of the coastal plain of the northern Levant in the Bronze and Iron Ages.

This building belongs to an architectural tradition almost limited to the eastern coast of the Mediterranean, particularly attested in Tell Arqa (plain of Akkar), at Jbeil (Byblos), Sidon, and even characterized by the use of massive pilasters to develop a special roof.

The stratigraphic sounding in Area B down to virgin soil reveals that the first occupation of the site, characterized by a single phase of domestic architecture (stone foundation) is placed in the 4th millennium BC (= Sianu XII). As against the real development of the occupation, which begins in the Bronze Age III (= Sianu XI) (26002400 BC). Archaeological excavations have revealed a superposition of important structures and especially the presence in the Bronze Age IV A (= Sianu X) (2400-2250

In the various soundings conducted at the top of the tell there is a direct connection from the Bronze Age IV A to an occupation of the 2nd millennium BC, which leads us to propose the existence of a phase reflecting the decline in occupation of the whole of the Early Bronze Age IV B (2250-2000 BC). This phenomenon is also attested to at other sites (Tell Sukas and Tell Toueni).

Fig. 1 Tell Sianu: aerial view.

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Fig. 2 Tell Sianu: administration building (Early Bronze Age IV A).

Figs. 3, 4 Tell Sianu: combed jar (Early Bronze Age IV A).

The remains preserved from the 2nd millennium BC are few because they were largely destroyed during the subsequent occupation of the site in the 1st millennium BC.

During the Late Bronze Age (= Sianu VII) the texts found in Ugarit and Tell el-Amarna in Egypt indicate that the city of Sianu (Fig. 7) was the centre of a kingdom located between those of Ugarit and Amurrru, which played an important role in the geo-political context of the Syrian coast.

The excavations in extension have revealed significant elements dating from the Iron Age. The few remaining items indicate important structures for the Middle Bronze Age (= Sianu VIII) and only a discovered tablet (Fig. 6), dated to the 18th century BC, the time of the palatial archives of Mari, gives us a list of goods from three different regions: Egypt (Misru), Cyprus (Alashiya) and Jazira (Subartum).

The beginning of the 1st millennium BC is absent but the structures dating back to the Iron Age III (= Sianu IV) offer an interesting vision of the urban organization at the site. During the Late Phoenician period this site and others were important centres and their dominant positions on the Jable Plain allowed the control of the coastal passage from north to south. In the same period 182

41. Tell Sianu (Lattakia)

Fig. 7 Tell Sianu: milk bowl (Late Bronze II).

draws a square of nearly 18m, with an entrance to the south overlooking a courtyard with an altar. Just west of the entrance is a temple with three adjoining rooms. The first has a base made of stone that could have sheltered a stone symbolizing the god worshiped in the sanctuary, and just at the entrance a circular stone is observed associated with a large flat pottery vessel that could have had a religious function related to purification rites. The other two parts are at the level of the foundations; the base of one of these has a plan showing a very large corresponding bench, perhaps a niche. Two further units have been identified north of the courtyard; the first is linked to a well, and within the second the excavation revealed jar handles that show signs of wear, perhaps in relation to a workshop. This monument belongs to a tradition of the late Phoenician period, also attested to at the sites of Tell Toueini and Tell Sukas.

Fig. 5 Tell Sianu: seal impression (Early Bronze Age IV A).

The transition to the classical era is smooth. The discovery, in the centre of the tell, of the remains of an Hellenistic temple (= Sianu III) with imposing foundations, shows that the complex was to play an important role during the time of Seleucids, a role that probably lasted a century or two before the development of two other coastal cities, Laodicea (c. 30km north), and Gabala (c. 7km west). From this period Sianu became agricultural, with small industrial systems in relation to the surrounding fertile land. The last attested occupation is dated to the Mamluk period (= Sianu I).

Fig. 6 Tell Sianu: cuneiform administration tablet (Middle Bronze Age II).

of Iron Age III all the related monuments constitute the elements of a typical Phoenician city, with a fortress on the western part of the summit of the site, controlling the lowland areas associated with residential houses and, in particular, one religious monument of small dimensions. The sanctuary (Fig. 8), dug into Area D,

Fig. 8 Tell Sianu: isometric view of the sanctuary (Late Phoenician Period = Iron Age III).

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42. Tell Taban (Hassake) Hirotoshi Numoto (Kokushikan University, Japan)

Ṭābetu, the city attested by Middle and Neo-Assyrian documents and long suspected to be identified with Tell Taban.

Tell Taban is the largest tell in the middle Khabur area (ca. 350 x 300m), located on the east bank of the river Khabur, ca. 19km south-southeast of modern Hassake (36.20'N/40.47'E).

After an intermission of five years, the work started with two seasons of excavations conducted in winter and summer of 2005, under the direction of H. Numoto (Kokushikan University), and continued with five further summer seasons of excavations between 2006 and 2010. Since the mound was already eroding on the western side due to the rising water of the river, excavations were planned with the intention of rescuing the remains on the western side first (Fig. 3).

The site is situated in the salvage area along the middle Khabur, which is destined to submerge under the rising water due to the construction of the Hassake dam. Following a general survey in the salvage area undertaken by Kokushikan University in 1996, the site was first excavated in 1997 (Fig. 1). This first excavation was followed by two subsequent seasons of excavations in 1998 and 1999.

The resumed excavations uncovered further archaeological remains. The major discoveries include parts of palatial structures, remnants of a defense system and an underground tomb from the Middle Assyrian period, as well as a large number of cuneiform texts from the Middle Assyrian and Old Babylonian periods. The study of these cuneiform texts was undertaken by D. Shibata and S. Yamada (both University of Tsukuba).

These salvage missions in the 1990s, which aimed to rescue the archaeological data at the site, yielded a number of significant results. First, they uncovered a sequence of strata from the Old Babylonian period to the Hellenistic period from trenches opened on the north western slope of the mound. Furthermore, 71 pieces of inscribed objects (9 cylinders, 15 clay nails, 46 bricks, 1 clay tablet) dating to the Middle Assyrian period were discovered (Fig. 2). These artefacts date from the 12th to 11th centuries BC and are mostly inscriptions that commemorated building activities. The study of these inscriptions by S.M. Maul (University of Heidelberg) verified the identity of Tell Taban as the ancient city of

The Middle Assyrian cuneiform texts are composed of ca. 150 archival documents, such as administrative texts, legal texts, and letters, and also 276 fragments of various objects bearing commemorative building inscriptions.

Fig. 1 Tell Taban, 1997 season.

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42. Tell Taban (Hassake)

Fig. 2 Middle Assyrian cylinder inscriptions, 1997-99 season.

Fig. 3 Tell Taban, 2005 winter season.

Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian clay tablets, 2005 winter season.

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Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian underground tomb, 2006 season.

Fig. 6 Old Babylonian clay tablets, 2006 season.

The archival documents found within a room excavated in trench 5 (Fig. 4) originate from the reigns of two kings of the Land of Mari, Aššur-ketta-lēširI and Adadbēl-gabbe II. The documents cover the time-span from the middle of the reign of King Šalmaneser I of Assyria (1273-44/1263-34) until the end of Ninurta-apil-Ekur’s reign (1191-79/1181-1169) or, alternatively, the very

beginning of Aššur-dān I’s reign (1178-33/1168-33); this corresponds to a period from the mid-13th to the early 12th centuries BC. These findings shed significant light on the internal administrative structure of the kingdom of the Land of Mari, as well as on its relationship with the Assyrian state, as some texts refer to Assyrian kings and Assyrian magnates. The texts also inform us in 186

42. Tell Taban (Hassake) From the Old Babylonian period, 24 tablets and inscribed envelopes were discovered in a room excavated in trench 8 (Fig. 6), and two other tablets were found on the surface of the mound; all of these tablets from the Old Babylonian period were exposed to fire, most probably reflecting the destruction of the city through incineration. This group of texts includes a land grant (Fig. 7), administrative texts, letters, and school exercises. Some of the letters, referring to the city name Ṭābatum, prove that Tell Taban is identified as the Old Babylonian city of Ṭābatum, mentioned in documents from Mari (Tell Hariri) and Chagar Bazar. Since an administrative text and letters refer to Iṣi-Sumuabi, king of Terqa, it is evident that the city lay under the influence of the kingdom of Terqa or the Land of Ḫana in the Post-Hammurabi period, specifically in the latter half of the 18th century BC, parallel to the reign of King Samsu-iluna of Babylon. Bibliography Numoto H. 2008. ‘Excavations at Tell Taban, Hassake, Syria (6): Preliminary Report on the 2006 Season of  work’, al-Rafidan 29, 1-12 and pls.1-34 Numoto H. 2009. Excavations at Tell Taban, Hassake, Syria (7): Preliminary Report on the 2007 Season of work, in H. Numoto (ed.) Excavations at Tell Taban, Hassake, Syria: Preliminary Report on the 2007 Season of Excavations, and the Study of Cuneiform Texts, Kokushikan University, 1–32 and pls. 1–53 Numoto H., Shibata D. and Yamada S. 2013. Excavations at Tell Taban: Continuity and Transition in Local Traditions at Ṭābatum/Ṭābetu during the Second Millennium B.C., in: D. Bonatz and L. Martin (eds.) 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschung in Nordost-Syrien, Schriften der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 18, Harrassowitz Verlag: Wiesbaden, 167–179

Fig. 7 Old Babylonian tablet with envelope, 2006 season.

relation to the region’s local culture and society. The commemorative inscriptions revealed a line of kings of the Land of Mari with their royal names and genealogies for the time period from the end of the 14th (?) to the first half of the 11th century BC. One of the well-preserved structures from the Middle Assyrian period was excavated in 2006. It is the underground tomb of a member of the royal family, which is made of bricks, and is composed of a main burial chamber (ca. 6 x 3m) and anterior chamber (Fig. 5). The tomb is probably datable from an inscribed brick found near the floor level of the main burial chamber, which plausibly originates from the structure itself. The inscription contained the name of the king and his son, reading: ‘Etel-pī-Adad, king of the Land of Mari, had (it) built for his son, Enlil-apla-uṣur.’ From the inscription, the brick can be dated to around the mid 12th century BC. 187

43. Tell Hammam el-Turkman (Raqqa) Diederik J.W. Meijer (Leiden University, Netherlands)

from the Halaf period onwards, continuing virtually uninterrupted to the Late Bronze Age, i.e. from ca. 5300 to ca. 1300 BC. Coherent architecture was found to exist in the form of a temple dating to the so-called Uruk period, ca. 3200 BC. It is of a so-called tripartite model which is well-known from southern Mesopotamia in that period, and which we think may also have served more secular activities apart from religious ones – such as a meeting hall for the heads of elite families who ruled the site. The interesting thing is that such buildings derive from a domestic house model: the gods were thus thought to reside in ‘houses’, and it is no surprise therefore that the earliest word for temple is actually the word for ‘house (of god X)’, and that its sign in the early cuneiform script can be seen as a house-plan (Fig. 2).

The excavations at this site revealed an important regional centre where pastoralism and farming met and supplemented each other, and where trade flourished. Thus Hammam is a fundamental addition to our knowledge of ancient Syria’s politics and economy, which so far was only known from very early small villages on the one hand and later major cities on the other. Tell Hammam al-Turkman is an archaeological site on the upper Balikh, a tributary of the Euphrates in northern Syria. The tell measures 500 x 500m, and rises to some 45m above the surrounding plain. It is the largest tell in the region and can thus be seen from afar. The University of Amsterdam, and later Leiden University, conducted excavations there between 1981 and 2001, directed by M. N. van Loon and D. J. W. Meijer. Hammam lies in a marginal zone in terms of rainfall, that is, a region where agriculture could not always provide a dependable source of nutrition, and people also had to rely on other sources such as animal husbandry – and trade: it is a region where steppe and fertile soil meet. This led to economical contacts ranging far and wide (Fig. 1).

In a later temple on the site, dating to ca. 2300 BC, a priest received, according to a cuneiform document, some 7000 litres of cereals. At the same time the town was surrounded by a city wall some 8m thick, on which a fine town villa was built, which must have provided a beautiful view to the west, the sun setting over the hills beyond the river Balikh. This house had a luxurious bathroom with an anti-slip relief shower tub as well as a well-stocked kitchen. The latter still retained a pile

Remains from various periods attest to these three means of sustenance. Human occupation has been found

Fig. 1 View of Tell Hammam from the northeast.

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43. Tell Hammam el-Turkman (Raqqa)

Fig. 2 View of main room and side rooms of the Uruk-period temple, facing northeast, ca. 3200 BC.

between Mesopotamia (Iraq) and Anatolia (Turkey) from ca. 2000 BC onwards; the trade caravan routes are partially known from cuneiform documents, and Hammam lies in a region through which these donkey caravans must have passed. They transported tin and wool, and returned with silver and gold. Other places where these caravans passed had so-called karums or trade-colonies, which often lay outside but next to native towns. A small village of this period at the southern foot of Tell Hammam might well represent such a karum, but the excavations were stopped before we could penetrate there further (Fig. 4). The Late Bronze Age, beginning at ca. 1500 BC, was attested to by a virtual continuation of that Middle Bronze Age building, in the form of an actual palace of a specific form with wide halls entered through doorways with stone doorposts. It featured both a dry and a wet kitchen and an extremely well-constructed courtyard with an excellent run-off for rain water. Here a cuneiform letter was found in which a king, unfortunately unnamed, ordered his servant – the resident of Hammam – to send him a certain official. This palace existed for some 150 years and was then deserted for unknown reasons. Perhaps approaching enemies threatened it, but in any case the inhabitants boarded up the entrances, suggesting that they planned to return eventually but never did. After a while the building was taken over by squatters, but the long period of definite human occupation at the location ended around 1300 BC, perhaps the site had risen to an unmanageable height: water now had to be brought up from the river (ca. 40m below) in heavy jars, through winding streets and alleys. Alternatively the approach of the Assyrians from the East may have caused the event; they soon established a fortress some 3km away, at Tell Sabi Abyad.

Fig. 3 Sumero-Akkadian dictionary on clay cube, ca. 1550 BC.

of germinated barley, presumably for the production of beer, a staple beverage at the time. From ca. 1950 BC onwards (i.e. the Middle Bronze Age) there was a large building (‘administrative centre’) where economic activities of the site were centralized, and which existed continuously, being refurbished and adapted through to ca. 1550 BC. Oil was traded and a hierarchy of civil servants is attested by control mechanisms involving sealed pieces of clay used in securing containers and door bolts. Education was also conducted here, witness the find of a SumerianAkkadian dictionary written on the four sides of a cube of clay which could be rotated on a stick, similar to our way of leafing through a book (Fig. 3). Also a probable scribal quarter was found in the building, with prepared clay and a water installation for preparing tablets and a copper writing-stylus. One of the aims of the excavation project at Hammam was to explore any evidence of the well-known international trade networks that operated 189

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Fig. 4 Clay cylinder seal with modern impression, ca. 1750 BC.

The site of Tell Hammam al-Turkman, whose ancient name still eludes us, has throughout its periods of existence served as a major regional centre, coordinating and organizing the regional economy, which relied on agriculture (barley, wheat and pulses figuring prominently), as well as animal husbandry (sheep, goats and pigs) and trade. It represented a ‘second tier’ in the political and economic structure of ancient Syria, behind such cities as Mari, Ebla, Tell Chuera, Tell Brak and others. All of these sites blossomed from the later 4th millennium BC onward, but Hammam is one of the few to continue to exist into the Late Bronze age, i.e. until ca. 1350 BC. Its existence seems to have been mainly peaceful, since only around ca. 2300 BC are there clear signs of destruction: the first phase of the town wall was then burnt down and was subsequently rebuilt. Bibliography Meijer D.J.W. Hammam al-Turkman II. (ibid., in prep.) Meijer D.J.W. 2007. ‘The Area of the Balikh between ca. 2500 and 1700 BC’, in: P. Matthiae et al. (eds.) From Relative Chronology to Absolute Chronology: the Second Millennium BC in Syria-Palestine (Roma), 313-326. van Loon M. N. (ed.) 1988. Hammam et-Turkman I. Report on the University of Amsterdam’s 198184 Excavations in Syria. Nederlands HistorischArcheologisch Instituut te Istanbul. Istanbul/Leiden.

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44. Tell Selenkahiye (Aleppo) Diederik J.W. Meijer (Leiden University, Netherlands)

mainly. The houses conform to the general picture of domestic architecture prevalent in late 3rd millennium rural Syria, with roofed living quarters and storage areas and an open courtyard, lined along streets leading to city gates. One of the excavated houses had a clearly different character, featuring a shop front facing one of the streets. Another had a cellar containing some 30 storage jars. A third had no court, but had very thick walls and a hidden cache of ostrich-egg shell fragments and ready-made eyes for statues of a kind well-known for that period; it was probably a form of strongroom for a jeweller.

The four seasons of excavations at Selenkahiye on the Syrian Euphrates (Fig. 1), some 80km east of Aleppo, were conducted by M. N. van Loon for the Universities of Chicago and Amsterdam, between 1967 and 1975. The tell measured 700 x 200 x 7m, and proved to have been inhabited between 2500 and 2000 BC. The excavations were part of an archaeological salvage operation connected with the construction of a major dam in the Syrian Euphrates, which led to a flurry of excavations by various nations under the aegis of UNESCO. When the dam was completed in 1976, the rise and fall of the waters in the resulting lake caused all the sites to be entirely or partly submerged, and no subsequent work was possible.

On one occasion, around 2200 BC, the city wall was breached during an attack from outside, which left at least one victim in the ruins: the skeleton lay with hands over the head, as if in protection against the fatal blow. This took place in an above-average quality building or mansion (Fig. 2), perhaps of a type of chief or ruling figure, which was situated on the southern tip of the settlement. Its regular layout contained a suite-like arrangement of rooms separated by a threshold with a cedar column on a round stone base – an exceptional feature in the architecture of the period, but one that looks suspiciously similar to that of a later palace (ca. 1750 BC) in Alalakh in western Syria.

Around 2500 BC a village was established on the banks of the river, soon to be protected by a city wall ca. 4m thick. This was probably built in a series sections for which various quarters of the settlement were made responsible: there is a sequence of stretches of some 3040m with varying kinds of stone footings, consistencies of mudbrick and even orientation.This suggests an interesting social situation: a measure of decentralization of work that is important for the whole community. The resulting town proved to consist of domestic quarters

Fig. 1 View of Tell Selenkahiye from the west.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites however the highest point of the tell was occupied by a modern Islamic cemetery which made excavating there impossible, and exactly from that area a water conduit leading south to the direction of the mansion was found. This conduit was lined with statue fragments of a kind often associated with temples (Fig. 3). This led to the suggestion that a temple did exist under the modern cemetery. In the domestic houses, a great number of terracotta figurines were found which suggests a house cult; some of these had been deliberately broken in half and buried under the doorsill – the exact meaning of this is unknown, but one may guess that a measure of ritual protection of the household through – perhaps – forebears, or minor deities might be involved here. Selenkahiye, then as now, lies in a fertile part of Syria, and certainly in the higher parts of the riverbed seasonal crops can be relatively abundant. But apart from the usual agricultural produce (i.e. barley, pulses, wheat) and animal products (skins, wool, meat, milk), the means of sustenance also included commercial enterprises. This is witnessed by finds from far-distant regions, such as shells from the Persian Gulf, cylinder seals and impressions with evident Mesopotamian features and styles (Fig. 4), hematite and silver from Anatolia (Turkey), as well as pottery imports from there. Local pottery production showed cultural ties with, especially, sites in western Syria such as Hama and Ebla, but

Fig. 2 Plan of the Selenkahiye ‘Mansion’, ca. 2200 BC.

The excavations did not yield anything resembling a temple, which might certainly have been expected;

Fig. 3 Statues from the lining of the water conduit in Selenkahiye, ca. 2300 BC.

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44. Tell Selenkahiye (Aleppo)

Fig. 4 Cylinder seal impression on pot, showing animal combat, ca. 2300 BC.

also shapes and wares were found with ties to Mari to the southeast. The statue eyes mentioned above are a well-known feature in Mesopotamian statuary of the period, so well described by the eminent Dutch archaeologist Henri Frankfort in his essays on the finds from the Diyala region in Iraq. One should of course not view these communities as simple ones. We are dealing with a stratified society run by a variety of possible ruling institutions, which might range from solitary ruler or king to something like a council of elders; in the case of Selenkahiye the latter may have existed, but the southern mansion suggests at least a ‘primus inter pares’. Although the excavations at this site have not produced traces of writing, written administration was at this time already fully incorporated and integrated in the life of most larger settlements, in the form of cuneiform tablets in the Akkadian language.

Fig. 5 Opened shaft tomb, ca. 2200 BC.

dead on their journey to, and stay in, that unpleasant abode (Fig. 5). Together with other salvage excavations in this artificial lake area, Selenkahiye has yielded a balanced picture of Syrian society at the end of the 3rd millennium BC, and all of these excavations together have, from the 1970s onwards, played a major role in our increasing awareness of the intricacies and ‘modernity’ of ancient Syria. From then on a flurry of new excavations elsewhere in this country has certainly served to increase and enforce that picture.

Archaeology is concerned with the reconstruction of past human life and society. Death and the disposal of the dead are thus central to reconstruction attempts, since deaths are important occasions in a society. The burials we found in Selenkahiye were of various kinds: simple inhumations of infants in shallow pits under house floors, but also elaborate shaft tombs with several chambers housing multiple persons. All burials sported burial gifts ranging from simple necklaces to great numbers of pottery vessels and metal items such as daggers and pins. We are led to understand from much later Mesopotamian literature that such objects served as necessary tools for ‘survival’ in the Netherworld, as well as, sometimes, as gifts to the Netherworld gods directly. Food remains were also found, no doubt to serve as sustenance for the

Bibliography van Loon M. N. (ed.) 2001. Selenkahiye. Final Report on the University of Chicago and the University of Amsterdam Excavations in the Tabqa Reservoir, Northern Syria, 1967-1975. Nederlands HistorischArchäologisch Institute Istanbul. Istanbul/Leiden.

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45. Tell Mohammed Diyab (Hassake) Christophe Nicolle (Collège de France-CNRS, France)

Tell Mohammed Diyab is an ancient archaeological site which documents two major northern Mesopotamian urbanization phases: the so-called ‘second urbanization’ in the middle of the 3rd millennium, and during the paleo-Babylonian period in the first part of the 2nd millennium. The discoveries of numerous graves and ceramics complete our knowledge of the pre-classical material culture of this important region of the Middle East.

of the tell (mound C) is formed by a plateau extending at its top to 140m by 110m and rising to 13m above the surrounding plain level. In the centre is the smaller mound B (50 x 40m) 15m high. The west end of the tell (mound A) is dominated by a steep hill whose summit culminates at 25m. From the bottom of the tell over a distance of 500 to 600m, mostly in the southeast quadrant, six smaller tells, whose elevation varies between 2 and 5m, revealed archaeological remains of different periods over an area of about 60ha.

Tell Mohammed Diyab is situated in the eastern Jezirah (lat. (DMS) 36°55'33" N Long. (DMS) 41°33'41" E), 33km south-east of Kameschly. The site is located on the left bank of Wadi Abbas, which flows into wadi Djarrah, one of the main tributaries of the Khabur River.

The first occupation date for this site is still uncertain. The discovery during a survey of an Late Obeid shard and the high altitudes of the oldest levels excavated of the Early Jezirah II (ca. 2750-2550 BC in the regional periodization) indicate the probable presence on the main tell of earlier settlements yet to be discovered. Despite this uncertainty, it seems that since this Late EJ II foundation (around

Most of the archaeological remains are concentrated on an oval tell of a little more than 14ha. The eastern part

Fig. 1 Plan and view of Tell Mohammed Diyab.

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44. Tell Selenkahiye (Aleppo)

Fig. 2 South-north trench revealing the surface of the 3rd millennium terrace in area 7b.

a regional culture which reaches its peak during the Khabur Ware period (ca. 1800-1550 BC). During the first phase of reoccupation (pre-Khabur period), the buildings are characterized by an unusual architectural tradition in a region where the use of adobe usually predominates: an intensive use of pisé. Buildings with

2600 BC), Tell Mohammed Diyab was occupied almost continuously until the end of the Middle Jezirah II period (ca. 1280 BC). These are the best known occupational periods of Tell Mohammed Diyab. After the 2nd millennium BC the site was abandoned until the Hellenistic period with the foundation of a new town below the eastern sector of the main tell of about 25ha, as indicated by the dispersion of the sherds and a 4m thick occupational layer. This new settlement lasted through the Parthian and Byzantine periods, thereafter the only occupations of the site were medieval and modern cemeteries. The earliest known occupation at Tell Mohammed Diyab dates from the EJ IIb-EJ III periods corresponding to a ‘second urbanization’ of the region between ca. 2700-2450 BC. At that time, the main tell was set out by a series of mudbrick terraces found under mound A (areas 5a and 5c) and mound B (areas 6a, 6c, 6e, 7b), on which a settlement was built (Fig. 2). The terraces are made of unfired bricks (two size patterns: 33 x 17 x 8 and 30 x 15 x 8cm), which corresponds to a ratio 4:2:1, typical of the period. Every time the bricks have the same orientation: north-east/southwest and north-west/south-east and they are organized in ‘boxes’, filled with either bricks or compacted earth, which join together to make steps perpendicular or parallel to the slopes. On these terraces the houses were built with ovens and others domestic structures. It clearly belongs to a category of average agglomerations discovered in other places, like at Abu Hujeira I or at Tell Ziyada (phase B2.1) on the Middle Khabur and characteristic of the Ninivite culture. Followed by poorly known Akkadian reoccupations, but apparently not very large, Tell Mohammed Diyab was thereafter abandoned at the end of the 3rd millennium, like many other sites of the region. At the very beginning of the 2nd millennium (ca. 2000 BC) a reoccupation of the site marks the renewal of

Fig. 3 Cultic stone in the temple of the first OJ 2 city (area 5a).

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Fig. 4 Altar and podium from a reconstruction phase of the temple in the first OJ 2 city.

4m, allows us to reconstruct for the Amorite period the organization and planning of cities of regional importance. In the first of these cities, mound A was occupied by a religious centre surrounded by pisé wall. This ‘acropolis’ featured one main temple and several annex buildings, also reserved for cultic purposes, as well as for storing and preparing food. In one of the temple rooms a libation stone was discovered in situ (Fig. 3). The temple would have been rebuilt several times, with additions and major plan modifications and even changes in the orientation of the rooms devoted to worship (Fig. 4). On mound B, a large building (about 50 x 50m), perhaps a small palace, was built and then reused through different occupational stages. North of this building several long rectangular storehouses were built and several times rebuilt, indicating a long period of use. The rest of the city consists of housing quarters, densely built and crossed by a network of narrow streets (Fig. 5). After a long period of occupation, the first OJ II settlement was abandoned and levelled for the construction of a new city of the same period. On mound A, a smaller ‘acropolis’ was built with two temples of a new type. On mound B, the palace and its storehouses are reused with some modifications, but the dwelling neighbourhoods were completely rebuilt with new wall orientations. After that four other settlements were built but with smaller surface areas. This decreasing area tendency illustrates a regional trend which sees a reformulation of settlement systems of the Jazirah region between the Late Middle Bronze and the beginning of Late Bronze Age, announcing the Mitannian period.

Fig. 5 Street of the second OJ 2 city (area 1).

pisé walls were excavated in several area, especially on mound B, over an area of more than 300m² (areas 6ad), where important remains were found of thick walls (between 1.5-2m) with up to 2m deep foundations.

Thus although our researches are not completed at Tell Mohammed Diyab, the site turns out to be highly interesting in terms of our understanding of the development and evolution of the urban cultures of the northern Mesopotamian region during the Amorite period.

Afterwards in a second phase, between ca. 1850-1550 BC, the tell was occupied by six successive settlements. The excavation of these levels, with an average thickness of 196

46. Tell Tuqan (Idlib) Francesca Baffi (Università del Salento - Lecce, Italy)

The site of Tell Tuqan (Fig. 1) is located about 45km south-east of Aleppo, on the road that, from the major north-south Damascus-Aleppo route, led towards the desert. The region surrounding the tell is climatically characterized by the presence of an ancient lake basin that even nowadays during spring is clearly distinguishable, especially if the winter has been particularly rainy. In fact the tell is positioned in the area immediately adjacent to the depression of Lake Matkh, in which the Nahr el Qweik flows. Even today, but much more in the past, this situation has been optimal, generating an ecosystem

that determined certain types of localized vegetation and those crops that thrive in a humid environment embedded in a wider dry or semi-dry context. The site is a short distance from Ebla and Tell Afis and such proximity must have favoured, in the past, the formation of a network of close contacts between the three sites. The history of Tell Tuqan from the Early Bronze Age III to the Roman and Islamic periods was largely reconstructed by the excavation activity of the Italian Archaeological Expedition of the Università del Salento.

Fig. 1 Tell Tuqan: satellite image.

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Fig. 2 Tell Tuqan: MB city gate F.

It was ascertained that the lower town had accommodated the oldest phases of the life of the northern Syrian centre, from the Early Bronze Age III, and that the settlement covering a vast surface (16ha) had come to an end in the Late Bronze Age, while the upper town (12ha) had continued until the Roman period. On the acropolis the oldest evidence refers to the Middle Bronze Age and, to date, there has been no data relating to the 3rd millennium BC.

to reconstruct the economy and the agricultural context of the Matkh region during the first half of the 3rd millennium BC. Pottery and objects are evidence of the proposed chronological attribution, divided in phases, of the process of urbanization in northern inland Syria. During the early Bronze Age IVA and IVB the site had the settlements which still occupied the lower town, while during the Middle Bronze Age I and II (2000-1600 BC) the town expanded over the entire area of what is now the present surface area of the tell (about 28ha), covering the space in the acropolis and the lower town. The lower town was still settled during the Late Bronze Age II (1400-1200 BC). Occupation during the 1st millennium saw a reduction in the utilized surface area limiting it only to the acropolis, where the phases of the Iron Age II and III (900-535 BC) and the Persian (535-

The entirety of the collected data traces a coherent historical framework; the centre was already thriving during the Early Bronze Age III (2650-2450 BC). The documentation of Tell Tuqan gives an overall picture in which advanced methods of storage of cereal and food produce play an unquestionable part. It therefore helps

Fig. 3a Tell Tuqan: Area G, defense system plan.

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46. Tell Tuqan (Idlib) along with further elements which were integrated into the system over a period of time. This system had, first of all, two specific aims: the defence of the township, with an outer circle of defences, and protection of the upper town, with an inner ring similar to that documented at Tell Afis. The results gleaned from investigations at Tell Tuqan have enabled us to achieve a relatively complete reconstruction of both defensive rings and determine their chronological development. As is also the case at Ebla, during Middle Bronze I and until the end of MB II, the security of the town was provided for by massive earthworks, whose outer slopes were not, however, so steep as to prevent an actual attack. Therefore during a late phase of Middle Bronze II, at Tell Tuqan the original defensive system was reinforced. The initial defences at Tell Tuqan, earthworks and gate (Fig. 2), were integrated by constructions that had not originally been foreseen, being erected on the summit. Circular towers (Fig. 3a-b) were raised in the northern sector, linked by straight walls which followed the line of the rampart.

Fig. 3b Tell Tuqan: Area G, circular tower.

325 BC), Hellenistic (325-140 BC) and Roman (140-60 BC) periods followed in close succession.

The long life of the upper part of the old town has been documented, starting from the 2nd millennium BC, in its most southern sector, where the surface of the tell reaches its maximum height (Fig. 4).

Tell Tuqan provides documentation which places the site amongst the fortified centres of Syria in the Middle Bronze Age, and the data gathered finds comparisons especially with nearby Tell Mardikh/Ebla and Tell Afis, although with distinguishing local characteristics.

In the upper town there is documentation of the Bronze Age, with settlements from the Iron Age and from the Persian and Hellenistic and Roman periods. In particular the history of Tell Tuqan helps to enrich the documentation

The various components and the development of the defensive system at Tell Tuqan, therefore, are attested to,

Fig. 4 Tell Tuqan: Area T, east-west trench.

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Fig. 5 Tell Tuqan: Area T, T1 Persian building.

relative to the Iron Age III and the Persian period, raising again the issues regarding the clear division of the two periods. The site was subsequently occupied during the Hellenistic and Roman eras, with partial utilization of the older structures of the acropolis.

lower down, but always within the upper town, with criteria that are very much more refined. We strongly hope that a country that has given so much to the cultural history of the Near East, can find as soon as possible peace in all its different regions.

The presence of a settlement phase dating back to the Persian period is widely documented, with structures and contexts that bear witness to a presence rooted in the site and in strict chronological succession with the preceding Iron Age.

Bibliography Baffi F. (ed.) 2006. Tell Tuqan. Ricerche archeologiche italiane nella regione del Maath. Galatina-Lecce. Baffi F. (ed.) 2008. Tell Tuqan. Excavations 2006-2007. Galatina –Lecce. Baffi F. (ed.) 2011. Tell Tuqan. Excavations 2008-2011. Galatina –Lecce.

In this context the documentation already collected at Tell Mardikh, and that which is being collected at Tell Tuqan, confirms the role played by the Syrian region within the V satrapy. The dominant élite managed their own political and administrative concerns inside a building/fortress, Building T1, which, like Building E of Tell Mardikh, had been erected in a dominant sector of the town (Fig. 5). In the case of Tell Tuqan the choice of location was innovative, as previously the area, in proximity to the surrounding walls of the city, had been the site of very modest private dwellings from the Iron Age III. The building was established on land that contained the ruins of these dwellings, while the houses of people connected in some way to power were built

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47. Khirbet Al-Umbashi, Khirbet Dabab and Hebariye (Sweida) Frank Braemer (University of Nice CNRS, France)

Ahmad Taraqji (DGAM, Syria)

The most arid part of the steppes of Bilad esh-Sham witnessed a period of intense occupation between the 4th and the middle of the 2nd millennia BCE. Villages, hamlets, fortified areas and ‘cities’ with high quality hydraulic equipment for animal and human middle- to long-term drinking needs are characteristic of the period. In an arid climate and environment (annual average rain is around 100mm/p.a), the economy was based on animal breeding and herding, which cannot be a sedentary activity.

reinforced with square and round towers, and elongated bastions (Fig. 1), enclosing a space of about 4ha. This space is nearly empty of dwellings except for some very poor buildings (for storage?). A unique, large megalithic building in the second quarter of the 3rd millennium BC becomes associated with a huge accumulation of animal bone, which is an exceptional witness of the various herded animals: cattle (approx. 20%), sheep and goats (80%). This bone waste has spread over the storage structures. At the north-east angle of the site, a dam (the most ancient one preserved in the Near East) is integrated in the fortification system which protects this open-air reservoir (Fig. 2). The total absence of dwellings associated to the ramparts leads to the proposition that there were camping areas in or around it.

Sites of the Khirbet al-Umbashi area, 80km south-east of Damascus, form the most important group of settlements of this period studied by a French-Syrian team from 1991 to 1996. 1 The Khirbet al-Umbashi rampart

The earliest settlement of Kh. al-Umbashi is a ‘pioneer’ phenomenon by people coming probably from the Jordan valley area. It is a central place for collective social and religious practices.

The earliest monumental architecture on the site included a late 4th millennium long fortification wall

Fig. 1 Angle of a bastion of the EBA III rampart.

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Fig. 2 Remains of the dam inserted in the rampart.

Fig. 3 Houses on the northern side of the site.

with clay walls resting on stone foundations and roofs made of light materials. Houses follow a regular model, something between a shelter and a true house: small associated cells generally built on only three walls surround an open space that included hearths and with undefined boundaries (Fig. 3). Absence of pottery shows that the material culture must have been essentially made of organic materials (leather, wood, bone).

2 Kh. Ed-Dabab During the Early Bronze Age II, a 1; 6ha village is built on the Safa lava flow, 7km to the north of Khirbet alUmbashi. It is an open village with a well-planned space. 70 houses are standardized, including a covered room at the end of an open and enclosed space. This basic domestic formula was sometimes reproduced several times in adjacent groups of buildings. An apparent hierarchy in the general location of houses built around a monumental tomb in the middle of the village leads us to the hypothesis of group identification with an ancestor or common hero representing a lineage.

4 Kh. al-Umbashi and Hebariye, megalithic house Probably in the third quarter of the 3rd millennium, a cluster of ten megalithic monuments occupied the western sector of Kh. al-Umbashi. They are generally composed of a single room with an axial colonnade. The flat roof was entirely made of large basalt slabs (up to 2m long) connecting the pillars and the megalithic walls (Fig. 4). The standard house, measuring 14 x 4m (mean size), is adjacent to one or several enclosures whose surfaces generally exceed 300m2 and can sometimes

3 Kh. al-Umbashi north stratum 1 During the EB III, in the mid 3rd millennium, a 30ha domestic quarter was built at Khirbet al-Umbashi on the plateau to the north of the wadi. The settlement was unfortified and was composed of ca. 160 small houses 202

47. Khirbet Al-Umbashi, Khirbet Dabab and Hebariye (Sweida)

Fig. 4 A megalithic house with roof slabs.

Fig. 5 Plan of a megalithic house associated with animal pens.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites four to five houses in the south-western part of the site. The ground plan of housing units consists of agglomerated two to five or six, in one case thirteen, rooms with sizes varying from 8 to 15m2. The construction of oval-shaped houses is entirely of stone, a material that was also used for simple corbelled roofs supported in places by axial pilasters. All the data suggests developed domestic activities that include the processing of seeds and, undoubtedly, cereals: each house contains one or several grinding tools. The ceramics illustrate regular contacts with the Jordanian and Palestinian regions.

5 Kh. al-Umbashi hamlets in south-western sector (VW) and encampments; development of the cemetery

To this period also belong the earliest datable encampments at Khirbet al-Umbashi. Only in one of them was some pottery found, giving a date somewhere around the beginning of Early Bronze Age IV. It is a very small (40 x 30m) camp structure containing a few rectangular (3 x 4m) spaces, and a larger unit with at least four rounded tents (diam. 4 to 5m) erected on wooden posts, the holes of which are still visible in the low stone walls. The camp area included fixed installations, such as a cereal grinder and kneeling stone; moreover it is the only unit that can be dated through ceramics. The pottery shows for the first time new exchanges with the Orontes Valley alongside the traditional ones of the southern Levant.

This episode in the last quarter of the 3rd millennium represents a new form of organization in three hamlets of

The two cemeteries of Khirbet al-Umbashi were in use for several centuries. Both contained approximately

Fig. 6 Tomb in the eastern cemetery.

reach 1000m2 (Fig. 5). An isolated similar house was found at Hebariyeh, 5km south of Kh. al Umbashi. No ceramics or lithics were found in these buildings. So we may infer that all the furnishings were in perishable material. The total lack of industrial or camping activity in the area of the enclosures leads us to interpret the structures as monumental animal pens associated with monumental houses.

Fig. 7. a) Panoramic view of the northern village; b) plan of a house.

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47. Khirbet Al-Umbashi, Khirbet Dabab and Hebariye (Sweida) 1500 grouped inhumations over ca. 35ha (488 burials in the eastern necropolis and 852 in the western one). Both could have been in use at the same time. All tombs included a dolmen-type construction (Fig. 6). In 96% of cases the tombs are rectangular tumuli totally enclosing the grave; ca. 30 rectangular tumuli have an entrance and a corridor leading to the burial chamber. Only 25 tumuli have a circular shape, more commonly found in the southern Levant. Burials were collective and primary depositions; they contained grave offerings such as food (in particular meat) and, more rarely, pottery vessels and weapons. 6 The long houses village of Kh. al-Umbashi north

Fig. 8 Entrances to subterranean houses.

To the north of the wadi, an extended agglomeration (60ha) built in the first centuries of the 2nd millennium

Fig. 9 Plan of a subterranean house.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites is composed of more than 200 houses totalling ca. 950 rooms. Rectangular buildings were laid in straight lines and separated by spaces meant for circulation or as pens for animals (Fig. 7). The construction is mainly of stone used for walls, axial pillars and roofing slabs covering rectangular spaces (10-12m x 3.5-5m). Fireplaces and low benches were localised in the houses. These houses are often associated with small quadrangular terraces covered with a thick layer of silt which might be the remnants of mud walls. A cleaned surface area is associated to each unit, forming a space which can be interpreted as the courtyard of the house. The artefacts collected from the excavations of the two houses are similar to those found in the systematic surface survey of the area and are extremely few: some very small crude pottery sherds and flint flakes. We interpret again that the absence of finds is a sign of the intensive use of objects made from organic materials. These settlers appear to have survived exclusively on dairy products, because we found no traces of seed or cereal processing.

(up to 2m), was accessed through a door that differed from that of the lower storey. The upper level was open to the elements but sometimes included a partly roofed small room that was paved with slabs. Domestic and everyday activities took place on the upper floor, where grinding instruments and other tools were systematically discovered. The houses may have had from one to ten subterranean rooms and a total surface area ranging from 80 to 500m2. Five larger houses are emerging, but building techniques and the quality of construction are similar in the buildings, large or small. Pastoral activities were accompanied by increasingly agricultural ones, either in the immediate area (presence of cereal pollens) or at some distance to the west (the Jebel and/or Leja area). Regional exchanges and relations were common and intense, within the larger geographical context that extended to central Syria and Palestine.

7 The citadels of Hebariye and Kh. al Umbashi Three citadels or fortified houses were built at Khirbet alUmbashi and Hebariye during a period that, due to lack of excavation, remains undefined – some period during the transition between the 3rd and the 2nd millennia. They are large megalithic buildings with pillared halls. Two of them are complex constructions grouping several sub-units within an enclosure. Their architectural history is certainly long and complicated. These citadels were isolated: no domestic occupation can be associated with them. Moreover, Middle Bronze Age hamlets were built over two of them at Hebariyeh and Khirbet al Umbashi, with no reuse of defensive or protective installations. This type of fortified house, with its rectangular plan, stands in contrast to the previously described architectural models known from the steppe area. Such buildings possessed multiple uses: functions linked to centralized storage and the protection of goods, representing strength and power and eventually a military role, that impossible to define more precisely. They are the material expression of power in the hands of a restricted group. 8 Kh. Al-Umbashi, southern sector (VS3); Hebariyeh houses The villages consisted of a concentration of houses, each one identified on the surface by a rounded enclosure wall. A peripheral street allowed access to small dead ends, themselves leading to the houses. These were planned following a single construction model characterized by two superimposed storeys. A semi-subterranean floor was found, with the only opening towards the outside being the entrance doorway (Fig. 8); the interior consisted of a series of rooms linked to one another. The floor was covered by a corbelled stone roof supported by pillars (Fig. 9). A higher level, surrounded by a high wall 206

48. Tell Masaikh and the Region around Terqa (Deir ez-Zor) Maria Grazia Masetti-Rouault (Sorbonne University, France)

Since 1997, as an offshoot of the excavations carried out by the French Mission directed by Olivier Rouault, at Terqa - Ashara, in the Syrian Lower Middle Euphrates valley (Fig. 1), a programme of archaeological survey has been carried out under the responsibility of M. G. Masetti-Rouault. The main goal of this operation was to gain a better understanding of the archaeological, but also natural landscape of the area surrounding the urban centre, on both the river banks. While the Middle Bronze Age texts from Mari and Terqa archives, as well as, during the Iron Age II, the royal inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian kings who crossed the region at the beginning of the First millennium BCE, do describe complex systems of occupation distributed on the river

banks, only few sites were known and identified up to that point. Working at the beginning in a limited area (less than 10km around Ashara), the Terqa team, after the first surface surveys, developed a programme of soundings at chosen sites, with the agreement and support of the Syrian archeological authorities. In fact, since that period it became clear that the quick progress of urbanization and the extension of agricultural exploitation and irrigation canals in the area were threatening the conservation of archaeological remains outside the larger sites. For this reason we felt it was important to engage in this kind of work, to keep at least a memory of the ancient

Fig. 1 Map of the Terqa and Masaikh region.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites landscapes. The survey has been developed mainly on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, and at first south of Terqa. Two sites, Jebel Mashtale and Tell Marwaniye (as well as its close dependent site, Tell Jurdi al Sharqi), have been studied as a matter of urgency through satellite photographs, archaeological and geomagnetic surveys, as well as soundings. Jebel Mashtale, heavily disturbed by modern constructions, has shown, before its Hellenistic-Parthian period occupation, the remains of a large final Late Bronze Age – Iron Age I settlement, at the end of the 2nd millennium BCE. Marked by the presence of clear finds of ‘Late Kassite’ ceramic production, the site witnessed a cultural change, not only a new trend in sedentary occupation, but also the installation of a southern, ‘Babylonian’, culture in an Aramean region, more oriented in the former periods of the Khana kingdom towards the north and the Khabur valley. Soundings in Tell Marwaniye, supposed to be an Fig. 2 Tell Masaikh: general plan.

Fig. 3 Tell Masaikh: view of the main reception room of the palace.

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48. Tell Masaikh and the Region around Terqa (Deir ez-Zor) Early Islamic foundation, have highlighted the continuity of occupations since Old Babylonian/Middle Bronze Age II-III periods, until the Iron Age and beyond. At Tell Marwaniye, too, a cuneiform text, dated to the reign of a Kassite king, has confirmed the importance of Babylonian control in the region. In the same area, closer to the limits of the valley from the Pleistocene plateau and to the Jezireh steppes, the discovery of the remains of a series of small/very small Iron Age IIIII settlements, aligned on the layout of an ancient early Islamic canal (the ‘Nahr Dawrin’, now completely filled), has shown that a more ancient hydrological system must have existed even before it, explaining the presence of that string of settlements.

Fig. 4 Tell Masaikh: the acropolis area, view from the south.

The importance of this canal in the Iron Age II period became much clearer for us when we started to work at the site of Tell Masaïkh, in the north and 5km upstream from Terqa. This large settlement, of around 20ha (Fig. 2), on the Jezireh bank of the Euphrates, is almost in front of the Qraya tell, on the western bank, where levels of the Uruk period (4th millennium BCE) had already been identified. From its dimensions, and from the regular form of its plan (almost a square, missing a corner, supposedly destroyed by major river flood), Tell Masaikh had been considered a Roman-Parthian, or even an Early Islamic fortress. Actually, its position itself, opposite another large site, and its form, with an acropolis and a lower town, had already reminded us of the narration, in the inscriptions of the Assyrian king Assurnazipal II, (9th century BCE), of his foundation of the twin towns of ‘Kar-Assurnazirpal’, ‘Assurnasirpal’s Harbour’, and ‘NebartiAssur’, ‘The Place where Assur crosses (the river)’ in order to secure the communications of the Assyrian army and markets, in the middle of Aramean populations. Our first soundings at tell Masaikh quickly confirmed this Fig. 5 Tell Masaikh: plan of the acropolis area. identification, revealing the presence of an Assyrian colonial occupation and, in the citadel, of a palace, built according to the model of under the joint direction of M. G. Masetti-Rouault and the Assyrian capitals. Epigraphic finds later revealed the Director of Antiquities of the Deir-ez-Zor region, M. the name of the settlement, ‘Kar-Assurnazirpal’. Since Y. al-Showan. 2004, a new archaeological mission in Tell Masaikh, Further excavations at the site (2004-2010) have revealed with its own excavation strategy, has been organized the very ancient and complex history of the settlement, and acknowledged by the Syrian Direction of Antiquity, 209

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Fig. 6 Tell Masaikh: fragments of mural paintings from the palace.

founded as a Halafian/Halafian transitional Obeid-period village (5th millennium BCE), with a large stone wall to protect it from the river floods. It already controlled the crossing of the Euphrates, toward western, Levantine regions. After a long period of abandonment the site was re-occupied in the Amorrite and Khana periods as a village (possibly called Zurubban), dependent on Terqa administration. Some tombs, but also ceramic and epigraphic materials, document these periods. While no ‘Late Kassite’ occupation is attested, the Iron Age II/neo-Assyrian period undoubtedly witnessed the new foundation of the urban settlement. While the remains of the colony founded by Assurnazipal II are limited, excavations on the citadel have highlighted the significant development of the Assyrian palace and town a little later, at the very beginning of the 8th century BCE, when Nergal-eresh became governor of the large province of Rasappa, controlling a border and contact zone with the Arameans and Babylon (Fig. 3, 4 and 5).

steppe with a well, protected by two buildings, at the site of Bir-el-Haddad.

Nergal-eresh erased the remains of the first colony. Not only did he install in Kar-Assurnasirpal a new palace, but he also developed a new program of management of the region, building and in places restoring an ancient canal along the Euphrates on the Jezireh bank. With the same layout as the Nahr Dawrin, this canal flowed, in this part of the valley, very close to the emplacement of the new colonial centre. This project aimed to open new lands to intensive agricultural production, but also, and mainly, to support and develop economic exchanges, through Babylonian territories, with the new Arabian markets, creating a new waterway beyond the inherent risks of navigating the Euphrates. At the same time new roads were also been created along the river banks to manage the transports of goods to and from Assyria, through the highways connecting the Khabur Assyrian towns with the Tigris valley. The French team has recently identified, much more to the north, the layout of a road connecting directly Kar-Assurnazirpal with the Khabur markets, and an Assyrian station post, a settlement in the

Masetti-Rouault 2013a. ‘Globalization and Imperialism: Political and Ideological Reactions to the Assyrian Presence in Syria (IXth–VIIIth Century BCE)’, in M. Geller (ed.) Melammu VI: Globalization in the First Millennium. Sixth Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project, New Bulgarian University, Sofia, Bulgaria, September 1st-3rd, 2008. Berlin, 49-68. Masetti-Rouault 2013b. ‘Les sites voisins: Tall Masa’ih, Gabal Mashtale et tall Marwani’, under ‘Terqa’ (O. Rouault) in M. P. Streck (ed.) Reallexicon des Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie, vol. 13, De Gruyter, Berlin New York, 2013, 601603. Masetti-Rouault 2013c. ‘Interpreting the Changes in the Plan of the Assyrian Palace in Tell Masaikh – Kar Assurnasirpal (Lower Middle Euphrates Valley, Syria)’, in Kertai, D. and Miglus, P. A. (eds.) New Research on Late Assyrian, Conference at Heidelberg January 22nd 2011, Heidelberg, 31-40.

Kar-Assurnazirpal later developed a dangerous policy for a colony, i.e. looking for more autonomy, possibly strengthening its relations with local Aramean, Babylonian-oriented society and power. The palace was destroyed by the Assyrian army in an attempt to bring the area back under Assyrian control during the reign of Tiglath-phalazar III. The colony followed the destiny of the empire, but imperial exploitation had been so strong and destructive that the town area was abandoned for almost five centuries, until a new settled occupation in the Parthian period. During the Early Islamic and the Ayyubid periods, Tell Masaikh, like tell Marwaniye, was re-occupied, mainly by artisans, constructing their workshops for metallurgy and ceramic production. Bibliography

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49. Tell Ashara/Terqa (Deir ez-Zor) Olivier Rouault (University of Lyon 2, France)

Cut and eroded many times since antiquity by the Euphrates’ floods, the tell of Ashara (34.55 North, 40.34 East) is located on the west bank of the river, about 80km south of Deir-ez-Zor.

carried out on the site in 1923 by a French mission, only since 1975 has a real excavation program been launched in Terqa by an American mission, directed by G. and M. Buccellati (UCLA). Since 1986, archaeological researches have been continued by a French mission, under the direction of O. Rouault. In 2004, the mission became a Syro-French project, carried out jointly by O. Rouault and by the director of Antiquities of the Deirez-Zor region, Y. Al Showan. A new research program has been then associated with the excavations in Terqa, centred on the study and survey of the area around Terqa, on both banks of the river. For its main results, see the article on Tell Masaikh-Kar Assurnazirpal.

It is covered today by the houses of the oldest part of the town, and the archaeologists’ work has been complicated by the heavy urbanism of the small town (Fig. 1). The tell, covering a surface of over 10ha, at its highest point is around 18m more elevated than the cultivated plain (Fig. 2). The first cuneiform text excavated at Ashara was published in the late 19th century. Later on, a fragment of tablet, from a foundation deposit of god Dagan’s temple, found in the early 20th century, revealed the ancient name of the city, Terqa. While a first survey was quickly

Terqa was probably founded at the beginning of the 3rd millennium BC, directly on the bank of the Euphrates River, in a region already continuously occupied by

Fig. 1 General view of Tell Ashara from the Djezireh.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites sedentary communities since Neolithic times. The oldest phase (Early Bronze I/II) of the urban occupation has been reached in several points of the site. It delivered, in Area F, the remains of eroded buildings, with open spaces and some tannurs, but very few material finds. The construction of a large and monumental enclosure wall, identified mainly in the part cut by the river, could be dated in the same period, later rebuilt and enlarged at least three times.

Fig. 2 General plan of Tell Ashara.

Fig. 3 Tell Ashara: Area F, the superstructure of the hypogeum.

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Bronze Age II/III levels are marked, in area F, by the presence of several buildings with large open spaces, showing the remains of craft activities and food preparation. The space occupation gets more densified over time, and tombs too were built in the same spaces. The bodies are in a contracted position, and found associated with ceramics, as well as animal offerings (caprine and equine). Also some monumental tombs remains have been excavated in these levels. A kind of hypogeum (Fig. 3) was still in very good condition, despite ancient looting. It consisted of two rooms and an entrance hall, where many containers (ceramics and ostrich eggs decorated with mosaics) have been found. Later on, probably during Early Bronze Age IV, a residential area (Fig. 4) covered the hypogeum, but the new buildings respected apparently its structure. Small houses of 2 to 4 rooms (40 to 100m2) were built and evolved without significant modifications of the general plan for several centuries. They were occupied by a population dependent on mixed economic activities, both agriculture and animal breeding, and luxury craft (ceramics, preparation of decorated ostrich eggs, etc.) production. Terqa was probably quite an important city at that time, and its name is quoted in the Ebla archives as already in some sort of connection with its southern neighbour, Mari. Terqa’s function in this part of

49. Tell Ashara/Terqa (Deir ez-Zor) the Euphrates valley depended undoubtedly also on the importance of the temple of the great god of the region, Dagan. Even if writing was used locally since the city foundation period, archaeological investigations have not produced written documents more ancient than the very end of the 3rd millennium BCE. Texts have been found in levels attributed to the last phase of the so-called ‘shakkanakku’ period, when the influence of the Amorite populations was becoming greater. This progressive social change determined, in the following period (Middle Bronze I/II), the installation of new dynasties in almost all the SyroMesopotamian world – such as, for example, in Mari and in Babylon. In Terqa, in Area F, after an hiatus in the chronology – with possibly a period of abandonment of a part of the urban area – we have found the remains of a large administrative building (Fig. 5), which could have been a part of a larger palace, now covered by the modern houses and thus impossible to excavate. The important role of Terqa as a provincial capital of the kingdom of Mari, always including in its urban area the main Dagan temple of the region, is well documented by texts found not only at Terqa itself, but also and mostly in the Mari royal archives. After the destruction of Mari by Hammurabi Babylon (mid 18th century BCE) Terqa became eventually the centre of a new kingdom, called Khana, extending up to the northern Khabur valley. Covering, during certain periods, the same extension of the former Mari state, it was to last several centuries, losing its autonomy only after with the colonial expansion conquest of the

Fig. 4 Tell Ashara: Area F, DA II/III buildings.

Fig. 5 Tell Ashara: Area F, remains of Middle Bronze II administrative building.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Middle Assyrian empire (13th century). This long period is documented at Terqa, in Areas C and E, by a series of buildings and houses, partially collapsed by erosion of the Euphrates, where have been found an important collection of written documents, mainly contracts for the purchase or donation of real estate properties. These texts have revealed, through their dates, parts of the list of local Khana kings. In Area C a neighbourhood of wealthy townhouses was excavated around a small temple, dedicated to the goddess of good health, Ninkarrak-Gula (Fig. 6). Area E delivered several levels of Fig. 6 Tell Ashara: Area C, the neighbourhood of the Ninkarrak-Gula temple. an administrative building (Fig. 7), probably linked to the palace, where has been found part of an archive of cuneiform documents registering legal transactions over at least two centuries, deposited in a jar. The site has delivered few remains of neo-Assyrian period (possibly some tombs), even if a stela, showing an image of the storm god and a royal inscription in Akkadian, quoting the names of two Assyrian kings of the 9th century BCE, has been reported found by chance in Ashara. While the site could have been occupied almost continuously, the urban structure seems to have revived only since Early Islamic times, attested to by ceramic productions of Ummayad, Ayyubid and Ottoman periods. Bibilopgraphy Rouault 2004 ‘Chronological problems concerning the Middle-Euphrates during the Bronze Age’, in Hermann Hunger & Regine Pruzsinszky (eds.) Mesopotamian Dark Age Revisited, Proceedings of an International Conference of SCIEM 2000 (Vienna 8th-9th November 2002), Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 6, Oesterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Denkschriften der Gesamtakademie, Band XXXII, Wien, p. 51-59 Rouault 2013 ‘Terqa’, Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archaeology, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin et New York, vol. 13, p. 597-601. Rouault 2014 ‘Le Moyen-Euphrate vu depuis la région de Terqa au IIIème millénaire av. n. ère’, in Mari, ni Est, ni Ouest, Supplément Syria II, vol. 1, Beyrouth, Presses de l’IFPO, p. 247-264.

Fig. 7 Tell Ashara : Area E, the Khana buildings.

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50. Tell Bazi (Aleppo) Adelheid Otto and Berthold Einwag (LMU Munich, Germany)

help of dozens of people from Banat-village. We want to thank them for all their help and friendship over the years. Furthermore we thank the Directorate of Antiquities for the various permissions required and generous support. The work was made possible by the German Research Foundation DFG, the German Archaeological Institute DAI and the University of Munich.

Tall Bazi was a major town in the Euphrates valley from the Early to the Late Bronze age (ca. 2500-1350 BC). The citadel was heavily fortified already around 2500 BC, and a large temple was erected in the MBA and LBA here. The 50 houses of the western lower town, still containing many remains of their inventory, offer an ideal example of a functioning settlement of that time. This temple and the lower town were destroyed violently around 1350 BC. The citadel was reused in Late Roman time only.

The site consists of a large citadel and an extended lower town at its foot (Fig. 1). The citadel was fortified as a stronghold already in the middle of the 3rd millennium. It continued to be in use until 1350 BC. Then there was an occupation gap until the Late Roman period, when a sanctuary was erected on the citadel.

Tall Bazi is situated in north Syria in the district of Sirrin near the village Tell Banat. It is situated on the east side of the Euphrates valley, i.e. in the Jazira. Since 1999 the lower parts of the settlement have disappeared in the Tishrin lake. Bazi has been excavated in the framework of rescue excavations between 1993 and 2010 with the

The lower town merges into the settlement of Banat, which has been investigated by another team (see Tall

Fig. 1 3D reconstruction of the citadel and the lower town during the Late Bronze Age.

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Fig. 2 Hundreds of sling bullets cover the entrance of the fortified building on top of the citadel, ca. 2400 BC.

Fig. 3 The temple in the centre of the citadel.

building has been discovered, except the temple. Indeed the two cuneiform tablets discovered indicate that there existed no king in the Mittani period, but the society was governed by the elders of the city.

Banat). The settlement area of Tall Bazi and Tall Banat was protected on its east side by a massive town wall of the Early Bronze Age, and on the west side by the Euphrates. ‘Banat-Bazi’ was occupied from about 2600-2200 B.C., in the Early Bronze Age III and IV. It measured all together about 40ha and thus constituted one of the largest Early Bronze age sites in the area of the Upper Euphrates. Its ancient name in the 3rd millennium was probably ‘Armium’ or ‘Armanum’. This city was among the most important cities of Syria at the time when Ebla and Mari struggled for supremacy in the 24th century. Even the Akkadian king Naramsin claims the conquest of the citadel of Armanum as one of his proudest achievements.

The Citadel The citadel is situated on a 60m high natural hill and has been fortified with massive circular walls from stone blocks. These fortifications originate from the Early Bronze Age IV, ca. 2400-2300 BC. The hill had been separated from the natural mountain spur by an artificial, 40m wide ditch. A large gate building was erected at the ditch in order to protect the access to the citadel. This gate building was a compact, tower-like structure with a central chamber gate, flanked by massive 10m wide walls with triangular niches, which served for defensive purposes. The gate tower was violently destroyed in a considerable military event, which is attested by thousands of clay bullets and several flint arrowheads lying in the entrance area of the building (Fig. 2). After

During the Middle and Late Bronze Age (1800-1350 BC), the citadel housed a large temple, below which was the lower town, consisting of domestic dwellings and artisan workshops. With the help of geophysical surveys and large-scale excavations considerable parts of the city were revealed, but no palace or other official

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50. Tell Bazi (Aleppo)

Fig. 4 The dense domestic quarters of the ‘Weststadt’, ca. 1350 BC.

this destruction the building was restored and reused in the Akadian period, but it was again completely destroyed. More structures of the Early Bronze Age period were found in the centre, where several rooms of a large building were uncovered, possibly the palace of the royal family. A large cistern was cut into the northern edge of the hill. It served as a water reservoir for the citadel. The centre of the citadel was covered by a large temple, measuring 38 x 16m. It was built in the Middle Bronze Age and continued to be in use until it was destroyed violently around 1350 BC. One of the rooms still contained hundreds of vessels and many animal bones, probably the remains of offerings and commensal events. The entrance to the temple had been protected by a pair of flanking stone lion figures (Fig. 3).

Fig. 5 A steatite stone mould for producing jewellery.

gathering, cooking and baking, eating and drinking. Also numerous handicraft activities took place there, e.g. textile production, stone-cutting, and metal working (Fig. 5). Commercial activities took also place in the houses, and the ancestors and the gods of the house were venerated at altars in every house.

While the citadel housed mainly official buildings, i.e. a well-protected palace in the 3rd millennium, and a large temple in the 2nd, expanded settlement areas with houses were found in the lower town.

Bibliography

The lower town

Einwag B., Otto A. 1999. Tall Bazi, in: G. del Olmo Lete, J.-L. Montero Fenollós (eds.) Archaeology of the Upper Syrian Euphrates, The Tishreen Dam Area, Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Barcelona, January 28th-30th 1998, Barcelona, 179191. Einwag B. und Otto A. 2012. Die Torlöwen an Tempel 1 von Tall Bazi und ihre Stellung in der Reihe steinerner Löwenorthostaten, in: H. Baker, K. Kaniuth and A. Otto (eds.) Stories of long ago. Festschrift für Michael D. Roaf, AOAT 397, Münster, 91-115. Otto A. 2006. Archaeological Perspectives on the Localization of Naram-Sin’s Armanum, JCS 58, 1-43.

The area north of the citadel had been covered by domestic quarters from the Early until the Late Bronze age continuously. When the town area became too small, a new city enlargement was built west of the citadel, the so-called ‘Weststadt’ ( = western lower town). It consists of one level only and it existed for only about 100 years from ca. 1450-1350 BC. 50 houses from this lower town were excavated between 1993 and 1998 (Fig. 4). Most of these are quite similar, which points to a small stratified society: they have the same ground plan and are equipped with similar installations; the mobile inventory is mostly quite similar. The standard house was built on ground level and had one main room flanked by a row of 3 to 6 secondary rooms. The main room served for social

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51. Tell Afis (Idlib) Stefania Mazzoni (Università di Firenze, Italia)

Tell Afis, a site of some 28ha (570 x 500m) (Fig. 1), was founded on a natural outcrop to the south of a large alluvial and fertile plain (Jazr) which was, and still is, an important crossroads to the Mediterranean coast and the region of Aleppo. In the 4th millennium BC it emerged as a fortified town and in the 8th c. BC became the capital of an Aramaean state, surviving as a stronghold in later periods. The Arab historian Ibn al-Qalanisi wrote that the

conquest of the fortress of Aflis by Nur ed-Din in April 1153 (548 Egira) was not easy, and Ibn Shaddad reported that the region of Afis, known with the name of Jazr, in the district of Qinnisrin/Chalcis, was densely urbanized. In 1616 Pietro della Valle travelling from Maarret en-Numan to Aleppo stopped at the still important crossroads of Afis. In 1903 fragments of a sculpted stele with an Aramaic historical inscription (now in the Musée

Fig. 1 Tell Afis and areas of excavations (adapted by Google Earth).

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51. Tell Afis (Idlib) du Louvre) were found on Tell Afis by the French Consul in Aleppo, H. Pognon. The inscription bears the dedication by Zakkur, king of Hamath and Lu‘ash, to the god Iluwer in thanks for the help given by the god Ba‘l Shamim in defending the city of Hazrek against a coalition headed by the king of Damascus, Bar-Hadad, and other local kings. Hazrek, known as Hatarikka in the Assyrian sources and Hadrach in the Bible, was conquered in 738 BC and became an Assyrian province. The inscription led to the identification of Afis with Hazrek and the epigraphic materials found by the Italian mission confirm this identification. The first excavations on the site were carried out in 1970, 1972 and 1978 by Paolo Matthiae and the Italian Mission of the University of Roma La Sapienza. In 1986 excavations were resumed under the direction of Stefania Mazzoni, for the University of Pisa and, since 2006, for the University of Florence, in association with Serena Maria Cecchini of the University of Bologna.

Fig. 2 Area E: view (1997) of the northern sector of the Late Chalcolithic wall.

The Late Chalcolithic settlement Excavations at the base of the western slope of the acropolis (Area E1) have exposed a section of a massive 2m high stone glacis which surrounded the acropolis in the Late Chalcolithic Period (LC1-3, 40003500 BC) (Fig. 2). This was built over three slightly sloping terraces, over which stood a 1m high superstructure formed by layers of pebbles, clay mud and a few bricks over straw mats plastered for waterproofing. The glacis was constructed over an earlier deposit documenting three phases of domestic installations overlying a 7m deep artificial deposit containing Late Neolithic, Halaf, and Ubaid sherds. The LC pottery from the debris of the glacis consists of Chaff Faced Ware, the coarse mass-produced Coba bowls and Chaff Faced Painted Ware with simple patterns of the Syrian Late Ubaid tradition. Stamp and cylinder seals with animals and geometric patterns in a local style from the level of collapse of the wall point to the presence of administrative activities (Fig. 3). The emergence of Afis during the Late Chalcolithic phase was linked to the control of the northern plain, which gave

Fig. 3 Area E: cylinder and stamp seals from the Late Chalcolithic period.

Fig. 4 Area E3: view (2009) of Early Bronze Age IVA-B Unit, phases 1-4.

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Fig. 5 Area E3: view (2006) of Early Bronze Age IVB jar in place and after restoration.

access to the routes to Anatolia and the copper and obsidian networks. The survey revealed a few sites of the Late Chalcolithic period, the largest one being Tell Nuwaz near the Bab el Hawa crossing.

by walls. On the western side (Area E), blocks of thick mudbrick walls on stone foundations enclosed a row of storage rooms; on the east (Area N2), fortifications were formed by an inner wall preserved to a height of at least 5.3m with mudbricks on stone foundations, a second wall on its outer side and, in its final phase, an additional rampart. Graves were also cut into the outer debris of the walls and contained funerary goods and female figurines.

The Early Bronze Age settlement Only traces of the EB I-II occupation over the LC walls were exposed in Area E. The Early Bronze Age IV A-B phase (2400-2100 BC) is, instead, documented by a dense sequence of architecture and plastered floors of a sector of a domestic and storage unit, equipped with installations for functional activities, flint and pottery working (Fig. 4). A few luxury objects indicate the presence of local elites: a golden ear from a small composite statue, Egyptian alabaster bowls, pins, and figurines. The pottery assemblage is constituted by the Simple and Simple Painted ware horizon, with the diagnostic footed goblets, bowls with grooved and swollen outer rims and jars with everted rim (Fig. 5). In the course of the final EB IVB and the transitional EB/MB period (ca. 2100-1900 BC), the area was occupied by kilns and gradually transformed into an industrial unit with spaces, facilities and installations for pottery production, with evidence of standardized pottery of the Simple ware.

A fragment of an Old Syrian stele representing two figures, one wearing the peaked cap identifying the king of Ebla, under a crescent and a crouching bull, comes from the Iron Age III Temple A on the acropolis, which may suggest that this temple was built on top of a MB antecedent and was venerated by the kings of Ebla. The presence of numerous seals and clay sealings in the Cappadocian, Old Syrian and Old Babylonian style also shows that Afis was an important economic centre at that time. The Late Bronze Age town At the beginning of Late Bronze Age I (1500-1400 BC), in Area E, infant graves were dug on the ruins of the MB walls. Late Bronze IIB (1300-1250 BC) in Area E4 is documented by three architectural phases (VII, VI, VB): phase VII is represented by a large building (F) with 13 rooms, containing a small Hittite archive, phase VI by open-air functional installations, and phase VB by two residences (A, E) on the north of a street (C) and a pillared house on the south (B), all destroyed by a violent fire at the end of the period (Fig. 7). The rich materials in place, the standardized pottery and many shapes (bowls, kraters, pointed jugs) with distinct pottery signs, metals and seals show a strong Hittite influence and signify that Afis was under Hittite imperial control.

The Middle Bronze Age town Middle Bronze IB-IIA (1850-1700 BC) was for Afis and its densely settled plain a period of economic and urban growth. Afis was enlarged with a lower town surrounding the acropolis, and both were walled. In the lower town north (Area B1), the mudbrick town wall was more than 8m thick. On its outer edge were six graves with funerary equipment of Syrian bottles, collared bowls, miniature vessels and a complete nude female figurine with silver earrings (Fig. 6). The whole acropolis was also encircled

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Fig. 6 Area B1: Middle Bronze Age IIA, pottery and figurines from the graves (2002).

The Iron Age I settlement The acropolis was rebuilt in Iron Age I (1200-900 BC) with domestic quarters (Areas E, G, N) and, at the centre, a small temple in antis which underwent two building phases (Temple AIII.1-2). Area E provides a sequence in three phases including a first resettlement above the ruins of the LB II building (Phase Va), then the planning of domestic units preserving some patterns of the previous urban organisation, such as street C, (Phase IV) and, finally, new well-planned houses separated by

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rectilinear streets (Phase III). Despite some lingering traits in cooking and storage ware, the pottery is renewed by the introduction of Aegean-inspired painted wares and shapes, such as the Mycenaean IIIC:1 deep bell-shaped bowls and the related diffusion of local painted wares (Fig. 8). The cultic vessels from temple AIII.1-2, such as pedestalled cups and fragments of painted kernoi, one showing a bull’s head, belong to this same horizon. A linear-style seal showing the statue of the god standing on his bull in a processional scene, attributes Temple AIII to the cult of a storm god, probably to be identified with

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 7 Area E4b: view (2005) of Late Bronze Age II pillared building B.

furnished abundant materials, cultic paraphernalia, glazed funnels with one horn-like handle, bichrome painted incense burners, figurines and anatomical parts that attest to ritual practices diffused in the Iron Age Levant. A few glazed seals and funnels and the pottery horizon marked by the mass-produced standardized wares with their repertory of shapes furnish evidence of the pervasive process of Assyrianization affecting Afis and the Levant during the 8th-7th centuries BC. An important document confirming the identification of Afis with Hazrek was found in the basalt stratum which sealed the front room of the temple with its mass of flakes and pieces of sculptures. This is a fragment of a stele with an Aramaic inscription which mentions Haza’el, the king of Aram, and is to be dated to shortly before the stele of Zakkur in the late 9th c. BC. The stele joins other epigraphic finds, such as an ostrakon incised with the Aramaic characters, lwr, probably the name of the local god Iluwer (‘lwr), cited in the stele of Zakkur.

Fig. 8 Area E4: Iron Age I, zoomorphic vase with painted decoration (TA.99.E.711/1).

Baal of Mount Saphon known from the Ugarit texts. The distinct pyramidal profile of Mount Saphon, today Jebel el ‘Aqra, marks, in fact, the north-western skyline of Afis.

Bibliography Mazzoni S. and Soldi S. (eds.) 2013. Tell Afis: History and Excavations: Near Eastern Archaeology 76/4, p. 204-213. Mazzoni S. and Soldi S. (eds.) 2013. Syrian Archaeology in Perspective. Celebrating 20 Years of Excavations of Tell Afis (Ricerche di Archeologia del Vicino Oriente 4), Pisa. Venturi F. 2013. Tell Afis in the Thirtheenh Century B.C.E. under the Rule of the Hittites: Near Eastern Archaeology 76/4, p. 214-222.

The Iron Age II-III Aramaean town In Iron Age II (900-800 BC) Afis was transformed into a large town with an annular lower town surrounded by urban walls with dense residential units and an acropolis occupied by a sacred compound (Fig. 9). At its centre was Temple AI, a free-standing long-room tripartite building in antis with side rooms and front towers (AI), 32 x 28m long (Fig. 10). The temple opened onto a plaza (F) bordering an annex (H) with round and square silos. To its side there were a rectangular cultic terrace with residuals of sacrifices (J) and a sunken open air building (G). These have all 222

51. Tell Afis (Idlib)

Fig. 9 Area A: schematic plan of the sacred compound (2010).

Fig. 10 Area A: view (2006) of temple AI.

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52. Tell Fekheriye (Hassake) Dominik Bonatz (Freie Universität Berlin, Germany)

Tell Halaf, which lies within sight of it, Max Freiherr von Oppenheim and his staff repeatedly visited this site and provided the first archaeological documentation from here. In parallel, the thesis gradually developed in scholarship that the tell held the remains of the capital of

Archaeologists and scholars of the ancient Near East were already showing great interest at the start of the 20th century in Tell Fekheriye (literally ‘mound of potsherds’) at the headwaters of the Khabur in northeast Syria. During the German excavations on

Fig. 1 Topographical map of the upper town area at Tell Fekheriye.

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52. Tell Fekheriye (Hassake) Until 2010 this project conducted excavations with great success, but was then once again – in a tragic irony of the research history of this site – interrupted by the gathering political crisis in Syria.

the Kingdom of Mittani, namely Washshukanni. Mittani was one of the great state formations which, alongside Egypt, the Hittites, Babylonians and Assyrians, shaped the history of the Near East during the Late Bronze Age (1600-1200 BC), both politically and culturally.

The excavations from 2006 to 2010 were able to uncover in the northwest and west of the 18ha upper city of Tell Fekheriye architectural strata of the Islamic Middle Ages and the Roman-Byzantine period (areas A, B, C, D), of the Middle Assyrian period (areas B, C, D), the phase of Mittani rule (area C) and the Pre-Pottery Neolithic (area E) (Fig. 1). This shows that the site was occupied over millennia, but with interruptions. The neo-Assyrian Period was immensely puzzling. On the one hand, this is the period of one of the palace-like buildings uncovered by the Americans in 1940 at the northeast corner of the upper city and the inscription on a statue, found during building work in 1979, of an Assyrian-Aramaic governor in Guzana (Tell Halaf) attests the ancient place-name Sikani, which is also emphasized as a religious centre of the regional weather

Despite its suspected importance, the exploration of Tell Fekheriye in the following decades of the 20th century turned out to be very difficult. Shortly before the start of World War II, Max von Oppenheim’s efforts to gain an excavation licence failed in the face of resentment on the part of the French mandate administration, and the first large-scale excavation project by American archaeologists had to be halted already during the first campaign in 1940 given the world-wide intensification of political conflicts of interest. Two one-off excavations by German and Syrian archaeologists in 1955 and 2001, too, were not continued subsequently. Only in 2005 was it possible to initiate a longer-term Syrian-German cooperative project under the direction of the DGAM and the Freie Universität Berlin.

Fig. 2 Excavation area at the western slope of the upper town.

Fig. 3 Excavated area of the monumental building of the late Mittani and early Middle Assyrian phases in trenches C I-II.

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Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian tablets found in the deposit C-1035/1199 (see Fig. 3).

god. Yet, no further evidence was found for a neo-Assyrian use of the site, aside from pottery finds and a few early neoAssyrian burials. Probably characteristic of the history of Tell Fekheriye is its interdependence with the neighbouring Tell Halaf. On the latter, in the early first millennium BC lay the Aramaic-Assyrian centre of Guzana (Tell Halaf), in relation to which Sikani (Tell Fekheriye) had the rank of a politically subordinate cult site. In the previous period, however, the Late Bronze Age, the political strings ran via Tell Fekheriye. The site was for a long period in the centre of the Mittanic sphere of power, until around 1280 when it fell into the hands of the Assyrians, who in this period expanded the borders of their first territorial state (the socalled Middle Assyrian Empire) beyond the Khabur to the Balikh and so sealed the downfall of the Mittani kingdom. The finds from the excavations suggest that Tell Fekheriye was in the 13th century BC an important economic and administrative centre of the Assyrians, which is probably to be identified with Ashshukanni, known from Middle Assyrian archives, and it would follow that it was previously the Washshukanni of the Mittani.

One of the most interesting observations of the excavations is that the phase of the Middle Assyrian houses was preceded by a phase in which a large monumental building, probably a palace, stood at this spot (Fig. 3). This building, which probably derives from the period of Mittani rule, seems to have been taken over by the Assyrians after the conquest of Tell Fekheriye and partially remodelled. A deposit of very remarkable clay tablets (Fig. 4) from a rubble fill that was created at the moment of the building’s abandonment and razing, in order to erect the houses mentioned above, dates to the period of Shalmaneser I (1263-1234 BC). Some of the texts bear the signature ‘belonging to the palace’ and are thus the most unambiguous evidence that a Middle Assyrian administrative centre had its urban seat here. During the excavation campaigns in 2009 and 2010 in the deeper levels of the fill in the rooms of the monumental building, Mittani-period potteries and clay sealings on door pegs and jar stoppers (Fig. 5) increasingly came to light. In the deep soundings below this building (Fig. 3), further, it was possible to uncover the first remains of previous, Mittani-period architecture, which was oriented entirely differently. Thus, shortly before the excavations were broken off, they had reached the stratigraphic horizon in Tell Fekheriye’s settlement history at which the city of the Mittani had once stood.

Above all in the excavation area C on the west slope of Tell Fekheriye it was possible to uncover imposing remains of Middle Assyrian architecture (Fig. 2). These consist of a later phase (probably from Tukulti-ninurta I, 1233-1198 BC) of impressive single houses, which were equipped, according to a unified building plan, with two central courtyards and a bath at the north. Numerous burials in these houses, in the form of both so-called double jar burials and mudbrick cist graves, fall in the period of the use of the houses, but were also built into the ruins later and are thus signs of decline, at least in this part of the settlement. Up to this moment, the houses can be interpreted as residences of high Assyrian officials. Not only were they used as dwelling houses, but administrative and economic activities were also pursued in them, as is attested by ceramics from storage vessels, numerous clay sealings to seal these goods, and both scattered fragments and completely preserved examples of administrative documents.

Tell Fekheriye holds even more than the cultural testimonies of a politically eventful past in the second half of the 2nd millennium BC. Thus, in the 2nd century AD an important urban centre arose here once again, which from then on lay on the border between the empires of the Romans and Byzantines in the west and the Sasanids in the east. In this period the city expanded by more than 70ha to the west. Its Roman name Resaina, from the Aramaic Resh ‘Aina, was later turned into Ras al-‘Ain (head of the spring) by the Islamic conquerors. Ras al-‘Ain is also the Arabic name of the Syrian town that today stands beside Tell Fekheriye, which is divided by the modern border with Turkey from its twin226

52. Tell Fekheriye (Hassake)

TF 10107

TF 4205

TF 10106

TF 2994 Fig. 5 Selection of Mittani period seal impressions on jar stoppers and sealings on door-pegs.

TF 6267 3 cm

town CeylanpInar (formerly Resülayn). The Kurdish population of the region, on the other hand, call the city Sere Kaniye, after the Sikani of the first millennium BC. Different ethnic groups and political and religious identities have thus lived since time immemorial at the sources of the Khabur. It is their task to find, out of the conflicts of the past and the present, peaceful prospects for the future.

Political Governance in the Upper Mesopotamian Piedmont, in D. Bonatz (ed.) The Archaeology of Political Space. The Upper Mesopotamian Piedmont in the Second Millennium BC, (ed.) by D. Bonatz. Topoi. Berlin Studies of the Ancient World, Berlin: DeGruyter, 61-84. Bonatz D. 2013. Tell Fekheriye – Renewed Excavations at the ‘Head of the Spring’, in: D. Bonatz and L. Martin (eds.) 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschungen in Nordost-Syrien – eine Bilanz, Schriften der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 18, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 209-234

Bibliography Bonatz D. 2014. Tell Fekheriye in the Late Bronze Age. Archaeological Investigations into the Structures of 227

53. Mari (Deir ez-Zor) Pascal Butterlin (l’Université Paris I – La Sorbonne, France)

excavations, geophysics, and a regional prospection along the Euphrates. It appeared that Mari had been founded around 3000 BC, before the two cities identified by Parrot and renamed ‘ville 2’ (from 2550 to 2300 BC) and ‘ville 3’ (2200-1759 BC), there was an earlier town named ‘ville 1’ (3000-2600 BC). One domestic and workshop area has been excavated thoroughly at ‘chantier L’ (between 1999 and 2005, Fig. 2). This city controlled the vital Euphrates trade route between northern Mesopotamia and southern Mesopotamia, during the socalled second urban revolution. This strategic location has been the source of its power but also of its fate: Mari was destroyed twice completely, the first time by an Akkad king around 2300 BC and a second time by Hammu-rabi of Babylon in 1759 BC. Understanding the evolution of this city in the longue durée has been one of the priorities of the researches at Mari, which have

Excavations on the site of Tell Hariri began in 1933 with the fortuitous discovery of a ‘Sumerian’ style statue by local villagers. Visiting the site, André Parrot, who had just left Larsa in Irak, identified the location with the famous site of Mari, mentioned in the ‘Sumerian King Lists’. From 1933 to 1974 he made marvelous discoveries including temples and terraces, the famous Zimri Lim Palace and the earlier palace of the middle of the 3rd millennium (Fig. 1). Huge numbers of objects and inscribed documents have given a unique opportunity to understand Mesopotamian history from the middle of the 3rd millennium to Hammu-rabi’s time. From 1979 to 2004 Jean Margueron resumed work in Mari, with the aim of understanding the development of the city in its regional context. Therefore, a multidisciplinary project was initiated combining regular

Fig. 1 Excavations at the Ishtar temple and French plane over the temple, March 1934 (Archives Mission archéologique françise de Mari (AP 1001)).

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53. Mari (Deir ez-Zor)

Fig. 2 Chantier L: general view (2005) of the ‘ville 1’ quarter (Mission archéologique françise de Mari).

Fig. 3 Mari, Palais Sud 2: general view (2008) of the southern wall of the palace and protruding tower (Mission archéologique française de Mari).

continued under this author’s direction from 2005 to 2010. The new project combined the preservation of the site, which was already begun by Parrot and Margueron, with new researches in the field and the publication of previous excavations and inscribed documents.

the southwestern wing of the palace, court 106, rooms 64, 65 and 66. Before the restoration these rooms were excavated, especially rooms 64 and 66 (the tribune). These researches have given us the opportunity to understand the transformations of a monumental complex built by the Shakkanakkus around 2050 BC, but heavily rebuilt by Samsi Addu around 1775 BC. To better understand this evolution two excavations were opened to the south (Palais Sud 1 and 2 (Fig. 3)). Those operations gave us the opportunity to study the evolution of the palace area from the middle of the 3rd millennium to the end of its occupation. It appeared that the southern limits of the place have moved considerably: the palace built around 2550, and known as ‘palais de ville 2’, dominated the city towards the south with a huge glacis. This area was

The new project concentrated on two main locations: the monumental centre where excavations were combined with a general programme of restoration, and the eastern part of the main tell which remained unexcavated. From 2005 onwards excavations were opened both at the palace sector itself and the ‘massif rouge’, a huge, tall terrace situated to the east of the so-called ziggurat (another terrace built during the 22nd century BC). The programme in the palace included the restoration of 229

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Fig. 4 ‘Massif rouge’: general view (2008) of the excavations (Mission archéologique française de Mari).

Fig. 5 Mari, temple of the ‘Lord of the Land’ (favissa) in 2009 (Mission archéologique française de Mari).

as is the case in southern Mesopotamia, as an isolated feature, but was embedded in a monumental complex comprising at least two sanctuaries, one to the north and another to the south. There, between two altars, we discovered in 2009 a favissa, comprising fragments of 14 statues, four of them being inscribed (Fig. 5). It appeared that this temple was dedicated to the ‘Master of the Land’ (Lugal Kalam), known from previous discoveries as being the deity venerated during the third city in the so-called Lion Temple, excavated by Parrot. The deity was already the main deity in Mari during the middle of the 3rd millennium and it was venerated in an integrated complex, including a low temple and terrace. This complex was centered on the ‘massif rouge’ and shifted after the destruction of the city to the west. But the massif remained an important monument, restored at the end of the 3rd millenium but without the low temple.

terraced by the Shakkanakkus and the palace extended towards the south. Apparently the palace area was reduced during Amorrite times, a huge east-west wall marking its limit there. The second area selected for excavations was the ‘massif rouge’. This terrace had been identified by Parrot but excavations were stopped there in 1952. In 2006 work began around the massif and on top of it, to attempt to locate it within the general plan of Mari’s monumental centre (Fig. 4). It appeared that this terrace was built around 2550 as a stepped terrace, with red bricks and white plastered floors. Five phases have been identified: three during the period of the second city (ca. 2550 and 2300) and two during the third city (from 2100). Dates have been provided by a remarkable set of foundation deposits, including a royal inscription on a bronze tablet, mentioning Apil Kin Shakkanakku of Mari (ca. 2100 BC). This massif was not constructed, 230

53. Mari (Deir ez-Zor)

Fig. 6 Mari, southern gate, western tower, massive stone foundations (Mission archéologique française de Mari).

Researches in the eastern city provided very good stratigraphic data on the evolution of the system of streets and the complex cycles of erosion and terracing which characterize the city’s evolution. To the south we studied the evolution of the inner city wall, discovering the southern monumental gate of Mari, built during the second city (Fig. 6). No earlier wall was discovered there and it appears that Mari became a two-walled city only during the middle of the 3rd millennium. This wall was reinforced at the end of the 3rd millennium and a huge monumental bastion was built in order to cover the southern doors of Mari. This was just the first step of a project interrupted abruptly by the present tragedy in Syria. Work has being going on in order to publish the archives, which tell also the story of an ongoing friendship between France and Syria, all the more so in these terrible times.

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54. Tell Nebi Mend (Homs) Peter Parr (UCL, England)

Founded in the early 19th century 25km south-west of Homs, the modern village of Tell Nebi Mend is only the latest of a series of settlements which have existed here, on the fertile banks of the Orontes river in the strategically situated northern BeqaΚ valley, over the course of the past nine millennia. Of these settlements the most famous is the Canaanite city of Qadesh, where the Egyptian and Hittite armies fought in ca. 1286 BC, but the site was also that of Qi-di-si, an Assyrian military

base in the 8th/6th centuries BC, and of Laodicea-adLibanum, a district capital of the Seleucid empire in the 3rd century BC and a Roman and Byzantine country town thereafter, until it was abandoned sometime before the Muslim conquest. French excavations in 1921 and 1922 revealed structures and objects of all these periods, but excavation techniques were poor and interpretations vague and problematic. The aims of the University College London excavations between 1975 and 1995

Fig. 1 Plan of site.

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54. Tell Nebi Mend (Homs)

Fig. 2 Neolithic pottery.

some kind. The palaeobotanical and archaeozoological evidence indicates that the natural environment was largely similar to what it is today, and the inhabitants were farmers, cultivating mainly wheat and barley and rearing sheep and goats and probably pigs and cattle. The pottery they used belonged to the Dark Faced Burnished Ware category typical of the region at this period, but particularly distinguished here by the frequent occurrence of cord impressions, fine combing and incisions as surface decoration (Fig. 2), very similar to that found at sites such as Byblos and Tabbat al-Hammam on the coast and Labweh and Shir in the central Orontes valley, suggesting that the Tell Nebi Mend villagers were part of the same tribal grouping.

were to establish the entire occupational history of the site, to identify and try to explain periods of decline or abandonment, to investigate the interplay of northern and southern influences on its political and cultural development, and to acquire well dated sequences of artefactual and environmental data important for future research in the region. The site comprises three parts: the northern mound, about 29m high and 10ha in extent, the southern mound, of approximately the same size but much lower, and an enclosure to the west bounded by a ditch and embankment (Fig. 1). In view of the stated aims, work was concentrated on a number of deep soundings, mainly at the northern, highest, end of the northern mound, rather than on extensive clearances, and many of the statements below are thus tentative, based as they are on evidence from only a very small proportion of the entire site.

The extent of the Neolithic village is unknown, but this part of it at least was abandoned around 6500 BC and there is no sign of human activity for some two and a half millennia. (The presence during part of this period of another small settlement near the river a kilometre away, at Arjoune, of people using Halaf pottery and therefore with north-eastern cultural affiliations, at Arjoune, suggests that this abandonment was not the result of major environmental changes.) Around 4000 BC the Tell Nebi Mend site was reoccupied, and there followed a succession of substantial mudbrick buildings, followed by another gap before reoccupation occurred, with significant changes in the architecture and pottery

The site was settled at least as early as the Pottery Neolithic period, in the first half of the 7th millennium. The remains, excavated in a small area close to the river, comprise several phases of poorly preserved houses, mostly small rectilinear rooms of thin flimsy clay walls but well-made lime plaster floors, but with also, in one phase, part of a more substantial and larger mud brick structure, perhaps a communal building of 233

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites postulated for other major cities in the Levant, and although evidence for the transition to the Iron Age comes only from badly disturbed and discontinuous levels it seems that occupation continued without significant interruption. However, the discovery in these levels of what are probably cylindrical clay weaving spools or loom weights generally associated with the Sea Peoples suggests that members of this group had reached the site. It is not until the Assyrian period that well-preserved architectural remains are again found, comprising part of a large two-storeyed building of heavy mudbrick construction, with cobbled courtyards and a staircase. This was destroyed by fire – whether by natural or human agency is not known – and replaced by another large building of a different plan. Associated pottery clearly places these buildings in the 8th-7th centuries BC, but more precise dating and correlation with historical events must await the results of radiocarbon determinations. There is no evidence from either previous or recent excavations of occupation during the Persian period. Following the final destruction of the Iron Age buildings the stratigraphy indicates a period of abandonment followed by a phase of small domestic structures dated ceramically to the Hellenistic period, and these must be associated with the founding of Laodicea around the 3rd century BC. These remains are close to the surface of the northern mound, and there are no indications of significant later occupation. However, Hellenistic pottery has also been found on the lower southern mound, and it seems probable that the main town of Laodicea was sited here. It was certainly here that the Roman and Byzantine town developed: the area is covered with sherds of these periods and with lines of stone foundations and with architectural fragments. Only a very small area of these remains was excavated, but this has provided ceramic and other data relevant to the important questions of when and why the site was finally abandoned, not to be re-inhabited until the early 19th century AD.

Fig. 3 EB III houses.

styles. The excavations have provided one of the largest collections of 4th/3rd millennium BC (Late Chalcolithic and EB I-III) pottery currently available for western Syria. Towards the end of the 3rd millennium there is stratigraphic evidence for a non-architectural or ‘squatter’ phase of occupation, marking the transition from EBIII to EBIV. The reasons for this, whether natural or human, will not be understood until all the data have been analysed. The EBIV itself, with its distinctive caliciform pottery, appears to have been a period of rapid and continuous growth, with possible evidence of fortifications. The same is true of the 2nd millennium (MB and LB periods), when the site begins to enter the light of recorded history. Structural remains of this time were more readily accessible and therefore more extensively investigated than those of the preceding periods. They include city walls with associated structures and a governmental complex; it is in the ruins of the latter that two 14th century cuneiform letters to Niqmadda the king of Qadesh were found, thus confirming the identification of the site.

Bibliography Millard A. 2010. The Cuneiform Tablets from Tell Nebi Mend. Levant 42, 226-236 Parr P. J. (ed.) 2015. Excavations at Tell Nebi Mend, Vol. 1. Levant Supplementary Series Vol 16. (Oxford, Oxbow and Council for British Research in the Levant) Pézard M. 1931. Qadesh. Mission Archéologique à Tell Nebi. (Paris, Geuthner)

There is no good evidence for any destruction at the end of the Late Bronze Age around 1200 BC, as has been 234

55. Qala’at Halwanji (Aleppo) Jesper Eidem (Netherlands Institute for the Near East, Netherlands)

Bronze Age site. The edges preserve remains of a defensive perimeter, behind which were small rooms with ovens and other facilities. These rooms probably functioned as quarters for a garrison (Fig. 2). Unfortunately large areas of the east and north of the site are too eroded to preserve any cultural remains, but in the southwestern corner several tests revealed unusual preservation of rooms of a Middle Bronze Age complex. In several places walls are still preserved up to 3m high. All rooms tested in this area were originally roofed. Large amounts of charcoal and remains of charred roof poles were found between a thick layer of wall collapse and the floor, and crushed vessels from a roof or second storey were found above and within the charcoal layer. We think that the southwestern corner of site was occupied by a single, large building, and we can estimate that this may have covered an area of ca. 50 x 50m = 2500m2. This would make it comparable in size to, for instance, a contemporary palatial complex excavated in Tell Bi’a (Raqqa). Since no doubt this is the main building of Middle Bronze Age Halwanji we provisionally refer to it as the ‘Governor’s Palace’.

The archaeological site of Qala’at Halwanji towers over the Sajour River, located high on a square limestone cliff ca. 15km west of the Euphrates. It was first identified in 2007, and in 2008-9 preliminary investigations were carried out by the author in cooperation with Syrian colleagues. A surface survey and test excavations show that the site was first occupied in the Early Bronze Age IV, but its main level, immediately under the modern surface, represents a brief Middle Bronze Age II (early 2nd millennium BC) occupation destroyed by fire. Excavated rooms in the well-preserved south and southwestern parts of the site contain numerous in situ ceramic vessels and specimens of remarkable sealings. During this period Qala’at Halwanji seems likely to have been a fortress constructed by a regional or international power. An identification with ancient Dūr-Šamšī-Adad, a fortress established in this region by Šamšī-Adad I ca. 1786 BC, and lost to Jamhad ca. 1779 BC, is one textually documented possibility, but others are possible (Fig. 1). The series of test excavations have provided a general impression of preservation and layout of the Middle

Fig. 1 3D model of Qala’at Halwanji.

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Fig. 2 Topographic map of the site showing locations of test excavations.

With only a series of small tests, however, it is premature to speculate on the layout of the building. One room (sondage 13) was full of large storage jars embedded in the floor, while on the floor of another (sondage 19) we found numerous broken cups. The best finds so far are without doubt some sealing fragments from sondage 1, and two sealed clay caps from sondage 19. The four different cylinder seals used to make these impressions were all of an exceptional high quality, and could well stem from the same workshop, presumably based in the North Syrian area, and clearly much influenced by classic Old Akkadian glyptic. They are all container

sealings, and seem most likely to have accompanied goods sent from elsewhere. The two clay caps found in sondage 19 are conical covers which originally were used to seal the opening of a jar with a rim diameter of ca. 10cm. They were supplied with rollings from a cylinder seal, from the broader base and across the pointed upper end to the opposite base. One specimen had two, the other three, rollings from the same seal (Fig. 4). The image is a presentation scene with the god (H)aya (a Syrian form of Ea/Enki), enthroned on a lion-footed chair on a platform 236

55. Qala’at Halwanji (Aleppo) in a boat. He is approached by his double-faced vizier (in Mesopotamia known as Isimud), leading a supplicant king by the hand. Behind the god is a man punting the boat, which in both prow and stern features water gods joining as a stream under the boat. Next to this scene is a number of animal contest scenes involving lions, bulls, and a stag. Horizontal borders of guilloche bands frame the seal image. The closest parallels for the main scene are found in a group of other of Syrian cylinder seals from the Middle Bronze Age. A particularly close parallel is represented by a seal on an envelope from Kültepe (Level Ib) in central Anatolia, and securely dated to 1776 BC. With all due caution this provides the best dating evidence as yet for the Middle Bronze Age level at Qala’at Halwanji, and places it with some confidence within the first half of the 18th c. BC. The precise historical context of the Halwanji fortress will no doubt be revealed by further excavation, and discovery of cuneiform inscriptions at Qala’at Halwanji is indeed a realistic prospect. But the site also holds out the promise of new important information on other levels. The Middle Bronze Age settlement of the 18th century BC existed only a few years, and the extensive corpus of ceramic vessels and other objects found in the burnt ruins can provide a very precise profile of material from a distinct period, and be a benchmark for the dating of similar material from more complex excavations. In a more general way Halwanji offers the possibility to uncover, right below the modern surface of the site, an extensive area of an ancient settlement with virtually

Fig. 3 View of room with storage jars (sondage 13).

Fig. 4 Seal impression on clay cap from sondage 19.

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Fig. 5 Examples of drinking cups found at Halwanji.

intact materials in situ, and thus the opportunity to reconstruct in great detail daily life here some 4000 years ago. Qala’at Halwanji is the first site in the rich Sajour Valley to be scientifically excavated. Earlier, preliminary surveys missed Qala’at Halwanji, but demonstrated the archaeological potential of an otherwise neglected area, which hopefully one day will again be the focus of earnest scientific research.

Bibliography Al-Maqdissi M. 2013 Notice sur la poterie de l’âge du bronze de Qal’at Halawanji (Fouilles syrodanoises), Anatolica XXXIX, 33-52. Eidem J. 2013. Qala’at Halwanji (Northwestern Syria) 2008-2009, Anatolica XXXIX, 1-24. Ishaq E. 2013. Figurines en terre cuite de Qal’at Halawanji, Anatolica XXXIX, 25-31. 238

56. Tell Ahmar/Til Barsib (Aleppo) Guy Bunnens (Liège University, Belgium)

Tell Ahmar is located on the left bank of the Euphrates, about 20km south of the modern Syrian-Turkish border. Semi-circular in shape, it was about 56ha in size at the time of the Assyrian domination in the 8th/7th century BCE. The ancient site consists of three parts: an artificial mound or ‘tell’ (on which stood the acropolis), a natural terrace to the west (the middle town), and a flat depression to the north and east (the lower town). Both the middle and lower towns were not occupied until the

beginning of the 1st millennium. The lower town has been inundated in 2000 by the waters of the Tishrin Dam and the acropolis now forms a kind of promontory in the lake. The name of the site in antiquity is known only for the period covering the first four centuries of the 1st millennium BCE. It was then called either Til Barsib – probably an Aramaic name – in the Assyrian texts

Fig. 1 Tentative reconstruction of the Early Bronze Age temple (a) and view of the installations set against the north wall of the temple (b).

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Fig. 2 Middle Bronze Age storerooms (looking east).

called ‘in-antis’, i.e. with the two long walls projecting on either side of one of the shorter walls to form a kind of porch (Fig. 1). The temple stood on a terrace that was visible from afar for anyone coming up along the Euphrates.

and Masuwari in the Luwian/Neo-Hittite inscriptions. The Assyrians, in the 9th century, renamed it KarShalmaneser, ‘Port-Shalmaneser’, a name that never entirely replaced Til Barsib. Tell Ahmar’s history covers more than 5000 years, from the Chalcolithic period to the end of Classical Antiquity. Here are a few highlights of this long history.

A monumental funerary complex, further west, dominated the Euphrates Valley. It consisted of a chamber constructed with huge stone blocks, a room – probably for the preparation of offerings – to the north and another chamber to the north-west, situated at a lower level, was accessible through a flight of stairs. Several cist graves were dug around this complex. The complex must therefore have had a symbolic function.

Chalcolithic period. The earliest evidence for human occupation dates from the Ubaid period (ca. 5000/4500) and is known from painted pottery sherds found by the French expedition in layers going down to the bedrock. Architectural remains dating from the Late Chalcolithic 1-2 period (ca. 4500/4000) were excavated on the tell. They consist of part of the remains of a tripartite house, i.e. of a house belonging to a type of architecture which gives the first signs of an emerging social complexity. The house was associated with hand-made pottery among which one notices painted sherds in the tradition of the Ubaid painted pottery.

Between the temple and the funerary complex, remains of a street were found ascending the tell amid small constructions. Tell Ahmar might have been a ceremonial centre for communities living in this part of the river valley in the 3rd millennium BCE.

Early Bronze Age IV. The occupation of the second half of the 3rd millennium (Early Bronze IV) is better known. On the eastern slope of the tell stood a temple. It was more than 9m long and about 6m wide inside. The southern end of the building has been destroyed by erosion, but it is possible to restore a temple of the type

Middle Bronze Age II. The next period of significance is the Middle Bronze Age II, especially the period c. 1750/1600. Five buildings, each one room wide, formed a curving line on the summit of the tell (Fig. 2). They were used both as storage facilities and as living quarters. 240

56. Tell Ahmar/Til Barsib (Aleppo)

Fig. 3 The Storm-God stele discovered in the Euphrates near Tell Ahmar.

Fig. 4 Detail of the Iron Age II mosaic excavated on the tell.

Iron Age I/II. In the late 2nd and early 1st millennia, Tell Ahmar went through Assyrian occupation – which is represented by Middle-Assyrian pottery sherds as well as a cylinder seal – and a reversion to the status of a village. It quickly recovered from its decline with the creation of the principality referred to as Masuwari. Masuwari adopted the Neo-Hittite, or Luwian, language for its display inscriptions and the Syro-Hittite style for its monumental reliefs and stelae. A spectacular example is the storm-god stele discovered in the Euphrates at some distance from the tell (Fig. 3). Also remarkable is the pebble mosaic in a chequer-board pattern found on top of the tell (Fig. 4). It must have been part of a public building of which no other remains could be excavated.

Door sealings and sealed labels show that the complex had an administrative function. Tell Ahmar may have been a control point on a trading route in the first half of the 2nd millennium. It also included a residential quarter, however, as is shown by a four-room house excavated in the south-eastern slope of the tell. Both architectural complexes disappeared in a big conflagration in the 17th century. Late Bronze Age. The most noticeable remains from the second half of the 2nd millennium were those of a house consisting of three parallel rooms abutting on a fourth transverse one. The most striking feature of this house was the sloping floor of the three parallel rooms. Only the fourth room rested on flat ground. A few sherds of Nuzi ware, a pottery type characteristic of the time of the Mitannian domination, helps date the level to which the house belongs to the 15th/14th centuries. The nature of the occupation of the site at that time is still elusive. Tell Ahmar was probably a small town.

Masuwari, also named Til Barsib, was integrated in the tribal state of Bit Adini, which was defeated and conquered in 856 by the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III, who renamed it Kar-Shalmaneser. 241

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Fig. 5 Ivory from the Neo-Assyrian residence C1a.

Fig. 6 Neo-Assyrian vaulted tomb (a) and statue of an Assyrian official discovered near the tomb (b).

Iron Age III. Little is known about Tell Ahmar in the years following the Assyrian conquest. In the early 8th century Til Barsib/Kar-Shalmaneser had become the capital city of a province, the governor of which was a servant of the powerful turtanu Shamshi-ilu, himself probably based at Harran. It was probably Shamshi-ilu who gave to Tell Ahmar its maximum development by enclosing it in a semi-circular wall of which one gate – the ‘Lion Gate’ – has been excavated. It was decorated with two basalt lions carved with an Assyrian inscription exalting Shamshi-ilu’s achievements. In the late 8th and 7th centuries Tell Ahmar reached its apogee.

carved ivories (Fig. 5) and 21 cuneiform texts, as well as two Aramaean tablets, must be mentioned. A life-size statue of an Assyrian official was found near a barrel vault tomb to the north of this residential structure (Fig. 6). During this entire period Tell Ahmar was not only the capital of a province but also an unavoidable crossing point of the Euphrates, on a road linking Assyria with its western provinces. Later periods. With the collapse of the Assyrian empire Tell Ahmar lost its privileged position. As neither the palace nor the residences show signs of violent destruction, we may assume that they were abandoned. The Achaemenid period is evidenced by burials and stamp seals. The Hellenistic and Roman periods are represented by scattered remains, in which we can see an indication that, although Ptolemy (in the 2nd century CE) still knew of a place called Bersiba in the region, Tell Ahmar was a village again.

On the tell, a palace was erected on the model of the Assyrian royal palaces. It was decorated with wall paintings that still form the largest collection of Near Eastern wall paintings ever discovered. In the middle town, near the rampart, a large residential structure was excavated. It yielded typical Late Assyrian pottery. One of its courtyards was decorated with a chequer-board pebble mosaic. Among other discoveries, a collection of 242

57. Chagar Bazar/Ashnakkum (Hassake) Önhan Tunca (Université de Liège, Belgium)

Chagar Bazar is a well-known archaeological site of the Syrian Jezireh. It is located in the basin of Habur, about 30km south of the modern city of Amuda. It was discovered and first excavated by Max Mallowan (accompanied by his wife, the famous novelist Agatha Christie) between 1935 and 1937.

The tell is about 400m (north-south) and 300m (eastwest); its height is approximately 20m above the plain (Fig. 1). There probably existed a lower city whose extend is not known.

Fig. 1 Plan of Chagar Bazar.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Max Mallowan’s excavations yielded rich discoveries from three periods: The Halaf (ca. 6th millennium ACN), the Early Bronze Age (3rd millennium ACN), and the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 2000-1600 ACN). The remains of the Halaf period have been uncovered in the sounding called the ‘Prehistoric Pit’ and they were divided by Max Mallowan into three phases: old, middle and late Halaf. These divisions of the Halaf period established at Chagar Bazar served as a reference for nearly 50 years. In the ‘Prehistoric Pit’ there is a gap between the Halaf period and the Early Bronze Age. But shards found on the surface of the tell in 1980 suggest an occupation during the period of El-Obeid. The remains of the beginning of the Early Bronze Age are represented by the painted or incised Ninevite 5 pottery. There were also remains of the following Bronze Age III-IV phase, corresponding to the end of the Early Dynastic period and to the Akkadian period. At least 65 graves of the Early Bronze Age were excavated by Max Mallowan. Fig. 2 Habur pottery (Middle Bronze Age) from Area I.

The remains of the Middle Bronze Age, divided into five phases, have been discovered in different areas of the tell. Some of the excavated buildings are houses. The cuneiform tablets from the reign of Samsî-Addu I (18061775 ACN) were found in a palatial building of the phase I. 126 Middle Bronze graves were also excavated by Max Mallowan. Thanks to his discoveries at Chagar Bazar, Max Mallowan defined as ‘Habur’ a type of Middle Bronze Age pottery in the Jezireh, which is decorated with monochrome painting and almost always with geometric patterns (Fig. 2). Finally, the site seems to have been abandoned in the late Middle Bronze Age. Excavations at Chagar Bazar were resumed in 1999 by a joint mission formed by the Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums in Syria, the University of Liège and the British School of Archaeology in Iraq. Several areas (designated by capital letters) were excavated (Fig. 1). This contribution will present some discoveries of the Early and Middle Bronze Ages: the remains of the Halaf period, excavated thanks to the participation of the Autonomous University of Barcelona, are presented in an another article. The remains from the Early Bronze Age were excavated mainly in the Area H. Nearly 50 graves were found in this area (Fig. 3). The remains of the Middle Bronze Age were excavated in Areas A, G and I. The divisions established by Max Mallowan have been considerably refined through the stratigraphy observed in those areas. The more significant discoveries were made in Area I, where we discovered some 300 cuneiform tablets and many bullae with cylinder seal impressions (Fig. 4) in a palatial

Fig. 3 Early Bronze Age grave covered with mudbricks (already opened) (Area H, T.198).

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Fig. 4 Bulla with Middle Bronze Age cylinder seal impression (Area I). Fig. 6 Silver pendant (CB 4497) found in a favissa (Area I).

building, occupied during and after the reign of SamsîAddu I (1806-1775 ACN). Some of the tablets relate to the delivery of beer by the palace administration (Fig. 5). The end of this building was marked by fire and traces of this fire were observed in the excavated rooms. After the abandonment of the palatial building the area was occupied by houses, some of which are very large. Some objects, such as jewellery, were found hidden in favissae (Fig. 6). These houses were replaced later by a monumental building with large pisé foundations that disturbed all underlying remains. It is likely that this new and huge building, which runs for 80m from east to west, was another palace of the Middle Bronze Age. After the abandonment and demolition of this palace the area was occupied by smaller houses. Dozens of graves of the Middle Bronze Age were excavated in all areas (Fig. 7).

Fig. 5 Cuneiform tablet (CB 3341) relating to the delivery of good quality beer (Area I).

Fig. 7 Middle Bronze Age grave with a shaft and lateral inhumation cavity (Area I, T.122).

245

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites The study of the cuneiform tablets discovered between 2000 and 2002 allowed us to identify the former name of the city – Ashnakkum. These texts discovered in recent excavations also helped to clarify the relationship of the city with the city of Mari on the Euphrates to the south. Chagar Bazaar is therefore an important site and the discoveries that were made there, especially the cuneiform tablets, are now of major importance for the history of the region between 2000 and 1600 ACN. Bibliography McMahon A. (with Carlo Colantoni, Julia Frane and Arkadiusz Sotysiak) 2009. Once There Was a Place: Settlement Archaeology at Chagar Bazar, 19992002, British Institute for the Study of Iraq, Exeter. Talon Ph. and Tunca Ö. 2008. Šāġir-Bāzār (Tall) (Chagar Bazar), in Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie, Bd. 11, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin- NewYork, s.v. Tunca Ö. and Baghdo A. M. (eds.) 2008. Chagar Bazar (Syrie) III. Les trouvailles épigraphiques et sigillographiques (2000-2002) (Publications de la Mission archéologique de l’Université de Liège en Syrie) Louvain-Paris-Dudley (MA).

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58. Tell Humeida (Deir ez-Zor) Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós (University of Coruña, Spain)

Yaroob al-Abdallah (DGAM, Syria)

Tell Humeida is an archaeological site located on the left bank of the Euphrates, 75km to the north of Deir ez-Zor and near the administrative boundary with the province of Raqqa (Fig. 1). The inhabitants of the low region call it Tell Fuhhar (‘the hill of ceramics’) due to the large quantity of sherds which even today are found on the surface.

In the western part of the main hill, a 5 x 5m square was excavated. From the Middle Uruk period (Late Chalcolithic 4-5), one can provisionally define three phases: 1. Belonging to the most recent is a wall which conserves three adobe courses of modest size (22 x 11 x 9cm). This is a type of brick typical of the Uruk period which is known under the German term riemchen. 2. The second phase is represented by a stratigraphic unit, characterised by the presence of charcoal, ash, animal bones and an abundant quantity of ceramics. Of particular interest is the significant presence of bevelled rim bowls (fragments and complete vases). These characteristics make us think that this was a sector used as a rubbish dump or for landfill. C14 analyses return non-calibrated dates of 4820-4705±45 BP. 3. Under this layer of residue a fragment of an adobe wall was documented; this was extremely

The current dimensions of the tell are 400m from west to east and 180/140m from north to south, occupying a surface area of over 6ha. It is made up of two welldifferentiated parts: a main hill of a largely circular form (140m in diameter), which has a relative height of 11m, and a low area, or city, which extends 260m towards the east. The hill has largely been used as an Islamic cemetery, created in 1954 and used until 2007. The Syrian-Spanish archaeological mission carried out a short campaign of excavations in February 2011, which led to the documentation of three main periods of occupation.

Fig. 1 Location of Tell Humeida on the Middle Syrian Euprates.

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Fig. 2 Byzantine baths.

Fig. 3 Byzantine wall.

Fig. 4 Bevelled-rim bowls in situ.

To summarise, the occupation documented thus far at Tell Humeida includes the periods of Ubaid, Middle Uruk and Byzantine occupation. It was not possible to provide exact data for the date, nature or significance of the Ubaid period.

dilapidated and only four courses remains. The main wall remains. The discovery of three fragments of a ceramic sickle also shows the existence of occupation of the place in the Late Ubaid period (5th millennium BC).

In the natural region located between the Khanuqa and Baghuz gorges there are three important sites to date in the Middle Uruk period. These are, from south to north, Ramadi, Qraya and Humeida. The study of the ceramics found at Tell Humeida shows the presence of types of site which we can define as ‘authentic Uruk’. Examples of ceramic finds include bevelled-rim bowls (BRB), which, according to our research, were used to make leavened bread (Figs. 4 and 5). The manufacture of bread with yeast is a culinary and technological novelty that must be attributed to Uruk times (ca. 3600-3100 BC). The thousands of BRBs found atUruk sites are the material proof of a new culinary identity in these protourban times. Eating bread was a sign of civilisation for Mesopotamian people – as is well illustrated, e.g., in the Gilgamesh epic.

In the low city, a 10 x 10m square was excavated. The works carried out in this area meant one could confidently identify three rooms and a space opening outside to a thermal building (balnearium) (Fig. 2). This has clear parallels with the Byzantine baths excavated in 2009 in Tell Kasra, near Tell Humeida. When excavating the main hill, part of the city wall of the Byzantine period was identified. This is a construction which has basalt and limestone stone foundations (two courses) on top of which a crude adobe wall in a quadrangular form (46 x 46cm) was constructed. This adobe wall had sections 2.5m wide, whereas its stone base slightly exceeds 3m (Fig. 3).

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58. Tell Humeida (Deir ez-Zor)

Fig. 5 Collection of bevelled-rim bowls.

The Middle Euphrates valley had a significant role in the defence system of the eastern border (limes) of the Roman Empire. It was a strongly fortified border whose objective was to prevent the incursion of Parthians and Sasanians. Diocletian devoted great efforts to building a series of castles (castella) along the limes. These fortified places were reconstructed by Justinian to face the attacks from the Persians.

Bibliography Montero Fenollós, J.L. 2011. Le site urukéen de Tell Humeida au Moyen Euphrate syrien. Premières recherches archéologiques, Res Antiquitatis 2, pp. 205-206. Montero Fenollós, J.L. 2012. Le Moyen Euphrate syrien avant Mari. L’expansion urukéenne antre les verrous de Khanuqa et Baghuz, Bibliotheca Euphratica 1, pp. 177-194. Sanjurjo Sánchez, J. and Montero Fenollós, J.L. 2012. Restudying the Beveled Rim Bowls: new preliminary data from two Uruk sites in the Syrian Middle Euphrates, Res Antiquitatis 3, pp. 263-277.

The historian Procopius (De Aedificiis II, 1) informs us on this policy of fortifications as developed by the Justinian. Through archaeology, we also have records of a group of enclaves of Byzantine defence in the Middle Euphrates – i.e. Callinicum, Zenobia, Zalabiya, Tabus, Kasra, Tell es-Sin and Circesium (modern Buseira). To this system of Byzantine fortress one must now add Tell Humeida – the most northerly Byzantine fortification of the eastern limes. The wall identified in Humeida has clear similarities with that excavated by the SyrianSpanish mission at Tell es-Sin, 10km to the south of Deir ez-Zor. These comparisons lead us to date this to the 6th and 7th centuries AD.

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59. Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq (Deir ez-Zor) Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós (University of Coruña, Spain)

Shaker Al-Shbib (DGAM, Syria)

Between 2008 and 2010, a Syrian-Spanish archaeological mission worked in Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq, where several soundings were carried out on the main hill and in the lower city. These excavations enabled the documentation of the main phases of occupation. The oldest phase was identified only in the lower city. In squares B and C, two complete rooms of a building constructed with sun-dried brick came to light (Fig. 2). By studying the ceramics, typological parallels with Mari city II could be established (ca. 2600 BC). This chronology is coherent with radiocarbon dating of two coal samples: 2578-2390 BC and 2677-2469 BC (calibrated datings).

Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq is an archaeological site located on the left bank of the Euphrates, 65km to the north of Deir ez-Zor and at the entrance of the gorge of Khanuqa/ Halabiya (Fig. 1). Occasionally the site is given the name of the nearby village – Jazaret Millage. The site currently occupies a surface area of approximately 6ha, distributed in two well differentiated sectors. The first is a small area of a slightly rectangular form; the second, far larger, extends to the west of the main hill. This is a large extension which can be defined as a type of lower city whose irregular plan (especially in the southern side) is due to the heavy erosion to which the quaternary terrace has undergone, and on which the settlement of the Bronze Age was built. From the main hill of the site, which rises 26m from the bed of the paleomeander, there is an excellent visual overview above the river and the river access to the strategical region of Khanuqa.

The georadar surveying carried out in 2009 in the lower city confirms that this was a city a circular form, approximately 400m in diameter. Alongside Terqa (Tell ‘Ashara) and Mari (Tell Hariri), Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq is the third circular city known in the southern region of the Middle Syrian Euphrates in the 3rd millennium

Fig. 1 Situation of Tell Qubr Abu al-‘Atiq on the Middle Syrian Euphrates.

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59. Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq (Deir ez-Zor)

Fig. 2 Two rooms of the Early Bronze Age building.

Fig. 3 Digital model of the Middle Assyrian building.

a sun-dried brick building destroyed by a fire, which meant that the ceramics and the remaining utensils could be conserved in situ (Fig. 3). The study of the discovered ceramics shows that the ware was of the type called ‘Middle Assyrian Administrative Pottery’, a repertory of standardised production controlled by the Assyrian empire (Figs. 4 and 5).

BC. These cities of circular urban morphology were common in the Syrian-Mesopotamian region from the 4th millennium BC. Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq must have formed part of the kingdom of Mari during the ancient Bronze Age. This site was probably founded by Mari as a city-fortress to control the access to its territory from the northern border. Coherent with our hypothesis, the kingdom of Mari initially included (ca. 2900 BC) the valley of the Euphrates controlled by Terqa in the north and Mari in the south. Towards 2600 BC, Mari would extend its territorial base with the foundation of Tell Qabr Abu al‘Atiq at the entrance of the gorge of Khanuqa, a strategic location to control river traffic. In this way, in the mid 3rd millennium BC, the kingdom of Mari included the area of the valley of the Middle Euphrates (180km), delineated between the gorges of Baghuz in the south and Khanuqa in the north.

The comparative study of ceramics with Tell Seikh Hamad, in the valley of Khabur and Tell Sabi Abyad, in the valley of Balikh, enable us to date the middle Assyrian empire of Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq to the middle of the 13th century BC. Radiocarbon datings of various samples of charcoal have given us the following calibrated dates: 1298-1026 BC and 1272-1019 BC. On the other hand, the discoveries of two cuneiform administrative tablets (Middle Assyrian dialect) have provided new dates for dating. One of the tablets conserves the date in a complete form: ‘Month of abu-šarrāni, day 10, eponymous year of Abattu, son of Adad-šumu-lēšir’. Nowadays we know that Abattu gave his name to the eleventh year of the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, which puts us – following the chronology used – in the year 1232 or 1222 BC.

The second phase attested in Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq is the Late Bronze II. The archaeological work carried out on the main hill was used to evacuate various rooms of 251

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Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian Administrative Pottery (room 1).

Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian Administrative Pottery (room 3).

of the stronghold. This date is proof of the control that these tribes exerted on the Khanuqa gorge. Further possibilities for study are the localized activities of Aramaics (ahlamu), who were a threat to the stability of the Assyrian empire. –– A conflict with neighbours to the south, i.e. the Kassites, who had settled in the region of Terqa since the times of Kadashman Enlil II.

As for the nature of the Middle Assyrian building of Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq, it is not possible to be conclusive from the initial excavation. The ceramics of rooms 1 and 3 (the only two excavated in total) clearly originate from a domestic context. All the ceramic furniture and fittings are associated with various households and stone utensils (particularly in basalt). There are other arguments which allow us to hypothesise that this is a dunnu or fortified house. Its reduced dimensions (58 x 45m) remind us of those of the dunnu of Sabi Abyad (60 x 60m). Likewise, its privileged communication status with the Hittite territory in Syria and its character as an outpost in the Euphrates valley lead us to think that this is a dunnu, whose main function was not the agricultural development of the region but as a focus of military and commercial control.

Bibliography Montero Fenollós J.L., al-Shbib Sh., Márquez Rowe I. and Caramelo F. 2010. Tell Qubr Abu al-‘Atiq: from Early Dinastic City to a Middle Assyrian Fort. 5th Seasons Report of the Proyecto Arqueológico Medio Éufrates Sirio, Aula Orientalis 28, pp. 73-84. Montero Fenollós J.L., Márquez Rowe I., Caramelo F. and al-Abdallah Y. 2011. Tell Qubr Abu al-‘Atiq: a Middle Assyrian Fort in the Gorge of Khanuqa. 6th Seasons Report of the Proyecto Arqueológico Medio Éufrates Sirio, Aula Orientalis 29, pp. 267-278. Montero Fenollós J.L. (with contributions of F. Caramelo, I. Márquez and J. Sanjurjo) 2015. Asirios en el Medio Éufrates. La cerámica medioasiria de Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq en su contexto histórico-arqueológico, Ferrol.

At our current state of research, we are working on three hypotheses to explain the fire which destroyed the Assyrian stronghold of Tall Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq: –– An incursion by Hittite troops on the occasion of a border dispute which attempted to delineate the territoriality of Hatti and Aššur. –– An attack by the nomad populations of the area. In one of the discovered cuneiform tablets, reference is made to the commercial activities between the Sutean nomads and the inhabitants 252

60. Tulul el-Far, Tell Taouil and Tell el-Kharaze (Damascus) Sophie Cluzan (Musée du Louvre, France)

Ahmad Taraqji (DGAM, Syria)

and easily controlled unit. In the north, Mount Qassioun draws a natural barrier, extended to the west by the imposing chain of the Anti-Lebanon. These mountains are the source of many rivers, the two largest, Nahr el-Barada and Nahr el-A’ouaj, watering and delimiting the oasis to

The Damascus oasis in history The Damascus oasis holds a special place in the SyroPalestinian area. Bounded by different natural entities, it has great territorial coherence and forms a very convenient

Fig. 1 Map of Damascus area featuring Bronze Age main archaeological sites (© S. Cluzan, Mission of Tulul el-Far).

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Fig. 2 Topography and site mapping showing Tulul el-Far (north), Tell Taouil (south), Tell el-Kharaze (east) (© Atef Abou Arraj, Mission of Tulul el-Far).

antiquity. Such is the case with the Early Bronze Age, a period known to mark a series of major turning points in history. Therefore, the Damascene has often been considered an area at the margins of urban and historical development.

the north and south. In the east the two rivers flow into large lakes, ‘Uteybe (north) and Hijaneh (south), which came together in antiquity, restricting the possibilities of access from the east (Fig. 1). With a benign climate afforded by its altitude, 800 to 600m, the presence of water explains the wealth of the oasis, which reinforces a very strategic position on the routes linking northern Syria, southern Palestine and Egypt, and the whole of this area to the Euphrates Valley and Jezireh. All this contributes to giving the ‘Damascene’ a prominent place in the history of human occupation. Nevertheless, if such prominence has already been demonstrated for Neolithic times, and more recently for the Middle Bronze Age period, it has hardly ever been studied for other periods of

Three sites in the south of the oasis This finding of an historical pattern constructed not from facts but from a lack of knowledge, led us to the construction of a regional study project, concentrating at first on three sites where surface surveys by the Directorate of Antiquities and ourselves had shown evidences of Early Bronze Age activity. Our surveys started in 2005 and 2006, with fieldwork in 2007, stopping in 2010. All three sites are located south of the 254

60. Tulul el-Far, Tell Taouil and Tell el-Kharaze (Damascus)

Fig. 3 Tulul el-Far, field C, level I (© M.-G. Froidevaux, E. Devidal, Mission of Tulul el-Far).

oasis, a few kilometres south of Ghazlaniye. Relatively close to each other, the mounds are spread over a total of 80ha on the north bank of the A’ouaj (Fig. 2). Tulul el-Far covers 25ha. Work in three field established elements of its chronological sequence, abandoned in the Early Bronze Age III, as are all Palestinian sites. The site was not reoccupied subsequently, except for activity in the Roman period on its eastern border. The establishment of the Early Bronze Age III reveals the 255

existence of an overall plan allocating buildings with a form of standardized plans and arranged around streets with intersections. Some buildings stand out because of their size, covering up to 116m2 for the main room (Fig. 3). In the centre of the mound, with four phases identified so far, a shared storage area was found in phase 3, composed of circular constructions up to 7m in diameter (Fig. 4), a tradition also found in Palestine at the time, such as at Khirbet Kerak. Many sherds from hole-mouth jars were found bearing incised marks under

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites

Fig. 4 Circular building I with consisting of two rings of bricks. Hole-mouth jars with incisions were found on the floors of these storage buildings (© Mission of Tulul el-Far).

the edges within these storage buildings, and dating to a well-known Palestinian Bronze Age III series (Fig 5).

surveys carried out in the region, helps to advance the hypothesis of the existence of a site-grid at points of penetration of the oasis, namely the northeast, east and south (Fig. 7). This pattern points to the existence of a regional organization holding and protecting the area. It also allows us to assume the existence of a larger central body to protect, a fact that recent works carried out in various parts of Damascus city, including the citadel, could demonstrate by finds as being levels of occupation dating back to the Early Bronze Age period.

Further excavations north and west of the tell have revealed the existence of at least two previous levels to those of the Bronze Age III. The western trench also revealed the existence of a 1.5m thick wall, barring the slope like a boundary wall. On a floor related to this wall was found a set of objects and intact ceramics still in place, left and probably sealed before the site was abandoned (Fig. 5). These ceramics show links with contemporary EB III productions from other regions, as far as the Jezireh or southern Palestine. Found with the ceramic objects, and probably placed for their symbolic value, were a large flint knife, a basalt mortar, a miniature jug and a small stone worked as a standing stone.

All these discoveries are the oldest attestations of the role that the Damascus oasis might have played from this early period, and contradicts the previously established historical pattern according to which Damascene would have remained outside the major channels of communication and cultural exchanges in the 3rd millennium. This advance in knowledge is a continuation of the major discoveries at Tell Sakka by Ahmad Ferzat Taraqji, leading in a similar direction to the full involvement of the area in the history of the Middle East in the Bronze Age, and the existence of a territorial organization around an area and its locations and the provision of protection for it. During the Middle Bronze Age, written materials found outside the oasis confirm that Damascus was the centre of the region known as APUM, even if excavations in the capital have not yet delivered traces of its occupation at that time. By contrast, finds at sites such as Tell Sakka, Salihiyeh, Deir Khabiyeh, Ghazlaniyeh, and now Tell Taouil, can confirm two major historical points relating to the existence of a territorial strategy and integration of Damascene in international events. Thus established, the built network made it possible to control natural pathways in the oasis, doubling somehow the natural system. Moreover, this implementation governs the control of communication channels that connect the northern Palestinian areas on one side and those of the middle Euphrates valley on the other, connecting important Amorites cities such as Hazor and Mari.

Two excavations were conducted at Tell Taouil, a 2ha site some 200m to the south of el-Far. Two phases of a Middle Bronze Age occupation have been recognized. A large building was partially explored, with a zone set aside for weaving (Fig. 6). Tell Yahoudiyeh ware was also found there, allowing a Middle Bronze Age II dating. Surface surveys on Taouil also suggest the existence of an Early Bronze Age occupation, raising the question of its possible link to the main tell. The Kharaze tell, located 150m from the first two and covering 1ha, takes its name from the presence on its surface of multiple beads. It was only surveyed, establishing a periodization close to that of Tell Taouil. The occupation of the territory: towards a geo-political approach for the 3rd millennium Despite the very early state of research on this set of tells, the analyses of their locations within the oasis, at the southeastern end, demonstrates the existence of a strategic choice. A regional analysis conducted in collaboration with Michel Maqdissi, and based the 256

60. Tulul el-Far, Tell Taouil and Tell el-Kharaze (Damascus)

Fig. 5 Ceramics and objects found in situ, field B, level I (© Mission of Tulul el-Far. Drawing by E. Devidal).

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Fig. 6 Tell Taouil (© Mission of Tulul el-Far).

Fig. 7 First draft of site pattern around the Damascus oasis. To the south, the Nahr el-A’ouaj valley might have acted as a natural boundary (© S. Cluzan, Mission of Tulul el-Far).

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61. Tell Massin and Tell al-Nasriyah (Hama) Dominique Parayre (CNRS/University of Lille 3, France)

Martin Sauvage (USR 3225, Nanterre, France)

The ‘Syrian-French Orontes archaeological expedition’ was created in 2007 by Prof Dominique Parayre within CNRS/ University of Lille 3 Unit ‘UMR 8164’, in cooperation with the DGAM of Damascus (Dr Michel al-Maqdissi): we are very grateful to the Syrian

authorities for allowing us to work in such a beautiful and exciting area. In 2009 our programme became an official Mission of the French Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and in February 2011 it was integrated into CNRS/ University of Paris 1 Unit ‘UMR 7041’ (Team

Fig. 1 The ‘micro-region’ on the right bank of the Orontes River (© Martin Sauvage).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites The scientific issue of this program was to compare a settlement lying close to the river with one located on the plateau (perhaps a satellite site of the previous one), and to investigate the cultural and functional peculiarities of Nasriyah compared to Qatna and Hama. The main research themes were: (i) the natural and human paleo-environment, (ii) the settlement pattern and urbanization process of the micro-region, (iii) the local economic, cultural and political dynamics and interactions in a diachronic perspective (from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age). The programme includes the question of the changing role of the Orontes river during this long time span: local navigation most probably occurred on the Orontes, and Nasriyah might have been a location for reloading upstream of the Cheyzar gorges, while ‘Acharneh played the same role downstream. 1. Tell Massin on the karstic plateau of Hama

Fig. 2 Tell Massin, topographical survey (© Mission archéologique syro-française de l’Oronte).

Four expeditions were organised between 2007 and 2010, and several study seasons in the Hama Museum, the last one in April 2011. Here follows a brief overview of our main results.

Tell Massin is a small tell (4ha) located on the karstic plateau, close to a tributary of the Orontes, in an area where sinkholes filled with fertile red earth (terra rossa) that were able to survive despite their degraded condition. The site presents a mound to the south-east of a large quadrangular defensive precinct (topographic levee) (Fig. 2).

‘Vepmo – From Village to State in the Near and Middle East’). The CNRS, IFPO, five universities across Europe and the Middle East, and further five research centres are all involved in the project. Against the background of the middle Orontes valley, the study focused on a ‘micro-region’ (9 x 13km) on the right bank of the Orontes river, 15km downstream of Hama. This very specific ‘micro-region’ is characterized by two closed quadrangular sites 10km apart, which are very typical of the landscape east of the Orontes valley: Tell alNasriyah and Tell Massin. Nasriyah is located on the river bank, while Massin lies on the karstic plateau of Hama (Fig. 1).

The site was once investigated by Robert du Mesnil du Buisson in 1932. His excavations disclosed a 3rd millennium circular settlement on the south-east mound, with EB (mainly EB IV) architectural remains and a very rich material culture. A standing stone might be dated from this period. 260

61. Tell Massin and Tell al-Nasriyah (Hama) In 2007 we cleaned the slopes of the tell, which were cut by paths for agriculture. The mound’s stratigraphy was thus revealed: a very thick, grey ashy level indicating the end of the EB settlement due to a fire, which was followed by the transformation of the original circular settlement into a quadrangular town. The later city was circumscribed by four huge earth levees raised on the slopes of the ancient tell and topped by a mudbrick wall over 2m high (Fig. 3). This resettlement is dated to the MB or Amorite period (transition MB IMB-MB IIA).

Fig. 3 Tell Massin, the Bronze Age levels, a reconstruction (© Martin Sauvage).

Tell Massin was abandoned after the LB Age and its northern lower town was re-occupied during the Classical period, but all these remains were destroyed by modern agriculture. 2. Tell al-Nasriyah at the confluence of the Orontes and the Sarout Tell al-Nasriyah is located on the right bank of the Orontes, where the Sarout tributary flowing from the west meets the main stream. The results of the geomorphological investigation demonstrated both the excellent defensive position of the site (the course of the river being bayonet-shaped) and its precise location upon the quaternary terraces of the river (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4 Tell al-Nasriyah, geomorphological survey (© Morgan de Dapper).

material, including sealed jars and cooking pots similar to those from Hama and Ebla. Nasriyah was without question a major city during the Amorite period, when its plan became quadrangular (transition BM IB-BM II). Huge earth levees were erected north and east of the site, and monumental urban facilities were built to the south-west near the Orontes, including a large paved way climbing from the river up to a gate of the lower town. This route was supported to the west by the strong defensive city wall, and may have led to an ancient shore or port near the channel. The cities of the LB period and of the Iron Age I have not yet documented. The Iron Age II was clearly a period of fast urban growth. A monumental building, with walls 3m wide (sounding D) (Fig. 6), was built on the acropolis, together with a large residence in the lower town (sounding F) (Fig. 7), which included a large pebbled courtyard and storage areas still containing jars, pithoi and amphoras in situ (Fig. 8); several large ovens standing nearby were clearly associated to this residence. For the later periods, a small Ayoubid-Mameluk settlement was excavated near the Orontes (sounding A).

The topographical levee provided the information that we needed to understand the urban layout of the site and its evolution (Fig. 5). The survey conducted in 2007 revealed three main phases of occupation: the Early Bronze (EB III-IV, ca. 2600-2000 BC), the Middle Bronze or Amorite period (ca. 2000-1600 BC), and the Iron Age or Aramaean period (ca. 1200-720 BC). The results of the excavations (9 soundings) were very fruitful in terms of the inhabitants of the period – both living and dead. The extension of the circular EB IV town was remarkable (ca. 10ha) as it encompassed the south-east mound and a part of the lower town near the Orontes. Sounding H disclosed three levels (EB III-EB IVAB) and very rich 261

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Fig. 5 Tell al-Nasriyah, topographical survey (© Mission archéologique syro-française de l’Oronte).

Fig. 6 Tell al-Nasriyah, acropolis, sounding D, the monumental building dated from Iron Age II (© Gilbert Naessens).

Fig. 7 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding F, the large residence dated from Iron Age II (© Gilbert Naessens).

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61. Tell Massin and Tell al-Nasriyah (Hama) excavated (Fig. 9). It has already provided more than 50 funerary jars. The cemetery was in use from the LB to the Iron Age period, which makes it the earliest example of this funerary practice in Syria (before Tell Shiuk Fawqani). The occurrence of both inhumation and cremation practices at the same site is an exceptional in our documentation. We hope that this short summary of our main results may be a fitting testimony of all that we owe to our many Syrian hosts and friends, and a long-lasting remembrance of the magnificent Syrian heritage. Expedition team members (2011) included: Dominique Parayre (French co-director) and Ibrahim Shaddoud (Syrian co-director), Martin Sauvage (assistant), Xavier Faivre, Guillaume Gernez, Aline Tenu (archaeologists), Mohamed al-Dbiyat (geographer), Morgan de Dapper (geomorphologist), Pierre Brial and Paul Courbon (topographers), Maiassa Dib, Nordine Ouraghi, Raed Salloum and Benjamin Vollemaere (students).

Fig. 8 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding F, the large residence, storage area with an amphora set in a pithos (© Mission archéologique syro-française de l’Oronte).

Nasriyah also shed light on the funerary practices of the different periods involved. Close to the site, to the east of the eastern city gate, Zour al-Nasriyah was a very large funerary compound, displaying two huge tumuli dating from the Bronze Age (EB IV and MB; the northern tumulus cut by a bulldozer). These tumuli can be compared with similar monuments from other sites in Syria (Qatna, Banat, etc.) and might have been commemorative places. In sounding A close to the river, south-west of the site, a cremation cemetery was

Fig. 9 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding A, the cremation cemetery (© Mission archéologique syro-française de l’Oronte).

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62. Tell Arbid (Hassake) Piotr Bieliński (University of Warsaw, Poland)

the central part of the mound. There a long step trench (sector S) was cut almost from the very top down to near the slope (Fig. 2). In the course of the excavations new trenches branched out from this central axis at different levels, forming new sub-sectors.

A joint archaeological expedition organized by the DGAM and the Polish Centre of Mediterranean Archaeology, University of Warsaw, excavated the site of Tell Arbid from 1996 until 2010, the last year when work there was still possible. Tell Arbid is situated in the Syrian Jazireh, about 35km south-west of Qamishli. The site was previously briefly investigated by M. Mallowan in the 1930s. He probed the mound in a few soundings, to establish the chronological framework for the site and this led him to the conclusion that it was an important urban centre in the 3rd and early 2nd millennia BC.

The excavations confirmed the chronological framework proposed by Mallowan, enriching and enhancing it. The earliest settlement levels date from the 1st half of the 3rd millennium BC, that is to the Ninevite 5 culture period (or Early Jezireh I/II period). Around that time, a city develops at Tell Arbid, which keeps on prospering into the next Early Jezireh IIIa-b period (ca. 2600-2300 BC). A crisis becomes clearly visible in the following phase (Early Jezireh IIIc), at a time when the Akkadian empire flourishes, with a visible decline in settlement and desertion of some areas. It deepens still in the PostAkkadian period (Early Jezireh IV). By the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, Tell Arbid begins to lose its urban character, a process best seen in layers related to the Khabur ware culture (beginning of the 2nd millennium BC). In the centre of the former town, besides meager remains of dwelling architecture, increasingly more space is taken up by graves. By the end of this period, all settlement withdraws from the main mound. Then, in the times of the Mitanni empire, the abovementioned small tell ‘A’ is inhabited, but the character of this settlement is completely different than before: rather than being even a small town it comprises one sizeable residence.

Mallowan’s investigations focused only on the main tell, with a surface area of about 14ha, which rises some 30m over the surrounding plain (Fig. 1). He paid no attention to the three small hillocks neighbouring the tall mound on the west, of which at least two were settled in antiquity and functioned in conjunction with the main tell. Another part of the Tell Arbid site is a small prehistoric settlement of the Halaf culture, located approximately 500m to the east of the tell, near a dried-out wadi. In the course of over a dozen research campaigns by the Syrian-Polish mission, excavations were undertaken in different parts of the main tell and on one of the satellite mounds, designated as ‘sector A’. On the main tell, the trenches were located in the north-western part (sector D), in the middle of the western slope (sector M), in two areas on the southern slope (sector W) and, foremost, in

Fig. 1 Tell Arbid seen from the north.

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Fig. 2 Step trench on the eastern slope of Tell Arbid. Fig. 3 Grave of the Mitannian period discovered near the top of the tell.

Of the same date are the modest remains of household buildings found at the top of the tell and two lavishly equipped women’s graves (Fig. 3). On tell ‘A’, above the Mitanni-period house, there are two younger settlement levels, one from the Neo-Babylonian, the other from the Hellenistic period. The former seems to attest to a certain continuation in the character of this place, as the excavated architectural remains also belonged to a prosperous residence. In the Hellenistic period it turned into a small, chaotically planned agricultural settlement. In the same period, the north part of the main tell was used as a cemetery.

a large central courtyard and six rooms on the ground floor, of which three were of household character (Fig. 4). On the eastern slope (sector SD) we stumbled upon a small, well-preserved sanctuary with altars and a hearth. Another temple of this date was discovered in the south part of the site (sector W-West), its cella measuring 10 x 7.5m, a wall preserved up to 2.5m high. It had a narrow annex at the back and was furnished with a mud-brick altar with a square hearth in front of it, a clay bench and a large incense burner. Testing beneath the cella floor proved that underneath there was an older building of identical outline and probably also of the same function. The excavated upper sanctuary was surrounded by rooms on three sides, one of them possibly a granary, while its front was abutted by a monumental mud-brick terrace, at least 3.5m high, consisting of three steps, each of them 2m wide; the structure can be even higher, which could not be checked due to the unexpected end of the research project. The architectural complex of the ‘southern temple’ with its unique terrace is among the most interesting features in the Ninevite 5 culture layers at Tell Arbid (Fig. 5).

The most interesting vestiges discovered at Tell Arbid are the remains of the 3rd millennium BC city, especially that of the Early Jezireh I/II period (Ninevite 5 culture), when the city reached its peak area. Layers from this period were reached in all trenches at the main tell, and the cumulative thickness of all Ninevite 5 period layers reached 15m. In the local scale of the Syrian Jezireh, Tell Arbid was a mid-sized city centre. Fragments of dwelling quarters of that date were uncovered, inter alia, on the eastern and northern slope of the mound. Particularly well-preserved architectural remains in the north-western part of the tell (sector D) include domestic houses and a communal granary situated on both sides of a narrow, winding street. The best-preserved house measured approximately 9 x 8.5m and consisted of

By the 23rd century BC, the Ninevite 5 culture gave way to the Early Jazireh III culture, similar in its material 265

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Fig. 4 Ninevite period house from sector D.

Fig. 5 Ninevite shrine with adjacent terrace.

Fig. 6 Façade of the ‘Public Building’, with later cubicles in the foreground.

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62. Tell Arbid (Hassake) aspect to the last phase of the Early Dynastic period culture in southern Mesopotamia. Despite this, there was no major change in the urban fabric of Tell Arbid, with, e.g., the street layout remaining in place. In this period, the top of the tell had been occupied by a so-called ‘public building’, the eastern part of which was exposed before the research was interrupted. The building is about 23m long, with a central courtyard and at least seven rooms, two of which served as kitchens. The presumed official character of the structure is indicated by its central, hilltop location and its perimeter wall decorated with recesses that were of an ornamental rather than practical function. The described latest phase of the building was considerably damaged in later periods, so its ground plan would be difficult to reconstruct in full. However, the results obtained from some soundings in the area hint at a better state of preservation of its earlier phase. By the end of the Early Jezireh III period, just outside the perimeter wall of the public building – across a narrow street running along the wall – a compound of at least 15 irregular cubicles arranged in three rows was built. It was excavated in an area of approximately 10 x 7m. It was not a pre-planned structure but rather each of the cubicles was added separately (Fig. 6). The type of the structure and the finds it yielded hint at its function as a suq, one of the oldest in all of the Near East. Tell Arbid, with its well-preserved urban architecture from the 3rd millennium BC will wait for better times and the return of archaeologists. The site still has much to offer to scholars and research there can further our understanding of processes related to the urbanization of the Syrian steppe five thousand years ago. Bibliography Bieliński P. 2013. Annual reports in: Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean from volume 8 (1997); the last one : Bieliński P., Preliminary Results of the Fifteenth Field Season of Joint Syrian – Polish Explorations on Tell Arbid (2010), Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, vol. XXII), pp. 351-370. Bieliński P. 2009. Some Cylinder Seal Impressions on Pottery from Tell Arbid, in Here & There Across the Ancient Near East. Studies in Honour of Krystyna Łyczkowska, Warszawa, pp. 5 – 11. Koliński R. 2013. Tell Arbid. Adam Mickiewicz University Excavations in Sector P (spring season excavations of 2010), Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, vol. XXII, pp. 451-478.

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63. Tell Halaf (Hassake) Lutz Martin (Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin, Germany)

The Tell Halaf, ancient Guzana, is situated on the Djirdjib River, one of the sources of the Khabur, in northeast Syria (Fig. 1). Near the settlement mound, around 3km east, lies the modern town of Ras al-Ain. Directly north of the tell runs the legendary Baghdad railway: today this forms the border between Syria and Turkey. The ancient settlement is divided into a town complex with an almost rectangular citadel measuring 6ha in area and some 20m in height, and another, also almost rectangular, lower town, of approximately 60ha (Fig. 2).

It was in the citadel that Cologne banker’s son and later imperial Ministerresident, Max von Oppenheim (1860-1946), discovered strange-looking monumental sculptures during a brief sounding in 1899 (Fig. 3). Regularly excavations were carried out under his direction between 1911 and 1913 and 1929. After an interruption of 77 years a joint mission of the Museum of the Ancient Near East in Berlin and the Direction Générale des Antiquités et des Musées in Damascus, in cooperation with the Universities of Halle, Tübingen and

Fig. 1 Sketch map with the location of Tell Halaf (© Tell Halaf-Project, drawing Ina Beyer).

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63. Tell Halaf (Hassake)

Fig. 2 Tell Halaf from North, 2006 (© Tell Halaf-Project; photographer: Günther Mirsch).

Fig. 3 Trench A, 1899 (© Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung, Cologne).

Bern continued the explorations in 2006. Five excavation campaigns were carried out between 2006 and 2010.

The most important ruler of Guzana was presumably Kapara, during whose reign in the late 10th to early 9th century BC the ‘western palace’ was erected. Oppenheim called this building the ‘temple palace’, whose facade he had uncovered in his soundings in 1899. In architectural terms, it is a so-called bīt hilani, the Assyrian name for a northern Syrian type of palace consisting of two parallel long rectangular rooms and featuring a colonnaded portico at the entrance. The sculptures which Oppenheim found at the Scorpion Gate of the western palace were among his most spectacular finds and it was those that made the site so famous and widely known (Figs. 5 and 6). New excavations have clearly indicated that the palace was not, as Max von Oppenheim assumed, constructed on top of the remaining walls of an earlier building. In fact, the western palace is an entirely new building, whose massive foundations (up to 3m

What is known about the ancient settlements on Tell Halaf? The first small settlements were established around 8000 years ago (Fig. 4). The brightly-coloured ceramics produced during that time are considered typical of an era during the Late Neolithic period. Today, this era is known as the Halaf period. At the beginning of the 1st millennium BC, the Aramaic ruling dynasty known as Bit Bachiani founded their principality’s capital on the prehistoric settlement mound. The name of the city, Guzana, was first mentioned in an Assyrian text dating from 894 BC.

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Fig. 4 Round building with rectangular annex: Halaf Period 2009 (© Tell Halaf-Project; photographer: Laura Simons).

Fig. 5 The ‘scorpion gate’, 1911 (© Max Freiherr von OppenheimStiftung, Cologne).

tall in places) were set into a deep building pit. Before the building was constructed, however, the area was subject to intensive development and usage. This is evidenced by the existence of mudbrick walls, which were smashed through when the trench for the palace foundation was created.

as one of the most important and the office of governor as one of the most prestigious in the Assyrian empire. The province’s importance stemmed not only from the fertile and well-watered country around Guzana – even today the region is heavily agricultural – but also from the city’s location on the ‘royal road’ connecting the cities of the Assyrian heartland – Assur, Kalhu and Nineveh – with northern Syria and the Mediterranean, passing through northern Mesopotamia.

To protect the base of the mudbrick wall on the northern side of the palace against weathering it was covered by large stone slabs, so called orthostats. The socle of the mudbrick terrace of the palace was also decorated with relief slabs of red-dyed limestone and greyish-black basalt. These orthostats were, however, considerably smaller.

Cuneiform documents and clay dockets with Aramaic inscriptions found during Max von Oppenheim’s excavations serve as evidence of the continuation of the city after the collapse of the Assyrian empire during the 7th century BC. The remains of buildings and pits several metres deep and filled with remains from the Hellenistic period are evidence of the town’s existence and continuous settlement until into the Islamic period. Today, parts of the citadel are used as burial sites for the neighbouring village of Tell Halaf.

It is assumed that the city finally came under Assyrian rule around 808 BC, when it became the seat of an Assyrian governor (Fig. 7). The Bible mentions Guzana in context with the capture of the inhabitants of Samaria by the Assyrian King Sargon II. Between the 9th and the 7th centuries BC, the province Guzana was considered 270

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Fig. 6 Remains of the ‘western palace’ and the ‘scorpion-gate’ from the east, 2006 (© Tell Halaf-Project; photographer: Günther Mirsch).

Fig. 7 Southern part of the Assyrian ‘governor’s-palace’ from the west, 2009, 2010 (© Tell Halaf-Project; photographer: Laura Simons).

In conclusion, it can be determined that investigations at Tell Halaf are particularly profitable, providing as they do insights into both prehistory and the period from the early part of the 1st millennium until the end of the ancient Near Eastern empires. If one day, after the civil war, new excavations are possible, important results relating to the early Iron Age, in particular, are eagerly anticipated, as very little research into this period has been carried out in this region. Furthermore, the tell may also serve as an important reference location for the Hellenistic Greek period in Upper Mesopotamia.

Bibliography Baghdo, Abd-el Masih H., Martin L., Novák M. and Orthmann W. (eds.) 2012. Tell Halaf: Vorbericht über die dritte bis fünfte syrisch-deutsche Grabungskampagne, Vorderasiatische Forschungen der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 3, II, Wiesbaden. Martin L. 2011. Neue archäologische Feldforschungen am Tell Halaf, dem biblischen Gosan, Archäologischer Anzeiger 1. Halbband, 215 – 234. Novák M. 2013. Gōzān and Gūzāna – Anatolian, Aramaens, and Assyrians in Tell Halaf, in: Dominik Bonatz und Lutz Martin (eds.) 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschungen in Nordost-Syrien – eine Bilanz, Schriften der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 18, Wiesbaden, 259 – 280. 271

64. Halawa (Raqqa) Jan-Waalke Meyer (Frankfurt University, Germany)

Winfried Orthmann (University Halle, Germany)

Excavations in Halawa started in 1975 as part of the international effort to save the archaeological monuments in the Euphrates valley that were threatened by Lake Assad. Nine campaigns of excavating continued until 1986. The site lies north of Emar/Meskene on the eastern bank of the Euphrates, about opposite Selenkahiye. Its two areas (Fig. 1) – Tell Halawa A and B – are separated by a wadi (Fig. 1). Tell B was obviously founded in the Early Bronze Age II and abandoned in the Early Bronze Age III; it remains uncertain whether there is an hiatus until the first occupation of Tell Halawa A; the

settlement relics that were documented there date to the Early Bronze Age IV and to the Middle Bronze Age I. Tell A Middle Bronze Age I (levels 1-2) The latest building level 1 consists of few remains of relatively large, free-standing dwelling-houses. Building level 2 is just a little earlier but encompasses an extended quarter that appears to be the result of central planning and organized allotment of the dwelling-units, which are accessed by regularly arranged lanes (Fig. 3). The standardized sizes of the houses range from 25-30m2 to 3640m2. The ceramics inventory is comparable to examples from the Middle Euphrates (e.g. Hadidi, Tell Sweyhat) and from west Syria (Ebla IIIA, Hama H). Other finds worth mentioning are a clay liver, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic terracotta figurines, chart models and so-called incenseburners. Early Bronze Age (level 3) Some of the dwellinghouses from the Early Bronze Age IV (Fig. 2) are rather more spacious (50-60m2). The differences do not only concern the size but also the equipment. Often the larger houses are provided with more, and more variable installations, and they have storage rooms suggesting stock-keeping

Fig. 1 Overall plan of Halawa (Halawa A marked).

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Fig. 6 Wall at Area Q.

Fig. 5 Main room of a household.

Fig. 4 Main room of the temple.

Fig. 2 Plan of Halawa A, Layer 3.

for a certain term (Figs. 5 and 6). Changes in the building substance point to changes in the social status. The lanes are not arranged as systematically as in the later phase – probably because the course of the town wall is taken into consideration. This fortification has been registered in several areas; supposedly it was provided with a glacis and towers (Area U/T). The irregular shape of the town wall is obviously due to the underlying topography. In Area Q one of the town gates was exposed – an early example of a three-chambered gate. Two building phases of an extensive temple complex were exposed in the centre of the settlement. The temple in antis is ca. 20m and 13m wide (Fig. 4). It consists of a vestibule that opens up to the courtyard and a main room. The foundations are built of large limestone rocks, the rising walls of mudbricks, only a few relics of which are extant. Several platforms inside, as well as further installations, let one think of a venue for ritual activities. Fragments of reliefs belonging to at least two different sculptures, probably showing scenes of a sacrifice, would fit in this context (Fig. 7). A limestone statuette, an alabaster bowl with geometrical decoration

Fig. 3 Plan of Halawa A, Layer 2.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Also the pottery shapes of level 3 correspond to those of the other settlements in the Euphrates valley, in addition, they show strong connections with west Syria (Ebla IIB, Hama J3-8, Amuq I). The same is true for the anthropomorphic terracotta figurines and the bronze finds (needles, daggers, axes). Tell B The structures of Tell B can be divided into two main building periods – dating roughly to the Early Bronze Age II (Fig. 8). As long as the occupation lasted the settlement was fortified by a town wall. Besides a number of one-room dwellings, structures existed in all building periods and these also consisted of just one room, which must be interpreted as sacred buildings (Fig. 9). This interpretation is based upon the existence of pillared facades, the installation of platforms, and the fact that they were erected on a raised foundation (latest building phase).

Fig. 7 Stele fragment.

In the earliest of those buildings a polychrome mural was found (Fig. 11). The face in the centre (cf. the painting on a limestone slab (Fig. 12)) is framed by upright (dancing?) figures and vegetable elements. Other finds include an almost complete zoomorphic vessel and the mould of an axe with crescent-shaped blade. The

and fragments of pottery with figurative decoration may also have seen ritual use. The sacred complex, which is shut off from the dwelling-houses by a temenos wall, also contains a number of storage rooms with inventory.

Fig. 9 Building II.

Fig. 8 Overall plan of Halawa (Halawa B marked).

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Fig. 10 Halawa B finds.

Fig. 11 Wall painting at Halawa B.

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Fig. 12 Limestone stele with painting.

above-mentioned date is confirmed by painted pottery (Karababa ceramics) and fragments of sealed pottery (Fig. 10). Tombs There lay numerous tombs in the vicinity of Tell B, as well as around Tell A – there especially let into the glacis of the fortification wall in the south. Most of them were shaft tombs with one or two large lateral chambers, often furnished with, for instance, benches, platforms and niches. Bibliography Hempelmann R. 2005. Die bronzezeitliche Keramik von Tell Halawa A. Ausgrabungen in Halawa 3. Schriften zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 9. Meyer J.-W. 1984. Ausgrabungen in Halawa. Zusammenfassung der stratigraphischen Methoden. Stratigraphica Archaeologica 1, 28-31. Orthmann W. et al. 1981. Halawa 1977 bis 1979. Vorläufiger Bericht über die 1. bis 3. Grabungskampagne. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 31. Meyer, J.-W., Pruß, A. 1994. Die Kleinfunde von Tell Halawa A. Ausgrabungen in Halawa 2. Schriften zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 6. Orthmann W. et al. 1989 Halawa 1980-1986. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 52.

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65. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani (Aleppo) Gioacchino Falsone (University of Palermo, Italy)

Paola Sconzo (University of Tübingen, Germany)

however spared, including Shiyukh Tahtani: therefore our fieldwork continued for many more seasons until it came to a final stop due to the sudden outbreak of the current civil war (Spring 2011).

Tell Shiyukh Tahtani lies at the heart of a broad alluvial plain which extends on the left bank of the Euphrates River, just south of the Syro-Turkish border in the district of Ayn el-Arab/Kobane. The site is a small mound of conical shape, 17m high, surrounded by a flat lower town about 6ha in extent. Its ancient name is as yet unknown. The top of the mound today bears a tall water tower, making a modern landmark visible from afar (Fig. 1).

The Italian excavations at Shiyukh have revealed a long cultural sequence, ranging from prehistoric to Byzantine times. As one of the major goals of the project was to investigate paths and times of the emergence of urbanism at a small site of the Middle Euphrates region, efforts were mainly concentrated on the upper tell, while only minor soundings were undertaken in the lower town.

The mound was an undisturbed archaeological site until September 1993, when a team from Palermo University began salvage excavations, taking part in an international programme to rescue the heritage monuments threatened by the construction of the Tishreen Dam on the upper Syrian Euphrates. In the summer of 1999, at the closing of the dam, a long stretch of the river valley was flooded creating a huge lake. Only a few sites on its fringes were

Apart from a few stray finds of the Halaf and Ubaid periods, which may suggest a prehistoric occupation deeply buried in the heart of the mound, the earliest stratified levels go back to the late 4th millennium BC

Fig. 1 Tell Shiyukh Tahtani, viewed from the west (© G. Falsone).

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Fig. 2 Mudbrick architecture (late 4th millennium BC) (© G. Falsone).

Fig. 3 Jar burial (a) containing ‘champagne cups’ (b) (3000-2700 BC) (© G. Falsone).

manufacture, thus suggesting that this first horizon can be assigned to a Late Chalcolithic/Early Bronze Age transition. This was somewhat related to the ‘urban revolution’ which saw the rise of the first cities, the invention of writing and other technological advances in Mesopotamia.

(as suggested by C14 dates). These were retrieved at the bottom of a deep trench dug at the eastern foot of the tell. Niched architecture in a pure Mesopotamian tradition was uncovered here, consisting of mudbrick walls, some as high as 3m, embellished with a series of solid buttresses protruding from a monumental facade (Fig. 2). The front of two adjacent buildings in this style was investigated, the function of which remains unknown (public? elite residences?). In the open court opposite their entrance domestic activities of daily life were performed, mainly concerning food production and consumption.

The site showed a marked cultural continuity throughout the whole third millennium, with a major growth at its very beginning (2900-2700 BC). In this period a large quarter with similar buttress architecture occupied the west side of the mound. Sometimes infants and young adults were buried in a large pot inside the dwellings (Fig. 3a). The material culture included high-stemmed ‘champagne cups’ and other vessels which characterized the famous ‘cist burials’ first unearthed by Sir Leonard Woolley and T. E. Lawrence (of Arabia) in the pioneer

The finds of this early horizon include Cananaean flint blades, copper-alloy axe-heads, stone mace-heads and a rich ceramic assemblage of two different styles: fine Uruk-type vessels of Sumerian origin occurred side by side with coarse straw-tempered pots of indigenous

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Fig. 4 Pit grave with rich pottery finds (2500-2200 BC) (© G. Falsone)

excavations of the British Museum on the acropolis mound at nearby Carchemish (Fig. 3b). Around the mid 3rd millennium a flourishing period developed in Syria, known as the second urbanization. At Shiyukh Tahtani this horizon was retrieved only on the east side of the mound, possibly testifying to a shift in occupation or contraction in settlement size. The main architectural feature was a rectangular multi-roomed building with solid stone footings, flanked by a paved street running north-south. A particular chamber inside this building (nicknamed the ‘perfume room’) contained a rich hoard of tiny cups and fine unguent flasks, perhaps a workshop for the production of fragrant oils, often used for funerary practices.

Fig. 5 Bronze bull pendant (2500-2200 BC) (© G. Falsone)

Turning to the latter, large quantities of tombs throw light on the Bronze Age burial customs of the Syrian Euphrates. The deceased was usually buried in an earth pit beneath the house floor or in open areas outside. The body was usually laid in a crouched pose. Although no monumental elite structures were encountered, the pit graves of the late Early Bronze Age usually contained a rich array of furnishings, mainly vessels (in one tomb over 100 examples) bearing food and drink for the dead (Fig. 4). Among various ornaments, such as toggle-pins, bronze torques, polychrome beads, etc., a remarkable piece is a bull bronze figurine (Fig. 5).

town. The newcomers built their mudbrick houses in a different style and orientation, used different tools and weapons and introduced new pottery types: common ware was often decorated with linear or wavy impressions obtained from a comb-like tool (Combed Ware), while luxury items of funerary use were highly polished oil flasks (Grey Ware). Four superimposed Middle Bronze Age levels were identified on the upper eastern slope. The settlement grew in size and population, since it apparently extended into the lower town. Evidently this was a stormy period, since all levels show clear traces of violent destruction by fire. Consequently the house dwellings were rebuilt above older structures, often keeping a similar shape and

At the end of the Early Bronze Age the settlement at Shiyukh seems to have been abandoned. Thereafter, in the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1595 BC), a new ethnic group arrived and settled above the ruins of the earlier 279

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Fig. 6 Burnt building with household inventory (Middle Bronze Age II) (© G. Falsone).

orientation. Of interest was a large room containing a rich household inventory (Fig. 6), consisting of many craters and storage jars, grinding stones, ovens, cooking facilities and even a unique burnt rope rolled up in a corner. The most striking find was however a large

conical vase, bearing on the rim a series of sealings, depicting a nude Oriental goddess standing on a bull. This implies that the kitchen installations were closely related to a ritual service.

Fig. 7 Pit burial of a child with sheep offering (Middle Bronze Age II) (© G. Falsone).

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65. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani (Aleppo) In the same room twelve child and adult tombs (both storage jars and plain pits) were sealed under the floor. Besides the usual furnishings a special offering was a portion of lamb meat placed inside a dish set near the feet of the deceased. Quite unusual, moreover, was a whole skeleton of a sheep found beside a child interment (Fig. 7). This practice not only suggests that sheep/ goat breeding was an important factor of the Euphrates economy at this time, but also may refer to an age-old pastoral lineage, linked to an earlier nomadic tradition of shepherds. Were they Amorites coming from the Syrian steppe, a nomadic people known from Mesopotamian and biblical sources?

Bibliography Falsone G. 1998. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani on the Euphrates. The University of Palermo salvage excavations in North Syria (1993-1994). Akkadica 109-110: pp. 2264. Falsone G. and Sconzo P. 2014. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani. New Light on the Bronze Age Sequence in P. Bieliński et al. (eds.) Proceedings of the 8th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Vol. 2: Excavation and Progress Reports (Warsaw, 30 April – 4 May 2012). Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag: pp. 223-245. Sconzo P. 2007b. Collapse or Continuity? The case of the EB-MB transition at Tell Shiyukh Tahtani, in C. Marro and C. Kuzucuoglu (eds.) Société humaines et changment climatique á la fin du troisième millénaire: une crise a-t-elle eu lieu en haute Mésopotamie? (Varia Anatolica XIX). Paris, De Boccard: pp. 267309.

While the evidence for the later 2nd millennium is scanty, life resumed at Shiyukh in the Iron Age (1000605 BC), when the land on the left bank of the river belonged to the Aramaean tribe of Bitadini and then fell under Assyrian rule. A small community apparently lived mainly on the summit of the tell, where a series of mudbrick buildings continued to be in use during the 8th-7th centuries BC. The main economy was based on agriculture, pastoralism and textile industry. After a long hiatus a new era of greater urban expansion took place during the Roman and early Byzantine periods, presumably datable from the 2nd/3rd century AD onwards. In spite of very little exploration, there are enough data to assume that the lower town was intensively inhabited during Roman imperial times. A few test trenches on the east side have in fact revealed traces of an imposing bath building in a pure Roman tradition, as well as the remains of a building with a mosaic floor. On the other hand, much wider evidence was retrieved on the western side of the tell, where large buildings with stone foundations – filled with masses of collapsed roof tiles – were laid directly above the ruins of the 3rd millennium, including an interesting trapetum for the production of olive oil. In terms of today, it is extremely sad to report here that most recently the whole area around Shiyukh has become a battlefield: the top of the tell is now a strategic spot occupied by armed combatants and the dead have been left lying around (even in our trenches). All the inhabitants have been forced to leave and the once prosperous modern dwellings nearby have become a ghost town. Obviously the damage caused to the antiquities of this ancient mound is incalculable.

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66. Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Lattakia) Valérie Matoïan (CNRS, France)

Khozama al-Bahloul (DGAM, Syria)

Ras Shamra, 10km north of Latakia, is one of the main archaeological sites of the Syrian coast, located in a large and fertile plain. Surrounded by two rivers (Nahr ed-Delbe to the south and Nahr Chbayyeb to the north), the tell is located 800m from the site of Minet el-Beida, one of the most favourable natural harbours of the northern Levant. It occupies a strategic position in the vicinity of the cap of Ras Ibn Hani, the closest point on the Levantine coast to Cyprus.

(Akkadian, Sumerian, Hurrian, Hittite, Louvian, Egyptian hieroglyphs, Cypro-Minoan). This textual documentation (mainly written in Ugaritic and in Akkadian, the lingua franca for this period) is characterized by the variety of different types of literature. Administrative, commercial, legal, diplomatic, epistolary (Fig. 1), divination, veterinary, musical… and religious texts were found. These latter (referring to cosmology, theology, ritual, royal ideology, pantheon) comprise lists of deities, rituals, magicalreligious texts and Ugaritic poetry: legends and myths describing the activities of ‘heroes’ and deities. Among the pantheon, only few deities play a role in the mythological narratives, such as El, ‘creator of creatures’, and his wife Athirat; the storm-god Hadad, called Baal (‘Lord’) who lives on the Saphon Mountain at the northern edge of the kingdom and protects the Ugaritic kingship, and Yam, (‘Sea’). Among the epigraphic studies, recent researches focus on palaeography and scribal practices, in particular the coexistence of two cuneiform alphabets, a longer (comprising 30 letters) well adapted to the phonetics of the Ugaritic language, a shorter (22 letters), which probably reflects an alphabetic system imported from elsewhere.

Research on the tell of Ras Shamra has a very long history. Since 1929, excavations were undertaken by a French (until 1998) and then Syrian-French archaeological mission. The site was occupied since the Neolithic to the end of the Late Bronze Age (around 1200 BC), with modest reoccupations during the Iron Age and the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The first settlement, a small Neolithic village recognized in a deep sounding (18m) near the Acropolis, is dated back to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (around 7500 BC). Archaeological investigation was concentrated on the Bronze Age and revealed the vestiges of the city of Ugarit, capital of a Levantine kingdom boring the same name during the 2nd millennium BC. Because of its geographical extension, political power and military capacity, it was a middle-sized kingdom within the parameters of Syria in the 2nd millennium BC, but a leading one from an economic point of view. The wealth of documents (artefacts and texts) concerning the two centuries prior to the destruction of the site at the end of the Late Bronze Age (mid 14th/beginning of the 12th century BC) is unique for the area and Ugarit became a reference site for the study of urban and palatial civilization of the Bronze Age in the Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean. This documentation is shedding light on the history and culture of a prosperous state, a centre of exchanges (sea and land trade) and cultural interaction between Crete, Cyprus, central and southern Levant, Egypt, Anatolia, Inner Syria, Mesopotamia. From the first campaigns, Ugarit became famous for its unique discoveries: the Ugaritic language and its writing system – an alphabetic cuneiform script – one of the earliest alphabets.

Fig. 1 Tablet RS 94.2411, H. 6.5cm, so-called ‘house of Urtenu’, Ugarit, Late Bronze Age. This administrative text, written in both alphabetic cuneiform and syllabic cuneiform, is a list of towns from the kingdom of Ugarit (© Mission of Ras Shamra; Photo V. Matoïan).

The cosmopolitan nature of the city is borne out by the number of different languages evidenced in the texts 282

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Fig. 2 Restoration of the temple of Baal, acropolis of Ras Shamra, Late Bronze Age (© Mission of Ras Shamra, after Callot 2011; colours V. Huyard & V. Matoïan).

Fig. 3 – The socalled temple of Dagan, acropolis of Ras Shamra, Late Bronze Age (© Mission of Ras Shamra; Photo B.N. Chagny).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites field campaign, the excavation of a water-well was started, located in the Late Bronze Age Building B of the area known as ‘Grand-rue’. Although not complete, this work has led to a better understanding of the mode of operation of the groundwater, which was the main source of water for Ugaritans, and confirms the likely sustainability of this resource, even at the end of the dry season. The work also involved the retrieval of a large sample of timber (tamarisk, oak, pinus…), probably from the collapsed structure of the building that housed the well.

Fig. 4a-b The ‘bridge-dam’ on the Nahr ed-Delbe, photography and restoration of the first phase, probably dated to the Late Bronze Age (© Mission of Ras Shamra; Photo V. Matoïan; restoration: B. Geyer and E. Croidieu).

Archaeological investigations (ca. 16% of the tell of 28ha) revealed a precise picture of the urbanism of the city with its residential districts, its cultic places among them the so-called ‘Temple of Baal’ (Fig. 2) and ‘Temple of Dagan’ on the Acropolis (Fig. 3), its palatial sector. This last is a vast complex composed of several units, among them an imposing fortified gate, a guardhouse, a square, a building with pillars on rising ground, and the royal palace. The Ugaritic architecture is characterized by the use of stones, ashlar stones and wood, with very little evidence of bricks. Some of the palace walls are particularly well preserved (to a height of 3m).

From 1986 to 2009, a unique ‘bridge-dam’ was gradually uncovered in the bed of the river that runs south of the site Ras Shamra (Fig. 4a-b). It is built of carved rectangular blocks of ramleh. Two phases of activity have been identified, separated by a period of abandonment and partial destruction. The dam function is clearly attested during the first phase and the structure’s use as a bridge is also probable at this time. During the second phase, radiocarbon dated to the Roman period, only the bridge function is attested. By contrast, the chronology of the first phase is more uncertain, with evidence suggesting it was used during the Late Bronze Age or perhaps Hellenistic period.

Objects of daily life and more refined artefacts belonging to the elite have been discovered in the private dwellings and the palatial area. Others such as stelae (Fig. 5) with divine iconography came from cultic places. Others were found in tombs constructed beneath a great number of houses, which could be an indication of a cult focusing on family ancestors. More than 200 tombs have been excavated; some comprise a staircase leading down in the vaulted funerary chamber. Archaeological and textual documentation provide information regarding different crafts such as work with stones, metals and ivory, the manufacture of pottery and vitreous materials (faience, glass, Egyptian blue, glazed pottery), the textile industry, the use of murex shells for purple dye, etc. Evidence of skilled metal work (weapons decorated with zoomorphic motifs, bronze statuettes –

Numerous structures provide particularly rich information about water supplies and water management in a Mediterranean town some 3000 years old. More than 100 masonry wells were discovered in the city. During the 2010 284

66. Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Lattakia) some with precious metal covering – depicting deities, jewellery) and carved ivory were discovered, such as the masterpieces from the royal palace (a statue, a double sided bed panel, boxes, table, chairs – mostly carved in elephant ivory). Analysis in laboratory provides accurate data on techniques, origin of raw materials, provenance of the artefacts and other information. We also identified one of the earliest attestations of colourless glass and a special variety of Egyptian blue as a colourant of objects with ‘faience’ body. This latter use seems to be in evidence only at Ugarit for the period under consideration and may correspond to a local recipe. Material culture, as textual documentation, shows evidence of interplay between various influences (Egyptian, Aegean, Mesopotamian…) and permits us to measure the extent of Ugarit’s relations with the neighbouring regions. Work in progress tends, for example, to establish a corpus of ægyptiaca, one of the most important for the northern Levant. Known as an exceptional meeting place where languages and culture interchange, Ras Shamra, Ugarit is recognized as one of the Levant’s iconic heritage sites. Artefacts and texts discovered since 1929 are currently being studied, and excavation work at Ras Shamra continues today. Ongoing operations are, inter alia, to draw a more accurate picture of the urban geo-sociology of the city of the Late Bronze Age, with detailed studies on the palatial culture (Fig. 6) and certain dwelling districts (e.g. ‘Ville Sud’, ‘Sud-Acropole’, ‘Quartier Égéen’) based on architectural analysis, texts and contextualized study of the archaeological material. Another goal is to improve our knowledge of the religious practices, notably in order to better characterize the cultic material and divine iconography. Work was also devoted to recording the

Fig. 5 Stelae discovered in a great building south of the so-called ‘residence of Yabninu’, Ugarit, Late Bronze Age, Latakia Museum (© Mission of Ras Shamra: Photo K. al-Bahloul).

Fig. 6 Gold covering in the form of a wing, probably from a figure of a sphinx decorating a piece of furniture, royal palace of Ugarit, Late Bronze Age, Damascus Museum (© Mission of Ras Shamra; Photo V. Matoïan).

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Fig. 7 The so-called temple of Dagan: view from the east of the stone wall and dated to the 3rd millennium BC beneath the podium (© Mission of Ras Shamra; Photograph B.-N. Chagny).

first cultic installations of the acropolis, and, in 2010, we identified the remains of a building dating back to the 3rd millennium BC beneath the so-called ‘Temple of Dagan’ (Fig. 7).

Bibliography

Bordreuil P., Hawley R., et Pardee D. 2012. Une bibliothèque au sud de la ville***, Textes 19942002 en cunéiforme alphabétique de la Maison d’Ourtenou, Ras Shamra – Ougarit XVIII, Lyon. Callot O. 2011. Les sanctuaires de l’acropole d’Ougarit. Les temples de Baal et de Dagan, Ras Shamra – Ougarit XIX, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon. Matoïan V., Al-Maqdissi M. and Calvet Y. (eds). 2012. Études ougaritiques II, Ras Shamra – Ougarit XX, Ed. Peeters, Paris – Leuven – Walpole. Matoïan V. and Al-Maqdissi M. (eds.) 2013. Études ougaritiques III, Ras Sahmra – Ougarit XXI, Ed. Peeters, Paris – Leuven – Walpole. Matoïan V., Al-Maqdissi M., Haydar J. Al-Bahloul K. et al. 2013. Rapport préliminaire sur les activités de la mission archéologique syro-française de Ras Shamra – Ougarit en 2009 et 2010 (69e et 70e campagnes), Syria 90, pp. 439-478 (for the Arabic translation, www.ras-shamra.ougarit.mom.fr).

From a larger perspective, we developed geoarchaeological research within a diachronic approach, firstly along the coastal sites to obtain data on ancient ports, to determine the Holocene evolution of the Syrian coast (e.g. the morphogenesis of the Ras Ibn Hani peninsula) and the vegetal environment and cultivation practices. Recently, a detailed, high-resolution, pollen record conducted on sediments from Tell Sukas, 35km from Ras Shamra, provides new data on the development of olive horticulture and olive oil production in coastal Syria from the 3rd millennium BC. It confirms a dry climate episode at the end of the Bronze Age, which may be one of the possible causes of the period of turmoil and crisis occurring around 1200 BC at the time of the destruction of Ugarit.

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67. Tell Chuera (Raqqa) Jan-Waalke Meyer (Frankfurt University, Germany)

The settlement of Tell Chuera became known early in the 20th century because of the extensive travels of Max Freiherr von Oppenheim in the steppe region of northern Syria. He was the first to call attention to a group of settlement mounds which show several similarities: they all consist of an elevated upper town with a town wall and a lower town which surrounds the upper town, approximately in a circle, and which is in its turn surrounded by embankment-like structures (Fig. 1).

Because of this shape, they are referred to by the German term Kranzhügel (‘cup and saucer’). With a surface of ca. 80ha Tell Chuera is the largest of these settlements. The distribution of this type of mound is restricted to the steppe regions between the upper courses of the rivers Khabur and Balikh, the Euphrates’ only tributaries, and to the area south of Djebel Abd al-Aziz in Syria. To the north, on what is now Turkish territory, so far no similar settlements have emerged, but satellite photographs show structures

Fig. 1 Satellite image (Corona 1972).

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Fig. 2 Geomagnetic map.

BC). By means of the pottery development a further subdivision of period Tell Chuēra I into phases IEIA, which spanned the entire 3rd millennium BC, could be established. Tell Chuēra II: a much smaller structure of the Mitanni (IIA) and the Middle Syrian (IIB) periods (mid to end of 2nd millennium BC); this settlement continued to exist by the name of Ḫarbe as an Assyrian administrative centre until the 12th century BC.

that could very well be interpreted in this manner. Lately examples of this type of settlement were also found further to the southwest (Tell Rawda, Tell Shi´arat). Through the allocation of funds by the Oppenheim Foundation, established after the Second World War, excavations at Tell Chuera could begin in 1958. Under the direction of Prof Dr A. Moortgat, the then director of the Institute for the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East at the Free University of Berlin, the first systematic studies were undertaken and continued intermittently until his demise in 1977. In 1982 the excavations were taken up again by Dr U. Moortgat-Correns (Berlin). At the centre of interest of the excavations after 1986, now under the direction of Prof Dr Winfried Orthmann (Saarbrücken/ Halle), and with additional funding by the German Research Foundation, attempts were made to interconnect the individual areas of the excavations stratigraphically and chronologically. Against this background, for the first time a relative chronology of Tell Chuēra and a division into two main periods of occupation emerged:

Since 1998 the excavations have been directed by Prof Dr Jan-Waalke Meyer of the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt. The excavations at Tell Chuera are now part of a regional programme. The objective of this regional programme is to trace the settlement history of the wider surroundings of Tell Chuera and the development of its natural environment as comprehensively as possible. Only in this way can the results at Tell Chuera be put into an historical context. In the course of this project, and in addition to the excavations at Tell Chuera, a surface survey and an additional excavation at Kharab Sayyar are being carried out. So far, both projects are funded through the German Research Foundation and private means of the sponsorial society ENKI. In all,

Tell Chuēra I: an extended occupation of the whole ruin during the Early Syrian period (3rd millennium 288

67. Tell Chuera (Raqqa) relatively detailed picture of the settlement structure and the development. One important issue was the observation that the inner and the outer town wall were not founded simultaneously, but the outer enclosure wall marks a more recent extension of the settlement area around 2700 BC (EBA II). At the same time the older (inner) town wall – established already from EBA I (ca. 3100 BC) – was abandoned and used as additional settlement space. Only during EBA III (ca. 2500 BC) was the inner city wall re-erected. Thus, the supposedly characteristic settlement form of a Kranzhügel – double fortification wall of upper and lower town – is in fact a later phenomenon. Further characteristics of this settlement are the architectural type of the ‘temple in antis’, as well as the structure of the upper town with public and residential buildings. The buildings so far excavated, especially the monumental architecture in stone of the so-called Steinbauten 1-4 and 6, suggest that the Tell Chuera covers the remains of an important centre; according to A. Archi we might even be dealing with Abarsal, known from the Ebla texts, one of the leading political centres of the time. Fig. 3 Development of the settlement during the Early Bronze Age.

In a way, this hypothesis is corroborated by the recently established planning of the town structure (Fig. 3). The radial streets leading to a central square, the circular streets, the division of the upper town into a ‘central administrative axis’ (temples, square, palace), and the adjoining residential quarters all point to an organization responsible for this.

more than 30 seasons of fieldwork have been carried out up until early 2011. Objectives and Results One of the most significant results of the last years was the termination of the geomagnetic survey covering nearly the entire surface of the settlement (Fig. 2). Together with the excavation findings, we can draw a

Fig. 4 Residential area K (aerial photo).

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The Early Bronze Age occupation set in with the period Tell Chuera IA (ca. 3100-2900 BC) and consisted at the start as a form of simple, residential architecture. Even the central axis and the inner city wall existed already. The building phases of period IB (c. 2900-2700 BC) were excavated more extensively. At that time, in the private area K, a narrow lane leading toward the town centre developed, which was lined by residential buildings (Fig. 4). The latter show differing sizes and ground plans. Apparently the residents’ social status, as well as their activities inside the houses, varied. Particularly frequent, however, is an inner courtyard, out of which several rooms are accessible. Remarkable are several burials of adults under the floors of residences. The housing area ended in the north at a ‘closure wall’, on the other side of which only deep layers of ash were found. These

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Fig. 5. Steinbau I (aerial photo).

Fig. 6 Steinbau VI (entrance).

Fig. 7. Steinbau III: monumental staircase leading to the platform.

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67. Tell Chuera (Raqqa) interpreted this temple as a shrine for ancestor worship. Inside it, as well as in several other rooms in its immediate neighbourhood, fragments of alabaster figures were found that rate as the most remarkable art-historical finds of Tell Chuera. All other official buildings already mentioned, including palace F, were rebuilt using massive stone material for their foundations (monumentalization).

Fig. 8 Part of the outer city wall of the EBA IVA.

At the end of this period Area K was abandoned; in the ensuing period IE (c. 2300-2200 BC) it was unoccupied. Apart from the purely archaeological questions, which include the date when the planned town structure was introduced, and a reconstruction of the town structure as extensively as possible, inquiries into the evidently sudden onset of urbanization as well as the origins of the settlers are also included in the focus of research. In addition, climate changes in ancient times and landscape development are to be studied in the same way as the utilization of their natural environment by the inhabitants.

layers of ash cover a formerly open square in the centre of the settlement (‘Anton Moortgat Square’), and in the north they reach up to a wall that in its turn marks off the central axial street between the sacred area in the south (Steinbau 1-3; Fig. 5), passing central Steinbau VI (Fig. 6) and extending as far as palace F.

The Middle Assyrian Area G In the Late Bronze Age period Tell Chuera IIB (ca. 1250-1100 BC) apparently only the north-eastern part of the upper town was occupied. Below the present-day cemetery four phases of construction were uncovered. The upper two consist of a number of small residential buildings that are lined up north and south of a lane. Corresponding to the gradient of the slope, already in existence at that time, the houses are laid out in terraces from west to east.

During period IC (2700-2500 BC) the general picture in the private areas did not change, but we have proof that the official buildings, including ‘the holy district’ (Steinbau I (temple) and Steinbau II (distribution building)) were already in use, as was the open platform (Steinbau III; Fig. 7). The lower town was densely occupied and strongly fortified (Fig. 8). During the period Tell Chuera ID (ca. 2500-2300 BC), in the private area K, the ‘small temple in antis’ was erected in the middle of the residential quarter. A. Moortgat

Under those houses – as was customary in Assyria – a number of burials have been found. The dead were buried 291

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites This was probably an administrative building where not only letters and documents were archived, but also goods were stored and produced. As is made plain, not least by their size and the absence of sanitary facilities, this was not a privately owned building. The letters, ration lists and administrative texts were written in the Middle Assyrian language and afford us an insight into the lives of the inhabitants of a small provincial town (Ḫarbe) and its surroundings at that time. The town was situated on an important east-west route between the Khabur and Euphrates rivers and was the seat of a district governor; from this location the Middle Assyrian district of the same name was administrated. The texts reported on the provisioning of merchant caravans, but also recorded the couriers and diplomats passing through. (They also often spent the night at a guest house at Ḫarbe.) Bibliography Hempelmann R. 2002. Frühbronzezeitliche Keramik aus Kharab Sayyar und Tell Chuera. MDOG 134, 285–309. Meyer J.-W. (ed.) 2010. Tell Chuera: Vorberichte zu den Grabungskampagnen 1998 bis 2005. Vorderasiatische Forschungen der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 2, II. Wiesbaden Meyer J.-W. 2014. The round cities: foundation and development. A view from Tell Chuera, in: Syria Sup. 2, 13-25. Meyer J.-W., Hempelmann R. 2006. Bemerkungen zu Mari aus der Sicht von Tell Chuera – Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der ersten Hälfte des 3. Jts. v. Chr. AOF 33, 22–41.

Fig. 9 Palace G (aerial photo).

in large jars, mudbrick chambers, or in simple grave pits. Grave goods were restricted to individual vessels – more exceptional finds include golden earrings and beads of precious stones or shells. In the north-western part, under these private residences, the remains were found of a large structure of several rooms, which housed a small archive of clay tablets (Figs. 9 and 10).

Fig. 10 Palace G (reconstruction).

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68. Amrith/Marathos (Tartous) Michel Al-Maqdissi (DGAM, Syria, Musée du Louvre, France and Université Saint-Joseph, Lebanon)

Eva Ishaq (DGAM, Syria and University of Warsaw, Poland)

A new program will begin in 2003 to establish the following four approaches:

Amrith, ancient Marathos, is a late Phoenician-Hellenistic archaeological site located on the Syrian coastal region (Tartous Governorate), on the northern boundary of the Akkar plain, before Arwad (ancient Arados), ca. 1km south of Tell Ghamqa (ancient Enydra).

•• Conducting a topographic survey of the entire site to specify the nature of the occupation. •• A detailed study of funerary structures surrounding the site, especially in the eastern and northern areas. •• Realization of a new stratigraphic sequence of successive structures especially in the tell. •• Realization soundings at Tell Ghamqa (Enydra) to establish its relationship with Amrit.

The site occupies a large, flat area ca. 7km in a northsouth axis and between 1 and 2km wide. The Sanctuary of Melqart and a small artificial hill (Tell Amrith) occupy the centre of the site (Fig. 1). The first archaeological survey works were in 18601861 by Ernest Renan (1823-1862) during his Mission de Phénicie. In 1926 Maurice Dunant began excavation work in the favissa and revealed a group of stone sculptures bearing specific characteristics of the late Phoenician period. The systematic search began in 1954 with a Syrian mission under the direction of Nessib Saliby and Maurice Dunand.

The new stratigraphic sequence obtained through a trench made on the western slope confirms the presence of nine levels. Analyses of the results show the presence of traces of settlement dating back to the end of the Early Bronze Age III or beginning of Early Bronze Age IV (Amrith IX). At that time, human activity was limited to a series of walls, partially preserved, related to pottery (Fig. 2): simple, painted or polished shards, juglets with pointed base, and combed jars with flat base.

The mission began its work with the excavation of the tell in order to clarify the chronological elements of the site’s history. Then a major programme was launched to search and study the Sanctuary of Melqart and the royal tombs (Al-Maghazil), which will be followed by an architectural restoration and synthesis publication.

This phase confirm that the site has played a role in the Second Urban Revolution (around 2600-2500 BC) in the framework of trade routes that would connect with the

Fig. 1 Amrith: aerial view with locations of main buildings (Google Earth).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites wider region: Jbeil (Byblos) or Tell Arqa (Irqata) in the south, and Ras Shamra (Ugarit) or Tell-Sianu (Sianu) in the north, with major sites of inner Syria, such as Mishirfeh (Qatna) and Tell Sh‘eirat. The next phase starts at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, which is linked with several stone walls and eight graves/silos with funerary furniture dated to the Middle Bronze Age I and II (Amrith VIII): fenestrated Canaanite bronze duck-bill axe-head, Levantine painted jug, carinated bowls, ovoid jugs polished and lustrous vertically (Fig. 3). The Late Bronze Age period (Amrith VII) includes traces of reduced occupation associated with local Cypriot and Mycenaean pottery. The architectural elements drawn by Nessib Saliby in 1954-1955 show that occupation on the tell presented simple walls associated with floors, indicating domestic structures. The most important evidence confirms the presence of destruction layers in the upper strata indicative of the passage of the ‘Sea Peoples’ in 1175 BC. It is therefore highly probable that Amrit was one of the coastal sites destroyed at this time.

Fig. 2 Amrith 2010: pottery from the Early Bronze Age IV (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

The beginning of the Iron Age (Amrith VI) is completely dark; some notes found in the archives of the first mission attest to the presence of shards dated to the 11th century BC. However, with the beginning of the Iron Age II (Amrith V) there began to re-appear architectural elements scattered over the excavated area. We noted low stone walls associated with clay or gravel floors. The pottery belongs mainly to local workshops, with some Cypriot imports (Black-on Red for example). During the 7th century BC the situation changed radically and we can witness rapid development of the site. At this time the occupation extended beyond the tell a wider region located almost opposite the island of Arwad.

Fig. 3 Amrith 1965: pottery from the Middle Bronze Age (Nessib Saliby).

Fig. 4 Amrith 1957 (?): general view of the ‘Sanctuary of Melqart’ (Nessib Saliby).

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68. Amrith/Marathos (Tartous) •• Mixed necropolis with tombs and simple graves carved in the rock in the north and northeast of the area. •• Tombs with anthropomorphic sarcophagi of marble, or terracotta, in the north and northeast of the area at Roumet el Zahab (Fig. 7). •• Simple graves south of Tell Ghamqa. Excavations on the tell show a series of buildings associated with a large open space. These buildings may have contained special housing units for the personnel responsible for the services and care of the religious ceremonies in the sanctuary. Similarly, a small harbour was installed ca. 800m southwest of the religious centre to ensure the link with Arwad. The area occupied by this harbour was partially excavated in 1992 and 1993 and is located in the area of the sanctuary of ‘Ain al-Hayyate, as documented by E. Renan during his Mission de Phénicie in 1861 (Fig. 8). It is important to note that during the period of Achaemenid domination (Iron Age III/Amrith IV), Amrith did not exhibit the characteristics of a city; its organization was structured primarily around a religious centre lined with several cemeteries, confirming a proposal already noted by Renan in ‘Marathus ne fut qu’une banlieue d’Aradus’ (E. Renan, Mission de Phénicie, Paris, 1864, p. 97/n° 17). Fig. 5 Amrith 2010: the royal necropolis known as ‘Maghazel’ (Eva Ishaq).

This new development seems to have been organized around the Sanctuary of Melqart, located near the central tell (Fig. 4). At the same time, the archaeological exploration conducted at the site confirms the presence of a large amount of funerary evidence over almost the entire area surrounding the religious centre: •• The royal necropolis known as ‘Maghazel’ in the southeast of the area (Fig. 5). •• Tombs carved in the rock and the ‘Bayyada’ necropolis (with stone steles; Fig. 6) in the east and northeast of the area.

A new step organization was clearly identified at the end of the 4th century BC, following the expedition of Alexander the Great and his victory at Issos in 333 BC, followed by the installation of the Seleucid dynasty. We are tempted to attribute several changes to a stage that can be identified in several areas of the site. The centre of the site in the Hellenistic Perion (Amrith III) remained organized around the Sanctuary of Melqart. Similarly, the area intended for the priests on the tell did not undergo significant change before the 2nd century BC, which then tended to architectural styles less linked to domestic activity. During this period, we notice transformations in the organization of the site that first appear in the funeral area,

Fig. 6 Amrith 1996 (?): stone steles from the Bayyada necropolis (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites especially with the extension of the necropolis to the north, spreading over at least 2km, to the Maqaber Azar region, with the appearance of a new type of tomb built with a central dome. At the same time we see the presence of an extension to the south with the tomb of Burg elBazzaq (‘tower of Limaçon’) and a third funerary area 1km south of Tell Ghamqa and marked by individual graves dug in the ground. Similarly, there is evidence in the late 4th century BC, in the area to the northeast of the religious centre in front of the tell, of the construction of a stadium almost entirely cut into the bedrock.

Fig. 7 Amrith 1987: anthropomorphic marble sarcophagi from Roumet el Zahab (Michel Al-Maqdissi).

During this same period there were new developments in the harbour area, with the installation of several elongated buildings and stone pipes to bring water from the ‘Ain alHayyat to the entire harbour area. We also noted the construction of several domestic units spread over the entire region from the southwest, and west to northwest of the religious centre. These are linked to simple houses associated with silos, mills, presses and pools, reflecting agricultural activities. In conclusion, we can re-emphasize that Amrith retained its Phoenician character during the Hellenistic period. In addition, this strong relationship remained present at Arwad, but without any strong urban character or radical changes to the site. With the destruction of the sanctuary in the second century BC, the overall site began to degrade. This is perhaps associated with the occurrence of a major earthquake that demolished large parts of the site. During the Roman-Byzantine period (Amrith II), the site was transformed to agricultural land and the main source of food supply for the urban centre, which supposedly moved to the coastal area (maybe Arados or Anti-Arados/Antarados). Recent works revealed a tomb carved in the rock with two Roman busts belonging to a wealthy family dating to the same period.

Fig. 8 Amrith 1864: sanctuary of ‘Ain al-Hayyate, as documented by E. Renan: Mission de Phénicie, Paris, 1864, pl. IX.

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69. Arslan Tash (Aleppo) Anas Al Khabour (Gothenburg University, Sweden)

The site of Areslan Tash is located to the north of Raqqa near Ain Arab in Sharon village. The name means ‘the stone lions’ in the Turkish language and reflects the fact that there were lion statues at the entrance of the site. The site was known in the Assyrian period by the name of Hadatu or Khadatu, which came from the name of the Aramaean ruler of the city. The coordinates of the location are (36° 50' 57.18"N 38° 24' 34.11" E).

has three gates equipped with huge stone lions bearing inscriptions. In 2007, a Syrian-Italian mission began to work at the site, led by the author and Maria Tshikini from the University of Bologna. The mission re-documented the site and also undertook a topographic survey of and re-measured the archaeological data concerning the previous excavations at the site. Excavations uncovered the Assyrian palace which consists of two parts: the administrative section comprising a hallway, surrounded by small rooms on three sides. The hallway led to the entrance of large reception hall, as well as to a number of rooms or offices. The second section is the residential section, which is located at the back and has a patio surrounded by living quarters for the royal family and connecting to a

The site was important for the Ottoman authorities and Mr Hamdi Beck director of the Museum of Istanbul moved several stone statues to the Istanbul Museum after 1833. In 1928 the French mission from the Louvre, led by F. Thureau Dnagin, began excavations and discovered the oval city (750 x 550m), surrounded by a mudbrick wall built on a stone foundation (Fig. 1). The city wall

Fig. 1 Plan of Arslan Tash (after Dangin 1931).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites century BC, and it was called the ‘House of Ivories’ from the discovery there of a large number (112) of ivory artefacts of high quality (Fig. 3). The themes depicted vary from plant decorations (palm trees, etc.), and animal motifs (cows, deer, etc.), as well as human subjects including men and women. They include themes inspired by Norse mythology, such winged men witnessing the birth of Horus and wearing the dual Egyptian crown and holding a lily in each hand (Fig. 4). The ivory objects immortalized the victory of the Assyrian King Add Nerari against the King of Aram Damascus, Hazaael (843-805 BC). A wooden bed found at the site was moved from Damascus as booty and bears inscriptions that indicate that it belonged to King Hazaael. The temple is partially excavated; at the entrance there are two great bull statues with inscriptions commemorating King Tokolti Eli Chara III, who built the temple, which was dedicated to the worship of the goddess Ishtar. Also discovered were six statues of various gods, the most important being a horned god, the presence of horns representing divinity. This statue is now in the Aleppo Museum.

large reception hall.  The eastern section comprises rooms that may have been utilized as depots or for storage. Murals covered the walls of some rooms, in addition to horizontal friezes 80cm long with geometric decorations (circles and squares) that are now displayed in the galleries of the Aleppo National Museum (Fig. 2).

Perhaps what distinguishes the site of Arslan Tash most are the inscriptions representing the population mix among peoples of the region (Aramaean, Assyrians and Hittites) under the authority of the Assyrian Empire. The most important details represented by these inscriptions were on the lions that were transferred to the city of Raqqa in 1983 and placed in a public park. Unfortunately IS (Daesh) blew up these immortal ruins on 24 August 2014 and they are now lost forever.

It is worth mentioning that a large building excavated next to the palace is of an older date than the palace period. The date of this building is between the 9th-8th

The inscriptions represent texts written in three languages on each side of the lions. The Aramaean text was examined by Ali Abu Assaf, the Assyrian text by

Fig. 2 Plan of the ‘House of the Ivories’ (after Dangin 1931).

Fig. 3 Ivory representation of a cow suckling her calf, 8th century (Louvre Museum, Paris).

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69. Arslan Tash (Aleppo) The author, who wrote both texts, tried to explain the circumstances of  Arslan Tash and refers to Sarin (the current town located to the south of Jarabulus) and Khelakh, to the east of Luban. The latter means ‘white’ and may be a reference to the current city of Tell Abied. The texts refer to the work of Enra Bolaser in the city of his father (Hadatu), who built the streets and new city gates. Taken together, this research demonstrates the role of the archaeological excavations at the site, highlighting the importance of the Hadatu (Arslan Tash) site as a city that represented a marvelous coexistence between the mixed populations of Aramaean, Assyrian and Hittite. Arslan Tash played an important Fig. 4 Ivory representation of the birth of Horus, 8th century role in the region in terms of its (Louvre Museum, Paris). monuments, such as the palace, the ‘House of Ivories’ and the temple, which are a unique Wolfgang Roligh, and the Hittite text by Hawkins. The testimony to Syrian fine art, with the artistic effects Aramaean text consists of eight lines, starting with the reflecting the reality of the political context of that time. governor Enra Bolaser (in Assyrian Ninorta Bolaser), governor of the fort of Shalmaneser (Tel Bersib or now Bibliography Tell Ahmar), located 20km from Arslan Tash; Shemesh Elu built the gates of the Arslan Tash from cedar. The last Cecchini M. S. and Venturi F. 2010. A sounding at Arslan three lines request the gods to protect the city and there is Tash. Re-visiting the Bâtiment aux ivoires. ICAANE a prayer to the Lord of Assyria to destroy all who try to 2010. pp 325-344. tarnish the name of Enra Bolaser (Fig. 5). Turner G. 1968. The Palace and Bâtiment Aux Ivoires at Arslan Tash. Iraq. Vol 30, No 1. On the second lion, which was in Raqqa, the text included Winte I. 2009. On Art in the Ancient Near East: Of the nine lines: the first three are fragments and the others First Millennium B.C. refer to the works of Enra Bolaser.

Fig. 5 Basalt Lion from the site of Arslan Tash (after Dangin 1931).

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70. Tell Meskene/Emar (Aleppo) Ferhan Sakal (University of Tübingen, Germany)

extension of ca. 40ha Tell Meskene is among the larger tells on the Syrian Middle Euphrates and contains the remains of the Bronze Age town of Emar (3rd and 2nd millennia BCE), Late Roman/Byzantine Barbalissos and the Islamic town of Balis. Nowadays, about two-thirds of the settlement are covered by the waters of Lake Assad reservoir (Fig. 1), behind the Tabqa dam the construction of which goes back to the 1970s.

In the historical landscape of Syria, the Bronze Age site of Emar is mentioned alongside the settlements of Ebla, Mari, Qatna, Alalah, Halab and Karkemish; it is one of the most important sites of the 3rd and 2nd millennia BCE. Tell Meskene, as it is called today, is located in Aleppo Province, about halfway between the cities of Aleppo and Raqqa and 7.5km east of the modern town of Meskene. The tell lies on the western bank of the Euphrates on a natural terrace rising from east to west above the original floodplain, where the river turns east towards Raqqa. Here the river reaches its westernmost point and comes closest to the coast of the Mediterranean. Thus, for the settlements in the west and on the Mediterranean coast, the settlement at Tell Meskene was from the very beginning a gateway to trade on the river. Over the centuries, the settlement grew into a transfer point between trade by river and trade by land; it became one of the most important ports for river traffic between Babylonia, Anatolia and coastal Syria. With an

Regular excavations at Tell Meskene were begun in 1929 by a French team focussing upon the Byzantine/ Islamic town of Barbalissos/Balis. In the wake of the construction of the Tabqa dam in the 1970s rescue excavations were undertaken again by a French team at Barbalissos/Balis under the direction of A. Raymond, who also brought to light Bronze Age findings. These were investigated by a second French team under the direction of J.-C. Margueron, between 1972 and 1976, who identified Tell Meskene with ancient Imar/Emar.

Fig. 1 General plan.

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70. Tell Meskene/Emar (Aleppo) direction of Th. Leisten was working in the Byzantine/ Islamic town of Barbalissos Balis. Although the virgin soil has never been exposed with certainty the oldest remains (stray finds) so far can be dated to the mid-3rd millennium BCE. Traces of a real occupation, however, date to the period EME 5, late 3rd millennium BCE. These contain a row of several small rooms on the highest point of the settlement that lay terraced along the southern edge of the settlement. They were closely aligned probably to form defence works: their outer walls may have coincided with the town wall. The steep slope adjoining in the south provided additional protection. To the west of those rooms a further complex was excavated consisting of several small rooms built around a courtyard. The rooms were accessible to each other; some differences in level were adjusted by stairs (Fig. 2). Two rooms still harboured their inventories in situ. The inventory encountered contained several diagnostic ceramic vessels, such as small collared-rim jars, a storage jar with reserved slip and a potter’s mark; other finds included jewellery made of mother-of-pearl and stone, terracotta figurine fragments, and a triple bowl decorated with terracotta figurine heads, a possible cult object (Fig. 3). The C14 date of the grains gathered in the courtyard ranges between 2152 and 2023 BCE, the date of the charcoal from the tannur in one of the rooms between 2202 and 2035 BCE. The most important finding from the 1st half of the 2nd millennium BCE is the 2m wide mudbrick town wall on a stone foundation which was exposed over a length of more than 30m at the very western edge and again at the highest point of the settlement. This wall was built along a possibly man-made very steep slope and was reinforced with towers (Fig. 4). The combination of these elements indicates the need of a very strong fortification system. In other areas of the settlement around 4m thick layers from the 1st half of the 2nd millennium have been identified, documenting the continuous habitation of the site during this period.

Fig. 2 EME 5 rooms.

In the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium Emar was under the control of the Mitanni and later of the Hittites. During this time many monumental buildings were constructed, including three temples in antis – a temple ground plan that was typical for this area from the 3rd millennium BCE. Two of the temples were built side-by-side on the highest point of the settlement. The temple and a large open space towards the east were most probably surrounded by a temenos wall and separated from the city. Whoever entered the area came upon this courtyard, which was paved with large stone slabs that led towards a flight of stairs (Fig. 5). Over those stairs the visitor arrived at a terrace from which rose the temple of Baal. On either side of the stairs there appeared almost square rooms, the outer walls of which were in line with the walls of the cella but definitely belonged to a later phase

Fig. 3 Triple bowl with figurine heads.

Systematic plundering right after the end of the French excavations provided the antiquities market with huge amounts of objects originating from Emar. Especially clay tablets were dispersed all over the world and have been identified as coming from Emar. In the 1990s the Syrian Antiquities Department and Aleppo University conducted short excavation campaigns in those parts of the settlement that had remained above water. From 1996 a Syrian-German team under the direction of U. Finkbeiner excavated the remains of the Bronze Age town of Emar, while a Syrian-American team under the 301

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Fig. 4 Town wall after restoration in 2010.

Fig. 5 Temple of Baal and the north temple after restoration in 2010.

of remodelling. In the course of the excavation it was possible to differentiate several building levels. In the courtyard was found the torso of a life-size gate lion made of limestone, which had certainly belonged to the temple, and the fragment of a corresponding gate lion.

oriented towards the east. This temple also yielded many objects which are not yet fully published. In different areas several dwelling houses from the same period have been exposed, which were built following standardised ground plans (‘front-room’ house or Emar house), consisting of a large rectangular room flanking the street with two rooms behind (Fig. 6). Based on the terracotta house models found in the settlement the two small rooms probably bore a second floor as living and sleeping space. The houses were founded on carefully hewn limestone ashlars that may go down for more than 1m. The houses were erected next to each other without leaving a gap: together they form a closed street front. Storage vessels, simple table ware, stone tools, terracotta reliefs of naked female figures and lute-playing male figures, and terracotta zebu figurines all belong to the

Beyond the procession road, the lime surface of which had been renewed on several occasions, there lay the north temple, the so-called temple of Ashtarte. Built on the same ground plan this temple was also accessible from the courtyard over stone stairs. Both temples yielded in situ inventory including pottery, metal objects, beads, ivory objects and cuneiform tablets. The most interesting finds are, however, a male god figurine with conical headdress and a zebu figurine, both made of metal. Both were found near the altar of the Baal temple. The third temple lay in the heart of the city and was also 302

70. Tell Meskene/Emar (Aleppo)

Fig. 6 A ‘front-room’ house.

typical inventory of the dwelling houses. Surprisingly, finds of elephant jaw and deer antler have also been made in these houses: probably material for producing tools and objects. In one of the houses belonging to a family of scholars, who called themselves diviners, nearly one thousand cuneiform tablets have been found. These and other texts from Emar are among the most important collections of cuneiform archives in the Near East and give very valuable information about daily life, business relations, laws, rituals, feasts, and the religion of the society.

Bibliography Beyer D. (ed.) 1982. Meskéné-Emar: Dix ans de travaux 1972-1982. Faist B. I., Justel J-J., Sakal F. and Vita J-P. 2014. Bibliografía de los estudios de Emar (6), UgaritForschungen 45, 95-110. Finkbeiner U. 2010. Die Stratigraphie von Emar. Eine Übersicht, in Becker J., Hempelmann R. and Rehm E. (eds.) Kulturlandschaft Syrien. Zentrum und Peripherie, Festschrift für Jan-Waalke Meyer, Alter Orient und Altes Testament 371, 197-205. Finkbeiner U. and Sakal F. (eds.) 2010. Emar after the Closure of the Tabqa Dam. The Syrian-German Excavations 1996–2002. Volume I: Late Roman and Medieval Cemeteries and Enviromental Studies, Subartu 25. Sakal F. 2012. Der spätbronzezeitliche Tempelkomplex von Emar im Lichte der neuen Ausgrabungen, in Kamlah J. (ed.) Temple Building and Temple Cult. International Conference on Architecture and Cultic Paraphernalia of Temples in the Levant (2.1. Millennium B.C.E.), Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 41, 79-96, Taf. 20-23.

After the end of the 2nd millennium BCE the settlement was abandoned until Late Roman times when the eastern half of the settlement became the location of the border city of Barbalissos. The walls of the city were rebuilt by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian and are still partly standing. After the Muslim conquest of Syria the city was renamed Balis and was settled until the Ayyubid period. Along with Tell Meskene, a hilltop site in the immediate vicinity dating to the first half of the 3rd millennium BCE (Jebel el-Hamam), an Imperial epoch necropolis, an Omayyad palace (Qasr) dating to the 8th century, and a Shiite mosque (Mashhad) dating to the 11th century, were all included (2009) in the Archaeological Park of Emar-Balis.

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71. Tell Barri/Kahat (al Hassake) Raffaella Pierobon Benoit (University of Naples Federico II, Italy)

Tell Barri is located in western Jazira, on the left bank of the river JaghJagh, a tributary of the Habur. The river was fully navigable in antiquity and permitted easy communications as far as the Euphrates. The river supplied water, used not only for drinking but for

crops and artisanal activities; cuneiform tablets provide evidence that fishing was also practised. This part of the Jazira was, in any case, favourable to settlements thanks to sufficient rainfall for the development

Fig. 1a and b Tell Barri: chronological sequence. Bottom right, site plan with excavation areas.

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71. Tell Barri/Kahat (al Hassake)

A

C

B

D

Fig. 2 Tell Barri: A) Area G – sacred complex, general view; bottom left, votive objects from the shrine. B) Votive miniature bottle. C) Small bowl, Ninivite 5. D) Cretula with two seal impressions.

of semi-arid agriculture. Its products, especially grains, combined with intense animal husbandry, notably sheep, formed the mixed economy that seems to have characterized all phases of the life of the site.

occupation, it has been possible to distinguish the particular organizational and cultural characteristics of each period. The most significant elements identified over this very long reconstructed chronological sequence are presented here.

The tell, 32m higher than the present-day ground level, has an area of ca. 34ha, including the lower city, and is the result of successive superimpositions of inhabited areas, from the end of the 4th millennium BC until the 13th/14th centuries A.D (Fig. 1).

The earliest occupation dates to the Late Chalcolithic, but it is only in the first half of the 3rd millennium (EJ II-III) that the site shows the signs of a developed administration, fully consistent with what is known of the regional events of the Second Urbanization. The proof of this is the articulated cult complex exposed in Area G – an enclosing wall within which were two shrines with altars and hearths and which yielded large numbers of cretulae, seals, and votive objects, together with incised Ninivite 5 pottery, typical of the period.

The excavations, started in 1980 by P. E. Pecorella, have brought to light 22 phases of habitation, coming one after the other without significant interruption: thanks to extensive interventions, conducted at different points and depths of the tell and in the lower city, and to the systematic study of the inhabited areas, burials, and finds, in particular the pottery, present in large quantities in all phases of 305

The complex underwent some transformations before being abandoned, in the course of the second half of

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Fig. 3 Tell Barri: A) Area G – the bathroom of the palace of Adad Nirari I; bottom right, basalt mortar with cuneiform inscription referring to the palace (B).

A

B the millennium. In the area, houses were built with ample open spaces for domestic and artisanal activities. The pottery changes slowly and reveals influences and contacts related to the nearby Tell Brak in the Akkadian period, then moving into the Amorite orbit, finally closely linked to the powerful city of Mari, as its archives indicate.

C

Fig. 4 Tell Barri: A) Area J – the palace of Tukulti Ninurta II, general view from the north. B) fresco fragment from the palace wall. C) Detail of threshold decoration .

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A moment of expansion and economic and social growth of the site is attested from the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age, when underground chamber tombs with vaulted roofs located within the inhabited area are adopted. This is a sign of the existence of a local élite, whose dynamism is evidenced by the early appearance of the so-called Khabur Ware, and its political role by the citations in the documents found in the archives of Mari and Tell Leilan. Kahat, which in the following centuries entered the orbit of the power of Mitanni, maintains a role,

71. Tell Barri/Kahat (al Hassake)

B

A

D

C

Fig. 5 Tell Barri: A) The Parthian defensive wall on the acropolis, general view from the north; Parthian glazed dish (B); jar fragment with impressed decoration, Sasanian (C); Islamic jug with impressed decoration (D); hand-made jug (E).

E

including political, in the function attributed to the temple of the storm god – considered guarantor of international treaties. No trace has been found of the temple, but the prosperity of the site is amply demonstrated by the size of the settlement and the vitality of its artisans. To the south, in some 3m of depth, structures built over at least two centuries have been excavated, and a new quarter identified on the northern slope of the Tell. The kilns present for the whole period produced Khabur pottery, alongside the more refined Nuzi ware.

the site, both as regards the organization of the spaces and a more evident social hierarchization. Three tombs dug in one of the rooms attest to this, with grave goods of extraordinary wealth and originality, indicating that the deceased women were surely of high rank. At end of the social spectrum, we see a standardization and impoverishment of forms of the pottery for everyday use: the vessels, still locally produced, as demonstrated by the recent discovery of an interesting ‘vertical’ kiln on the northeast slope of the tell, are now plain, undecorated and have simplified shapes and constant sizes.

In the Late Bronze Age the construction of a palace attributed to Adad Nirari I on the south side of the Tell, where formerly there were houses, warehouses, and workshops, signals a definite transformation of

The tendency continues and the social hiererarchization seems to become more important in the following centuries, when the site comes under the neo-Assyrian

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites kingdom, in whose ambit Kahat seems to play a significant role. We see a new distribution of the buildings: an inhabited area is built over the palace of Adad Nirari, and the plan and distribution of the houses indicates an intentional design; a new palace is erected on the western slope by Tukulti Ninurta II: exposed for 80m, it is composed of several courtyards, paved in baked brick, around which are distributed rooms richly decorated with painted plaster and slabs incised with geometric patterns and rosettes. Rooms attributable to a second small palace have been identified on the northern slope, where a large terrace was created to enlarge the area.

Bibliography Pecorella P. E.† 2008. Recenti scoperte a Tell Barri di Siria, in H. Kühne, R.M. Czichon, F.J. Kreppner (eds.) Proceedings of the 4th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, (Freie Univerität Berlin, March 29th – April 3th 2004, 2. Wiesbaden 387-398. Pierobon Benoit R. (ed.) 2009. Tell Barri. Storia di un insediamento antico tra Oriente e Occidente = ‘La Parola del Passato’ 63, 2008. Pierobon Benoit R. 2013 Tell Barri: recherches 2006 – 2010, in D. Bonatz, L. Martin (eds.) 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschungen in Nordost-Syrien – eine Bilanz, Harrassowitz Verlag. Wiesbaden, 193208.

The Babylonians did not bring about significant transformations in the organization of the site: the western palace was partly restored to make some rooms into storage areas but kept its function, as in particular the bathrooms and finds show. The southern quarter (Area G), however, was abandoned and temporarily occupied by rich tombs. From this moment, to judge from the documentation available at present, Kahat is no longer cited in the sources. Life on the site was not, however, interrupted. This is attested by the structures and materials found, clearly influenced by the cultures present in the region and attributed to later centuries, up to the 13th/14th centuries AD. The most important information from the excavation is the presence, both cultural and political, of the Parthians, followed by the Sasanians: the new data reopen the debate on the complex theme of the frontier and its characteristics, highlighting for the site and more generally for the region, a very close dependence on the eastern Mesopotamian sites. Of the last phases of life small traces of evidence survive sufficient to attest to the vitality of the site at least until the 14th century AD. The very numerous silos and tools for grinding found in quantity – and largely reused from even very much earlier periods – indicate that grain still constituted one of the major resources of the settlement, whose reduction was probably caused by the Mongol invasion. The last traces of life are in fact small and precarious dwellings, with some tannurs and much handthrown pottery, clearly distinct from all previous wares.

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72. Tell Kazel/Sumur (Tartous) Leila Badre (American University of Beirut, Lebanon)

Tell Kazel, located on the south Syrian coast, is one of the three largest sites of the Akkar plain (Fig. 1). It was first excavated in the 1960s by M. Dunand, A. Bounni and N. Saliby. The tell’s location in the Homs Gap, the main passage between the Mediterranean coast and inland Syria, gives it an important strategic role. The AUB Museum team took up the project between 1985 and 2010, when, sadly, civil war broke out in Syria and stopped all archaeological activities there.

Assyrian texts). These refer to an important strategic state in the Late Bronze Age I and II.

The first objective of the AUB Museum excavation was to check the identification of the site with Sumur/Simyra. The name Sumur appears many times in the ancient texts (Annals of Thutmosis III, the Amarna tablets and neo-

From the Middle Bronze Age, the excavation of Tell Kazel revealed in various sectors the existence of a fortification associated with a clay glacis. Another important structure is a massive spiral stairway (Fig. 2)

The second objective was to fill in the gap of the transitional period between the Late Bronze and Iron Age, which correspond with the invasion of the ‘Sea Peoples’. Tell Kazel: city-state in the Akkar in the MB & the LB I

Fig. 1 Map of the Akkar Plain showing the three major sites of Tell Kazel, Arqa and Jamous.

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Fig. 2 Spiral stairway (Middle Bronze Age).

Fig. 3 Three superimposed temples.

leading to a well, hypothetically 40m in diameter and 40m deep, which may be compared to that of Qatna or Byblos. The end of the Late Bronze Age I is marked by a violent fire which might possibly be associated with the conquest of Thutmosis III around 1450 BC.

coastal cities from Sumur to Batruna, north of Byblos. It is then that Sumur abandoned the Egyptian sphere in favour of the Hittites: the kingdom of Amurru was created and close relations with Ougarit are established. This is the best attested period on the site.

The Kingdom of Amurru

The Late Bronze Age II period at Tell Kazel was excavated in four areas: the first and second ones are residential zones in the eastern and southern sectors of the site; another one occupies its northwest slope; the last one, on the western side, has revealed the three superimposed temples (Fig. 3) that made this area sacred for over four centuries from the 14th until the Iron Age I.

A new chapter begins in the Akkar with the Egyptian intervention: the Egyptians favour Sumur over Tell Arqa, and set up a garrison there with a governor. A bastion with basalt foundations is built on the edge of the tell. Its destruction corresponds to the troubles of the El Amarna period, when the troops of Abdi-Ashirta occupied the 310

72. Tell Kazel/Sumur (Tartous)

Fig. 6 Luxury faience offerings on display in the Tartous Museum (Late Bronza Age I).

The material is very rich (Fig. 4). The majority of the objects were found intact or slightly broken in situ. The locally-made material includes domestic or cultural vessels – plates, lamps and miniature goblets. The actual and main cultic vessels are represented by chalices and some tall braziers (Fig. 5) or incense stands.

Fig. 4 Temple offerings (Late Bronze Age I).

The plan of the first temple (14th century) is still hypothetical. It consists of a vestibule-entrance located in the east, with basalt bases, which opens into a main and large rectangular hall with circular basalt bases along the north-south axis. Offering tables were found along the western wall and areas around them were littered with animal bones and concentrations of ashes, very likely the result of cultic sacrifices.

Fig. 5 Painted brasero (Late Bronze Age I).

The rich typology of Cypriot and Mycenaean pottery from this deposit is similar to that found in Levantine coastal centres. Along with these clay vessels were finds of luxury products (Fig. 6): beads and cylinders seals, polychrome faience plates and pommels. A group of sheet bronze male and female figurines (Fig. 7) was found associated with Cypriot juglets. Other finds included pendants representing the fertility goddess with the typical Hathoric hair-style and some vases with representations of male genitalia (fertility ex-voto?). The

Fig. 7 Sheet bronze figurines.

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Fig. 8 Shell floor (Late Bronze Age II).

Of special interest relating to the domestic settlements is the presence of some rooms, on the floors and walls of which are areas incrusted with shells (Fig. 8). The phase of the ‘Sea Peoples’ This phase ended with an abandonment phenomenon. The site was then reoccupied in a transitional phase between the Late Bronze Age II and Iron Age I. This period was almost completely devoid of western imports. This disappearance was replaced by a new handmade burnished ware (Fig. 9) that is usually associated with the ‘Sea Peoples’. Simultaneously there are finds of Trojan/Grey Ware pottery along with locally imitated Mycenaean products. The destruction corresponds to the period when empires are collapsing and to the movements of the ‘Sea Peoples’ at the beginning of the 12th century BC, as reported in Egyptian sources. Fig. 9 Handmade burnished ware (Late Bronze Age II – Iron Age I).

The Iron Age I period is attested to by an urban occupation along with a temple built on top of the earlier ones to perpetuate the sacred character of the space. Both the building techniques and the pottery material of Iron Age I continue the traditions of the Bronze Age, with a development of bichrome ware.

lion figurines decorating the braziers suggest that Astarte was one, if not the sole, goddess venerated in this temple. The next temple (13th century) was built directly over the previous one. The cella presents a rectangular room with an entrance on its small eastern side. The rubble stone masonry of the substructure is enhanced by setting large and regular ashlar blocks at the angles. The cultic material of this level is scarce, indicating that the temple had been empted before its destruction.

In the Iron Age II the living settlements were reduced in number and the Iron Age III/Persian period is barely attested. After this the site is progressively abandoned only to be the location for a poor cemetery of the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The contemporary village/city must have moved to the lower field areas.

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73. Tell Qumluq (Aleppo) Youssef Kanjou (University of Tsukuba, Japan & DGAM, Syria)

Andrew Jamieson (University of Melbourne, Australia)

The site of Tell Qumluq is located on the east (left) bank of the Euphrates River in north Syria; between Carchemish and Til Barsib/Tell Ahmar (Fig. 1). Situated a short distance to the south of Tell Qumluq is the Neolithic/Chalcolithic site of Tell al-‘Abr. Tell Qumluq was recorded in the surveys of Copeland and Moore and McClellan and Porter. The dimensions of Tell Qumluq are reported by Copeland and Moore to be 250m long x 200m wide (= 5ha). A circular mound is positioned at the

west end of the site: the base is estimated to be 160m in diameter, and the top, which is flat, approximately 60m in diameter. A Syrian mission from Aleppo Museum worked briefly at Tell Qumluq (from 1989 to 1991). These preliminary soundings were directed by Hamido Hamade and Yayoi Yamazaki under the auspices of the Syrian Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums (DGAM) in

Fig. 1 Map of Syria (courtesy Chandra Jayasuriya).

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Fig. 2 Tell Qumluq, 2008 (Photo Jamieson).

the main road and forms an island situated within the lake reservoir. The site is threatened with on-going destruction caused by fluctuating water levels and periodic flooding. In recent years the low lying areas of the site have been completely inundated. Because of the erosion and water damage dense sherd scatters are conspicuous at the base of the mound and archaeological debris, including stone foundations, litters the surface of the site (Fig. 3). Based on the earlier archaeological surveys and test excavations the following periods have been documented at Tell Qumluq: Uruk, Bronze Age, Iron Age, Persian/ Achaemenid, Hellenistic, Roman, Byzantine and Islamic. In addition, Kanjou and Jamieson noted the following diagnostic ceramic types on the site surface when they visited Tell Qumluq in 2008: numerous fragments of handmade bevelled-rim bowls, probably from the Late/Post Uruk-EBI; sherds bearing traces of Late Reserved Slip Ware from the EBA I-II; copious sections of vessels with long stems, some incised, representative of the EBA I-III; examples of calciform corrugated ‘Hama’ type goblets, tripod bases and teapot spouts from the EBA III-IV; sherds with wavy-combed incised decoration, possibly of the Middle Bronze Age; numerous bowls with distinctive carinated rims, some coated in red slip, characteristic of the late Iron Age (IA III or neo-Assyrian period); jar rims and several handle fragments covered with blue-green glaze indicative of the Persian, or Parthian era; examples of fine black-slipped ceramics, including rims of ‘echinus’ type bowls, red-slipped fine wares, most likely eastern sigillata, and terracotta tiles, restricted necked vessels with trefoil lips and cooking pots with ribbed exteriors, conceivably from the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods; and pale cream coloured ceramics with impressed surface decoration representative of the Ayyubid period

Fig. 3 Surface collection and sherd scatters at the base of Tell Qumluq, 2008 (Photo Jamieson).

Aleppo. The team opened two step trenches, one deep sounding and several squares in the north-eastern area where a modern water tower is situated (Fig. 2). As a consequence of the creation of the hydroelectric Tishreen Dam at Tell el-Qitar, Qumluq is now cut-off from 314

73. Tell Qumluq (Aleppo)

Fig. 4 Flooded Tomb III at Tell Qumluq, August 2008 (Photo Youssef Kanjou).

Fig. 5 Pottery from Tomb III (Photo Youssef Kanjou).

and a number of other Islamic glazed fragments, some with incised sgraffito decoration. The aforementioned periodisation suggests a relatively long history, although little is yet known about the nature or continuity of this occupation at Qumluq.

rescue excavations were undertaken to record, document and recover the remains before they were lost completely. Youssef Kanjou coordinated the salvage operations excavations assisted by his museum colleagues and students from the archaeology department at the University of Aleppo.

In August 2008 representatives at the National Museum of Aleppo received reports about the flooding of several tombs at the base of Tell Qumluq. In response to this call

Tomb III is representative of the EBA burials that required urgent excavation in 2008. The tomb, located 315

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites on the western edge of Tell Qumluq, is typical of Euphrates valley cist graves. The burial was built of flat limestone slabs on three sides. The east side was made from mudbrick. The tomb was originally covered with rectangular flat stones that had been exposed when the lake waters receded (Fig. 4). The tomb was roughly rectangular in shape, measuring 30 x 40 x 180cm, and was oriented east-west. Inside Tomb III the excavators uncovered six pottery vessels, several bronze objects (including 2 pins and 2 bracelets) and traces of heavily decomposed skeletal remains. All the pots were found near the skull in the western end of the tomb: these included two long stemmed vessels (‘champagne’ cups); one vessel with pedestal base (‘chalice’); one jar with restricted concave neck; one small conical cup; and one shallow bowl (Fig. 5 and Fig. 6:1-6). The pots were all wheel-made in fine textured Euphrates Banded Ware (EBW). The six pots in Tomb III at Tell Qumluq are representative of pottery from the mid to late 3rd millennium BC, traditionally known as EBA III-IV. In the case of the 3rd millennium burials from the Euphrates valley, the high incidence of vessels in cists graves with functions connected with pouring, containing or consumption of liquids (cups, bowls, spouted pots, jugs, etc.) may be significant. One theory accounting for the particular vessels accompanying the human constituents is that they are feasting vessels. That so many long stemmed vessels have been recovered from burial contexts has led many scholars to surmise that they were probably manufactured specifically for funerary use. The findings from Tomb III at Tell Qumluq provide evidence to support the correlation between ‘champagne’ cups, cist graves and burial practices. The ‘champagne’ cups made of Euphrates Banded Ware produced on a fast turning wheel are themselves indicative of a luxury or elite local product and these technical hallmarks are consistent with a period of prosperity for the Syrian and Anatolian Euphrates valley in second half of 3rd millennium BC.

Fig. 6:1-6 Pottery from Tomb III (drawings Mohamed Shekh al-Ashrah).

Note: Prior to the conflict in Syria Kanjou and Jamieson were in the process of formalising a project to undertake salvage operations at Tell Qumluq. The instability in Syria caused these plans to be postponed. It is hoped that when it is safe to return to Syria it will be possible to resume this research collaboration.

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74. The Cemetery of Abu Hamad (Raqqa) Jan-Waalke Meyer (Frankfurt University, Germany)

In 1989, the Syrian Antiquities Department offered Prof Dr Winfried Orthmann, at the time at Saarbrücken University, the chance to participate in rescue excavations to be undertaken in an extensive necropolis near the modern village of Abu Hamad, ca. 40km east of Raqqa. Large-scale lootings had resulted in the plundering of a great number of graves. Already in 1990 a Syrian-German joint project had been conducted under the direction of the writer, with, as Syrian partner, Murhaf al-Halaf. The cemetery of Abu Hamad is situated on the uppermost river terrace, at the eroded edge above the Euphrates valley and east of the road leading (near the village of Ghanem Ali) from the main Raqqa – Deir ez-Zor route, south towards the Gebel el Bishri.

Fig. 2 Area Z, grave 17.

As far as is visible on the surface, and from the looters’ activities, the cemetery extends about 2km from north to Fig. 4 Area M: two graves (stone cists).

Fig. 5 Area J: plan of the graves.

Fig. 1 Plan of Abu Hamed.

Fig. 6 Area E: stone cist-grave.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites graves with a stone cover, and a combination of the last two grave types, namely graves set into the natural soil (rock) and with, at least, partly built-up side walls (Fig. 4). Partly, there was as well an area with several stone cists close to each other and completely covered with stone slabs (Fig. 5). Size and method of construction help to establish a hierarchy among the graves. If our assumption is correct, we can delimit complexes of graves with one or more (up to three) central or main burials. Social distinctions will have become manifest here, expressing a society stratified on the familial and/or the political-ethnic level. On the basis of the ceramics (Fig. 3) Ch. Falb has offered a date for the cemetery ranging from the Early Bronze Age III to an early phase of the Early Bronze Age IVA (ca. 2500-2350 BC). In north Syria, this is the period of urbanization and formation of the first states. This process was certainly accompanied by a change in society leading from segmentally ordered tribal groups with agnate relationships, which were exclusively defined via the males, towards a state system controlled by a central power and with cognate relationships derived from the consanguinity of all ancestors. For a certain time span, the original tribal organization of tribe (subtribe, village, lineages, clans, households) remains intact. Every one of those segments brings forth leaders, persons who enjoy status and particular power and who continue to evoke particular relations even after death (ancestor worship). It may be supposed that the complexes with central burial(s) (e.g. necropolises A, E (several in each) and M) point to the special position in their lifetimes of the persons buried there.

Fig. 3 Pottery assemblage.

south, and 1.5km from east to west (Fig. 1). However, the graves do not cover the complete territory but are obviously gathered in separate, closed areas – in the following referred to as necropolises and designated by the letters of the alphabet. The necropolises, such as A and M, are installed on natural elevations, but also on relatively shallow terrain, as, for example, necropolises J and Z. Of about 3km2, the cemetery of Abu Hamad is certainly among the most extensive in Syria. Also its topographical position, immediately above the settled river valley and at the margin of a plateau not suited for intensive agriculture, is quite extraordinary.

With all due caution, the burials at Abu Hamad may perhaps be seen to indicate the transition from a nomadic lifestyle (central burial) to a sedentary one of life in villages or towns (family groups).

While most of the intramural burials come as single graves, the extramural burials are organized in sometimes quite extensive, and more or less closed, necropolises. However, no other cemetery is as spacious and, above all, as structured as the cemetery of Abu Hamad. In our campaign, we managed to conduct a thorough investigation of only ca. 20 graves, and documented almost 300 more, but we assume that, overall, several thousands of graves are distributed in distinctly separate necropolises.

Bibliography Al-Khalaf M., Meyer, J.-W., 1993/94. Abu Hamed 1990. Afo 40/41, 196-200. Falb Chr., Krasnik K., Meyer J.-W., Vila, E. 2005. Der Friedhof von Abu Hamed. SVA 8. Meyer J.-W. 2010. The cemetery of Abu Hamad: A Burial place of pastoral groups? In: K. Ohnuma, A. Al-Khabour, Formation of tribal communities; Integrated research in the Middle Euphrates, Syria. Al-Rafidan, Special Issue, 155-163.

The cemetery of Abu Hamad has four different types of graves: shaft graves (Fig. 2), stone cists (Fig. 6), earth 318

75. The cemeteries of Wreide, Tawi and Shameseddin (Raqqa) Jan-Waalke Meyer (Frankfurt University, Germany)

Winfried Orthmann (University Halle, Germany)

While excavations were going on at Halawa, a number of cemeteries in the vicinity were intensively plundered – among them the three cemeteries presented below (Fig. 1).

in rows. In all probability Wreide was the extra-mural cemetery of Selenkahiye. The ceramics are in accordance with ceramic production in the Middle Euphrates (Standard ware; Metallic ware, Black Euphrates ware, Painted Euphrates ware). A peculiar feature is the presence of anthropomorphic statuettes, roughly made of limestone and between 8cm

Wreide Numerous tombs were registered on the west bank of Lake Assad, directly south of the settlement at Selenkahiye; most of them had already been plundered and only a few were still intact and could be explored by regular excavation. In agreement with the Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums in Damascus a rescue excavation lasting for about a month, and directed by Prof Dr Winfried Orthmann, was carried out in 1979. Five undisturbed tombs were examined: all of them shaft tombs – some quite large – with one or more lateral chambers (Fig. 2). It was also possible to observe the extent of the cemetery and the organization of the graves

Fig. 1 Map of the upper region of the Tabqa Dam.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites same is true for the shaft tombs, which were certainly meant to harbour several individuals. Grave-gifts are, above all, clay vessels but also bronze needles and beads. Shamseddin In 1975, the present author took ten days to examine, on behalf of Prof Dr W. Orthmann, the cemeteries of Shamseddin. Inside the modern village M. Van Loon (1967, 13-14) had already documented three sites which probably coincide with the area that we covered. The site of Shamseddin Tannira (H. Seeden et al. 1980; 1983) dates to the Halaf period and lies further south. We conducted a cursory examination and mapping of three cemeteries – two (A

Fig. 2 Wreide: grave O11.

and 23cm tall (Fig. 3); supposedly, they played a part in the practice of ancestor worship. Tawi In 1975 and 1978, rescue excavations in the vicinity of Tawi – situated between Mumbaqa and Halawa – brought to light several cemeteries that are likely to belong to the settlement in Tell Djefle (Fig. 4). Their inventory dates them with certainty to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC. There was not enough time to do a systematic, comprehensive examination, but the cemeteries were at least mapped (cf. Kampschulte/ Orthmann 1984, Fig. 2) and several tombs were excavated. The various types of tombs – stone galleries (Fig. 5), stone cists, earth pits with and without stone-cover, earth graves covered with stones, brick graves with and without stone-cover, shaft tombs with lateral chambers – correspond to the range of forms known in the Middle Euphrates. The most frequent type is the stone-covered earth pit, with a lengthwise extension between 2m and 4m (Fig. 6). The larger tombs are usually made with stones (galleries, cists). Some of those larger tombs contain several burials, but it is impossible to say whether they were collective burials or successive ones. The

Fig. 3 Wreide: figurine.

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75. The cemeteries of Wreide, Tawi and Shameseddin (Raqqa)

Fig. 5 Tawi: grave T5.

Fig. 4 Tawi: location of the cemeteries.

Fig. 6 Tawi: grave T64.

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Fig. 7 Shameseddin, grave 6.

Fig. 8 Shameseddin, grave 34.

and B) to the east and one (C) to the west of a settlement site. According to the ceramics found there all three date to the second half of the 3rd millennium BC.

Bibliography Kampschulte I., Orthmann, W. 1984. Ausgrabungen bei Tawi 1975 und 1978. Gräber des 3. Jahrtausends im syrischen Euphrattal 1. SBA 38. Meyer J.-W. 1991. Ausgrabungen in Šamseddin und Djerniye. Gräber des 3. Jahrtausends v. Chr. im syrischen Euphrattal 3. SVA 3. Orthmann W., Rova E. 1991. Ausgrabungen in Wreide. Gräber des 3. Jahrtausends im syrischen Euphrattal 2. SVA.

The types of tombs in cemeteries A and C are comparable: larger and smaller chamber tombs with entrance shaft (Figs. 7 and 8), stone cists, earth pits; cemetery B has only larger chamber tombs with entrance shaft. All tombs were arranged in rows; there seems to exist an internal order, as tombs of the same type are put next to each other. The occurrence of tomb types of varying costliness suggests a socially differentiated population. 322

76. Tell Ajaja (Hassake) Asa’d Mahmoud (DGAM, Syria)

Hartmut Kühne (Freie Universität Berlin, Germany)

firmly identified with the city of Shadikanni of the Middle and Neo-Assyrian periods. However the name Shadikanni is Hurrian and so is probably the name of the city god, Samnukha. His name occurs as a theophoric element in

Tell Ajaja (36° 12" N, 40° 43" E) lies 35km south of Hassaka on the right bank of the Habur (Fig. 1). In Arabic literature the site is also called Tell Arban, which is derived from the Greek and Roman name Horoba or Orba. The site is

Fig. 1 Tell Ajaja: topographic sketch (Sarre, E. and Herzfeld E., Archäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet (1911) Abb. 88).

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Fig. 2 Lamassu 1: Reproduction from Layard, A. H., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon (1853) .

several personal names. One on them is Samnukha-sharilani, ‘the man of Shadikanni’, from whom the Assyrian King Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 BCE) collects tribute on his first military campaign in 883 BCE. If identical this man is the grandfather of Mushezib-Inurta, according to the inscription of a cylinder seal; Mushezib-Inurta in turn has left an inscription on a human-headed winged-bull doorsculpture (lamassu) (Fig. 2) that belonged to his palace. It was discovered by A. H. Layard in his first excavation of the site in the mid 19th century. Both persons represent a local dynasty of ‘vice-regents’ which probably dates back to the 11th century BCE according to an inscribed clay cylinder of Bel-eresh governing Shadikanni at the time of the King Ashur-resha-ishi II (971-967 BCE), who reports the renovation of the temple of the gods Samnukha and Gubaba that was erected by his forefathers.

Fig. 3 Tell Ajaja 1989: trench from east, showing door 1 with muzzle for drainage; door 2 with lamassu 3 in situ; and limits of Layard’s tunnel in the background (Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

The whereabouts of the inscribed lamassu (and other sculptures) Layard had reported in 1853 remained obscure until erosion exposed a fragment of another badly damaged example in 1981. A Syrian excavation was initiated by Asa’d Mahmoud, the director of the National Museum of Deir az-Zor; in cooperation with the director of the excavation of Tell Sheikh Hamad, Hartmut Kühne, four seasons were conducted in 1982, 1984, 1989, and 1990. A. H. Layard had drifted three tunnels into the steep eroded eastern flank of the mound, the exact positions of which were not recorded. Verified during the first season in 1982, the exposed lamassu marked the most southern

Fig. 4 Lamassu 1 as excavated in 1982 (Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

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76. Tell Ajaja (Hassake) part of the building. Since it ended in a muzzle in the eastern door (Fig. 3) it was surmised that the adjoining wall was the exterior limit of the building. Lamassu 1 (Fig. 4) is well preserved except for the human head; it bears the inscription that reads: ‘Palace of Mushezib Inurta’. It apparently matches the one found by Layard (Fig. 2). Of lamassu 2 only the legs remain. Flanking the doorway to room B lamassu 3 and 4 were found in situ but were not so well preserved; nevertheless they seemed to be worked in a cruder manner. The western doorway opened to room B, the limits of which remained unclear. Obviously out of place, a lion lamassu (Fig. 5) was standing in the middle of the room in the axes of the two doors; this lamassu (no. 6) had already been discovered by Layard (Fig. 6). North of it a stele (no. 1), another lamassu (no. 5) and a little further west another stele (no. 2) were discovered. Lamassu 5 (Fig. 7) is the best preserved. Stele no. 1 (Fig. 8) uniquely depicts an eagle-headed genius (apkallu) with the symbols of the gods Ishtar, Sibittu, Sin and Shamash/ Assur, in a typical rendering of the 9th century BCE; the bottom part of the stele is missing. Stele no. 2 (Fig. 9) shows a god en face holding a lotus flower in his right hand and a kid in his left arm; the bottom part is also missing. Considering that the medium stele was reserved for depictions of the Assyrian king, both issues of the Ajaja-stele are unusual. In addition an orthostat (Fig. 10) depicting a winged bull in front of a stylized tree should be mentioned, which was discovered in a reused function as a threshold in doorway 1.

Fig. 5 Lion lamassu (no. 6) as excavated in 1989 (Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 6 The same lion lamassu: Reproduction from Layard, A. H., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon (1853).

tunnel. The excavation cleared about 650m3 of the debris from the top 12m down to the level of the sculpture in a trench of 13 x 4m. The limits of Layard’s tunnel could be traced clearly (Fig. 3); within them Layard had searched for mudbrick walls in vain. The enlargement of the trench led to the discovery of two rooms A and B; room A was confined by mud brick walls on three sides – east, south and west (Fig. 3). The walls on the east and west were intercepted by doors flanked by four lamassu in a contrasting juxtaposition facing east and west. Monolithic slabs served as thresholds in the doorways, and the floor of room A was paved with fired bricks; underneath there was a channel that drained the inner

Fig. 7 Lamassu no. 5 Reproduction from Rouault. O. and Masetti-Rouault , M. G. (eds.), L’Eufrate e il tempo (1993).

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Fig. 8 Stele no. 1: postcard (Deir ez-Zor Museum no. 068).

Fig. 9 Stele no. 2: postcard (Deir ez-Zor Museum no. 071).

Fig. 10 Orthostat as excavated in 1984 (Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Mahmoud A., Bernbeck, R., Kühne H., Pfälzner P. and Röllig W. 1988. Die Ausgrabung auf dem Tall Ajaja/ Sadikanni 1982. Damaszener Mitteilungen 3, 141184. Mahmoud A. and Kühne H. 1993-1994. Tall Ajaja/ Sadikanni 1984-1990. Archiv für Orientforschung XL/XLI, 215-221.

Lamassu 1 and 5, both stele, and the orthostat are kept in the National Museum of Deir az-Zor. It should be noted that during recent illegal digging a very similar lion lamassu, fragments of a counterpart of stele no. 1, and a counterpart of the orthostat, have been exposed. Bibliography Mahmoud A. 1983. Neo-Assyrian Sculptures from Saddikanni (Tell Ajaja). Assur 4, 67-70. 326

77. Tell Bderi (Hassake) Hartmut Kühne (Freie Universität Berlin, Germany)

Tell Bderi (36° 44" N, 40° 47" E) lies about 20km south of the provincial centre of Hassaka on the left bank of the Habur within the basin of the Habur reservoir. It is situated in the alluvium at a distance of some 500m from the river terrace. Rising about 14m above the plain, the topography is marked by a plateau with fairly even slopes; the western flank has been eroded by the river. The tell extends over an area of ca. 6ha; a modern cemetery covers most of the plateau (Fig. 1). A number of flat elevations east and south of the tell indicate perhaps the edge of a lower town (Fig. 2). Rescue excavations were conducted from 1985 to 1990 by a joint venture of the Freie Universitaet Berlin and the German Archaeological Institute of Damascus under the direction of the present writer and the field director Peter Pfälzner.

The Early Bronze Age (Early Jazira I-IV) town of Tell Bderi most probably extended over the whole tell, covering 5-6ha. Enclosed by a town wall, this major occupation was investigated in two excavation areas labelled the ‘southern slope’ and ‘northern knoll’. In the southern slope area (Fig. 3) a sequence of the EBA occupation was encountered in phases 7 to 25. The earliest occupation phase 25 lies on the surface of an old alluvium, 2m below the present surface of the surrounding fields. The architecture consists of the mudbrick town wall, at least 2.8m thick, with a glacis of pisé in front, 1.6 to 2m thick. It contained a gate whose soffits were protected by undecorated stone orthostats (Fig. 4); it was reconstructed at a scale of 1:1 in the National Museum of Deir ez-Zor (Fig. 5).

The earliest traces of occupation consist of sherds of Halaf-Ware that were collected from the surface. Indicating a Late Uruk settlement are two pottery kilns discovered in a 4 x 2.5m trench northeast of the tell in the cotton fields.

Intra muros an array of densely adjoining houses was excavated (Fig. 6). Founded in phases 20 and 18 respectively, Houses XIV and XXI were destroyed by an earthquake at the end of phase 14; they were replaced by the short-lived Houses XIII and XII in phases 13

Fig. 1 Tell Bderi: plateau looking north (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

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Fig. 2 Tell Bderi: topographic plan (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 3 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’ area looking north (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

chronology, the earliest phase 25 is associated with the Early Dynastic I period. Both destructions at the end of phases 14 and 8 must have been unexpected, marking a so-called ‘Pompeii-effect’, leaving complete inventories that were discovered in the rooms (Fig. 8). According to the pottery, phase 8 of the southern slope is contemporary with the single house that was excavated on the ‘northern knoll’; one of the rooms of the building on the ‘northern

and 12. Phase 11 manifests a complete change of the architectural paradigm. Nearly simultaneously Houses VII, VI, III, V, and XI were erected in phases 11 and 10 (Fig. 7). While some houses were replaced Houses IV, VI, III, II, and I continued functioning. At the end of phase 8 the last, Houses II and I, were destroyed. While this event is dated to the late Early Dynastic/Early Akkadian period, according to the South-Mesopotamian 328

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Fig. 4 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, phase 25, town wall and gate, Early Dynastic I (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 5 Tell Bderi: town wall and gate, reconstruction in National Museum of Deir ez-Zor (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 6 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, House I looking south (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

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Fig. 7 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, phases 10-9, plan of Houses III (blue), I (red), and V (yellow) (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 9 Tell Bderi: phase 8, House on the ‘northern knoll’, ‘kitchen’, reconstruction in the National Museum of Deir ez-Zor (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 8 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, reconstructed inventory (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

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Fig. 10 Tell Bderi: the ‘northern knoll’, plan of Mittani platform and architecture (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

Fig. 11: Tell Bderi, Phase 2, shaft with Middle Assyrian fill (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

knoll’ was reconstructed with its inventory at a scale of 1:1 in the National Museum of Deir ez-Zor (Fig. 9).

upper-middle-class house; outside, a round ‘beehivetype’ structure obviously served as a granary. On the southern slope, the excavation phases 3-6 represent the Mittani period. A passage from the south allowed access to the town and was flanked by two houses; this strongly indicates first that the slope was occupied by houses which were eroded, and second that the whole tell was densely occupied by a Mittani town.

Following an hiatus covering the Middle Bronze Age, Mittani and Middle Assyrian remains represent the Late Bronze Age town of Tell Bderi (15th to 11th centuries BC). Superimposed on the Early Bronze Age architecture of the northern knoll, the Mittani buildings (Fig. 10) were unearthed immediately below the surface. Erected on a mudbrick terrace, and arranged around an open space as well as along two alleys, they consisted of 1 to 1.2m wide mudbrick walls. A vestibule and 4 rooms aligned northeast/southwest represent a coherent complex of an

Phase 2 of the southern slope sequence marks the only evidence of a Middle Assyrian occupation; a shaft of 4.5 x 6m was sunk vertically down (Fig. 11). After excavating some 11m without reaching the bottom, work 331

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Fig. 12: Tell Bderi, Phase 2, Middel Assyrian foundation cylinder (©Tell Sheikh Hamad Archive, Berlin).

was terminated as it was becoming too dangerous. The fill contained debris of a destroyed Middle Assyrian building, i.e. broken mudbricks, but also inscribed bricks, inscribed foundation cylinders, pottery and numerous small finds. The inscriptions on the cylinders (Fig. 12) revealed that the site was named after a local king of the land of Mari, Dur-Ashur-ketti-lesher, whose central place was Tabetu, which is identified with Tell Taban. This king, Ashur-ketti-lesher, claims to have seized the tell without name and to have had it surrounded by a wall. The foundation cylinder is dated by an eponym to the year 1096 BC. The inscribed bricks testify furthermore that he had erected a palace (or had he only planned to do it?). Meanwhile the Japanese excavation of Tell Taban has uncovered very similar foundation cylinders confirming the Tell Bderi ones, and also other documents extending the genealogy of this dynasty to the early 13th century BC; furthermore, it has become evident that it has had Hurrian roots. Bibliography Maul S. M. 1992. Die Inschriften von Tall Bderi. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient Texte 2. D. Reimer, Berlin. Pfälzner P. 1990. Tell Bderi – the development of a Bronze Age town. The Near East in Antiquity vol. I, Amman, 63-79. Shibata D. 2011. The Origin of the Dynasty of the Land of Mari. Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale vol. 105, 165-180.

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78. Jebel Khalid, (Aleppo) Graeme Clarke (Australian National University, Australia)

Heather Jackson (University of Melbourne, Australia)

Jebel Khalid is a large limestone mesa on the right bank of the Euphrates in north Syria, covering some 50ha of undulating land. There, early in the 3rd century BCE the Macedonian conquerors of the territory established a military colony to control the surrounding region as well as the river traffic. To protect the site, 3.4km of walling were promptly constructed on the inland side, along with 30 bastions and towers and massive city gates, and, within these walls, a separate walled acropolis was established on high ground, enclosing 2.2ha of land, with its own defensive towers and gateway. The riverine side was adequately protected by high cliffs. Jebel Khalid was clearly intended to be a major fortification within the Seleucid defence system (Fig. 1). Inside that acropolis fortification was adequate land for constructing an arsenal and barracks for the garrison, and, in the course of the 3rd century BCE an elaborate two-storeyed ‘governor’s palace’ was erected for the administration of the settlement. This entailed quarrying a large outcrop of limestone to form a platform as foundation for most of the building. As the ground plan shows, there were two large reception halls to the north and south of the internal Doric courtyard, each furnished with storerooms and kitchens to either side, and opening off lengthy vestibule corridors (Fig. 2). Throughout the walls were decorated in Greek-style elaborate plasterwork. Whilst this ground plan does show some affinity to preceding Achaemenid palaces, there can be no doubt that these large halls were also put to Macedonian use, for commensality and carousing, to judge by the rich debris of eating and drinking vessels, jugs and amphorae. The upper storey, also richly decorated, no doubt housed the governor’s family and domestic staff. A latrine and bathing complex, as well as courtyard garden planting, are unusual features at this date for a Greek building and owe more to Eastern influences. But religious worship was carried out in Greek style in an open courtyard around a drum altar with ample evidence of burnt animal sacrifices in the Greek manner. The hybridity would appear to be deliberate. For worship within the settlement itself a temple was also promptly erected, not far from the main

gate, facing east overlooking the Euphrates river (Area B: see Fig.1). Again it displays self-conscious hybridity. Externally this appeared as a standard Greek hexastyle, amphiprostyle Doric temple but its internal proportions and layout were rather in the favoured Mesopotamian

Fig. 1 Contour map of Jebel Khalid, showing areas excavated up to 2010 (B. Rowney).

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Fig. 2 Plan of the acropolis palace (B. Rowney).

style, with a tripartite sanctuary and being virtually square in proportion (Fig. 3). An altar stood on a large open platform on the east side of the temple but there are no signs of any burnt animal sacrifices and an adjacent sump suggests rather that liquid offerings were made in the local manner. The images recovered parallel this mélange, with evidence of colossal Greekstyle statues carved in imported Parian marble as well as indigenous images in local limestone (Fig. 4). This religious sanctuary was apparently designed to cater for a worshipping community of mixed ethnicities. But the Greek aspirations of the settlers of Jebel Khalid are revealed by the presence of a palaestra built in the third century close to the centre of the settlement (Area C: see Fig.1). There the sons of the immigrants would be trained in the arts of Greek warfare and receive an education and formation in Greek culture and ways of living. It constitutes the earliest example of such an institution within inland Syria and indicates a strong Greek element within the population of Jebel Khalid. The one housing insula excavated (35 x 90m) was situated on the hill north of the acropolis, one of several planned on a north-south grid (see Fig. 1). Excavation revealed seven or eight houses within the perimeter wall, and at least three phases of occupation, beginning in the 3rd century BCE. The four houses in the north of

Fig. 3 Plan of the Jebel Khalid temple (B. Rowney).

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78. Jebel Khalid, (Aleppo) the insula were of similar size, but those in the southern section, separated from the north by a narrow alleyway, varied considerably in size and design. The largest was the ‘House of the Painted Frieze’, which had two sizeable courtyards (Fig. 5), possibly three at one phase, and a large oikos room at the north, decorated in the Hellenistic masonry style with red, black and yellow orthostats and a figured frieze featuring Erotes driving lively goat chariots (Fig. 6). This formal room was flanked by private rooms, accessed only from it, and this pattern was repeated more simply in some other houses, i.e. an oikos at the north of the courtyard, flanked by private rooms. A desire for privacy was also reflected in the entries to some of the houses via an entry room, rather than directly into the courtyard. The only house proved to have an upper storey by the existence of stairs, was North-West House 1, where fragments of columns and a stylobate were additional evidence of support for the upstairs rooms. These were not modest houses, as both their size and distance from the acropolis imply. One might suggest that the House of the Painted Frieze was occupied by an officer of high rank, who certainly favoured Greek-style decoration. But other material evidence suggests that the insula was inhabited by Syrians as well as Greeks. The tableware pottery followed Greek shapes, but the kitchen ware featured shapes that were only slightly modified from the local Iron Age forms. The insula produced the greatest number of Persian rider figurines and Astarte plaques, albeit alongside Greek-style figurines.

Fig. 4 Limestone head found in temple, Area B.

a stretch of colonnaded stylobate early in the campaign had led to thoughts of a stoa, but subsequent excavation found that, at 18m maximum length, it was unsuitably short. This colonnaded building faced east onto a large courtyard, originally enclosed with a doorway east (Fig. 7). A second, parallel courtyard was found adjacent to it To the south-east of the insula was a large complex of to the north, but not communicating with it. The northern a different character, which has not been completely courtyard was flanked by large rooms, organised in what excavated. This is Area S (see Fig. 1). The discovery of might be called suites, perhaps consisting of office and workroom. Neither the layout nor the material contents were domestic in nature. Large jars dominated the pottery corpus and ‘personal’ items were rare. The whole complex was surrounded by a perimeter wall, with entry only at the south and east. To the east was the Euphrates, accessible by a path leading down via a wadi, past a small previous excavation that had unearthed several large pithoi. It seems possible, from the fact of the river access, that Area S was associated with river trade and that the colonnaded building was some kind of Fig. 5 3D reconstruction of the ‘House administrative building, of the Painted Frieze’ such as a market hall. (M. Negus Cleary). Safeguarding river trade 337

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Fig. 6 Stucco fragments from the oikos of the ‘House of the Painted Frieze’, featuring Eros and goat chariot.

Fig. 7 Entry to the courtyard in T44, Area S (east), 2010.

was of immense importance and probably one of the reasons for the establishment of Jebel Khalid.

and the Lamps of Jebel Khalid (Mediterranean Archaeology Supplement 10). Jackson H. and Tidmarsh J. 2011. Jebel Khalid on the Euphrates, Volume Three: The Pottery Mediterranean Archaeology Supplement 7. Jackson H. 2014. Jebel Khalid on the Euphrates, Volume Four: The Housing Insula, Mediterranean Archaeology Supplement 9.

Being substantially abandoned by the late 70s/early 60s BCE, Jebel Khalid provides a unique glimpse into life in Syria during the Hellenistic period. Bibliography Clarke G.W. (ed.) 2016, in press. Jebel Khalid on the Euphrates, Volume Five: Excavations 2000-2010 338

79. Palmyra, 30 Years of Syro-German/Austrian Archaeological Research (Homs) Andreas Schmidt-Colinet (University of Vienna, Austria)

Khaled al-As‘ad and Waleed al-As‘ad (DGAM, Syria)

of different traditions as well as the grandiose will of the buildings commissioner: The palace-like facade of the entrance contrasts with the square, two-storey and uncovered peristyle courtyard in the centre of the structure. Design and metrology of the building reveal at every point Roman principles of design, brought into line with oriental taste.

1. Tomb no. 36 and other temple-tombs (Figs. 1-4) The temple- or house-like tomb no. 36 is situated in the centre of so-called ‘Valley of the Tombs’. With about 18m length from edge to edge and about 300 graves (loculi), it is the largest representative of this palace-like type of tombs at Palmyra. The architectural decoration of the building allows a dating to about 210 to 230 AD. Furthermore the tomb can be attributed probably to the family of the famous Iulius Septimius Aurelius Vorodes.

The themes and the stylistic evidence of the architectural sculpture prove close relations with foreign sarcophagi workshops on the Syrian coast and their connections to Roman art: Dionysos-Baalshamin sitting in the vineyards, nereids and erotes riding on dolphins, seamonsters holding a shell between them, victories,

The documentation of the more than 700 fallen blocks of the ruin enables us to draw an exact reconstruction of the building. The architecture documents a fusion

Fig. 1 Palmyra: tomb no 36, reconstructed entrance facade.

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Fig. 2 Palmyra: tomb no. 36, reconstructed ground plan.

Fig. 3 Palmyra: tomb no. 36, architectural sculpture.

Fig. 4 Rome: Villa Albani, Roman sarcophagus.

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79. Palmyra, 30 Years of Syro-German/Austrian Archaeological Research (Homs) winged Medusas, tragic masks. On the other hand, the exceptionally rich architectural decoration of highest quality was worked out by local workshops and enables us to reconstruct pattern books which partly can be traced back to native textile patterns.

and cisterns laid out all over the area. ‘Dragon-houses’ constructed of broken or rejected blocks were used as shelters for guardians and for storing working material. Graffiti on the walls of such structures reveal the names and professions of masons and quarry workers. Loading ramps distributed all over the quarries allow us to reconstruct the means of transport also known from sculptured representations: carts with a loading height of about 1m and pulled by bulls.

The sarcophagi and grave reliefs, which again stand in local tradition, give much new information about costumes and adornments of the Palmyrene upper class of the 3rd century AD. The small finds, such as pottery, lamps etc., again prove relations with workshops outside Palmyra. The osteo-archaeological evaluation of skeleton finds enables us for the first time to make a cautious demographic projection of the population structure of ancient Palmyra.

Many unfinished blocks left in the quarries, as well as the traces of tools on the quarry walls, give reliable information on the different methods used for extraction and for manufacturing the raw material. They testify a change of techniques and tools during the first half of the 2nd century AD. With the new technique it was possible to extract larger blocks with less effort and within a shorter time. Thus, there can be proved an interdependency and correlation between the building mentality at Palmyra, i.e. the building boom in the first half of the 2nd and the development of new methods of extraction and production.

All in all, the architecture of the building and its decoration, as well as the archaeological finds of the grave sites, reveal to us in detail a very complex historical reality of interrelations and interdependences over which ancient literary sources give almost no information: The increasing contact with the Roman world at the same time stimulated and encouraged indigene local traditions and forces. Thus, the phenomenon usually called ‘Romanization’ can be understood as well as a process of ‘re-orientalization’.

Furthermore, the different traces of the tools give hints for a dating of otherwise undated buildings in the town and thus to clear up the chronology of the urban development of ancient Palmyra.

The other tombs of this type were studied carefully without any excavation. Thus, it was possible to reconstruct the facades of many of these tombs in drawings. Furthermore the so-called ‘Aviation Tomb’ (no. 186) in the south-east necropolis was cleaned, restored and studied. After restoration the tomb was opened for public visitors.

3. The Textiles from Palmyra (Figs. 8-11) The more than 2000 textile fragments found in the tombs of Palmyra are one of the largest groups of antique textiles with proven origin. They all were found either as parts of mummies or as isolated fragments in so-called tower-tombs dated by inscriptions from the 1st century BC to the 2nd century AD. Within an international and interdisciplinary project, the textiles were cleaned, restored and documented. They are partly presented to the public in permanent exhibitions in the museums of Palmyra and Damascus. The textiles present an unusual amount of information about the history of Palmyra, i.e. economy and trade (silk route), daily life and culture as well as different burial customs (mummification) and religion.

Finally, concerning research on Palmyrene funerary sculpture two sarcophagi found by the Syrian mission were studied carefully: The one, placed nowadays in front of the museum, was completed with the horse standing on the left side of the lid. 2. The Quarries of Palmyra (Figs. 5-7) The quarries of hard limestone that delivered the material for most of the sculptures and buildings of ancient Palmyra are situated about 15km northeast of the city. They are spread over several square kilometres and they were partly rediscovered only within the last few years. For the first time, the mission started a detailed cartographic mapping of the quarries, a study of the different techniques used for extraction, production and transport, as well as the investigation of the infrastructure of the people working in or living near the quarries. One of the quarries gives detailed information about the daily life and social environment of the workers: caves artificially enlarged were used as living quarters. The necessary amount of water supply was granted by a sophisticated system of water channels

Two groups of textiles can be distinguished: textiles of local production and fabrics imported from India and China. The locally produced fabrics are made of cotton, linen or wool, generally of outstanding high quality and with sophisticated designs. Wool was dyed in different colours from plants or animals. The dyestuffs were produced locally or imported from as far as from India. Silk fabrics were imported from China. Some of them can be attributed to certain imperial workshops due to in woven Chinese characters. The designs found on the local Palmyrene textiles also appear on sculptures and buildings. Obviously the 341

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Fig. 5 Palmyra: quarry no. 1, plan.

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Fig. 6 Palmyra: quarry no. 1, columns.

Fig. 7 Palmyra: quarry no. 3, ‘dragon-house’.

Fig. 8 Palmyra: restoration of a textile, from the tower-tomb of Kitot (40 AD).

Fig. 9 Palmyra: linen shawl of local production.

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Fig. 10 Palmyra: textile ornament of an architectural decoration.

4. The Location of Pre-Roman Palmyra (3rd century BC to 3rd century AD) and the investigation of a ‘Khan’ (Figs. 12-16) The location of the so-called Hellenistic town was thought to be situated outside the Roman town in the area south of the wadi of today for several reasons. By a geophysical prospection underground dwellings were made visible without any excavation within an area of about 20ha. Than two test trenches proved the location of the pre-Roman settlement in this area from the 3rd century BC onwards. The pottery finds confirm that the area was inhabited from the 3rd century BC up to the 3rd century AD. During the last years, a caravan building or residence of a caravan leader was excavated and studied. The extraordinary wall decoration of this building with paintings and stucco, as well as the huge amount of different small finds, give a vivid idea of the enormous wealth and of daily life of the people who took advantage of the far-reaching connections of Palmyrene trade. Furthermore, the small finds of this ‘khan’ prove the astonishing global trade connections – from Spain to China. What is surprising is the chronology of the building. The khan was built only in the middle of the 1st century BC (i.e. shortly after the installation of the Roman province of Syria in 64 BC) and was destroyed at the end of the 3rd century AD, perhaps during the destruction of Palmyra by Aurelian in 273 AD.

Fig. 11 Palmyra: silk fabric imported from China, from the tower-tomb of Kitot (40 AD).

The recently published first volume of the Topographia Palmyrena I ‘Atlas de Palmyre’ (Fig. 17), published in cooperation with an international team, looks likely to become a basic reference for further studies in this field.

same patterns were used in textile workshops, sculpture ateliers and in architectural workshops. Thus, the typical ‘arabesque’ architectural decoration of Palmyra largely can be traced back to patterns of local textiles.

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Fig. 12 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, magnetogram of the underground settlement.

Fig. 13 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, test trench I, Rhodian amphora stamp (3rd century BC).

Fig. 14 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, ‘khan’, ground plan.

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Fig. 15 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, ‘khan’, stucco fragment.

Fig. 16 Map of Palmyra’s trade network, as documented by artefacts found in the ‘khan’.

Schmidt-Colinet A. and Al-As‘ad W. (eds.) 2013. Palmyras Reichtum durch weltweiten Handel. Archäologische Untersuchungen im Bereich der hellenistischen Stadt, 2 vols.

Bibliography Schmidt-Colinet A. 1992. Das Tempelgrab Nr. 36  in Palmyra. Studien zur Palmyrenischen Grabarchitektur und ihrer Ausstattung, Damaszener Forschungen vol. 4. Schmidt-Colinet A., Stauffer A. and Al-As‘ad Kh. 2000. Die Textilien aus Palmyra. Neue und alte Funde, Damaszener Forschungen vol. 8.

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Fig. 17 ‘Atlas de Palmyre’, detail (after Klaus Schnädelbach).

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80. Palmyra, Japanese Archaeological Research (Homs) Kiyohide Saito (Archaeological Institute of Kashihara, Japan)

was set into the Zenobia Wall, which was constructed in the Diocletian period for defensive purposes.

1. Introduction The southeast necropolis stretches for approximately 1.5km south of the Temple of Bel. There are about 20 tombs including tower-tombs and house-tombs still visible. However the hypogea were not well known until the installation of pipelines from Iraq started in the late 1950s. About 20 tombs were discovered and about 10 were excavated by Syrian government researchers. Since then, no archaeological work was performed in this area until our efforts.

2. Tomb C –Tomb of YRHY A hypogeum, Tomb C (Tomb of YRHY) was the first excavation at Palmyra by a Japanese expedition in 1991; the structure consisted of a stairway, a main chamber and a side chamber. The main chamber was 10.4m long and 3m wide. A rectangular stone epitaph with a Palmyrian inscription was found in the main chamber near the gate. It reads that the tomb was founded by YRHY, the son of LSMS, the son of MLKW, in April 109 AD.

In 1990 we carried out research with ground-probing radar, a geophysical prospecting technique using electromagnetic waves. We searched around 30,000m2 using radar, showing us unusual reflections in five localities which indicated hypogea. From 1991 to 2005, 6 tombs were investigated: Tomb A, excavated at the base of a house grave; Tomb C, a hypogeum constructed by YRHY in 109 AD; Tomb F, a hypogeum decorated with beautiful floral patterns constructed by BWLH & BWRP in 128 AD; Tomb G, an Hellenistic pit grave with cap stones, the earliest grave at Palmyra; Tomb E, a hypogeum constructed in the 3rd century; and Tomb H, a hypogeum constructed by TYBL in 113 AD (and in which a complete sarcophagus decorated with family banquet scene was found). Restorations and reconstructions of Tombs F and H were carried out (Fig. 1).

The innermost wall of the main chamber was constructed of soft limestone slabs and consisted of four columns for loculi and an arched niche. There were 4 funerary sculptures in situ in the wall. The arched niche, similar to a loculus, was set up in the centre of the wall and was sealed by a semicircular funerary sculpture. This sculpture indicated a man being carried and holding a round plate held by two so-called ‘goddesses of victory’. This is the oldest sculpture of its kind in Palmyra, although there are the same motifs in the mural painting of the facade of the ‘Three Brothers’. There were two male funerary sculptures under the arched niche. One is a sculpture of YRHY, who founded this tomb, and another sculpture is SLM, a son of YRHY. There is a male sculpture leaning against the left end of the wainscot in the facade. This sculpture is a son of YRHY named MLA (Fig. 2).

From 2006 to 2010 house-tomb 129-b was explored, situated at the north necropolis near the city site. This tomb

There were 3 sculptures, a male sculpture without inscription, and one of a boy and one of a girl, with

Fig. 1 Tombs excavated by the Japanese Archaeological Mission in the southeast necropolis.

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Fig. 2 Innermost wall of Tomb C.

Fig. 3 General view of the main chamber of Tomb F.

inscription in sidewalls. The girl is a full-length figure showing an inscription indicating that she is ASTRT and a daughter of YRHY. The boy is also a full-length figure, with an inscription showing that he is YRHY, a son of LSMS.

3. Tomb F –Tomb of BWLH and BWRP Tomb F was a hypogeum founded in 128 AD by BWLH and BWRP, and consisted of a stairway, a main chamber and two side chambers (Fig. 3). The main chamber measured 17.8m long and 2.6m wide. The main chamber was an underground stone structure, with arabesque and flowering plant patterns covering the advanced skill of masonry in Palmyra’s most prosperous era. In the main chamber, near the entrance, were set 2 sarcophagi, indicating that slaves named HLMS had become members of the family. Another 3 sarcophagi were placed in the main funerary exedra and depicted banqueting scenes connected with a family related to BWLH and BWRP. A founding stone epitaph (128 AD)

Sixty one individuals consisted of 30 males, 13 females and 18 sub-adults, mainly constituted of adult males. Infants within a year old were buried in the rectangular grave-pits in the floor. YRHY died at the age of around 40-59, and SLMA around 20-39. MLA died aged nearly 60, and was accompanied by a female of about 20 years old. 350

80. Palmyra, Japanese Archaeological Research (Homs) bearing the head of a satyr, an attendant to Bacchus, was unearthed in the main chamber. This was the first discovery of a carving of this type in Palmyra. Arches were built in the section leading from the main chamber into the side chambers, and the faces of Medusa (from Greek mythology) were carved in relief on the keystones. As with the satyr, these were employed as charms to prevent evil spirits from entering the tomb. Two side chambers attached to the main chamber were mostly unfinished and unused. This might be related to the inscription pertaining to the selling of cedar used for the tomb on the lintel of the portal. At least 80 bodies were buried in Tomb F: 27 males, 23 females, 5 sub-adults of unknown sex, 11 children, and 14 infants. The infants were buried in rectangular gravepits in the floor. 4. Tomb G – Tomb of the Hellenistic period In 2001 the mission excavated a pit grave, Tomb G, finding a middle-aged male with many accessories, including a gold ring, a bracelet and pendant tops. This tomb featured a wooden coffin with iron nails to contain the body. These discoveries, luxurious accessories (Fig. 4) associated with a male, and using a wooden coffin, are a first in Palmyra. This coffin was made from a species of cypress and olive wood. To determine the period that the body was buried a C14 analysis was carried out on parts of skeleton. The period of this tomb was 380 to160 BC.

Fig. 4 Accessories from Tomb G.

been constructed just before Christ and are not as old as Tomb G. 5. Tomb H – Tomb of TYBL Tomb H was discovered in 2002 and contained a hypogeum situated south of Tomb F and Tomb C, and just beside house-tomb 192; it consisted of a stairway, a main chamber and two side chambers. Inscriptions founded in 113 AD by TYBL and ceded several times were engraved on the lintel and the southern side post to support the lintel.

Tombs pre-dating Christ were rare finds before this discovery. A kind of hypogeum from the sanctuary of Balsamin, a tower-tomb of Atenatan, and others on the mountain north of the ‘Valley of the Tombs’ might have

Fig. 5 Exedra on the north sidewall in Tomb H.

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Fig. 6 General view of house-tomb 129-b in the north necropolis (before excavation).

Fig. 7 3D image of house-tomb 129-b (before excavation).

The west sidewall in the south side chamber was set 3 lines and 6 tiers of loculi. In the middle line, two busttype funerary sculptures were sealed. The upper was a female figure named AMTA, daughter of YRHY, and the lower is a male figure. 5 bust-type sculptures had fallen from the west sidewall. The north side chamber was not used as burial facility but there was a well just behind the east column of the entrance arch.

The main chamber was 9.6m long and 3.1m wide. In the main chamber an extra exedra was built with soft limestone slabs in the north sidewall. This exedra faced south and consisted of two parts – an arched open space with 3 sarcophagi of triclinium and 5 lines of loculi under the platform for those sarcophagi (Fig. 5). In the south sidewall there were 3 lines and 6 tiers of loculi set with stone slabs; bust-type funerary sculptures of a female and a male were sealed to two loculi in situ.

132 bodies were buried in Tomb H: 34 males, 33 females, 9 sub-adults, 39 children, 14 infants, 1 adult of unknown sex, and 2 cremated bodies.

An innermost exedra was destroyed, but two sculptures depicted a family banquet scene and a female bust-type sculpture was discovered. This exedra was similar to the innermost exedra of Tomb C and formed semicircular space.

Burial goods accompanying the dead implied certain significance. In Tomb H, young females were 352

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Fig. 8 Reconstruction image of house-tomb 129-b.

accompanied with their cosmetic ornaments, accessories, glass ware, weaving instruments, etc.

on same-shaped pedestals, each pillar facing diagonally. Pillars extending to the north and south corridors have brackets consisting of 6-tier loculi as burial facilities. The facing three lines of the loculi are built in the south and north corridors.

In this tomb bones with no artificial treatment were unearthed as grave goods. These bones were metacalpi of sheep. From ethnographical observation these bones are very significant and indicate the social background of the dead and that the young girls were involved with weaving in some way.

A gate toward the basement inside the foundation is built in the centre of the south side. There is a straight northsouth corridor (2.27m wide) leading to the south gate. There are two steps from the gate to the corridor of the basement. The corridor in the basement is paved with stone slabs. Two lines of Greek inscription incised on a lintel of the gate of the south side foundation are related to a Roman named Gaius Julius Bassus.

6. House-tomb 129-b Since 2006 the excavation of house-tomb 129-b (Fig. 6) has been carried out with the co-operation of the Directorate of Antiquities and Museum of Syria. We have continued to analyze the deposition of stones from this tomb with a 3D laser scanning system (Fig. 7). After scanning we removed ca. 100 stones and have further researched the structure of this tomb. We have also excavated an area outside the tomb and have discovered several aspects related to phases after the fall of Palmyra.

Supplemental results of the excavation have shown that an up-grade slope was made from the south to the north and was used as a working area to carry stones for the defensive wall and was set on the stairs. The working area for the construction of the defensive wall was used for infant graves. These infant graves mainly consisted of a grave with a jar, in a sepulchre-type pit grave. The age of these infants was mostly less than 1 year.

The exterior of house-tomb 129-b is a regular 11m square plan. The shape of the roof is gabled and the height of the tomb is about 14m. Three niches of pseudo-windows consisting of two types are set up on every wall except for the west side. The main gate on the foundation is set up on the west side and stairs are installed. The main gate has double doors (Fig. 8).

There is a strong resemblance between the sepulchretype grave and the present Palmyrian grave, with the notion of ‘LAHED’ in an Islamic idea. Some traces of earthquakes were found with sedimentation layers around the house-tomb.

The interior, north-south line in the centre of the first floor on the foundation consists of 6 large stones. The first floor is connected to the 2nd floor by the northeast corner. The west-east and south-north corridors make an intersection area, like a courtyard, in the centre of the first floor. The four corners of the intersection of the 4 pillars of first floor make an ‘M’ shape and are fixed

7. Summary For over 20 years, the Japanese archaeological mission worked in Palmyra, with many successful discoveries that brought a better understanding of Palmyrene society through their burial practices. Moreover, the mission has made great strides in the restoration and reconstruction 353

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites of two hypogea, Tombs BWLH and BWRP (Tomb F) and Tomb TYBL (Tomb H), as the most important hypogea within the southeast necropolis. Unfortunately these tombs had been destroyed. Bibliography Saito K. 2013. Female Burial Practices in Palmyra: Some Observations from the Underground Tombs, Studia Palmyrenska XII – Fifty years of Polish excavation in Palmyra 1959-2009, 287-298 , 2013.12 University of Warsaw Saito K. and As’sad A. 2011. Excavation of No.129-b House Tomb at the North Necropolis in Palmyra – Cooperated Research of the Syria and Nara Palmyra Archaeological Mission of Japan in 2009, Chronique Archeologique en Syrie – Excavation Reports 2009, pp.169-188. Saito K. and Nakahashi, T. 2013. The People of Ancient Palmyra, Syria – Life in a Silk Road Caravan City, The Museum, Archaeological Institute of Kashihara, Nara Prefecture

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81. Palmyrena. The Northern Hinterland of Palmyra (Homs) Jørgen Christian Meyer, Nils Anfinset and Torbjørn Preus Schou (University of Bergen, Norway)

The earliest finds come from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (ca. 9500-5500 BC), when the climate was wetter than today. There were several seasonal shallow freshwater lakes on the plains north of Palmyra which attracted wild animals as well as humans. We can see this from a number of small rock shelters used for short-term occupation along the foot of Jebel Abyad, next to larger perennial streams and wadis. These sites have a rich inventory of tools and arrowheads (Fig. 1) connected to hunting wild game. Other rock shelters are found in the mountains of Jebel Abyad, where the hunters chased the game uphill towards the mountain cliffs. All these sites are linked to major developments in farming and increased populations to the north and which resulted in a more intensive use of the steppe region north of Palmyra.

371 cairns, and has identified over 8000 from highresolution satellite images in the mountains north of Palmyra (Figs. 2 and 2a), covering an area of 3800 km², together with several hundred hunting kites, with long stone alignments leading the wild game into enclosures during their seasonal migrations. The dating of the kites is controversial, and also the cairns are difficult to date exactly, but many of them seem to belong to EBA IV and MBA, ca. 2400-1700 BC. As there is no major Bronze Age site in the area these cairns were most probably constructed by pastoral nomadic populations, groups frequently mentioned in the Mari archives, which, together with the settled population in the river valleys, constituted various tribal units. The distribution of these burial monuments suggests a focus on visibility in the Palmyrene landscape as a whole, being situated along mountain ridges visible from long distances as well as along local routes, near springs, and at crossroads. They were probably marking the landscape in terms of territorial rights linked to specific groups and control over pasture and water resources, vital aspects of a pastoral economy practicing seasonal mobility.

In the Bronze Age the climate became drier and a new way of exploiting the territory took over: a seasonally mobile pastoral economy. The survey has investigated

No finds can be dated to the Iron Age and Hellenistic periods. This does not mean that the region was not exploited, but the people have left few traces visible today.

Most archaeological research has been concentrated in the city of Palmyra itself, but no centre or city can exist without a hinterland. The aim of the Syrian-Norwegian survey north of Palmyra (2008-2011) was to investigate the relation between the settlement in the oasis and the hinterland, from the Prehistoric to the Historical periods.

Fig. 1 Arrowheads from Jebel Abyad.

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Fig. 2 Distribution of Bronze Age cairns north of Palmyra.

Fig. 2a Large Bronze Age cairn, Jebel Abyad.

In the Roman period, when Palmyra emerged as an important city on the caravan route to the Arabian Gulf, there was an extensive expansion into the northern territory. 18 villages with shrines were known in Jebel Chaar, and they were supposed to be connected with a pastoral economy or horse and camel breeding. We have investigated 34 new settlements in Jebel Abyad, Jebel Merah and Jebel Chaar, and their water supplies. Long catch arms led the run off rainwater from mountain sides and lower hill tops into numerous cisterns, as a supplement

to wells and springs. 60 new sites have also been identified from high-resolution satellite images in other parts of the mountain ranges north of Palmyra (Fig. 3). The high density of settlements suggests a much more differentiated economy than pastoralism. The sites are close to the limit where barley can be cultivated on a regular basis. We also know that in former times the mountains were covered by terebinth trees (Pistacia Atlantica), which might have affected the microclimate

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Fig. 3 Distribution of settlements and forts north of Palmyra.

Fig. 4 Remains of building in Jebel Merah.

and the local flora. If the winter rain is supplemented with some extra water from cisterns and small dams across the wadis, both horticulture and agriculture is possible. At other places we find low cross wadi walls, which prevent the wet fertile soil from been washed away and keep the moisture behind the wall. We analyzed a mudbrick from one of the settlements and there was a high concentration of pollen from barley. The settlements were seemingly part of the food supply chain for the city in the oasis, which in itself could not support a larger population of Palmyra’s size.

the seasonal movements of some nomadic groups from southern Syria and northeastern Jordan (Safar region), which moved from winter pasture on the dry steppe south of Palmyra to summer pasture in the northern mountains (Fig. 4). Harvested fields around Palmyra were an excellent grazing ground and flocks of sheep and goats fertilized fields and gardens with their manure before the ploughing. Agriculture/horticulture and pastoralism were thus complimentary economic systems. Two smaller forts were known in Jebel Abyad, but we registered other forts and smaller military installations. They control the landscape, the communication lines and important water resources. The existence of forts

Finds of Safaitic graffiti in Jebel Chaar and Jebel Merah show that the settlements also formed a part of

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites and military installation so close to the city is surprising. Their light construction does not indicate a defensive military function as such, but rather they played an important role in keeping law and order in the seasons when the nomadic groups entered the territory from the south, settling potential conflicts between different nomadic groups and between nomads and the villages. They were probably also centres of tax farming (water resources and grazing rights), which are mentioned in the Palmyra tax-law. The finds from the investigated sites show that the settlements continued up into the late Roman, Byzantine and Umayyad periods, and that Palmyra was still an important centre, which needed provisions from the hinterland also after Palmyra lost its position as a major caravan city at the end of 3rd century. After the Umayyad era the settlements were slowly deserted and in the Ottoman period a Bedouin strategy of survival took over, but this has left no visible traces in the landscape. Bibliography Meyer J. C. 2013. City and hinterland. Villages and estates north of Palmyra. New perspectives.  Studia Palmyreńskie 12 (Fifty years of Polish excavations in Palmyra 1959-2009. International Conference, Warsaw, 6-8 December 2010), 265-282. Meyer J. C. 2016. Palmyrena. Settlements, forts and nomadic networks, in R. Raja (ed.) The World of Palmyra (Scientia Danica, Series H. Humanistica 4, volume 6), The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters: Copenhagen, 88-104. Schou T. P. 2015. Mobile Pastoralist Groups and the Palmyrene in the late Early to Middle Bronze Age (c. 2400-1700 BCE). An Archaeological Synthesis Based on a Multidisciplinary Approach Focusing on Satellite Imagery Studies, Environmental Data, and Textual Sources. University of Bergen, Bergen. (http:// bora.uib.no/handle/1956/10808?locale-attribute=en)

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82. Palmyra/Tadmor (Homs) Michal Gawlikowski (University of Warsaw, Poland)

Tadmor is an oasis in the Syrian desert known under the same name for at least 4000 years. However it became a real city only in Roman times (1st to 3rd centuries CE), thanks to caravan trade between the Mediterranean and the countries further East. In Greek and Latin this city was called Palmyra. The spectacular remains of this period mark the landscape and have greatly impressed visitors since the early travellers of the 18th century to this day.

Another destroyed temple, that of Baalshamin, was excavated and restored by a Swiss mission 20 years later. Syrian archaeologists have unearthed a major part of the Great Colonnade, the Sanctuary of Nabu, the theatre, and much more. The Polish excavations were started by K. Michalowski in 1959. Over the years, a Late Roman legionary camp known as Diocletian’s Camp (Fig. 1) was partly excavated at the western end of the city. The main buildings there are the military headquarters, colonnaded streets, a granary, and the Sanctuary of Allat.

Palmyra was not an ordinary Roman town. Its location between East and West made it a place where the influence of both has formed an original civilisation. The remains of standing monuments and hundreds of sculptures are carved in the unique style of Palmyra.

Allat was the main Arab goddess, often pictured as the Greek Athena. Her shrine in Palmyra was founded in the mid 1st century BCE and was a small building barely large enough to contain a seated statue of the goddess. Later, in the 2nd century, this shrine was enclosed within a temple of Roman design, standing in a colonnaded courtyard (Figs. 2 and 3). A huge figure of a lion guarded

The ruins of the ancient city have been excavated by many archaeologists for over 80 years. The first great project was the clearing in the 1930s of the sacred enclosure with the temple of Bel in the middle (recently destroyed).

Fig. 1 ‘Diocletian’s Camp’. The headquarters at the forefront, the Bel sanctuary at the far end.

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Fig. 2 The ruins of the Allat temple and, beyond, the gate of the sanctuary.

without interruption from the 2nd to the 9th centuries. This shows that the ancient city lived on at least as long. In the same neighborhood, three churches were also excavated. A fourth one, transformed into an official residence of Islamic authorities, remains only partially explored. Finally, a word should be said about the tower-tombs which are a trademark of Palmyra. They were family tombs, some prepared for hundreds of burials on several levels, and once containing many sculpted likenesses of the deceased. The most important were destroyed in August 2015 in the same time as the temples of Bel and Baalshamin. Bibliography Gawlikowski M. 1983. Le sanctuaire d’Allat á Palmyre. Aperçu préliminaire, AAAS 33, p.179-198. Gawlikowski M. 1984. Palmyre VIII. Les principia de Dioclétien (‘Temple des Enseignes’), Warsaw : PWN Michałowski K. 1960-1966. Palmyre. Fouilles polonaises, vol. 1-5, Warsaw: PWN.

Fig. 3 An artist’s rendering of the Allat temple in the 2nd century CE (D. Tarara).

the entrance (Fig. 4). The temple was sacked in 272 by Roman troops after the defeat of Zenobia, but soon restored within the Roman camp. The old idol was then replaced by a Greek marble statue of Athena (Fig. 5). This was destroyed again by Christians towards the end of the 4th century. The Polish mission has also worked in the centre of the ancient city, where a large house was uncovered, used 360

82. Palmyra/Tadmor (Homs)

Fig. 4 The ‘Allat Lion’ as restored in front of the Palmyra Museum.

Fig. 5 Some sculptures from the Allat temple; in the background, the statue of Athena.

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83. Cyrrhus/Nebi Houri (Aleppo) Jeanine Abdul Massih (Lebanese University, Lebanon)

Shaker Al-Shbib (DGAM, Syria)

Kyrrhos/Cyrrhus, established during the Hellenistic period, is known as a Seleucus Nicator foundation even if no written evidence mentioned the city before 220 BC. This middle-sized polis, of 60ha, was positioned near the Tetrapolis, capitals of the Seleucid kingdom (Apamea of the Orontes, Laodicea, Seleucia de Pieria, and Antioch), and on the major communication roads between Antioch and the twin cities of the Euphrates Apamea and SeleuciaZeugma. These communications routes are illustrated, on site, by the remains of three Roman-Byzantine bridges crossing the Sabun and the Afrin River (Fig. 1).

is composed of a fortified acropolis and a lower city, articulated around its north-south main street and surrounded by a defensive wall. The actual remains of the city’s fortifications date back to Byzantine times, as attested to by several texts and inscriptions, some of which were completely re-rebuilt by Justinian. The observation on these ramparts revealed some restoration and reinforcement realized later in medieval times. In the foundations of the enceinte, city and citadel, traces of the original fortification built in polygonal limestone bonding were observed along nearly the entire extension of the city wall (Figs. 2 and 3).

Cyrrhus was established in a protected space occupied by two hills (Qalaat and Golgovan) and a plateau descending towards the valleys. The city of Kyrrhos

Tower 3 of the citadel revealed in its foundation a polygonal tower of rectangular shape overlapping the

Fig. 1 One of the three Roman-Byzantine bridges crossing the Sabun and Afrin Rivers (© The Cyrrhus Syro-Lebanese Excavation Mission).

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83. Cyrrhus/Nebi Houri (Aleppo)

Fig. 2 The polygonal foundation of the Hellenistic southern fortification (© The Cyrrhus SyroLebanese Excavation Mission) .

Fig. 3 Topographical plan of Cyrrhus (S. Baier and S. Knetchel © The Cyrrhus Syro-Lebanese Excavation Mission).

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Fig. 4 Aerial view of the Roman theatre (Y. Guichard; © The Cyrrhus SyroLebanese Excavation Mission).

Fig. 5 Aerial view of the mosaics of the Roman house (Y. Guichard, J. Gaborit; © The Cyrrhus Syro-Lebanese Excavation Mission).

rampart. Regular segments of polygonal masonry were observed along the foundation walls of the citadel and nearly the entire extent of the fortification. Only a segment of the southern rampart, comprising the southern gate, was free of any traces. Investigations in this segment of the fortification revealed an early line of defense developing much more to the north of the actual city wall. This evidence was then reinforced by a geophysics survey of the southern part of the city and by researches on the alignment of the main street. The general town planning of the city was established on an orthogonal grid guided by the north-south main street.

new major east-west axis was implemented and both the Decumanus and the Cardo Maximus were graced with porticos and basaltic pavements. In the middle of the 2nd century a large construction project seems to have been undertaken, as seen by the building of the theatre and the unearthing of the ‘Roman House’. Located 100m from the main street, the theatre was built on the slope of the acropolis. With a diameter of 114m it is, after Apamea, one of the largest examples in Syria. The monument seems to have been built on two storeys. Today, only the first 14 rows of the seating of the ima cavea and the orchestra (filled with rubble fallen from the stage wall) are preserved (Fig. 4).

In 64 BC, Cyrrhus and the Cyrrhestique were annexed to the Roman province of Syria. During the Roman period a 364

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Fig. 6 Aerial view of the cathedral (Y. Guichard; © The Cyrrhus SyroLebanese Excavation Mission).

Fig. 7 Aerial view of the church located east of the theatre on the main street (Y. Guichard; © The Cyrrhus SyroLebanese Excavation Mission).

The so-called ‘Roman House’, located in the north-east of the site, is a poorly preserved structure built of rubble masonry. Nevertheless the excavations (2008-1010) revealed pavements of great quality and in a very good state of preservation. Four were geometric mosaics and one represented the four seasons with a theatrical scene in the middle and a geometric framework. Some of the walls revealed the presence of paintings applied to match the pavements (Figs 5 and 6).

gradual decline of the city. In his writings, Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrrhus (423-466), describes the sad state of the site. Yet in the 5th century the city was again to become an important centre of Christianity, and recovered its prominence in the 6th century under the reign of Justinian (565-527). At that time a wide programme of embellishment and reconstruction of monuments and fortifications was undertaken at Cyrrhus/Hagiopolis. Many monuments of this late period were built according to a clearly visible urban plan. However some monuments built along the main street encroached on the portico, as

In the middle of the 3rd century, the several and repetitive incursions of the Parthians and Sassanids engendered the 365

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites can be seen at the basilica and church in front of the theatre (Fig. 7). The cathedral, identified also as the agora of the Hellenistic period, is a large square monument in which a church facing the east was built. Unfortunately, only very poor remains of this church are to be seen today. It is likely that the monument was destroyed by its materials being reused for the construction of the great Umayyad mosque of Aleppo (Fig. 8). In 637, Arab armies conquered the city of Cyrrhus/Qurus before being reoccupied by the Byzantines in the early 11th century. In 1150 AD it was again taken and dismantled by Nur al-Din al Zengui. Today the site is known as Nebi Huri, its roman mausoleum being reused as the burial place of the legendary Muslim in the 14th century (Fig. 9).

Fig. 8 Detail of the figurative mosaic found in the Roman house (© The Cyrrhus Syro-Lebanese Excavation Mission).

Fig. 9 The mausoleum of Nebi Houri (© The Cyrrhus Syro-Lebanese Excavation Mission).

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84. Tell As-Sin (Deir ez-Zor) Shaker Al-Shbib (DGAM, Syria)

Juan-Luis Montero Fenollós (University of Coruña, Spain)

Tell As-Sin is located on the left bank of the Euphrates, 10km southeast of Deir ez-Zor. The site corresponds to a Byzantine fortified town, consisting of an acropolis, a lower town and a necropolis that extends beyond the northern wall (Fig. 1).

one phase dates to the foundation of the city, built in square mudbrick. This first wall contains towers and bastions which were destroyed and abandoned. During the second phase the fortifications were restored and consolidated but with rectangular mudbrick. This second phase was destroyed and burned (Fig. 2B). The building in the lower city was built in three phases, during the first phase they used square mudbrick directly on the rock. This building was abandoned before being rebuilt it with rectangular mudbricks, this new building was destroyed and burned with the fortifications, and during the final phase, near the surface, a new building was raised using the same rectangular mudbrick (Fig. 3). Moreover, traces were found of the Roman, Hellenistic and Neolithic (PPNB) period occupations, but these were limited to the acropolis area alone.

Three archaeological excavation campaigns were carried out on the site by a Syrian-Spanish archaeological mission in 2005, 2006 and 2007. During these years we worked on four different sectors: firstly on the fortifications, secondly on the lower city, thirdly on the acropolis or top hill and the fourth on the necropolis. At the end of this, significant topographic surveying work was carried out. These excavations have allowed us to understand better the evolution of the site’s occupation (Fig. 2A). The fortifications were occupied during two different phases:

Fig. 1 Plan of the site (© T.M. Gaspar, Archaeological Mission of Tell As-Sin).

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Fig. 2 Bastion 20: (A): picture after the excavation; (B): plan of the bastion (© M. Diodato, J. M. Zapata, Archaeological Mission of Tell As-Sin).

Fig. 3 Sounding F in the lower town (© Shaker AL SHBIB, Archaeological Mission of Tell As-Sin).

A large necropolis, which unfortunately was extensively looted, extends outside the northern rampart. The Syrian-Spanish mission highlighted the importance of the extramural necropolis of Tell As-Sin, and during the 2007 campaign a total of 170 tombs, most of which had been looted, were uncovered.

example we found a hypogeum which leads off to 5 arcosolia (Fig. 5). The buried were often accompanied by metal ornaments (bronze and iron), bone pins, necklaces, wooden combs and oil lamps. A collective burial was the most common funerary ritual. Some tombs have preserved Greek inscriptions and engraved, red painted Christian crosses (Fig. 6).

Typologically, this necropolis has two different models: the simple tomb and hypogeum with an arcosolium (a funerary arch excavated in the rock). The hypogeum is the most common grave model in Tell es-Sin (Fig. 4). The typical plan seems simple and repetitive: steep stairs lead 1.5m below the surface and the entrance of the hypogeum is carved into the rock. A door surmounted by an arch gives direct access to a single room with a flat ceiling, with a quadrangular or rectangular plan. It comprises three arcosolia, one opposite the entrance on the west and the other two on either side. In another

To date, we are unaware of a contemporary necropolis in the Middle Syrian Euphrates valley which is comparable in its plan and tomb with that of Tell As-Sin. Nevertheless, this type of grave is very common in northern Syrian cemeteries between the 2nd and 6th centuries AD. This archaeological work permits us to observe the following chronological details: two major phases can be distinguished in the Byzantine occupation of the city and the necropolis of Tell As-Sin. The first dates from the end 368

84. Tell As-Sin (Deir ez-Zor)

Fig. 4. Hypogeum 14: plan and section (© M. Diodato, J. M. Zapata, Archaeological Mission of Tell As-Sin)

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Fig. 5 The arcosolium in the hypogeum (© E. Toboada, Archaeological Mission of Tell As-Sin).

Fig. 6 A sample of the types of beads found in the tombs (© E. Toboada, Archaeological Mission of Tell As-Sin).

of the 5th century and the beginning of the 6th century AD. A second phase would follow which extended until the middle of the 7th century AD.

Bibliography Al-Shbib Sh. 2009. Tall as-Sin. Les résultats des travaux de la mission syro-espagnole 2005-2007, Estudos Orientais 10, pp. 169-186. Montero Fenollós J.L. 2006. Ciudades fortificadas en el valle del Medio Éufrates. Primeras investigaciones sirio-españolas en el asentamiento bizantino de Tall as-Sin (Siria), Erytheia 27, pp. 17-41. Montero Fenollós J.L. and al-Shbib Sh. (eds.) 2008. La necrópolis bizantina de Tall as-Sin (Deir ez-Zor, Siria), Madrid.

Under the hill of Tell es-Sin, the city must be interpreted today within the historical context of the Near East in the period from the 6th century AD to the arrival of Islam. By its characteristics, it is a fortified city on the eastern border (limes) of the Roman Empire, an exceptional site in terms of studying the defence system, the way of life, the socio-economic organisation and funerary beliefs, among other aspects, of a Byzantine community in the Middle Syrian Euphrates valley. 370

85. Gindaros (Aleppo) Ammar Abdulrahman (Damascus University, Syria)

Gindaros is located in the Al-Amuq plain, at the northwest of a key geographical location in Syria. The Amuq plain extends from the north-east to the south-west, between the Samaan mountains in the east and the Amanous range in the west. This plain stretches from north of the Syrio-Turkish border to the mouth of the Orontes river in the Mediterranean in the south-west. In

the centre of the northern section, the Aleppo mountains, part of the Amanous range, end some 9km south-west of Gindaros. The mound is located in the south-west part of modern Gindaros, and has a circular shape with a diameter of 450m covering 14ha. The tell is ca. 200m a.s.l., with the acropolis to the east at an altitude of 31m. There appear to be 3 entrance gates to the tell.

Fig. 1 Gendaros: geomagnetic survey of the western acropolis showing the excavation areas.

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Fig. 2 Juvenile graves with amphorae.

According to the huge size and importance of the tell, the Syrio-German mission from 1992 to 2004 carried out excavations in the eastern mound under the direction of Dietrich Seuerenhagen, Antoin Sulaiman, and Muhammad Qadour. Ammar Abdulrahman, the director of the Syrian mission, has continued working on the western mound since 2006. Archaeological Excavations The excavations in the eastern mound revealed an important settlement dating to the Middle Bronze Age. A temple was located with an entrance in the southern side and the floor was covered with large limestone slabs. There were also 3 large basalt stones which served as the foundation for the wooden pillars in the courtyard. Antoine Suleiman pointed out a Middle Bronze Age palace on the eastern slope.

Fig. 3 Basalt censer (bokal) in ritual context in the Hellenistic level.

Fig. 4 Domestic structures in the western acropolis (A6).

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85. Gindaros (Aleppo) confirm the historical accounts of the violent end to the site which resulted from the conflict between the Romans and Parthians; the Parthians in 38 BC managed to control Gindaros for a short period (Fig. 3). The Roman level also revealed poor architecture (Fig. 4), with the most important structure found relating to wine making. This complex consisted of several basins in the ground connected by canals. This system was designed in order to filter the wine and the lower basin contained a coloured jar where the pure liquid settled. As well as the coloured jar there were two funnels, one of which was shaped as a horse’s head, with access for tasting the product (Fig. 5). The first level dates to the Byzantine period (6th century AD) and is very close to the surface level. As a result, everyday agricultural and other activities have left left no clear architecture, except for the hammam (Fig. 6). This building consists of several rooms with mosaic floors, the largest section of which, in the south, measures 3 x 2m and features geometric patterns, such as a black and white rhombus. The frame border of this piece is made of decorated basalt. Although the other two mosaic pieces are incomplete, they represent distinguished styles – including a star in white stone.

Fig. 5 Ceramic horsehead.

The excavations on the western mound (Area A) were divided into 16 squares, each 10 x 10m. The excavations looked at 10 of these squares, to a depth of 3m (Fig. 1). Area A had a better archaeological sequence because of the non-overlap of Roman levels, as found on the eastern mound. So far 4 levels have been determined, dating back to the Classical period. On the northern slope the steptrench revealed 3 other levels, earlier than the Classical period. From the sherds we can give preliminary datings – Early Bronze Age, Middle Bronze Age, Iron Age II. The earliest level (4) from the Classical period dates to the Seleucid period (3rd century BC). Level 3 is of the Parthian-Roman period (1st century BC), with the subsequent level (2) referring to the Late Roman period (3rd century AD). The top level (1) produced Byzantine results (4th-5th centuries). In spite of restricted Seleucid finds, we were able to discover important structures of a private cemetery and supplemental space for ritual practices. The cemetery consisted of 5 graves; the burials included a baby of three years old, 3 juveniles, and a man of ca. 45. Two of the juvenile graves contained amphorae (Fig. 2) very similar to contemporary sites of Jabel Khaled and Dora Europos on the Euphrates.

A wide drainage canal (around 40m in length) was connected to this hammam which led to the edge of the tell. A similar hammam was found on the eastern mound but no associated drainage canal has been found to date. Step trench on the western slop A step-trench (13m long and 2m wide) was opened on the western slope to define the sequence of the archaeological levels, and to investigate the nature of the wall. The results showed the composition of the Classical wall, with mudbricks used as a retaining wall and completed with an earth fill. Under this level (1.4m) some sherds were discovered that can be dated to Iron Age II, below these there is some evidence of Bronze Age storage vessels. Historical background

The adjacent room contains an altar and a small canal led to a pit full of mixed remains of bone and pottery. Near the altar there a remarkable pottery finds of wares used in the ritual practices.

Gindaros is located in the plain of Amuq, known in the ancient sources as Unqi, and associated with the geopolitical term Khattina. Royal Assyrian inscriptions of the 9th-8th centuries mentioned Amuq as Kinalua, Kinalia, or Kunulua, and also described it occasionally as the Khattina capital, or the capital of Unqi.

This pottery included cups with long bases and large jar stands. Most noteworthy was a large decorated basalt cup that probably functioned as a censer.

The same inscriptions mentioned Kinalua on three occasions. Ashur-Naserbale II (883-859 BC) described (on his chronicle inscription on the wall of the Ninurta temple) how he marched into the Amuq plain and the

The Parthian-Roman level had poor architecture in general and the ash remains in all the squares seem to

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Fig. 6 Mosaic (detail) from the hammam.

mountains of Lebanon. It is also mentioned that the Assyrian king crossed the Euphrates on his campaign from Beit-adini to Carchemish, and then crossing Aprêrevir on his way to Kinalua, after one day of marching. The other inscriptions are contemporary with Senchareb (704-681 BC) and Ashur-banibale (668-627 BC).

and Macedonians). In Early Roman times Gindaros was neutral in the Parthian-Seleucid struggles. After the agreement between the two conflicting parties in 131 BC, the Euphrates became the border that separated them. However the peace was a short one and in 38 BC the Parthians invaded west of the Euphrates and took control of Gindaros, killing the governor, Bacoros.

It is probable that the ancient name of Gindaros, during the 2nd millennium, was Uniqa, as this name was mentioned in 15 texts from Alalach (levels VII, IV). During that period, Alalach was the Amuq capital, and when Alalach flourished during the 1st millennium Uniqa became the capital, with the city name changing to Kinalua, as mentioned above. We may assume that Uniqa, in the 2nd millennium, was indeed Kinalua during the 1st millennium BC.

During the Late Roman period the Sassanids were to become a major power, with ambitions to control the western region. The name Gandaros is mentioned, in a script from the time of Shabur, during his journey to Antioch and Cyrros, as an occupied town (255/256 AD). This event could be confirmed by the ash remains found in level 2. By Byzantine times (the first half of the 4th century AD) Gindaros had become an important centre with its own bishop.

The name of the town during the Classical period, as mentioned in the relevant inscriptions of the Hellenistic and Roman periods, was indeed Gindaros, and this is the origin of the present-day name of the town.

Bibliography

In the Seleucid-Parthian period Gandaros had an important geographical location. It lay on the road between Antioch and Cyros (Nabi Hori) – the same road that leads to the major town of Zeugma on the Euphrates. Gindaros was main supply base for all the military and other centres in the region in terms of food and other necessities (the population, in the main, being Greeks

Brodersen K. 1986. The Date of the Succession of Parthia from the Seleucid Kingdom, Historia 35 (378-381).

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86. El-Iss/Qinnasrin (Aleppo) Marie-Odile Rousset (CNRS, France)

Youssef Kanjou (University of Tsukuba, Japan & DGAM, Syria)

The site of Qinnasrin lies under the modern village of al-‘Is, 25km south-west of Aleppo. It is located in the foothills of the easternmost part of the calcareous massif of northern Syria, thus in a zone between ploughed areas in the north-west and steppe lands in the south-east.

nearby and further away are surface remains of 20 pottery furnaces, with over-baked elements suggesting a Byzantine date. During the early Islamic period, occupation of the city was reduced to the tell and its immediate vicinity, inside the former Byzantine city wall, with the areas to the west and south of the tell being gradually abandoned. A major discovery was made on the mountain above the city, where a fortification was built between the 6th and the 9th centuries AD on a remarkable dominant observation point between ploughed areas and the steppe. Ashlars were used for the foundations (Fig. 4) and the face of the wall and the inside of the wall was filled with huge quantities of crushed calcareous stones or pebbles. Almost all of the ashlars were taken for

Surveys conducted in 2008-2010 allowed us to determine the extension of the town from the beginning of its settlement up to the last phases of Islamic occupation, as well as to identify the main elements of the site. The general trend of settlement in Qinnasrin is a gradual shift from the south of the site to the north and north-west. The earliest objects are dated to the Middle Bronze Age, and come from a necropolis, which overlays the summit and the slopes of the mountain (Fig. 1). Many tombs have been damaged by robbers. In the Hellenistic and Roman period, occupation was located on the surface of the tell as well as in its vicinity, to the south-west, but the wall of the classical city, discovered in the eastern part of the site, enclosed an area much larger. The tell/acropolis was fortified and the entrance was in the western citadel wall. Evidence of the classical settlement can be found in the traces of Hippodamian planning preserved until now in the present-day road system. Between the modern town and the mountain is an area of quarries, and a necropolis. These marked the northern limit of the classical city. The quarries were used from the late Hellenistic-Roman period, until the Islamic period. Some of the quarrying activity cut into and destroyed ancient hypogea bearing decorations (Fig. 2) or inscriptions. During the Byzantine period, the city achieved its greatest spatial extension. At that time, the fortified tell acted as the acropolis. On the tell, the entrance gate, to the east, led down a very straight road to the centre of the acropolis. In the south-east corner, a building with a circular layout could be a church. Domestic dwellings were located at the foot of the tell, surrounded by the city wall, the best preserved construction in al-‘Is. The western door still bears a lintel with an inscription in Greek mentioning the restoration of the rampart under Justinian by Isidore of Miletus, in 550 (Fig. 3).

Fig. 1 Prints of cylinder seals found during the survey of the Bronze Age necropolis (Marie-Odile Rousset).

In the north-eastern suburbs, artisanal activities were found, lasting from the 5th until the 9th century. Both 375

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Fig. 2 Roman funerary sculpture at Qinnasrin (Marie-Odile Rousset).

Fig. 3 Inscribed lintel on the gate of the Byzantine rampart (Marie-Odile Rousset).

Fig. 4 Angle of the Early Islamic fortress wall on the mountain (Marie-Odile Rousset).

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Fig. 5 The bath discovered in area B (Marie Rochette).

Fig. 6 The tomb of ‘Nabi ‘Is’ on a mountain tell , today destroyed (Marie-Odile Rousset).

reuse after the site’s abandonment, and only heaps of stone remain with trenches on either side. The purpose of the fortified settlement on the top of the mountain of Qinnasrin, in a strategic position, may have been to ensure Muslim control over the city and its surrounding territory. It is clear that it became a refuge during the military campaigns between Byzantines and Muslims, and was then abandoned at the same time as the town, in the middle of the 10th century.

activities. A private bath belonging to a luxurious residence dated from the late 6th century to the middle of the 9th century was partly excavated (Fig. 5). This indicates a continuity of the residential function of this area outside the city wall during the early Islamic period. The settlement during the medieval period, 11th to 12th centuries, was reduced to the top of the tell and was fortified: Qinnasrin had thus an active military function up to the beginning of the Crusader period. At the same period there was only necropolis outside the citadel – at the northern part of the site.

Outside the city wall, in the north, the area was first primarily residential although still with some industrial

377

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Ayyubid period occupation was reduced to a small hamlet inside the old city wall. Houses were built near or around caves. At the same time, a small building was erected on the summit of a small hill of the moutain (Fig. 6). It is known as ‘Nabi ‘Is’ and is today destroyed. It is known from texts and is dated by a Kufic building inscription to around 1155. Mamluke sherds are present where evidence of isolated square buildings appears on the ground. This could be related to the texts mentioning only a caravanserai in Qinnasrin at this time. Qinnasrin is considered the capital of the north Syrian jund of Qinnasrin, and an important centre of power under the Umayyad dynasty (660-750). Based on our study it would appear that Qinnasrin was always a garrison town. It was founded for this purpose in the Hellenistic period. Its position, at the edge of the steppe, was of particular interest for maintaining contact with the tribes and managing income from agriculture and breeding in this area. Nevertheless, it did not have an exclusively military function. There were also significant commercial and artisanal activities, making the city prosperous until the mid-10th century. This prosperity gave rise to luxurious residences and the presence of trade-goods coming from abroad. Bibliography Rousset M.-O. (ed.) 2012. Al-Hadir. Étude archéologique d’un hameau de Qinnasrin (Syrie du Nord, VIIeXIIe siècles), Qinnasrin 1, Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient n°59. Rousset M.-O. 2014. De Chalcis à Qinnasrin, in Villes et campagnes aux rives de la Méditerranée ancienne. Hommages à Georges Tate, Topoï Supplement 12 (2013), p. 311-340. Rousset M.-O. 2013. Traces of the Banu Salih in the Syrian steppe? The Fortresses of Qinnasrin and Abu al-Khanadiq, Levant 45, p. 69-95.

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87. Resafa/Sergiopolis (Raqqa) Anas Al Khabour (Gothenburg University, Sweden)

Rusafa played an important role during the SeleucidParthian conflict, and later during the RomanByzantine-Persian conflicts. The emperor Diocletian mentioned it as one of the important forts. The Arab Ghassanids inhabited the city during their alliance with the Byzantines. In the 4th century AD the importance of the city increased becoming the city associated with the martyrs Sergio and Bacchus, who were commanders in the Roman army. They were martyred because of their Christian faith, after refusing to offer a sacrifice to the Roman god Zeus during the Roman persecution of the Christians around 303 AD. The two martyrs Sergio and Bacchus were arrested and Roman soldiers pierced their lips, threading them with twine and dragging them; their military uniforms were removed and they were dressed in women’s clothes. They were then forced to wear screws in their shoes to bloody their feet on the walk to see the governor of Middle Antiochus. He threatened them but they did not retract. Bacchus was brutally flogged until he died at Masakaneh, on the Euphrates, and Sergio was taken to the city of Sura (near the town Al-Hammam

The famous ruins of Rusafa (Resafa) are located in the heart of the desert, about 60km to the south-west of Raqqa city, at 35° 37'44.73" N 38° 45'27.65" E. Rusafa covered an area of about 21ha. The first mention of Rusafa was in the Assyrian texts, although archaeological excavations have not uncovered that period. Rusafa is known in the Byzantine sources as (Sergiopolis), the city of St. Sergio, while the Arabic sources called it Rusafa Hisham, because the Umayyad caliph Hisham Ibin Abdul Malik settled there. The archaeological fieldwork at the site began in 1952 under a German archaeological mission. The Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums conducts restoration of the site, and the archaeological work in Rusafa was under the supervision of the Syrian- German archaeological mission. The head of the Syrian team was Al Khalaf until 2005, and then the author after that date; the German team was directed by T. Ulbret, later D Zack, from the University of Berlin.

Fig. 1 Rusafa

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Fig. 2 Rusafa: the huge church containing the remains of St. Sergio.

beside the Baath Dam today), where he was beheaded. In the year 425, a number of bishops met in Rusafa and decided to construct a huge church containing the remains of St. Sergio (Figs. 1 and 2).

During the Islamic period, the Umayyad caliph Hisham bin Abdul Malik (722-743m) built a complex more than 4km south of the city, which included two palaces, and where he was later buried.

The importance of Rusafa rose during the Roman-Byzantine struggle against the Persians-Sassanids, when the population of Rusafa, the Ghassanids, were allied with the Byzantines, while the population of Al Hayra, the Lakhmids, were allied with the Persians-Sassanids. In anticipation of the Persian danger, the Emperor Justinian ordered the construction of walls around the Rusafa in the middle of the 6th century. The Persians besieged it twice during 534-535 AD, however the arrival of al-Harith Ghassani, with the famous Byzantine commander Balzarios, obliged the Persians to retreat. After the death of the Justinian, the Byzantines feared the strength of their allies, the Ghassanids, and lost confidence in the alliance, which then encouraged Persia to invade Rusafa. The famous Persian commander Shahir-bazar looted the Holy Cross from Rusafa, which led to the resolution of conflicts between the Byzantines and their Ghassanid allies in the face of Persian danger. When Khosrow died, and succession problems occurred, they helped one of the Sasanid princes to prevail and the he later returned the Holy Cross to Rusafa.

Upon news of the Mongol arrival and the devastation that accompanied the invasion of Hulagu in 1260, Rusafa was abandoned and remained so until modern times. The city is surrounded on all sides by defensive walls, dated to the period of the Emperor Justinian in the 6th century AD. The city wall is composed of two layers and is surrounded by a moat that is currently covered. In the upper layer there is a roofed corridor that allows the movement of soldiers and their weapons to all sides of the city. The cathedral (basilica) is the largest and most spectacular church in Rusafa and was built in 559 AD in honour of the Holy Cross. It was the only church that continued to exercise a religious function until the abandonment of the city. The church, in spite of additions, destruction by earthquakes, and the subsequent restoration, represents an integrated model that tells us much about the fate of the city. It offers valuable data on internal facilities related to the practice of religious 380

87. Resafa/Sergiopolis (Raqqa) rituals and their precise dates. The chancel, where the priests sat, the bishop’s throne, the altar, the stalls for community dignitaries, and the priest’s balcony are all still visible. The basilica is the largest example of an Assyrian church. Many full-size mosaics, including animal and bird images, were discovered and the quality of style and material, equipment and the richness of the furniture and furnishing in the rooms and halls display the broad-ranging relationship of Rusafa with the outside world. The edifice is composed of a large central square surrounding a wonderful stone pima, a little higher than ground level, and two lateral foyers to the left and right, with columns standing in the middle and sides.

There is much still to be recorded at the site, and only more archaeological excavation and investigation can provide data for the future, particularly about the Islamic periods, as well as the oldest historical times. Bibliography Sack D. and Lutz I. 1996 Die grosse Moschee von Resafa - Ruṣāfat Hišām. Rasafa 4,4.Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern. Ulbert T. 1986. Resafa 2, Die Basilika des Heiligen Kreuzes in Resafa-Sergiupolis. Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern. Ulbert T. and Rainer D. 1990. Rasafa 3, Der kreuzfahrerzeitliche Silberschatz aus ResafaSergiupolis Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern.

As for water supply, the population of Rusafa drank from giant tanks, of which only 4 are preserved adjacent to each other. Another tank is located to the north. These tanks hold ca. 30000m3 of water. The central church is located in the centre of Rusafa, to the west of the basilica, and is dated to the 5th century AD. It is totally destroyed except for a very small section with a Greek inscription (‘Holy Mary help Sergio’). The so-called ‘Martyrs’ Church’ is also known as the ‘sloping’ church because of the inclination of the west, north and south entrances. It is characterized by the beauty of its pink pillars and the capital inscriptions. Perhaps the most beautiful motifs are in the northern hall, aligned to a stone sarcophagus of a martyr or saint. The most important of the Islamic buildings is ‘Hisham’s Palace’. Located outside the city walls it is a quasifortress (80-74m) with a central courtyard surrounded by round towers made of brick and stone. There is a bath in the southwest corner. There is also an array of diverse and colourful decorations – pomegranate branches and grapes. The so called ‘Treasure of Rusafa’ was discovered in 1982, and consists of ritual utensils from the 13th century used for church services. The treasure was embedded in a jar in the floor of the monastery, located between the church and the Great Mosque; it was hidden in 1258 during the Mongol invasion. Investigations confirmed that part of the treasure was made in Syria, while the rest was imported from the West, a present of one of the European kings during the Crusades, or slightly later, as an offering at the tomb of St. Sergio. The treasure consists of five silver utensils, including a cup and a tray with inscriptions in Syriac, Greek and Arabic, as well as a censer and the bases of small, incomplete cups. Decorations include images of Christ and the Virgin, Rusafa is a unique example of Syrian architecture, demonstrating the beautiful diversity of the Syrian churches, which exercised their religious activities until the abandonment of the city in the 13th century AD. 381

88. Resafa/Sergiupolis /Rusafat Hisham (Raqqa) Dorothée Sack and Martin Gussone (Technische Universität Berlin, Germany)

Resafa is located in northern Syria, some 50km southwest of Raqqa and 25km south of the Euphrates River. The origins of the city can be traced back to Late Antiquity, it covers an area of ca. 400 x 600m, encompassing several importance churches and supply facilities; the city is enclosed by a wall, great sections of which are still well preserved (Fig. 1). The surrounding countryside shows traces of settlements varying in density from Byzantine and Islamic times.

Resafa is occasionally identified with an Assyrian site mentioned in written sources, however, archaeological proof of this is still lacking. Archaeologically the city is attested to since the first half of the 1st century AD as part of the Roman eastern limes. This series of forts was meant to defend the eastern frontier of the Roman Empire against the neighbouring Persian Empire. The martyrdom of the Roman officer Sergios in ca. 310 AD in Resafa, and his increasing veneration as a saint by pilgrims who came to

Fig. 1 Resafa: aerial photograph from the northeast (M. Stephani, 1999).

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Fig. 2 Resafa: city plan (M. Gussone and G. Hell with N. Erbe and I. Salman, 2010). 1: al-Mundhir building; 2: Basilica A; 3: northern courtyard; 4: Great Mosque; 5: Basilica A, western courtyard/shops; 6: Tetraconch Church; 7: shops, 8: Basilica B; 9: street monument II; 10: pillar monument; 11: Basilica D; 12: street monument III − north gate; 13: building with two apses; 14: Basilica C; 15: vaulted building; 16: khan; 17: house; 18: Arab house; 19: large cistern; 20: small cistern; 21: water distributor; 22: domed cistern; 23: northwestern cistern.

The al-Mundhir building, situated in front of the lavishly decorated north gate, might have served as a church or reception hall for the Arab king al-Mundhir b. al-Harith (ca. 569-581).

his grave, led to the development and expansion of the city in the 5th and 6th centuries AD, as well as its renaming as Resafa-Sergiupolis. The city became the seat of a bishop and a metropolitan as well as one of the important pilgrimage centres of the Eastern Mediterreanen (Fig. 2). Until today its widespread renown is still manifest in the monumentality of the preserved architecture. The great pilgrimage church (Basilica A, Fig. 3), with the adjacent Great Mosque, is a famous example of a basilica with wide-arcades ‒ now supplemented by smaller arches and further supporting structures (Fig. 4).

After the Islamic conquest, Resafa remained an important destination for pilgrims. The city experienced a further expansion with the residence of Umayyad Caliph Hisham b. Abd al-Malik (r. 105/724–125/743). He initiated the construction of a Great Mosque north of Basilica A, with a direct connection to its northern courtyard and therefore to the relics chapel, indicating that the caliph supported the devotion of S. Sergios, most probably for political purposes (see Fig. 2, nos. 2-4).

Further important churches are Basilica B, as well as the Tetraconch Church (Fig. 5) with its specific ground plan. 383

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Fig. 3 Resafa: Basilica A, view from the southwest (M. Gussone, 2008).

Fig. 4 Resafa: Basilica A, view from the southern side aisle to the east (M. Gussone, 2006).

Fig. 5 Resafa: Tetraconch Church (D. Sack, 2009).

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Fig. 6 Resafa: site plan of the city and its surroundings with selected find-sites (D. Sack and M. Gussone, 2007; based on previous plans by M. Mackensen/H. Tremel and J. Giese/D. Spiegel).

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Fig. 7 Roman limes between the Euphrates and Palmyra (M. Konrad, 2008).

to Hama and Salamiya). Resafa then was to fall into oblivion and was never resettled. As late as the end of the 17th century Resafa was rediscovered by British merchants from Aleppo. Since the beginning of the 20th century efforts have been made to record and describe the preserved buildings. Resafa became the subject of systematic archaeological research from the beginning of the 1950s. A major point of interest of these studies was the possibility to investigate the coexistence and transfer processes between Christian and Islamic culture.

In the surroundings, mainly to the south, an extensive settlement was situated as part of his residence, with several palace complexes, auxiliary buildings and gardens (Fig. 6). Also the city wall and the water supply systems were renovated. Subsequently Resafa was designated Rusafat Hisham. After the decline of the Umayyad dynasty the palace area extra muros was temporarily abandoned. Yet, the pilgrims’ city continued to exist, and despite repeated damage through earthquakes and destruction was still inhabited, as evidenced by traces of several repairs to Basilica A and the Great Mosque. Also in the surroundings, settlement was significantly reactivated in the 12th and 13th centuries AD until the city and its environs were abandoned in the aftermath of the Mongol invasions (when in 1269 the last inhabitants moved

Since 1975 investigations in Resafa have continued, focusing on a thorough documentation of the major monuments intra muros, supplemented by research on the urban infrastructure, surveys in the surroundings of the city and the investigation of a 40km long section of the limes, the Roman eastern frontier (Fig. 7). Since 2006 386

88. Resafa/Sergiupolis /Rusafat Hisham (Raqqa) a project was initiated to explore the city and its environs as being interrelated complexes adopting a holistic approach. This is to say that the results of previous investigations of individual monuments were compiled and augmented by recent research data, as well as heritage preservation measures and a strategy to implement site management for visitors to the monuments.

Sack D., Gussone M. and Kurapkat D. 2014. A Vivid City in the ‘Syrian Desert’ – The case of ResafaSergiupolis / Rusafat Hisham, in Daniele Morandi Bonacossi (ed.) Settlement Dynamics and HumanLandscape Interaction in the Steppes and Deserts of Syria [workshop at the 8th ICAANE in Warsawa, 3. –5. May 2012], Studia Chaburensia 4 (Wiesbaden), 257–274.

Focussing on issues of cultural and settlement history, the present research project (in cooperation with Michaela Konrad, Bamberg), aims at a comprehensive interpretation of the complete outcome of multidisciplinary investigations conducted in Resafa. The first step of research will be the thorough analysis of the urban development of the Roman fortress into a thriving pilgrimage city and a caliphal residence, and, finally, its existence as an impressive ruin with a neighbouring village. This analysis presented in analytical plans serves as a basis for a set of new questions and approaches referring to the role of Resafa within the regional and supra-regional context of settlement and economic structures. Probably this analysis will also allow scholars to explain some processes of social change. In other words, the definition of individual phases of the urban and proto-urban structures of Resafa and its surroundings, deriving from archaeological evidence, serves as the starting point for a set of new questions and issues. These refer to dynamic processes resulting from the primary development and successive extension of the site, together with the search for the protagonists of these measures: patrons of urban spaces and initiators of building activities (i.e. emperor, phylarch, bishop, caliph and local authorities). Finally, research concerning the activities in the city and its surroundings will be related to a larger geographic area, interrelated with environmental, political-territorial, social, economic and religious contexts. This is of particular importance as the specific urbanity of Resafa is characterized by its geostrategic position in a border zone of different cultures. Bibliography Sack D., Sarhan M. and Gussone M., several contributions in: Chronique Archéologique en Syrie (CAS). Excavation report 2007 (with Anas al-Khabour): CAS 3 (2008), 251–267; Excavation report 2008: CAS 4 (2010), 297–313; Excavation report 2009: CAS 5 (2011), 199–206; Excavation report 2010: CAS 6 (2012), 285–292; Excavation report 2012–2013: CAS 7 (2015), 139–155. Sack D., Gussone M. and Mollenhauer A. (eds.) 2013. Resafa-Sergiupolis/Rusafat Hisham. Forschungen 1975–2007. Reader. With an Arabic translation by Ibrahim Salman: Resafa – Sergiupolis/Ruṣāfat Hišām. Dalῑl ad-dῑrāsāt wa‘l-abḥāṯ almunǧaza ẖilāl al-fitra 1975–2007 (Berlin). 387

89. Zenobia – Halabiya (Deir ez-Zor) Sylvie Blétry (Université Paul-Valéry-Montpellier 3, France)

Zenobia is a fortified city located 60km north of Deir ez-Zor (Fig. 1). According to Procopius of Cesarea, it was founded by Zenobia herself, the ‘queen’ of Palmyra in the late 3rd century AD, (although no other source nor archaeological finds confirms this fact) and mainly rebuilt by the Byzantine emperor Justinian (525-567 AD). Nevertheless, Procopius, Justinian’s historian, in his long description of the site (in Buildings, II, 8, 1-25), appears as a reliable source, which is not a frequent case inside this author’s testimony in his Buildings of Justinian.

The town is enclosed inside a triangular city wall, whose top leans against a rocky peak. This rampart still presents impressive remains (length ca. 1400m), built in large blocks of gypsum, with 33 bastions; among them, one is larger than the other ones (19.6 x 31m, on three storeys) and is interpreted as a praetorium (barracks), two monumental gates (north and south) and three minor ones. A citadel, protected by a glacis, occupies the western peak. Thus, the main function of the city seems to be a military role. The first campaign of construction of the city walls was probably held under the reign one of Justinian’s predecessors, Anasthasius (491-518). The last seasons of excavations could prove Procopius’s assertion, pretending that Justinian enlarged the city by rebuilding further a new north city wall. The foundations of what belonged to a former city wall were found, and above them a domestic dwelling, whose first occupation belongs to end of the 6th century was built (sector 1).

The town itself (ca. 17ha) lies along the western bank of the Euphrates, and (together with her twin city Zalabiya, on the other side of the river) was built in order to control this narrow part of the valley called ‘al Qanouka’ (‘the strangler’). The site was studied in 1944-45 by the French archaeologist Jean Lauffray who published his researches in 1983 and 1991, and more recently by a Syrian-French mission (2006-2011). The results of this latter work confirm the main monuments’ dating to the reign of Justinian, already established since Lauffray’s campaigns.

Inside the town, the general urbanism, according to the classical scheme, follows the directions given by two

Fig. 1 General view of Halabiya from the east.

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Fig. 2 General map of the city.

main streets and their porticos, a cardo maximus and a decumanus maximus, crossing in a tetrapylon. Two churches seem to have always visible along the centuries, the south-eastern one being a cathedral, with a separated baptistery and what seems to be a complex dedicated to the bishop’s residence. The second one is smaller, but is better included in the general town planning. Lauffray supposed that, for this reason, the cathedral was built before Justinian, and that the north-western church was the only one related to his reign. But apparently, both churches seem to be contemporary and to belong to Justinian’s time. A very complete baths complex, belonging to the same

period (with apodyterium, latrines, hot and cold pools, frigidarium, caldarium on hypocausts, with a noria elevating the water from the river) was probably mainly destined to the garrison (Fig. 2). Several prestigious houses, organized around perityles, surrounded what Lauffray considered as the ‘forum’ of the town. But new researches showed that this area was occupied, probably later, at the end of the Byzantine period and the beginning of the Omayyad one, by a semi-artisanal complex (sector 6). In one of its room, a large number of nearly intact wine amphorae and jars 389

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Fig. 3 View of sector 6 from the east.

Fig. 4 Amphorae, jars and pots from sector 6.

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89. Zenobia – Halabiya (Deir ez-Zor) were found; in some other rooms or outdoor spaces, were several ovens or tannurs. Many pieces of armament were also found in these rooms. This complex was probably dedicated to the garrison’s supply (Figs. 3 and 4).

Fig. 5 Map of sector 3.

During the same times, a few blocks of domestic dwellings were set in the south part of the town and along the city walls, much more modest than the houses of the ‘forum’. One of them was explored (sector 3). Its plan is quite unprecedented and has not be found elsewhere: a large (common?) (room 19) room is surrounded by series of two rooms, these last ones obviously corresponding to simple families dwellings. It reveals an original social organization and also a civilian occupation beside the military garrison (Fig. 5). A public building, made of at least three rooms opening over the cardo’s portico, was built close to the north gate (sector 7). The central room is paved by cooked mud flooring-tiles. This building was probably a city toll office. The private dwellings were mostly made of mudbrick walls, which received an inner protection made of a gypsum plaster, and were built over foundations made of common basaltic or gypsum stones. Two necropolises were found, north and south of the urban site, and more than 200 tombs were identified. The tombs rely to the late Roman times (tower-tombs) or the Byzantine period (hypogea or rock cut tombs in the cliffs). Another type, recently identified, consists of an intermediate one: a law masonry monument or small tower built above a partly underground chamber. This type is generally found close to a tower-tomb, and is surrounded by a few hypogea. This lay-out may reveal a familial or social organization in the necropolises (Fig. 6). Most of the tombs are collective ones (89%) and most of them have a cruciform room, comprising arcosolia and/or loculi. In some of them, Christian painted inscriptions, bearing a name and/ or a cross, were found, as well as some scarce remains of painted decoration

Fig. 6 Examples of tower-tombs and hypogea.

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Fig. 7 Frescoes in tomb 29.

(Fig. 7). Nevertheless, as all the tombs were looted when they were discovered, their dating remains problematical.

Bibliography Bletry S. 2012. Les nécropoles de Halabiya-Zénobia, premiers résultats, (2009 et 2010), Syria 89, 305-330. Bletry S. (ed.)  2015. Zénobia-Halabiya, Habitat urbain et nécropoles, Cinq années de recherches et les mission syro-française (2006-2010), Cuadernos Méospotamicos 6, Ferreol A Coruña. Lauffray J. 1983-1991. Halabiyya-Zénobia, Place forte du limes oriental et la haute Mésopotamie au VIè siècle, T. I, Les duchés frontaliers de Mésopotamie et les fortifications de Zénobia Paris, Geuthner, 1983. T.II, L’architecture publique, privée et funéraire, Paris, Geuthner, 1991.

The occupation of Zenobia was not interrupted by the Islamic conquests but continued, at least for several decades. This was already suspected by the occupation of the citadel, the architecture of which shows clearly an Islamic feature, above the Byzantine foundations; the last excavations in the habitat of sectors 1, 3 and 6 reveal also that the site was not only occupied for military reasons, but also that a civilian life still existed in the town, a fact also confirmed by the prestigious or monumental tombs of the necropolises, during Byzantine times.

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90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib) Maamoun Abdulkarim (DGAM, Damascus University, Syria)

Gérard Charpentier (CNRS – Université Lyon 2, France)

The surface area of this block is about 2000km2: the Simeon and Halaqa mountains in the north, Barisha and A’ala in the middle, and the Zawiya in the south (Fig. 1).

1 Throughout History The ‘Dead Cities’, as they used to be called, in northern Syria constitute one of the most wonderful archeological sites in the world. They consist of over 700 sites from the Roman and Byzantine periods and extend over a wide region between Turkey in the north, Apamia in the south, the Efrin and Orontes valleys in the west, and the Aleppo plain in the east. The region also include a range of limestone mountains referred to as the ‘limestone block’.

The significance of these sites does not lie in their number but rather their rural nature: they are not cities but old villages surrounded sometimes by stone walls forming a cadastral network from the Roman period. The civilizations, which date back centuries are definitely urban civilizations, but they relied on the base formed by

Fig. 1 Northern Syria, showing the village sites.

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Fig. 2 Sergilla.

Fig. 3 View of the gebel al Zawiya.

the rural areas, in which the vast majority of people lived and worked and their centres essentially determined the level of their wealth. The villages and rural areas of the Roman and Byzantine periods are not well known: the sources of the texts are city-dwellers, who did not know them very well, in addition to the fact that their remains are largely destroyed. But the case is the exact opposite in northern Syria where these ruins have been exceptionally preserved. The villages which are better preserved are often in full integrated groups (Fig. 2).

1934-1975) through the ruins of villages not cities. New studies have been sponsored by the French Institute for Near East Antiquities on temples, churches, tombs, baths and houses, using new and innovative programmes in geography, geology and soil sciences. The studies also focused on climatic and environmental aspects. Two archeological missions were initiated: one in the northern mountain series in Dahes, and the other in Sergilla in the Zawiya mountains (Fig. 3). As of 1994 the mission became a joint Syro-French mission, which allowed for an enhanced cooperation with the Department of Museums and Antiquities, in the framework of real scientific partnership, with the launch of new excavations in al-Bara (2006) and Ruweiha (2008), with also the preparation of an archeological map with a geographical frame of reference.

Melchior de Voguë explored and identified the ruins of the limestone blocks in the 19th century. They were explored again by Butler in the period 1901-1910. They are credited with the major writings that in turn constitute a wealth of documentation. G. Tchalenko is credited with raising these issues on the historical level (in the period 394

90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib)

Fig. 4 Landscape near Ruweiha.

The first question asked about this large archeological group is related to how it existed and was preserved in a dry region while no trace of it remained on the neighbouring plains. This paradox is explained by the fact that the villages on the plains continued to be inhabited and the houses were continuously renovated, while immigration from the villages of the limestone blocks, as of the 8th century, and the resilience of the stone houses allowed for their survival.

by malnutrition. The population became poorer but with no decrease in their numbers. When the Omayads state started to decline, the peasants began to descend to the plains, leaving lands in more fertile areas. By the 10th century the villages had been completely deserted. The dead cities are of exceptional importance because they give us an accurate picture of about 2000km2 of rural areas towards the end of the middle ages, whereas most of the remaining ruins from that period are those of cities. Studying them also reveals something unknown before, namely that villages in non-arable land, and despite the tolls imposed by the state and powerful land owners, could have been populated by wealthy villagers.

These villages had been built and inhabited by the peasants who came from neighbouring plains. They were called ‘Syrians’ because of the Aramaic names of persons and places. Afterwards these peasants learned Greek, which was the language of the ruling classes and the urban elite for a thousand years from the invasion of Alexander until the Arab-Islamic conquest of the region.

Al-Zawiya and the Al -Bara Sector In the al-Zawiya mountains there are about 15 old villages in excellent state of preservation. They are amongst the largest and most numerous of the limestone block villages, despite the great difference in size between the smallest (Basil) and the biggest (Bara). The differences are also informed by the topology of the sites on which they are built: on summits (e.g. Shanshara), on hills (e.g. Mjalieh), on rough slopes (e.g. Wadi Martoun), in valley beds (e.g. Sergilla), and on lowlands (e.g. Bara).

As of the 1st century BC, those peasants preferred to climb the slopes in order to farm the difficult land of the mountain, when land was becoming scarcer in the plains because of population growth encouraged by the Pax Romanica (between the 1st and 3rd centuries), then the Pax Byzantina (between the 4th and 6th centuries). Thus, they prepared fields by transforming rough mountains into a sustaining landscape. They also became stone cutters, builders and quarry workers in order to improve their income during the fallow season of the year. As of the 5th century, and although the population was growing, their wealth increased when they started producing olive oil, wine, fruit and meat and selling these products in the markets of the neighbouring villages and towns. This quick rise was interrupted, however, in the period 540-550, i.e. a century before the Arab/Islamic conquest: the population continued to grow, unlike their resources, which led to crises and epidemics aggravated

The villages are located on a widely extended and rich land. Planting trees, particularly olive trees, fruit trees and creeping vineyards, was predominant, unlike raising livestock, which did not grow very much. The most fertile land in the al-Zawiya mountains, where irrigated land was more extensive, is from al-Bara to the southern Apamia region. The residential areas of Bara reveal the dimensions of a genuine city, whereas in form they appear as villages: dispersed houses, the absence of roads network and public 395

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites features sculpted in the rocks, with the cut stone used to build the first courses to make the walls higher. There are other quarries outside the houses. They are worked in the open air towards the foot of a slope or a hill.

buildings. They played the same role on the local level as played by cities on the regional one. They were secondrate administrative and economic centres, where peasants used to come and exchange their agricultural products with products of local handicraft. The 10 villages were gathered in the immediate vicinity in a systematic network. Being close to each other gives an authentic picture of a section of Syrian rural areas in the Roman and Byzantine periods.

The water supplies for the population of this region were dependent for a long time on waterfalls, with running water stored in the reservoirs cut in the rocks. In fact the peasants were also able to access water springs and make real irrigation systems.

Rocks are always present there in the form of limestone blocks, from which stones can easily be cut (Fig. 4). Limestone has always been used extensively in old buildings from the simplest to the grandest. The use of joint stones or standard perpend, which started to be used in the 5th century, led to a more rational use of the quarries. Many signs of stone cuttings were found in the courtyards and halls on the ground floor. Thus the quarry formed the whole part, which was adjusted to form the ground floor of the workshop. That way the workshop owner made significant savings both in buying material and the cost of the workforce. Systematic uses of spaces in the quarries multiplied, like the cisterns and other

In the villages, during the 5th century, a strategy was developed whereby water was captured and stored in a properly controlled network of wells and canals crossing the diverse topography of the region. Nevertheless, people continued to cut reservoirs in their house courtyards to collect rain water. In addition to using private reservoirs, based on a pattern of self-sufficiency, collective water features were added, such as the big reservoir dug to avoid the dangers of floods. These water features, sometimes enclosed in

Fig. 5 Topographical plan of Sergilla.

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90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib) a three-aisled chapel adjacent to a funeral chamber containing a number of sarcophagi.

houses and sometimes open to the collective areas of the village, contributed to neighbourly relations in accordance with the particular practices and uses of rural communities, and typically in Sirjila.

Domestic houses of the 5th and 6th century houses were built from perpend stones, mostly in courses on top of each other, with no joining material or mortar. In general they consisted of one or two buildings overlooking a courtyard surrounded by a high wall.

1 Sergilla (Sirjila) Village (Fig. 5) Sergilla occupies the whole of the small valley of which we see a general view as soon as we enter the site. The bed of the valley contains ruins, of which only door supports and sometimes lintels remain. They are in harmony with the old sections of the village that consist of modest houses of stones and clay. These houses from the Roman period are interlocked and sometimes it is difficult to identify their borders. There are gaps in some of them while others are easily disintegrated. The peasants built them themselves and they fit the first settlement stage, which dates to the 1st century AD.

The main building consists of a ground floor of 2 to 4 adjacent rooms. Some buildings have rooms on a higher floor connected through a passageway integrated into the facade portico. This floor is accessed by wooden steps from under the portico, if present, or stone steps when it overlooks the exterior. The living areas were usually on the upper floor. The floor consisted of joists covered with clay mortar and supported in most cases by arches made of large cut stones parallel to the facade. The courtyard was usually at the same level as the rocks. It was also provided with a bottle-shaped reservoir 5-7m deep. The reservoir received rainwater from the roofs. This area is surrounded by a high wall with a simple door or a porch. Some houses had attachments used as storehouses or barns, or used sometimes as presses, as in some of the larger houses in Sergilla.

The large buildings were built using cut stones during the second expansion stage at the apex of the conversion of the rural areas to Christianity. These large pre-Byzantine buildings occupy the upper parts of the village on the circumference of the first nucleus. They are excellently preserved, like the monumental tombs (4 stone monuments around the village with 20 sarcophagi and 15 small ground tombs), but also the baths and inns, the church compound and mainly the houses we have studied in detail. The village inn is a public building facing the south. Its portico-gallery is preserved in excellent condition and only the wooden elements are missing. What remains are the places where the wooden boards were linked to form a staircase, the structure, and the members carrying the brick roof. The village baths date to 473 BC according to inscriptions on the mosaic tiles in the large halls discovered at the beginning of the last century. One of the rich inhabitants, Julianos, made this ‘generous gift’ to his village. The baths used cold, warm and hot chambers based on the model of Roman thermal ones. The church compound is found on the eastern slope of the valley, near an underground water spring, probably favoured for its purity at religious ceremonies. It consists of a number of buildings built in the course of two centuries. The expansions were based in part on old structures completely dismantled. This religious compound consisted at its apogee in the 6th century of a large church with three wings facing east-west, a tiled courtyard built over an older underground cavity, a structure with a portico containing ground tombs and some residential rooms on the upper floor,

Fig. 6 Reconstruction of the large press found at Sergilla.

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Fig. 7 Al Bara.

Fig. 8 Reconstruction of the baths and mosque at al Bara.

These presses (Fig. 6) of the 5th and 6th centuries, when the population grew more prosperous, originated when the landowners had surpluses they could bring to market. These households processed greater quantities of wine and oil and 3 presses have been discovered at Sergilla. The largest of these was 15 x 10m; a significant part of it was cut 4m deep in the rocks in order to better resist the vibrations resulting from the pressing process. Huge stone arches were built to support the brick roof, which later collapsed into the courtyard. While removing the debris a double press used for olives and grapes (according to the season) was found. 2 Al Bara village (Fig. 7)

village of El Bara is the largest ancient town in the gebel al Zawiya. It covers an area of ca. 2km north-south, and 1km west-east. Since 2007 a more ambitious research programme has started at El Bara that involves methods of occupation and development of this large rural town, and how it differs from the other villages of the region on several points, especially in terms of its size (more than 50ha). On the other hand, its organisation was similar to a traditional village. Its development, however, seems to have differed from the other local villages in terms of its chronological record: e.g. its numerous post-Byzantine archeological remains show a sustained occupation after the Arab/Islamic conquest (probably) just after the Omeyyade era.

Al Bara is situated in one of the most fertile areas of the limestone zone in a valley whose soils come from the decomposition of the limestone and the basalt. This

The excavations in the central area of El Bara village involved an area of ca. 1ha; these were situated in the central part of the ancient town, which is composed of the 398

90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib) two large buildings excavated between 2007 and 2010, the public baths, which were converted into housing, and a large mosque that has been identified thanks to a mihrab and which has been fully preserved.

by valleys, separating it from the village of Jerade and the agricultural plains. It contains perfectly preserved archaeological buildings made of local limestone. Most of the village date to the Byzantine period.

–– The baths: The excavations have shown that there were 4 main phases of occupation: 1) The construction of the proto-Byzantine thermal baths; 2) The conversion of these to hammams at the beginning of the Islamic phases; 3) A phase when the baths were abandoned during the 11th century; 4) The conversion of the baths into housing during the Mameluke period. –– The mosque: In its initial form the mosque consisted of a larger architectural complex. For a long period it was been considered as belonging to the Medieval period, but it could have been built at the beginning of Abbasside times. Established on older constructions, it is part of the centre of a town, the first phase of whose occupation could be prior to the proto-Byzantine buildings. In its early phase, the mosque could be contemporary with the public baths that operated like the standard thermal units before being changed into hammams. In spite of the small area that remains cleared, the exterior seems to have been planned to take account of the beginning of road construction in the surroundings of a very large mosque that was built in the early Abbasside period within the context of an urbanisation plan for a large village (Fig. 8).

Ruweiha is home to several important historical buildings, including the church of Bissos, to the northeast, that dates to the 6th century AD. The church is flanked by two tombs: one is in the form of a Roman temple dating to the 4th century. The second has a dome. Another church from the 5th century is located to the south. To the east, a tomb, dating to the end of the 4th century, is also in the form of a temple. In addition the village is rich in large residential buildings that are still well preserved. There are also Roman remains at Ruweiha, particularly to the western corner of the village as well as in its centre. For example, house 13 was built using construction techniques that differed from those adopted in the other dwellings of the Byzantine era. Its decoration, moreover, indicates that it dates to the pre-Christian era. In comparison with both Serjilla and al-Bara this site is one of the most undisputed archaeological sites in the region, given that numerous assumptions have been presented as regards al-Bara in terms of the nature of the settlement in the Roman period and during the transition period to the Byzantine era. However, systematic archaeological excavations should be carried out at the site. Some researchers, such as Howard Crosby Butler and Georges Tchalenko, proposed the existence of public open spaces or ‘agoras’ (marketplaces) in some of the villages of the limestone massif, for example Dahis and Dar Quita in Jebel Barisha, and Ruweiha in Jebel al-Zawiya. Previous studies conducted by Tchalenko

3 Ruweiha Village (Figs. 9 and 10) Ruweiha is a large village characterized by its elevated position, north-east of Jebel al-Zawiya. It is surrounded

Fig. 9 Ruweiha.

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Fig. 10 Excavations in house 22 (Ruweiha).

indicated that Ruweiha witnessed the beginning of urban planning, as evidenced by building 22, consisting of a two-storey portico, located in the centre of the village (Fig. 10). It is claimed to be a market or commercial exchange centre; in addition, some wealthy landowners are thought to have built large stone-built villas in the late 5th and 6th centuries.

various parts of the building and its surroundings were inspected, proving its occupation in Byzantine times and into the Islamic era. Bibliography Abdulkarim M. 2012. Les parcellaires antiques dans la région de Ruweiha au nord de la Syrie, Syria. Abdulkarim M. et Charpentier G. 2012. Les fouilles archéologiques à Ruweiha dans le massif calcaire au nord de la Syrie, Chronique archéologique en Syrie, VI, Damascus. Tate G., Abdulkarim M., Charpentier G., Duvette C. and Piaton C. 2014. Serjilla village d’Apamène, Tome 1-2, Presses de l’IFPO, Beirut,. Prix Gustave Schlumberger de l’académie des Inscriptions et des belles letters en France 2014.

Notwithstanding these hypotheses, Georges Tate believes that those structures were merely residential buildings. He argued that Butler’s proposition was based on the existence of square-shaped public buildings whose sides are 40m in length. Tate refuted this hypothesis on the grounds that the data was not valid, as the sides of the buildings are 35m long not 40m. These measurements are customary in the houses of Jebel al-Zawiya, especially at Ruweiha. The Syrian-French mission working in Ruweiha, directed by Maamoun Abdulkarim and Gèrard Charpentier, carried out the following: 1) Conducting archaeological field surveys in Ruweiha using topographic equipment to record and draw the ruins located in the agricultural fields surrounding the site; 2) Conducting archaeological excavations in building 22; 3) Studying the decorative elements in the residential buildings at this site and neighboring ones. Excavations in building 22 at Ruweiha were carried out to test the above-mentioned hypotheses. In addition, 400

91. Musaytbeh-Jableh (Lattakia) Massoud Badawi (DGAM, Syria)

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

The site of Musaytbeh is located southeast of the ancient harbour of Jableh. Its measures 5ha, and rises 11.5m a.s.l. and 3m above a main road running through its western limit. Bounded to the north and east by the ancient town of Jableh, most of the buildings of which around these sides date back to the Mamluk and Ottoman periods. The site is bounded by the Mediterranean to the west – connecting to the ancient harbour northwest, and by the modern neighbourhood of al-Izzi to the south (Fig. 1).

Level 1: Ottoman period. Level 2: Mamluk period. Level 3: Ayyubid period. Level 4: Abbasid period. Level 5: Umayyad period. Level 6: Byzantine period. Level 7: Roman period. Level 8: Hellenistic period. Level 9: Iron Age III (Late Phoenician).

Excavations at the site ceased at the level of Iron Age III, hence the origin of the settlement pattern has not yet been determined. However, archaeological surveys of the surface produced some sherds that can be dated to the 2nd millennium BCE.

The site has many historical and archaeological buildings, most notably an Islamic shrine (mazar), known as the Al-Omari dome at the north-western limit; the al-Hamwi mosque that dates to the Mamluk period at the northeastern corner; in addition to an olive oil press, many wells and ponds dating to the Mamluk and Ottoman periods. Archaeological excavations at the site commenced in 2001 by a Syrian mission led by the author of this article. The work was centred in field A around the middle of the site, in addition to several soundings around the site.

The significance of archaeological excavations at the site is evident from the revealing of the former level – dating to Iron Age III in sounding A at the southwestern limit of the site – contiguous to the western main road (Fig. 2). A level of such date had not been identified previously in Jableh.

Excavations uncovered some architectural structures dating mostly to the Classical, Byzantine and Islamic periods, thus allowing much information about the urban development and economic growth of the site through the ages.

The location of the town of Jableh during the Phoenician period (1st millennium BCE) and the Canaanite period (2nd millennium BCE) is rather obscure. The archives of the Kingdom of Ugarit (14th century BCE) mentioned a town under the name of Giba‘la, moreover, the

Fig. 1 The site of Musaytbeh, Jableh.

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Fig. 2 Archaeological features in trench A.

the origin and extension of the Classical town of Jableh from the site. Historical and archaeological documents refer to Jableh – Gabala, as one of the mint cities along the Phoenician coast during the Hellenistic period. A lead weight with Greek inscriptions (Fig. 3) bearing the name Gabala (one eighth of a Gabala pound) was unearthed in sounding E. This inscription was the first ever to be discovered in Jableh referring to the name of the city. Λίτρας Γαβαλιτικῆς ὄγδοον. The level dating back to the Byzantine period shows that the site was densely settled. This was confirmed by excavations in field A, sounding A and an urgent dig outside the old city rampart. Uncovered architectural elements stretching outside the limits of the city walls, in addition to a wide variety of pottery indicating heavy production of different origins and forms of pottery from Cyprus, Phocéenne and North Africa, signify the importance, prosperity and vast economic activity of the city during this period.

Fig. 3 A lead weight.

Musaytbeh site was clearly under the rule of the kingdom at the time, hence it could be asserted that the town mentioned in the archives is located at the site of Musaytbeh.

Levels dating to different and continuous periods of the Islamic era – Umayyad to Ottoman – were also uncovered.

A dense settlement at the site was evident during the Classical periods, confirmed by excavations in field A and soundings A and B. These works revealed foundations of walls corresponding to the town’s urban plan during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, in addition to remains of rampart foundations at the southwestern limit, inferring

It is fair to say that both the Mamluk and Ottoman periods were scarcely evident at the site, considering the town was limited to the current old city during those periods. Hence, 402

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Fig. 4 A bone needle.

dating to the time of Alexander of Macedon, some coins dating to the Late Phoenician Period, as well as Islamic coins, some bone needles (Fig. 4) and glass fragments and objects (Fig. 5). In addition to a collection of lead and clay weights, a wide variety of imported pottery, particularly from Cyprus, Antioch, Rhodes, Delphi and North Africa, was identified, denoting the wide commercial relationship between the harbour of Jableh and various parts of the Mediterranean throughout the ages. Bibliography Aliquot J. et Badawi M. 2013. Trois Poids de Gabala (Syrie) Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 184, pp. 202-204. Badawi M. 2008. Sigillata pottery found in the site of Musaytbeh, (Jableh), AAAS XLVII-XLVIII, Damascus 2004-2005, pp. 205-216. (in Arabic) Badawi M. 2009 Jablé (Syrie) et son territoire à l’époque hellénistique et romaine : développement urbain et culture matérielle, (thèse pour le doctorat de 3e cycle, inédite), Paris, pp. 25-27.

Fig. 5 A small glass flacon, Abbasid period.

the presence of some simple architectural elements dating to the Mamluk period indicates the presence of some small residences, probably fishermen’s dwellings and workshops, taking the adjacency of the harbour into consideration. Excavations in soundings B, C, D and E revealed a level dating to the Ayyubid period, showing the extension of the town at the site during the time. In sounding E, a Christian cemetery was found on the southwestern side. A part of the town rampart was also revealed here. Historical documents mention reconstructions taking place around the rampart and the harbour, in addition to fortifications constructed at the Roman theatre, as it was converted into a fort from the beginning of the Islamic conquest of Jableh. A prominent part of the rampart still stands visible at the south-eastern edge of the old town, as a section uncovered in sounding B formed an extension of the former. A level dating back to the Abbasid period also revealed some domestic and service architectural elements, in addition to some fortifications, since historical documents also refer to the significance of the city at the time. It is pivotal to mention that archaeological excavations at the site revealed a vast collection of bronze coins mostly 403

92. Deir Qinnsrin-Jarabulus (Aleppo) Mohamad Fakhro (DGAM, Syria and University of Bern, Switzerland)

and buildings remains belonging to the Islamic periods (Ayyubid and Mamluk), such as walls and pottery pipes for drinking water and a culvert channel for sanitation (Fig. 2).

Al-Naquta (Qansreen monastery) is located on the eastern bank (left) of the Euphrates, opposite the city of Jarabulus (ancient Carchemish), north of the town of Shiukh Fawqani (ancient Burmarina) ca. 6km south of the village of ZurMaghar on the Syrian Turkish border (Fig. 1).

The most important discovery at the site was the remains of a huge building, of high quality, precisely manufactured and with decorative stones. These were distributed in all sections and corners to reflect the extent of its importance and the religious function of the building seems quite clear from its general plan. A rectangular hall (16.30 x 4m) constituted the southern part of the building and probably served as a prayer hall and meeting space (perhaps chapel?) (Fig. 3). The ground was covered with a wonderful mosaic panel produced in a precise and technical way: the main panel

The site is named Al-Naquta because of the existence of a fresh water spring flowing down the slopes in summer which forms a drop point. The locals called the region Khirbat Al Nassara (‘Area of the Christians’). The National Archaeological Mission from the Aleppo Directorate of Antiquities and Museums uncovered large parts of this monastery during the winter season in 20052006. Many test squares (sondages) have been excavated at the site, which resulted in the discovery of facilities

Fig. 1 A general view of the site.

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Fig. 2 The remains of the Islamic structures.

Fig. 3 The discovered parts of the monastery (from the southwest corner: the rectangular hall).

was surrounded with decorative tape braids in a frame within two parallel lines confined within the intersection of geometric shapes symmetrical (triangles, circles, etc.) that formed a cross from four equilateral triangles, in various colours (black, white, red, orange) (Fig. 5). This is logical due to the educational nature of religious buildings in the Syriac period. The other scenes have been destroyed and contained only views of geometric forms in different parts of the hall.

not been defined accurately because of the accumulation of large amounts of dust and debris (Fig. 6). The floor was paved with rectangular pottery tiles, alternating in width between 70-80cm and 2.5cm thick, which seem to have been manufactured using templates. This room is associated with a big middle hall, divided into two open rooms by a slot-arch positioned within the western wall of the room. Symmetrical stone shoulders define the 240cm slot-arch and a small decorated outlet cupboard (39 x 39cm) was placed in each wall (Fig. 4). Both were covered with a stone arch decorated with bas-relief and the end of the upper part of the hall in the northeast corner has a decorated stone cornice with flexographic and geometric motifs and several friezes.

Also found adjacent to the hall was a small room connected by a door in the northeast corner (perhaps a priest’s room), a rectangular room with a width of 3.4m. However, the end of the northern part of this room has 405

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Fig. 4 Attached sections.

Fig. 5 Floor mosaic from the rectangular hall.

The floor of the hall was covered with a layer of harsh limestone mixed with plaster and river sand, and has been refined with a thin layer of mortar mixed with orange. It is possible that this building was part of the Syriac monastery of Qansreen dating back to the 6th century AD, with additional parasitic structural elements (columns, walls, etc.) reused in the Islamic period (Ayyubid/Mamluk) for housing or other purposes. Churches, monasteries and schools spread extensively in Syria during the early periods of the 4th century AD, and reflect the evangelization of the Middle Euphrates basin region when Greek was the official language of the state and Syriac the local language (national) of the population and used from Antioch (Antakya) to Odessa (currently Urfa). The 6th century AD is considered the heart of the golden age of the Syriacs because of the production of literary material and the quality and diversity of science. The large number of scientists, writers, poets, and the spread of schools along the country’s eastern fringes, displayed and reflected the establishment of libraries

Fig. 6 Rectangular hall and the attached sections (drawn by Jousef Aldabte).

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92. Deir Qinnsrin-Jarabulus (Aleppo) to mirror Jarabulus (Carchemish), situated four farsakhs from Manbej and seven farsakhs from Surouj. Yacout Al Hamwi mentioned it in his book ‘Dictionary of Countries’ (with references to Qansreen monastery on the Euphrates, east of the Aljazeera and the land of Mudar, Jrebas and Jrebas Shamieh). The school, established by John abn Avtonia, who died in 538, was widely known and it became the largest Syriac theological school at that time. At the height of its prosperity it contained more than 371 students, and many the patriarchs, scientists and philosophers graduated from there. These included Sawira Sabochat (7th century AD), who is considered to have taught Indian numbers to the Arabs, Thomas Aharqli, who translated the New Testament from Greek into Syriac, and Mar Jacob Al Rahawi, author of the first Syriac lexicon. The monastery was destroyed after 810 at the hands of Nasr Abn Shabath, who led the opposition against the Abbasid Caliph El Maamoun. It was restored in 820 by Patriarch Mar Dionysius, the first Al-Talmahari Patriarch of Antakya, who was one of the graduates of the Qansreen monastery school. The institution remained open until the mid 12th century (Fig. 7).

Fig. 7 Reconstruction of the rectangular hall and the attached sections (drawn by Jousef Aldabte).

rich with thousands of manuscripts and books in various arts and sciences and other associated knowledge. Syriac monasteries were famous for their prosperous schools that spread around the city of Antakya, such as the Mar Passos monastery schools, and the Taladah Monastery, Mount Edessa, TurAbdin and Nusaybin, Ras al-Ain and others. The best known in the 6th century AD was the monastery of Qansreen, founded in 530 AD by Saint John Al Rahawi (from Edessa) and known as monastery John abn Avtonia in his honour. This is one of the most important and famous monasteries in the Syriac Orthodox Church. Qansreen is an old Syriac word, a composite of two words meaning Eagles’ Nest. It was also known as the Monastery of Qaneshry, and, according to historical sources, was a great monastery

The Qansreen monastery is considered one of the most important centres of the Jacobite Church and which supported the nature of the unity of Christ. This famous school was an international university, famed for its teaching of theology, philosophy, astronomy, languages, and in all other arts known to the civilizations of the ancient Euphrates in Syria. Its buildings also reflected a sophisticated level of contrasting architectural styles (Fig. 8). The monastery now requires several excavation campaigns to discover all of its features, and to survey its remains after the end of the war.

Fig. 8 Monastery of Qansreen in 2014.

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93. Tell el-Kasra (Deir ez-Zor) Yaroob al-Abdallah (DGAM, Syria)

Site, location and date

Research history The site was first discovered by a British mission sent to study the Euphrates area by Chesney in 1849; he mentions the site name as Sur al-Humer. The site was investigated and surveyed by Ed. Sachauin 1879; Gertrude Bell also photographed the sites in 1909 and reported it as al-Rukoba; later still the site was surveyed by A. Poidebard during the French mandate period.

Tell el-Kisra is located to the northwest of the city of Deirez-Zor, ca. 40km on the left bank of the Euphrates. The ancient name of this site is still unknown, but A. Poidebard mentions its name as Alaan. The size of this city 27ha, and the discovery of the defense wall and the civil construction of the site led us to believe that this site is an ancient city (polis). It is possible that Tell Kisra was an important site because of Emperor Justinian’s policy of taking responsibility for the restructuring of the military units in the region. He gave great significance to the fortification of the suburban cities of Mesopotamia. Therefore the site must be viewed in its historical content and in terms of several changes, starting from the 5th century to the beginning of the Islamic period.

Site description The Tell is surrounded by fence wall made of raw plaster (Fig. 1). The wall is visible on three sides and was damaged on the northwestern side. The western part of the site has suffered from rainwater runoff which has caused a deep network of cracks that continue downhill until they converge with the river plain 20m below the mound surface level. Nowadays there is a modern

Fig. 1 Tell el-Kisr excavations.

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Fig. 2 Mosaic floor

Fig. 3 Mosaic detail.

movement of the water currents of the Euphrates, with animal scenes (fish, ducks, geometric shapes). The panel contains animal images displayed within more elaborate scenes. Its importance is increased because the panel shows animals that have never been displayed before in Byzantine art such (e.g. foals and elephants) (Fig. 3).

cemetery on the surface of the mound, located in the western section. The most important discoveries –– The fortress gate: This was discovered in the northern wall. –– Tomb E2. –– Baths and mosaic:

Further excavations revealed the entire extent of the architectural structures. These show that the baths contained three rooms, in addition to the furnace and service sections. The building measured ca. 334m2. It was planned on a north-south axis and the rectangular shaped building was built of different sized bricks. Its main features include:

The excavation mission focused on sector X, and especially on squares X1, X2, X3. During the fourth excavation season, the National Archaeological Mission at Tell el-Kisra (2009) uncovered in the northwestern part of the mound an architectural structure indicating the remains of the bath’s cold room. The floor of this hall contains a beautiful mosaic measuring 44.82m2 (the missing section measures 11.88m2) (Fig. 2). The panel, surrounded by a frame of braids, represents the

• The cold room (external section – al barrani) This room was located to the south of the complex. Its walls were built of brick, and the interior included 409

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites bath discovered in Hama. El-Endrin has an arch in the eastern part of the bath that was used as a water drainage channel, but this el-Kisra feature is unexplained. • The hot room (interior section aljawwani) In the middle of the northern wall of the warm room a basalt threshold was found (coated with stucco) that led into the hot room (aljawwani); cut into this threshold was a channel for water drainage. The threshold leads into square room with benches installed on its interior walls. After clearing the room we noticed that the floor was severely damaged. The floor was carried on columns of brick tiles (60 x 60 x7cm) coated on the top with a layer of mortar plaster secure rectangular pink marble tiles. All the benches were coated with stucco and the floor supported brick tile columns (40 x 40 x5cm).

Fig. 4 Mosaic detail.

• The furnace room

several benches of white stucco and white marble around the walls. There was a door in the middle of the northern wall leading into the bath middle section (al wastani).

This room was uncovered to the north of the warm room. It featured a bow-shaped water basin at its western side with a bench of a similar shape coated with plaster. The basin was built of bricks (40 x 40 x 5cm) and its floor supported on 20 columns of square bricks (40 x 40 x 5cm). The eastern part of the basin floor is missing, but a part of its western floor was preserved, tiled in large bricks (60 x 60 x 7cm). All the columns rested on a brick floor (40 x 40 x 5cm). Beneath the basin apertures were uncovered that distributed hot air throughout the complex. These apertures were triangularly shaped and installed over each other line of two columns, each one with three air gaps built out of the bricks. Small storages areas were uncovered to the north of the boiler/furnace room; it contained large amounts of coal used ignite the boiler, in addition to the remains of timber and animal dung.

• The warm section (al wastani) This section started from the doorway located in the middle of the northern wall of the cold room, and opened onto a square room with a tiled floor coated with plaster. In the western part there was a semicircular water tank coated with a thin plaster layer. There was also a brick channel at bottom of the water tank to carry the water to the other rooms. In the eastern wall of this hall there is a door leading into small rectangular room (320 x 220cm), with its floor tiled (40 x 40 x 5cm) and coated with a thick layer of plaster. Benches were arranged on the southern wall. Along the eastern wall of the room there is small channel to drain the water coming from the middle section (al wastani) towards the outside of the bath, where a 16cm wide external water channel was located beneath the bath’s eastern wall. In the eastern part of this room there is a rectangular basalt threshold leading into a large room located to the north. This rectangular room has a brick arch located on its eastern side. This part of the room is higher than the main floor level and is tiled with bricks and paved over with large pieces of pinkish marble. Benches were observed along the floor of the interior side of the arch, and the benches were carried on columns of brick tiles. There was space beneath the floor for the passage of the hot air for warming the room. It was noted that there were also benches on the eastern and the northern sides, through which the warm air could flow, in addition to the presence of a drainage channel in the southeastern corner of the room that led into the previously mentioned drainage channel that took the water from the bath. An arch discovered in the eastern wall, and an opening resembling a small door found beneath it, led into a plain space beneath the floor of the warm room. This feature compares to the el-Endrin

• The water system In the eastern part of the bath complex a water channel was uncovered outside the eastern wall, running northsouth. The channel was made of plaster and was ‘U’ shaped; it was covered over with sherds of brick tiles. This fixture supplied water to a basin discovered within the smaller eastern room of the warm section (al wastani) and then led into the cold room. Bibliography Balty J. 1977. Mosaïques antiques de Syrie, Bruxelles. Bell G. L. 2004. Amurath to Amurath. A Journey Along the Banks of the Euphrates, Piscataway. Poidebard A. 1934. La trace de Rome dans le désert de Syrie. Le limes de Trajan a la conquête árabe, recherches aériennes (1925-1934), Paris.

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94. Syriac Inscriptions of Syria Françoise Briquel Chatonnet (CNRS, France)

erection or the repair of a building, and as a memorial to the individual(s) who sponsored the work. Some have a theological content, for instance celebrating the Holy Trinity (Fig. 4). Some are graffiti made by individuals: these are mainly only personal names left by individuals wanting to have their names present in a sacred place. They can also be found around the doors, or at the back of the apse of churches. There are also a few inscriptions on civil buildings, such as in an andrôn in Bashaquh, or what may be the signature of the architects, father and son, on a villa in Bamuqa. This latter one, as well as some church dedications, testifies to the existence of bilingual inscriptions in Syriac and Greek.

Syriac is the name given to the form of the Aramaic script and language used by Christians in the Near and Middle East. It finds its origin in the local form of Aramaic spoken and written in the first centuries of the Christian era in Edessa (Orhai in Syriac, modern Sanlı Urfa in Turkey) and the whole kingdom of Osrhoena, which extended up to the north of Syria (Fig. 1). This kingdom had a mixed Aramaic-Greek culture with strong Arabic influences. It is from Edessa that Christianity spread to Mesopotamia and it is in Edessa that the first Christian literature was written in Aramaic, and above all the translation of the Bible. That is why it is this form of Aramaic language and script that spread among Christians and was used in Syria, along with Greek. Curiously, the oldest known Syriac inscriptions, that date to the 5th century CE, are found not in Turkey, around Urfa, but in Syria, in the hinterland of Antioch, in the northern part of the limestone massif (Jabal Barisha, Jabal el ‘Ala, Jabal Sem‘an). An inscription on mosaic, recently discovered in Nabgha in the region of Jerablous (Fig. 2), represents a milestone in the spread of Syriac westwards to Syria. Syriac inscriptions are to be found mainly in the region of Antioch, in the region of Aleppo, all along the Euphrates and in the Djezireh (Hassekeh), in some places in the steppe (Aklet al Bueder, alAndarin), and as far south as Qaryatayn, where the tomb of the saint, in the monastery of mar Elian, was inscribed in Syriac, and mar Musa al-Habashi and Qara, where painted decoration of the churches included inscriptions in Syriac. In more modern times, the churches of the communities of Syriac culture (Syriac Orthodox and Catholic, Assyrian and Chaldean, Maronite) in Aleppo, Damascus, Homs, Maarat Saidnaya, as well as the northeast of Syria, all have Syriac inscriptions as well.

Fig. 1 Tell Matin

These inscriptions were placed on stone, with the few exceptions known of mosaic inscriptions. Most of them are engraved but some are in the champlevé technique (inscription in relief, the background around the letters being deepened). Old inscriptions are frequently written in vertical lines (Fig. 3), but in some cases letters are drawn vertically but arranged in horizontal lines, from left to right, contrary to the normal direction of Syriac lines (Fig. 4).

A small incense altar found in Tell Matin (northern Syria) and preserved before the war in the Raqqa Museum (3rd century CE). This site was within the kingdom of Osrhoene. The altar is dedicated to an unnamed god and is to be compared to similar altars in Palmyra. The inscription is in Edessean Aramaic, the original Syriac. A mosaic with a Syriac inscription dated 406-407 CE, found near the village of al Nabgha al-Kebira in the region of Jerablous. The inscription celebrates the renovation of a mosaic placed in the martyrion of Saint John. This martyrion was situated in a monastery, and we have here the first archaeological testimony of monasticism in north Syria, as soon as the end of the 4th century.

Inscriptions were generally situated on, or in, religious buildings, mainly churches, and were most often placed around the entrance, on lintels (Fig. 5), or door jambs, or in very visible places outside or inside the building (Figs. 2 and 3). They can also be part of the decoration of the church (Fig. 6). They could be inscriptions commemorating the 411

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Fig. 2 Nabgha

Fig. 3 Basufan Fig. 4 Qalb Loze

An inscription which commemorates the building of a place dedicated to Mar Phocas by the Periodeutes Damianos between 491-492 and 495-496 CE.

An inscription on a stone re-used in the wall of a modern house. The original location is unknown. It begins with an invocation to the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. The letters are individually drawn vertically but arranged in three horizontal lines. 412

94. Syriac Inscriptions of Syria

Fig. 5 Khirbet Hassan

Fig. 6 Mar Musa

A decorated and inscribed lintel from the entrance to a church. It commemorates the completion of the church in 507 CE and all the expenses made to build it (money, material and supplies) (Fig. 5).

résultats, Annales archéologiques arabes syriennes, XLVII-XLVIII, 2004-2005, 187-195. Briquel Chatonnet F. and Desreumaux A. 2011. Syriac Inscriptions in Syria, Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 14/1, 27-44 (http://syrcom.cua.edu/hugoye/ Vol14No1/index.html). Briquel Chatonnet F. and Desreumaux A. 2011. Oldest Syriac Inscription on a mosaic from Nabgha, Syria, Hugoye : Journal of Syriac Studies 14/1, 4561 (http://syrcom.cua.edu/hugoye/Vol14No1/index. html).

Legends in Syriac of the paintings that decorated the apse of the church in the monastery of Mar Musa in the Qalamun (Fig. 6). Bibliography Briquel Chatonnet F., Desreumaux A. and Khoury W. 2008. Inscriptions syriaques de Syrie. Premiers

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95. Sura (Raqqa) Ali Othman (IFPO, France & Penn Cultural Heritage Centre, USA)

Sura – present day ‘el-Hammam’ – is located in the north of Syria, on the right bank of the Euphrates, 22km west of Raqqa. The site is a fortified agglomeration of rectangular shape, covering an area of 76.5ha. Its geographical position places the city at the crossroads of the way leading along the valley and of routes coming from the west through the steppe, and from the east through the Balikh valley. This situation made the region, since ancient times, a zone of exchanges and political contacts.

is clearly divided into two parts: the north-eastern part, which dates from Roman times, is bounded by an adobe wall. The south-western part, of the Byzantine era, is surrounded by a wall built of dressed stone; in this part, one can spot, along the walls, 35 towers and two city gates, one of which overlooks a main road leading to the fort. The fort stands at the junction of the two parts of the site; it has a square plan, is 200m wide, and, besides the four round corner towers, has a door located in each side, with two towers flanking it.

During the long period (almost seven centuries) stretching from the Roman occupation, in the 1st century BC, until the Arab invasions, in 636 AD, the city of Sura held a prominent place in the area of the middle Euphrates valley. The city became a military and political stake in the wars between Romans and Persians, because of its strategic location near the limes. The Sasanians destroyed it several times – the first destruction, in 253, being led by Shahpur I – and it was not until the late 3rd century, under Diocletian, that it regained its importance. In the early 4th century, Sura was the scene of the judgment and execution of Sergius, a Roman soldier from Resafa, who had converted to Christianity. In 540 Chosroes I ruined the city, which was abandoned thereafter. A few years later the Emperor Justinian refurbished the site and made it one of the foremost Byzantine towns. After the conquest of the region by the Muslims, Sura lost its importance and fell into oblivion.

The most important discovery to date are the baths of the city, located against the northern corner of the fort, which overlooks the Euphrates. They are built mainly of baked bricks. Their clearing has shown this far that their plan includes, from south to north: a cold room, three lukewarm rooms, two hot rooms, two boiler rooms, and a service annexe with its water supply and drainage network. This discovery highlights original structures that materialize the transition from the baths of the Byzantine era to the proto-Islamic hammam. The baths of Sura combine indeed two systems, one that achieves heating through hypocausts and another that functions by producing steam through tanks connected to boilers (Fig. 1). Another remarkable discovery is a hypogeum (Fig. 2), facing southeast and located in the necropolis area outside of the city. This tomb consists of a rectangular burial chamber with a barrel vault that stands in the axis of the door and of the staircase that leads to it from the east. This chamber comprises three arcosolia, excavated at its north, south and east sides. Its plan therefore

The shape of the site is almost rectangular (1800 x 450m). The Euphrates forms its northern border, the southern side being delineated by a channel, 8m deep. The site

Fig. 1 The baths, general view from the west.

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Fig. 2 The Byzantine hypogeum.

Fig. 3 A Justinian tower.

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Fig. 4 Western tower.

Fig. 5 Various terracotta oil lamps.

pertains to the classical type of the cruciform hypogeum. The vaulted ceiling carries an inscription in Syriac made of moulded plaster, the letters standing out in relief. Two crosses of various shapes, also moulded in relief, rise at the centre of the vaulted ceiling of each arcosolium. This tomb is built of stone within a pit dug beforehand into the ground, which is a singularity in the Middle Euphrates region.

Bibliography Konrad M. 2001. Der spätrömische Limes in Syrien: Archäologische Untersuchungen an den Grenzkastellen von Sura, Tetrapyrgium, Cholle und in Resafa, Resafa V, Mainz. Othman A. 2014. Rapport préliminaire sur les bains de l’Antiquité tardive à Sura (Syrie, Moyen Euphrate), Balaneia, thermes et hammams. 25 siècles de bain collectif au Proche-Orient. In: M.-F. Boussac, S. Denoix, T. Fournet & B. Redon (eds.) Actes du 3e colloque international Balnéorient, organisé par l’Institut français du Proche-Orient et la Direction Générale des Antiquités et des Musées de Syrie (Damas - Syrie / 2-6 nov. 2009). Ifao-Ifpo, Le Caire, pp. 495-508. Ulbert T. 1989. Villes et fortifications de l’Euphrate à l’époque paléo-chrétienne (IVe-VIIe s.), in Dentzer J.M. and Orthmann W. (eds.) Archéologie et histoire de la Syrie. II. La Syrie de l’époque achéménide à l’avènement de l’Islam, Saarbrücken, pp. 283-296.

The Syrian Archaeological Mission also focused on the defensive system of the antique town of Sura: we were able to dig into a part of the Roman city walls, consisting of a double wall built of unbaked brick, with, now and then, a buttress projecting outwards. Moreover, a tower from the Byzantine era has been cleared: it has a rectangular layout (12.50 x 8.70m), and holds one room on the side that protrudes outside the wall, and a second, U-shaped room at the rear, centred on a staircase allowing soldiers to access their monitoring stations (Fig. 3). On the side overlooking the Euphrates, a full bastion measuring 3.40 x 2.80m has been uncovered (Fig. 4). The excavations have also revealed various types of houses, located in a residential area dated to the protoIslamic era. The successive excavation campaigns have yielded a considerable amount of archaeological material, reflecting the site’s richness during the occupation periods (Fig. 5).

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96. Tell Shayzar (Hama) Matthias Grawehr (German Archaeological Institute, Germany & University of Basel, Switzerland)

Abdulsalam Albachkami (CNRS, France & DGAM, Syria)

The town of Shayzar is situated 25km northwest of Hama, where the Orontes enters the plain called al-Ghab. The site is dominated by its castle on a rock above the town and by the road from Hama to Apamea that crosses the site (Fig. 1). Not many visitors will notice that the town at the foot of the castle stands upon a large tell of around 35ha. At its western edge the tell rises to about 20m above the river plain. It was formed by many layers of houses that were built, levelled, and rebuilt over and over again. We do not know when the first people settled here. Pottery fragments on the surface indicate that the site is at least 4500 years old, but probably much older.

To explain the present state of the site, it is convenient to take a look into Shayzar’s more recent history. About 200 years ago the tell was almost totally deserted and only the castle still inhabited. Around the middle of the 19th century, a small village was established at the foot of the castle’s entrance. Since then it grew constantly, occupying the slopes below. In the 1970s the settlement started to spread across the main road from Hama to Apamea, and when the massive foundations for a school were dug into the ground, the builders came across the remains of a large ancient building, probably a bathhouse from the Byzantine period. Finally the school was erected in a different location and it became forbidden to build

Fig. 1 Aerial view of the castle and tell Shayzar in 1935 (IFAPO Damascus).

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Fig. 2 Test trench with occupation level of the 12th century AD.

Fig. 3 Handmade painted ware of the 12th century AD.

on the western part of the tell to preserve this precious example of Syria’s rich cultural history.

the veterans of a cavalry regiment at Shayzar. They came from the town of Larissa in northern Greece and named the new settlement after their hometown. While the name Larissa-on-the-Orontes was used in the officially Greek language, the town’s older name, Sinzara, persisted in the native tongue and later changed to Shayzar.

Some structures that antedate the new village can still be seen on the site today. They date mainly from the Ayyubid, Mamluk and Ottoman periods. On the edge of the southern part of the tell there are the remains of a city wall of the 12th century. The old bridge crossing the Orontes, with two mill houses, contains elements dating back to the 13th and 14th centuries AD. Next to it stood a khan buried today below the modern street. Close by are the remains of an Ottoman building that still can be visited in one of the side streets. At the river below the castle’s entrance are the few remains of waterwheels and a dam, mentioned already by the geographer Abu al-Fida in the 14th century.

From 2007-2011 a cooperation project of the Directorate General of the Antiquities and Museums of Syria and the German Archaeological Institute studied the site of Shayzar to find out more about the remains of the town in the Greek and Roman period. In this project the remains – architectural fragments and pottery – on the surface of the tell were studied using geomagnetics and georadar surveys. The interpretation of the data shows not only numerous walls of houses but also some of the ancient streets. The rectangular grid of the streets can be compared to many other Hellenistic foundations in Syria and may go back to the times of the first Greek settlement.

Hundreds of architectural fragments from the earlier Roman and Byzantine period are reused in the dam, the foundations of the bridge, and of course the walls of the castle. Many more lie scattered all over the site. They testify to another chapter in the long story of Shayzar’s history. After the Macedonian king, Alexander the Great, had conquered the east, around the year 300 BC, Seleucos Nicator, one of Alexander’s successors, settled

In 2010 a small trench was excavated to test the stratigraphy of the site. It was backfilled at the end of the excavation. In the first 2m below the surface an occupation from the 12th to the 16th century was uncovered. Within the 418

96. Tell Shayzar (Hama) limited space of the excavation one room of a house was examined (Fig 2). Four times, its walls were destroyed and rebuilt on nearly the same plan. Each time the debris of the destruction was deposited inside the room and a new floor was laid above it. On the lowermost floor several complete pottery vessels were found. Two of them are designed in the shape of an animal, probably a lion (Fig. 3). In the 12th century people used these beautiful vessels for pouring water and formally washing their hands before dining. Here we get a glimpse on the material side of life in the 12th century, so vividly described in the autobiography of Usama ibn Munqidh, who grew up in the castle of Shayzar. Before the 12th century there seems to have been a long hiatus in the occupation, at least in the area of the tell where the excavation was located. The lowermost structures encountered here are the remains of a large building of the 5th or 6th century AD, reusing column drums from earlier periods. These reused stones and some pottery finds hint to the Hellenistic and Roman period on the site. To sum up, the lower town of Shayzar has a very long and interesting history. It is probably as old as time and was already an important site in the 2nd millennium BC. The layout of the settlement was profoundly transformed in the Hellenistic period, but we are best informed about the most recent heyday of the site in the 12th century AD. In future excavations it has the potential to offer a unique insight into the material world of a city at the foot of an imposing castle, complementing the exceptional rich literary sources of the time. Bibliography Ab al-Fid Isml ibn Al, 1273-1331, Reinaud J. T., 17951867; Slane W. MacGuckin, baron de, 1801-1878. Géographie d’Aboulféda texte arabe publié d’après les manuscrits de Paris et de Leyde, Paris. Grawehr M. 2014. Putting Larissa on the Map, in: K. Bartl – M. al-Maqdissi (eds.) New Prospecting in the Orontes Region. First Results of Archaeological Fieldwork, Orient-Archäologie 30 (Rahden/Westf.) 131-139. Übers A. M. 1983. Usâma Ibn Munqidh. Des enseignements de la vie. Kitâb al-Iʾtibâr. Souvenirs d’un gentilhomme syrien du temps des Croisades, Paris.

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97. The Citadel of Tell Shayzar (Hama) Cristina Tonghini (Università Ca’ Foscari of Venice, Italy)

The citadel of Shayzar may be regarded as one of the best examples of Muslim military architecture to survive in the Near East. It occupies a long, narrow, rocky plateau overlooking the Orontes on its western bank (Figs. 1 and 2). The area at the foot of the citadel, to the west and north-west, is now covered by a modern town, very probably built over an earlier settlement of which there is no visible trace on the surface.

Fig. 1 General map of the citadel showing the main buildings.

Between 2002 and 2010 an historical and archaeological research project investigated the citadel of Shayzar, and provided new evidence on the origins and the development of this fortification, especially in relation to the most crucial period as regards the building of the citadel, i.e. from the 10th to the 13th centuries. The establishment of a settlement in the area of Shayzar goes back to a very remote past, as the site is already mentioned in the written records of the 2nd millennium BC, and its occupation is attested in the Seleucid, Roman and Byzantine periods. At the citadel, however, no securely dated material evidence that can be attributed to these periods has so far been identified: the earliest structures uncovered have been ascribed to a period after the 2nd-6th centuries, i.e. they may equally well relate to the Byzantine or early Islamic period (Period I, 6th? - first half of the 10th century). In fact the period from the Islamic conquest to the 10th century is also little known, and it is only from the 10th century that the written sources start providing more information on the site. The lack of central power that marked the 10th century caused endless struggles for the control of northern Syria between the Byzantines, the Fatimids, the Hamdanids, and their various allies. Like several other settlements in northern Syria, Shayzar changed hands several times. From the 10th century the written records refer to Shayzar as a fortified site, and for most of the 11th century Shayzar was controlled by the Byzantines.

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Fig. 2 General view of the citadel from the northeast. The remains of a number of structures that clearly relate to a first programme of fortification of the site have been identified in various areas of the citadel (Period II, second half of the 10th -11th? centuries).These remains belong to curtain buildings (CF15, CF26), and stretches of curtain walls in most cases; only CF6 (northern area) can be regarded as a specific building planned to guard the access to the citadel in Period II (Fig. 3). In the year 1081 the site was sold to the tribe of the Banu Munqidh by the Byzantine bishop of al-Bara. The ruling family established its residence in the citadel; their court seems to have attracted famous literary figures and scholars, and a vivid fresco of life at Shayzar can be found in the well-known memoirs of Usama ibn Munqidh. Various renovation and restoration works, as well as strengthening programmes to the existing defensive lines, are attributed to the age of the Banu Munqidh (Period III). This evidence shows that the programme of fortification of the citadel which had begun in Period II had been completed throughout the entire site by the time of the 1157 earthquake. Among the remains of this period there are not only curtain buildings (CF17, a portion later incorporated into CF1), but also structures that can be interpreted as towers, such as the early CF16. After the earthquake of 1157 Shayzar passed to Nur alDin, who appointed the family of the Banu al-Daya as governors. The same al-Daya family remained in control of the citadel on behalf of Salah al-Din and his heirs, enjoying a substantial phase of independence. An impressive building programme aimed at the restoration and strengthening of the defences was carried out (Period IV, 1157-1200 ca.). A group of buildings (the

Fig. 3 Building CF6 from the south-east (Period II).

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97. The Citadel of Tell Shayzar (Hama)

Fig. 4 Entrance complex, CA2: the glacis attributed to Nur alDin (Period IV) and the tower built by Qalawun (Period V).

Fig. 5 Complex CA1 (Periods IV-V) and the ditch from the east.

glacis in the northern area, Fig. 4; towers CF16 and CF18 on the eastern front; building CF1 and curtain walls in the southern area) is attributed to the patronage of Nur alDin (1157-1174): although we know from the historical sources that he commissioned numerous operations to restore the network of fortifications in the region, very little of this intense activity had so far been identified on the ground. Another group of buildings (tower CF9 on the eastern front; building CF3 in the southern area; tower CF13 on the western front) may be assigned to the last decades of the 12th century or to the beginning of the 13th.

massive projecting towers and a defensive ditch carved into the rocky plateau (Fig. 5). But the most impressive element of Nur al-Din’s fortification programme is certainly the glacis, a scarped structure that protects the entrance and develops on at least four different levels, with internal vaulted galleries and a defensive parapet at the uppermost level (Fig. 4). It was only in the year 1233 that the citadel was taken by force from the al-Daya family by the sultan of Aleppo alMalik al-‘Aziz Muhammad, and Shayzar passed under the more direct control of the Ayyubids from Aleppo. The early Mamluk sultans seem to have maintained their interest in this fortification, and commissioned construction and restoration works. Shayzar is still mentioned as an important citadel in the 14th and early 15th century sources. In Period V (1233-1290).

The evidence identified at Shayzar illustrates the achievements and features of military architecture in this period, for the first time on the basis of firmly dated elements: curtain walls defended by lines of arrow slits, 425

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites the system of control of access into the citadel was redesigned in several stages, while the defensive circuit was completed with the building (or rebuilding) of curtain walls and projecting towers. A series of defensive towers was added (or sometimes rebuilt) on the existing lines of fortification of the northern (tower CF8, Fig. 4), eastern (tower CF9) and southern areas (towers CF21, CF22); two defensive buildings that also performed an official representative function were added to the complex CA1, in the southern area: CF2 and CF3 (Fig. 5). This period also saw the rebuilding of the bridge that leads to the access system CA2 (CF28). This period at Shayzar reflects a mature concept of military architecture, also documented through other sites in the region. Building CF3, attributed to the 1260s, shows a decorative programme that also includes wall paintings in the two main rooms: this testifies to the presence at the site of skilled and sophisticated craftsmanship. Shayzar is no longer mentioned in the list of fortifications visited by sultan Qaytbay in the year 1477. It appears gradually to have lost its strategic function, and turned into a simple village. The last inhabitants moved down to the plain in 1958. Bibliography Tonghini C. et al. 2012. Shayzar I. The fortification of the citadel, Leiden and Boston, Brill.

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98. Qalaat Al Mudiq/Apamean Citadel (Hama) Shaker Al-Shbib (DGAM, Syria)

Mathilde Gelin (CNRS, France)

Qalaat Al Mudiq is located northeast of Hama on the alGhab plain, close to the bank of the Orontes. Overlooking the Orontes Valley, the site appears as a hill, west of the ancient city of Apamea, from which it is separated by a small valley. Apamea, part of the Tetrapolis, was one of the main cities of the Seleucid Empire and played an important military role. Its occupation continued until the 12th century when the population left to settle in Qalaat Al Mudiq which, in the 13th century, was surrounded by strong fortifications. Qalaat Al Mudiq’s history is less clear than the city itself. The site is mentioned in several sources especially in medieval times however, until 2004, knowledge of the site remained unclear due to the absence of any archaeological work on the summit (Fig. 1). In 2002-2003, part of the medieval glacis was destroyed because of strong rains which endangered the entire fortress and the modern houses sited above. Several measures have been taken by the DirectorateGeneral of Antiquities and Museums (DGAM) to stabilise the slope, including the creation of a joint mission between the DGAM and the European Union and IFPO. The main objectives of this mission were to consolidate the threatened parts of the citadel ramparts by the restoration and consolidation of the three main buildings in danger, tower 5 and both sides of the current entrance to the village. A study of the soil stability indicated that the whole of Qalaat Al Mudiq is an archaeological tell. Examination of the stability of the hill prior to restoration work indicated the necessity and scope of future archaeological research (Fig. 2).

Excavations were carried out at the foot of the hill, to study the foundations and examine their stability. Finally, nine excavations were conducted in four sectors, A, B, C and tower 5. These excavations showed the existence of a mudbrick wall surrounding the tell, dated to the Bronze Age. In addition, we uncovered fortifications built during the Hellenistic period, partly on the Bronze Age rampart (sector A). This discovery proves the existence of an Hellenistic citadel, and that it was directly linked with the Hellenistic city of Apamea (Fig. 3).

Fig.1 The plan of the citadel (P. Dangles).

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Fig. 2 The southeastern part of the Qal’at el Mudiq tell and the collapsed area of the medieval glacis (© MFSQM).

The excavations of tower 5 confirmed its dating to the 13th century AD and showed that it was built on remains of a wall from the Islamic period. In all the sectors, no traces of the Roman or Byzantine periods were found, which raises questions about the occupation of the citadel during these periods (Fig. 4). Intervention and restoration work were necessary because of big cracks in the masonry and the erosion of many blocks and loss of joints. The work began by consolidating the foundations, followed by mortar injections between the blocks and the courses, and we replaced the damaged blocks with new blocks (Fig. 5).

Fig. 3. - Excavations in Sector A: mudbrick wall M4 and Hellenistic rampart M1 (© MFSQM).

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Finally, our work on this site confirmed that the entire hill is artificial (a tell), and proved the existence of a large installation from the Bronze Age, including a powerful mudbrick rampart. The Hellenistic fortifications confirmed that the city of Apamea was defended by a citadel. No remains were found from the Roman and Byzantine periods (Fig. 6).

98. Qalaat Al Mudiq/Apamean Citadel (Hama)

Fig. 4 Tower 5: foundations in the sounding outside the tower (© MFSQM).

Fig. 5 Tower 5 after restorations (© MFSQM).

Fig. 6 Sector B after restorations (© MFSQM).

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99. Tell Tuneinir (Hassake) Michael Fuller and Neathery Fuller (St. Louis Community College, USA)

Tell Tuneinir is situated adjacent to one of the few perennial springs along the Khabur River. Ain Tuneinir, also called AinNuah (Arabic, Spring of Noah) by the local population, remains a viable water source even during years of severe drought. Ninevite V pottery sherds and a radiocarbon sample (Beta 59953 = 2350 to 2135 BC) place the first settlement of the site during the 3rd millennium BC. The settled area would expand from a medium size Bronze Age village until it reached its maximum size (a moderate size town) during the Medieval Period (ca. AD 1000-1300).

CXVI, CXVII) linked Tuneinir with the Late Roman settlement of Thannouris on the Notitia Dignitatum. Ample evidence in terms of pottery and coins demonstrate that the site was settled during the Late Roman Period, but several of the features identified by Poidebard (and repeated by Kennedy and Riley 1990: Figure 69) proved to be Medieval structures when excavated. Tell Ahwain, the small tell on the opposite bank of the Khabur from Tuneinir, yielded Umayyad coins and decorated lamps indicating that it was a Medieval monastic structure – not a military tower guarding a Roman road. Likewise, the bridge crossing the Khabur was not the sandbar visible on the Poidebard’s aerial photographs. The footings for the bridge were identified half a kilometer downstream from the sandbar at a point adjacent to the ruined monastery in Area 9.

Tuneinir was visited by Layard (1853:307) who noted both the spring and the nearby ruins of a Roman/ Medieval bridge across the Khabur River. Sarre-Herzfeld (1911:194) and Poidebard (1934:140-2, Plates CXV,

Fig. 1 View of Area 1 excavation area at Tell Tuneinir and impounded floodwater, 2004 (Photo Prof Michael Fuller, STLCC).

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99. Tell Tuneinir (Hassake) Rescue archaeological excavation at Tuneinir began in 1987 and continued until 2001. The fieldwork was sponsored by St. Louis Community College (USA) in response to the construction of a large reservoir (Fig. 1) along the Khabur. The fieldwork demonstrated that the near surface strata at the site belong to the Medieval Period (specifically the Il-Khanid, Ayyubid, Seljuk, and Abbasid Caliphates). Byzantine and Roman features at the site are generally buried under several meters of Medieval occupation. Deep excavation units in Area 1 yielded Parthian, Persian, neo-Assyrian, Babylonian and Early Dynastic II occupation. Analysis of the identifiable animal bones from the Bronze Age layers at Tuneinir found that sheep and goat dominated, although a number of other domestic and wild species are represented. Gazelle is the second most common species in terms of overall numbers, but cattle represent the second largest percentage of the total weight; pig was not heavily utilized at Tuneinir during the Bronze Age (Loyet 1998).

Fig. 2 Braided Arabic script on a circular stucco panel from the interior of the Area 4 mesjed bearing the inscription rabbil ‘alamin (Arabic: the Lord of the Worlds) from the second verse of the first Surah of the Quran (Photo Prof David Hanlon, STLCC).

The ruined buildings exposed on the south edge of Tell Tuneinir were fully excavated. The largest structure, Area 6, was a market complete with a pottery workshop, bakery, and at least one butcher shop. Two caravansaries were situated north and south of the market. The Area 4 caravansary measured 23.8 x 24.2m and included a mesjed (Arabic, small room for Islamic prayer). Round and rectangular stucco panels (Fig. 2) decorated the qiblah wall of the mesjed. Area 5, situated adjacent to the Area 4 caravansary, was a bath that included two domes over the warm room and four hot rooms. The analysis of animal bones from the Medieval features at Tuneinir found a large number of metapodials in the market suggesting that animals were killed off-site, then skinned and butchered in the market (Loyet 1999:45); much of the meat was sold ‘on the bone’ and taken back to the houses where the residents did the finer dismemberment and filleting. Sheep and goat remains represented 78.6% of the identifiable specimens from the market while domesticated cattle comprise 11.9% (Loyet 1999:36). Remains of mudbrick houses and domestic pottery in the central portion of the site (Areas 2 and 8) belong to Medieval houses that were built along winding streets. Coins, pottery and glass associated with the features in the central portion of the site date to the Il-Khanid, Ayyubid, and Seljuk caliphates. A cluster of three buildings near the bridge over the Khabur belonged to a monastic community complete with two wine presses, a pottery workshop, a refectory, a dormitory and a very large church. Several clay bulla found outside the Area 9 church bear signet-ring impressions giving the names of various monks as Bar

Fig. 3 Decorated marble panel dating from ca. AD 1000 and excavated from the Area 9 monastic church. Syriac text was faintly incised in the space around the two smaller crosses (Photo Prof David Hanlon, STLCC).

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Denho, Sabrah Abel, Bar Serguis, and Abel ben Ayyub. A bronze signet from Area 9 bears the inscription Mesretho Abd el Mesjiah (Syriac, Encampment of the Servants of the Messiah). A Syriac inscription associated with the wine presses indicate that the monks made wine for daily use at meals, sacramental wine, and at least two medicinal wines. Eight burials of monks and nuns in Area 11 show evidence of extreme violence that would be associated with martyrdom. Associated coins and a radiocarbon date on the rib bone of a martyr indicate extreme violence befell the monastery during the 11th century. The monastery church functioned in a reduced level after the 11th century; the associated dormitory, winery, and pottery workshop were never rebuilt. The Christian community built the first phase of the monastery by disassembling a small Roman building (possibly a watch tower) that had stood next to the bridge. A decorated marble panel from the entrance to the monastery bears a Syriac inscription that commemorates the monastery’s leader/founder as Dawid (Fig. 3). The marble panel was part of the exhibit entitled Syria: Land of Civilizations (Fortin 1999: Fig. 70). Further evidence for a Christian community at the site was discovered in Area 3, east of the apron of Tell Tuneinir at a distance of 300m. Four distinct architectural phases of an apsed church and an associated residence (priest’s house) were discovered in Area 3. The earliest phases of the church date to the Late Roman/Byzantine periods. The Area 3 church suffered significant damage at the same time that the Area 9 monastery complex was damaged. A communion cup and two altar lamps were ritually buried during the rebuilding of the church during the Ayyubid Period. Bibliography Fortin M. 1999. Syria: Land of Civilizations. Musée de la Civilization, Québec. Fuller M. and Fuller N. 1994. Continuity and Change in the Syriac Population at Tell Tuneinir, Syria. ARAM 6:259-77. Fuller M. and Fuller N. 1998. Archaeological discoveries at Tell Tuneinir, Syria. Journal of the Assyrian Academic Society 12 (2):69-82.

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100. Aleppo Castle (Aleppo) Assad Yusof (DGAM, Syria)

Youssef Kanjou ( University of Tsukuba, Japan & DGAM, Syria)

This brief report on Islamic art contains a summary of the results of the emergency excavation inside the water storage system at Aleppo castle in June 2004, which was undertaken by the excavation department and the Islamic department of the Aleppo National Museum in collaboration with the Aga Khan Foundation, which was then working in the citadel on restoration and rehabilitation of the castle.

or grooving techniques and form the most numerous of the examples. The predominant colours for these objects are pistachio, olive green, burnt brown and dusty mauve (in addition to other derivative colours. This type is also

During excavations in the water storage, which lasted for several weeks, a large collection of archaeological finds were recovered, which included: metal objects with Islamic decorations and Arabic inscriptions, some containing almost complete inlaid or plating work, and pottery and glass fragments. In this report we present the results of research on the glazed pottery fragments (sgraffito type) which are usually made by grooving or etching. This group was transferred to the Islamic Department of the Aleppo National Museum in October 2011 for the classification and restoration process. The pottery fragments consisted of more than one type. The first type: glazed pottery fragments with multicolour, type-graffito ware (or sgraffito) were made by etching

Fig. 1b Glazed vessel with animal designs on the background.

Fig. 1a Multicoloured glazed vessel with decorations of foliage and animal designs on the inner surface.

Fig. 1c Multicoloured glazed bowl in sgrafitto style.

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Fig. 2a Multicoloured small glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with geometrical designs on the inner surface.

Fig. 2b Multicoloured glazed bowl with geometrical designs on the inner surface.

represented by a thickening of the walls and use of a reddish clay or similar paste.

from parts which were decorated in colour. In addition, other vessels were decorated in smudges or different and irregular forms, without specific shape. Vertical lines extending from the edge of the plate to the bottom join together to form geometrical shapes, such as triangles, with the apex meeting in the centre of the dish. For example one bowl contains geometric motifs consisting of circles, triangles and forms raindrops (elliptic or oval form) in regular rows (Fig. 2a and b).

The decorations of this type are carried out by a special sharp tool to inscribe the outer limits of the decorations, so we can note in most cases the influence of a sharp tool on red clay and the effect on finished decorations by metallic oxide. Following the restoration of this type with the help of students from the Department of Archaeology at the University of Aleppo, we obtained 39 new art pieces, forming a qualitative treasure held by the Department of Islamic Art at the Aleppo National Museum. After making comparisons with the number of pieces recorded, in addition to published books and articles, we dated this group to the 14th and 15th centuries, i.e. the early Mamluk period.

3. Symbolic motifs

We determined that the decorative forms which filled the outer and inner surfaces of the pieces were in the majority, and consisted of four main basic models: 1. Animal motifs These decorations represented a number of pieces containing several patterns of birds and animals, including ducks, falcons, gazelles and pigeons, in addition to another animal forms which could not be identified (Fig. 1a, c and b). 2. Geometric motifs These are represented by peripheral lines or grooves which divide the vessels, particularly the inner surface

Fig. 3 Plate fragment with geometric design.

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100. Aleppo Castle (Aleppo)

Fig. 4a Multicoloured large glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with foliage designs (early Mamluk period).

Fig. 4b Large glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with decorated inner surface.

Motifs representing ‘Mamluk Blason’ were popularized during the Mamluk period, eventually becoming one of the most important features of art in this period. This model came from the decorations on one incomplete bowl that was restored and on another vessel fragment (Fig. 3).

human representations in this group). Perhaps this was the absence of human imaging in line with Islamic religion in general, and specifically following the inscription on the wall of the Al-Mhmandar mosque, to the right of the entrance, which emphasized restrictions on representing the spirit. It is known that the mosque is not far from the site where many objects were discovered (less than 2000m), in addition to other restrictions on Islamic art.

4. Plant motifs

The most important observation is related to a rare piece which represents a bowl placed inside a plate, decorated with peripheral lines dividing the outer surface of the goblet into zones: the central or main area, ornamented inside with the Arabic A (‫ )أ‬letter used for decorative purposes (Fig. 5).

These represent simple realistic designs and other naturally modified forms (Figs. 4a and b). There are other decorations, without obvious meanings, created by metallic oxide and colours. Horizontal and vertical smears are irregular at the edges (borders) and in some cases extend over the lines which limit the space. Of note was the existence of circular holes, where the pierced parts included traces of oxidation – from an iron piece – which proved the existence of an old restoration technique already applied when they made the pieces, or perhaps from a later date.

At the end of this summary, it can be argued that this group forms a new addition to the Islamic Section of the Aleppo National Museum, in addition to the groups

Also encountered during restoration was the very bad impact caused by the external environment – high humidity – on a glazed pottery bowl, to the point where the glazing layer became too fragile and was detached in several places on the inner and outer surfaces of the glass, which obliged us to use restorative sanding techniques (not paper tape) during primary restoration to prevent further damage. Another very important aspect is the harmony of this group with the characteristics of Islamic art, as often secular art represents this interpretation, particularly with regards to the human image (and we note the absence of

Fig. 5 Multicoloured glazed vessel in sgrafitto style.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites registered in this museum, and reflects positively on the institution on several levels. Of importance is the increase in the number of artefacts reflecting Islamic art from the Mamluk era, as there is a lack of this type in most Islamic museums, placing the group of artefacts within reach of Islamic art specialists for further study. There is no doubt that these objects reflect an expression of Islamic art in a period seems to base all design on natural plants and animals, in addition to geometric design which were influenced by Islamic beliefs. Each piece is itself a work of art that can highlight the prevailing artistic life of the period. In addition, this collection provides historical and cultural knowledge about the castle and the city of Aleppo during the Mamluk period, particularly the objects used primarily by residents of the castle that were mostly manufactured in Aleppo or imported. Finally it must be noted that the citadel was an important place in the Mamluk period due to its proximity to the northern Mamluk borders and this reflects the establishment and rebuilding of important sections of the castle, such as the ‘throne hall’ and the north and south towers.

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101. Madinat el-Far/Hisn Maslama (Raqqa) Claus-Peter Haase (Museum für Islamische Kunst, Germany)

As a dependency of the German excavations in the early Abbasid palace area of Raqqa, a series of nine privately funded excavations took place on the site of Madinat alFar, 70km north of ar-Raqqa, between 1987 and 2001. The site had been surveyed and was recommended by the Syrian General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums (DGAM), after it had already been visited by the German Orient researcher and diplomat Max von Oppenheim at the beginning of the 20th century. He had travelled along the Balikh valley, which was a main route of exchange and military campaigns between the Islamic Caliphate and Byzantine Anatolia until the 9th century.1 Arguing from historical and geographical Arabic sources, the site of Madinat al-Far topographically most probably corresponds to Hisn Maslama, the foundation of the Umayyad prince and well known general Maslama, son of the caliph Abdalmalik, who died ca. 738 and is

known for several of his residences and agricultural enterprises, especially in north Syria. Unfortunately the identification cannot be proven by inscriptions and great quantities of Umayyad material evidence, but the earliest construction phase on the site obviously predates the two early Abbasid phases and may well represent a part of that ‘Fort of Maslama’, especially in connection with the mudbrick walls of the original compound.2 The site consists of a walled castra-shaped square of ca. 330 x 330m, which to the south had in a second period been extended in an irregular form to nearly 800 x 1500m. In its northern part this secondary wall encircles earlier mansion-type structures strewn in irregular order to the south of the old compound and which are one Claus-Peter Haase, ‘Une ville des débuts de l’Islam d’après les fouilles effectuées à Madinat al-Far (Syrie du Nord)’, in: Archéologie islamique 11 (Paris 2001), 7-20; id., ‘The Excavations at Madinat al-Far/ Hisn Maslama on the Balikh Road’, in: Hugh Kennedy (ed.), Muslim Military Architecture in Greater Syria, Leiden, 54-62; id., ‘Preliminary report on some objects found during the Danish campaign at Madiniat al-Far in northern Syria’, in: Journal of the David Collection, Vol. I (Copenhagen 2003).

2

Several of its Late Antique and Early Islamic sites are signaled in Karin Bartl, Frühislamische Besiedlung im Balih-Tal/Nordsyrien, Berlin 1994, Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient, 15. To the north, a similar, much larger urban foundation, Kharab Sayyar, had also been visited by Oppenheim and was excavated after 1997 by Jan-Waalke Meyer.

1

Fig. 1 Plan of mansion

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites of the surprises of the area. Among them is a double courtyard mansion (40 x 80m) on a low elevation which appears as a small citadel. Stone walls with spolia from a Byzantine pillar may represent an earlier stage of this rectangular compound. Another structure shows the authentic plan of a single Arab house (bayt) with a central room, representatively decorated by stucco ornaments, and two dependent small rooms to both sides (Figs. 1-2). This resembles a ‘diwan’ – the reception room of an influential Beduin shaykh from the entourage of a princely figure. In the double mansion, beautiful stucco decorations, floor paintings with geometric motifs, and three different bath rooms (Fig. 5) reveal its elegant flair as probably the residence of the prince. Large kitchens, stone terraces and spolia of marble pavements could partly be excavated (Fig. 3). The mosque could not as yet be located, but it is probably to be looked for in the northwest of the square compound. There a large cistern of elegantly arranged bricks and remnants of the slightly pointed vault is preserved, similar to the courtyard of the Abbasid Friday Mosque of ar-Raqqa. But in the centre of the compound, cutting over the Hellenistic type of street grid, a monumental building was unearthed under heavy mudbrick destructions and some bricks and roof tiles. It shows a round central construction, probably with a former dome, on 16 brick columns with water channel affluent. Next to it a small bath and a beautiful room paved in white lime plaster

Fig. 2 Stucco relief in the reception hall of the mansion (field S26).

Fig. 3 Stucco wall cupboard with shelves, reconstruction (S10).

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101. Madinat el-Far/Hisn Maslama (Raqqa)

Fig. 4 Wadi flood gate between the quadrangular north compound and the citadel (S22).

Fig. 5 Eastern bathroom and water supply in the citadel (S29).

Fig. 6. Painted floor in the northwest room of the citadel (S22).

had been laid out (Fig. 6). What we at first interpreted as a five-part gate to this ensemble seems to be the rest of a series of small rooms with ornamentally laid out brick floors, of which the north wall has been destroyed completely. In this building several extremely beautiful finds were made, like a much-used ivory pyxis, a large

glass jug, a bronze bell, a balance, and other finds (Figs. 7 and 8). The ceramics revealed many glazed and unglazed fragments prior to the invention of lustre. Together with fragments of fine stucco ornaments they belong to the early Abbasid period. By the coins this can be dated to the second half of the 8th century, especially 439

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Fig. 7 Lid of ivory pyxis and drawing of the complete pyxis (S10).

to our knowledge of stucco ornament development. From the early Abbasid period to just before the Samarra palace styles of ca. 840 a series of three different concepts of motifs and artisan stucco techniques is represented, in one case even in a chronological sequence. All ornaments are purely geometric or vegetal (Fig. 6), so that we detect the leading families inhabiting the place as very orthodox Muslims – this especially recalls characterizations of the family of Maslama ibn Abdalmalik, who is famed in Arabic literature and who, as one of the very few Umayyad families, was allowed to stay on in his possessions into the Abbasid period, while all others perished or were chased away. But his entrepreneurship in the construction phase of the Islamic Caliphate did not succeed – the urban foundations in northern Syria were mostly given up, the wells poisoned with boar bones, and Beduins took over again for more than a thousand years.

Fig. 8 Glass bowl from a well with coloured applications (S24).

Bibliography

the period of the caliph Harunar-Rashid, well known from The Tales of 1001 Nights. The last coins date to 860 and probably belong to a final layer of late buildings on top of the debris, with the poor houses of craftsmen involved with horses and horse equipment. Umayyad coins and some ceramics were also found among the high accumulations of debris, which may well belong to a rectangle wall foundation found beneath this mansion. Its stones, in thick mortar of ca. 40 x 50m, look archaic and correspond with other Umayyad buildings in Balis and Ayla (Jordan).

Haase C.-P. 2001. Une ville des débuts de l’Islam d’après les fouilles effectuées à Madinat al-Far (Syrie du Nord). Archéologie islamique 11 (Paris), 7-20. Haase C.-P. 2003. Preliminary Report on some Objects Found During the Danish Campaign at Madiniat al-Far in Northern Syria. Journal of the David Collection, vol. I, Copenhagen, 98-109. Haase C.-P. 2007. The Development of Stucco Decoration in Northern Syria of the 8th and 9th Centuries and the Bevelled style of samarra, in A. Hagedorn, A. Shalem (eds.) Facts and Artefacts, Festschrift Jens Kröger, Leiden/Boston, 439-460.

For the history of architecture and art the findings in Madinat al-Far are of great importance. We had hoped to find parts of the booty from the ghazwas into Byzantine territory – and the badly preserved ivory pyxis, now in the National Museum of Damascus, may reflect something like this (Fig. 7), but the surprise is more in the addition 440

102. Kharab Sayyar (Raqqa) Jan-Waalke Meyer (Frankfurt University, Germany)

Archaeological investigations in the small Syrian village of Kharab Sayyar have been going on since 1998. The excavations form part of a regional project that includes the excavations in Tell Chuera as well as a survey in the area. The project has been carried out on behalf of the Frankfurt Goethe University in cooperation with the Syrian Antiquities Department and the Deutsche Orientgesellschaft. All funds for the excavations were donated by private individuals and collected by the sponsoring association ENKI – a procedure unique in contemporary Near Eastern studies in Germany. The Syrian side contributed to the success of the undertaking financially and helped in the seconding of a number of collaborators. In addition, the German Research Foundation (DFG) has, since 2007, paid for staff working towards the termination of the project.

ceramics for that period (corresponding to periods Tell Chuera IA-ID, 3100-2300 BC). In addition, the remains of the latest occupation were laid open on top of the mound. This part of the undertaking was brought to a close in 2006.

The site of Kharab Sayyar is situated in the Syrian part of Upper Mesopotamia, close to the Turkish border, between the rivers Khabur and Balikh, two tributaries of the Euphrates. In Islamic times the settlement extended over a square with side lengths of ca. 650m; in the southeast of that area there is a tell, the top of which is also covered with structures from the Islamic period (Fig. 1). The excavations had two main aims. In terms of the 3rd millennium BC, here was a chance to check the excavation results of adjacent Tell Chuera as regards its internal settlement structure. In pursuit of this objective a trench was opened on the northeast slope of the tell. The exposed architectural levels comprise all of the 3rd millennium (Fig. 2) and yield a complete sequence of

Fig. 1 Satellite image (Corona 1972).

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Fig. 2 Step-trench through the layers of the 3rd millennium.

Fig. 3 Geomagnetic map.

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102. Kharab Sayyar (Raqqa) The second focus was on the examination of a widespread Islamic town. From the first excavation campaigns it had been clear that this town’s layout could contribute significantly to the reconstruction of the image of the ancient town, especially concerning artistic developments (stucco decoration) in early Abbasid times. The data gathered in a survey of the surroundings enable us to be much more specific as to occupation history and land use.

individual buildings or densely settled quarters, the function of which has, up to now, been determined convincingly determined in only a few cases. We must certainly take into consideration private houses, but also public buildings and squares. The topography in the northeast corner suggests two double cisterns that were fed by a canal running through the north gate. In spite of the square shape of this newly-founded town the streets do not run at right angles but are the outcome of a typically Oriental development of the infrastructure, dead-end streets included.

The structure of the town The results of the geomagnetic survey enabled a reconstruction of the most important parts of the town (Fig. 3). The square, with its side length of ca. 650m, is surrounded by a wall, with a canal and a smaller wall in front. The ‘town wall’ is provided, at regular intervals, with small bastions, and alternating round and angular bastions are already visible above ground. In the north the geomagnetic survey provides an even clearer picture. Two, of presumably six, town gates are distinctly visible and are also fortified with bastions. From the northwest gate a street runs almost straight towards the inner town. The street that starts from the north gate towards the interior makes some slight curves. The bazaar and the mosque are situated on this street. The other parts of the town are made up either of generously distributed

Eleven excavation campaigns so far have laid open several architectural complexes, all dating to the early Abbasid period (mid-9th to mid-10th centuries AD): 1. The so-called ‘Large House’ is made up of several contiguous dwelling units (Fig. 4); the stucco decoration on the walls of two rooms (Fig. 5) is comparable to that of Samarra. 2. West of the ‘Large House’ a public bath consists of two tepidaria, about 6m long and 2.5m wide. The narrow sides of this structure end in a kind of apse (Fig. 6) and there are several side rooms and a well-preserved heating unit. 3. The ‘Great Mosque’ (Fig. 7) covers an area of ca. 50 x 50m. It consists of three arcades (riwaq) and,

Fig. 4 ‘Great House’ (plan)

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Fig. 5 Stucco decoration.

in the south, a prayer hall (haram) with two aisles. The resulting rectangular space may be seen as an open courtyard (sahn). The ground plan thus corresponds to that of a hypostyle mosque, a type well known since Umayyad times. 4. The west gate and town fortification (Fig. 8) have also become clearer. To the west of the town there is a mound (ca. 9m wide and preserved to a height of 1m) that descends eastward, where a canal has been dug (2.4m wide and 0.4m deep). Towards the east the ditch rises for about 5m and merges directly with the west flank of the town wall proper. The gate and its bastions are built of roughly set but coated rubble stones that form a gate chamber opening to the east. The gate was accessed via a bridge, the pillars of which are preserved. 5. Various water reservoirs were also found. The well-preserved cisterns underneath the western riwaq of the ‘Great Mosque’ stand out among the municipal water supply installations. Evidence of many more hydraulic structures, such as cisterns (Fig. 9), open

Fig. 6 Bath.

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102. Kharab Sayyar (Raqqa)

Fig. 7. ‘Great Mosque’ (plan).

Fig. 8 The west gate.

Fig. 9 Cistern underneath the west riwaq of the mosque.

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites basins and canals resulted from the geomagnetic survey and/or excavations. Land use A survey of the area provided the first data on land use and the settlement system in the early Islamic era. Up to the mid 13th century, the region seems to have been more densely settled than today. There were individual farms, small villages, larger country properties – one for instance close to Kharab Sayyar, where stucco decoration was found in the course of construction work – a number of garrisons or fortified camps, especially in the west of the surveyed area, in the direction of the Byzantine border. More than 50 settlement sites of that period were located within a 10km radius around Kharab Sayyar. Bibliography Falb Ch. 2012. Die unglasierte Keramik (Standardware) aus Kharab Sayyar. Ausgrabungen in Kharab Sayyar 1. Meyer J.-W. 2006. Recent excavations in Early Abbasid Kharab Sayyar, in H. Kennedy, Muslim Architecture in Greater Syria. From the Coming of Islam to the Ottoman period. History of Warfare 35, 45-53. Meyer J.-W. et al. 2003. Die 4. Grabungskampagne in Kharab Sayyar 2002. MDOG 135, 83–91 (Zus. mit M. ϲal-Khalaf, I. Mussa, S. Doerner, R. Hempelmann und M. Würz).

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103. Tell Damir (Raqqa) Anas Al Khabour (Gothenburg University, Sweden)

In July 2007 the General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums, Raqqa Department, started the first season of excavation at Tell Damir, directed by Anas al Khabour, Director of the Raqqa Department. In 2009 the Raqqa Department continued the second excavation season lead by Mohammed Jajan, director of the Raqqa Museum.

wall B1 (2.5m thick) made of bricks, each measuring 30 x30cm, that extended east-west. The wall had been damaged by modern tombs. In the eastern part of the site we found a semicircular tower with stairs leading up to the tower and the wall, which is 2.25m high and covered by plaster.

Tell Damir (36°15'58.03"N, 38°59'46.51"E) is situated in a fertile area of the Balikh valley, 38km north of Raqqa city. The site is situated 287m a.s.l. and is accessible from the west by the old Balikh road and from the east by taking the newer Balikh road. It is divided in two parts, separated by the river into Tell Damir Sharqi (eastern) and Tell Damir Gharbi (western), with a total area of 60ha (Figs. 1 and 2).

Under this wall (B1) we found another (B2) one, made of limestone, which runs parallel with B1. In this area we excavated a square (A20), in which we recorded a pottery kiln and also found a considerable quantity of slag. There were no small finds, only two coins which dated to the Classical period.

The eastern section

At the western side of the site, in Tell Damir Gharbi, we excavated Trench A4 (8 x10m), where buildings were visible on the surface and where we found part of the walls belonging to a large building (wall C1).

The western section

In the northern part of the site, the Syrian mission excavated Trench A3 (3 x10m). We discovered a wide

Fig. .1 Tell Damir in the Balikh Valley.

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Fig. 2 Eastern and western sections of Tell Damir.

central courtyard. (We excavated the western wall of room C3.) The floor was covered with plaster, the same material that covered the internal walls, and which was made in situ. Room C5 Room C5 (Fig. 3) is a rectangular in shape (3.5 x 2.5m); its entrance, as in room C4, is to the north of the central square (C8). Again, like C4, we found plaster covering the internal walls and the floor. We also found evidence of a oven/furnace with pipes beneath ground level at the entrance, indicating that this room might have been a bathroom or kitchen. Central courtyard Fig. 3 Sketch of room C5 showing location of oven.

Situated to the north of rooms C4 and C5, at the centre of the large building, we found a courtyard (Fig. 4). Some of its walls were made of mudbrick (between the entrances to rooms C4 and C5), and the western wall and floor were plaster covered. We also discovered here a section of a raised bank running parallel with the western wall. It is thought that the structure belonged to an important person, or was used as an administrative building during the Islamic period at Raqqa in the early Abbasid period. We found no important small objects to give a fixed date for the building or its function. The finds consisted of small ceramic and pottery pieces. The excavation

This building consisted of many rooms and spaces. The excavated section (made of bricks, 30 x 40cm) forms part of the external walls of the building, which were 3m thick and ran in an east-west direction. We documented two rooms: one in the west (C4) and one in the east (C5). Room C4 Room C4 is rectangular in shape (3.80 x 3m); its entrance is in the northern wall that leads to an open space or 448

103. Tell Damir (Raqqa) wheat, barley and cotton. In addition to agriculture there were other traditional industries, such as the making of pottery and porcelain. The colours of the pottery and its floral and geometric decoration indicate that it was a sophisticated industry. The plaster industry flourished in Damir. Plaster in this region was characterized by spreading a large quantity of white marl on the ground and then burning it, as people do today on the site. It is possible that Damir was also an important trading centre, judging by its location as a part of the Diyar Mudar region, near the important trade route from Baghdad and linking Samarra, Sarrin, Khrab Sayar and Madinat alFar, the closest point to Damir. It then continued along the road to Raqqa, capital of Diyar Mudar, or to Aleppo, after crossing the Euphrates near Qalaat Najim, where the route heads north towards Antakia, or south towards to Damascus.

Fig. 4 Plan of the central courtyard.

Bibliography Al Khabour A. 2007. Tell Damir. Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums. Annual Report 2007. Damascus- Syria. Jajan M. and Al Khabour A. 2009. Tell Damir. Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums. Annual Report 2009. Damascus. Ulbert T. 1989. Villes et fortifications de l’Euphrate à l’époque paléo-chrétienne (IVe-VIIe s.), in Jean-Marie Dentzer et Winfried Orthmann (éds), Archéologie et histoire de la Syrie. II. La Syrie de l’époque achéménide à l’avènement de l’Islam, Saarbrücken, 1989, p. 283-296.

Fig. 5 Ceramic vessel from Tell Damir.

reached the floor of the building. There we documented some glass pieces and bronze articles. To the east of the courtyard we found two wells: the first was 8.5m deep, its interior constructed of stone and brick and its upper section contained a 60cm ceramic pipe. In general terms, the small finds obtained from the first seasons of excavation consisted of large quantities of ceramic and glass pieces, beads, two coins and a pottery vessel (Fig. 5). The population of Damir worked in agriculture, assisted by its location close to the river Balikh. We identified a considerable quantity of charred grains that indicate that the site was very well suited to agriculture, especially 449

Synthesis: Syrian Archaeology in the Past, Present and Future

The first archaeological excavations began in Syria in the early 20th century, and this historical rich land has fascinated many archaeologists since then. The number of archaeological missions increased gradually and reached its peak around the turn of the twentieth and twenty first centuries. Archaeologists’ activities extended to sites throughout Syria. These sites were situated along the riverbanks of the Euphrates, the Orontes, and their tributaries, along the Mediterranean coast, in the Lebanon mountain areas and in the middle of the Syrian Desert. All kinds of sites, from a small hunter-gather campsite to a huge urban settlement, have been subjects of investigation. These sites have been formed by various cultures, civilizations and ethnicities. A great many objects were discovered during these archaeological investigations, and a wide range of important items were exhibited and stored in the national museums, first established in Damascus and Aleppo, later in prefectural capital cities and at significant sites as on site museums. The number of collections in Syrian museums increased gradually, particularly those of Damascus and Aleppo. For example, the registration artefacts of the Aleppo National Museum exceeded more than 30,000 at the beginning 21st century. These museum pieces facilitated visitors understanding of the long and rich history of Syria.

Syria has become one of the most important international archaeological fields in recent decades. Syria has accepted a number of foreign archaeological missions, over one hundred yearly by the early 21st century. Stability in Syria was one of the reasons, which attracted a number of well known archaeological research institutes and universities. The political conditions in Iraq and Palestine, as well as dam projects such as the Tabqa, Teshreen and Hassake dams, undertaken by the Syrian Government along the Euphrates and Khabur Rivers, also facilitated conditions for more archaeological work in Syria. Numerous new discoveries at a large number of excavations made Syria one of the most archaeologically investigated countries in the Near East. Syrian and foreign archaeologists excavated various sites belonging to different periods every year. The excavated sites range from the Palaeolithic period, represented by the Acheulian and Mousterian cultures; through to the Neolithic period indicating the beginning of new way of life; the great cities and kingdoms in the Chalcolithic, Bronze and Iron Ages and the classic period settlements which reflect the important economic, geographical and intellectual roles played by Syria. In the Middle Ages, Damascus was the capital of the Umayyad Caliphate, which is considered one of the most important period of Islamic Arab rule.

Syrian archaeology has gained increasing popularity worldwide, because of the geographical location of Syria and its impact on human history. Syria was an important corridor for the distribution of early humans. It was a place for the beginning of agriculture, emergence of urban societies, first invention of the alphabetic system and various new technologies. Syrian once led great industries such as metallurgy, glass working, wine and olive oil production throughout the world. It was at the frontier of great powers such as Akkad, Assyria, Hittite, Ancient Egypt, Achaimenes, Roman, Parthia, Sasanian, Crusaders, Mongolia and the Ottomans. Great religions, such as Christianity and Islam, were also nurtured in Syria and its vicinity.

Archaeological evidence and interpretation in Syria have provided new evidence and direction on the history of human cultural evolution over a long period of time. Without this it is difficult to consider the great transformations in human history, such as the emergence of villages, beginning of agriculture, formation of citystates, and the evolution of writing, among others. The field of Syrian archaeology seemed to be glorying in its prosperity before its fortunes underwent a rapid deterioration with the beginning of civil war in 2011. Now after five years of civil war large sections of Syrian heritage are under threat. There are some heavily damaged sites, which cannot be restored and are lost forever. Illegal digging on the sites is prevalent and various important objects were stolen losing their provenance and context. Such abuses are ongoing, and the level of destruction is increasing in its severity. Civil war also stopped almost all the archaeological projects in Syria. Archaeologists not only cannot continue their investigations on the sites, they have also lost the chance to study material excavated from their sites. They have moved their research fields from Syria to other accessible areas such as Caucasian countries, Turkey, Jordan, Iraqi Kurdistan, and the Gulf countries. However, these peripheral countries may not provide extensive cultural assets like Syria and Mesopotamia. The

The discovery and excavation of great sites, such as Ugarit, Mari, and Ebla, prompted specialists to tackle further investigation of other Syrian sites, and the Syrian people started to pay more attention to their own history. Specialists began to create a number of international journals and scientific reports on Syrian archaeology. The increase in archaeological investigation stimulated Syrian archaeologists who worked with foreign archaeological missions in Syria, and their experience contributed to the development of national human resources, which was reflected in positive support of Syrian museums. 450

Synthesis: Syrian Archaeology in the Past, Present and Future vacuum of archaeological investigation and research in Syria after 2011 will certainly affect research on human history in the future.

and the kind of help offered by the international community. It is also very important which level Syrian archaeology will return to after conflict. It is not certain if archaeologists will maintain their enthusiasm for Syrian archaeology and return to Syria to dig up human history again. Future Syrian archaeology also depends on the enthusiasm of local community who are engaged in the protection and restoration of archaeological sites in an accurate way. Their historical background and pride as Syrian nationals was partially formed by archaeology and cultural heritage. In this instance local people actually enjoy the advantages of a rich archaeological record. This book introduced the importance of Syrian history through recent excavations in Syria. If this book contributes to further understanding of the importance of Syrian archaeological sites in human history and helps to form pride in Syrian history, then it will have achieved its purpose.

The current situation has affected the status of Syrian archaeological sites and museums, which no longer receive attention and support (security and funding). Indeed, sites and museums are located in the midst of the armed conflict areas, in Homs, Aleppo and Deir ez-Zor. In Syria archaeological sites and communities have suffered with illegal excavations being prevalent throughout Syria. Archeological sites were sometimes used as military bases and destroyed or damaged. An overall lack of awareness of the importance and the role of heritage is evident, with no respect shown by the combatant parties, and reflects also the inability of the community to protect cultural heritage because of lack of money and knowledge. We cannot help observing the heavy destruction and vandalism even at the extremely important World Heritage sites in Syria.

Youssef Kanjou and Akira Tsuneki (editors)

The level of damage to an archaeological site differs depending on its geographical and historical context. Generally speaking, the Bronze and Iron Ages sites tend to be damaged heavily by illegal excavations. At the classic and Islamic periods’ sites, the damage from conflicts is more conspicuous. There, exposed buildings and walls were destroyed by bombing and shelling and were also often used as military bases. Some famous classic sites, such as Apamea and Dura Europos, suffered from clandestine excavation. Most of the museums in Syria were also damaged in the conflict. Infrastructure at the Aleppo, Raqqa, Homs, Hama and Deirez-Zor museums were destroyed and must be rebuilt. Despite the desperate situation of Syrian archaeology, many Syrian archaeologists still work in their country. Even under such severe conditions, a few excavations are being undertaken. The difficulties in protecting archaeological sites and museum objects are faced by Syrian archaeologists in areas controlled by the government and the opposition. Although their political allegiances are different both try to protect their cultural heritage for future generations. This is a ray of hope for Syrian archaeology in the future. Although the destruction of archaeological sites and cultural heritage in Syria has been severe, we believe that the impact of the civil war on sites is limited to the surface. There are still rich archaeological treasures and entities buried underground not affected by this conflict and destruction. Archaeological activities in Syria before the conflict revealed that Syria is an exceptional area for archaeologists who would like to pursue research on the great transformations in human history. Nevertheless the future of Syrian Archaeology depends on several factors. The most important factor is the extent of vandalism and destruction in Syrian archaeology, 451

List of Figures 1. El Kowm Oasis (Homs) Fig. 1 The Landscape at El Kowm with the eponymous Tell.�� 11 Fig. 2 View of the excavation at Hummal site.�� 12 Fig. 3 General view of the site of Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar.�� 12 Fig. 4 Excavation at Nadaouiyeh.�� 13 Fig. 5 Excavation at Hummal.�� 13 Fig. 6 Animal remains discovered in Yabrudian layer, Hummal.�� 13 Fig. 7 Reconstruction of the Homo erectus skull from Nadaouiyeh Aïn Askar.��13 Fig. 8 Human remains from the Mousterian levels of Hummal, medial upper incisor ��13 Fig. 9 Chopping tool from Ain Al Fil.�� 14 Fig. 10 Acheulian handaxes from Nadaouiyeh �� 14 Fig. 11 Yabrudian artefacts from Nadaouiyeh �� 15 Fig. 12 Hummalian blades from Nadaouiyeh �� 15 2. Dederiyeh Cave (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Dederiyeh Cave, looking from the main entrance.�� 17 Fig. 2 Stone tools of the Neanderthals at Dederiyeh Cave.�� 18 Fig. 3 Discovery of the first Neanderthal burial in 1993.�� 18 Fig. 4 Close-up of the first Neanderthal burial.�� 18 Fig. 5 Reconstruction of the first Neanderthal child.�� 19 3. Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter (Damascus) Fig. 1 Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter. Overview of the site showing its location on the northern edge of the wadi beneath the limestone cuesta �� 21 Fig. 2 Wadi Mushkuna Rockshelter. Overview of excavations in the October 2010 ��22 4. Baaz Rockshelter (Damascus) Fig. 1 Baaz Rockshelter at the time of its discovery in May 14, 1999 ��24 Fig. 2 Baaz Rockshelter, Autumn 2000: excavating the Natufian house ��25 5. Kaus Kozah Cave (Damascus) Figure 1 Kaus Kozah Cave during the 2006 excavation season �� 27 Figure 2 Kaus Kozah Cave. Excavations on the terrace in front of the eastern entrance in the autumn of 2006 ��28 Figure 3 Kaus Kozah Cave. Terminal Natufian infant burial �� 28 Figure 4 Kaus Kozah Cave. View of the bedrock mortars in the area just inside the western entrance to the cave ��29 Figure 5 View from Kaus Kozah toward the fertile springs above Ma’aloula ��29 6. Abu Hureyra (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Abu Hureyra from the south-west.�� 31 Fig. 2 Pit dwellings in Abu Hureyra 1.�� 32 Fig. 3 Reconstruction of a pit dwelling in Abu Hureyra 1.�� 32 Fig. 4 Abu Hureyra 2, Trench A. A multi-roomed mudbrick house with plaster floors.��33 Fig. 5 The village of Abu Hureyra 2 c. 7,000 B.C.�� 33 Fig. 6 Abu Hureyra 2, Trench C. A collective burial illustrating separation of skulls.��33 7. Qarassa (Sweida) Fig. 1 Qarassa. Digital elevation model of the site viewed toward the south-east. ��35 Fig. 2 Aerial view of the Natufian settlement.�� 36 Fig. 3 Plan of a Natufian house.�� 36 Fig. 4 Plan of the Early PPNB house.�� 37 Fig. 5 Early PPNB bone wand with two human faces.�� 38 Fig. 6 Chalcolithic pottery sample.�� 39 Fig. 7 Early Bronze Age III rampart.�� 39 Fig. 8 Iron Age storage room.�� 40 8. Mureybet (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Mureybet, on the left bank of the Euphrates.�� 41 Fig. 2 The most ancient building at the site (Khiamian: IB).�� 42 452

List of Figures Fig. 3 A figurine representing a woman.�� 42 Fig. 4 ‘Maison 47’, a PPNA communal building (picture).�� 43 Fig. 5 ‘Maison 47’, a PPNA communal building (drawing).�� 43 9. Tell Qaramel (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Tower 5 at Tell Qaramel dating to the early Neolithic period.��44 Fig. 2 A pit with four wild bull skulls.�� 44 Fig. 3 A group of graves.�� 45 Fig. 4 Animal and geometric decoration on stone tools.�� 45 10. Jerf el-Ahmar (Aleppo) Fig. 1 A communal building subdivided by radiating walls.�� 47 Fig. 2 A communal building with a circular bench.�� 48 Fig. 3 The construction of houses planned around these communal buildings.��49 Fig. 4 A house showing signs of food preparation activities.�� 50 Fig. 5 Engraved pictograms.�� 50 11. Dja’de el-Mughara (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Plan of the communal building. The paintings covered the walls of the three piers (666.667, 668) whose primary purpose would have been to support the roof. Pier 668 was badly damaged, the other two remarkably well preserved. �� 51 Fig. 2 General view of pier 666 under excavation in 2006. �� 52 Fig. 3 Bucrania of a female aurochs �� 52 Fig. 4 General view of one side of pier 666 in situ showing the painted decoration before its removal in 2008. The composition evokes weaving or basketry, and must be part of a long tradition. ��52 Fig. 5 Typical tubercular lesions present on the 9th and 10th thoracic vertebrae of an adult (phase DJ III). ��53 12. Tell Halula (Aleppo) Fig. 1 General view from the south of the Tell Halula site �� 54 Fig. 2 View from the south of the three houses from sector 2-4 sector, contemporary chronology of the middle PPNB phase �� 55 FIg. 3 Detail of the schematic paintings recovered in the ground of a room from the PPNB Half period ��55 Fig. 4 Detail of the stone wall from sector I, Late Phase PPNB �� 55 FIg. 5 View from the wall and pipeline, sector 7A, Late Neolithic phase (pre-Halaf period) ��55 13. Tell Aswad (Damascus) Fig. 1 A collective burial with 4 modelled skulls (level B0).�� 57 Fig. 2 A burial deposit of 5 modelled skulls (level B-5).�� 58 Fig. 3 A modelled skull with white plaster applied directly to the bone (level B0).��58 Fig. 4 3 modelled skulls of the B-5 group. CS3 in the centre, close to CS1 (right).��59 Fig. 5 Skull CS3 �� 59 14. Tell el-Kerkh (Idlib) Fig. 1 Communal storehouse.��61 Fig. 2 Kerkh Ware.�� 61 Fig. 3 Excavating the ground floor of a two-storeyed building.�� 62 Fig. 4 Communal kitchen.�� 62 Fig. 5 Communal cemetery.�� 63 Fig. 6 A ‘foundation deposit’ below floor level.�� 64 Fig. 7 Various stamp seals.�� 64 15. Tell Sabi Abyad (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Tell Sabi Abyad: the excavations in the prehistoric areas in full swing.��65 Fig. 2 Tell Sabi Abyad: symmetrical, tripartite structure built on a platform, ca. 6900 BC.��66 Fig. 3 Tell Sabi Abyad: prehistoric mud-brick architecture, ca. 6400 BC.��66 Fig. 4 Tell Sabi Abyad: Late Neolithic pottery, ca. 6700 BC.�� 67 Fig. 5 Tell Sabi Abyad: an Early Halaf burial of a young woman with grave gifts, ca. 5800 BC.��67 Fig. 6 Tell Sabi Abyad: a colourful prehistoric necklace from a burial, ca. 6100 BC.��67 Fig. 7 Tell Sabi Abyad: a cuneiform tablet from the Assyrian fortress, ca. 1,190 BC. ��68 Fig. 8 Tell Sabi Abyad: an intricately painted bowl from the grave of a young woman, ca. 5,800 BC.��68 16. Tell Seker al-Aheimar (Hassake) 453

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Fig. 1 Tell Seker Al-Aheimarand The Khabur River�� 69 Fig. 2 PPNB architecture.�� 70 Fig. 3 PPNB flint cores. �� 70 Fig. 4 The unique PPNB female figurine.�� 70 Fig. 5 The PPNB water well.�� 70 Fig. 6 A collection of ground stone tools found in the PPNB water well.��71 Fig. 7 ‘Pre’ Proto-Hassuna pottery.�� 71 17. Shir (Hama) Fig. 1 Shir: map of the site with excavation areas �� 72 Fig. 2 Shir: south area, burials under the floor in the ‘house of the dead’ ��73 Fig. 3. – Shir: south area, south area, corner of a house with large storage vessel ��73 Fig. 4 Shir: south area, terracotta figurine �� 74 Fig. 5 Shir - central area of the excavations, view from the northeast ��74 (Photo Th. Urban, DAI, Orient Department).�� 74 18. Tell Kosak Shamali (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Suggested room functions for the Ubaid pottery workshop.��76 Fig. 2 Complete pottery discovered in the large storage area of the Ubaid pottery workshop.��77 Fig. 3 Complete pottery discovered in the small storage area of the Ubaid pottery workshop.��77 Fig. 4 Internal surface of pottery with snake and goat figurines from the small storage area.��78 Fig. 5 Pottery manufacturing tools recovered in a broken vessel at the Ubaid pottery workshop.��78 Fig. 6 Suggested room functions for the Post-Ubaid pottery workshop. ��79 Fig. 7 A Post-Ubaid pottery kiln. �� 79 19. Tell el-‘Abr (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Pottery from Level 6�� 80 Fig. 2 Pottery of stage 1�� 81 Fig. 3 Pottery of Stage 2�� 81 Fig. 4 Pottery of Stage III�� 82 Fig. 5 Pottery of Stage IV�� 82 Fig. 6 Structures of Level 7�� 83 Fig. 7 Terracotta bird figurine from Level 5�� 83 20. Chagar Bazar (Hassake) Fig. 1 Top: The site from the north; Bottom: excavation areas A and B.��84 Fig. 2 Circular buildings from the Proto-Halaf phase (early 6th millennium cal BC).��85 Fig. 3 Multi-cellular house with associated domestic installations.��86 Fig. 4 Large circular building during the excavation process.�� 86 Fig. 5 A chronological framework of 700 years is proposed for the Halaf periodization.��87 Fig. 6 Pit grave with an inhumation and a ‘cream bowl’ as a burial good (Primitive Halaf period).��87 21. Tell Zeidan (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Location of Tell Zeidan to the east of Raqqa.�� 88 Fig. 2 Painted ceramics from Ubeid Period (first season report 2007).��89 Fig. 3 Baked clay mullers (first season report 2007).�� 89 Fig. 4 Blowpipe mouthpiece for smelting copper (first season report 2007).��89 Fig. 5 Late Chalcolithic stamp seals (first excavation report 2007).�� 90 22. Tell Feres (Hassake) Fig. 1 Tell Feres, location and sequence �� 91 Fig. 2 Tell Feres Level 10. Late Ubaid Ceramic workshop: plan, photo and ceramic samples ��92 Fig. 3 Phases 9B (I) and 9A (II) of the communal building of Level 9 (© the French-Syrian archaeological Mission at Tell Feres).�� 93 Fig. 4 Level 7 (I): plan and photo – and Level 6 (II) – plan and photo of the small tripartite house. In both levels the distribution of the traditional chaînes opératoires shows the spatial segregation ��94 Fig. 5 Level 5 (I): plan, photograph and details of the wheel-coiled bowls in the hall the buttressed building. Gawra X-like clay sealing from Level 4A (II). LC1 ‘spectacle idol’ from Level 7 (III) ��95 Fig. 6 Level 2B: plan and 3D reconstructions �� 96 23. Tell Ziyadeh (Hassake)

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List of Figures Fig. 1 Bowl sherds in the typical style of the northern Ubaid.�� 98 Fig. 2 A tripartite house with attached grill-like storage buildings. �� 99 Fig. 3 An Ubaid kiln for firing pottery. The column supported a perforated floor on which the pots were stacked above the firebox. �� 99 Fig. 4 An eroded casemate structure on the upper edge of the mound. This structure is part of the Post-Ubaid Kuranian settlement.�� 100 Fig. 5 Walls of a massive storage building dating to the early 3rd millennium BC.��100 24. Tell Beydar / Nabada / Nabatium (Hassake) Fig. 1 Aerial view of Tell Beydar �� 103 Fig. 2 Areas of excavations and main buildings.�� 104 Fig. 3 The discovery of the earliest written documents in Syria.��105 Fig. 4 ‘Southern Square’, a ceremonial court.�� 105 Fig. 5 Clay ‘mask’ of a bearded man.�� 106 Fig. 6 The undisturbed tomb of a warrior.�� 106 25. Tell Banat (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Plan of Tell Banat settlement complex.�� 107 Fig. 2 Tell Banat North, also known as the White Monument.�� 108 Fig. 3 Phases A and B of the White Monument.�� 108 Fig. 4 Schematized plan of Mortuary Mound II, Phase B, Building 7 and Tomb 7.��109 Fig. 5 Plan of Tomb 7.�� 109 Fig. 6 Reused column in Tomb 7.�� 109 Fig. 7 Plinths and Lintel added to Tomb 7.�� 110 26. Tell Mozan/Urkesh (Hassake) Fig. 1 The ‘High Mound’, situated in the fertile plains of north-eastern Syria, with the mountains of the Tur-Abdin in the background.�� 111 Fig. 2 The corner of a niched structure of the mid 4th millennium, just below the 3rd millennium glacis. A reconstruction of the 3rd millennium temple is in the background.��112 Fig. 3 The monumental temple terrace of the 3rd millennium.��112 Fig. 4 The necromantic shaft (abi); the walls on the left are those of the palace. In this shape, it dates to the time of the palace, about 2250 BC.�� 113 Fig. 5 The palace of Tupkish, about 2250 BC. The mudbrick walls are covered with a system of trellis and cloth that protect them from weathering.�� 113 Fig. 6 Composite of the impression of the seal of Uqnitum showing the royal family.��114 Fig. 7 Stone plaque showing Gilgamesh and Enkidu.�� 114 27. Tell Leilan (Hassake) Fig. 1 Map of Khabur Plains survey areas and precipitation isohyets.��115 Fig. 2 Tell Leilan Lower Town South, residential area and street, 600m2, 2600-2200 BC, excavated 1989.��116 Fig. 3 Akkadian administrative building, room 12, terminal floor, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 2006. ��117 Fig. 4 The ‘unfinished building’, south stratigraphic section, ca. 2230 BC, excavated in 1999.��117 Fig. 5 ‘Hayabum, šabra’, seal impression retrieved from the ‘unfinished building’, ca. 2230 BC ��118 Fig. 6 Northeast acropolis, building level II, period I, Shamshi-Adad temple, north facade, ca. 1800 BC, ��118 28. Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 Aerial photograph by G. Gerster �� 119 Fig. 2. Tell Sheikh Hamad topographic map and areas of operation, and step trench, Area 1927, House 4, level 6 120 Fig. 3 Two superimposed graves of the Parthian-Roman cemetery��120 Fig. 4 Plan of Middle Assyrian Building P, western slope of the Citadel ��121 Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian tablets in ashy earth layer as excavated in Room A, Building P ��122 Fig. 6 Two fragments of orthostats and reconstruction of the scene, 9th century BC ��122 Fig. 7 Map of geophysical prospection of the settlement of Dūr-Katlimmu with the deep linear anomaly passing 123 Fig. 8 Seal impression of Ishme-ilu, eunuch of Nergal-eresh �� 124 Fig. 9 Schematic plan of architectural complex of northeast corner of lower town II ��124 Fig. 10 The eastern town wall as seen from the north �� 125 Fig. 11 Aerial photograph of operations 5 and 6, neo-Assyrian residences on the left, ‘Red House’ on the right ��125 Fig. 12 Schematic plan of neo-Assyrian residences �� 126 Fig. 13 Mural on the east wall of hall B of House 4 of the neo-Assyrian residences ��126

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Fig. 14 Schematic plan of the ‘Red House’�� 126 29. Umm el-Marra (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Tomb 8.�� 127 Fig. 2 Tomb 1, middle layer (two men). �� 128 Fig. 3 Lapis lazuli amulet in shape of wild goat, Tomb 1.�� 128 Fig. 4 Gold filigreed pendant, Tomb 1.�� 128 Fig. 5 Installation E, with four equids.�� 129 Fig. 6 Monument 1.�� 129 Fig. 7 Shaft 1 layer 10, two vultures missing wings.�� 130 Fig. 8 Mittani period Akkadian legal tablet, with cylinder seal impression of Saustatar.��130 30. Tell Jerablus Tahtani (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Site plan showing Early Bronze Age levels.�� 131 Fig. 2 Concentration of Uruk bevel-rim bowls.�� 132 Fig. 3 Seal impression with horned animal and snake.�� 132 Fig. 4 First Early Bronze Age fort wall.�� 132 Fig. 5 Reconstruction of Early Bronze Age burial. �� 133 Fig. 6 Objects from an Early Bronze Age grave.�� 133 Fig. 7 Figurines from a grave-like facility.�� 133 Fig. 8 Tomb 302 beside the South Terrace.�� 134 31. Tell Al-Rawda (Hama) Fig. 1 Aerial picture of Tell Al-Rawda �� 135 Fig. 2 Geomagnetic map of Tell Al-Rawda after treatment of the image superimposed on satellite image ��136 Fig. 3 Tell Al-Rawda: aerial picture of the main sanctuary �� 136 Fig. 4 Hypothetical reconstruction of the main sanctuary �� 137 Fig. 5 Tell Al-Rawda: plan of Early Bronze IVB dwellings in sector 4, south-west of the tell ��138 Fig. 6 Hypothetical reconstruction of the whole city �� 138 32. Tell Munbāqa (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Overall Site Plan 2007 with accented results of the campaign 1999-2010 in the North Gate Area��139 Fig. 2 Excavated houses, temple district near North gate (below) and clay tablet MBQ-T 77��140 Fig. 3 Floorplan of House A and terracotta moulded female figurines��140 Fig. 4 Pottery and other inventory excavated in house M, rooms 12 and 13��141 Fig. 5 Little terracotta-made heads of men and a lion’s head application��141 Fig. 6 Terracotta-molded lute player and sitting God from the temple district��142 Fig. 7 Man with ram attached to a cascet’s corner and a terracotta face mask��142 Fig. 8 Pieces of a goldsmith’s deposit contained in a 2,5 kilo silver hoard ��142 33. Tell el-Abd (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Tell el-ΚAbd. Overall Plan (after Finkbeiner 2015).�� 143 Fig. 2 Tell el-ΚAbd. Overall plan af Area I�� 144 Fig. 3. Tell el-ΚAbdd, Area I. The stone wall is part of the earliest town wall with the north gate. In front, the massive reinforcements with mud-bricks. �� 145 Fig. 4 Tell el-ΚAbdd. Area I. Building B, Levels I.4 and I.3 �� 145 Fig. 5 Tell el-ΚAbd. Plan of Area III �� 146 Fig. 6 Tell el-ΚAbd. Female Terracotta figurine �� 146 34. Tell Ali al-Hajj, Rumeilah (Aleppo) Fig. 1 General view of Tell Ali al-Hajj, seen from the northeast.�� 147 Fig. 2 Stratigraphic section of the main excavation trench.�� 148 Fig. 3 Early Bronze Age tomb No. 21 in the Rumeilah area.�� 148 Fig. 4. Excavated house structures of Level VI �� 148 Fig. 5 Excavated room of Level VI, seen from the north.�� 149 Fig. 6 Clay house model (centre), pottery and stone objects.�� 149 Fig. 7 Painted pottery from the Middle Bronze Age levels.�� 149 35. Mishrifeh / Qatna (Homs) Fig. 1 Aerial view of Qatna.�� 151 Fig. 2 Jars found in the favissa of Qatna’s sacred area.�� 152

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List of Figures Fig. 3 Plan of the Eastern Palace.�� 152 Fig. 4 Aerial view of the Lower City Palace (bottom left), the Royal Palace (centre) and the Eastern Palace (top left) from the north.�� 153 Fig. 5 Plan of the Lower City Palace.�� 154 Fig. 6 Ivory plaque from the Lower City Palace with limestone and rock crystal inlay.��154 36. Mishirfeh/Qatna, Syrian Excavations (Homs) Fig. 1 Mishirfeh, topographical map with the Syrian excavations areas represented by black circles (Italian team). �� 156 Fig. 2 Mishirfeh, painted pottery from Area R �� 157 Fig. 3 Mishirfeh, arial view with in the centre the circular Upper City ��157 Fig. 4 Mishirfeh, small temple from Area T �� 158 Fig. 5 Mishirfeh, residential structures from Area T �� 159 Fig. 6. Mishirfeh, individual tomb from Area T �� 160 Fig. 7 Mishirfeh, human figurine terracotta from Area T �� 160 Fig. 8 Mishirfeh, northern palace in Area C �� 160 Fig. 9 Mishirfeh, northern palace in Area C �� 161 Fig. 10 Mishirfeh, Aramean palace in Area C �� 161 Fig. 11 Mishirfeh, Aramean building in Area O �� 162 Fig. 12 Mishirfeh, Aramean building in Area O �� 162 Fig. 13 Mishirfeh, Aramean houses in Area S �� 162 37. Tell Mastuma (Idlib) Fig. 1 Tell Mastuma on the road from Idlib to Latakia in northwest Syria.��163 Fig. 2 Topographical map of Tell Mastuma (showing Iron Age remains).��164 Fig. 3 Aerial view of Iron Age levels at Tell Mastuma.�� 164 Fig. 4 Reconstructed illustration of Iron Age settlement at Tell Mastuma (800 BC).��165 Fig. 5 Iron Age finds from Tell Mastuma. �� 166 38. Tell Sakka (Damascus) Fig. 1 Tell Saka from the east.�� 167 Fig. 2 House from Level 3.�� 168 Fig. 3 Mud weights for looms from Level 3.�� 168 Fig. 4 ‘Prince’ wearing an Osiris headdress.�� 168 Fig. 5 Services section from Level 4.�� 169 Fig. 6 Uncovered sections of the ‘palace’ in Level 4.�� 169 Fig. 7 Text discovered in 2008.�� 170 Fig. 8 Text discovered in 2010.�� 170 39. Tell Iris (Lattakia) Fig. 1 Tell Iris: aerial view.�� 171 Fig. 2 Tell Iris: collective grave of Middle Bronze Ages II B.�� 172 Fig. 3 Tell Iris: painted jug of Middle Bronze Age I.�� 172 Fig. 4 Tell Iris: plan of the burial chamber of collective grave of Middle Bronze Age II B ��172 Fig. 5 Tell Iris: burnished juglets from the collective grave.�� 172 Fig. 6 Tell Iris: jar from the collective grave.�� 173 Fig. 7 Tell Iris: incised bone tablets from the collective grave.��173 Fig. 8 Tel Iris: large building from the Late Bronze Age II.�� 173 Fig. 9 Tell Iris: jug from Late Bronze Age II.�� 173 (Rudaina Harfouche).�� 172 40. Tell Toueini (Lattakia) Fig. 1 Tell Toueini: aerial view �� 174 Fig. 2 Tell Toueini: pottery from Early Bronze Age IV �� 175 Fig. 3 Tell Toueini: stone silo from late 3rd millennium BC �� 176 Fig. 4 Tell Toueini: temple from Iron Age I �� 177 Fig. 5 Tell Toueini: urban organization of the city in Iron Age II/III ��177 Fig. 6 Tell Toueini: sanctuary of Iron Age III �� 178 Fig. 7 Tell Toueini: female plaque figurine terracotta from Iron Age II/III ��178 Fig. 8 Tell Toueini: terracotta figurine with moving legs from Iron Age III ��179

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Fig. 9 Tell Toueini: molded female figurine terracotta from Iron Age III ��179 Fig. 10 Tell Toueini: ‘Persian Riders’ terracotta figurine from Iron Age III ��180 Fig. 11 Tell Toueini: isometric view of Byzantine farm �� 180 41. Tell Sianu (Lattakia) Fig. 1 Tell Sianu: aerial view.�� 181 Fig. 2 Tell Sianu: administration building (Early Bronze Age IV A).��182 Fig. 5 Tell Sianu: seal impression (Early Bronze Age IV A).�� 183 Fig. 6 Tell Sianu: cuneiform administration tablet (Middle Bronze Age II).��183 Fig. 7 Tell Sianu: milk bowl (Late Bronze II). �� 183 Fig. 8 Tell Sianu: isometric view of the sanctuary (Late Phoenician Period = Iron Age III).��183 Figs. 3, 4 Tell Sianu: combed jar (Early Bronze Age IV A).�� 182 42. Tell Taban (Hassake) Fig. 1 Tell Taban, 1997 season.�� 184 Fig. 2 Middle Assyrian cylinder inscriptions, 1997-99 season.�� 185 Fig. 3 Tell Taban, 2005 winter season. �� 185 Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian clay tablets, 2005 winter season.�� 185 Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian underground tomb, 2006 season.�� 186 Fig. 6 Old Babylonian clay tablets, 2006 season.�� 186 Fig. 7 Old Babylonian tablet with envelope, 2006 season.�� 187 43. Tell Hammam el-Turkman (Raqqa) Fig. 1 View of Tell Hammam from the northeast.�� 188 Fig. 2 View of main room and side rooms of the Uruk-period temple, facing northeast, ca. 3200 BC.��189 Fig. 3 Sumero-Akkadian dictionary on clay cube, ca. 1550 BC.��189 Fig. 4 Clay cylinder seal with modern impression, ca. 1750 BC.��190 44. Tell Selenkahiye (Aleppo) Fig. 1 View of Tell Selenkahiye from the west.�� 191 Fig. 2 Plan of the Selenkahiye ‘Mansion’, ca. 2200 BC.�� 192 Fig. 3 Statues from the lining of the water conduit in Selenkahiye, ca. 2300 BC.��192 Fig. 4 Cylinder seal impression on pot, showing animal combat, ca. 2300 BC.��193 Fig. 5 Opened shaft tomb, ca. 2200 BC.�� 193 45. Tell Mohammed Diyab (Hassake) (area 5a). �� 195 Fig. 1 Plan and view of Tell Mohammed Diyab.�� 194 Fig. 2 South-north trench revealing the surface of the 3rd millennium terrace in area 7b.��195 Fig. 3 Cultic stone in the temple of the first OJ 2 city �� 195 Fig. 4 Altar and podium from a reconstruction phase of the temple in the first OJ 2 city. ��196 Fig. 5 Street of the second OJ 2 city (area 1). �� 196 46. Tell Tuqan (Idlib) Fig. 1 Tell Tuqan: satellite image.�� 197 Fig. 2 Tell Tuqan: MB city gate F.�� 198 Fig. 3a Tell Tuqan: Area G, defense system plan.�� 198 Fig. 3b Tell Tuqan: Area G, circular tower.�� 199 Fig. 4 Tell Tuqan: Area T, east-west trench.�� 199 Fig. 5 Tell Tuqan: Area T, T1 Persian building.�� 200 47. Khirbet Al-Umbashi, Khirbet Dabab and Hebariye (Sweida) Fig. 1 Angle of a bastion of the EBA III rampart.�� 201 Fig. 2 Remains of the dam inserted in the rampart.�� 202 Fig. 3 Houses on the northern side of the site.�� 202 Fig. 4 A megalithic house with roof slabs.�� 203 Fig. 5 Plan of a megalithic house associated with animal pens.�� 203 Fig. 6 Tomb in the eastern cemetery.�� 204 Fig. 7. a) Panoramic view of the northern village; b) plan of a house.��204 Fig. 8 Entrances to subterranean houses.�� 205 Fig. 9 Plan of a subterranean house.�� 205

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List of Figures 48. Tell Masaikh and the Region around Terqa (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 Map of the Terqa and Masaikh region.�� 207 Fig. 2 Tell Masaikh: general plan.�� 208 Fig. 3 Tell Masaikh: view of the main reception room of the palace.��208 Fig. 4 Tell Masaikh: the acropolis area, view from the south.�� 209 Fig. 5 Tell Masaikh: plan of the acropolis area.�� 209 Fig. 6 Tell Masaikh: fragments of mural paintings from the palace.��210 49. Tell Ashara/Terqa (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 General view of Tell Ashara from the Djezireh.�� 211 Fig. 2 General plan of Tell Ashara.�� 212 Fig. 3 Tell Ashara: Area F, the superstructure of the hypogeum.��212 Fig. 4 Tell Ashara: Area F, DA II/III buildings.�� 213 Fig. 5 Tell Ashara: Area F, remains of Middle Bronze II administrative building. ��213 Fig. 6 Tell Ashara: Area C, the neighbourhood of the Ninkarrak-Gula temple.��214 Fig. 7 Tell Ashara : Area E, the Khana buildings.�� 214 50. Tell Bazi (Aleppo) Fig. 1 3D reconstruction of the citadel and the lower town during the Late Bronze Age.��215 Fig. 2 Hundreds of sling bullets cover the entrance of the fortified building on top of the citadel, ca. 2400 BC.��216 Fig. 3 The temple in the centre of the citadel.�� 216 Fig. 4 The dense domestic quarters of the ‘Weststadt’, ca. 1350 BC.��217 Fig. 5 A steatite stone mould for producing jewellery.�� 217 51. Tell Afis (Idlib) Fig. 1 Tell Afis and areas of excavations �� 218 Fig. 2 Area E: view (1997) of the northern sector of the Late Chalcolithic wall.��219 Fig. 3 Area E: cylinder and stamp seals from the Late Chalcolithic period.��219 Fig. 4 Area E3: view (2009) of Early Bronze Age IVA-B Unit, phases 1-4.��219 Fig. 5 Area E3: view (2006) of Early Bronze Age IVB jar in place and after restoration.��220 Fig. 6 Area B1: Middle Bronze Age IIA, pottery and figurines from the graves (2002).��221 Fig. 7 Area E4b: view (2005) of Late Bronze Age II pillared building B.��222 Fig. 8 Area E4: Iron Age I, zoomorphic vase with painted decoration (TA.99.E.711/1).��222 Fig. 9 Area A: schematic plan of the sacred compound (2010).�� 223 Fig. 10 Area A: view (2006) of temple AI.�� 223 52. Tell Fekheriye (Hassake) Fig. 1 Topographical map of the upper town area at Tell Fekheriye.��224 Fig. 2 Excavation area at the western slope of the upper town.��225 Fig. 3 Excavated area of the monumental building of the late Mittani and early Middle Assyrian phases in trenches Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian tablets found in the deposit C-1035/1199 (see Fig. 3).��226 Fig. 5 Selection of Mittani period seal impressions on jar stoppers and sealings on door-pegs.��227 53. Mari (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 Excavations at the Ishtar temple and French plane over the temple, March 1934 ��228 Fig. 2 Chantier L: general view (2005) of the ‘ville 1’ quarter (Mission archéologique françise de Mari). ��229 Fig. 3 Mari, Palais Sud 2: general view (2008) of the southern wall of the palace and protruding tower (Mission archéologique française de Mari).�� 229 Fig. 4 ‘Massif rouge’: general view (2008) of the excavations �� 230 Fig. 5 Mari, temple of the ‘Lord of the Land’ (favissa) in 2009 �� 230 Fig. 6 Mari, southern gate, western tower, massive stone foundations ��231 54. Tell Nebi Mend (Homs) Fig. 1 Plan of site.�� 232 Fig. 2 Neolithic pottery.�� 233 55. Qala’at Halwanji (Aleppo) Fig. 1 3D model of Qala’at Halwanji.�� 235 Fig. 2 Topographic map of the site showing locations of test excavations.��236 Fig. 3 View of room with storage jars (sondage 13).�� 237 Fig. 4 Seal impression on clay cap from sondage 19.�� 237

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Fig. 5 Examples of drinking cups found at Halwanji.�� 238 56. Tell Ahmar/Til Barsib (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Tentative reconstruction of the Early Bronze Age temple (a) and view of the installations set against the north wall of the temple (b).�� 239 Fig. 2 Middle Bronze Age storerooms (looking east).�� 240 Fig. 3 The Storm-God stele discovered in the Euphrates near Tell Ahmar.��241 Fig. 4 Detail of the Iron Age II mosaic excavated on the tell.�� 241 Fig. 5 Ivory from the Neo-Assyrian residence C1a.�� 242 Fig. 6 Neo-Assyrian vaulted tomb (a) and statue of an Assyrian official discovered near the tomb (b).��242 57. Chagar Bazar/Ashnakkum (Hassake) Fig. 1 Plan of Chagar Bazar.�� 243 Fig. 2 Habur pottery (Middle Bronze Age) from Area I.�� 244 Fig. 3 Early Bronze Age grave covered with mudbricks (already opened) (Area H, T.198).��244 Fig. 4 Bulla with Middle Bronze Age cylinder seal impression (Area I).��245 Fig. 5 Cuneiform tablet (CB 3341) relating to the delivery of good quality beer (Area I).��245 Fig. 6 Silver pendant (CB 4497) found in a favissa (Area I).�� 245 Fig. 7 Middle Bronze Age grave with a shaft and lateral inhumation cavity (Area I, T.122).��245 58. Tell Humeida (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 Location of Tell Humeida on the Middle Syrian Euprates.��247 Fig. 2 Byzantine baths.�� 248 Fig. 3 Byzantine wall. �� 248 Fig. 4 Bevelled-rim bowls in situ.�� 248 Fig. 5 Collection of bevelled-rim bowls.�� 249 59. Tell Qabr Abu al-‘Atiq (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 Situation of Tell Qubr Abu al-‘Atiq on the Middle Syrian Euphrates.��250 Fig. 2 Two rooms of the Early Bronze Age building.�� 251 Fig. 3 Digital model of the Middle Assyrian building.�� 251 Fig. 4 Middle Assyrian Administrative Pottery (room 1).�� 252 Fig. 5 Middle Assyrian Administrative Pottery (room 3).�� 252 60. Tulul el-Far, Tell Taouil and Tell el-Kharaze (Damascus) Fig. 1 Map of Damascus area featuring Bronze Age main archaeological sites ��253 Fig. 2 Topography and site mapping showing Tulul el-Far (north), Tell Taouil (south), Tell el-Kharaze (east) ��254 Fig. 3 Tulul el-Far, field C, level I (© M.-G. Froidevaux, E. Devidal, Mission of Tulul el-Far).��255 Fig. 4 Circular building I with consisting of two rings of bricks. Hole-mouth jars with incisions were found on the floors of these storage buildings �� 256 Fig. 5 Ceramics and objects found in situ, field B, level I �� 257 Fig. 6 Tell Taouil �� 258 Fig. 7 First draft of site pattern around the Damascus oasis. To the south, the Nahr el-A’ouaj valley might have acted as a natural boundary �� 258 61. Tell Massin and Tell al-Nasriyah (Hama) Fig. 1 The ‘micro-region’ on the right bank of the Orontes River ��259 Fig. 2 Tell Massin, topographical survey �� 260 Fig. 3 Tell Massin, the Bronze Age levels, a reconstruction �� 261 Fig. 4 Tell al-Nasriyah, geomorphological survey �� 261 Fig. 5 Tell al-Nasriyah, topographical survey �� 262 Fig. 6 Tell al-Nasriyah, acropolis, sounding D, the monumental building dated from Iron Age II ��262 Fig. 7 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding F, the large residence dated from Iron Age II ��262 Fig. 8 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding F, the large residence, storage area with an amphora set in a pithos �� 263 Fig. 9 Tell al-Nasriyah, lower town, sounding A, the cremation cemetery ��263 62. Tell Arbid (Hassake) Fig. 1 Tell Arbid seen from the north.�� 264 Fig. 2 Step trench on the eastern slope of Tell Arbid.�� 265 Fig. 3 Grave of the Mitannian period discovered near the top of the tell.��265

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List of Figures Fig. 4 Ninevite period house from sector D.�� 266 Fig. 5 Ninevite shrine with adjacent terrace. �� 266 Fig. 6 Façade of the ‘Public Building’, with later cubicles in the foreground.��266 63. Tell Halaf (Hassake) Fig. 1 Sketch map with the location of Tell Halaf �� 268 Fig. 2 Tell Halaf from North, 2006 �� 269 Fig. 3 Trench A, 1899 �� 269 Fig. 4 Round building with rectangular annex: Halaf Period 2009 ��270 Fig. 5 The ‘scorpion gate’, 1911 �� 270 Fig. 6 Remains of the ‘western palace’ and the ‘scorpion-gate’ from the east, 2006 ��271 Fig. 7 Southern part of the Assyrian ‘governor’s-palace’ from the west, 2009, 2010 ��271 64. Halawa (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Overall plan of Halawa (Halawa A marked).�� 272 Fig. 2 Plan of Halawa A, Layer 3.�� 273 Fig. 3 Plan of Halawa A, Layer 2.�� 273 Fig. 4 Main room of the temple.�� 273 Fig. 5 Main room of a household.�� 273 Fig. 6 Wall at Area Q.�� 273 Fig. 7 Stele fragment.�� 274 Fig. 8 Overall plan of Halawa (Halawa B marked).�� 274 Fig. 9 Building II.�� 274 Fig. 10 Halawa B finds.�� 275 Fig. 11 Wall painting at Halawa B.�� 275 Fig. 12 Limestone stele with painting.�� 276 65. Tell Shiyukh Tahtani (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Tell Shiyukh Tahtani, viewed from the west �� 277 Fig. 2 Mudbrick architecture (late 4th millennium BC) �� 278 Fig. 3 Jar burial (a) containing ‘champagne cups’ (b) (3000-2700 BC) ��278 Fig. 4 Pit grave with rich pottery finds (2500-2200 BC) �� 279 Fig. 5 Bronze bull pendant (2500-2200 BC) �� 279 Fig. 6 Burnt building with household inventory (Middle Bronze Age II) ��280 Fig. 7 Pit burial of a child with sheep offering (Middle Bronze Age II) ��280 66. Ras Shamra/Ugarit (Lattakia) Fig. 1 Tablet RS 94.2411, H. 6.5cm, so-called ‘house of Urtenu’, Ugarit, Late Bronze Age. ��282 Fig. 2 Restoration of the temple of Baal, acropolis of Ras Shamra, Late Bronze Age ��283 Fig. 3 – The so-called temple of Dagan, acropolis of Ras Shamra, Late Bronze Age ��283 Fig. 4a-b The ‘bridge-dam’ on the Nahr ed-Delbe, photography and restoration of the first phase, probably dated to the Late Bronze Age �� 284 Fig. 5 Stelae discovered in a great building south of the so-called ‘residence of Yabninu’, Ugarit, Late Bronze Age, Latakia Museum �� 285 Fig. 6 Gold covering in the form of a wing, probably from a figure of a sphinx decorating a piece of furniture, royal palace of Ugarit, Late Bronze Age, Damascus Museum �� 285 Fig. 7 The so-called temple of Dagan: view from the east of the stone wall ��286 67. Tell Chuera (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Satellite image �� 287 Fig. 2 Geomagnetic map. �� 288 Fig. 3 Development of the settlement during the Early Bronze Age.��289 Fig. 4 Residential area K (aerial photo).�� 289 Fig. 5. Steinbau I (aerial photo).�� 290 Fig. 6 Steinbau VI (entrance).�� 290 Fig. 7. Steinbau III: monumental staircase leading to the platform.��290 Fig. 8 Part of the outer city wall of the EBA IVA.�� 291 Fig. 9 Palace G (aerial photo).�� 292 Fig. 10 Palace G (reconstruction).�� 292 68. Amrith/Marathos (Tartous) 461

A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Fig. 1 Amrith: aerial view with locations of main buildings �� 293 Fig. 2 Amrith 2010: pottery from the Early Bronze Age IV �� 294 Fig. 3 Amrith 1965: pottery from the Middle Bronze Age �� 294 Fig. 4 Amrith 1957 (?): general view of the ‘Sanctuary of Melqart’ ��294 Fig. 5 Amrith 2010: the royal necropolis known as ‘Maghazel’ ��295 Fig. 6 Amrith 1996 (?): stone steles from the Bayyada necropolis ��295 Fig. 7 Amrith 1987: anthropomorphic marble sarcophagi from Roumet el Zahab ��296 Fig. 8 Amrith 1864: sanctuary of ‘Ain al-Hayyate, �� 296 69. Arslan Tash (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Plan of Arslan Tash �� 297 Fig. 2 Plan of the ‘House of the Ivories’ �� 298 Fig. 3 Ivory representation of a cow suckling her calf, 8th century ��298 Fig. 4 Ivory representation of the birth of Horus, 8th century ��299 Fig. 5 Basalt Lion from the site of Arslan Tash �� 299 70. Tell Meskene/Emar (Aleppo) Fig. 1 General plan.�� 300 Fig. 2 EME 5 rooms.�� 301 Fig. 3 Triple bowl with figurine heads.�� 301 Fig. 4 Town wall after restoration in 2010.�� 302 Fig. 5 Temple of Baal and the north temple after restoration in 2010.��302 Fig. 6 A ‘front-room’ house.�� 303 71. Tell Barri/Kahat (al Hassake) Fig. 1a and b Tell Barri: chronological sequence. Bottom right, site plan with excavation areas. ��304 Fig. 2 Tell Barri: A) Area G – sacred complex, general view; bottom left, votive objects from the shrine. B) Votive miniature bottle. C) Small bowl, Ninivite 5. D) Cretula with two seal impressions. ��305 Fig. 3 Tell Barri: A) Area G – the bathroom of the palace of Adad Nirari I; bottom right, basalt mortar with cuneiform inscription referring to the palace (B).�� 306 Fig. 4 Tell Barri: A) Area J – the palace of Tukulti Ninurta II, general view from the north. B) fresco fragment from the palace wall. C) Detail of threshold decoration .�� 306 Fig. 5 Tell Barri: A) The Parthian defensive wall on the acropolis, general view from the north; Parthian glazed dish (B); jar fragment with impressed decoration, Sasanian (C); Islamic jug with impressed decoration (D); hand-made jug (E).�� 307 72. Tell Kazel/Sumur (Tartous) Fig. 1 Map of the Akkar Plain showing the three major sites of Tell Kazel, Arqa and Jamous.��309 Fig. 2 Spiral stairway (Middle Bronze Age).�� 310 Fig. 3 Three superimposed temples.�� 310 Fig. 4 Temple offerings (Late Bronze Age I).�� 311 Fig. 5 Painted brasero (Late Bronze Age I).�� 311 Fig. 6 Luxury faience offerings on display in the Tartous Museum (Late Bronza Age I).��311 Fig. 7 Sheet bronze figurines.�� 311 Fig. 8 Shell floor (Late Bronze Age II).�� 312 Fig. 9 Handmade burnished ware (Late Bronze Age II – Iron Age I). ��312 73. Tell Qumluq (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Map of Syria �� 313 Fig. 2 Tell Qumluq, 2008 �� 314 Fig. 3 Surface collection and sherd scatters at the base of Tell Qumluq, 2008 ��314 Fig. 4 Flooded Tomb III at Tell Qumluq, August 2008 �� 315 Fig. 5 Pottery from Tomb III �� 315 Fig. 6:1-6 Pottery from Tomb III �� 316 74. The Cemetery of Abu Hamad (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Plan of Abu Hamed.�� 317 Fig. 2 Area Z, grave 17.�� 317 Fig. 3 Pottery assemblage.�� 318 Fig. 4 Area M: two graves (stone cists).�� 317 Fig. 5 Area J: plan of the graves.�� 317 462

List of Figures Fig. 6 Area E: stone cist-grave. �� 317 75. The cemeteries of Wreide, Tawi and Shameseddin (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Map of the upper region of the Tabqa Dam.�� 319 Fig. 2 Wreide: grave O11.�� 320 Fig. 3 Wreide: figurine.�� 320 Fig. 4 Tawi: location of the cemeteries.�� 321 Fig. 5 Tawi: grave T5.�� 321 Fig. 6 Tawi: grave T64.�� 321 Fig. 7 Shameseddin, grave 6.�� 322 Fig. 8 Shameseddin, grave 34.�� 322 76. Tell Ajaja (Hassake) Fig. 1 Tell Ajaja: topographic sketch �� 323 Fig. 2 Lamassu 1: Reproduction from Layard, A. H., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon �� 324 Fig. 3 Tell Ajaja 1989: trench from east, showing door 1 with muzzle for drainage; door 2 with lamassu 3 in situ; and limits of Layard’s tunnel in the background �� 324 Fig. 4 Lamassu 1 as excavated in 1982 �� 324 Fig. 5 Lion lamassu (no. 6) as excavated in 1989 �� 325 Fig. 6 The same lion lamassu: Reproduction from Layard, A. H., Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon �� 325 Fig. 7 Lamassu no. 5 �� 325 Fig. 8 Stele no. 1: postcard �� 326 Fig. 9 Stele no. 2: postcard �� 326 Fig. 10 Orthostat as excavated in 1984 �� 326 77. Tell Bderi (Hassake) Fig. 1 Tell Bderi: plateau looking north �� 327 Fig. 2 Tell Bderi: topographic plan �� 328 Fig. 3 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’ area looking north �� 328 Fig. 4 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, phase 25, town wall and gate, Early Dynastic I ��329 Fig. 5 Tell Bderi: town wall and gate, reconstruction �� 329 Fig. 6 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, House I �� 329 Fig. 7 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, �� 330 Fig. 8 Tell Bderi: the ‘southern slope’, reconstructed inventory ��330 Fig. 9 Tell Bderi: phase 8, House on the ‘northern knoll’, ‘kitchen’, reconstruction in the National Museum of Deir ez-Zor �� 330 Fig. 10 Tell Bderi: the ‘northern knoll’, plan of Mittani platform and architecture ��331 Fig. 11: Tell Bderi, Phase 2, shaft with Middle Assyrian fill �� 331 Fig. 12: Tell Bderi, Phase 2, Middel Assyrian foundation cylinder ��332 78. Jebel Khalid, (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Contour map of Jebel Khalid, showing areas excavated up to 2010 ��335 Fig. 2 Plan of the acropolis palace �� 336 Fig. 3 Plan of the Jebel Khalid temple �� 336 Fig. 4 Limestone head found in temple, Area B.�� 337 Fig. 5 3D reconstruction of the ‘House of the Painted Frieze’ �� 337 Fig. 6 Stucco fragments from the oikos of the ‘House of the Painted Frieze’, featuring Eros and goat chariot.��338 Fig. 7 Entry to the courtyard in T44, Area S (east), 2010.�� 338 79. Palmyra, 30 Years of Syro-German/Austrian Archaeological Research (Homs) Fig. 1 Palmyra: tomb no 36, reconstructed entrance facade. �� 339 Fig. 2 Palmyra: tomb no. 36, reconstructed ground plan. �� 340 Fig. 3 Palmyra: tomb no. 36, architectural sculpture.�� 340 Fig. 4 Rome: Villa Albani, Roman sarcophagus.�� 340 Fig. 5 Palmyra: quarry no. 1, plan.�� 343 Fig. 6 Palmyra: quarry no. 1, columns.�� 344 Fig. 7 Palmyra: quarry no. 3, ‘dragon-house’.�� 344 Fig. 8 Palmyra: restoration of a textile, from the tower-tomb of Kitot (40 AD).��344 Fig. 9 Palmyra: linen shawl of local production.�� 344 Fig. 10 Palmyra: textile ornament of an architectural decoration.��345

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Fig. 11 Palmyra: silk fabric imported from China, from the tower-tomb of Kitot (40 AD).��345 Fig. 12 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, magnetogram of the underground settlement.��346 Fig. 13 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, test trench I, Rhodian amphora stamp (3rd century BC).��346 Fig. 14 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, ‘khan’, ground plan.��346 Fig. 15 Palmyra: area of the ‘Hellenistic’ town, ‘khan’, stucco fragment.��347 Fig. 16 Map of Palmyra’s trade network, as documented by artefacts found in the ‘khan’.��347 Fig. 17 ‘Atlas de Palmyre’, detail �� 348 80. Palmyra, Japanese Archaeological Research (Homs) Fig. 1 Tombs excavated by the Japanese Archaeological Mission in the southeast necropolis.��349 Fig. 2 Innermost wall of Tomb C.�� 350 Fig. 3 General view of the main chamber of Tomb F.�� 350 Fig. 4 Accessories from Tomb G.�� 351 Fig. 5 Exedra on the north sidewall in Tomb H. �� 351 Fig. 6 General view of house-tomb 129-b in the north necropolis (before excavation).��352 Fig. 7 3D image of house-tomb 129-b (before excavation).�� 352 Fig. 8 Reconstruction image of house-tomb 129-b. �� 353 81. Palmyrena. The Northern Hinterland of Palmyra (Homs) Fig. 1 Arrowheads from Jebel Abyad.�� 355 Fig. 2a Large Bronze Age cairn, Jebel Abyad.�� 356 Fig. 2 Distribution of Bronze Age cairns north of Palmyra.�� 356 Fig. 3 Distribution of settlements and forts north of Palmyra. �� 357 Fig. 4 Remains of building in Jebel Merah.�� 357 82. Palmyra/Tadmor (Homs) Fig. 1 ‘Diocletian’s Camp’. The headquarters at the forefront, the Bel sanctuary at the far end.��359 Fig. 2 The ruins of the Allat temple and, beyond, the gate of the sanctuary.��360 Fig. 3 An artist’s rendering of the Allat temple in the 2nd century CE ��360 Fig. 4 The ‘Allat Lion’ as restored in front of the Palmyra Museum.��361 Fig. 5 Some sculptures from the Allat temple; in the background, the statue of Athena.��361 83. Cyrrhus/Nebi Houri (Aleppo) Fig. 1 One of the three Roman-Byzantine bridges crossing the Sabun and Afrin Rivers ��362 Fig. 2 The polygonal foundation of the Hellenistic southern fortification ��363 Fig. 3 Topographical plan of Cyrrhus �� 363 Fig. 4 Aerial view of the Roman theatre �� 364 Fig. 5 Aerial view of the mosaics of the Roman house �� 364 Fig. 6 Aerial view of the cathedral �� 365 Fig. 7 Aerial view of the church located east of the theatre on the main street ��365 Fig. 8 Detail of the figurative mosaic found in the Roman house ��366 Fig. 9 The mausoleum of Nebi Houri �� 366 (© The Cyrrhus Syro-Lebanese Excavation Mission).�� 362 84. Tell As-Sin (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 Plan of the site �� 367 Fig. 2 Bastion 20: (A): picture after the excavation; (B): plan of the bastion ��368 Fig. 3 Sounding F in the lower town �� 368 Fig. 4. Hypogeum 14: plan and section �� 369 Fig. 5 The arcosolium in the hypogeum �� 370 Fig. 6 A sample of the types of beads found in the tombs �� 370 85. Gindaros (Aleppo) Fig. 1 Gendaros: geomagnetic survey of the western acropolis showing the excavation areas. ��371 Fig. 2 Juvenile graves with amphorae.�� 372 Fig. 3 Basalt censer (bokal) in ritual context in the Hellenistic level. ��372 Fig. 4 Domestic structures in the western acropolis (A6).�� 372 Fig. 5 Ceramic horsehead.�� 373 Fig. 6 Mosaic (detail) from the hammam.�� 374 86. El-Iss/Qinnasrin (Aleppo)

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List of Figures Fig. 1 Prints of cylinder seals found during the survey of the Bronze Age necropolis ��375 Fig. 2 Roman funerary sculpture at Qinnasrin �� 376 Fig. 3 Inscribed lintel on the gate of the Byzantine rampart �� 376 Fig. 4 Angle of the Early Islamic fortress wall on the mountain ��376 Fig. 5 The bath discovered in area B �� 377 Fig. 6 The tomb of ‘Nabi ‘Is’ on a mountain tell , today destroyed ��377 87. Resafa/Sergiopolis (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Rusafa�� 379 Fig. 2 Rusafa: the huge church containing the remains of St. Sergio.��380 88. Resafa/Sergiupolis /Rusafat Hisham (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Resafa: aerial photograph from the northeast �� 382 Fig. 2 Resafa: city plan �� 383 Fig. 3 Resafa: Basilica A, view from the southwest �� 384 Fig. 4 Resafa: Basilica A, view from the southern side aisle to the east ��384 Fig. 5 Resafa: Tetraconch Church �� 384 Fig. 6 Resafa: site plan of the city and its surroundings with selected find-sites ��385 Fig. 7 Roman limes between the Euphrates and Palmyra �� 386 89. Zenobia – Halabiya (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 General view of Halabiya from the east.�� 388 Fig. 2 General map of the city.�� 389 Fig. 3 View of sector 6 from the east.�� 390 Fig. 4 Amphorae, jars and pots from sector 6.�� 390 Fig. 5 Map of sector 3.�� 391 Fig. 6 Examples of tower-tombs and hypogea.�� 391 Fig. 7 Frescoes in tomb 29.�� 392 90. Sergilla, Ruweiha and El Bâra (Idlib) Fig. 1 Northern Syria, showing the village sites.�� 393 Fig. 2 Sergilla.�� 394 Fig. 3 View of the gebel al Zawiya.�� 394 Fig. 4 Landscape near Ruweiha.�� 395 Fig. 5 Topographical plan of Sergilla.�� 396 Fig. 6 Reconstruction of the large press found at Sergilla.�� 397 Fig. 7 Al Bara.�� 398 Fig. 8 Reconstruction of the baths and mosque at al Bara.�� 398 Fig. 9 Ruweiha.�� 399 Fig. 10 Excavations in house 22 (Ruweiha).�� 400 91. Musaytbeh-Jableh (Lattakia) Fig. 1 The site of Musaytbeh, Jableh.�� 401 Fig. 2 Archaeological features in trench A.�� 402 Fig. 3 A lead weight.�� 402 Fig. 4 A bone needle.�� 403 Fig. 5 A small glass flacon, Abbasid period.�� 403 92. Deir Qinnsrin-Jarabulus (Aleppo) Fig. 1 A general view of the site.�� 404 Fig. 2 The remains of the Islamic structures.�� 405 Fig. 3 The discovered parts of the monastery (from the southwest corner: the rectangular hall).��405 Fig. 4 Attached sections.�� 406 Fig. 5 Floor mosaic from the rectangular hall.�� 406 Fig. 6 Rectangular hall and the attached sections �� 406 Fig. 7 Reconstruction of the rectangular hall and the attached sections ��407 Fig. 8 Monastery of Qansreen in 2014. �� 407 93. Tell el-Kasra (Deir ez-Zor) Fig. 1 Tell el-Kisr excavations.�� 408 Fig. 2 Mosaic floor�� 409

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A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites Fig. 3 Mosaic detail.�� 409 Fig. 4 Mosaic detail.�� 410 94. Syriac Inscriptions of Syria Fig. 1 Tell Matin�� 411 Fig. 2 Nabgha�� 412 Fig. 3 Basufan�� 412 Fig. 4 Qalb Loze �� 412 Fig. 5 Khirbet Hassan�� 413 Fig. 6 Mar Musa �� 413 95. Sura (Raqqa) Fig. 1 The baths, general view from the west. �� 414 Fig. 2 The Byzantine hypogeum. �� 415 Fig. 3 A Justinian tower.�� 415 Fig. 4 Western tower. �� 416 Fig. 5 Various terracotta oil lamps. �� 416 96. Tell Shayzar (Hama) Fig. 1 Aerial view of the castle and tell Shayzar in 1935 �� 417 Fig. 2 Test trench with occupation level of the 12th century AD.��418 Fig. 3 Handmade painted ware of the 12th century AD.�� 418 97. The Citadel of Tell Shayzar (Hama) Fig. 1 General map of the citadel showing the main buildings.�� 423 Fig. 2 General view of the citadel from the north-east.�� 424 Fig. 3 Building CF6 from the south-east (Period II).�� 424 Fig. 4 Entrance complex, CA2: the glacis attributed to Nur al-Din (Period IV) and the tower built by Qalawun (Period V).�� 425 Fig. 5 Complex CA1 (Periods IV-V) and the ditch from the east.��425 98. Qalaat Al Mudiq/Apamean Citadel (Hama) Fig.1 The plan of the citadel �� 427 Fig. 2 The southeastern part of the Qal’at el Mudiq tell and the collapsed area of the medieval glacis ��428 Fig. 3. - Excavations in Sector A: mudbrick wall M4 and Hellenistic rampart M1 ��428 Fig. 4 Tower 5: foundations in the sounding outside the tower ��429 Fig. 5 Tower 5 after restorations �� 429 Fig. 6 Sector B after restorations �� 429 99. Tell Tuneinir (Hassake) Fig. 1 View of Area 1 excavation area at Tell Tuneinir and impounded floodwater, 2004 ��430 Fig. 2 Braided Arabic script on a circular stucco panel from the interior of the Area 4 mesjed bearing the inscription rabbil ‘alamin �� 431 Fig. 3 Decorated marble panel dating from ca. AD 1000 and excavated from the Area 9 monastic church. Syriac text was faintly incised in the space around the two smaller crosses ��431 (Photo Prof David Hanlon, STLCC).�� 431 (Photo Prof Michael Fuller, STLCC).�� 430 100. Aleppo Castle (Aleppo) Fig. 1a Multicoloured glazed vessel with decorations of foliage and animal designs on the inner surface.��433 Fig. 1b Glazed vessel with animal designs on the background.�� 433 Fig. 1c Multicoloured glazed bowl in sgrafitto style. �� 433 Fig. 2a Multicoloured small glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with geometrical designs on the inner surface.��434 Fig. 2b Multicoloured glazed bowl with geometrical designs on the inner surface.��434 Fig. 3 Plate fragment with geometric design.�� 434 Fig. 4a Multicoloured large glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with foliage designs (early Mamluk period).��435 Fig. 4b Large glazed bowl in sgrafitto style with decorated inner surface.��435 Fig. 5 Multicoloured glazed vessel in sgrafitto style.�� 435 101. Madinat el-Far/Hisn Maslama (Raqqa) Fig. 2 Stucco relief in the reception hall of the mansion (field S26).��438 Fig. 3 Stucco wall cupboard with shelves, reconstruction (S10).��438 466

List of Figures Fig. 4 Wadi flood gate between the quadrangular north compound and the citadel (S22).��439 Fig. 5 Eastern bathroom and water supply in the citadel (S29).��439 Fig. 6. Painted floor in the northwest room of the citadel (S22).��439 Fig. 7 Lid of ivory pyxis and drawing of the complete pyxis (S10).��440 Fig. 8 Glass bowl from a well with coloured applications (S24).��440 102. Kharab Sayyar (Raqqa) Fig. 1 Satellite image �� 441 Fig. 2 Step-trench through the layers of the 3rd millennium.�� 442 Fig. 3 Geomagnetic map.�� 442 Fig. 4 ‘Great House’ (plan)�� 443 Fig. 5 Stucco decoration.�� 444 Fig. 6 Bath. �� 444 Fig. 7. ‘Great Mosque’ (plan).�� 445 Fig. 8 The west gate.�� 445 Fig. 9 Cistern underneath the west riwaq of the mosque.�� 445 103. Tell Damir (Raqqa) Fig. .1 Tell Damir in the Balikh Valley.�� 447 Fig. 2 Eastern and western sections of Tell Damir.�� 448 Fig. 3 Sketch of room C5 showing location of oven.�� 448 Fig. 4 Plan of the central courtyard.�� 449 Fig. 5 Ceramic vessel from Tell Damir.�� 449

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