A Contextual Landscape Study of the Early Christian Churches of Argyll: The persistence of memory 9781407304434, 9781407321516

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BAR  488  2009 MEREDITH-LOBAY A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL

9 781407 304434

B A R

A Contextual Landscape Study of the Early Christian Churches of Argyll The persistence of memory

Megan Meredith-Lobay

BAR British Series 488 2009

A Contextual Landscape Study of the Early Christian Churches of Argyll The persistence of memory

Megan Meredith-Lobay

BAR British Series 488 2009

ISBN 9781407304434 paperback ISBN 9781407321516 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407304434 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Acknowledgements I would like to thank the following people for their kind assistance with my work and the completion of this manuscript: The directors of the Lismore project (Simon Stoddart and Caroline Malone)have given me permission to use relevant field data ahead of publication and they would like to thank Historic Scotland, the McDonald Institute (Cambridge), the Lismore Historical Society (Comann Eachdraidh Lios Mòr) and the community of Lismore for their support during the project. I also thank Dr. Stoddart for kind supervision throughout the preparation of the research leading to this publication. The University of Cambridge Department of Archaeology, Girton College, and the Board of the H.M. Chadwick Fund for facilitating the PhD research that lead to this work. Also, the Chair and Trustees of the Michaelhouse Centre, Cambridge for past support and continued encouragement. Professor Stephen Driscoll of the University of Glasgow for many years of direction and Dr. Jane Hawkes of Durham University. The University of Alberta Arts Resource Centre and the Director Dr. Grace Wiebe for allowing me time to complete this manuscript amidst my other duties. Finally, thank you to my family for patient encouragement over the last long years of study and preparation. M.M.L. April 2009

5.1 Introduction and Aims.................................... 31 5.1.1 Presentation of the data collection exercise ......................................................................... 31 5.1.2 Early Christian archaeology across time and space ......................................................... 31 5.1.3 Variable scales of analysis ...................... 32 5.2 General Site distribution................................. 32 5.2.1 Site type distribution............................... 32 5.2.2 Analysis of site types .............................. 36 a. Long cist burials...................................... 36 b. Enclosed cemeteries ( Fig. 14) ................ 37 Prehistoric connections ............................... 38 c. Single unenclosed chapel (Fig. 18) ......... 39 d. Single enclosed chapel (Figure 20) ......... 40 e. Multiple enclosed chapel (Fig. 22) ......... 42 f. Caves (Figure 24) .................................... 43 g. Isolated sculpture (Figure 25) ................. 43 Prehistoric connections ............................... 44 Function ...................................................... 44 h. Placename only ....................................... 45 i. Modern Secondary................................... 46

Table of Contents Table of Contents ............................................................ i List of Figures ............................................................... iii Chapter 1 ........................................................................ 1 INTRODUCTION ....................................................... 1 1.1 A Silent Church ................................................ 1 1.2 Geographical Context....................................... 1 1.3 Historical Background ..................................... 3 1.4 A Contextual Landscape Approach .................. 5 1.4.1 Introduction .............................................. 5 Chapter 2 ........................................................................ 7 Background: archaeology of the early church in Argyll .......................................................................... 9 2.1 Introduction ...................................................... 9 2.1.1 Aims and Goals ........................................ 9 2.1.2 Background: The Early Church in Britain and Argyll ........................................................ 10 a. Pre-Christian Ritual and Religion ........... 10 b. Early Christianity in Northern and Western Britain ......................................................... 10 2.2 New Approaches ............................................ 14 2.2.1 Further afeild – reassessments of the early church in ireland and Wales ............................ 14 2.2.2 A reassessment of the early Church in Argyll: a preliminary model ............................ 15

Chapter 6 ...................................................................... 47 REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART I The Cenél.............. 47 6.1 Introduction .................................................... 47 6.2 The Archaeology of the three Cenél............... 47 6.2.1 Cenél nGabráin ....................................... 47 6.2.2 Cenél Loairn ........................................... 48 6.2.3 Cenél Oengusa ........................................ 53 Chapter 7 ...................................................................... 56

Chapter 3 ...................................................................... 17

REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II ............................. 56 7.1 Introduction to regional case studies .............. 56 7.2 The Mull of Kintyre (Fig. 41) ........................ 56 7.2.1 Early Christian sites ................................ 56 1. Kilmarow ................................................ 57 2. Kilchenzie ............................................... 58 3. Kilmichael .............................................. 58 4. Kilchousland ........................................... 59 5. Kilkerran ................................................. 59 6. Kilkivan .................................................. 60 7. Kilcolmkill/Southend .............................. 60 8. Kilblaane................................................. 61 7.2.2 Landscapes of the Mull of Kintyre: comparison of contexts .................................... 62 7.3 Kilchoman Parish, Islay (Figure 47) .............. 63 7.3.1 The early Christian sites ......................... 63 1. Nave Island ............................................. 63 2. Kilnave ................................................... 64 3. Kilchoman Old Parish Church ................ 65 4. Kilchiaran (Cill Chiaran) ........................ 65 5. Nerabolls 2.............................................. 66 6. Nerabolls 1.............................................. 66 7. Gleann Na Gaoidh .................................. 66 7.2.2 Relationship to the past ritual landscape 67 7.4 Discussion ...................................................... 67

THE PAST, MEMORY, AND THE LANDSCAPE ..... 17 3.1 Towards an Anthropology of Christian conversion ............................................................ 17 3.2 The Uses of the Past in Early medieval Society ............................................................................. 18 3.3 Landscapes of memory................................... 21 3.4 A Model for the Development of the Church in Early Historic Argyll ............................................ 22 3.4.1 Past and Regional Christianities in Early medieval Argyll ............................................... 22 3.4.2 Introduction to Data and Analysis Chapter ......................................................................... 22 Chapter 4 ...................................................................... 25 METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES .................... 25 4.1 Introduction .................................................... 25 4.2 Previous archaeological approaches ............... 25 4.3 Data Collection............................................... 26 4.3.1 Introduction ............................................ 26 4.3.2 Defining the early Christian site ............. 26 4.3.3 Database construction ............................. 27 4.4 Fieldwork ....................................................... 30 Chapter 5 ...................................................................... 31

Chapter 8 ...................................................................... 69

LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA ....................................................................... 31

THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT ................ 69 i

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL 8.1 Introduction to the Lismore Landscape Project ............................................................................. 69 8.2 Historical Background ................................... 70 8.3 Archaeological Data ....................................... 70 8.3.2 Ritual and Power, Past and Present ........ 70 a. Ritual monuments ................................... 70 b. Iron Age sites .......................................... 71 c. Circular Enclosures ................................. 73 Newfield, ‘Cill an t-Suidhe’ (Figure 59) .... 73 Clachan enclosure (Figures 60-61) ............. 74 Discussion of Enclosures ............................ 74 8.3.2. The Early Christian Archaeology of Lismore............................................................ 76 a. St Moluag’s Monastery ........................... 76 b. Killean .................................................... 79 c. Kilandrist ................................................ 79 d. Bernera Island ......................................... 79 8.4 Conclusions .................................................... 80 8.4.1 Lismore in Dál Riata .............................. 80

8.4.2 The Landscape of Lismore ..................... 81 Chapter 9 ...................................................................... 83 Discussion ................................................................. 83 9.1 Reinterpreting Landscapes in early Christian Argyll ................................................................... 83 9.1.1 Introduction and Summary of Chapters 1-8 ......................................................................... 83 9.2 Seven models for the organisation of the early church in Argyll ................................................... 83 9.3 The Early Christian Church in Argyll: A Reassessment. ...................................................... 85 9.3.1 Different Strategies of Christianisation .. 85 9.4 Conclusion ..................................................... 86 Appendix ...................................................................... 89 Bibliography ............................................................... 163

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Figure 33 (above) Distance of sites in the Cenél Loairn to prehistoric ritual sites; (below) Distance of sites in the Cenél Loairn to Iron Age settlement sites ----- 49 Figure 34 Glen Feochan and Kilmore Old Parish Church ---------------------------------------------------------- 50 Figure 35 Parishes and early Christian sites in Loch Awe ---------------------------------------------------------- 50 Figure 36 Annat names and parishes in Lorn from Clancy 1995: 109 ---------------------------------------------- 53 Figure 37 The distribution of site types in the Cenél Oengusa ------------------------------------------------ 54 Figure 38 Site type totals and landscape contexts of the Cenél Oengusa; (above) distance to Iron Age settlement sites; (below) distance to prehistoric ritual sites ---------------------------------------------- 54 Figure 39 Late Iron Age and early medieval monuments on Islay, boundaries between septs of the Cenél Oengusa are from Nieke 1983. ---------------------- 55 Figure 40 Regional Landscape studies and major areas discussed in the text ---------------------------------- 56 Figure 41 The Mull of Kintyre with sites mentioned in the text ------------------------------------------------- 57 Figure 42 Landscape and topography of Kilmarrow Old Parish church ------------------------------------------ 57 Figure 43 Landscape and topography around the parish churches of Kilchenzie and Kilmichael ------------ 58 Figure 44 Landscape and topography of Kilkerran and Kilchousland parish churches ----------------------- 59 Figure 45 Kilkivan Old Parish church and landscape --- 60 Figure 46 Southend and Kilblaane parish landscapes --- 61 Figure 47 The early Christian sites of Kilchoman Parish, Islay ---------------------------------------------------- 63 Figure 48 Site Plan, Nave Island (copyright RCAHMS 1984) --------------------------------------------------- 63 Figure 49 Kilnave and Nave Island topography and landscape----------------------------------------------- 64 Figure 50 Kilchoman parish church topography and landscape context ------------------------------------- 65 Figure 51 Landscape and topography of Cill Chiarain church, Islay ------------------------------------------- 65 Figure 52 Landscape and topography of Gleann na Gaoidh Nerabolls 1 and 2 ---------------------------- 66 Figure 53 The Island of Lismore --------------------------- 69 Figure 54 Aerial photograph of Tirefour Broch looking towards the west. The box indicates the location of the possible early medieval building in figure 55.(Paul Pattison 2005) ------------------------------ 71 Figure 55 Tirefour Broch, west end of Eastern (possibly early medieval?) structure --------------------------- 72 Figure 56 St. Moluag’s Chair dun with 2005 excavation trenches(Paul Pattison 2004) ------------------------ 73 Figure 57 St. Moluag's Chair, coursed inside wall of western enclosure, trench 2 -------------------------- 73 Figure 58 St. Moluag’s Chair, upright stones along inside wall of eastern enclosure, trench 2 ----------------- 73 Figure 59 2004 Earthwork survey plan of Cill-an tSuidhe/Newfield enclosure (Paul Pattison 2004) 74 Figure 60 2004 Earthwork survey of Clachan enclosure and location of 2005 excavation trenches (plan by Paul Pattison 2004) ----------------------------------- 74

List of Figures Figure 1 Regional places mentioned in the text ----------- 2 Figure 2 Mainland cover types in modern Scotland (copyright the Macauly Institute 2002) ------------- 2 Figure 3 Suggested contours for maximum altitude for growing grain and for summer grazing of cattle (after Alcock 2003:21) -------------------------------- 3 Figure 4 Conversion systems flowchart showing the engagement between various sections of society and the process of Christian conversion. ---------- 18 Figure 5 Seven models explaining the differential responses to Christianity within the landscape (adapted from Edwards and Lane 1992). --------- 23 Figure 6 Methodological flowchart ----------------------- 26 Figure 7 All early Christian sites by type ---------------- 32 Figure 8 Total numbers of sites within each site type category.----------------------------------------------- 34 Figure 9 Prehistoric ritual/ burial monuments in Argyll (from Ritchie 1997: 69) ----------------------------- 34 Figure 10 Iron Age settlement sites in Argyll (from Harding 1997: 119) ---------------------------------- 34 Figure 11 All site types’ distance to settlement monuments -------------------------------------------- 35 Figure 12 All site types’ distance to ritual monument -- 35 Figure 13 Long cist burials – longc ----------------------- 36 Figure 14 Enclosed cemetery sites in Argyll ------------ 37 Figure 15 Length to width ratios of early Christian enclosed cemeteries in Argyll ---------------------- 38 Figure 16 Length to width ratios of early Christian cemeteries enclosing chapels in Argyll ----------- 38 Figure 17 Distance between enclosed cemeteries and older monuments within the landscape------------ 39 Figure 18 Sites with an unenclosed single chapel in Argyll -------------------------------------------------- 39 Figure 19 The landscape context of the unenclosed single chapel sites in Argyll -------------------------------- 40 Figure 20 Enclosed single chaple sites - encps ---------- 40 Figure 21 Enclosed single chapel – distance to prehistoric monuments -------------------------------------------- 41 Figure 22 Enclosed multiple chapel sites---------------- 42 Figure 23 Enclosed multiple chapel—distances to prehistoric monuments ------------------------------ 42 Figure 24 Cave sites in Argyll ----------------------------- 43 Figure 25 Isolated sculpture sites in Argyll -------------- 43 Figure 26 Total numbers of sculptures per site ---------- 44 Figure 27 Sites with early Christian sculpture: distance from ritual site ---------------------------------------- 44 Figure 28 Sites with Early Christian sculpture: distance from settlement site ---------------------------------- 44 Figure 29 Placename only sites --------------------------- 45 Figure 30 Distribution of site types in the Cenél nGabráin --------------------------------------------------------- 47 Figure 31 (above) Distance of sites in the Cenél nGabráin to Iron Age settlement sites; (below) Distance of sites in the Cenél nGabráin to prehistoric ritual sites --------------------------------------------------------- 48 Figure 32 Cenél Loairn site types distribution ---------- 49

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Figure 61 West-facing section of enclosure at Clachan site with turf line visible, scale pole at 30cm increments. -------------------------------------------- 74 Figure 62 Eighteenth century Langolands Estate map of Kilmoluag Cathedral and outlying areas. (From McDonald 1974) ------------------------------------- 76 Figure 63 Earthwork survey of Kilmoluag Cathedral precincts (Pattison and Meredith-Lobay 2004) -- 77 Figure 64 Plan of excavated areas within cathedral precincts. ---------------------------------------------- 78

Figure 65 Possible secondary structure underneath medieval building ------------------------------------- 78 Figure 66 Possible site of Kilandrist – looking west towards Loch Baile a’ Ghobhainn ------------------ 79 Figure 67 Bernera Island, location of site and view of enclosure from the north ----------------------------- 80 Figure 68 Post-medieval settlement sites on Lismore --- 81 Figure 69 Seven models for the organisation of the church in Argyll (based on Edwards and Lane 1992) --------------------------------------------------- 84

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documentary evidence, though sparse and biased, is far better than the sources for the Pictish church in the same period.5 Hagiographical details from the key source for the period, Adomnán Abbot of Iona’s Vitae Columba, as well as sources from Irish annals and even from Bede gives us an insight into the day-to-day life and beliefs of the monks who inhabited places like Iona. Secondly, and somewhat paradoxically, the archaeology of the earliest church sites in Argyll is still largely unstudied apart from a handful of sites. There is also great potential for fieldwork to uncover valuable information about the earliest churches, their structure, and geographical contexts.

Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 A Silent Church ‘The ecclesiastical picture is confused’1 Elizabeth Alcock’s simple statement above illustrates not only the problem with the historical narrative of the early church in Argyll and Scotland as a whole, but also the archaeology of the early Church in Argyll in particular. From the beginnings of Christianity in Scotland, with Romans on the wall to the missions of Columba and his colleagues, the story of Christianity in Scotland has been oft romanticised, peopled with images of living saints conversing with rocks and birds from their simple stone huts on barren, wave-beaten islands. However, scholars have long acknowledged that the church was full of men of the utmost cosmopolitan nature for their times.2 They were the members of the greatest households of the British Isles; they conversed with kings and even dictated policy. The church wielded a great deal of power and was the single most important factor in the great social changes of the second half of the first millennium AD. The archaeology of the early church in Argyll is one of great interest, prolific scholarship, yet clouded in mystery. The study of the church has been largely dominated by the spectacular monastic island of Iona where the largest collection of early Christian carved sculpture in Scotland still resides. The over-emphasis on the acts and activities of this particular institution has masked the more subtle and complex ways in which the process of Christianisation effected society. The complex ways in which society reacted to the introduction of the new religion can be studied and defined within the archaeological record and can reveal more about the ‘impact on the thoughts, feelings and general outlook of the pagans who were the targets of evangelisation…3’ As Leslie Alcock goes on to say, ‘such feelings were not necessarily sympathetic4’. Yet Christianity spread peacefully across all of Scotland at a rapid pace. Therefore, something within the process of Christianisation must have successfully allowed the evangelising priests to incorporate their message successfully into society. The early Christian landscapes throughout Scotland can then begin to reveal more about the complex and varied local and regional responses to evangelisation. These responses in turn suggest a church that developed far more organically, and within a political system that was less integrated, than previously argued. A new conversation is therefore needed to push forward the research agenda and address wider questions about the archaeology of the early church in Scotland as a whole.

The following dialogue will pose a series of questions about the early Christian remains of Argyll. The overall framework for these questions is the argument that the early Christian church in Argyll was organised along territorial lines rather than within a loose confederation of monastic houses, and developed from the local level upwards and outwards. This organisation is reflected in a number of differential regional responses to the introduction of Christianity, and therefore points to a far more complex picture than is offered by the paruchia model. The key question within this framework is to what extent the organisation of the early Christian landscape is a result of older, ideational landscapes of the Neolithic to the later Iron Age. The influence of these older landscapes on society’s world view would have been different in different regions leading to a number of different ‘Christianities’ within the landscape. These previous landscapes are conceptualised as forming part of an ideational landscape that ‘consists of all the emotional, sacred, and ideological meanings attached to and embodied in the landscape6’. The ideational landscape model allows for a multitude of meanings whereby both the geopolitical and the ritual importance of a landscape are analysed together. The meanings embedded within the landscape cut across space and time, thus knitting together the whole landscape as a culturally constructed memory.

1.2 Geographical Context The area of Scotland known as Argyll stretches up the Atlantic coast of the country from the banks of the Clyde estuary to the northern borders of Morvern, including the areas of Lorn, Morvern, Arnamurchan, Kintyre, and Cowal. To the east, it borders Loch Lomond and Loch Fyne; to the west, it incorporates the many islands of Islay, Jura, Mull, Tiree and Coll, Colonsay and Oronsay, as well as Bute and Arran to the west.7 The geography of Argyll is important for understanding its people and its history. Stand on any island in Argyll and the relationships between the land and the sea are very apparent. From most places on Lismore, it is difficult to tell by looking where the island ends and the mainland

The choice of Argyll as a starting point for this conversation is ideal for two reasons: first, the 1

5 Foster 1996: 20-21, see also Hughes, ‘Where are the Writings of Early Scotland’, 1980b for an in-depth discussion. 6 Knapp & Ashmore, ‘Introduction’, 1999: 12 7 Whittington, A Historical Geography of Scotland, 1983

Alcock E, ‘Burials and Cemeteries’, 1992: 125 Foster, Picts, Scots, and Gaels, 1996:71 3 Alcock L 2003:59 4 Ibid.:59 2

1

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL begins. In other places, there seems to be nothing but sea in all directions. For hundreds of years we have lived with detailed maps giving us an aerial view of the landscape, yet the landscape you encounter on the ground is very different from that on a map. The difference between an island and the mainland is blurred, as is the line between the land and the water in some light.

depositional activity. However, some deposits of boulder clay can be found n the southern tip of Kintyre as well as on Bute, northern Islay, and southern Jura.11 These areas represent probably the best land in Argyll for agriculture, though generally the soils of all of Argyll rate very low on the scale of suitability for arable agriculture.12 Raised beach deposits are found on all the Western Isles to a greater or lesser extent. Due to these high hills and lack of suitable soil, most settlement throughout human occupation of Argyll has tended to cluster near the shores of the sea and the loch where fish have been plentiful. Figures 2 and 3 below show the distribution of soil types and land cover for modern Scotland and give an overall impression of the overall fertility and quality of land in Argyll.13 Figure 2 indicates the sparse cover of arable and improved farmland throughout the region with the greatest concentrations of arable grassland located in Kintyre, Cowal, and some areas in Knapdale. Modern woodland and heather moors are the most distinguishing features of the entire region. Figure 3 shows the maximum altitudes for arable farming and for summer cattle grazing, two staples of the early medieval farming regime.14 The lowest level, less than 200m, is suitable for growing grains, whilst regions between 200 and 600m above sea level would be suitable for grazing cattle.15

Figure 1 Regional places mentioned in the text Most of the Scottish landscape as it is today was formed during the Pleistocene and Holocene periods, a result of successive glaciations during the last Ice Age. These glaciations have shaped the mountains of the Highlands and the Hebrides.8 The geology of Argyll shows a quite dramatic north/south divide. The north, including the islands of Mull, Coll, Tiree, and parts of Morvern, belong to the Tertiary Volcanic Province consisting of mainly lavas and intrusive rocks.9 The south is mostly metamorphic schist and quartz with significant limestone deposits as well from the Moinian and Dalradian Age known as the Caledonian Fold Belt.10 This belt is dominated by higher mountains of folded and faulted metamorphic rocks representing the remnants of a once higher range. Some granites and Carboniferous and Devonian lavas can be found in belts in the eastern parts of Lorn, southern Morvern and northern parts of Knapdale. The soils within the region of Argyll are largely thin, the result of glacial erosion rather than

Figure 2 Mainland cover types in modern Scotland (copyright the Macauly Institute 2002)

11

Ballantyne and Dawson 1997:31; Lea 1977:29 Davidson and Carter, ‘Soils and their Evolution’, 1997:51 13 These maps have been downloaded from the Macaulay Institue website noted on page 8 14 map from Alcock 2003: 21 15 Ibid.:21

8

12

Ballantyne and Dawson, ‘Geomorphology and Landscape Change’, 1997: 27 9 Ibid:24 10 Ballantyne and Dawson 1997; Lea, A Geography of Scotland, 1977:17

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION AD.19 He proposes a new interpretation of archaeological, literary, and linguistic evidence for the Scots in Dál Riata, arguing that the wave of anti-migration explanations, which have touched other areas of archaeological and historical explanation in recent decades, should be critically applied to the evidence in Argyll.20 According to Campbell, the archaeology of the so-called migration of the Irish to Argyll has never been demonstrated, though Leslie Alcock did concede in 1970 that, ‘the settlements [of the Scots] show very little sign of the transplantation of material culture to Dalriadic Scotland or to Dyfed’.21 Foster has taken an equally cautious approach as well proposing that the ‘migration’ was actually an élite takeover over a long period, rather than a mass movement of people.22 The ‘paradigm’ of Irish migration remains the conventional line of thought, bolstered by evidence from Wales and Cornwall in the form of place names and Ogham stones. Nevertheless, such evidence, thin even in the southwest, is particularly lacking in Argyll. Campbell cites the lack of much archaeological evidence in Argyll and Co. Antrim in Northern Ireland and defines two root causes of this lack of evidence. Consequently, he is not confident that the evidence of migration would be found even if sought. However, though contact in the later Iron Age between Argyll and Ireland can be inferred, there are no concentrations of specifically Irish artefacts in Argyll, and determining direct contact is difficult as the two societies were aceramic at the time.23 The areas Campbell identifies as the most obvious signifiers of a foreign cultural group are personal jewellery and settlement forms. The three most prominent settlement forms in Ireland in the early centuries AD are the circular earthen or stone bank, known as raths or cashels respectively, and the artificial lake island called a crannog. The crannogs appear in both Ireland and Scotland, but the Scottish examples consistently date to earlier periods than the Irish examples, though similarities in construction and date may indicate a shared cultural milieu.24 Though the raths or cashels are the primary settlement form in Ireland in the early medieval period, none of these is yet known in Argyll. The main settlement type in Argyll is the stone walled round structure, called a dun, often with wall stairs and intra-mural chambers. These duns were constructed from the early Iron Age to the later first millennium AD with gradual elaboration, but no real change in settlement type that would indicate a population change.25 Campbell concludes that this excludes the possibility of large-scale influences from outside cultures that would surely have brought in their own settlement types. The evidence

Figure 3 Suggested contours for maximum altitude for growing grain and for summer grazing of cattle (after Alcock 2003:21)

1.3 Historical Background The origins of the Gaelic kingdoms in the rough and craggy land of Argyll have recently undergone a reassessment which forms a solid base for a reassessment of the church in the region. The origins of the Scots of Dál Riata are generally thought to have resulted from the migration of peoples from Co. Antrim in Northern Ireland some time in the third or fourth centuries AD, creating a Gaelic cultural sphere stretching across the Irish sea and penetrating as far east as Drum Alban and to the banks of Loch Lomond, and displacing the Pictish or British native peoples.16 The first mention of Scots in Britain is as allies of the Picts against the Roman Empire in the North and West.17 Irish-style Neolithic pottery and axes attest to trading contacts between the Scots and the British of southern Scotland prehistory. Bronzes of Irish type have also been found in the Argyll region, and a concentration of Irish gold work in Argyll suggests greater contacts in the later Bronze Age.18 A different interpretation of the archaeological data by Ewan Campbell has challenged the traditional framework outlined above for the early history of Dál Riata by arguing that the migration was actually from Scotland to Ireland in the early centuries

19

Campbell, ‘Were the Scots Irish?’ 2001; Campbell and Lane, Dunadd: an early Dalriadic Capital, 2000: 31-4, 20 Campbell 2001: 286; see also Lane and Campbell above 21 Alcock, ‘Was There an Irish Sea Culture-Province in the Dark Ages?’, 1970:65 22 Foster 1996:13-4 23 Ibid. 24 Campbell 2001: 287; Crone, ‘Crannogs and Chronologies’, 1993: 245-54 25 Armit and Ralston, ‘The Iron Age’, 1997: 183-8

16 Alcock 2003: 38-9; Anderson, ‘Dalriada’, 1998: 106-132; Bannerman, Studies in the History of Dalriada, 1974: 1, Foster 1996: 13, Laing & Laing, The Picts and the Scots, 1993: 31, Smyth, Warlords and Holy Men, 1984 17 Smyth 1984: 32-45 18 Laing and Laing, 1993:31

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL shows rather a shared cultural milieu from the earlier Iron Age which only diverged in minor ways mid-way into the first millennium AD.26

century with the unification of the Scots and Picts into what would become the medieval kingdom of Alba. Aside from the passage of the seats of power to the east, the Viking incursions of the 9th centuries had a major impact on Argyll. Viking incursions into the outer Islands and Highlands, culminating with Viking settlement in the 9th century, led to Argyll being not only isolated from the seats of power in the East, but also split between itself. Although the Norse influence on the Western Isles and Argyll was not extensive as it was in the Orkneys and Shetland Islands, the islands did become known as Innes Gall, ‘the Islands of the Foreigners’, sometime in the 9th century.35 The greatest evidence for the Viking presence in Argyll from the 8th century onwards is in the numerous Viking burials, which are located mostly on the islands, and placename evidence.36 The Viking incursions, at the broadest level, served to reduce the influence of the community of Iona, who were forced to move to Ireland after devastating raids in the 8th century. Evidence of Viking settlement is concentrated on Coll, Tiree, and Islay in particular. The Western Islands were variously ruled over by kings of ‘the Northern Isles, the Southern Isles, the Hebrides, and Man while the kings of Dublin also exercised intermittent authority37’. Overall authority of the Hebrides passed to the Norse officially in 1098.38 From about this time, Argyll was split between two dioceses. The first, the diocese of the Isles, appeared in 1079 and recognised the authority of the Norse Bishops in York. The diocese of Argyll was the second, created from part of the see of Dunkeld in the 12th century. The split of the Hebrides into a separate kingdom after the 9th century effectively meant that the trajectory of the church in those areas was forever different from churches on the mainland, though, later, the clans would reunite areas such as Kintyre and Islay under the MacDonalds.

Both models do agree that contact in the early centuries AD the contacts between Ireland and the west of Scotland seem to have intensified, ending with the traditional view of an Irish colonisation of Argyll by Fergus mac Erc, mentioned in the Senchus fer nAlban, a tenth-century copy of a seventh-century civil and military survey of Dál Riata.27 The Senchus records that Fergus came to Argyll with his brothers and took control of the land before dying in AD 501.28 The story, according to the Senchus, goes on to say that Fergus’ brothers stayed to create the kingdoms of Cenél Loairn and Cenél Oengusa in modern Lorn and Islay respectively. However, this story is later, and modern opinion favours a large mythical element.29 The Irish version of the origin tale places the colonization of Argyll somewhat earlier, in the third century, in the form of a figure named Cairpre Riata. Bede writes in the eighth century that Argyll was colonised by a certain Reuda, who may have been the same person at Cairpre Riata.30 The tradition goes on to state that Fergus was succeeded by two grandsons, Comgall and Gabran, each in turn lending their names to the other two regional kingdoms of the Dál Riata, the Cenél nGabráin, and the Cenél Comgall in modern Cowal, that would come to prominence more in the later eighth century. Most scholars of this period agree that the migration from Ireland to Scotland was peaceful, and relations between the Scottish Dál Riata and the Irish Dál Riata remained close. Evidence of a convention in 575 in Druim Cett in modern Co. Derry established the relationship of the Scottish Dál Riata vis-à-vis their Irish counterparts and the Irish High kings of the Uí Neill, and indicated that diplomatic and cultural relations were still strong after the establishment of a separate kingdom in Alba.31 The outcome of this convention was that the taxes and tribute of Irish Dál Riata were to go to Aedan mac Gabráin, the king of the Cenél nGabráin and high king of Scottish Dál Riata, but that the Irish military power would be at the disposal of Aed as over-king of the Ui Neill.32 However, the documents of the convention make it clear that Aedan was still considered the king of the Irish Dál Riata.33 This relationship lasted until 637, when at the disastrous battle of Mag Rath, the high king of the Scottish Dál Riata, Domnall Brecc, lost hegemony over the Irish sect, never to be regained.34 From that period on, the focus of the Dál Riata was to the east with continuing conflicts with Northumbria and the Picts culminating in the ninth

The earliest sources for the history of Gaels in Argyll are either late or unreliable, or do not indicate an invasion or migration in any specific terms, further supporting Campbell’s conclusions. The origin legends in these sources can in most cases be accounted for by the political situations and motivations of the authors, and belong firmly within the era in which they were written rather that to the time of the events they describe. Linguistic evidence also casts doubt upon a large or even small-scale invasion from outsiders. The placenames in Argyll are Gaelic with little or no Brittonic substratum. Campbell points out, ‘such a complete obliteration without substantial population movement, which, as we have seen, is archaeologically invisible, would be almost unparalleled in onomastic history’.39 Therefore, he concludes that there is no Brittonic substratum because there was never strictly speaking a Brittonic population in the west of Scotland during the early historic or earlier

26

Ibid. Bannerman, 1974 for the best discussion of the cenéla; CharlesEdwards, Early Christian Ireland, 2000: 296-7 for a diagram of the kings of Dál Riata; Smyth, 1974 28 Laing and Laing, 1993:39, compare with the account of Bede, HE I.1, 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 Bannerman, 1974:1 32 Charles-Edwards, 2000: 488-9; Smyth, 1984: 116 33 Ibid. 34 Charles-Edwards, 2000: 307; Smyth, 1974: 116; 27

35

McDonald R. A. 1997: 28-9 Ritchie 1993: 79 McDonald, R. A. 1997:31 38 Ibid.:39 39 Campbell 2001:289 36 37

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION Iron Age. The divide between Gaelic and Brittonic cultural and linguistic spheres was not the Irish Sea, but rather the Scottish highlands. This makes much more sense when the ease of sea travel between Northern Ireland and Argyll is compared with the difficult journey across the highland massif. Campbell’s argument, therefore, results in a re-conceptualisation of the Irish Sea world where Gaelic speakers maintained a stable cultural identity from the Iron Age through the early Middle Ages. The validity of Campbell’s argument is very convincing in light of the archaeological evidence he produces.

places took their impressive stature from their natural locations. The kings of early medieval Scotland did not impose their power onto the landscape, but rather utilised the landscape to emphasise that power in the way their forebears had done for generations. The importance of the relationship between the élite secular rulers and the church will become clearer in Chapters 2 and beyond.

1.4 A Contextual Landscape Approach 1.4.1 INTRODUCTION The contextual landscape approach to this material means just that, looking at the landscape context of the archaeological remains: where do they occur geographically, in relation to past ritual sites, secular sites, and to one another. This approach is neither novel nor transformative in iteself, but has the advantage balancing the biases inherent in our knowledge of the early Christain archaeology of Argyll, and addressing the unevenness in past study of the archaeological material by looking at the evidence without reference to site affiliation or function, unless where appropriate. However, the following chapters must be seen as a first step in what could potentially be a transformative reassessment of the nature of the early Church in Argyll. The overall purpose of the follwing work is to redefine the research agenda for the early Christain archaeology of Argyll by redefining our approach to the data both theoretically and methodologically. The following study of the church utilizes a ‘tool kit’ of theoretical and methodological approaches that help to both quantify the amount of early Christian material available for study, and to qualify it within its landscape context.

The evidence we have from mainly historical sources is that a strict social hierarchy was in within Gaelic Sctland society in which the very high consumed the goods of the very low in return for protection. A discussion of the empirical nature of kingship in the sixth to ninth centuries is elemental in an argument for the symbolic importance of that power within the landscape. How did the potentates and people in early medieval Scotland recognise and engage in the exchanges of power? What was the structure of the society in which these exchanges took place? Sally Foster describes the fifth to ninth centuries as a time of centralisation of power throughout the British islands.40 These centuries also saw ‘the emergence of warlike, heroic kings who ruled over defined territories’.41 Wealth and political currency were tied up with the control of material resources such as agricultural produce and the production and distribution of prestige goods.42 The cornerstone of this control was the idea of clientship as derived from Irish laws but applicable to the Scottish kingdoms as well.43 Nieke and Duncan define clientship as the ‘establishment of reciprocal relationships between individuals of different social positions’.44 The amount of authority, which any one person could wield, was based upon the number of people under one’s protection and patronage.

The chapters below begin a revision of past perspectives on the early Church in Argyll, looking again at the archaeological data for the early church in Argyll and asking whether or not the archaeological evidence really only point in one direction. In Chapter 2, the brief narrative outline of the history of Christianity in Scotland assesses the validity of our assumptions of the early church. Chapter 2 also outlines the major past works on the archaeology and history of the church in Argyll and asks how new approaches might lead us to new interpretations of the data available. Recent critiques of the role of paruchia and the primacy of monasticism in Ireland and Wales will be reviewed and used as part of the theoretical framework in which we might be able to begin to reassess the church in Argyll.46 Critiques from both a historical and an archaeological point of view are analysed, and a new model proposed for Argyll which involves a more territorial and diverse church. The reassessment of the early Church is framed by the argument that the early church in Argyll was organised along secular, territorial lines rather than the traditional

The idea of clientship was most important to the kings of the time, whose status and prestige, thus power, depended upon the number of clients that could be maintained. Clientship was therefore the ‘medium through which relationships of power were negotiated’.45 The model of kingship described by most sources is that of kings and their retinue travelling around to different high status sites in order to receive these goods and consume them. Clients would bring their tribute to the king at a variety of the high-status sites. These peripatetic rulers therefore travelled through the landscape in a way that later medieval rulers perhaps did not. The early medieval warlord drew his power from the landscape, and though he built great hillforts like Dunadd and Dunaverty, these 40

Foster 1996: 33 Ibid.:33 42 Neike & Duncan, Dalriada: the establishment and maintenance of an early historic kingdom’ 1988: 11-12; Foster 1996: 34 43 Gerriets, 1983: 43-62; Nieke & Duncan 1988: 34 44 Nieke & Duncan 1988: 11-12; cf. Alcock, ‘Activities of Potentates’, 1988a; Alcock ‘Appendix: Enclosed Places’, 1988b; Foster 1996 45 Nieke &Duncan 1988: 12 41

46 Clancy, ‘Annat in Scotland’, 1995; Etchingham, ‘The Early Irish Church’, 1991, ‘The implications of paruchia’ 1993, Church Organisation in Ireland, 1994; Ó Carragáin, ‘A Landscape Converted’, 2003; Petts, Cemeteries and Boundaries in Western Britain’, 2002; Sharpe, ‘Some Problems’ 1984, ‘ Churches and communities’, 1992

5

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL model of a monastic paruchia where non-geographically associated churches were controlled by a central ‘mother church’, i.e. the familia Iae. Rather, we should envision an organic organisation resulting from a number of differential responses to Christianity throughout Argyll in the earliest phases of conversion; differential pathways manifested in the complex relationships between the earliest ecclesiastical sites and the landscape. Therefore, the landscape context of early Christian churches was part of a conscious effort by those engaged in the conversion process to support their ideologies by associating the Christian churches with past notions of ritual and power.These past notions of ritual and power, would have been differet across the region and thus we would expect to see differing strategies of Christianisation throughout the region. Regional strategies illustrate the complexity and heterogeneity of the early Christian church.

hoped that this will provide an expandable resource for further studies. The data from the dataset is analysed from a broad regional perspective, allowing a unique insight into the complexity and quantity of data available for study. The sites are studied within their landscape context with no reference to whether or not they are monastic or associated with a particular monastic house. This is simply because the importance of these places transcended what activities went on within their enclosures and walls to encompass the whole of society. Therefore, an approach concerned only with the monastic/ritual activities on a site, or the relationship between one monastic establishment and another, or anything that excludes a site’s potential to illuminate its part in a whole society, must be suspect. Although the very act of entering into the monastic life was a deliberate action on the part of the individual monk to separate himself from society, the monasteries as an institution in early medieval Argyll were indeed an integral part of society. Consequently, the majority of the following chapters, as outlined below, are designed to ask new questions of the data: questions that move beyond the limited view that the importance of an early Christian site ends outside of its enclosure. The reason why a broader view of the early Christian archaeology in the landscape has not been undertaken on the scale before is that there is usually little outside of the traditional enclosed areas to offer any information. However, this dearth of evidence can be overcome, in theory, if the right questions are asked of the limited data set

The structuring factor of these responses was collective memory, in this case, the memory of places already in the landscape that would have lent their inherent social importance to the new church. Chapter 3 discusses the role of memory in early medieval society as a whole and the implications of this relationship on the organisation of the church in the landscape. A discussion of the uses of the past in early medieval European society provides a link between memory and the archaeological remains. This chapter argues that the evidence from literature, and from the early Christian archaeology in other areas of Britain, indicates that reinterpreting past conceptions of ritual, power, and place was common throughout the British Isles in the early medieval period, and that we should expect to find similar reactions in Argyll. New models for the study of the archaeology of early Christian Argyll are proposed that put an emphasis on memory and the past in literature to the landscape, setting out a conceptual framework for the analysis and discussion of the archaeological evidence presented in later chapters. This discussion of memory highlights one reason behind the diverse Christian landscapes within early medieval Argyll. On a theoretical level, therefore, we are reenvisioning how the early Christian remains participated in an ongoing dialogue between the past and the present, space and place.

The methodology for answering these questions has been set within a framework of nested landscapes working from a large-scale analysis of the region down to a sitespecific analysis of the Island of Lismore. A key aspect is the analysis of three micro-landscapes, each of which adds a particular insight into the study of the early church in Argyll. The first study, on the parish of Kilchoman in Islay, builds upon work by Margaret Nieke.48 The second is on the medieval parishes on the Mull of Kintyre where little research into the early medieval ecclesiastical sites has been undertaken. Finally, the island of Lismore, which has been the subject of a five-year research project by the University of Cambridge is examined in the greatest of detail. The data gathered from two seasons of survey and excavation on Lismore provide a solid base, with absolute dates, from which the archaeology of an early Christian monastic foundation and medieval parish church can be analysed along with the late Iron Age settlement pattern at a level not achieved before in Argyll.

As mentioned above, part of the reassessment of the early church in Argyll has also been the development of a methodological ‘toolkit’ which combines a number of different data collection, analysis, and display tools To facilitate the different scales of analysis, a database has been constructed using data available from the online resources of the RCAHMS.47 This database consists of all possible early Christian sites in Argyll, their location, structure, visible remains, place name elements, and historical details. A complete dataset of all suspected early Christian sites, regardless of their perceived status, has never been fully gathered in one place before and it is 47

Chapter 4 sets out a methodology for exploring these questions through the archaeology and the landscape, beginning with the creation of a database of all possible early Christian sites in Argyll and their various 48

CANMORE, see abbreviations page for web address

6

Nieke, ‘Settlement Patterns in the First Millennium A.D.’, 1983

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION components, architectural remains, enclosure size and shape, presence of sculpture, place names, etc. The database gathers all available information on every possible early Christian site in Argyll gathered from the online Scottish sites and monuments record, CANMORE. The results of the database are displayed in Appendix 2. The data highlights the quantity of information available for study, and the face value of the CANMORE online resource.

in the early eighties by Margaret Nieke on Islay, although on a much different scale, as Lismore is lacking the specific historical documentation that exists for Islay in the Senchus.49 However, by understanding the island of Lismore as a discrete territory, perhaps as a túath on the Irish model, we effect some interesting observations regarding the landscape of the island in the early middle ages. Chapter 9 is an overall discussion of all the evidence presented in the preceding chapters, and introduces a new organisational model for the early church in Argyll in light of the evidence presented in the case studies. This chapter is designed to bring together all of the conclusions reached in the preceding chapters and formulate conclusions based upon the best assessment of the data. The chapter is thematic in its organisation, bringing together some of the main aspects of current received wisdom of the early church in Argyll, and systematically challenging those assumptions in light of the archaeological data. The final chapter will be a brief assessment of the state of research, and the presentation of a set of new goals for those studying the early Church at large. It is hoped that these goals will begin to push the research agenda forward, thus expanding on the work presented here.

The broad interpretation of the archaeology in Chapters 5, 6, and 7 consists of a number of different scales of analysis, both at the regional and local level. Chapter 5 describes the overall distribution of early Christian sites throughout Argyll and the proportions of different types of sites. Chapter 5 is a desktop survey that fully articulates the quantity and quality of the early Christian archaeology available. The specific geographical relationships between the early ecclesiastical sites and the pre-historic monuments in the area are measured. The underlying concern is with the unnecessary dearth of information on many of these sites because of a lack of fieldwork and the mistaken correlation between perceived function (monastic or not) with the importance of the site. Chapter 6 is an analysis of the archaeological evidence within the historical territorial kingdoms of the Dál Riata that we know of from the documentary evidence. As this research argues that the church was organised with secular, political territories in mind, it is necessary to analyze the early Christian sites in relation to the boundaries of these kingdoms. Chapter 7 moves the perspective on the archaeology from the general to the specific with three specific micro-landscapes assessments. The first is the island of Islay, where some earlier archaeological work and the availability of contemporary documentary evidence on the early churches allow a more detailed reassessment of the archaeology. The second is the relatively unstudied region on the Mull of Kintyre at the very southern edge of the peninsula where a possible early historic hillfort at the southernmost tip. These two case studies look in detail at the relationship between the prehistoric ritual landscape and the settlement landscapes and the early Christian sites in the area. Chapter 8 is an in-depth discussion of the Island of Lismore and its changing landscape from late prehistoric times to the later Middle Ages. The chapter outlines the aims and goals of the Lismore Landscape Project, and the preliminary results of two seasons of excavation. This chapter examines the archaeology of a smaller, more discrete region, in its landscape and, where possible, historical context. Then the secular monuments, brochs etc., followed by the ecclesiastical monuments, are examined in some detail. The possible political geography of Lismore is assessed along with what possible affects the introduction of Christianity may have had upon this, and conversely the way that present political structures would have affected how the church was received. The section is based upon work completed

49

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Nieke 1983

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL series of maps appear together, their relationship is never fully discussed. The maps appear to present a very simplistic interpretation of sites based solely on perceived function. Therefore, the approach to the archaeological material in the past, guided by scant and biased documentary records, has masked the complexity of Christianity as an institution as well as diverse local responses to the conversion process.

Chapter 2 BACKGROUND: ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE EARLY CHURCH IN ARGYLL 2.1 Introduction 2.1.1 AIMS AND GOALS The archaeology of Christianity in the early historic kingdom of Dál Riata is at once overwhelming in the strength of its contemporary voices and confounding in its total silence. For the cradle of Scottish Christianity, we know much about the few and little about the many. Richard Morris wrote of the history of early Christianity as a whole when he said, ‘if we were deprived of the literary sources which fitfully illuminate the ecclesiastical history of Britain from the 5th-7th centuries it is salutary to reflect how little of the story they tell could be pieced together from the study of the material evidence alone’.50 Nowhere is this more accurate than for the church in Dál Riata, where, for the period spanning the 6th-12th centuries, the actual material remains are scarce at best. Dál Riata is also a prime case study for what can happen when interpretations rely overly upon the literary record to explain the archaeological record. In Dál Riata, this has led to the image of a church centred on Iona and the accounts of Iona, so that large aspects of the complex early Christian archaeology have been squeezed into the monolithic model of the monastery and the monastic paruchia.51 The problems are best illustrated by a series of maps entitles ‘Early Ecclesiastical Sites I-IV’ in An Historical Atlas of Scotland.52 The maps demonstrate the bias towards Iona and those other sites for which there is independent written evidence, and the larger (and later) religious houses of the east of Scotland more associated with the post-Columban church and the medieval state of Scotland. Yet through large swathes of the kingdom of Argyll, there are no sites indicated. For all the useful information conveyed by these maps, the empty space throughout Argyll is difficult to explain, given the density of the early Christian sites identifiable throughout the region. For example, we are led to believe that not one monastic community or even a community of ‘monastic character’ was located on the entire Kintyre peninsula even though two possible early historic power centres were located at either end of the area.53 This discrepancy can almost be remedied in yet another series of distribution maps of ‘early Gaelic placenames’ with ecclesiastical associations.54 In these maps, Kintyre and most of the rest of Argyll are covered with examples of ecclesiastical placenames. Though these two different

Where there is the possibility of archaeological and literary evidence meeting in a useful way little is revealed that does not confound. Some sites and places can be identified from the documentary record, however the number is but a small percentage of the whole. Most frustrating is that many of the sites that Adomnán mentions as important Columban foundations cannot now be identified with any certainty.55 Furthermore, few church buildings exist in Argyll today older than the 12th century. Very little archaeological excavation has taken place outside Iona, and those sites that have been excavated have yielded ambiguous evidence at best.56 Many unexcavated sites might yield valuable information, but cannot be excavated because they are either still in use or have been consumed by the landscape until nothing remains but a vague place name in a field. The two aims of this chapter are to examine briefly the history and archaeology of the church in Argyll, to interpret its material remains, and then to explore some new avenues of research: specifically the utilisation of landscape studies in order to give a wider context to the early Christian sites. These aims have been accomplished through a careful consideration of how this evidence has been interpreted in the past The discussion will then turn towards how, by looking at early Christian sites within their physical and conceptualised landscapes, we can gain a greater understanding of the processes and motivations involved in the development and organisation of the early church. The idea that ecclesiastical sites, regardless of their size or function, do not represent a single historical event, but represent an ongoing discourse with the landscape across time and space, the key to this discussion. Themes such as the uses of the past in the early middle ages, and the role of the landscape in that complex discourse between past and present, are explored in the following chapters. By analyzing the ways in which these themes impacted upon the early Christian archaeology of Dál Riata, we can begin to see these sites as part of a developing discourse between past and present, sacred and profane, begun long before Columba, that can no longer be regarded as the product of institutional developments at a single site.

50

Morris, The Church in British Archaeology, 1983:19 Fisher, ‘Early Christian Archaeology in Argyll’, 1997 and MacDonald 1984b are two important sources that focus primarily in the monastic model, admittedly because no other model is available for the west of Scotland. 52 McNeil and Nicholson, An Historical Atlas of Scotland, 1975: 119122 53 McNeill and Nicholson 1975:119-122 54 McNeill and Nicholson 1975:108-109, see Watson, Early Celtic Placenames, 1926 for a discussion on all early church terms. 51

55

See Appendix 2 for a list of places mentioned in Adomnán. Rennie, ‘Excavations at Ardnadam’, 1984; see chapter 7 below for a discussion of the evidence on Lismore. 56

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL 2.1.2 BACKGROUND: AND ARGYLL

THE EARLY CHURCH

IN

BRITAIN

included as part of the rituals, animal and human sacrifice, and the deposition of parts of the carcases in pits or the foundations of buildings.62

The importance of understanding the spiritual world before the saints lies within the ways in which the sacred landscape was organised across time, since this organisation plays a central role in the analysis to come in Chapters 5-8. The second part of this chapter outlines the historical background of the church in Britain, beginning with the briefest outlines of its origins within Roman Britain, and moving swiftly on to the post-Roman developments, particularly monasticism. Within this section is an outline of the early Irish Church, of which the Dalriadic Church was a significant part. Recent reassessments of the ‘received wisdom’ of the early Church in Ireland are discussed to form a platform from which to launch a similar reassessment of the church in Dál Riata. The final section will summarise the model of organisation for the early medieval church in Argyll that presents the orthodox view currently within the discipline. The main aim of this chapter is to question this view and argue that mirroring the recent reassessments of the early Christian material in Ireland and Wales are the only logical way to push forward the research agenda in Argyll.

These votive deposits were largely made away from settlements and focused instead on natural places, rivers, trees, and hills. This whole landscape, like the festivals, was organised around agricultural practices, feasting, agricultural production, and fertility.63 As Barrett says, ‘a change in the structural arrangements by which the landscape was inhabited’ is what characterises the relationship between ritual and the build environment in the Iron Age; ritual, religion, and the everyday became bound together in a single system.64 The shift of ritual foci from large monumental landscapes, to a settlement-based focus is important for understanding how the early ecclesiastical sites interacted within their landscapes. A focus upon ritual places near areas of settlement implies a very personal and local relationship with the landscape, and a local understanding of the ritual aspects of that landscape.65 This brief summary of the character of religion in the later Iron Age is drawn from secondary sources because a more detailed discussion is beyond the scope of the current work. The relationships between the characteristics of Iron Age religions and the complex manifestations of Christianity on the landscape are discussed in more detail in Chapter 3 in relation to the processes of Christianisation.

a. Pre-Christian Ritual and Religion The Iron Age can be broadly defined as the period between 800 BC and the arrival of the Roman Army; as Armit and Ralston state, ‘[this] closing date is of limited significance since the presence of the Roman army is not reflected by significant changes in the archaeological record of indigenous communities in the country as a whole’.57 This is especially true in Argyll where the Roman impact was minimal. Some comments should be made regarding ritual and the landscape during this period as the relationship between the two will have wide implications for the later organisation of the early Christian church.

b. Early Christianity in Northern and Western Britain The story of Christianity in Argyll is multi-stranded and its influences can be traced in a number of sources. Three important strands of evidence all contribute to the story of Christianity in early medieval Scotland and are all briefly addressed below beginning with the origins of RomanoBritish Christianity in the south of Britain and along the wall, then to the hazy evangelising efforts of St. Ninian. The influences of eastern monasticism and the establishment of the monastic life in Ireland and Western Britain form the final basis of the ultimate arrival of Columba in Argyll and the beginning of the organised Christian church of Dál Ríata.

By the middle of the second century BC, the construction and maintenance of the complex sacred monuments and landscapes that defined the Neolithic and Bronze Ages had ended and a new settlement-based approach to the organisation of the landscape emerged.58 The landscape was then ‘structured around enclosed settlements and land divisions, occupying foci around which parts of the productive cycles were integrated.’59 The spiritual world of the pre-Christian inhabitants of Argyll was one of a myriad of gods and supernatural beings presiding over the world, and worshipped through the laying of votive deposits in natural places and through annual cycles of festivals.60 These festivals would have centred on the ‘agricultural cycle and concepts of fertility’,61 and

Although there is no evidence for the presence of Christians in Britain as early as Bede suggests, there is no doubt that Christianity was firmly rooted in Britain by the 4th century in southern England and along the Wall.66 Unfortunately, there is no room here to go into detail regarding the hazy field of the Romano-British Christian church beyond some comments upon its overall influence and organisation, which are essential to the understanding 62

Foster 1996:71, Wait, Ritual and Religion, 1985:261 Barrett 1999: 254, Foster 1996: 71, Wait 1985: 261 64 Barrett 1999: 254 65 See also Wait 1985 for a full discussion of Iron Age ritual and religion 66 Alcock 2003: 63; Barley and Hanson, Christianity in Britain, 1977; Frend, ‘Pagans, Christians, and the ‘Barbarian conspiracy’, 1992; Thomas, Christianity in Roman Britain, 1981; Morris 1983; RaleghRadford, ‘The Early Church in Strathclyde’ 1967; Watts, Christians and Pagans, 1991, Religion in Late Roman Britain, 1998, 63

57

Armit and Ralston, 1997:169, 174 Barrett, ‘Mythical Landscapes’, 1999:254; 1997:170 58

59 60

Armit and Ralston

Barrett 1999:254

Armit 1997: 87; Foster 1996:71 61 Foster 1996: 71

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CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND: ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE EARLY CHURCH IN ARGYLL of the subsequent trajectory of Christianity in Britain and Ireland. Thomas argues that the church in Roman Britain must have been organised into a diocesan system as in the rest of the Empire, meaning bishops in charge of a church organised into territorial sees.67 This church has also long been held to have been an urban church, controlled, and ruled largely by the Romanised élite.68 Bishoprics would have been located at important centres in the Romanised south and north on the Wall, and we have evidence for a Bishop at York in 314, and possibly another at Carlisle.69 Alcock agrees that one lasting legacy of the Roman Christian influx into Northern Britain was the establishment of the see of Carlisle.70 However, most scholars agree that the evidence for Christianity in Roman Britain is ambiguous.71 Thomas believes that the sub-Roman church in Britain continued to be organised along similar Episcopal sees, which tended to be urban civil settlements, or nearby the seats of secular power. The areas which these bishops served, therefore, was somewhat akin to the tribal kingdoms mentioned above.72 Thomas argues that this arrangement might have been in existence in the northern regions of Britain until the seventh century, especially in Strathclyde where the medieval diocese of Glasgow still resembled the British kingdom.73 However, Jones points out that ‘no evidence for large churches or identifiable Christian communities in urban contexts (intra-mural churches) has been found74’. It seems difficult to accept Thomas’ model of an organised, episcopal church where there is no evidence for Christian communities large enough to sustain such an organisation. This clear organisation of the postRoman church is very convenient indeed and later scholars have called into question the simplicity of this model and the complexity of organisation amongst the Romano-British and sub-Roman church.75 Though ultimately Christianity came to Argyll because of the evangelising of the Irish by Patrick, a Romano-British Christian, the Romano-British church had no real direct (identifiable) influence on the Christianisation of Argyll.

include the writing of Prosper in the mid-fifth century in which he states, ‘Palladius, consecrated as first Bishop by Pope Celestine is sent to the Irish believing in Christ’.77 Prosper goes on to say that Celestine, ‘having consecrated a Bishop for the Irish, he made the barbarous Island Christian, while he strove to keep the Roman Island Catholic.’78 Hughes concluded that the oldest sources show that bishops ruled the church in the sixth century.79 These bishops held authority within their own paruchia, which seem to have been co-terminus with the plebs. She translates paruchia as diocese, although she says that it later assumes the meaning of sphere of influence of a particular monastic foundation. She implies that plebs would translate as ‘tribe’, but does not go on to sort out the relationship between the plebs and the túath, or even if a sub-division of a túath is implied. Although by the sixth century, according to Hughes, the monastic system was the dominant force, the system of tribal Bishops with their fixed diocese did not disappear all at once. Monasticism began as a movement in Egypt and Syria in the fourth century and began spreading westward from there.80 However, a ‘monastery — in the sense of a permanent, fixed, enclosed community under an abbot, obedient to a Rule, and with such outward manifestations as education, deliberate missionary work, dependent hermitages, and eventually daughter houses — constitutes a phenomenon for whose presence before the very end of the fifth century in Ireland or Britain cannot be found’.81 Monasticism, the form and structure of Christianity that would eventually dominate society in the early medieval period, arrived from the eastern Mediterranean in the sixth century and by the seventh century had replaced the territorial diocesan system in Ireland with fragmented monastic paruchiae.82 Monasticism came to Ireland largely in the person of Patrick, whose death is controversially placed in the Irish annals at AD 461, then succeeded Palladius.83 The first Christian missionary to Scotland is traditionally identified with the figure of St Ninian who began his work at Whithorn in Galloway, first identified by Bede in the eighth century.84 At the time of Bede’s writing, Galloway was in Northumbrian hands, and was the seat of an Anglian Bishop. Bede writes that St Ninian, from the race of Britons, converted the southern Picts. He also suggests that Ninian was trained as a Bishop in Rome and that his body was laid at Candida Casa (or Whithorn in the Old English). The foundation at Whithorn had a traditional association with St Martin of Tours whom Ninian was said to have visited, though that tradition is of dubious origin, and does not allow a reliable date to be

The conversion of the Irish to Christianity, the route by which Christianity arrived in Argyll according to conventional wisdom, took place sometime in the fifth century, a conversion largely dependent on the success of the late Romano-British church along the Wall, and the chance accident of St. Patrick’s kidnap by slavers.76 Written traditions place the conversion of the Irish in the fifth and sixth centuries. The pre-Patrician traditions 67

Cowan, ‘The Post-Columban church’, 1974:245; Thomas 1971:17 Morris 1983: 20 69 Thomas 1971: 16 70 Alcock 2003: 63 71 see note 17, see also Lane P. 2001: 150-51 72 Thomas 1971:16-17, though Cowan 1974 disputes this idea. 73 Ibid., see Charles-Edwards 2000 for the most somrehensive discussion of the conversion of the Irish to Christianity 74 Jones, M. E. 1996: 179 75 Jones, M. E. 1996: 176-7 76 Charles-Edwards 2000:185-6; Edwards, The Archaeology of Early medieval Ireland, 1990:99-101; Etchingham 1999: 12-45; Hughes, The Church in Early Irish Society, 1966; Mytum, The Origins of Early Christian Ireland, 1992; Thomas 1971 68

77

Charles-Edwards: 2000: 205 Ibid. Hughes 1966 80 Herren and Brown 2002: 21 81 Thomas 1971:26 82 see note 73 for sources on the arrival of Christianity in Ireland 83 Cowan 1974; Ralegh-Radford 1968; Thomas 1971, 84 HE III.4, see also Hill, Whithorn and St. Ninian, 1997: 1-4, 14-25; Thomas 1971: 13-22 78 79

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL found for the mission of St Ninian. However, an 8th century poem records a controversy between Ninan and the reigning king Tudwal, who can be reasonably associated with Tudwal ap Ednfyed, a Welsh king known from genealogies whose reign can be assigned a date around the second quarter of the fifth century. Though this places Ninian after the death of Martin, RaleghRadford suggests that Bede may have been referring to Ninan or some of his followers training at one of Martin’s schools on the continent.85 Thomas sees no reason to suppose that Ninian founded a monastery at Whithorn, or had any connection with St Martin, or that Ninian engaged in any missionary activities in Cumbria or amongst the Southern Picts. Fraser has argued more recently that Ninian and his apparent importance within the contemporary literature on the conversion of the Scots was more a matter of Northumbrian ‘branding’ rather than a reflection of historical facts.86 Thomas, and others, rejects the notion that the small chapel at Whithorn had any relation to Ninian, arguing instead that it should be associated with a seventh century monastery in the same place under Irish influence.

Wales.89 Each church was to contain an abbot who should be a cleric and lettered, a community of canons, including at least one priest. The smaller, lesser churches contained only parsons and priests. Though the canons in the Welsh laws were not explicitly labelled monks, the term monasterium was a common term describing these collegiate churches. The lesser church, complementary to the Welsh clas, would have been lacking the ancient tradition and honour afforded a mother church or major monastic foundation. The lesser church in the Welsh laws were known as llan and usually named as well for a saint, equivalent to the Irish cill. The term llan originally referred to just an enclosure. The earliest field monument of Christian communities, like those found at Whithorn, are the long cist burial grounds often associated with the inscribed stones. Most known examples from Scotland have a far eastern bias, being found mostly in the area around the Firth of Forth with a coastal bias.90 These cemeteries, which have yielded radiocarbon dates between the fifth and the twelfth centuries AD,91 have been attributed to the early Christian period because of their lack of grave goods, general east-west orientation, and the fact that they differed from earlier cemetery types. In addition, the long-cist cemeteries have not been found in any Roman or medieval contexts. The long-cist cemetery at The Hallow Hill yielded 150 cists out of a possible maximum of 500 and possibly served a number of communities, though no settlement evidence has been found in the vicinity.92 The graves were of uniform construction, and some slight grouping suggested to the excavator that they might have represented family groups.

Nonetheless, the earliest archaeological evidence for Christian communities in Scotland can be found at Whithorn.87 A rounded hill at the site was levelled off in the twelfth century to build the cathedral and was subsequently covered with an extensive Christian cemetery of long-cists graves oriented more often than not east-west.88 A small stone oratory covered with white plaster stood amongst these graves. A grave stele, erected by Barrovadus to Latinus and his unnamed daughter, was epigraphically dated to AD 450 and stood nearby with an inscription that began ‘Te Dominus Laudamus’. The inscription, like others found largely in the southwest, is the earliest evidence of an organised church in the north and west of ‘Celtic’ Britain. Stones of similar type in Ireland and a few in Britain also contain Ogham script. The inscriptions are dated by epigraphy and by the philological forms that the Celtic names assume. The forms of dedications on these stones generally take the form of simple names, sometimes with the words HIC IACET as well. Evidence derived from the Welsh series indicates that by the second half of the sixth century, churchyard burial had replaced the older custom of burial in small, family burial grounds. This transition marks the end of the conversion process in Wales at least. According to the laws, churches were of two classes separated into mother churches and lesser churches. Adomnán also uses similar terminology regarding Iona, calling it ‘matrix ecclesia.’ The mother church is defined as having pastoral responsibilities over a wide, but normally defined, area. These mother churches were those of the most ancient tradition and prestige in

The conversion of Argyll to Christianity, the core issue in question here, is traditionally thought to have been begun by Columba in the later 6th century. The first reliable documentary evidence of the church in Argyll is the earliest Irish annals, those likely compiled at Iona in the seventh and eighth century and contained in various sources such as the Annals of Ulster and the Annals of Tigernach.93 The AU is generally agreed to cover the period from AD 431 whilst the AT cover the period from 489-766.94 The main document from which the literary history of the Dál Riata is derived is Adomnán’s Life of St Columba written at Iona in the late seventh century. The work survives in a manuscript copied at Iona probably during the Abbot’s lifetime.95 Adomnán’s Life contains 89 Davies, ‘The Myth of the Celtic church’ 1992; Edwards and Lane, ‘The Archaeology of the Early Church in Wales, 1992; Edwards 1990; Ralegh-Radford 1968; Thomas 1971 90 Alcock E, ‘Burials and Cemeteries in Scotland’, 1992: 125-128; Foster 1996: ; Proudfoot, ‘The Hallow Hill’, 1998: 67; Ralston and Armit 1997: 235 91 Ibid. 92 Proudfoot 1998 93 The most complete discussion and list of early documentary sources for Argyll is Anderson 1922. See also: Bannerman 1974: 9; Foster 1996: 19-32; Sharpe, HI, 1995:7 94 Anderson 1922; Bannerman 1974: 10; Charles-Edwards 2000: 282290 95 Sharpe 1995:1

85

Ralegh-Radford 1968 Fraser 2002: 58-9 87 See Hill 1997 for accounts of all excavations at the site. 88 Hill 1997 86

12

CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND: ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE EARLY CHURCH IN ARGYLL miracle stories and fantastic journeys of St Columba and his monks, as any early medieval hagiography would. However, the value of the document to archaeology is the details it gives of the monastic structures and daily practices at the Saint’s home in Iona. Adomnán’s work was not the first on the great Columba. An earlier, seventh century abbot, Cumméne the Fair, wrote the Book on the Miracles of Power of Columba sometime in the late seventh century, though this work survives only as a fragment in Adomnán.96

New churches were being built and an episcopal system was taking shape, though the whole focus of ecclesiastical life in Scotland was drifting even further eastwards. A new episcopal centre was established at Abernethy in the 8th century as well as at Rosmarkie. The episcopal status of Abernethy was short lived, however, after the union of Scots in the mid ninth century, and Dunkeld became the ecclesiastical centre of the new kingdom of Alba. The next major development in the ecclesiastical organisation of Scotland occurred within the overall social changes of the 11th-13th centuries resulting in the establishment of recognisable parishes and bishoprics. These changes were part of the overall programme to bring Scotland in line with the AngloNorman reforms further south.98

According to tradition and the documents listed above, the first Christian missionary to Argyll was the Irish cleric Columba, or Colum Cille, on Iona in 563. This establishment, along with others at such centres as Lismore by St Moluag in the 570s, begins the second phase in western Scotland when the monastic organization was the most politically and socially influential. The earliest record of land given specifically for the founding of a monastery is recorded in the Annals of Ulster for 574 when it is written that Conail mac Comgaill gave the island of Iona to Colum Cille. As this statement derives from the annals of Iona itself, it likely reflects their view of their own foundation. Adomnán does not mention a gift of land to Colum Cille from such a prestigious king, but mentions only that Colum Cille and Comgaill spoke on Colum Cille’s first arrival in Britain. Bede records that Iona was given to Colum Cille from Bridei mac Mailcon of the Picts, but this probably reflects the political situation of Iona vis-à-vis the Picts in Bede’s day. Macquarie then states that we must believe that Iona was give to Colum Cille as a gift from Conall mac Comgaill of Dál Riata, though he does not give his reasons. Adomnán may have been placing Columba with Conall in order to emphasise Colum Cille’s position in society. Many other such monasteries were then founded, according to Adomnán at the unknown Hinba, Eigg, Eileach an Naoimh, Mag Luige, and Artchain on Tiree, by St Moluag on Lismore, and the unknown site of Cella Diuni on Loch Awe. Most of these were established within Colum Cille’s lifetime. The literary evidence shows little interest in the sites outside the ‘Iona Arc’, a string of sites stretching in an arc from the Columban monasteries of Tiree, though Iona, and south through the Garvellachs and Jura.97 Adomnán is strangely silent on any activities outside of this very narrow geographic area, and is even less interested in those sites in Dál Riata named in his account than he is in events in Ireland. After the death of Columba in 597, monasticism spread south absorbing the previous episcopal churches at Abercorn and Melrose, eventually reaching Glasgow, Govan, and Whithorn. Following the Synod of Whitby in 664, Whithorn and Abercorn became established as episcopal centres on a similar model to English minster churches. Soon after Whitby, the expulsion of the Columban clergy from Pictland, coupled with the Viking invasions of the ninth century, ended the Columban hegemony.

The above historical narrative, positive in its attitude towards both sources and subject matter, has glossed over the specifics of how the early church in Argyll and the west of Scotland actually operated, namely how it operated within society. Although the origins of Christianity in Scotland, St Ninian and the traditions of Whithorn, may be somewhat obscured, we are on more secure ground where the church in the later sixth century onwards in concerned. The general understanding of the evidence is that the church in Argyll after the last half of the sixth century was a monastic one that grew de novo. The two most basic texts on the topic both agree that the early church in Argyll, and subsequently the interpretation of its archaeological remains, begins with St Columba and is from that point on completely dependent upon the fortunes of Iona, though Foster does concede briefly that Christianity might have beaten Columba to the region.99 Foster’s account is balanced, describing the number of different site types found in Argyll, and mentioning the relationship between early Christian sites and earlier pagan ritual sites. However, she still discusses the church in terms of the monastery and the role of the specifically Columban monks. The archaeology of the earliest church in Argyll, and the debate about what constitutes an ‘early Christian site’, are fraught with difficulty, and require more than a little bit of guesswork. Overall, an early Christian site must be defined as a site that was a centre for Christian worship between the sixth century and the twelfth century. This time span covers the period from the first Christian missionaries to Argyll (be that Columba or not) and the beginning of the recognised medieval parish system. These centuries cover the initial Christianisation of the region through the Viking incursions and the resulting reorganisation of ecclesiastical power to the Romanising reforms of David I in the 12th century. This work chose to broaden the definition of the ‘early Christian’ period as such because these centuries represent the long transitional period from the pagan Picts and Scots, to the settled medieval state of Scotland. The beginning of the ninth century saw widespread changes that would forever

96

Charles-Edwards 2000: 283 see Appendix One for a full account of all of Columba’s travels through Argyll 97

98 99

13

Cowan 1995: 2, Rogers 1997: 68 Foster 1996: 79-80

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL alter the organization of the Church in Argyll. The Viking raids decimated monasteries and churches all along the Irish Sea coasts, and the chronicles from Iona effectively end. Also at this time, dynastic warring between the Gaels of Dál Riata and Picts of Eastern Scotland saw the emergence of one family who became a uniting force across the country, in the person of the Gael Cinaed mac Alpín, and the beginnings of medieval Scotland. With his successes across Pictland, Cinaed and his descendants moved the centres of power from the hillforts of Argyll to unenclosed palaces further east at Forteviot and Scone. The centre of the Church moved as well when the relics of St Columba’s relics were translated from Iona to Dunkeld in 848. This time-period also began the process of consolidation that would be formally recognised in the 1100s as the medieval parish system.

usually that of a bishop’.105 The term later became used exclusively to refer to the jurisdiction of a parish. In an article on the implications of the term, Etchingham sets out an argument against the purely monastic sense of the term, arguing instead for a more narrow reading of, essentially, a territorial sphere of influence that was once geographically coherent.106 This reading has wide implications for Scotland, as all usage of the term paruchia has been interpreted as being related exclusively to monasticism with the meaning of widespread and geographically unconnected houses. It is the terminology of sites, and the hegemony of the Columban monastic paruchia that have so confused the archaeological interpretation of the Dalriadic church in the past. Two recent archaeological studies from Wales and Ireland have also brought to light the problems of previous historical interpretations of early ecclesiastical archaeology, and the great potential of those sites to yield interesting new clues about their relationships to the landscape and to one another. These new approaches are very applicable to the study of the Dalriadic church. Ó Carragáin has investigated the organisation of the church in the Dingle peninsula, whilst David Petts’ study examines the archaeological evidence for enclosed burial grounds in Wales prior to the eighth century. Carragáin follows on closely from Sharpe and Etchingham in his work on the landscape of the Dingle peninsulal. Similar to the majority of Argyll outside of Iona, his study areas on the Dingle and Iveragh peninsulas are ‘poorly served by the documentary sources, but are rich in above-ground archaeological remains’.107 He essentially sets out to understand the interrelationships between sites. Summing up his assessment of the early Irish church, we can begin to see how this work can form the basis of a reinterpretation of the organisation of the early church in Dál Riata. Ó Carragáin states that:

2.2 New Approaches 2.2.1 FURTHER

AFEILD – REASSESSMENTS OF THE EARLY CHURCH IN IRELAND AND WALES

The period of conversion is hazy due to the nature of the documentary evidence. The most orthodox view of the development of the church, that essentially laid out by Kathleen Hughes in her 1966 work The Church in Early Irish Society, argues that this initial phase of Christianity was diocesan, with territorial paruchia ruled over by bishops.100 The validity of this model has been challenged by several key works of history by Richard Sharpe and Colmán Etchingham, and archaeologically by the work of Tomás Ó Carragáin.101 Richard Sharpe offered up the major challenge to orthodox views on the early church. The key points of Sharpe’s arguments, expanded excellently through the work of Etchingham, are that the evidence for the diocesan church in Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries was not apparent in the sources,102 and that the ‘monastic character’ of the Irish church after the seventh century was not its defining characteristic. Sharpe ultimately argues that there was a ‘false’ distinction between the episcopal, territorial system, and the monastic system of churches ruled by an abbot.103 Rather, he argues that ‘episcopal, monastic, and secular elements were accommodated into a single hybrid ecclesiastical system, the salient characteristics of which were not change and confrontation, but continuity and diversity’.104 Part of Sharpe and Etchingham’s reassessment, and the part most applicable to this work, is the confusion of terminology. Etchingham notes that in Late Latin ‘a parochia denoted any area of ecclesiastical jurisdiction,

Many historians now argue that the fifth/sixth century church resulted from disorganised growth in situ, rather than an episcopally organised mission, a proposition that is supported by the ambivalent nature of the archaeological evidence for its period. The church from the mid-seventh to early eleventh century is now seen as characterized by organizational continuity and perhaps a degree of regional diversity, and the idea that it comprised numerous widely dispersed monastic federations, or paruchiae has been undermined by Etchingham and Mac Samhrain, and others have realised that in fact it was organised along territorial lines, much as it was elsewhere in Europe, with principal churches controlling considerable territories in their immediate vicinity, and being affiliated mainly with churches in the same secular kingdom as themselves.108 Part of the argument for the hegemony of monasticism over more grass roots Christian communities is the myth

100

Hughes 1966; Charles-Edwards 2000; Edwards 1990: 99; see Etchingham 1993, 1999 and Sharpe 1984 for the key challenges to this model. 101 Etchingham 1993, 1999; Ó Carragáin 2001; Sharpe 1984 102 specifically, the documentary sources that described the dioceses replaced by the monasteries are no earlier than the seventh century, long after the diocesan system was replaced and therefore unreliable. Sharpe 1984: 239. 103 Etchingham 1999: 25; Sharpe 1984: 265-7 104 Ibid.

105

Etchingham 1993:139 Ibid. 107 Ó Carragáin 2003:129 108 Ó Carragáin 2003:130 106

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CHAPTER 2: BACKGROUND: ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE EARLY CHURCH IN ARGYLL of the enclosed burial ground, meaning that the enclosures around all of these burial sites represented the vallum monasterii, or the legal and spiritual boundary between the monastic community and the outside world. The enclosure walls around monastic sites are seen as symbolic and ideological, separating the ascetic and contemplative life from the dirt and dust of the everyday. This view has been challenged recently. Petts argues that the earliest single field monument of Christianity in Wales is not in fact the enclosed burial ground as put forward by Thomas in 1971. Instead, Petts demonstrates that none of the enclosed burial grounds is older than the eighth century. He put forward an argument that many of the enclosures around ecclesiastical sites are due in part to later agricultural or legal considerations. 2.2.2 A REASSESSMENT OF THE ARGYLL: A PRELIMINARY MODEL

EARLY

CHURCH

leaders. Davies also suggests that the sparse primary source material has been used too freely in the past, leading to a situation where ‘a word from one source and a sentence from another are taken to apply to all areas and all centuries.’110 This problem is typified in Scotland by the over-reliance on Adomnán’s, obviously very important, but inherently biased, life of one monk on one island. Though there is little doubt that Columba’s influence, and the later the influence of Iona, were indeed very important, we cannot rely on a single source to interpret nearly six hundred years of institutional development. The archaeological evidence for the early Christian church in Argyll is complex and often misunderstood. Vincent Hurley’s 1982 article anticipates some of the arguments of Etchingham and Sharpe within the archaeological record. The problem with the early Irish church, he argues, has largely been one of terminology: ‘Too often the term monastery tends to be applied as a blanket term to cover all Irish ecclesiastical sites’.111 Yet ‘there are considerable differences in size, layout, nature, The and function between different sites.112’ archaeological remains, interpreted solely within the model of the Columban monastic paruchia, suffer the same simplification. Hunter sums up the situation neatly when he says, ‘the history of the region, both secular and ecclesiastical, is undoubtedly warped by the strength of the Columban tradition from the later part of the twelfth century’.113 Essentially, our conceptual understanding of the church of Argyll has been based on the assertion by Bede that the authority of the ‘whole province, including the bishops, is subject’ to the ruling abbot of Iona,114 and the accounts of Adomnán regarding the smallest handful of largely unidentifiable sites. These seem shaky ground on which to base the scholarship of an entire church, regardless of how scarce the remains on the ground may be. Gordon Donaldson, the eminent Scottish church historian, sees no reason to doubt Bede, and states confidently, ‘in the “Columban” church, as it took shape in the sixth and seventh centuries, jurisdiction pertained to the abbot, who might or might not be a bishop, and there is no reason to dispute Bede’s statement that in Scotland (that is , the land north of the Forth and Clyde), the primacy (if we may use the term) belonged to the abbot of Iona, to whom, though he was only a presbyter, the whole province, including the bishops, were subject’.115 New work by Meggan Gondek has shown how the study of the most traditional evidence for the early church in Argyll, the early sculptured stones, can be used to draw out new conclusions about the church.116 Gondek concludes that differential investment in sculpture at a variety of sites ‘challenges the homogenous

IN

This brief outline of the latest research on the Irish church has wide-ranging implications for the study of the early church in Argyll. Some have briefly acknowledged the need for a critical reassessment of the basis for our interpretations of the history and archaeology, yet none has been attempted. The paucity of the evidence is surely to blame, but equally to blame is the degree to which the model of the Columban monastic paruchia remains firmly entrenched within the scholarship of the church. The discussion below outlines the current orthodox historical and archaeological view of the early church. The chapter then moves on to question the validity of that view and the archaeological interpretations within. Any account of the early Christian archaeology of Argyll and the historical context of that archaeology, must begin, and end with St Columba. This is primarily because the written sources we do have for the church in Dál Riata largely derive from Iona’s scriptoria, and Adomnán’s Life is such a rare and important survivor that historians and archaeologists alike would be foolish not to exploit the sources to their fullest. However, the flaw of the above historical narrative is naturally a response to the geographic bias of the available documentary evidence; since we know so much more about Iona from contemporary accounts from Ireland to Northumbria, it is natural that there would be a bias towards Iona in the historical accounts. Wendy Davies discussed some of the assumptions about the early church in the West of Britain eloquently in her article ‘The Myth of the Celtic Church.109’ Davies discounts quite neatly the arguments for designating the ‘Celtic Church’, i.e. (the Christian institutions in the west of Britain including Scotland and Ireland) as somehow different from the Christianity practised elsewhere in the early Middle Ages. The image of isolated monastic communities on rocks and bare islands was far from reality as we have reliable evidence of large, cosmopolitan monastic communities in conflict with one another, wielding as much power as secular 109

110

Ibid.:12 Hurley, ‘The Early Church in the Southwest of Ireland’, 1982: 299 112 Ibid. . 113 Hunter, ‘Saints and Sinners’, 2002: 135 114 HE III.4 115 Donaldson, Scottish Church History, 1985: 12 116 Gondek 2006 111

Davies 1992: 12-21

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL nature of kingship and church in Early-historic Dál Riata.117’

only with the places and monasteries that his audience would have been familiar with, i.e. a largely Iona and Loairn based audience. However, the real point to be made about the places mentioned in the Life of Columba is that they were large monastic establishments around the fringes of Loairn and do not give us a reliable picture of the whole scope of Iona’s direct influence in Columba’s time. The very limited information about the character of the early Church in Argyll outside of the major monastic foundations underscores the necessity to move the research agenda beyond an over-reliance on the written material.

The written evidence for monasticism in Argyll, derived almost entirely from Adomnán, mentions no more than a handful of monasteries. Columba spends his time at Iona, Hinba (unidentified), an unidentified monastery on Loch Awe, a number of unidentified monasteries on Tiree and his monasteries in Ireland, which are identifiable.118 In fact, most of his work takes place at either Iona, Hinba, or in Ireland, with only passing references to the small number of other sites in Argyll, none of which anyone can reasonably identify. The sites mentioned by Adomnán as being monasteries that Columba visited are of a very restricted geographic distribution. If we accept the view that Hinba was located somewhere in Jura, perhaps Cill Earndil after Columba’s uncle, and that the monasteries on Tiree were indeed on Tiree, then the sphere of monastic settlements directly associated with Columba becomes very small, confined to the periphery of Dál Riata. Adomnán mentions several stories of Columba visiting families in Ardnamurchan and visiting that region to secure timbers for Iona. He also mentions Columba’s travels to Pictland. However, Ardnamurchan lies on the shores of Loch Linnhe, which Columba would have travelled up to get to Pictland. In none of these limited journeys in mainland Dál Riata does Adomnán mention Columba founding or visiting any churches. In the one instance of a church being founded in close association with Columba in mainland Argyll, Cella Diuni by the loch of the River Awe has never been identified. The phrase ‘on the Loch of the River Awe’ has led most scholars to assume that the site was somewhere in Loch Awe, allowing Columba a penetration into Dál Riata and an important foundation there. However, the river Awe also connects to Loch Etive which itself flows into Loch Linnhe. Therefore, there is the possibility that the monastery on the Loch of the River Awe could be a foundation on Loch Etive somewhere. Alternatively, the foundation could have been at Ardchattan Priory where a later monastic foundation might mark the continuation of monasticism on an older site as is seen elsewhere. Early medieval sculpture at Ardchattan priory, though perhaps moved there from the medieval parish church some ways north at Cille Mhodan, may also indicate an earlier foundation than the twelfth century monastery.

Archaeologically, the situation is even more difficult since Argyll suffers from a severe lack of excavation on any early ecclesiastical site outside of those that have documentary evidence confirming their status as early monastic centres: Iona, Eileach an Naoimh, St Blaane’s Kingarth, Lismore. These sites, because of their status, have been the most heavily investigated in Argyll at the expense of smaller churches. The result of this bias toward larger sites is that we have no reliable chronology of ‘ancient’ churches prior to the twelfth century. Though most churches of the early medieval period would have been wooden and thus not survived, their immediate stone successors could tell us volumes about how these churches were used, patronised, and developed, but with only one or two small excavations on church sites in Argyll other than the big monasteries, it is impossible to know much of anything. Charles Thomas’ excavations in the late sixties on Ardwell Island, Kirkcudbrightshire, demonstrated the long and complex histories of small chapel sites in the south of Scotland at least.119 The limited excavations at the small ecclesiastical site at Ardnadam near Dunoon do not prove anything about the site aside from its possible occupation in the early medieval period, and its function as a Christian burial place. With an over-reliance on a limited number of sources and a dearth of datable excavated remains, there is little wonder why our knowledge of the nature of the early church in Argyll is so limited. The homogenous nature of past scholarly opinions on the church in Argyll, that it was a monastic church entirely organised within and Iona-based paruchia, needs to be challenged. Like Gondek’s work on sculptured stones, an examination of the available evidence from a different perspective will push the research agenda forward.120 The landscapes in which the early churches were constructed, and the cognitive processes behind their construction, is one way in which new information can be gleaned from the available evidence, and a way of moving away from over-simplistic models based upon biased literary sources.

The journeys mentioned by Adomnán in no way reflect the actual scope of Columba’s many travels in Argyll and are also a misleading guide to the wider influence of the churches he founded either personally or through disciples. However, the limited journeys do suggest the possibility that the sites mentioned in the Life of Columba were those important enough to Columba to be mentioned in the text. The large swathes of Argyll not mentioned anywhere in the text may only be due to the fact that Adomnán wanted to mention miracles associated 117

119

118

120

Ibid: 125 see Appendix 2 for a list of all Columba’s travels in Argyll and Ireland.

Thomas, ‘An Early Christian Cemetery and Chapel’, 1967: 127-190 Though the hegemony of the Iona paruchia is still very evident in Gondek’s conclusions

16

the archaeology of early Christianity, seeking only to identify Christian remains through a ‘checklist’ of attributes, need to be expanded to account for ‘the complex pattern of approaches to [conversion] and the responses that these can engender.121’ This complexity is mostly the result of individual personalities involved in the process of conversion whose work has ‘always been selective and conditioned by both the interpretations of the individuals engaged in the process and broader historical and political issues’.122 These issues are particularly relevant to the study of the early church in Argyll where the history and archaeology have largely been interpreted as a homogenous block based on biased literary sources and the personalities of individuals within those sources. However, as Lane points out, ‘conversion is not a one-way process, but instead involves the dynamic interaction between the bearers of the Christian message and their potential converts’.123 Below is a discussion of the anthropology of conversion in the context of early medieval Europe as developed by Przemyslaw Urbanczyk that deconstructs the reasons for conversion to Christianity and the results in society that transcend just the shift in ideology.

Chapter 3 THE PAST, MEMORY, AND THE LANDSCAPE 3.1 Towards an Anthropology of Christian conversion The limitations imposed upon the study of the early Christian church in Argyll force us to broaden our interpretive field beyond simply identifying sites and crudely classifying them according to their perceived function. The nature of the evidence makes answering these types of questions nearly impossible. Rather than asking how a site fits into the historically specific construct of a single, biased source, therefore, we should be asking how these sites formed part of an ongoing discourse between the landscape and the people inhabiting those landscapes. As outlined in Chapter 2, the Christian doctrine entered into a world with an already rich spiritual heritage, replacing an existing ideology that differed dramatically from itself. The processes involved in this transition, if only conjectural, are of the utmost importance for understanding more fully the early Christian archaeology of Argyll. The early historic period in Scotland represents a radical shift in the fundamental fabric of society as that society moved towards organised state formation, of which Christianity was only one part. The following sections pose a number of new questions upon the material remains of the early Christian church in Argyll and argue that the main characteristics of the radical ideological shifts are not its difference to what came before, but its similarity, and the way in which the material record reflects a conscious connection with the past as a way of making sense of the present. The way in which the material record reflects this connection is local and intimate, rejecting the notion that the whole of the church in Dál Riata was part of a structured, centralised system, such as the monastic paruchia of Iona. Rather, we should be looking at a church organised around local tribal power structures.

Urbanczyk explores the anthropology of conversion as it applied to post-Roman Europe, terms that we can use to discuss the anthropology and psychology of conversion in Argyll.124 Urbanczyk believes that the Christianisation of the Western world was not due to the wholesale conversion via military campaigns or over-zealous missionaries, but rather ‘the strategy of local élites seeking ideological support for their geopolitical ambitions’.125 However, we should not see the church as simply a tool of the élite to control power. There is little doubt that the ultimate motives of the Christian missionaries were indeed to bring more people into the faith. The pagan traditions as we understand them were based largely on ‘collective memory and verbal transmission [which were] rather difficult to manipulate’.126 Christianity, on the other hand, was ‘taught through a didactic process’ and offered the ‘possibility for conscious shaping of the philosophy of life’.127

What effects did the process of conversion have upon the people within Argyll? How did the essential differences between pagan religions and Christianity affect how the church was organised within the landscape? The conversion of the peoples of Argyll represented a major change in all levels of society, yet within only a few generations of Columba’s appearance on the shores of Scotland, the greater part of the kingdom of Dál Riata had been peaceably converted to the Christian religion. The question of why this conversion took place, and what effect it would have had on society, is a central issue to the overall understanding of how the whole landscape came to be reinterpreted through the Christian religion. The main argument of this work, that the organisation of the church in the landscape reflected local concerns and strategies, suggests that the whole process of conversion, not just the result, was equally as complex. In an excellent article on approaches to the archaeology of Christianity, Paul Lane suggests that past approaches to

Christianity therefore assumes that the recipients of the new faith incorporate the events of a new past, narratives of the Christian faith, into their mindscape: a linear past with a known linear future that runs counter to the conceptualisation of the past known and remembered for hundreds of years. The success of the religion in doing just this indicates that the new religion was incorporated into the local mindscape in such a way as to ‘lessen the blow’, so to speak, of a radical change in not only 121

Lane, ‘The Archaeology of Christianity’, 2001: 153 Ibid. 123 Ibid.: 156 124 Urbanczyk, “Christianization of Early medieval Societies”, 1998, “The Politics of Conversion”, 2003 125 Ibid.: 129 126 Urbanczyk 1998:132 127 Ibid.:132 122

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL religion, but in all the strands holding together the entire social fabric. Society’s understanding of time and space changed dramatically with the advent of Christianity and its main tool of proselytizing: literacy. Where duration was once conceived of as a flat circle, the linear process of reckoning time changed how society pictured its space in a dramatic way. This process extends not only to social structures, but incorporates the physical landscapes of local communities as well.

most likely that they would have actively sought as well to encourage a new ideology closely linked with the past concepts of divine rulers. At the bottom of the chart, (in the ‘WHAT’ category) I have suggested how the different motivations involved in conversion would have manifested themselves in the material culture. The early Christian church played a dual role in the discourse between land and man; it ‘supported institutional developments across the region at a crucial time, and yet appeased existing formations of familiar custom and identity’.128 These ‘existing formations of familiar custom and identity’ can be equated with social memory. Van Dyke and Alcock identify ‘four categories of materially accessible media through which social memories are commonly constructed and observed: ritual behaviours, narratives, objects and representations, and places129’. To this comment, we may add that through these media, social memories were not only ‘constructed and observed’, but also manipulated, reconstructed, and reused to give new context to old meanings. As Innes writes, ‘notions of memory have proved attractive because they enable us to use a wide range of types of source material, and do not predicate a single, fixed meaning’.130 It can be argued that all four categories are manifest in the early Christian archaeology of Argyll, and though this study is chiefly concerned with places, each will be discussed in order to provide overall context to the study. These categories above are explained below in more detail along with the role of the landscape in the transmission of memory. Finally, the themes are combined into a framework within which we can explore the early Christian field archaeology in Argyll. The model proposed thus allows for a more holistic interpretation of the archaeology within a dynamic landscape, unconstrained by temporal boundaries or historic biases. As Obiña explains regarding the early Christian landscapes of Galicia, ‘[the] Christianisation of archaeological spaces would amount to much more than negating the preceding cultural system. It would be not be limited to its “pedagogical” value (a resource to convert local people). It is instead an example of the construction of a new social and ideological order based on the appropriation of the past’.131

Figure 4 Conversion systems flowchart showing the engagement between various sections of society and the process of Christian conversion. The chart in figure 4 illustrates how the flow of conversion would have affected the different levels of society. The top level of the chart shows the three main groups that made up early medieval society. This line indicates that the instigators of conversion were not just those charismatic members of the church who people contemporary hagiographies, but that the influence of the elite in the conversion process cannot be under-estimated. This influence from the secular elite would have served to help associate the new ideology with pagan religious concepts. The issue of why the groups would have been involved with the conversion process is discussed in the ‘WHY’ category. Within each group, there exists both an active and a passive element to the process of conversion. These passive and active elements acting together within the overall process are important here because they help to explain why the new ideology had to be couched in the language of the past: there remained within the local groups being converted a certain element of selfdetermination that could not be quashed by Christianity, no matter how compelling the Word. The clergy, whilst the primary instigators of the conversion, would not have been able to carry out their works without the express permission of the ruling classes, and therefore would have had to accept passively the invitations, land grants, etc. from those elite classes. The clergy, though probably actively structuring the way in which they went about converting the people and landscape, had to do so within a certain set of social rules that they had no part in setting. The elites have already been discussed briefly within the discussion of Urbanczyk’s research above. The ruling classes would have accepted the new religion passively, but then actively passed it back to the rest of society. Their motivations were purely selfish, and it was

3.2 The Uses of the Past in Early medieval Society ‘The Remnants of experience still lived in the warmth of tradition, in the silence of custom; in the repetition of the ancestral…We speak so much of memory because there is so little of it left’.132

128

Harvey and Jones, ‘Custom’, 1999: 223 Van Dyke and Alcock, ‘Archaeologies of Memory: an introduction’, 2003b:4 130 Innes, “An Introduction”, 2000:7 131 Obiña et. a.l , “Rewriting Landscape”, 1998:174 129

132

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Nora 1989: 7

CHAPTER 3: THE PAST, MEMORY, AND THE LANDSCAPE This section begins with a discussion of the use of the past in the early medieval period, specifically, how collective memories of the past were ‘constructed or observed,’133 and how different media were manipulated in society to ‘appease existing formations of familiar custom’,134 thus facilitating the radical ideological and political transformations of the period. These concepts become especially important in the following chapters when the data from Argyll are analyzed, first with a discussion of memory as a social construct is explored, then the relationship between memory and material culture. Since specific examples of memory and the landscape are a key issues of the whole study, their analysis will be reserved for the next section. Secondly, the ways in which these concepts were made manifest in early medieval culture are explored.

elaboration of cultural memory, which is itself socially constituted.139 Therefore, the ways in which collective memory is interpreted in the present is of the greatest importance. The ‘construction of memory can symbolically smooth over ruptures, creating the appearance of a seamless social whole’.140 The idea of using the past in order to make sense of an uncertain present is well attested in the early medieval world, and specific examples from Scotland indicate a society actively seeking reassurances from the past.141 The construction of king lists, genealogies that trace the heritage of the king, and origin myths all indicate an interest in the past.142 The first category of materially accessible media through which a connection with the past was constructed, according to Alcock and Van Dyke, was within ritual behaviours. Rituals in the early medieval period often sought solace in the past whilst at the same time legitimising a new present. Associations with the past gave that legitimisation. We can see cases of this in the inauguration rituals recorded from the period of kings, rituals that would have played a large role in the continued centralisation of government and the eventual emergence of the medieval state of Scotland. In the preChristian era, pagan leaders ‘often strengthened their power by combining functions of military-political leadership with religious leadership, e.g. celebrating the main rituals.143 With the Christian era, these two features were separated. However, work in Ireland on royal inauguration sites indicates that places of prehistoric ritual importance were often chosen as locations for Christian ‘royal ceremonies with non-Christian religious overtones144’. At many royal inauguration sites in Ireland, ‘specific monuments within earlier ritual landscapes appear to have been adopted without alteration for use as assembly stages.145’ The connections between ritual and the past were maintained in these locations perhaps as a way of maintaining the mystique of the otherworldly that the temporality of Christianity removed from society. Though the philosophy of divine kingship arose out of the fact that, due to the nature of medieval warrior society, son rarely followed father to the throne, there is no small measure of conscious associations to a pre-Christian past when the king was the divine ruler as well as the worldly one.146 Adomnán himself talks about Columba’s involvement with the crowning of Aidan Mac Gabráin over his brother citing the will of God; thus Columba himself becomes a party to maintaining collective memories regarding the nature of kings, though

The advent of Christianity and its close corollary, literacy, amongst the Scots of Dál Ríata would have represented a major shift in their perceptions of time and the past. Rather that thinking of time as cyclical, in the manner of seasonal festivals and the like, the Christian doctrine preached a linear form of time that would have been at odds with previous perceptions. This preChristian concept of time had no fixed chronology, no beginning or end, and no fixed dates for events. The introduction of annals and the Julian calendar served to fix time along an unalterable line that could not be manipulated.135 ‘The advent of literacy may have precipitated a need to identify the past and possibly resulted in a change in the manner in which monuments were perceived’.136 Atchison is speaking most directly about royal centres in Ireland like Tara, but in a Dalriadic context, we can think of the types of ritual monuments that were scattered about the landscape people would have encountered everyday; standing stones, cists, etc. The need reconnect with ‘the past’ in a new ideological world would have resulted in a need to incorporate the monuments of the past into an everyday dialogue with the world in such a way as to make sense of Christianity. How do people remember, and why? What is collective memory? Van Dyke and Alcock define collective memory as the ‘construction of a collective notion (not an individual belief) about the way things were in the past’137 They go on to explain that social memory is variable by ‘gender, ethnicity, class, religion, or other salient factor’138 Memory in this case need not be a direct knowledge of the past in the way that you or I would remember what we had for breakfast yesterday, but a collective understanding of the past, an understanding that is specific to time and place. Knapp and Ashmore also state that ‘human memory constructs rather than retrieves, and that the past thus originates from an

139

Ashmore & Knapp 1999: 13 Van Dyke and Alcock 2003b:3 141 See Hen and Innes, The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, 2000 for a discussion in a European context 142 See Dumville, ‘Kingship, Genealogies and Regnal Lists,’ FitzPatrick 2004, and 1977 and Nelson, ‘Inauguration Rituals’,1977 143 Urbanczyk 1998:130; cf. Foster, ‘Before Alba’ 1998: 38 144 see Fitzpatrick 2004 for the best discussion of Irish rolay inauguration sites in a landscape context. Driscoll, ‘State Formation in Scotland’, 1991:170; cf. Campbell & Lane 2001: 247-249; Foster 1998: 38 145 Fitzatrick 2004: 52 146 see Dumville 1977 and Nelson 1977 for an in-depth discussion 140

133

Van Dyke and Alcock 2003b: 4 Harvey and Jones 1999: 223 135 Atchison 1994: 28, quoting from Byrne 1965:38 136 Ibid. 1994: 29 137 Van Dyke & Alcock 2003b: 2. 138 Ibid.:3 134

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL interpreted within a Christian paradigm, and at the same time assures his own legitimacy by association with a powerful figure.147 Ritual acts, which involved forgetting the past, were also very important in the process of evangelising a nation and effecting change at all levels of society.

The pre-Christian iconography on many of the cross-slabs and freestanding crosses throughout the region is juxtaposed with representations of Jesus and the holy saints. The base of the market cross at Kells is littered with mythical beasts and scenes of kings hunting and in battle. These representations would have served the dual purpose of grounding the iconographic programmes into existing structures of identity and the past, whilst legitimising the Christian message by associating it with the past representations of power and ritual. There is with the sculpture in Pictland and in Argyll an issue of portability that plays a part in how these monuments interacted with society far past the early medieval period. Holtorf’s study of the life-histories of megaliths in Germany provides an interesting case study of monument biographies, an approach which takes into account the processes of interaction between society and a prehistoric monument over a long period of time.155 Though there is no scope here to engage in such a study of the sculpture in Argyll, it should be noted that sculpture, in its very portability, gives it the flexibility to engage in a variety of social interactions in different spaces and locations. This flexibility does not negate the importance of its place in the landscape at any one time, but does mean that the study of sculpture must take into account its multilayered meanings.

Moving on to the idea of representations and objects as players in the construction of collective or Social memory, we need to look no further than the early medieval sculpture throughout Britain and Ireland, especially the class I Pictish symbol stones.148 The Pictish symbol stones in Eastern Scotland were important in the early historic period as a way of communicating a variety of social relationships.149 Driscoll considers the Class I symbol stones, with their pagan iconography, as forming part of a discourse ‘which expands from the ritual context of burial to acquire different meanings over time and which involves different segments of the community150’. If these monuments form part of a discourse, then is it not possible to see that discourse as being between the observer of the stone, and the landscape? The stone, therefore, is acting as an intermediary between the observer and the landscape, marking out the significance of the landscape upon which it was erected as a way of reinforcing memory as well as defining political territory of a specific nobility.151 Driscoll, in summarising arguments from Anderson and Donaldson, states that the early church in Pictland was ‘shaped along orthodox lines by local political concerns, rather than Irish missionary monasticism152’. If this is indeed the case, then it bolsters the argument that as the secular powers appropriated the past symbols of power, the church was likely to do the same. Meigle, another possible early historic monastery just north of Abernethy, contains a large collection of carved Class II and III stones, but their focus on secular activities rather than biblical symbolism on the stones led the author to believe that the stones were created for the secular patrons rather than to convey Christian teachings.153 However, there is no equivalent to the Class I Pictish symbol stone in Argyll, Pictish and Dál Riatic societies were probably not so very different that an observer from the West of Scotland would not have received the meaning of the stones in the same way as a native of Pictland. The importance of monuments within the perceptions of time and the past cannot be overstated. As Atchison says, ‘[the] prominence of monuments within the landscape gives them –and the past- and immediacy and currency which may blur the distinction between past and present.154

Finally, there is the issue of narratives and their involvement with the construction and maintenance of collective memories. Atchison suggests, in relation to Tara, that literary sources have the greatest potential for understanding the ‘ideological role of monuments.156’ Indeed, Atichison argues that in early medieval Irish society, sources such as hagiographies, genealogies, and epic literature ‘do not depict the past as an objective reality, but as a constructed medium.157’ Harvey and Jones also provide an excellent context for the discussion of the uses and audiences of narratives in the early medieval period.158 They argue that ‘accounts of the past [in the early medieval period] were promoted that sought to couch newer territorial notions of organisation within existing constructions of identity and meditations with the past159’. The dissemination of the authority of the church would have been of paramount importance in the early years of Christian conversion. Though their arguments centre on the centralisation of ‘state’ power and the devolution of local control in early medieval society, they also address the importance of the past as it regarded ecclesiastical developments of the 6th-11th centuries. The authors stress the importance of the legends and hagiographies of the period in legitimising the role of the church in society. They also stress the role of these legends in the construction and maintenance of social memory not only of a remembered past, but also of a new

147

Adomnán, Life of Columba, III. 5; Sharpe 1995: 18, 26-27 see Nicholl, A Pictish Panorama, 1995 for a large bibliography of all relevant sources on Pictish studies. 149 Driscoll, “Power and Authority”, 1988 150 Ibid.: 227 151 Driscoll, ‘Christian Monumental Sculpture’, 1999: 249 152 Driscoll, ‘The Archaeology of State Formation’, 1991: 87 153 Ritchie, ‘Meigle and Lay Patronage’, 1995 154 Aitchison 1994: 25 148

155

Holtorf 1998 Ibid.: 27 157 Ibid.: 297 158 Harvey and Jones 1999; cf. Cubitt, “Memory and Narrative’, 2000 for a discussion of memory and the cult of saints as fostered in early medieval hagiography 159 Harvey and Jones 1999:223 156

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CHAPTER 3: THE PAST, MEMORY, AND THE LANDSCAPE past where ‘stories of punishment and coercion, and displays of miraculous healing and reward, a spiritual identity [were] (re)produced to form important elements of societal memory’.160 The Saints lives, such as Columba have, would have been read aloud on feast days, and would have been a vehicle for relating the new ideology to the community. ‘Hagiographies are not innocent stories; they represent attempts to legitimise the unquestionable supremacy of the Church. In addition, they represent how medieval societies came to terms with the institutional developments that were occurring around them. In this respect, hagiographic legends represent a dialogue between existing notions of space and time and newer formulations161’. Therefore, the stories that Adomnán relates can be argued to represent the concerns of the ‘uneducated masses’. This is perhaps why stories like the devil in the milk pail and others themed on animals and nature were easily understood by a wide section of the population.162 We can see this dialogue between space and time expanded across the landscape in the final category of media through which memory is conveyed. It is within the landscape that this study finds its place, and where the greatest evidence for the motivations and agendas of those involved with the development of the early church lies.

constructed landscape, eloquently define the theme of landscape as memory: ‘Embedded in the collective memory of a community and in the individual memories of its members are mythical or cosmological concepts as well as the folk memories of burial grounds, meeting places, valleys, mountains, and more, all situated in a specific temporal and historic context’.166 Ashmore and Knapp go on to say that ‘landscape as memory is linked to the identity of its inhabitants.167 The idea of collective memory tied to the landscape and the identity of its inhabitants is crucial to understanding how the organisation of the church within that landscape reflected upon the institutional developments of the period, and how those developments ‘gained social currency by being inherently grounded in existing facets of cultural identity’.168 In other words, we are not considering ‘Christian’ landscapes versus ‘pagan’ landscapes. Rather we are examining a single landscape that embodies the memories of all those who experience that landscape, at a specific historical moment. In his work on collective memory, Halbwachs discusses the need for societies in the process of conversion to intertwine the remembered past with unfamiliar new doctrine, thereby justifying the new beliefs.169 Ashmore and Knapp tie this into landscapes by stating that ‘memory stresses continuity in the landscape, often through re-use, re-interpretation, or restoration and reconstruction’.170 The interface between past and present embodied in the landscape of the early Christian period is complex, representing a new ideology imposed upon older ideas of ritual and belief, and re-interpreted through the new ideology. In terms of the early Scottish church, the past structures of identity did not just encompass ritual life. Therefore, we cannot just speak of the differences between Christianity and paganism in the landscape. Instead, we need to examine a holist landscape where the divine and the everyday co-mingled in such a way as to be inextricable. When conversion did take place over the course of the centuries, the elements of kingship and religion were split into separately functioning institutions. Where landscapes were converted to Christianity, they were constructed within a pre-determined memorial structure, re-interpreted through a Christian paradigm. How does this model translate to the archaeology of Argyll? Below we shall propose a model for the development of the church and the creation of the Christian landscapes of Argyll that will interpret the archaeological remains in terms of their context within landscapes of memory, and without reference to historically based biases such as the monastic paruchia. These landscapes are complex and show that rather than the homogenous development of a Christian landscape in

3.3 Landscapes of memory The role of the landscape in the construction and maintenance of collective memories cannot be overestimated: ‘Landscape is often regarded as the materialisation of memory, fixing social and individual histories in space’.163 The concept of ‘landscape’, whether dealing with in terms of memory or not, can have a multitude of meanings. The landscape of early medieval Argyll was not a static background to life, but a dynamic force that would have affected the life and social interactions on many different levels, and in turn be affected by those same interactions. As Benozzo states, ‘landscape is a system of relationships164’. These relationships, as I have mentioned already, can be between elements in the natural word, or between someone walking in through the landscape and the landscape itself. This system of relationships is not bound by time, but transcends time. The early ecclesiastical sites were highly visible, ideologically loaded places within the landscape, and, therefore, were not separate from their surroundings but were ‘meaningful places gaining their importance in relation to other spaces and material conditions165’. These spaces and material conditions cut across space and time, creating a continuum of memory, a system of relationships, of which the Christian church was just one part. Ashmore and Knapp, as one of three main elements within a study of any kind of mentally

160

Harvey and Jones 1999:229 Ibid.:229 162 Adomnán, Life of Columba, II.16 163 Ashmore and Knapp 1999:13 164 Benozzo 2004: ix 165 Petts, “Landscape and Cultural Identity”, 1998:82 161

166

Ashmore and Knapp 1999:14 Ibid.:14 Harvey and Jones, 1999: 223 169 Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, 1992: 86 170 Ashmore and Knapp 1999: 14 167 168

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL Argyll from the later 6th century, the picture is of a variety of different regional strategies resulting in a number of different pathways of Christianisation.

events before and after the advent of Columba, but instead as a whole where both the land and the church structured how they were perceived by imitating the language of the past. Ultimately, this means that the relationships we can glean was not a church organised for the benefit and ambitions of a small handful of powerful monastic centres. The picture will be more complex, more intimate, and reveal not only the likelihood that the church in Argyll was organised along territorial lines such as the rest of Europe, but that the success of the church lay in its willingness to engage in a dialogue with past perceptions of ritual, identity, and power. We can explore these relationships through a careful consideration of the landscape context of the early Christian sites in Argyll, especially their relationship to the prehistoric ritual landscape. This study will demonstrate that the early church did re-interpret past symbolic landscapes through Christian eyes throughout Argyll; however, the picture is not a monolithic one. It is important to remember that static institutions of church or state by no means defined the early Christian period. Therefore, the landscape organisation of the early Christian sites represents a number of different responses to changes in the organisation of the church itself. Differences throughout the region should indicate a diversity of approaches to this re-interpretation though all with the same agenda; the legitimisation of the Christian church through its identification with pre-existing notions of the past Studying the church in this manner will allow us to investigate possible early Christian sites without the burden of monasticism colouring our interpretations. In his work on Stonehenge, Barrett suggests that asking a series of questions ‘opens up multi-interpretational paths rather that closing down the significance of the place to a single, original meaning’.175 It will not be argued that every church, chapel, and circular burial ground in Argyll was monastic, but that the overriding agenda was the same regardless of the function of the site.

The importance of the past and the past embodied within the landscape was an important feature of early medieval life in Scotland. The creation of regnal lists in both Pictland and Dál Ríata suggests that a concern with ancestors and personal past was important at a political level.

3.4 A Model for the Development of the Church in Early Historic Argyll 3.4.1 PAST AND REGIONAL MEDIEVAL ARGYLL

CHRISTIANITIES

IN

EARLY

The early Christian archaeology of Argyll consists of large or small monasteries, chapels, outdoor ‘preaching stations’, long cist burials, memorial sculptures, and holy wells scattered about the landscape. As stated above, these monuments did not function in a vacuum, but were an integral part of a complex system of control and power between the political, secular élite, the church, and the people. Sally Foster’s diagram of the ‘systematic relationship between resources and the structuring of social authority through time and space’ clearly shows the nature and complexity of these relationships.171 We must assume that no Christian churches would have been able to exist without the direct interference of any of the other member of the system, mostly the élite members. The political élite was becoming more and more removed from the usual kinship relations that had regulated social practices in the past.172 As the society grew more and more complex, the ultimate voice of authority became more and more distant over the period from the sixth to the tenth centuries. As this occurred, more and more intermediate levels of authority were needed to offset the control, but secular and ecclesiastical.173 The fundamental shifts in society that resulted from the development of the territorial state would have meant that these immediate sources of local authority would have been the mediating factor between the past and the present; in this case, the church.

The direct manifestations of these complex relationships between the landscape and the church are made more explicit in figure 5. This figure shows seven possible pathways of development for an early Christian site in Argyll. Based upon the one developed for the early Welsh church by Edwards and Lane,176 the model developed for Argyll differs from its Welsh counterpart in one significant key area. The ‘Roman’ period in Scotland made too small an impact on Argyll to be considered a separate phase in the development of sites, as was true for the Welsh churches. In addition, I have altered the diagrammatic model to reflect places where an early Christian church has been deliberately incorporated into a prehistoric ritual landscape. These types of landscapes lend themselves to a reinterpretation by the church more than other categories of landscapes. This figure will be further explained with reference to the archaeological remains of the early Church in Chapter 9.

3.4.2 INTRODUCTION TO DATA AND ANALYSIS CHAPTER The church apparently played the largest role in this dialogue between past and present, engaging with past conceptions of power, ritual, and authority in the landscape in a meaningful way that was itself ‘unintentionally couched in the language and understandings of existing structures, so that in many ways a concept of continuity was at the heart of change’.174 We may think of this relationship between church and landscape not as one demarcated by the 171

Foster 1998:3 Driscoll 1991; Driscoll, ‘Formalising the Mechanisms of Power’ 1998b; Foster 1998 173 Foster 1998:2-3 174 Harvey and Jones 1999: 223 172

175 176

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Barrett 1999: 27 Edwards and Lane 1992: 10

CHAPTER 3: THE PAST, MEMORY, AND THE LANDSCAPE The models constructed above will provide the framework for the following chapters where the archaeological remains, such as they are, will be examined with a view to discover more about how the early Christian church in Argyll utilised landscapes of memory and past to legitimise its authority, resulting in a number of different responses to Christianity apparent in those landscapes.

Figure 5 Seven models explaining the differential responses to Christianity within the landscape (adapted from Edwards and Lane 1992).

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collection of data and its interpretation within the cosmic landscape.

Chapter 4 METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES

4.2 Previous archaeological approaches

4.1 Introduction

Argyll has been well served in the past fifty years or so by a number of professional field surveys of its archaeology from the broadest to the narrowest sense. The Royal Commission volumes on the archaeology of Argyll, whilst now somewhat dated, are still an excellent overview of the archaeology of specific regions in detail unavailable in most other studies. Campbell and Sandeman’s 1962 survey of the archaeology of Mid Argyll adds another layer of depth and detail to the later Royal commission volumes.178 More recently, Ian Fisher’s survey, The Early Christian sculpture of Argyll and the Western Highlands and Islands, brings together the scattered shreds of information from all the Royal Commission volumes, and some of his own new discoveries.179 Coupled with the Royal Commission website CANMORE, most recorded archaeology in Argyll is now easily accessible in paper or digital format. Though accessible, the early Christian archaeology of Argyll is nonetheless spotty, with only a handful of sites excavated to a modern standard. The surveys discussed above have identified a number of sites falling into a particular category, such as sites with early medieval Sculpture or sites in Mid Argyll, but there has been no attempt to analyse these sites in their large-scale landscape contexts.

This study is meant as a first tep in transforming our study of the early medieval church in Argyll. As I mentioned in chapter 1, this kind of reassessment requires new theoretical and methodological approaches to the material culture itself. Where the previous chapter presented a new conceptual framework for the early Christian archaeology, this chapter will define a new methodological approach to the data, define the paramenters of data collection, and outline the analytical processes undertaken in order in order to answer some of the questions proposed in chapter 1. The methodological approach to the data is framed by the concepts of landscapes of memory defined in chapter 3. As Crumley states, ‘the most effective carriers of social memory are landscape elements that have both practical utility and cosmic meaning’.177 Therefore we need to collect, organise, and analyse the data in such a way that it role in a landscape of memory, its ‘practical utility ‘and ‘cosmic meaning’, can be clearly defined and understood. In the case of the early church, this is accomplished in two ways: collecting as much data as possible on the maximum number of sites and putting those sites into a spatial and temporal context vis-a-vis the overall sacred landscape of Argyll. This chapter accomplishes the first of these two tasks; collecting the data in a new way that opens up new interpretive pathways. A substantial aspect of this methodology consists of a comprehensive database of all known early Christian sites within the Argyll and Bute Council and the southern parts of the Highlands Council, including the parishes of Morvern, Ardnamurchan, Kilfinan, and Ardgour. The different approaches to the archaeological evidence for the early Church in Argyll were discussed in Chapter 2, along with their various weaknesses. The databse created here as the basis for the interpretation of the early Christian sites in Argyll as a whole represents the most complete record of all early Christian sites collected in a single source. The database represents a resource for the study of the early Church that can be expanded as the numbers of sites increases in the region. This database formed the basis of geodatabase created in ARCView GIS software to produce simple distribution maps of the data. The data was then interpreted more fully through the use of graphic design software (Adobe Illustrator) to tease out relationships not evident from the maps created in the GIS. The second approach was field-based and formed part of the larger Lismore Landscape Project. The specifics of the methodology employed within this project are discussed fully in Chapter 8, but they will be summarised here as well. In addition, this chapter outlines the analystical processes that are employed in following chapters to bridge the gap between the practical

The field archaeology of the early Christian period is difficult to identify because most early medieval churches have been overrun by fourteen hundred years of development or are, in many cases, still used as churches. However, a set of criteria can be used in order to determine the probability of a site having been established for Christian worship during the centuries stipulated above. Overall, the field archaeology of the early church in Scotland can be separated into four different categories: burials, sculpture, architecture, and place names. I will concentrate instead on the first three categories, although many sites do incorporate all four. However, as I will show, these criteria are themselves problematic. Such criteria focus largely on the presence or absence of sculpture, enclosures with known burial traditions, place names, and references in antiquarian reports and medieval literature and charters. The Royal Commission volumes are the best starting point for identifying all such sites, especially with the use of the excellent CANMORE web-based national monument record search engine, though these volumes do not set out specific guidelines for designating a site as early Christian. In addition, Watson’s 1926 study of the early Celtic place names in Scotland, especially those associated with Christianity, remains an important source for determining the possible antiquity of any site. However, no criterion is without problems.180 Sculpture, 178

Campbell and Sandeman 1962; RCAHMS, Inventory, Vol. 1-7 Hereafter SWHI 180 Watson 1926: REF 179

177

Crumley, ‘Sacred Landscapes’, 1999: 271

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL 4.3.2 DEFINING THE EARLY CHRISTIAN SITE

no matter how big, is still highly portable, and it is difficult to determine whether a cross-slab or headstone is in situ or not.181 Place names can also be a useful tool in determining the antiquity of a site. In Western Scotland, the place name element cill- or kil from the Latin cella often indicates an early ecclesiastical foundation. However, it is a ubiquitous term and not all sites can be shown to have any antiquity. One other useful way of determining the antiquity of a site, put forward by MacDonald in association with locating early monasteries, is by working backward from documents relating to the earliest medieval parishes.182

The first step in this process was defing an ‘early Christain’ site in Argyll. The list of criteria was established based upon the classification of sites from Thomas and the Royal Commission volumes, coupled with Watson’s 1926 review of early ecclesiastic placenames and MacDonald’s work on identifying early monastic sites.183 An early Christian site, as I mentioned in Chapter 1, is any ritual, Christian site dating from the period between the latter half of the sixth century to the beginning of the twelfth. In order for a site to have been included in this database, it needed to have two or more of the following qualities:

4.3 Data Collection 4.3.1 INTRODUCTION

1. Literary evidence of the site existing in the early Christian period. 2. A placename identified by Watson as originating in the early Christian period and signifying a specifically Christian, ritual site. 3. A Unicameral church of small proportions, usually with a length to width proportion of 3:5. 4. Beehive shaped cells either single or double as those at Skellig Michael in Ireland or Eileach an Naoimh, Garvellachs are generally dated to the eighth century. 5. Long cist burials, usually found to date from the early Christian period. 6. An early church enclosed by a circular wall—this category is only considered Early Christian if coupled with another piece of evidence. 7. The presence of Early Christian sculpture.

The purpose of the data collection excersie is to study the early Christian archaeology in Argyll as holistically as possible withouth the interpretive biases prevalent in the orthodox view of the church. A broadly inclusive approach was needed at the outset towards identifying an appropriate dataset, collecting and organising the data, and, since this is a landscape study, displaying the data in a clear and effective manner. The interpretation of the data will be discussed futher on in the next three chapters. Figure 6 outlines the straightforward methodological approach taken to the data.

These seven criteria are not always straightforward, and do not always on their own indicate the antiquity of a site, but this point will be elaborated further below. The criteria above do not constitute a ‘checklist’ approach to the archaeology, but allow a wider interpretation of the archaeological remains rather than a focus on function. Therefore, the database is very inclusive, taking a good amount of evidence at face value in order to build up a picture of the scale and variety of possible early sites, though some amount of discretion has been exercised when evidence at a particular site was too patchy or unconfirmed to make a pronouncement on its antiquity with any authority. A number of problems were encountered whilst recording the data. They range from the lack of any archaeological remains at the site, the ambiguous nature of the remains at a site, modern building, to a lack of good recording, or simple misidentification, etc. I will detail a number of the problems pertaining to the whole of the region, and explain my reasoning for excluding any number of sites from the database. I have tried to include only those sites where there is reasonable evidence to presume that the site was used for Christian worship at some time in the early Christian period. In order for a site to qualify, it had to fulfil at least two of the criteria outlined above for an

Figure 6 Methodological flowchart

181

see discussion on pp. 52-3 regarding monument biographies.

182

MacDonald 1984b:69-86; cf. Clancy 1995

183

26

Thomas 1971; RCAHMS, Inventory; Watson 1926, McDonald 1985

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES early Christian site. Whilst I am aware that this probably excludes a number of sites where little but a place name remains, it does ensure that the data sample used remains relatively reliable. The exception to this rule is where sculpture is involved. If the early sculpture is not in a modern secondary context, nor historically recorded as having been moved from one ecclesiastical place to another, then it is reasonable to assume that the sculpture marks the location of early Christian worship on its own. A flaw with this approach to analysing the sculpture in the landscape is that few pieces of early medieval sculpture can be definitively proven to be in situ, especially since there are many historical accounts of sculpture moving from one church to another when the first church declined in status. Regardless when considering the dearth of any other direct surviving field archaeology from the period, we must be willing to assume that distribution of the sculpture now represents an accurate picture of its early medieval distribution.

purpose of the current research. The database is centred on two main tables. The first major table is the SITE_TYPE table (number 7 above) which is a descriptive table that defines a number of categories of sites. All sites have been sorted into these categories based upon the best information regarding the field remains present. The categories are as follows: chapels singular or multiple, enclosed or unenclosed, cemeteries enclosed or unenclosed, long cists burials, cave sites, isolated sculpture, placenames, and modern secondary contexts (mostly applies to sculpture). Decisions about the inclusion of a site within a particular category were made with regard to the physical remains as they are at the site now, coupled with any additional antiquarian reports or survey regarding what used to be at the site, for example a chapel which may have disappeared but was recorded in the nineteenth century will be recorded as a chapel as though it were still extant. Table 1 details the SITE_type catagories and defines their main characteristics.

4.3.3 DATABASE CONSTRUCTION Organising the vast amount of data collected from the online sources into a workable database was key to the whole analytical process, and key to the argument that the potential for study of the material remains in Argyll has been largely untapped. The data needed to be quatifued and spatially located in order to effectively utilise the landscape models developed in chapter 3. Each site with evidence of early Christian activity/associations has been collected within a database with basic information about the morphology and structure of each site, as well as basic historical and geographic information. Each site is categorised by a set of structural criteria, though as will be discussed further in Chapter 6, no category is without inherent biases due to the nature of the surviving evidence. The data collected on the early Christian archaeology of Argyll was classified and split into artificial site-type categories, outlined below, because the whole purpose of this exercise is to analyse the sites within the landscape on their own merit, rather than discussing them within the context of such value-laden terms as ‘eremitic’ and ‘monastic’. This approach closely follows the methodological approach by Oubiña by ‘developing a description of the landscape which also deconstructs it and allows the formal elements and relations which comprise it to be isolated’.

Table 1 Site_Type descriptions The second major table is the SITE_Type table which contains all the information about each site, its location, basic morphology, territorial affiliation (Cenél, medieval parish, modern parish), sculpture, medieval status, NMR data, distance from ritual and settlement foci, and any additional historic information relevant to the study. Each site is given a unique 5-letter code drawn from its name and location, which acts as the primary key linking all tables together. The appendix contains the recorded information for each site, aplphabatised by the name of the site. Below is an example of the information recorded for each site in the database:

The data on the early Christian sites was collected in an Microsoft Access database which could then be linked with spatial tables created in ARCView GIS, making it simple to create graphs and reports as well as analyse the data in the GIs itself. The distribution maps created by the GIS will be displayed and analysed in chapters 5-7 below. Two tables were set up in order to organise and record the maximum amount of data on each site. The overall design is inspired by the Celtic Inscribed Stones Project database,184 though adapted and simplified for the 184

http://www.ucl.ac.uk/archaeology/cisp

27

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL

9. 10. 11.

12.

13. 14.

Table 2 Database record 1.

2. 3.

4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Name—this denotes the name of the site as listed first in the NMR listing for the site in the RCAHMS CANMORE database. Alternative names for the site will be listed in a separate table. Place—this is the name of the closest town, village, or island group to the site. SITE—this is a unique uppercase 5-letter code for each site. The code is derived from the name of the site, two-letter OS grid square in which it is located, and its modern parish, and will be used as the primary key X-Grid - The spatial information about each site, coordinates located to the nearest metre from Os Digimap Carto 1:5000 scale maps Y-Grid –. Same as above Parish_Mod —the modern parish in which the site it located. sculpt—this is a yes/no field simply identifying which sites have early medieval sculpture present. SITE_TYPE—this is a lowercase, 5-letter code which identifies the site type according to its attributes. The codes appear below in their own table along with an explanation of each. If there is reasonable evidence for a site once containing a chapel and a burial ground, but those remains no longer exist, then the site is placed in the ‘encps’ category. If no reliable information exists for the presence of a chapel or burial ground at a site then it is either disregarded, or, if it has an early

15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

28

ecclesiastical placename element, it is put under the category ‘plcnm’. Cenél—the early historic kingdom in which the site is located Parish_ch—this is a yes/no field which denotes whether or not the site was the medieval parish church according to the OPS and MPS. Pre_Settlement – This field indicates the distance from a prehistoric settlement. The location of prehistoric settlement sites found near the early Christian site was determined using the CANMORE CANMAP service. OS grid references were not recorded for each individual prehistoric site. Pre_Ritual - This field indicates the distance from a prehistoric ritual focus. The location of prehistoric ritual foci found near the early Christian site was determined using the CANMORE CANMAP service. OS grid references were not recorded for each individual prehistoric site. NMR_num – National Monument Record number chapel – This field denotes whether there is a chapel at the site. The purpose fields 14-20 is to record the most basic information about extant chapels at a site. Sites recorded as chapel (enclosed, unenclosed, multiple or singular) are those where there is good physical or written evidence of a chapel having once stood at the site, i.e. written accounts and reports of a church, structural evidence of a building identified as a chapel on architectural grounds, or a building for which there is additional evidence such as sculpture or an early Christian placename attached to it. chapel_length – recorded from information in the RCAHMS records where available chapel_width – see above door – location of the dorr in the chapel structure where known orientation – direction of the long axis of the church. Material – The main building material used in the construction of the chapel, where known date stand rem – This is a general date of the standing remains of the extant chapel based upon the information from written sources. enclosure – is there an enclosure extant at the site. The same criteria apply to cemeteries, enclosed or unenclosed; and equally strict guidelines are imposed upon the evidence in order for a site to be included. The cemetery needs to have evidence for burials either physically present or confidently attested to in the past, and it must have either an additional early placename or sculpture. In the case of cemeteries and churches, the ‘early placename’ can include a known and confirmed dedication to an early saint. There is little aspect of early Christian archaeology in Argyll less thorny that of dedications, as the dating of the dedications is notoriously difficult. Therefore, sites with little other evidence aside from a dedication of this type are included

CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGICAL APPROACHES 22. enclosure size – basic dimensions of the enclosure. These are given as a diameter where the enclosure is sufficiently circular, and in _x_ format otherwise. 23. materials – Materials used in the construction of the enclosure where known. 24. number_cist – This field is used to record the number of long cist burials at any site category including the longc site type. The category of long cist burials included all sites where long cists are the only sign of early Christian activity and not those found in association with another site, such as long cists excavated underneath a church, though these burials will be noted in any additional information about a particular site. However, the proximity of long cist burials or other ecclesiastical sites is noted in the LONG CIST table. Isolated sculpture is just that, sculpture within the landscape not associated with any particular church or burial ground, but which is also not in an obviously modern secondary context, such as cross slab built into the wall of a eighteenth century barn 25. add_info – Any additional information about a site relavant to the study.

into account means that the discussion becomes a useful tool for understanding the complexities of the early Church on a level yet that has not yet been reached by past scholarship.

A number of sites in the National monument record are classified as chapels or burial grounds without any supporting evidence other than centuries-old written accounts which were not unequivocal even in their time, or the site’s association with a ‘cill’ placename. Where there is good written evidence of the presence of a chapel or burial ground at a site either from the Old Statistical Account, the OS County Name Books, or even marked on the earliest maps of the area, then a site will be included in the database. Generally, where there is evidence of a site having once been a chapel and burial ground, it is listed as an enclosed single chapel. Where there is a burial ground with no evidence of a church ever having been at the site, regardless of the cill placename element, then the site is regarded as an enclosed cemetery. This is because the ubiquity of the placename element cill may indicate a wider definition than simply a place with a church. The lack of evidence for a church at some sites where there is a burial ground may suggest that the placename element belonged to, or that it had been dedicated to a church, of the same name elsewhere. The sites with an early placename element, such as cill, but no evidence of any built remains, are classified as a placename only, since the cill element is a long-running and ubiquitous placename notoriously difficult to date with certainty.185 Once the expectations are eliminated of any one site fulfilling a particular function, we can begin to assess the relationship between these sites and the landscape along more objective lines. However, as explained above and reiterated in the preceding chapters, unfortunately the empirical data available for analysis are poor and therefore the reasonable conclusions reached from that data will be inherently flawed. Nevertheless, taking the paucity of datable Early Christian evidence

The two fields marked ‘pre_settlement’ and pre-ritual’ require further explanation as they are such an important part of the overall argument. The most important aspect of this analysis has been the examination of the early Christian sites in relation to past landscapes. This analysis, on the most basic level, has been an examination of the physical relationships between two different types of built monuments in the landscape, and the early Christian sites. The first category of sites is that which I have termed the ‘prehistoric ritual’ sites. These are monumental sites of the Neolithic and Bronzes ages, cairns, barrows, hinges, etc., generally considered to have been the focus of ritual activities. The other category of evidence is the prehistoric settlement landscape. These are the élite settlement monuments of the Iron Age: hillforts, duns, brochs, crannogs, etc. These monuments, though many were probably occupied into the early Christian period or later,186 would have been a focus for the dissemination of power throughout society. Though the function of a broch and a chambered cairn may have been very different, they still formed a similar function vis-à-vis the early Christian sites, specifically by anchoring the landscape in the past as well as the present. I have chosen to examine the early Christian landscape in terms of its relationship to the prehistoric settlement and ritual landscapes for a number of reasons. As stated above, the prehistoric monuments form a visible reminder in the landscape of the past, and the relationship between these sites in the church can give us an insight into how the early Christian church builders, whoever they may have been, viewed the importance of these sites. As Meskel writes, ‘memory cannot be transmitted without continual revision and refashioning. This entails diverse moments of modification, reuse, ignoring and forgetting, and investing with new meanings’.187 We have already seen in Chapter 3 that early medieval society was aware of the past and, in literature at least, made a conscious effort to tie the new doctrine of Christianity into a familiar conceptualisation of that past. Therefore, it is reasonable when studying the same phenomenon in the landscape, to examine carefully the way in which the built monuments of the Christian faith chose to interact with the most visible aspects of the past in which they were so interested. On a basic level, this means examining the proximity of early Christian sites to the nearest major Iron Age settlement (fort, dun, crannog, hut circle, etc.), and the closest Neolithic or Bronze Age ritual centre (standing stones, cairns, multiple cist burials, barrows, etc.). From these relationships, patterns emerge about the relationship between site type and proximity to major focal point of the prehistoric ritual and settlement landscapes. The methodology utilised in the following chapter situates itself within the theoretical argument laid

185

186

MacDonald 1984b; Taylor, ‘Place-names and the early church’, 1996; Watson 1926

187

29

see Ch. 9 Meskel, ‘Memory’s Materiality’, 2003:36

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL out in Chapter 2, thus integrating the theoretical approach and the purely empirical approaches.

within greater prehistoric landscapes, similar to the Kilmartin Valley. The Kilmartin Valley itself was not chosen as a specific case study because I wanted to explore areas where the associations between the church and the prehistoric landscape were not as well known. Sites on the island of Lismore were also visited on foot to gain perspective on visual connections between them and other prehistoric monuments and to experience the landscape on these churches at a human speed. The decision to visit only a handful of sites was taken so that time and resources could be spent on the fieldwork-based analysis on the island of Lismore. The site visits were restricted to the area of Knapdale, the northern areas of the Loairn, for reasons of time.

Finally, we need to consider the difficult area of placenames, and the placename only category. Already discussed in the last chapter, there are hundreds of placenames elements in Argyll identified by Watson as associated with early Christian ecclesiastical foundations. I have not compiled an exhaustive catalogue of all the early Christian placenames in Argyll since a study of that type would be well beyond the current scope. However, those placename I have recorded are those that appear to be associated with some field remains, extant or known from documentary evidence only, which have early ecclesiastical traits.

Earthwork survey on ecclesiastical sites took place only on Lismore as a part of the overall project and discussed fully in Chapter 8. The surveys looked at the structure of several of the key early ecclesiastical sites on Lismore, which I then compared with the structure of sites recorded in the database. The earthwork surveys also recorded any new features at the sites in question. Excavation, also part of the Lismore Landscape Project and discussed in detail in Chapter 8, took place on a selection of ecclesiastical and secular sites on the island of Lismore. The evidence recovered from the excavation is then used to justify more general comments made regarding evidence elsewhere in Argyll in Chapter 9.

4.4 Fieldwork The field-based methodology involved a combination of preliminary site reconnaissance, earthwork survey, and small-scale excavation. The site reconnaissance took place at several sites to the south of Oban with the intention of gaining a better perspective on the landscape context of the particular churches. Sites at Kilmore, Loch Feochan, and the area around Glenorchy and Inishail Parish church were all visited on foot during the summer and their general landscape contexts recorded. These two sites were chosen for reconnaissance because they are both interesting examples of early ecclesiastical sites

30

and simple forts, with only a single rampart, and set on a coastal promontory or a rocky boss beside a navigable estuary, have a characteristically re-Roman appearance. Of two excavated examples…[one] has both Iron Age pottery and radiocarbon dates which span the 7th and 8th centuries; whereas [the other]…has no early dating, but radiocarbon dates for the 4th-6th centuries AD, and a mass of evidence or Insular metalworking centred on the 6-8th centuries’.189 The assumption in this work is that a similar proportion of the duns and forts near early Christian church sites were occupied during the period of Christianisation and consolidation. Since the major theme of this research is examining the complex ways in which the early Church interacted with the landscape, the smaller scale analyses in the following three chapters will serve to emphasise the secular territorial aspects of site distribution patterns, while at the same time highlight ways in which memory played a central role in the discourse between the Church and the land. The specific stratigraphic data gathered during the Lismore Landscape project, discussed in Chapter 8, strengthen this point even more. Therefore, the spatial data discussed in the next three chapters will be emphasised in Chapter 8 by examining specific dating evidence from the Lismore excavations, allowing a complete analysis across space and through time. The importance of position of the churches vis-à-vis these enclosed places are not primarily ideological, but instead represents the contemporary relationships within society between the evangeliser and the converted. The place of the church between the secular monument and the ritual monuments is physical as well as symbolic. The churches, as we shall see below, occupied places within close proximity to both types of sites within the landscape. Cognitively, the church was also the bridge between the present (the secular ruling classes) and the past (the prehistoric ritual monuments); reinterpreting the ideational landscapes understood by both clerics and secular rulers into a Christian paradigm.

Chapter 5 LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA 5.1 Introduction and Aims 5.1.1 PRESENTATION OF THE DATA COLLECTION EXERCISE In this chapter, the results of the data collection exercise are laid out in order to put the early Christian archaeology into its regional and local contexts. The purpose of the data collection on such an inclusive scale was not only to collate into one database all the available data from disparate sources, but also to get a clearer idea about the quantity of early Christian archaeology available for study. The data are presented in a number of ways, outlined in the two sections below, to answer important questions regarding the relationships between early Christian sites and other elements in the landscape. The spatial distribution of the early Christian sites across Argyll is first analysed as a whole. The sites will be broken down into their perspective site types and analysed both as a body of evidence, and by individual site type. This analysis points out some distinctive patterns in the distribution of the sites indicating that socio-political factors were influencing the organisation of the early church. The patterns lead us to reconsider the traditionally accepted paradigm, suggesting instead that local and territorial concerns far out-weighed any centralising influence from the greater monastic foundations. The two elements, which form the core of the following two chapters, are (1) the relationship between the sites with early Christian foundations and the prehistoric ritual landscape and the Iron Age élite settlement landscape, and (2) the relationship between the early Christian sites and the medieval parish system. These relationships are expressed initially as a study of the proximity of early Christian sites to Neolithic and Bronze Age ritual monuments, cairns, standing stones, barrows, cist cemeteries, and other monuments. The ritual monuments, places of past ideological significance, are important elements within the complex relationships within the Christianised landscape. Sites are also examined in terms of their proximity to the prehistoric, Iron Age settlement landscape, i.e. their proximity to duns, brochs, and crannogs. Many of these monuments represent the élite settlements of the period preceding the conversion to Christianity, and, as we shall see in the case study of the Island of Lismore, represent the élite settlements of the early Christian period as well. Alcock argues that, although ‘[the] occurrence of pottery and other finds datable to after AD 500 on 70% of excavated duns in Argyll has been dismissed as evidence for secondary use and even squatting’ by past scholars, these duns still represents the major settlement type of the period.188 Alcock goes on to discuss the various ‘small 188

Churches will only be discussed in terms of their field remains with no reference to ‘monastic’ or ‘eremitic’, or any other value-laden definitions implying systems that may or may not accurately describe the activities at an individual church. Certainly, the terms above would not be applicable throughout the whole period as the various Christianities spanning the nearly six hundred years under question here would have adapted similar structures of similar purposes, but within different conceptual frameworks. 5.1.2 EARLY CHRISTIAN

ARCHAEOLOGY ACROSS TIME

AND SPACE

In order to analyse the sites across time and space effectively a number of different approaches are taken with the data. The first looks at the distribution of early Christian sites across the whole of the region, split into their different site types. From this analysis, we cannot 189

Alcock 2003: 186

31

Ibid.: 186

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL only assess which site types are more prevalent in different regions, but also how the archaeology has evolved in different regions. Similar to the methodological approach taken by Sam Turner in Cornwall, I have chosen to study the settlement pattern ‘of successive periods against the background of the wider landscape’.190 Like Turner’s work, the patterns seen in the structuring of the landscape between the 6th and 10th centuries are viewed as resulting from the adaptations brought about by ideological changes, namely the adoption of Christianity. These patterns are the result of adapting the Christianised landscape to reflect embedded meanings in the landscape which were grounded in the past

The data are first explored across the whole region, as mentioned above, for a large-scale analysis of the basic relationships between the sites and their landscape contexts. The analysis in Chapter 5 deals chiefly with the relationships between the sites and the different site types, allowing us to see the overall patterns within the distribution of sites and the ways in which they interact with one another across Argyll. The analysis is divided into sections focusing on the different site types. Furthermore, in Chapters 6 and 7, two different scales of regional analysis bring into focus the patterns across the landscape. Chapter 6 looks at each of the three historical kingdoms of Dál Riata as described in the Senchus fer nAlban. Information within the Senchus about how the territories of the various early medieval kingdoms within operated, and what they might be able to tell us about how the early church was organised, is examined as well.

However, different landscapes were not used continuously for ritual purposes from the Bronze Age to the medieval period; rather these landscapes were reinterpreted in the early Christian period. The importance of the past in the early medieval period, and the various ways in which literature reflects this import were discussed in Chapter 3; now the physical manifestations of this conscious association with the past are explored within the relationship between the early Christian sites and those ritual monuments that would have defined the prehistoric landscape. By examining the early Christian sites across space and time, their development from the medieval period backwards, we can begin to discern a pattern within their distribution that shows the active role which these sites played within the landscape, translating ideas from the past into the new language of Christianity. 5.1.3 VARIABLE SCALES OF ANALYSIS The main methodological approach taken here is an examination of the early Christian archaeology of Argyll within a series of nested landscapes. In terms of time, each site is examined not merely in relation to other sites, but to the preceding and succeeding landscapes: the prehistoric ritual landscape and the medieval parish system. These analyses demonstrates how the sites formed an integral and continuous (though dynamic) interpretation of ritual space from the Bronze Age onwards, and that something of this organisation was retained within the medieval parish system: the organisation of a church concerned chiefly with couching the new language of Christianity into recognisable patterns of past ritual life. These nested landscapes, particularly at the two smallest scales of analysis, help to bolster the argument that the early medieval church was organised along secular, territorial lines. The material remains and stratigraphic data from Lismore, as we shall see in Chapter 8, the most compelling. However, much can be learned as well from the spatial distribution of sites within the other two smaller case studies.

190

Figure 7 All early Christian sites by type

5.2 General Site distribution 5.2.1 SITE TYPE DISTRIBUTION Two hundred and ninety-four sites are recorded in the database within the nine different site types outlined in the figure above. These sites represent as much of the early Christian archaeology as can be obtained from the national monument record, representing all sites estimated to have been established as sites for Christian worship before the twelfth century. The sites range from the documented monastic complex at Iona to small crosses incised on Neolithic standing stones. The sites

Turner, ‘’Making a Christian Landscape’, 2003: 174.

32

CHAPTER 5: LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA vary in size, date, range of field monuments, and in function, both early medieval and modern. Figure 7 illustrates the distribution of all early Christian sites collected for this study. The sites are evenly distributed across the region, with some notable clusters on the coasts where the best land in the rocky region lies. Within these clusters of sites can be seen the greatest diversity of site types in the region. The majority of gaps within the pattern can be explained by the difficult terrain in the area. Sites are overwhelmingly located near major lochs and rivers, or in the glens that would have been key to transport and communications systems. These locations indicate that sites are generally placed on the best agricultural land, suggesting that all early Christian sites, and not just the major monastic ones, were probably responsible for providing for themselves with their own systems of fields and domestic economies.

stripping its closest competitor by nearly 4:1. The enclosed single chapel represents over 60% of the early Christian sites in Argyll, though the actual standing remains, where extant, differ dramatically within this category. The next largest sample, with 28 sites, is that of the enclosed cemetery with no evidence of a chapel, closely followed, with 26 sites, by the awkward placename category. Next in the list at 18 sites are the unenclosed single chapels with no evidence for an enclosed burial ground, and then 17 sites with isolated sculpture. There are 8 sites classified as enclosed chapel multiple, representing the major monastic foundations of Iona, Eileach an Naoimh, and St Blaane’s, Kingarth, but also including sites like Kilmaha with possibly multiple ecclesiastical buildings, but no known history. There are 7 sites with early Christian sculpture in a modern secondary context, such as those incorporated into a later building Finally, six cave sites were recorded with early Christian sculpture within; though these caves probably represent only a small proportion of those likely to have been occupied at the time.192 It should be noted that the number of sites in each catagorey is what the archaeological remains represent as they are at present. All sculpture listed in ‘Secondary modern’ contexts would have, at some point, probably have been associated with a church. However, I believe that the overall relative percentages of sites in each catagorey represents the diversity of site types in use in the early Christian period.

The emerging picture is that of a church and a Christian landscape intimately engaged with the economic and social fabric of early historic Argyll, rather than with the ascetic monks of distant islands as the literature suggests. Several areas demonstrate clusters of sites, such as the Mull of Kintyre, the southern edge of Islay, east of the Oa, and the entrance to Loch Linnhe Lismore and the mouth of Loch Etive. These areas represent the most fertile land in the areas. Places where there are great gaps in the archaeology are usually hills and other difficult terrain for agriculture. However, on a political level, these clusters represent something else: the sites cluster around early Historic power centres, places of élite occupation of the highest tier. The southern edge of Islay, as we shall see more, represents the greatest concentration of early historic and prehistoric settlement sites on the island. The clusters of early Christian sites on Islay as a whole also correspond in a meaningful way with what may have been the boundaries between territorial regions. The sites on the Mull of Kintyre largely cluster near the early historic capital at Dunaverty. Sites in Knapdale cluster around the area that would have bordered the kingdoms of the Cenél Loairn and the Cenél nGabráin, especially around the capital of Dunadd. Each of these areas is considered in more detail in Chapter 7. Bannerman first proposed the boundaries between the Cenél in his key work on the Senchus fer nAlban;191 however, we must acknowledge that they were probably quite fluid in the period. This fluidity only makes the clusters of sites along the frontier area more interesting. Bannerman’s boundaries for the individual kingdoms Around Lismore and Loch Etive are numerous sites clustering near the capital of Dunollie. Therefore, we can see that early Christian sites tend to concentrate near major power centres, and the possible implications of these clusters will be discussed in Chapter 9.

Sites are organised by their obvious level of complexity, as opposed to function, along the length of the graph, in as much as can be gleaned without excavation or historical records. Organising the sites in such a way allows the possibility for understanding the development of Christian sites through time and space. However, it must also be said that this organisation does not reflect the overlap during which these sites were constructed. A large, monastic site like Iona was by far the most complex, but we know that it was probably one of the earliest as well. It is impossible to know a precise date for the foundation of many of these churches, and since the period under consideration here spans some six hundred years, there is no way to represent the dating of any of these sites diagrammatically. Since the simple progression from open burial to developed cemetery has largely been discounted,193 unfortunately there is no way of representing a progression in complexity in any meaningful way in a simple diagram. In addition, many sites developed only to a certain point, such as the sites with only sculpture that may have originally been outdoor preaching stations, but never developed into full churches.

Figure 8 illustrates the numbers of sites within each site type in the region. By far the largest site type represented is the single enclosed chapel with 169 sites, far out-

192

See Tolan-Smith, Caves of mid-Argyll, 2001 for an introduction to the topic. Conolly, Jones and Lowe, ‘Inchmarnock’, 2002: 22-3 James, ‘Air Photography’ 1992: 62 ; O’Carragain, ‘A Landscape Converted’, 2001: 129-30 Petts, ‘Cemeteries and Boundaries’ 2002: 245

193

191

Bannerman 1974

33

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL

Figure 8 Total numbers of sites within each site type category.

Figure 10 Iron Age settlement sites in Argyll (from Harding 1997: 119) The landscape context of the early Christian sites vis-àvis the prehistoric landscape is a key concern of this research, and so, before analysing the early Christian sites, it is worth briefly discussing the prehistoric ritual and settlement landscape. Figures 9 and 10 show the known distribution of key elements within the prehistoric ‘ritual’ landscape, i.e. burials and ritual monuments, as well as the distribution of élite late Iron Age settlements. It is easy to see from the figure 9 that the clusters of early Christian monuments described above occupy the same spaces as clusters of prehistoric ritual monuments. Figure 10 shows the location of all Iron Age settlement monuments throughout the regions. Again, some notable clusters around the Oban/Dunollie region and the area around Dunadd are similar to those within the early Christian sites and the ritual sites. Overall, the distribution of the Iron Age settlement sites appears to mirror that of the early Christian sites much more closely, which supports the arguments put forward in preceeding chapters.194 If the church was organised along largely secular lines then we should expect that the distribution of the settlements of those people who would have been in a financial position of offer land and resources to the church would correspond to that of the church. A notable exception to this rule is perhaps the cluster of duns that runs mid-way up the western half of the Kintyre peninsula. This area only has a small handful of early Christian sites, and they tend to cluster slightly further south nearer to the proliferation of prehistoric ritual monuments.

Figure 9 Prehistoric ritual/ burial monuments in Argyll (from Ritchie 1997: 69)

194

See Hingley 1992: 13-15 for a good discussion on the social aspects of the Iron Age monuments

34

CHAPTER 5: LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA There are two possible explanations for this patterning: first, that the duns in question simply were not occupied during the early Christian period, though the discussion of dun chronology in Chapter 5 would exclude this possibility. Second, if at least some duns were occupied into the early medieval period is it possible that their inhabitants did not have the economic means to give land or money towards founding a church. These sites fall in an area which in the medieval period, would have been far enough away from the various seats of power surrounding them, Dunadd, Dunaverty, Tarbet, etc., that there was simply no reason to erect churches in locations where they would not be politically useful. Therefore, we can possibly see this line of Iron Age settlement as forming a political buffer zone between two distinct areas of the Kintyre peninsula, perhaps the boundary between lands associated more with a northern power base (Tarbert?) and those with a southern power base (Dunaverty?). It is interesting, therefore, that the line of early Christian churches at the southern end of Kintyre, which I will discuss in detail in Chapter 7, forms up against the southern boundary of this potential political ‘buffer zone.’

relationships between prehistoric sites and early Christian sites are significant. However, the smaller scale analysis in Chapter 7 will argue that the position of the churches in the landscape is significant when viewed from a localised perspective. The general relationship between the early Christian sites and the prehistoric landscape is demonstrated in figures 11 and 12. The majority of each site type, nearly 60% in most cases, is located within 1km of a major settlement centre (a dun, broch, crannog, etc.), and within 1km of a major prehistoric ritual centre (cairns, standing stones, cup-markings, etc.). Slightly fewer sites are located within 1km of settlement sites than within the same distance to the nearest ritual site. Between 1-2km, in most cases the numbers of sites decrease by more than half, though there is a slight rise in the numbers of sites located within 2-3km, and another rise in those located over 3km. These rises at the top are mostly due to the small number of genuinely isolated island sites, such at Eileach an Naoimh. The major point to be inferred from this evidence is that these early Christian sites were occupying the same landscapes as the settlement centres and past ritual monuments. They may have been even more intimately connected with the settlement landscape than we know, if only the average, unenclosed, settlements of the period were known to us archaeologically. The physical connection between early Christian sites and elements within the prehistoric landscape cannot be discarded as merely a matter of geography, even when evidentially there are only so many places fit for settlement in the region. A closer look at the archaeology will reveal that patterns emerge which point to something more important than a simple geographical relationship.

Figure 11 All site types’ distance to settlement monuments

Another point of interest in the overall distribution is within the areas where there is no correlation between the prehistoric material and the early Christian remains. The distribution of prehistoric remains and early Christian remains is largely the same throughout the region aside from a few specific locations. The most notable is around the area of Dunoon in Southeast Cowal near Bute. Here there is little in the way of recorded prehistoric ritual or settlement sites. However, this area yields the largest number of long cist burials in Argyll, as well as four early Christian churches. It is possible that the early Christian influences on this area were derived more from the southwest of Scotland and the British traditions around Glasgow and Govan. This would explain the presence of a burial type not common in Argyll, and the lack of specific associations with important monuments of the past.

Figure 12 All site types’ distance to ritual monument There is also the very real possibility that correlations between the early Christian sites and the older landscapes of power and ritual are simply a matter of topographical necessity. There is little land in Argyll appropriate for occupation, and the larger scale map would suggest that all sites are lying on top of one another. The position of all sites near the coasts as a necessity of living in rough terrain puts a strain on the argument that the landscape

Moving on towards a more detailed breakdown of the site types and numbers within each Cenél group, we can further isolate patterns in the distributions of sites and the ways in which they were utilizing the landscapes. Studying the sites within their respective Cenél is useful because the Cenél represents a known and contemporary

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL historical spatial reality imposed upon the landscape by those in power; those who would have been directly involved in the Christianising process. The analysis begins below with a discussion of the distribution of individual site types.

numbers as can be found in Ireland and in Pictland.197 Ardyne Park near Port Bannatyne, Inverchoain, could have been the last in a prehistoric burial site that did not develop into an ecclesiastical site.198 At Ardyne Park, long cists were found in association with short cist burials and cairns as well, indicating a long tradition of burial at the same site.199 At Innellan, two long cists were found near what may have been a church, though with no evidence to suggest the building’s exact purpose, and stone ‘Celtic’ heads also indicate an older ritual focus.200

5.2.2 ANALYSIS OF SITE TYPES a. Long cist burials

The dating of long cists has generally been regarded as ‘early Christian’, and though they can be found in areas which may have had a long burial tradition, those long cists which have been dated in Argyll can be placed in around the 8th-9th centuries, fairly late in the early Christian period. The long cists found at Machrins on Colonsay were associated with widespread early medieval and medieval settlement, and even some Viking burials.201 The relationship between the long cist burials and the prehistoric landscape suggests that there is a strong physical relationship between long cist burials and the prehistoric ritual landscape; however, the sample size of long cist burial is too small to make any strong associations without further investigation. Apart from the long cists on the isolated Garvellachs, every site is located within 2km, and all but two within less than 1km from a prehistoric ritual focus. The long cist burials found with early medieval Christian sculpture are but few, and represent the only individual burials within the landscape. The two sites are Brouch an Drummin, near Kilmartin, and Castleton in Kilmichael Glassary parish. At Drummin, an Ogham inscribed stone was found with the burial and at Castleton an early Cross slab was found with the two burials.202 There may yet be some large, long cist cemeteries lying beneath, or outside of, some early ecclesiastical sites, but so far, no such discoveries have been made in the West. In fact, burial in the period preceding the advent of Christianity and the enclosed Christian graveyard is little known in Argyll, along with many other aspects of Iron Age ritual life.

Figure 13 Long cist burials – longc There are 11 sites in Argyll with long cist burials, mostly consisting of small groups of burials, or single inhumations (figure 13). The burials in long cists hardly qualify as whole cemeteries such as those found in the southeast of Scotland and Pictland.195 The vast cemeteries in the east of Scotland are dated to the immediate postRoman period and probably represent a post-Ninian phase of Christianisation.196 The distribution of the long cist burials is fairly even throughout the region with some greater concentration within the Cowal region near the firth of Clyde. There are no other areas which show a particular concentration of these types of burials, suggesting that whatever social factors were driving the establishment of the large, open long cist cemeteries in the East, these were not replicated at the same time in western Scotland. Where a church or ecclesiastical site has been excavated, long cists are often the primary burials at the site, such as at St Ninian’s Chapel, Bute, and Ardwell Island in Galloway, though not in the same

197

For St Ninian’s chapel, Bute see RCAHMS, Inventory, 1988b For Ardwell Island Chapel, Galloway see Thomas 1968 Henshall, ‘The Long Cist Cemetery’, 1958: 281; Roger, ‘Notice of a long cist cemetery’, 1859: 253. 199 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1988a: 54-5 for the prehistoric monuments found in the vicinity 200 see for further accounts Atkinson, ‘Chapelhall, Toward’, 1994, ‘Excavations’, 2000; Rennie, ‘Chapelhall, Toward’, 1995: 61 201 Hunter 2002: 134; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984: 152-3, Ritchie, ‘Excavations at Machrins’, 1982: 263-81. 202 Campbell and Sandeman 1962: 69; Craw, ‘Two long cairns’, 1932: 448-50; SWHI: 151; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1988: 8 198

195

see footnote 81 above and Prodfoot 1998: Illlus. 3 and 6, p.68 for the location of all long cist cemeteries in Pictland. 196 Proudfoot 1998

36

CHAPTER 5: LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA The structure of the enclosed cemeteries varies considerably, as does the age of the field remains. Where the enclosures remain, many are modern enclosures such as that at Cladh á Bhile, built either from scratch, or around a previous boundary at some unknown time in the past. Other enclosures of drystone construction, or turf bank construction, are impossible to date without excavation and, where no records exist of their construction, could have been built 100 or 1000 years ago. We therefore need to discuss these enclosed cemeteries within an unavoidable ‘darkness’, realising that they may or may not represent any kind of historical reality of the early medieval period. The enclosed cemeteries, for which information on their structure is available, are a heterogeneous group, not a homogenous class of circular, enclosed cemeteries. The cemeteries range from simple turf and banked enclosures, to elaborate stone walls both mortared and drystone. The abundance of simple turf and stone enclosures and drystone enclosures around Argyll means that this category could be potentially much larger, but this study takes a conservative view on the enclosed cemetery and therefore does not include any enclosure that does not possess other factors pointing to an early Christian origin. The sizes of the enclosed cemeteries vary as well across the group. The largest examples are Kilmaluag on Mull204 measuring a substantial 50m in diameter, and the enclosure of Kilbride, Coll, with a rough diameter of 43m.205 Little remains within both sites; Kilbride in particular has been damaged by agriculture. The cill placenames may suggest that these two sites once included churches. It is difficult to imagine the purpose of such large enclosures for burial places without a church. However, only fieldwork will untangle precisely the issue of site function identification. Other enclosures are of a much smaller scale, almost as though they could only contain one or two burials.

Figure 14 Enclosed cemetery sites in Argyll b. Enclosed cemeteries ( Fig. 14) The enclosed cemeteries of Argyll are those sites with evidence of a potentially early burial ground, but with no solid evidence of any church on the site. At many of these sites, the possibility does exist that a church might have existed once, as the numerous cill placenames suggest. However, the possibility exists that the cill placename element may have had a wider meaning. Its ubiquity suggests a word that may not have just meant a church in the architectural sense, but a place in the landscape both sanctified and used for Christian rites without any associated building, as proposed in Chapter 4.

The site of New Ulva in North Knapdale206 is a small, stone enclosure within which lies an E-W oriented grave with two upright stones at either end similar to Eithne’s Grave on Eileach an Naoimh.207 Another site similar to New Ulva, measuring 6 x 9 metres, is Kilmaluag, Kintyre, where there is a small stone enclosure with a piece of early Christian sculpture along with an early dedication to Moluag of Lismore.208 At Daltote Cottage, Knapdale, another small enclosure, measuring 10x8 metres and located next to a well, contains one rough natural boulder inscribed with an early linear cross.209 The site could have been nothing more than an outdoor preaching station, the cross and enclosure signifying simply a ‘sanctified’ place. Similarly, the other small

Twenty-eight enclosed cemeteries were recorded in Argyll within two very clear, regional clusters: one in a band in the north Loairn area running east to west, and a similar band running north and south along the long axis of the Kintyre peninsula. The specific reasons for the survival of enclosed burial grounds in these two areas are unclear; more churches may have survived in the central band of Knapdale between the Loairn and the nGabráin. However, there are numerous sites within this category that never had a church, like the remarkable site of Cladh á Bhile in Knapdale and others with the cladh placename element signifying a place of burial.203 The cluster of sites in Knapdale, north of Kintyre, lies in the greatest concentration of early medieval sculpture in Argyll, and none of the enclosed cemeteries in this region displays any evidence of a church once being present.

203

204

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1980: 170 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1980: 143, Watson, Celtic Placenames: 274 206 Campbell and Sandeman 1962:65; Thomas 1971: 62 207 SWHI: 163; Ireland, ‘A Visit to Eileach’, 1903: 189; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984:176; Thomas 1971: 63 208 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971a: 139 209 Campbell and Sandemam 1962: 65; SWHI: 143, RCAHMS, Inventory, 1992: 62-3 205

Watson 1926

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL enclosures could have served the same purpose. This leads to the question of whether or not the large enclosures, suitable for the burial of a substantial number of people, did not perhaps serve an altogether different function. Meggan Gondek has recently suggested in her work on sculptural investment in the early medieval period that the levels of investment at Cladh á Bhile and Iona were equal in the initial phases of Christianisation.210 If indeed the investments were equal, then we have a concrete example of a possible pre-Christian ritual site (Cladh á Bhile means ‘Burial ground of the Sacred Tree’), becoming a very high-status Christian site. The location of Cladh á Bhile within the boundary region between the Loairn and the nGabráin again bolsters the argument that the Christianising of the landscape included a significant amount of reuse and reinterpretation of past ritual places.

Figure 15 Length to width ratios of early Christian enclosed cemeteries in Argyll

Having discussed the upper and lower ends of the scale of enclosed cemeteries, the middle-sized enclosures deserve some mention. These sites complicate the notion of the enclosed cemetery as a primary field monument of early Christian Argyll even further.211 The majority of sites range in size from 19-37 metres in diameter. If we compare this with the sizes of enclosures around the early chapels in Argyll, the proportions are similar except at the very bottom of the scale. Therefore, the sizes of early Christian sites, both those with evidence for a church and those without, are consistent through the region with an average diameter of some 20 to 30 metres. This consistency might suggest a number of factors: a possible explanation is external pressures on the ecclesiastical site, such as issues of land management. Petts has demonstrated in Wales that some of the circular enclosures around early churches are the result of land allocation radiating off a central point, in this case, the church.212 Figures 15 and 16 demonstrate the ratios between length and width of the sample cemeteries and enclosed chapels in this study. Each diamond on the graph represents the basic dimensions of each enclosure as a rough measurement of length to width. The two figures demonstrate the similarities between the percentages of sites within a mean ratio between enclosed cemeteries with a chapel and those without any evidence for a chapel. The two figures also demonstrate that proportionally more enclosed chapels fall within the 2030 by 20-30 range than do enclosed cemeteries, perhaps suggesting that the enclosed cemeteries were smaller because they were never intended to have a church.

Figure 16 Length to width ratios of early Christian cemeteries enclosing chapels in Argyll Prehistoric connections Within this category, the differences in landscape context of the enclosed cemetery vis-à-vis the settlement and ritual centres are clear. Whilst the majority of sites are nearer than 1 km to Iron Age settlement centres or prehistoric ritual centres, the numbers of sites further away from ritual sites in particular rises sharply. There are proportionately more enclosed cemeteries far removed from prehistoric ritual sites than those near to them, whilst the opposite trend can be seen in the relationship between sites and Iron Age settlement. It is difficult to account for the differences within these relationships, though there are some possible explanations. First, a number of the enclosed cemeteries located near settlement centres may have had churches at some point that are simply no longer extant. Those sites located far away from the Iron Age settlements, settlements that surely must have been occupied into the early medieval period (as we shall see on Lismore in Chapter 7), may not have had access to the resources or patronage necessary to develop into a full church. Alternatively, an enclosed burial ground with no chapel may have served as a monument in the landscape indicating an affinity to the Christian faith without being a place of worship per se, or may have had Christian accoutrements such as a wooden cross or shrine which are now lost.

210

Gondek 2006: 125 Most information coming from Ireland as Wales supports the argument that ecclesiastical sites were settlements rather than primarily cemeteries, see Davies W 1982: 143; James 1992: 62; Ó Carragáin 2001: 129 for a full discussion; also Petts 2002 212 Petts 2002: 27-8 211

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CHAPTER 5: LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA

Figure 17 Distance between enclosed cemeteries and older monuments within the landscape Moving on to enclosed cemeteries with early Christian sculpture, those sites we can most easily identify as potentially early Christian, it is obvious that these sites differed from those sites with churches. It is quite possible that they were never intended to have a church. The first within this category is the site of Cladh á Bhile in Knapdale. Here, a re-built 19th century quadrangular wall describes a roughly circular enclosure with 29 individual pieces of sculpture as well as 12 complete or fragmentary quernstones.213 This site is well located in the frontier region between the Cenél Loairn and the Cenél nGabráin, with easy access from the water suggesting a political purpose beyond that of a simple burial ground. Interestingly, of the sites with early Christian sculpture, two-thirds are located within 1km of an Iron Age settlement site, but over half of those with sculpture are further than 3km from a ritual site. This would seem to indicate that a site without a church, but endowed with the necessary resources to commission sculpture, was more concerned with the pre-existing settlement landscape that anything to do with the past ritual landscapes. If the sculpture, especially within the frontier region, was serving a political purpose as well as a religious one, then this only buttresses the arguments put forward here. The cladh placename element, meaning burial place, is also interesting in this context, as it does not necessarily indicate just a burial ground alone. There are seven examples of the place name in this study, but only three are just enclosed cemeteries. These are Cladh á Bhile, Cladh Beag on Tiree,214 and Cladh Na H’Annait215 in Ardchattan north of Oban.

Figure 18 Sites with an unenclosed single chapel in Argyll c. Single unenclosed chapel (Fig. 18) The unenclosed chapel is a rare form in Argyll, and the sites recorded here may reflect not only sites that were never enclosed, but also those where the enclosure was of less substantial material; a hedge or a ditch.216 In addition, sites on Colonsay and Oronsay have a documented history of being unenclosed.217 The unenclosed chapels have a rather restricted distribution, mostly to the areas of the Cenél nGabráin. There are no sites on Islay or Jura, and only three sites from mainland Loairn areas, two of which are on the frontier region between it and the nGabráin. Sites on Colonsay and Oronsay and again on Tiree and Coll may reflect different traditions from the mainland. Four of the sites have associated early Christian sculpture, but none ever developed into a medieval parish church. The morphology of these churches, none of which can be definitely dated to before the 13th century, presents a challenge when trying to understand anything about their early Christian origins. The three unenclosed churches on Colonsay and Oronsay are all of proportions which suggest that they are very early, or at least built to an early plan, measuring roughly 5-7m by 3-5 metres E-W with the door in the western wall. At Teampuill áGhlinne on Colonsay, the church is surrounded by a large burial ground where the graves are all covered in small cairns.218 The burials accompanying Cill Mhoire on Oronsay were

213

Campbell and Sandeman 1962: 65; Fisher 1997: 195, 197; Galloway, ‘Notice of the ancient kil’, 1878: 32-58; SWHI: 141-3 Mann, ‘Ancient sculpturings’, 1922: 124-6, RCAHMS, Inventory, 1980: 135-6; Sands, ‘Notes on the Antiquities of Tiree’, 1882: 463; SWHI: 231

215

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1975: 121 Thomas 1971: 81-5 217 OSNB, no. 65: 101; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984 258 218 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984: 258

214

216

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL also covered in small cairns.219 It is unclear if the burials at Cill Choinnich, the final of the Colonsay sites, were covered with small cairns since there are no remains of the graveyard around the small church, itself now nothing but a crop mark visible only in dry weather.220 The unenclosed churches on Colonsay and Oronsay illustrate well the diversity to be found in the archaeology across the region. The remaining churches are similarly small, aside from two clearly medieval churches both roughly measuring between 13-16 by 6 metres E-W.221 Nothing is known of the history of either medieval church, and not much remains aside from the turf-covered footings of what may (or may not) have been the chapel of St Adomnán in Killeonan near Campbelltown. The other churches considered are of the same small proportions typical of early chapels in Argyll, though there is no dating evidence available from any of these sites to define ‘early’ with any certainty. The churches measure from 95m by 6-2.5 metres E-W with, where information is available, a door in the west wall. The material used to construct the churches, where the information can be determined, varies from simple drystone to lime mortar and rubble construction. However, the field remains at many sites are too insubstantial to determine anything regarding construction other than the overall dimensions. As other sites in Argyll, the unenclosed chapels show a typical pattern of association with the prehistoric landscape. Nearly as many sites are located within 2km of a ritual focus as are further away than 2km (9 and 8 sites respectively). Of the four sites with early Christian sculpture, two are both removed from any ritual focus or settlement sites altogether because they are located on small islands. The sites with early Christian sculpture at Kilbride near Rhudil222 and Kilkenneth on Tiree223 are well within 1km of both ritual and settlement monuments. Figure 19 shows the site types and their distances to both ritual and settlement foci.

Figure 19 The landscape context of the unenclosed single chapel sites in Argyll

Figure 20 Enclosed single chaple sites - encps d. Single enclosed chapel (Figure 20) The single, enclosed chapel is by far the most ubiquitous site type in the region, and poor survival of field remains in some areas means that the category could potentially increase following further fieldwork. The standing remains of these churches, none of which can be dated with any certainty to the period before the 12th century, are as diverse as any 169 buildings can be, yet with a number of similarities suggesting an architectural tradition of sorts. The distribution of the enclosed single chapel is even throughout Argyll; the only real gaps in the pattern are in those areas where high hills prevent any

219

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984: 166 Cormack, ‘Cill Choinnich’, 1996: 16; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984: 163; Stevenson, ‘Notes’, 1881: 122-3 221 St Columba’s Chapel, Cove, Knapdale see: Campbell and Sandeman 1962: 81; RCAHMS for St Adomnan’s Chapel, Campbeltown Parish see: RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971a: 138; Watson 1926: 270 222 Campbell 1961: 9; Campbell and Sandeman 1962: 79; SWHI: 147; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1992: 101-3 223 OSA, Vol. 10, 401-2; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1980: 146; SWHI: 124, OSA, Vol. 10, 401-2; Watson 1926: 276 220

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CHAPTER 5: LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA kind of occupation. The sites are located where they would be expected: on the coastlines and along the major lochs and rivers where they would have been at the heart of the communication and transportation systems. Every site in the database is within 1km or less of some kind of fresh water source. The land nearest to fresh water sources would have been the most fertile in an otherwise hostile region. The initial picture is of a church enjoying a central position in the everyday landscapes of the society of which they were a part.

have been a busy place. There is also, of course, the possibility that many sites seem isolated only because the settlement within which they were once associated is no longer visible on the surface.

The structure and morphology of these early churches would be a study in itself, and so will only be summarized here. The earliest of the churches, enclosed or unenclosed, are usually of very small proportions, around 5 x 3 meters, though how early these stone churches remains unclear. The earliest ‘Irish’ churches, as Bede and Adomnán state clearly, would have been of wood.224 Excavations at Ardwell Island by Charles Thomas in the 1960s revealed a wooden building beneath the medieval stone church.225 Extensive excavation beneath Ardnadam Chapel in Argyll similarly revealed a number of timber structures, but their purpose could not be discerned from the evidence collected.226 In the east of Scotland, where there are a number of churches such as Abernethy and Restennet with their distinctive round towers, the architecture displays influences from both the Irish monasteries and the Northumbria foundations.227 The round towers and Anglo-Saxon window openings at these sites might fit comfortably in with the buildings at Jarrow or Corbridge, or even at Clonmacnois.228 These traditions find no expression in the churches of Argyll. The chapels of the west of Scotland might at best be described as simple, and largely stand as medieval rebuilds or ruinous shells. However poor the architectural remains at theses sites, their distribution does allow us to track the expansion of a basic unit of Christian worship.

Figure 21 Enclosed single chapel – distance to prehistoric monuments A closer look at the sites reveals that more enclosed single chapels are located near to ritual monuments than to settlement sites, but not in significant numbers. The overall picture remains balanced. If the numbers of enclosed single chapels are broken into their geographical groupings by Cenél, the proportion of sites within one to three kilometres of ritual or settlement sites does not alter significantly. On Islay, most sites are located very near other monuments—not surprising given its island geography. Typically, in the nGabráin and Loairn, the numbers of sites decrease as one moves further from settlement and ritual sites. A detailed analysis of patterns within the distribution of sites in the Cenél groups will be undertaken in the next chapter, and an even more detailed look at a specific small-scale analysis within each group will be conducted in Chapter 8.

The relationship between the single enclosed chapel and the prehistoric landscape holds to the same pattern as the other site types. The majority of sites are less that 1km both from ritual foci, and from settlement sites. As one moves away from ritual and settlement monuments, the number of enclosed chapels in the area decreases. Those sites further than three kilometres fall into two categories: those truly isolated sites on islands such at Eilean Mór in Knapdale, and places where one would expect other sites in the area. The distinction between the two categories is perhaps not as straightforward as one might expect. Considering the water traffic that would have been about on all the lochs and sea routes, an ecclesiastical foundation on an island in the middle of the sea may well 224

Donaldson 1985:1, McDonald 1984: 76-7 Thomas 1968: 138-40 SWHI: 141; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1988: 201-1; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1992: 48-9; Rennie, ‘Ardnadam’ 1999: 29-43

225 226

227

For general discussions of the early churches in the East of Scotland see: Cameron, ‘St. Rule’s Church’, 1994; Cruden, Scottish medieval Churches, 1986; Fernie, ‘Early Church Architecture’, 1986; 228 Donaldson 1985:2-3

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL Therefore, this category includes those sites showing evidence of more than one building within a suspected early Christian enclosure where those buildings cannot be positively identified as intrusive. These site types represent the present state of the field remains and make no statement regarding their function within the early Christian landscape based upon their structure. Essentially, this category includes those sites which McDonald would term ‘major early monasteries’, i.e. ‘an ecclesiastical settlement, the existence of which at some time during the period here in question…is attested by contemporary or reliable documentary record, emanating either from itself or from another house that thought it worthy of note for whatever reason’, and also sites with evidence of multiple buildings still present.231 Consequently, the category represents both a contemporary situation, and the present situation at a site.

Figure 22 Enclosed multiple chapel sites e. Multiple enclosed chapel (Fig. 22) Once again, the present category multiple enclosed chapel, suffers from a certain degree of subjectivity at the expense of empirical data. The situation envisioned here with the category is one where a large enclosed ecclesiastical site has evidence for the presence of more than one church. We know from Adomnán that Iona was a site with more than one church, and the Northumbrian monastic establishments, such as Jarrow, often had multiple churches. Large sites such as Eileach an Naoimh probably indicate the presence of more than one church in the early medieval period as well. The serious problem with this category is that where an enclosure has been reused, or more buildings have been inserted within in the past, there is no way of establishing whether all the buildings represent churches, or a church and living quarters, or two medieval sheep sheds. Large enclosed sites such as Lismore with a well-documented monastic past would probably have had more than one church and would certainly have had multiple domestic buildings as well. However, the only buildings known at Lismore aside from the present church are probably medieval.229 Another site with two, maybe three, buildings within its enclosure, as well as some fine early sculpture, is the small site of Kilmaha on the north bank of Loch Awe.230 Unfortunately, this site was so damaged by a windstorm in the 1960s, and has since been left to the bracken, that determining the function of any of the three structures would involve a massive effort.

Figure 23 Enclosed multiple chapel—distances to prehistoric monuments The sites are distributed solely in the north of our area, with every site firmly within the Cenél Loairn, St Blaane’s foundation in South Bute being the only exception. There are two sites near Oban, one on Kererra Island232 and the other at Cleigh Na H-Annait.233 Another site at Kilneuair lies on the southern end of Loch Awe, where a church is associated with another small building that might be a dwelling.234 Whether the distribution is a matter of survival, or reflects an historical reality, is difficult to determine, but there is some evidence that the large Columban monasteries, those that may well have been part of an Iona-based monastic paruchia, have primarily been located in Loairn. Adomnán is terribly vague when discussing the monasteries established by Columba himself, and mentions few that can now be positively identified. However, we do know enough of their locations and Columba’s movements from the Vitae Columba to determine that there were two monastic establishments on Tiree, one on the shore of Loch Awe, and one on the unidentifiable Hinba.235 Aside from possibly Hinba, the rest of these monasteries would have 231

MacDonald 1984: 69 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1975: 119-20 233 LAS 1967: 9, RCAHMS, Inventory, 1975: 234 Campbell and Sandeman 1962: 37, 73, 80-1, 93; NSA, Vol. 7, 685-6; OPS , Vol. 1, 42-8. 235 See Appendix 2 for a list of Columba’s movements from Adomnán 232

229

see Chapter 7 for a discussion of all sites on Lismore. Campbell and Sandeman 1962: 70-1; Kahane, ‘Kilmaha’ 1992: 61; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1975: 149-50; SWHI: 120-1149-50

230

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CHAPTER 5: LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA been firmly within the territory of the Cenél Loairn, as was Iona itself. This is not to say that large monasteries were not present in the Cenél nGabráin. The site of St Blaane’s on Bute attests to the size of monastic enclosures in the south.

of the occupant. The exception is Scoor Cave on Mull which is less than 1km from settlement sites as well as ritual monuments, but its orientation, facing the sea, would create a feeling of isolation for the occupant regardless.236 The site of St Ciaran, Kintyre, is also near a settlement focus, not surprising given the extensive settlement and excellent landing areas in the area.237

The sites in this category are overwhelmingly located near sites of secular or ritual importance in the landscape. The only site that is isolated is the site at Kilmaha on Loch Awe, though its present location on Forestry Commission land may mean that monuments near to its location are hidden within the trees. Within the category are sites that would have been at the top tier of the ecclesiastical establishment. However, other sites may have simply escaped destruction over the years by accident.

Figure 25 Isolated sculpture sites in Argyll g. Isolated sculpture (Figure 25) This section briefly examines the isolated sculpture site type, and includes a discussion of all sites with early Christian sculpture in Argyll. Beginning with the sites with isolated pieces of sculpture, as they do represent a unique site type, the discussion then moves onto looking in general at the distribution of sculpture throughout the region. As mentioned earlier, the presence of early sculpture at a site is one of the key criteria for identifying a site as early Christian. The major source for study of the early Christian sculpture in Argyll is the 1904 study by J. Romilly Anderson, though this source focuses primarily on Pictish iconography.238 A recent survey of all the early Christian sculpture in Argyll by Ian Fisher revealed some new pieces and organised all known sculpture into an easily accessible gazetteer focused only on Argyll, and the Western Highlands and Islands.239 Fisher’s book, while useful, does not go far enough in analyzing the regional distribution of these crosses and the implications on the Early Christian archaeology of Argyll. Though considering that sculpture, even for its size, is a movable artefact, it is difficult to prove what sculpture is actually

Figure 24 Cave sites in Argyll f. Caves (Figure 24) The caves examined in this study are those that have within them direct evidence of early ecclesiastical occupation, i.e. sculpture, carving, or fonts etc. Many more caves were likely to have been occupied during the early medieval period, probably by ecclesiastics, but with no direct evidence we cannot determine how many with any degree of certainty. Therefore, there are only six cave sites recorded for this study. These caves are spread evenly across Argyll. There are two caves on the ecclesiastically significant Holy Island off the coast of Arran. Two sites in Lorn are located along the southwest peninsula of Mull and on the shore of Loch Tarbet in Knapdale. The final two are located on the Mull of Kintyre, near Campbelltown. The caves are naturally isolated from prehistoric settlement and ritual monuments, representing a likely desire for an ascetic life

236

SWHI: 125, RCAHMS, Inventory, 1980: 166-7 SWHI: 118, RCAHMS,Inventory, 1971: 145-7 238 Anderson 1904 239 SWHI 237

43

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL in situ. Nevertheless, given the problems with all other field remains detailed above, it is often the best evidence we can have for designating a site as ‘early Christian’. The following section builds upon the work of Anderson and Fisher by examining the sculpture within the geopolitical landscape in which it was created. The process of erecting represents a direct action by someone in the past with a desire to advertise their ideology. If we can understand the motives behind the erection of such a visible and unequivocal symbol, such as a cross, then perhaps we can begin to understand the workings of the church behind that symbol.

Prehistoric connections The close proximity of early Christian sites with sculpture to Iron Age settlement sites as well as prehistoric ritual sites is illustrated below in figures 27 and 28. The sites with sculpture are overwhelmingly located close to possible to focal points of the past landscape. The ‘spike’ of sites further than 3 km can be explained by the nature of the sites themselves. Those sites located far away from other focal points in the landscape are the obviously monastic sites located on islands such as Eileach an Naoimh in the Garvellachs and Eileen Mor in Knapdale, and the cave sites whose general isolations has led to their interpretation, rightly so, as eremitic hermitages.

Figure 27 Sites with early Christian sculpture: distance from ritual site

Figure 26 Total numbers of sculptures per site The basic distribution of sites with early Christian sculpture at each is shown in figure 26. Figure 26 also shows the numbers of individual pieces of sculpture at each site. Figure 26 highlights once again the amount of sculpture found at the boundary region between the two cenel. The sites cluster in the Mid-Argyll region, with other sites distributed evenly throughout the landscape. However, when adjustments are made in the distribution of the sculpture vis-à-vis their early medieval territories, a different picture emerges. In other words, when the sculpture is distributed across the region with the early kingdom displayed as well, their distribution begins to make more sense. The sculpture is most heavily clustered around the borders between the Cenél Lorain and the Cenél nGabráin. This suggests that clusters are the result of the tensions at the borders between two tribal groups vying against one another for the over-kingship of Dál Riata.

Figure 28 Sites with Early Christian sculpture: distance from settlement site Function The function of the early Christian sculpture in Argyll is interesting because researchers have not yet exploited its full potential. However, extensive work on the Class II Pictish sculpture stones in the East of Scotland, those with Pictish iconography as well as a cross, has led to the development of a theory of royal patronage that, in the context of Argyll, ought to be explored further. There are several reasons for extending the idea of royal patronage, and not just monastic piety, to Argyll. Pictish symbol 44

CHAPTER 5: LARGE SCALE ANALYSIS: ARGYLL AND THE DÁL RIATA stones were important in the early historic period as a way of communicating a variety of social relationships. As Driscoll has explained, the Class I symbol stones, with their pagan iconography, form part of a discourse ‘which expands from the ritual context of burial to acquire different meanings over time and which involves different segments of the community’240 . If these monuments indeed form part of such a discourse, then is it equally possible to understand that discourse in terms of a triangular relationship between the observer, the stone, and the landscape. The stone, therefore, acts as an intermediary between the observer and the landscape, marking out the significance of the landscape in which it was erected as a way of reinforcing memory as well as defining political territory of specific nobility.241 Driscoll, summarising arguments from Anderson and Donaldson, states that the early church in Pictland was ‘shaped along orthodox lines by local political concerns, rather Irish missionary monasticism’.242 If this is indeed the case, then it bolsters the argument that if secular powers appropriated the past symbols of power, the church was likely to do the same. Therefore, one possible interpretation is that sculpture was erected in specific locations as a way of appropriating the ideological importance of those places, whether the specific ‘connection between memory and meaning’ had been ‘severed’ or not.243 This appropriation of past landscapes can be seen paralleled in the use of stone markers to indicate important places in the landscape. The Picts erected their symbol stones in the same locations as earlier monuments indicating that these places in the landscape up and down the Tay Valley were important. Those erecting the Class I and Class II stones believed they could forward their cause by association. Translating these ideas to Argyll, however, is a different matter given no tradition of carved stones with pagan iconography along with overtly Christian symbolism, such as the Pictish Class I stones. Still, some useful parallels can be drawn which will help to further the initial argument that the early Christian church in Argyll developed along territorial lines, concerned as much with preserving ideas of the past as it was with integrating a new ideology, rather than an intrusive element imposed upon the landscape by foreign elements.

Figure 29 Placename only sites h. Placename only The one site type that, overall, remains at a greater distance from settlements and ritual centres are those sites which are merely placenames. Two possibilities present themselves to explain this phenomenon. On the one hand, the early Christian sites represented by these names have simply disappeared from the record because of being so far away from other settlement/ritual sites. On the other, the activities, which may have gone on at these sites, were different from those at sites closer to settlement/ritual sites, i.e. churches where worship occurred as opposed to other religious activities. Perhaps sites away from settlement or ritual centres; places that were perhaps liminal in some way, were afforded dedications to early Christian saints as a way of incorporating these outside places into the overall known landscape. Incorporating these sites may indeed have had a political element as well. A church erected and patronised on the borders of rival territory would have been a significant statement of prestige. The placenameonly sites also tend to be dedicated to saints not used in conjunction with the nearest churches, so perhaps these places were neutral meeting grounds between Christian communities dedicated to indicate their status as Christian places in the landscape, but without any church at or near the site. It is also possible that the churches have simply disappeared. This is perhaps the most likely scenario in the case of most sites. The annat placename element, which will be discussed further along in detail in the section on the development of the parish system, is one element where there is little evidence of a church ever having existed at the site. However, with a site like Kilcherran in Lismore, a medieval Roman Catholic

240

Ibid., 227 Driscoll 1999: 249 242 Driscoll 1991: 87 243 Crumley 1999: 271 241

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL College and Bishop’s burial ground may indicate that an earlier church was indeed at the site, though no physical evidence remains.244 None of the 17th century maps of Lismore by Bleau indicates a chapel near the location of Kilcherran, and there is no local tradition of a chapel having ever been at the site.245 Landscape features with early Christian placename elements, which have not been included in this study, also represent places which need not have been dedicated thus because of their proximity to a physical church, but because of their status as a Christian place, tying older notions of special places in the landscape with the Christian convention of dedicating churches to particular saints. Torr Na H’Annaid on Mull and Suidhe Challumchille on Arran are two such places, as well as the numerous other hills, springs, wells, etc. dedicated to early saints. i. Modern Secondary There are a number of sites where early Christian sculpture is present in a modern secondary situation, such as sculpture built into the wall of a later building, church, or farmhouse. Sculpture in a modern context may possibly mark the position of an earlier, Christian site, but this study makes no attempt at extrapolating from where a piece of sculpture in a secondary context might have originated. The isolated pieces of sculpture that have found their way into the walls of buildings or serve as gate posts do highlight how portable the sculpture is and was, and the dangers of assuming that any one piece of sculpture has been created for the location at which it is found.

244 245

Carmichael, Lismore in Alba, 1948?: 81-2 NLS

46

Chapter 6 REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART I THE CENÉL 6.1 Introduction This chapter examines the three historical kingdoms of the Dál Riata and the early Christian archaeology within each kingdom as separate entities. The Cenél were recognised kingdoms in the early medieval period in Scotland, and therefore the top tier of a complex system of kingship that included various levels of power and responsibilities. The following discussion of the archaeological remains within their respective kingdoms allows us to focus tighter on the landscape contexts of the early Christian sites. After a description of the archaeology in each Cenél, the three regions are compared and contrasted. The differences and similarities highlight the regional differences in the distribution of early Christian archaeological remains against the distribution of settlement and ritual sites. These regional differences in turn bolster the argument that if the model of the monastic paruchia is to be applied to Argyll, then the definition must be altered towards Etchingham’s definition with jurisdictional boundaries corresponding with secular administrative, or túath, boundaries.246

Figure 30 Distribution of site types in the Cenél nGabráin The lack of any sites on the eastern edge of Kintyre is difficult to explain unless one considers the difficulty of sailing between Kintyre peninsula and Arran. The sites all seem to ‘face’ a certain area, as though they were interested in the goings on in a particular region only. The sites in southern Kintyre are clearly focused on activities within the interior of the Mull of Kintyre and on southern coastlines. Sites on the Dunoon/Bute region are focused upon the small waterways creeping into the mainland, thereby turning the peninsula between Loch Fyne and Loch Long into a sort of three fingered hand along the western edge of Kintyre and up through Knapdale.

6.2 The Archaeology of the three Cenél 6.2.1 CENÉL NGABRÁIN The early Christian sites in the Cenél nGabráin are largely located in mainland areas near the coast. The different site types are evenly distributed across the landscape as well, with the exception of the southeast corner of Kintyre which seems to have a dense cluster of placenames. In addition, all of the unenclosed cemeteries in the nGabráin (fig. 30) are in Kintyre and the Knapdale regions within the nGabráin. There are no enclosed cemeteries with a chapel in the regions that would have been a part of the Cenél Conaill. Two reasons for this distribution are possible, given the state of the preserved field remains. The first is that many of the enclosed cemeteries would once have had chapels. This is possible since six out of the seven placenames do have a –cill prefix. The second reason concerns the preservation of field remains. The enclosed cemetery in the southern end of Kintyre is in the same area of the three placename only sites, and this is very possibly a result of churches not being sustained through the years. One place devoid of any early Christian archaeology, interestingly, is the eastern coast of Kintyre north of the Mull, and along the corresponding north coast of Arran. This part of Arran is largely uninhabitable, though its remoteness would make it an ideal location for an eremitic foundation.

The numbers of different site types in the nGabráin is similar to the overall pattern. The single, enclosed chapel constitutes the majority of the sites (63). The next largest category with 10 examples is the isolated placename. There are 8 unenclosed chapels, including those on Colonsay and Oronsay discussed earlier. The nGabráin has over 50% of the caves sites with four, six enclosed cemeteries, four long cist burials, and five sites with isolated sculpture. Forty-five of the sites in the Cenél nGabráin have some early medieval sculpture, representing the largest proportion of sites with sculpture per number of sites of any of the three kingdoms. The landscape context of the sites, when seen from a regional perspective, opens up some new and interesting information. More sites in the nGabráin are located within 1km of a ritual site than are located near an Iron Age settlement site (Fig. 33), though the difference between the two (55 and 61 respectively) is not significantly large enough for a pattern to be established. Nor is there a particular pattern within sites at different differences. Slightly more sites are between 1 and 2km from a ritual site (18) than a settlement site (14). Twentyfive sites are further than 3 kilometres from a settlement site, with only 18 being further than three kilometres from a ritual site. The relationship between the early

246

Charles-Edwards 2000:12-13. Charles-Edwards defines a tuáth as a small territorial kingdom. A region such as Loairn would have composed numerous smaller tuátha.

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL Christian site and the past ritual landscape was slightly more important within this region with sites located within easy distances of past ritual monuments.

obvious examples of places with past ritual significance being sanctified by Christian symbolism. Lying along the bottom of a low ridge just to the north and west of modern Campbelltown, near the airport, is a landscape dense with cairns, standing stones, and other prehistoric ritual monuments. It is also the location of no less than four possible early medieval churches, three of which became medieval parish churches. A detailed study of this area will continue in the next chapter. The island of Bute is another landscape dense with ritual monuments of a time long before the advent of Christianity. The Christian monuments are comfortable in this landscape in a way that suggests that they were intentionally located in an area already understood to be a source of ritual. Not only at ritual places do these sites occur in numbers, but also near places which would have been imbued with an immediate interest for the inhabitants of Argyll. Though it has already been mentioned, it is worth acknowledging again, before moving to the north to discuss the Cenél Loairn, that the sites in the nGabráin with early medieval sculpture, the surest sign of top-level patronage, are largely located in the frontier region between the two kingdoms. The line of costal, or near costal, sites along the long axis of the Kintyre peninsula would have been good reminder to anyone sailing up the coast that the wealth of the kingdom was such that pieces of fine Christian sculpture were within their budgets, especially considering that the route was probably the one taken by anyone sailing from the nGabráin stronghold of Dunaverty at the Mull of Kintyre up to Tarbert or Dunadd. 6.2.2 CENÉL LOAIRN The area of the Cenél Loairn represents the greatest proportion of land in Argyll, a main contributing factor to its lion’s share of the archaeological sites. However, as mentioned earlier, the boundary between it and the Cenél nGabráin to the south was likely to have been very fluid. The sites, naturally, hug the coastlines and lochs throughout the area, as is the case for all the regions. The area of the Cenél Loairn also contains the most important monastic foundations of the time, i.e. those that we know from independent sources. These are Iona off the coast of Mull, the two supposed monasteries on Tiree, and the mythical monastery on Loch Awe, all Columban foundation, and St Moluag’s shadowy foundation on Lismore. There are 146 sites within the Loairn region, as set out by Bannerman, representing 52% of the overall sample from Argyll. As with the Cenél nGabráin, the largest number of sites is the single, enclosed chapel with 74 sites recorded. The second largest category is the enclosed cemetery with 20 sites. The rest of the numbers of site type totals can be found in figure 32 below.

Figure 31 (above) Distance of sites in the Cenél nGabráin to Iron Age settlement sites; (below) Distance of sites in the Cenél nGabráin to prehistoric ritual sites The landscape contexts of the sites in other areas of the Cenél nGabráin indicate that the early Christian church was indeed reinterpreting a past landscape imbued with meaning and cultural importance, and doing so in such a way that integrated the Christian ideology into the social fabric via an already embedded cultural paradigm. At two sites in the nGabráin region, the associations between the past and the present are explicit. At Auchana near modern Kilfinan, a Neolithic chambered cairn was inscribed with a Latin linear cross,247 whilst at the small enclosed chapel of Cill Chaluim Cille, near Tarbert on Jura, a standing stone inscribed with a cross actually stands within the burial enclosure itself.248 These two examples are the most 247 248

The landscape contexts for the sites in the Cenél Loairn are very similar, with nearly equal numbers of sites being nearly equal distances from settlement or ritual sites (Fig. 33). The majority of sites are located less that 1km from a settlement centre or a ritual monument. This can partly be

SWHI: 141; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1988: 40-41 SWHI: 136; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984: 162; Rideout 1932: 149-50

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CHAPTER 6: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART I THE CENÉL explained by the greater proportion of relatively isolated sites within the territory. It is the enclosed single chapel that show the great variation in their landscape contexts vis-à-vis other monuments. The enclosed cemeteries show a marked distinction between their relationships to ritual vs. settlement monuments. Nine sites are located less that 1km from a settlement site, but only about half of these are located near a ritual centre. Within the nGabráin, the numbers are the same form ritual and settlement sites where the enclosed cemeteries are concerned. Yet, aside from the enclosed cemeteries, all the other site types are proportionally nearer to ritual sites in the Cenél Loairn than they are near to major settlement foci.

Figure 33 (above) Distance of sites in the Cenél Loairn to prehistoric ritual sites; (below) Distance of sites in the Cenél Loairn to Iron Age settlement sites

Figure 32 Cenél Loairn site types distribution The greatest concentration of sites with early Christian lies in the southern portion of the region, along the boundary between Loairn and nGabráin to the south. These sites are also near the major stronghold of Dunadd which was contested between the two kingdoms during the period. Another significant cluster to the north, near Lismore and the Early Christian stronghold of Dunollie, may represent a pattern of Christian sites clustering around important secular centres, especially given the large numbers of sites across the region located within easy distance of settlement sites. An association between the site of Christian practice and secular power within the landscape is clear in many areas. On a large scale, these sites seem to cluster near the seats of power, but there is a much more intimate connection with the landscape at a number of locations that betrays an understanding of the power of past ritual places.

The Kilmartin Valley, well known as one of the most magnificent ritual landscapes in Britain, is an explicit situation where an early medieval church has been inserted into a ritual landscape in a prominent position. Yet the Kilmartin Valley is not the only instance in Loairn where there is obviously an association between an important ritual landscape and the early medieval church in the area. In Glen Feochan, another large, ritual landscape neatly incorporates the early medieval and medieval parish church. Figure 34 shows Glen Feochan from the bottom of Loch Nell to the medieval parish church of Kilmore. Two interesting things can be seen in figure 34. First, the long string of ritual monuments ends at the church, and indeed carries on to the east and south outside the map area. The church continues on a long tradition of burial within this valley. Secondly, there is the shape of the field walls around the church itself. While the internal divisions appear to be a result of

49

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL modern farmsteads and crofts, the large circular area around the church is interesting. Here, all of the buildings crowd around the church inside of the circular area; contrast this to Lismore where all crofts are firmly outside of the proposed enclosed area around the church.

represent areas of post-medieval settlement in the forms of farmsteads and crofts. It is clear from the map that those early Christian churches that were located in areas with a high concentration of prehistoric ritual monuments became the parish churches and the focus of settlement in later ages. The exception is the interesting site at Inishail where the little medieval parish church occupied the island in the centre of the Loch; perhaps seemingly isolated until we see the huge number of crannogs surrounding the island.

Figure 34 Glen Feochan and Kilmore Old Parish Church

Figure 35 Parishes and early Christian sites in Loch Awe Regardless of whether the crannogs were being occupied at the time of the founding of the church, the island in the centre of what was probably a very busy waterway in the early medieval period indicates that whoever founded the church was keenly aware of the importance of the location. The convergence of so many medieval parishes at this particular spot deserves some notice as well. The parish boundaries display a certain amount of tension, as though all the territories were at once pushing against one another for the most access to the important junction of the two lochs. In light of this speculation, Inishail parish church and its privileged position, not to mention its landscape-based name rather than saint-based dedication perhaps, as with Kilmore above, point to a situation where the position in the landscape was the most important aspect of the church, and not whatever saint it may have wanted to worship.

Whether this reflect some kind of ecclesiastical boundary around the church of Kilmore is impossible to determine, but does bear consideration. Another interesting aspect of this important church is perhaps its name. Whilst a dedication does exist at the church to St Bean, the commonplace name is simply Kilmore, ‘the great church’.249 Could it have been given such a name to signify its importance in what would have been a very special landscape? Another area in Loairn worth looking at in some detail is the area at the head of Loch Awe where a number of medieval parishes form up together at the point where Loch Awe flows into Loch Etive. Figure 35 shows the position of all the early Christian monuments in the area along with all the ritual monuments and Iron Age/early medieval settlement sites. The green shaded areas 249

The overall picture of the archaeology of the Cenél Loairn is, on the surface, a balanced picture with some

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1975: 153-5

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CHAPTER 6: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART I THE CENÉL clustering of sites, but evenly distributed archaeology with sites being located nearer to settlement and ritual sites. However, there is a difference in the pattern of distribution of sites with early Christian sculpture. In the region of the Cenél Loairn, there are 53 sites with early Christian sculpture. Nearly half of these sites, 23, are located in North Knapdale alone within the frontier region between the Loairn and the nGabráin. On the mainland north of this band of sites, there are only 10 sites with early Christian sculpture. The other twenty sites are scattered about evenly on the islands. This might indicate that the sites with sculpture were focused on the border for a reason, perhaps to make a political point about the region and its ability to mobilise the resources necessary to produce so much sculpture, similar to the sites within Kintyre. The other scattered sites on the mainland with sculpture also seem to form a line across the eastern edge of the occupied territory, again perhaps serving a similar purpose.

Cenél Loairn. He goes on to suggest that the boundary of the Loairn would therefore have been at the neck of the Tarbert peninsula, where Kintyre slides away from the mainland. The section of the Senchus most applicable to this current study is the civil survey of the three Cenéla. Although the information given in the Senchus is at times incomplete, and at times inconsistent, the overall insights into civil organisation are great. By examining in detail the information given for the Cenél Loairn, perhaps we can begin to tease out some suggestions regarding the organisation of the land, and the church within. According to the Senchus, there were seven septs of the Cenél Loairn, each originally listed along with their corresponding numbers of houses; houses in this case probably referring to free-client estates that would have owed tribute to the various kings of the túath. In the surviving version, however, the names of three are known with the names of the leaders known for two. The Senchus does give some interesting clues as to the distribution of ‘houses’, which we may infer to mean something similar to ‘free-estate’ rather than every peasant household. We are told in the Senchus that the Cenél Cathbath is credited with sixty houses. Bannerman suggests that the stronghold of the Cenél Cathbath was a Dunollie, right across the water from Lismore, from two entries in the Annals of Ulster mentioning the destruction of Duin Onlaigh by Selbach who was, at the time, the leader of the Loairn. Bannerman interprets these entries as chronicling the suppression of a revolt by the Cenél Cathbath.255 Equating archaeology on the ground with the ‘household’ of the Senchus would be very difficult. Duncan states that ‘the Senchus itself contains no clear definition of a ‘house’, save that it had associated land, but comparison with the use of tref in Welsh and tech in Irish evidence strongly suggests that ‘settlement’ is the meaning of all [terms] and that the fiscal ‘house’ on the ground was a hamlet of peasants paying bes-tige, house tribute, a food rent…256’. From an archaeological perspective, it would be futile to begin counting duns to try to ascertain which ones would have been considered ‘houses’ of their Cenél. However, if it can be shown that early medieval churches had strong connections with local élite rulers, and that their very locations in the landscape indicated that they were organised along secular and territorial lines, then it may be possible to tentatively suggest some correlation between the location of early medieval churches and the number and distribution of these settlements or houses.

Below is a discussion of the place of the Cenél Loairn within the geo-political landscape of Argyll in the early medieval period. The discussion will attempt to put the early Christian sites within the territory into a historically grounded context. The best-written documentation we have for the position of the Cenél Loairn within early medieval Dál Riata is the Senchus fer nAlban. Apart from information in the Senchus, the Cenél Loairn are also mentioned by a number of the early Irish annals.250 The nGabráin are mentioned as well in these sources, more often that not in reference to their leaders. This is because at the original writing of the Senchus, the Cenél nGabráin were the dominant political force in Dál Riata, but had been eclipsed by the Loairn by the end of the seventh and early eighth centuries. Bannerman mentions that at the height of the Cenél Loairn’s power, there are twice as many mentions of the Cenél Loairn in the annals than the Cenél nGabráin, most likely because of Iona.251 The exact geographical distribution of the Cenél Loairn is not made explicit in the Senchus, but it can be inferred that they inhabited the area of Lorn, and the Senchus considered this self-evident enough not to mention.252 The southern boundary between the Cenél Loairn and the Cenél nGabráin, which must have been very important, is difficult to define. Skene’s arguments that Dunadd was the main stronghold of the Cenél nGabráin has been disputed by both Watson and Bannerman who argue that Dunadd was firmly in the territory of the Loairn.253 Bannerman uses evidence from the Annals of Ulster which record the taking of two princes of Selbach prisoner after the capture of Dunadd by the Cenél nGabráin in 736.254 Bannerman argues that since princes of the Loairn would not have been at Dunadd had it not been of their territory, Dunadd must have been in the

The Senchus says that the Cenél Loairn could muster seven hundred men in time of war, one hundred of which were the Airgialla.257 Though the number seven hundred may be an idealised ‘rounding off’ of the number of men available for a slógad, or hosting, it does hold with the average number of soldiers given to a high king for battle

250

AU, and AT 678, 719, and 733 see Anderson and Anderson Early Sources, 1922 251 Bannerman 1974:110 252 Ibid. : 112 253 Bannerman 1974: 113; Skene : 229; Watson 1926: 349 254 Bannerman 1974:113

255

Ibid. :110 Duncan 1975:75 257 Bannerman 1974: 110 256

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL in the Irish sources. Several arguments are discussed in Bannerman as to whom these people were. In Ireland, Airgialla was the name given to a number of vassal states in central and south Ulster which were set up because of the conquests of the sons of Niall Noígiallach in the fifth century.258 O’Rahilly argued that the Airgialla were connected with the word for hostage, ‘giall’, and means ‘hostage-givers’.259 Bannerman also argues that the documentary evidence suggests that the Airgialla in the Senchus refers to those Airgialla still in Ireland in the seventh century. This presents an interesting element of the power of the Loairn, and their relationship to Ireland that they were able to draw forces from Ireland in the figures of peoples not even connected with their Cenél or the Irish Dál Riata.

Table 5 The five grades of nobles listed in the Senchus and the number of houses attributed to each If we compare this to the numbers of houses listed for the leaders of the two septs for which we have information, the Cenél Muredaig and the Cenél Shalaig; the similarities are obvious. However, as the numbers of houses under each of the Dál Riata leaders seem only to correspond to one of the numbers of doer-chéli or sóerchéli, could this be because one or the other class of tribute giving houses were not listed? This would account for the discrepancy between the house numbers listed for each individual sept and the number listed for the whole.264 What is important here is that we have the Cenél Loairn split into seven territories. This figure becomes distressingly convenient when we look back at the Senchus to discover that the fighting strength of the Loairn is listed as exactly seven hundred men. A guess of roughly seven territories is probably on as firm ground as possible with any document of the period. The position of these seven territories on a map of Argyll with their respective borders might be impossible to reference with so little actually known about the seven septs of the Loairn, or indeed, if there were more that might have been left out of the Senchus. The statement that the Cenél Fergusa Shalaig had sixty houses, rather than the listed 85, may reflect the fluidity of these boundaries as petty wars and raids were carried on within territories. From the documentary evidence, we know of two major strongholds of the Cenél Loairn, Dunollie and Dunadd.265 These two would likely represent the centres of whatever túath or sept of which they were a part. The geography of Lorn gives perhaps a hint regarding where specific territories or túath might have been. The island communities of Tiree and Coll, and Mull would likely have formed discreet territories. Lismore and its traditional mainland territories in Appin may have been another. The two large parishes north or Morvern and Arnamurchan might well have been individual regions as well. That gives us five possible regions, with two more regions to tease out of the jumble of medieval parishes centred Dunadd, and the territories between Loch Awe and Loch Fyne. I would argue that the territorial boundary might be envisioned as an imaginary line running roughly east west between Dunadd and Dunollie. Again, as mentioned above, the ecclesiastical landscape may be the best way of illuminating the secular territorial divisions if one argues that the Chuch was organised along those boundaries in the first place.

Table 3 The Houses of the Fenél Fergusa Shalaig

Table 4 The numbers of houses belonging to the Cenél Muredaig The Cenél Fergusa Shalaig are credited with sixty houses as well, though a further look at the breakdown of the number of houses allocated to each of its leaders indicates a problem: the final total is 85 houses rather than sixty:260 The houses belonging to the Cenél Muredaig are also listed along with the numbers of houses to each leader.261 The significance of the numbers of houses is discussed by Bannerman in relationship to evidence from the early medieval law tract from Ireland, the Crith Gablach, hereafter CG.262 The CG is a tract pertaining to Northern Ireland in general, and probably Ulster in particular, and therefore can probably be relied up to reflect the situation in Dál Riata as the two documents are of the same period. There are five grades of noble listed in CG, each with a different number of houses owing tribute to them. The list is as follows from Bannerman:263

258

Charles-Edwards 2000: 513-14, Ibid.:115 Bannerman 1974:115; O’Rahilly 1946:222 260 Bannerman 1974:133 261 Ibid :133 262 Anderson 1922: 156 263 Bannerman 1974:136 259

264 265

52

Ibid. :138 Alcock: 1988a: 35

CHAPTER 6: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART I THE CENÉL Scottish evidence (where, unlike in Ireland, andóit became a toponymic) has been a misapprehension about the nature of andóit as a mother church and the fixedness on scholars on the monastic nature of the Gaelic church’.269 Rather than attaching a monastic meaning to the term, Clancy examines it in its landscape context, specifically in relation to the medieval parishes of Lorn stretching south from Oban. Clancy noted that there is only one andóit place name element in each of these parishes, which suggested to him that the place name element might have a connection with how the medieval parishes were organised and administered in the latter part of our period. Though he is cautious in his approach to the evidence, his work nonetheless validates the place of the medieval parishes in the study and understanding of the early medieval church. This band of annat place names could all be associated with the area under the control, or influence, of one major church. This major church, however, did not continue due to various pressures and declined, creating a situation whereby all the other smaller churches in the area became the centres of their immediate areas, hence the small cluster of parishes. What might this major church have been? We know from Adomnán that there was a major Columban monastery on Loch Awe somewhere, though the site has never been identified. I would be willing to argue that the site at Kilmaha, with its very early sculpture and multiple buildings, perhaps fits this role the best. Though Kilmaha is located slightly south of the main band of annat placenames, this fact also makes sense in terms of my argument. If the major monastic centre on Loch Awe was acting as the central church of a particular sept, then those areas closest in proximity to it would be very easily identified with that sphere of influence. Only the locations further away, to the north where the band of annat placenames swings across the landscape, would a specialised term classifying the lands under the influence of a specific church be needed. This allows the conjectural line to be drawn EW across the southern tip of Loch Awe to then be the boundary between the last two septs of the Cenél Loairn. The above arguments are, of course, merely educated guesses, and to an extent run contrary to other theories regarding the precise nature of these placenames. In addition, there is no indication that this model would be applicable to other regions.

Figure 36 Annat names and parishes in Lorn from Clancy 1995: 109 The area of clustered medieval parishes to the south of Dunollie and modern Oban reflects a similar situation to that in southern Kintyre where the medieval parishes also clustered around a major early medieval power centre. I have already argued that Lismore and its associated mainland territories of Appin may reflect the secular territory of a specific túath. Could the high occurrence of annat place names in the Oban/Dunollie area reflect a similar situation? Could this area have once been a coherent territory, with a main church and a number of subordinate churches that eventually became the heads of the medieval parishes? An interesting addition to the argument regarding the development of the medieval parish system is Thomas Clancy’s work on the place name element annat, a derivative of the Old Gaelic andóit, and its relationship to the medieval parishes of Argyll.266 Clancy has made a study of the place name element annat and its place in the development in the medieval parish system. His study makes some interesting conclusions from which we may begin to reinterpret some of the assumptions of the early Church in Argyll. If we examine the locations of the annat placenames from Clancy’s map (figure 36), we can see that they are all in an E-W band to the south of Lismore and Appin, but well north of Dunadd.267 The place name element annat, or andóit, has traditionally been associated with a strictly monastic church in Scotland, and has been translated as a church that had been abandoned by the ninth century.268 Clancy states that the ‘major problem in applying the Irish definitions to the

6.2.3 CENÉL OENGUSA Islay, Ilea insula in the Senchus, was the exclusive home of the Cenél nOengusa and information regarding the specific size and organisation of the territory of the nOengusa is illuminated by the Senchus. The Cenél nOengusa, according to the Senchus, had four hundred and thirty houses and was required to provide two seven benchers for every twenty houses in a sea expedition. This is interesting considering that Islay has the least

266

Clancy 1995: 91-115 Clancy 1995:109 see MacDonald 1973 for the most comprehensive approach. Watson thought that the meaning was more close to a ‘the patron saint’s church, or a church that contains the relics of the founder’, Watson 1926: 250-1

267 268

269

53

Ibid.: 92

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL amount of territory of any of the three Cenél, but the number of houses within its territory is only a hundred less that the Cenél nGabráin, and ten more than that of the Cenél Loairn. However, the expeditionary strength of the nOengusa is listed as three hundred men, equal to that of the Cenél nGabráin, but less than half of that possible from the Cenél Loairn. This would lead me to suspect that the Cenél Oengusa perhaps had more territory than simply Islay. In addition, particular to the Cenél nOengusa is that several of the districts within their territory are listed along with the number of houses in each.270 From this, we can begin to piece together a picture of the settlement pattern in Islay in the seventh and eighth centuries. Margaret Nieke has looked at the political geography of Islay and come up with some interesting conclusions that have implications for the study of the ecclesiastical archaeology.271 Namely, the medieval parish of Kilchoman consisted of three possible districts: Ross Deorand in the north, Loch Rois along the banks of Loch Gorm, and Calad Rois consisting of the Rinns. The numbers of houses in these districts were respectively 30, 30, and 60 houses in Calad Rois.272 Islay has the largest percentage of early chapels in Argyll, with six falling in Kilchoman parish alone. The archaeological remains of all early church sites in the Parish will be discussed along with what is known of their history from later documents, and their place within the medieval parish system. Then the location of each site will be discussed in it larger landscape context along with the secular settlement pattern where known from the discussion above.

(Figure 37). The geographically situation of the Oengusa, occupying just one major island, probably is the contributing factor in this difference. The good state of preservation of all the early churches on Islay is key, many of which may be the earliest churches in Argyll, though this cannot be confirmed without excavation. The sites on Islay are contained in three distinct regions, representing now, nearly, the three modern parishes of Islay. In the south, sites cluster around the southern coast in the Laphroaig-Port Ellen region along with the Oa. In the northeast, sites line the banks of the River Sorn between Loch Finlaggan and Loch Ballygrant up to the eastern Port Askaig; essentially, the sites are located on the lowest lying and most fertile lands similar to the rest of Argyll. Islay has a more limited range of site types that the other two regions, which could be due to the state of preservation on the island, suggesting that the patterns we can witness on Islay may be more indicative of what the situation elsewhere would have been prior to the destruction and erosion of so many sites. Islay has only five different site types, the largest being, again, the single enclosed chapel, with 32 sites. The other site types only account for one or two sites each, aside from the isolated sculpture where there are three sites recorded.

Figure 37 The distribution of site types in the Cenél Oengusa The numbers of different site types within the Cenél Oengusa differ dramatically from the other two regions

Figure 38 Site type totals and landscape contexts of the Cenél Oengusa; (above) distance to Iron Age settlement sites; (below) distance to prehistoric ritual sites

270

Bannerman 1974:58; Foster 1998:23 Nieke 1983 272 Ibid. :306, 18 271

54

CHAPTER 6: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART I THE CENÉL The relationships between ritual and Iron Age settlement sites and the early Christian sites is evenly matched in the Oengusa (figure 38), with a proximity to Iron Age settlement accounting for the greatest proportion of sites, but only by a narrow margin. However, as there has been only limited excavation of the numerous early chapels on Islay, as elsewhere, there is no way of gauging their chronological relationship to any of the Iron Ages sites especially. Interestingly, there seems to be a relationship between the concentrations of early Christian sites on Islay and the territorial organisations within the Cenél Oengusa as can be extrapolated from the Senchus fer nAlban by Bannerman and Nieke.273 Figure 39 shows the possible boundaries of these territories along with the distribution of the early Christian sites and the late Iron Age/early historic settlement sites. The early Christian churches tend to cluster nearer to the boundaries between the territories, and indeed the three medieval parish churches of Kilchoman, Kildalton, and Kilmarrow all lie near to the boundary between territories. We know from documentary sources that churchmen were often called in to negotiate between secular rulers, i.e. Columba’s participation at the convention of Druim Cett and Adomnán’s Law of Innocents.274 Therefore, could not the churches have been strategically located at boundary lines between territories, as in the Cenél Oengusa in order to provide a diplomatic barrier. The relationship between the early Christian landscape and the prehistoric ritual landscape is very similar to that of its place within the secular landscape. A greater percentage of the early churches are further than 1km away from a ritual site than in any other Cenél group, a very interesting, considering the state of preservation of the early churches. However, the majority of sites are still within 2km of a ritual focus or a settlement focus. Interestingly, the two long cist burial sites on Islay are both at a distance from a ritual site, but near to a settlement site, a feat considering that they are located in the densely populated area on the southernmost coast of the island in the modern Kildalton Parish. Given that more of the single enclosed chapels on Islay are located at a distance greater than 1km from settlement or ritual foci, a different pattern from any other Cenél group, is it possible that the political or ideological factors within the Oengusa which determined the location of Christian foundations were different here that on the mainland?

273 274

Figure 39 Late Iron Age and early medieval monuments on Islay, boundaries between septs of the Cenél Oengusa are from Nieke 1983.

Bannerman 1974: 208; Nieke 1983: 306, 318 Sharpe 1995: 27, 36, 50-52,

55

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL Argyll. Most of the pre-Reformation chapels extant in Argyll are located on Islay. Secondly, we know from the written accounts in the Senchus fer nAlban that the island was a discrete territory. The Senchus describes in some detail the numbers and names of territorial divisions within Islay, and the numbers of houses within each territory. Finally, excellent previous work on the archaeology of Islay allows us to build upon an existing base of knowledge that will allow for a richer interpretation than the rest of Argyll.

Chapter 7 REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II 7.1 Introduction to regional case studies

The analysis of the sites within the study areas involves examining the same relationships as described above in Chapters 5 and 6. In each area, the position of the early Christian sites vis-à-vis the prehistoric ritual landscape, and the late Iron Age settlement landscape, is examined alongside that of the medieval parish boundaries. In each area, details of the medieval situation of the early Christian sites are also examined. The analysis of these micro-regions carries forward the argument that the spatial organisation of the early Church reflected an ‘emphasis on relatively small, well defined territories’,275 rather than an organisation based upon the traditional model of the monastic paruchiae. These small territories, in turn, reflect the importance of conceptualising the present in a language reminiscent of the past.

7.2 The Mull of Kintyre (Fig. 41) 7.2.1 EARLY CHRISTIAN SITES The peninsula of Kintyre stretches southwards for about 30 miles from the isthmus of Tarbert between east Loch Tarbert and West Loch Tarbert. The southern tip of the peninsula, the Mull of Kintyre, lies only 21km from Ireland. This means that Ireland is not only closer but also more easily reached, especially from the extreme southern end of the Mull of Kintyre than from the rest of Argyll. The actual Mull of Kintyre is high ground not well suited to agriculture, but the areas around Campbelltown and Machrihanish (Kilkivan parish) are very fertile. Kintyre and the adjoining lands in Argyll are first recorded in the writings of Ptolemy as the ‘land of the Epidii’.276

Figure 40 Regional Landscape studies and major areas discussed in the text In order to test the hypothesis that the early church in Argyll was organised along territorial lines, and that different regions responded differently to the introduction of Christianity, we need to conduct micro-landscape analyses on different regions within the data set. This chapter begins to narrow the view of the archaeological remains by examining the spatial distribution of early Christian archaeological sites in three distinct regions in Argyll. Each section describes the early Christian sites within the micro-landscapes in detail, drawing on all published information for the sites. The spatial distribution of Christian sites, their relationships to one another, and their relationships to the past ideological landscapes, are discussed at detail at the end of each section.

By the seventh century, Kintyre was a firm part of the Cenél nGabráin, with likely strongholds at Tarbert to the north and Dunaverty in the south.277 The area of Kintyre, long and hilly down its spine, can be viewed almost as an island similar to Islay, Lismore, or countless other examples throughout Argyll. The northern tip of the peninsula is nearly cut off from the mainland by East and West Loch Tarbert. Innes mentions that in some of the oldest records of the area, it is occasionally refered to as an island.278

The first part of this chapter looks at the region of southern Kintyre, the modern parishes of Southend and Campbelltown, where eight medieval parishes once clustered. This region is complete with a documented early historic power centre and rich in prehistoric ritual monuments. The second study will investigate a particular parish in Islay, the early historic territory of the Cenél Oengusa. Islay is a particularly good starting point for three reasons. First, the preservation of early church buildings on the island is unknown anywhere else in

275

Ó Carragáin 2001: 130 Anderson, Kings and Kingship, 1973:135 277 Duncan, Scotland: Making of a Kingdom, 1975:42 278 OPS:1 276

56

CHAPTER 7: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II churches in their area, and not allow those churches to be influenced by a faraway monastery firmly in the kingdom of a rival Cenél. 1. Kilmarow The parish of Kilmarow, modern Kilmarrow, dedicated to St Maolrubha (d. 722), was unified with that of Kilchenzie around the time of the Reformation.280 The dedication is interesting as it is of a later saint associated with the monastic site at Applecross to the extreme northwest of the Scottish mainland.281 There are no remains at the site of an ecclesiastical nature, and nothing is known of the site aside from its dedication and its former existence as a parish church.282 The church at Kilmarrow had similarly been independent, unappropriated in 1251 with all its lands and teinds, but was annexed to Ardchattan at the reformation.283

Figure 41 The Mull of Kintyre with sites mentioned in the text Figure 42 Landscape and topography of Kilmarrow Old Parish church The site of Kilmarrow church is the only early ecclesiastical site in the region of the medieval parish, and Blaeu’s atlas does not include any additional detail about the site. Kilmarrow likely rose to the position of parish church in the medieval period simply because it was the only prominent early Christian site in the area. Figure 42 shows Kilmarrow in its landscape context. The church occupies a hilly position very near the coast. The position of the church between the costal forts and duns in the area and the areas of ritual monuments further uphill to the east seems to suggest that the church was acting as an intermediary in the landscape between places of power and ritual. Though it cannot be argued that the ritual monuments to the east of the church would have been venerated by the occupants of the forts and duns to

Eight medieval parishes crowded together at the extreme southern end of Kintyre near the early historic stronghold of the Cenél nGabráin at Dunaverty including numerous single enclosed chapels, placenames, as well as one cave site, and one enclosed cemetery. Figure 41 shows the location of the ecclesiastical sites, along with the ritual and settlement monuments. The historical situation of the churches in the Mull of Kintyre is worth mentioning as well, though our sources are scant indeed. There are references in the annals to a battle at Dunaverty in the 7th century.279 Dunaverty must at this time have been an important stronghold of the Cenél nGabráin, and therefore was a key point in the political landscape of the time. Iona and its daughter houses were located mostly within the Loairn and Ireland. Regardless of whether the monastic paruchia of Iona, firmly located within the Cenél Loairn, was as widespread an institution as we are lead to believe from Adomnán’s hazy sources, which remains doubtful, it is reasonable to suppose that the local élite in the region would want tight controls over the 279

280

NMR: NR62NE 25, Cowan 1967:104; OPS, Vol. 1:21-2; Watson 192:287-8 Watson 1926: 287-8 282 OPS, Vol. 1: 21-2; Watson, Celtic Placenames: 287-8 283 Cowan, 1967:104 281

Alcock 1988: 44

57

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL the west, it can be said that the church does occupy a place in the landscape that would have been on a recognised pathway up into the hills via the small burn just north of the church. The position of the church nearer to the ritual monuments also suggests that the church sought to associate itself with these monuments more directly than with the secular sites. Compare the location of Kilmarrow with the putative chapel site of Kilocraw to the north. At Kilocraw, the church is similarly located in an area just east of a number of secular monuments and downhill from a high-density area of ritual monuments. The site of Kilocraw, though in a different parish from Kilmarrow, seems to have a similar relationship to the landscape as the more southerly church. The location of Kilmarrow is also significant because it lies just at the border of the parish of Kilchenzie. This parish border perhaps reflects a tension between the ritual monuments near which the church of Kilmarrow was located, and those near the site of Kilchenzie, almost as if each church was located in a region of special significance for the immediate area and its inhabitants.

Figure 43 Landscape and topography around the parish churches of Kilchenzie and Kilmichael 3. Kilmichael Nothing remains now of the pre-Reformation chapel of Kilmichael. The building was pulled down by the end of the 18th century.289 The site now survives as a rubble platform measuring 8.0m E-W by 5.0m transversely with a few facing stones protruding. Nothing remains of the graveyard either, though some undressed stone grave markers can still be seen.290 The parish of St Michael was annexed to the mensa of the bishopric of Argyll by James the IV in 1508, and remained thus at the reformation.291 The only other church within the boundaries of the medieval parish is the little site of Kilmaho, north of Kilmichael and right on the boundaries drawn up by Innes.292 There is nothing left of the sites, as its stones were removed for building in the nineteenth century.293 The plan of the chapel on the Ordnance Survey maps indicates the location of the building, along with the possible circuit of the enclosed graveyard. The landscape context of the parish church itself reveals a close association with important burial monuments in the immediate vicinity (fig. 43). The only other early Christian site recorded in the parish is at Kilmaho and has been classified as unenclosed though no burial ground or enclosure of any kind is recorded at this site. Kilmaho represents the only unenclosed chapel in the Kintyre peninsula, though the lack of any visible remains at the site makes it difficult to determine whether this has always been the case.

2. Kilchenzie The former parish church at Kilchenzie stands on top of a small knoll 6km NW of Campbelltown and was dedicated to St Kenneth.284 As it stand today, the roofless church measures 22.5m from E to W by 6.7 metres transversely.285 The west of the building appears to be the oldest and dates from around the 12th century, the original chapel measuring therefore about 13.3m in length, with the extension completed sometime in the 13th century.286 An early Christian outlined wheel-cross was documented at the site in the nineteenth century, but has since disappeared.287 Documents of the rentals of the Bishopric of the Isles in the late 16th century record that the revenues of Kilchenzie Parish church were split, twothirds allocated to the monks of Iona and the last third going to the bishop of the Isles. However, Cowan argues that a more likely scenario was that three-fourths of the revenues went to Saddell, while the remaining fourth went to the Bishop of Argyll.288 No other ecclesiastical monuments were recorded in the medieval parish, but again, there is a high concentration of prehistoric ritual monuments in the parish, near the location of the church.

Figure 43 shows the landscape and topography around the churches of Kilmichael and Kilchenzie, and the smaller chapel of Kilmaho. From the map, it is clear that 289

Cowan 1967: 97, 105; OPS: 17; OSA, Vol. 10: 538; RCAHMS, Inventory: 139 290 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 139 291 Cowan 1967: 105 292 OPS: 17, map Diocese of Argyll 293 OSNB, 13: 95

284

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 120-23; SWHI: 117 RCAHMS, Inventory 1971: 120 286 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 120-23 287 SWHI:117 285

288

Cowan 1967: 97 58

CHAPTER 7: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II these sites do share a special relationship with previous ritual landscapes in the area. Each of the three churches commands a position on the lower ground near rivers. The churches seem to be guarding the pathways to the past landscapes. One travelling through the landscape towards the places of power and ritual would most likely follow waterways into the hills. At the entrance to these paths lie each of the early medieval churches. The position of the churches in the landscape suggests that their locations were deliberately chosen as a way of guarding important places; in effect, guarding the past through the language of Christianity. Peoples who had long visited the burial places and old stones within the area would now meet a Christian church on the same sacred pathways. These three churches seem concerned primarily with the prehistoric ritual landscape and their relationship with the pathways to the past. The churches in the two parishes of Kilmichael and Kilchenzie seem far more concerned with their positions vis-à-vis the prehistoric ritual landscape than the secular Iron Age monuments in the region. This suggests that, similar to Kilmarrow and Kilocraw, the church was perhaps acting as an intermediary between the secular power structures and the language of ritual imbedded in the landscape. These churches guarded the past ritual landscapes, removed from the immediate presence of the élite occupiers of the nearby settlements. By inserting themselves in between the secular élite landscape and the ritual landscape, these churches suggest knowledge of the importance of places and pathways in the landscape that was intimate and local.

may be seen the outline of small sub-rectangular building measuring 7.6m from E to W and 5.5m transversely overall.’298 There is no known history of this site, but the structure is reminiscent of other early ecclesiastical sites in Argyll. Furthermore, there is a nearby placename of Kilkeddan which suggests that this chapel may have been dedicated to St Cathan.299 Interestingly, there is an alignment of three upright stones within the churchyard, which the RCAHMS describes as similar to another site in north Kintyre at Kilmaluag.300 The purpose of this alignment is not clear from either Kilkeddan or the site at Kilmaluag; however, it is notable that the church incorporates what may be a prehistoric ritual monument into its churchyard.

4. Kilchousland The former parish church of Kilchousland lies in a graveyard at the edge of a cliff. The church dates from two different periods, similar to Kilchenzie.294 The smallest part is an oblong chapel, dating from around the 12th century, and comprises rubble-coursed masonry dressed with red sandstone.295 The church seems to have been extended in the 17th century, and several burial enclosures of a recent date crowd the interior. The graveyard is still used for interments. According to Cowan, in 1428 the church of Kilchousland lay within the patronage of the Lordship of the Isles until the forfeiture of the lordship when the parish returned to the crown and became part of the bishopric of Argyll.296

Figure 44 Landscape and topography of Kilkerran and Kilchousland parish churches 5. Kilkerran Nothing remains of the church of Kilkerran within its cemetery, which in the 19th century was tentatively described by White as being roughly 18.3m long by 6.1m wide.301 The church is very advantageously located near the bay of Campbeltown, in an area that was probably very highly valued at the time. The first records of the church date to the 13th century, when the church was granted to Paisley Abbey by Angus, son of Dovenald, lord of Hyle, and later confirmed to the abbey by Alan, bishop of Argyll.302 Several disputes regarding the revenues of the church broke out between the bishops of Argyll, the Lords of the Isles, and the community at Paisley. During the dispute, revenue changed hands

Two other early ecclesiastical sites were recorded in the medieval parish of Kilchousland. The first (and northernmost) site is that of Kildonan where there are no remains of the chapel and burial ground. The last recorded burials took place in the early nineteenth century.297 The second site at Ardnacross, which gives its name to the bay nearby, comprises ‘a sub-rectangular enclosure, measuring about 30m from E to W by about 24m transversely, within the NE corner of which there

298

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 101-2 Ibid. RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 101-2 301 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 125-7 302 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 125-7; SWHI: 117

294

299

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 123-5 295 Ibid. 296 Cowan 1967: 97-8 297 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 125;

300

59

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL several times until revenues eventually fell into the hands of the monks of Iona, where they remained at the time of the Reformation.303 Three other significant early Christian sites were recorded in this parish: two potential chapel of which one now only remains as a placename, and St Ciaran’s cave with its early sculpture. The remaining chapel, dedicated to St Adomnán, is located inland from the other sites along one of the burns that flows from Beinn Ghuilean. The site is an unenclosed cemetery with the turf-covered remains of a chapel within measuring ‘16m from E to W by 6m transversely over walls some 0.6m in thickness304’. There is no known history of this chapel. At Killdaloig, on the other hand, there are no remains or knowledge of a church in the vicinity. Still, Watson speculates that this once might have been a church dedicated to the Irish Saint Dálloc, though there is no evidence of an ecclesiastical foundation.305 However, the most spectacular site within this parish is the cave of St Ciaran, where excavations in the 1920s revealed pieces of early medieval sculpture as well as the remains of structures built into the cave. As the main parish church was dedicated to St Ciaran, this cave might have been interpreted as a hermitage united to the parish church.306

original building appears to have been a singlechambered building measuring 17.4m E-W by 7.2m transversely over walls 0.8m thick. Based upon the architectural evidence, the church itself has been ascribed to the 13th century.308 In the mid 15th century, the parish was an independent parsonage, though by the mid 16th century it had become a mensal church of the bishopric of Argyll.309 Cowan also suggests that the parish and its lands might have been transferred to the patronage of Saddell in 1475, and then passed along to the bishops of Argyll in 1508.310 Beyond these records, nothing else is known of the early history of this church. The parish church at Kilkivan is alone in its parish, but its close proximity to a number of prehistoric ritual monuments suggests that the church was well located within an important landscape. Like many of the other churches in this region, it is located on the boundary between two parishes. The plan of the church and its landscape context in figure 45 demonstrates the close relationship of this church to other ritual spaces. Like the parish church of Kilmarrow, Kilkivan occupies a place in the landscape which acts as almost a guardian to the past. The church, though just down river from the major secular monuments in the area, stands at the foot of hills with a number of significant ritual monuments. Strikingly, the church is located on the slightly higher ground, near the line of cairns and cists to the south along the ridge, rather on the most fertile land just to the north. Kilkivan again appears to occupy an important pathway in the landscape linking the settlements of the present and the past, represented by the line of monuments to the south. Someone following what was probably an old pathway along the small burn south up to the cairns and cists would pass right by the church of Kilkivan.

Analysing the specific relationships between the two parish churches of Kilkerran and Kilchousland is difficult, as their landscapes have been so altered by the urban development around Campbelltown. However, it is clear from figure 44 that these two sites have taken a different approach to the landscape from the sites already discussed above. Neither site is located in a region particularly heavy with prehistoric monuments. Instead, they are mostly near secular monuments and each command good positions overlooking the sea and the bay. Aside from the stone row in the Kilchousland churchyard, which may be very significant, the sites occupy a space on the outer edge of secular settlement. However, we must assume that peasant farmers serving the secular rulers in the forts and duns would have been settled in the fertile area now occupied by Campbelltown. In fact, the minor ecclesiastical sites, located at valley bottoms near secular monuments, would appear on first glance to be more imbedded in the ideational landscape than the parish churches. However, in the case of Kilkerran, its very proximity to the heavily settled area around Campbelltown probably assured that it would be a prominent church in the medieval period. These two parish churches are located away from the most fertile areas of the region, on the other side of the secular monuments, and on slightly higher ground similar to the other churches examined so far.

Figure 45 Kilkivan Old Parish church and landscape

6. Kilkivan The former parish church at Kilkivan stands today in a ruinous state roughly 6.5 km W of Campbelltown.307 The

7. Kilcolmkill/Southend The parish of Kilcolmkill, now Southend, was presumably dedicated to St Columba, though there is no precise historical information relating to the church until

303

Cowan 1967:100-1 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 289 Watson 1926: 303. 306 RCHAMS, Inventory, 1971: 307 OSA, Vol. 10: 538; RCAHMS, Inventory: 1971: 127-9 304 305

308

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 127-9 Cowan 1967: 101 310 Ibid. 309

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CHAPTER 7: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II the 14th century. The building is 22.5m E-W by 5.6m at the W end, and 5.8m at the E end over walls an average of 0.8m thick.311 The oldest portion of the building, the E end, appears to date from the 13th century, with the extensions carried out in the post-medieval period. This 13th century church measured about 8.8m E-W by 5.8m transversely.312 Some masonry reused in the construction of the later extension pre-dates the oldest chapel and dates from the 12th century, attesting to an older church on the site. About 18m NW of the church is a well with a rudely inscribed Latin cross on the rock face overhanging the well. The head of a wheel-cross dating to the 12th or 13th century was found on a rock reef only accessible at low tide just opposite the churchyard,. W of the churchyard is a rocky summit on which a socket has been cut into the roughly dressed surface of the natural rock, similar to those that were carved for crosses of early medieval or medieval date. A Latin incised cross has been cut into the NE corner of the socket base.

Figure 46 Southend and Kilblaane parish landscapes

Immediately outside a separate building to the NW of the church are the impressions of two human feet cut into a living rock outcrop. The number 564 has been carved in between the two prints. One footprint was reportedly carved in 1885 by a local stonemason and the date ‘564’ has been dated to the 16th century.313 However, the southern footprint is likely older, perhaps dating to the first millennium BC. The footprint does point towards the early historic fortress of Dunaverty and may be akin to the footprint at the top of Dunadd in Knapdale. These footprints are especially significant within the current study as they suggest that the site of the church was once a very important ritual site that continued in use for, possible, inauguration rituals well into the Christian period. The proximity of the church to Dunaverty ties together the past ritual, present secular ruling class, and the church. In this case, as with the footprint on Dunadd, the church is the bridge between the symbolism of divine rulers of the past, and the Christian doctrine of divine kingship. These footprints possibly represent one of the most solid cases of an early medieval church directly associating itself with a place of past ritual importance in order to integrate itself into the present social structures. The church was granted by Patrick McSeiling and his wife Finlach to the priory of Whithorn in the early 14th century.314 The church appears to have remained in the prebend of the bishops of Argyll after it disappears from the record in the mid 15th century.315 Two other single enclosed chapels were recorded in the parish of Kilcolmkill, both located on major waterways running down to the sea. The northernmost chapel, Caibel Catriona, is recorded by the RCAMHS as an enclosure measuring 12.2m square, over walls about 1.0m in thickness with a sub-rectangular building within and adjoining the SW wall of the enclosure.

8. Kilblaane Nothing remains of the parish church of Kilblaane or its burial ground, both of which were destroyed in the 18th century, presumably when the nearby river changed its course.316 It is not known on which side of the river the church once stood. The parish was an independent parsonage which remained in the Crown’s patronage in the 16th century; before that, no other history is known.317 The parish of Kilblaane has the most number of early Christian sites recorded in the sample area (7), including the small island site of St Ninian’s on Sanda. Three of the sites, Killervan, Kilbride, and Kildavie, are listed as placenames only since there is no record of the remains that may have once been at the sites. Kildavie and Kilbride are both located in valley regions thick with prehistoric burial monuments on the lower ground to the extreme southeast of the Mull. These sites are joined by one single enclosed chapel to the east at St Coivin. The chapel here is recorded by the Royal Commission as measuring 11.6m from E to W by 5.2m transversely over walls some 0.9m in thickness.318 The chapel and its enclosed burial ground stand in another, apparently late, enclosure.319 There is no known history of the chapel, and not enough architectural detail remaining to determine an accurate date for its construction. The Royal commission disputes the exact location of the burial ground at Kilchattan, as recorded in a description by Captain T P White in his wanderings around Kintyre at the end of the nineteenth century.320 As with the chapel of St Coivin above, there is no known history of this burial ground, and no good evidence aside from the name that there was a chapel at the site.

316

Cowan 1967: 95; NSA, Vol.7: 429; OSA, Vol. 3: 367; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 145; 317 Cowan 1967: 95 318 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 147. 319 Ibid. 320 RCHAMS, Inventory, 1971: 120; White, Archaeological Sketches, 1873: 90

311

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 147-51; SWHI: 118 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1971: 147-51 Ibid. 314 Cowan 1967: 98 315 Ibid. 312 313

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL The two parish churches of Southend and Kilblaane are excellent examples of early medieval churches embedded in the political landscape, a contrast with the churches viewed so far that seem to have been more concerned with their position within the past ritual landscape. I have already mentioned above, the significance of Southend parish church in relation to the early medieval power centre at Dunaverty and the footprint at the site. Southend, St. Columba’s Church, is located in an awkward position between high hills and the sea. A better spot would have been further east nearer to the river and to Dunaverty, but the church was clearly built where it was to incorporate the footprints nearby. Kilblaane parish church is also very near two élite settlement sites in the landscape, though without any prehistoric ritual focus like at Southend. Interestingly, within these two parishes are the placenames which have no association with any known church. The four minor ecclesiastical sites on the eastern side of the map, three of which are only placenames, occupy important ritual places in the landscape. The existence of a church at Kilbride and Kilmashenachan cannot be verified by any other information, but their location is telling regardless. If there was never a church at any of these sites, then it is possible that the areas near important ritual places could be dedicated to a particular saint and sanctified, thus tying in the past to the present Christianised landscapes. Given that the churches that eventually became the parish churches were so near secular monuments, and in the case of Southend, placed directly for the benefit of the secular monument, it is possible that the dedications to saints found in field names could have been a way of attaching Christian meaning to pagan landscapes whilst still holding an ecclesiastical presence within the halls of power. On the other hand, if the parish church of Kilblaane represented the mother church of a separate sept of the Gabráin, then it is possible that local priests were santictifying ground in order to ‘out-do’ the far more important sites of Southend and Dunaverty, though this is only conjecture. Regardless of which scenario is actually true, if either, the churches in the south of the Mull of Kintyre had a far more intimate connection with sites of secular power, probably because of the influence of the major stronghold of Dunaverty. 7.2.2 LANDSCAPES OF THE COMPARISON OF CONTEXTS

MULL

OF

The Christian sites and the earlier sites are occupying the same landscapes, as assessment born out by the more detailed analyses. I would argue that this illustrates the symbiotic relationship between the secular élite and the church, as described in Chapter 1, a relationship that extended deep into society. A church founded and patronised by the local élite would have been beholden to those patrons in some way. The location of early Christian churches near places of secular power, duns, and crannogs represented a conscious move to associate places of Christian worship with places of secular power, or the ideational landscape. However, as we have seen, the churches are very near the secular places of power, but more often occupy locations between places of secular power and past ritual landscapes. The pathways of travel through the landscape, by the sea around the peninsula and through the glens and river valleys, are the most prominent locations of churches and high-status settlements, especially where those pathways of communication led to ritual landscapes. Similarly, from the boundaries of the parishes we can infer how the ritual landscape of preChristian and Christian times was organised. Four areas of substantial prehistoric ritual activity can be identified in the Mull of Kintyre. Most of these specific concentrations of cists, cairns, standing stones, and cup and ring marked stones are very near to an early ecclesiastical site. The groupings in the southeast corner of Kilblaane parish cluster around a number of fields and disappeared chapels with early ecclesiastical names. The three ecclesiastical sites in this area, Kilbride, Kildavie, and St Coivin’s, represent three very different dedications in a small area. Though the chronology of these sites is impossible to determine, it is possible that they represent an effort to re-dedicate important pagan places to Christian saints, or perhaps pilgrimage sites. Even more significant is the cluster of ritual sites in the eastern edge of Kilchousland parish, where an early chapel site sits amongst a number of chambered cairns and cists. Finally, the line formed by the three parish churches of Kilmarow, Kilmichael, and Kilchenzie along a ridge travelling along the new road from Tarbert to Campbelltown, along with settlement sites, also includes an abundance of prehistoric ritual sites all competing to be a part of the same landscape. The three parish boundaries also seem to cluster together, as if they were struggling against one another to incorporate as much of the landscape within their boundaries as possible.

KINTYRE:

The map of southern Kintyre shows the development of a ritual landscape from the Neolithic to the fourteenth century parish system. From the distribution of sites throughout the landscape, we can draw some conclusions regarding the organisation of the church within that landscape. The major observation is that, other than the site at Sanda Island, the ecclesiastical sites do not infer isolation from the surrounding landscape or settlement pattern. The comparative maps of the prehistoric ritual monuments and Iron Age settlement monuments along with the early Christian archaeology in figure 41 indicates a close relationship between sites across time.

Within the Mull of Kintyre, the boundaries between parishes are evidently important. Five of the parish churches lie along a boundary between the two parishes, and where there is not a parish church near a boundary, other ecclesiastical sites seem to face one another across the imaginary lines through the landscape. The predilection for the parish church to be on the boundaries of their territory rather than at its centre finds parallels in early medieval Ireland, where there is a far more

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CHAPTER 7: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II complete record of early medieval settlement.321 The distribution of sites in the Mull of Kintyre seems to indicate the incorporation of the importance of places both ideologically and politically into a Christianised paradigm. An understanding of the political, and past ritual organisation of that landscape, as well as a desire to be completely engulfed within it, seems to have been the driving force behind the placement of chapels and churches within the Mull of Kintyre. A key point to make regarding the smaller churches or placename sites, i.e. non-parish churches, is that they are far more likely to inhabit a close landscape context with a number of prehistoric ritual monuments within these parishes.

northern tip of the land then south again to the shores of Loch Gorm. The southern half of the parish is nearly cut off from its northern counterpart by a line of hills stretching east west from Machir Bay in the west to the edge of the sea loch Indaal. The southern half, known as the Rinns of Islay, is much rougher and higher than the northern half. The landscape is dominated by the line of hills cutting off the Rinns from the northern half of the parish, and several large stretches of modern-day Forestry Commission land. The beaches to the west are high and rocky, the majority of the ports located on the eastern side in Loch Indaal. The great deal of archaeological material surviving from the late Iron Age and early medieval period, coupled with a smattering of documentary evidence that elucidates the settlement pattern of Islay far more than any region of the Dál Riata. This parish therefore represents a good test case to begin a discussion of the organisation of the church in the landscape.

7.3 Kilchoman Parish, Islay (Figure 47) 7.3.1 THE EARLY CHRISTIAN SITES

1. Nave Island The medieval chapel, now ruinous, stands in the SE shore of Nave Island at the head of Port na h-Eaglaise. This port provides a good landing place from the mouth of Loch Gruinart on the mainland of Islay. The area of the chapel is generally protected by rising ground on the west whilst the area to the NE of the chapel is traversed by a perpendicular-sided gully about 6m in width known as Sloe na Maoile. The gully was created by the erosion of a basalt dyke. A turf dyke running to the SW side of the chapel connects this gully with a second gully on the NW shore, enclosing an area of nearly 2ha. Within this area, the site is well covered with rig cultivation, and its agricultural value is mentioned in the 17th century. By the 19th century, the site was handed to kelp burners who erected a furnace with a chimney some 8.5m in height in the NE angle of the chapel, and a number of structures on the north side of the chapel may belong to the 19th century occupation of the island.

Figure 47 The early Christian sites of Kilchoman Parish, Islay The parish of Kilchoman, Islay, is extensive and covers the entirety of the Rinns from Nave Island to the north and then south to Portnahven and Orsay Island. Bordered by the sea on the west, its eastern boundary runs across the neck of land stretching from Bridgend (Beul an Atha) northwards to Loch Gruinart. The parish is quite flat to the north, dominated by the sandy Loch Gruinart and the numerous smaller issues and lochs stretching up the

Figure 48 Site Plan, Nave Island (copyright RCAHMS 1984)

321 Charles-Edwards 2000: 151; Edwards 1990: 6-48; see Stout, Irish Ringforts, 1997 for a concise discussion

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL The chapel site is enclosed by a sub rectangular drystone enclosure measuring originally 46m from north to south by 34m transversely. To the SE of the chapel, where the enclosure is best preserved, it survives as two courses of basalt blocks remaining in the outer face with a maximum thickness of 2.6m. In the W sector, the wall is more of a revetment running below the scarp where it is subdivided by another wall of uncertain age. To the south of the chapel, the wall is broken by a rock outcrop, itself broken by two possible quarry pits.322 Though most of the buildings associated with the chapel can be attributed to the agricultural activity on the site, building G on the Royal Commission plan (figure 48) differs from the others in having square internal angles.323 This building measures internally 6m EW by 4m transversely, and the Royal Commission suggests that it may be of an earlier date that the buildings outside the enclosure. A low rectangular platform laying S of building G, and about 9m to the NW of the chapel, may well be the earliest, and perhaps was associated with the early Christian site.324 The platform is bounded by a basalt kerb and is covered with small stones, many of them quartz pebbles. The Royal Commission suggests that this platform may have marked out a grave of special significance, or been an outdoor prayer station similar to the leacht of Ireland.325

chapels in Argyll, such as the 12th century St Oran’s chapel on Iona, it is architecturally late medieval possibly indicating that it was rebuilt to an original plan. The decoration on the freestanding cross, that dates it tentatively to the eighth century, has many parallels in the freestanding crosses elsewhere in Argyll such as at Iona, Keills, and Kildalton.328 There are no records regarding the history of the site or chapel, though it may be assumed that it, like the chapel on Nave Island, belonged to Iona up to the reformation.

The chapel itself was built of local basalt rubble and may be ascribed to the 13th century, though it first comes onto record in 1549. Its interpretation as an early Christian site is based upon the presence of an enclosed chapel as well as the discovery of a cross fragment dating to the 8th century. The stone enclosure wall around the site is similar to that of the monastic complex on Eileach an Naoimh.326 Also similar to the chapel at Eileach an Naoimh is the aumbry at the S end of the eastern wall with a thin shelf above formed of a single thin slab extending to the walls.327 Similarities in the cross fragment with those at Iona indicate that the site may have been part of the Iona paruchia in the early middle ages. Up to the Reformation, the chapel and the facing estates on Ardnave point were the property of Iona abbey.

Figure 49 Kilnave and Nave Island topography and landscape Figure 49 shows the general landscape and topography around Kilnave Church and Nave Island. The interesting issue within the landscape contexts of these two churches is mostly on the mainland of Islay. As mentioned, affinities between cross fragments at Nave Island and Iona suggest that the church was an important part of the Iona’s sphere. The fact that the island continued to be held by the Abbey of Iona into the medieval period further suggests that the place of Nave Island in the landscape was that of the eremitic monastic site intended to be the ‘desert in the ocean’. The church at Kilnave may as well represent a mainland arm of the Iona paruchia, as the Kilnave cross has many similarities to crosses on Iona. However, the position of the church at the southern end of a densely settled area with a number of ritual and secular sites also suggests that perhaps the church was an entry point into a particular secular territory, and that Nave Island was somehow part of the same political structure, working with Iona for its own means. The entire peninsula is known as Ardnave, field of Kilnave’. Therefore, the churches of Kilnave and Nave Island, though associated with Iona based upon sculptural affinities, were embedded within a political landscape. The church may have been give land on the fringes of the

2. Kilnave The site of Kilnave lies on a raised beach on the western shore of Loch Gruinart. The chapel lies in a trapezoidal enclosure bounded by a 19th century wall. Though there is no evidence of an earlier enclosure, the existence of an early Christian site is attested by the existence of an 8th century freestanding cross in the burial ground. The chapel is built of local flaggy rubble and bonded with lime mortar. Its measurements are typical of medieval churches in Argyll, measuring 9.2 m from E to W by 4.3 metres transversely. Although its plan resembles earlier 322

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984:226 Ibid. 324 Ibid. 325 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984:226, Thomas1971 326 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984:225 327 Ibid.:228 323

328

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RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984: 219

CHAPTER 7: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II territory so that it would act as boundary markers for the territory. The associations between these two sites and the past ritual landscape become less important if the churches were meant to serve more as external markers, rather than internal reminders.

first thing visitors saw on their arrival. The church of Kilchoman seems to have served a political purpose in the landscape, a marker of the Christian affinities of the local rulers. The church’s position between a number of different settlement monuments suggests that it was purposely built in a neutral location. The three cross slabs located around the church, likely markers of the limit of sanctuary, are, tellingly, all to the south of the church and facing the directions of the larger settlement monuments. Could it be that these markers also symbolised the boundary of political rivalries, where the élites of the region could come to meet on neutral ground? I would argue that Kilchoman parish church served a political function in the landscape, far more than parish churches in Kintyre, which seemed to act as a bridge between the past and the present.

3. Kilchoman Old Parish Church Kilchoman is the present parish church in the Rinns, and may have been one of two parish churches in the medieval period (depending on whether there was an independent parish of Kilchiaran at any point). The church remains the parish church today. The actual church building itself is modern, but its surrounding burial ground represents the age of the site. An older church on the site was pulled down in 1825 to make way for the present church. The site itself is on a raised beach about .9km E of Machir Bay. The early Christian nature of the site is indicated by two cross-slabs which stand 380m ESE and 330m SW of the church, perhaps marking the boundary of sanctuary. These cross slabs can be seen in figure 50, along with a standing stone near the site. In the medieval period, Kilchoman was an independent parish with three dependent chapels at Kilchiaran, Kilnave, and Nerabolls, though, as discussed below, some records accord Kilchiaran with the status of a parish.

4. Kilchiaran (Cill Chiaran) This church, dedicated to St Ciaran, stands within its burial-ground, overlooking the valley of the Abhainn na Braghad close to the head of Kilchiaran Bay.329 The surviving E end of the rubble chapel is likely to be 13th century, the whole building measuring 14.5m from E-W by 5.1 metres transversely.330 Its burial enclosure measures 60m by 37m NE to SW, though it must have been larger as its NW side has been severely damaged by river erosion. The chapels lie near what the RC has described as an abandoned settlement of the postmedieval period. Little is known of the early history of the chapel, but some Reformation records describe the church as a both as a dependant of Kilchoman and as one of two medieval parishes in the Rinns, but there is no record of an independent parish of Kilchiaran.331 It is possible that the church was part of an independent territory which became dependent upon the parish of Kilchoman.

Figure 50 Kilchoman parish church topography and landscape context The actual landscape context of Kilchoman Parish church shows a relationship with the landscape which is similar to that of Kilnave. The church occupies a place on the low fertile ground near Machir Bay. The church does not occupy a location of particular ritual significance, as with churches on Kintyre; rather the church is more associated with the settlement landscape. The nearby dun and hut circles may represent a community slightly up hill from the church. The concentration of duns and ritual monuments to the south may have represented a concentration of power within the tuath during the early medieval period. Therefore, similar to Kilnave, the position of Kilchoman at the natural port of entry into the region would have been significant if the church was the

Figure 51 Landscape and topography of Cill Chiarain church, Islay 329

Ibid.:162 Ibid. 331 Ibid. 330

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL Kilchiaran stands in a tight valley, surrounded by hills on either side and therefore tightly embedded within its local landscape. One travelling from Kilchiaran Bay up the small river towards the church would find it standing near a standing stone and a prone cup-marked stone that was reported to have been rubbed for good luck well into the Christian period. This church, within what appears to have been an important ritual landscape within the area, is an example of a church directly associating itself with the past to serve the needs of a local population. The context of the church would suggest that its influence was probably very localised, as was its knowledge of the important past ritual landscapes. There is no reason to believe that a church like Kilchiaran was organised or controlled by a far off monastic establishment whose monks were not likely to have local knowledge.

platform lies to the SE of the chapel perhaps representing a special grave marker.335 There are two early Christian stones associated with the site which are now housed in the Port Charlotte Museum of Islay Life.

5. Nerabolls 2 This site lies about 300 m NE of Nerabolls farmhouse and 500 m NNE of the chapel and burial-ground of Nerabolls 1.332 The chapel is now represented by the turfgrown footings of a rectangular building measuring about 4.4m from E to by 2.7m transversely within walls some 0.7m in thickness and up to 1m in height. The entrance appears to have been situated in the W wall. The burialground measures about 15m by 11m within a drystone dyke that is best preserved on the S and E sides; the entrance probably lay close to the SW corner. There are no identifiable gravestones. Adjacent to the burialground, and partially overlying the dyke along its W side, there is a small circular enclosure apparently of later date.333

Figure 52 Landscape and topography of Gleann na Gaoidh Nerabolls 1 and 2 The three churches discussed above occupy a very different landscape context from the previously described foundations. These churches do not have any specific affinities with the local élite settlement or ritual landscape; rather they seem to be within areas of postmedieval (and probably earlier) farms and smaller settlements. The churches do appear to be more locally focused. Gleann na Gaoidh is, like Kilchiaran, within a tight valley. Its erection within the valley may have been an attempt at establishing an eremitic site on mainland Islay, but the presence of one dun nearby, and later medieval settlement in the region, may still suggest that its purpose was more pastoral. Similarly, the two churches at Nerabolls may have had a largely pastoral function as well, though it would be difficult to ascertain if they were contemporaries or not without excavation. Regardless, the churches along the eastern edge of the Rinns occupy a landscape of the living, of the present, of the everyday farming communities. Their landscape context brings up the possibility that these churches may have been later additions to the Christian landscape and did not need to associate themselves explicitly with a pagan past, but rather were free to administer God’s Word to the people without the need to tie their preaching into earlier cosmologies. Gleann na Gaoidh does have early medieval sculpture, but this does not exclude it from being a later church which served a pastoral function, especially if it had originally been intended as

6. Nerabolls 1 The foundations of the medieval chapel of Nerabolls 1 stand in an unenclosed field near the bank of Abhuinn Ardnish. The chapel is an elongated rectangle measuring 13.9m E-E by 4.7 transversely with a door in the west end of the south-side door. The construction is of random local rubble with some traces of lime mortar. South of the chapel are the turf-covered remains of another oblong building associated with a low crescent-shaped enclosing bank, and consisting of mainly field clearance material. Nothing is known of the history of this chapel, but it was locally known to have been dedicated to St Columba.334 7. Gleann Na Gaoidh This small dry-stone chapel rests on the southern bank of Abhainn Gleann na Gaoidh near to the western shore of Loch Indaal. The building measures 5m E to W by 2.9m transversely with walls 1.3m think. The entrance to the building is on the W end of the N wall. Part of the turfgrown footings of the altar could still be traced at the time of the Royal Commission visit in 1978. The burial enclosure is of drystone construction and measures 37.om by 17.0m, and is clearly traceable on all sides except the north where it has collapsed into a burn. A small rock 332

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984, No. 384 RCAHMS , Inventory , 1984: 334 Ibid. 333

335

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Ibid.

CHAPTER 7: REGIONAL ANALYSIS: PART II an eremitic site that was brought into the wider concerns of the Christian inhabitants.

a more pastoral function, mainly ‘local’, private churches rather than churches with specific affinities to any monastic foundation or élite. Interestingly, of the five chapels running up the eastern edge of the Rinns, those that do not appear to have a specific relationship with any past ritual monument, only one is known locally by an early Christian placename. The others are known by the name of their associated settlement or a landscape element. These placenames further suggest a different strategy towards the Christianisation of the landscape. If the small chapels on the eastern edge of the Rinns especially represent the later Viking settlement pattern, then it makes sense that their relationship to the past landscapes is very different to those churches in the east of the parish.336 In this scenario, the churches in the east of the Rinns become even more interesting because they have the potential to show how an outside group adapted their own conceptions of sacred space to the landscape.

7.2.2 RELATIONSHIP TO THE PAST RITUAL LANDSCAPE The churches on Islay in general, and in the parish of Kilchoman in particular, represent an interesting opportunity to study the organisation of the church within a small, historically documented, and contemporary political territory. As figure 47 indicates, the sites occupy largely coastal locations, none further than a kilometre or two from a large body of water. There appear to be three discrete regions of secular, late Iron Age monuments, probably representing the locations of the three territorial divisions within the Rinns. Nieke identifies three territories in the Rinns, Loch Rois, Ros Deorand, and Calad Ros. She places the boundary between Loch Rois and Calad Ros roughly at the position of Kilchoman parish church as part of her overall argument that medieval parish churches were often sited at boundaries. However, I would place the boundary further south from this position to encompass the central grouping of duns and forts within the Kilchoman territory. This makes sense in that it leaves the church of Kilchiaran just at the southern boundary, as it were, a representative of the dun groupings further south that would have constituted the heart of the territory. The northern boundary, between Loch Rois and Ros Deorand, would therefore be located north of Loch Gorm, creating a territory that includes the series of coastal forts and duns, as well as the site at Kilnave and Nave Island. Interestingly, the churches within the different túatha identified by Nieke cluster around areas of numerous ritual monuments, and along the boundaries of the territories, in a similar way to the clustered parishes in Kintyre discussed in the last section. Five of the sites in the collection in Kilchoman parish have early medieval sculpture: Nave Island, Kilnave, Orsay Island, Kilchoman, and Gleann na Gaoith.

7.4 Discussion This chapter has demonstrated how the early Christian archaeology within two specific micro-landscapes had a deep and complex relationship with the landscape. Their shared consideration for the landscapes of the past brings up some interesting points in the context of the broader research goals. The main argument of this work is that the early Christian church was organised and administered along secular territorial lines. In thinking of how this type of organisation would have functioned, and what the location of a church next to a chambered cairn would have meant within that system of organisation, we must think of the ways in which the administrative power within the regions would have been wielded. The discussion of these two landscapes is framed as more of an introduction to the next chapter where one particular small-scale landscape, the Island of Lismore, is analysed in detail.

Those chapels lining the east coast of the Rinns do not seem to be associated with any specific Iron Age/Early Historic settlement pattern, though the possibility always exists that the smaller settlements not represented by duns, etc., might have been located in this area. These smaller, pre-reformation, chapels appear to be involved in a different discourse with the landscape than the main chapels to the west of the Rinns. Not making any statements about territories, or the association between secular and ideological power, they rather exist as sacred places in the landscape. There is a great deal of postmedieval settlement associated with these chapels, as we can see on Blaeu’s 16th century maps of Islay. The remains at the sites are relatively uniform in dimension. Each of the chapels lies near a river head, allowing for ease of travel from the sites, down the glen to the other side of the island. If evidence from Ireland and Wales is anything to go by, the most important aspects of these chapels may be what is not visible anymore, i.e. the early medieval settlements that once surrounded these early chapel sites, now masked by the later post-medieval settlement pattern. This suggests that these churches had

A ‘sense of identity’ was sustained within the early Christian landscapes of Kintyre and Islay (and the whole of Argyll) by inscribing past notions of ritual importance onto places of unfamiliar ideology. Churches were constructed, and sculpture displayed, in places of great ritual significance as a way of legitimising the position of the church and its new ideology. The places where the churches were located again suggest that they were connected to the local, secular, territorial concerns of the local inhabitants because of the strong associations between the church and the places of ritual importance. Yet we have seen that the ways in which this sense of local identity was maintained through the churches was very different across the micro-regions in each case study. The medieval parish boundaries in Kintyre and Islay further suggest that the importance of churches with strong connections to the mythical past continued into the 336 Graham-Campbell and Batey, Vikings in Scotland, 1998: 248-264; Nieke 1983: 321, figure 6;

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL Middle Ages. The boundaries in Kintyre, as we have seen, bisect areas of great ritual importance and cluster in areas of the greatest concentration of older ritual monuments. Equally important in Kintyre are the areas to the southeast where placename only sites crowd around landscapes of significant ritual significance: places I have argued above may represent an attempt to sanctify liminal ritual locations by dedicating places in the landscape to certain saints. In Islay, the different strategies of Christianisation within the landscape support the argument that the relationship between the church and the past was purely locally derived. The churches along the east of the Rinns that do not appear to form a relationship with the past landscape are those which are associated with post-medieval settlement, and therefore likely to have been part of the Viking settlement pattern. In conclusion, the two micro-landscape studies presented in this chapter highlight how the points made in Chapter 6 regarding the nature of the early Christian remains in the whole of the region are significant at smaller scales. Essentially, the Christian landscapes of Kintyre and Islay indicate that the strategies of Christianisation were different between different regions and different churches. These different strategies, whether a church was embedded within the contemporary political landscape or the ritual, give us a glimpse of a localized and territorial church far more interested with the events and society of their immediate surroundings than far off monasteries. The evidence from the Island of Lismore, presented in Chapter 7, adds a further layer of enquiry which moves from the horizontal plane to the vertical. The studies on Islay and Kintyre suggest associations between sites purely from their basic distributions. Evidence from Lismore suggests these same associations based upon stratigraphic evidence recovered from excavations. From the smallest scale, the Island of Lismore, we can then move back upwards and towards a greater understanding of the relationships suggested by the larger scales of analysis.

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CHAPTER 8: THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT being comprised entirely of metamorphic limestone, is unique in Argyll and contributes to the famed fertility of the island and it excellent preservation of archaeological remains. The limestone outcrops that run SW-NE along the long axis of the island give it a gently folded appearance, whilst the occasional basalt dyke gives the look of stairs running up side of a hill when exposed.

Chapter 8 THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT 8.1 Introduction to the Lismore Landscape Project337 The cultural landscape approach taken in the last two chapters opens up many new lines of enquiry and allows us to engage in a new dialogue with the archaeological evidence for the early Church in Argyll. What the preceding chapters are lacking, however, are two things critical to fully shifting the way in which we converse with and about the early church in Argyll; solid datable evidence for the relationships I have been discussing above, and a truly human perspective on a specific landscape. The island of Lismore presents the perfect opportunity to examine the physical relationships between monuments at a human scale and pace, and to demonstrate the datable evidence of interconnectivity between secular and ecclesiastic spheres of influence in the early Christian society.

Lismore is still relatively unstudied as well, giving it the potential to make significant new contributions to the study of the Atlantic Iron Age and early medieval period in Scotland. The island has recently been the subject of an intensive programme of survey and excavation by the University of Cambridge Lismore Landscape Project under the direction of Drs. Simon Stoddart and Caroline Malone.338 The overall aim of the project was to gain a greater understanding of an island landscape from roughly 1000 BC to AD 1000.339 A four-year programme of investigation carried out between 2000 and 2005, split roughly between two reconnaissance years, and two dedicated fieldwork years, has made the initial steps towards achieving these overall goals. Two reconnaissance years included an entire aerial survey of the island undertaken by the Cambridge University Centre for Aerial Photography, and a desktop survey of the major monuments on the island. In 2004, the first fieldwork year included an excavation of Tirefour and Park Dun, and the detailed topographic survey of a number of other sites. The 2005 fieldwork combined a number of small-scale excavations on a variety of sites, along with a GPS landscape survey of the central section of the island which, as well shall see later, formed a nucleus of power in the Iron Age and early medieval periods. The sites chosen for investigation largely fall into this central area for the reasons stated above as well as logistical considerations Investigations on the island have yielded much that can illuminate the relationships between between pagan ritual and settlement monuments and the early Christian sites. The findings of the survey and excavation will be briefly summarised, the discussion focusing on the place of Lismore within the Cenél Loairn, the relationships between different sites, and the subsequent historical trajectory of the Island. The discussion of Lismore aims to examine the temporality of an island landscape where past and present informed one another in a familiar, cyclical fashion at a time when a more linear understanding of time was being imposed upon society by the advent of Christianity.

Figure 53 The Island of Lismore The island of Lismore lies in a relatively sheltered position at the head of Loch Linnhe. It is a long and thin finger of land, roughly 10 miles in length SW- NE and no more that a mile wide. The landscape is low-lying with the only significant hills to the south of the island. The position of Lismore, surrounded on three sides by steep and dark mountains can be disorientating in bad weather, blurring the lines between the land and the sea. The island enjoys spectacular views towards the coasts of Morvern, up the Great Glen, then south towards to hills and mountains of Appin. The solid geography of Lismore,

The work on Lismore contributes to the overall research questions posed in this work in a number of significant ways. First, datable evidence from the excavations on Lismore, which will be described later on, tie the early Christian landscape to the past ritual and settlement landscapes in a diachronic as well as synchronic way.

337

The project includes significant contributions from the following people: Matthew Brudenell, Ewan Campbell, Matthew Fitzjohn, MaryCate Garden, Simon Gilmour, Sarah McLean, Jennifer Miller, David Orton, Euan Mackie, Paul Pattison, Susan Ramsay, David Redhouse, Fraser Sturt, and Louise Wood.

338

Redhouse, et. al. 2002, see also project http://www.arch.cam.ac.uk/lismore/ 339 See above website for expanded research aims and goals

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website:

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL The distribution of sites, as well at the stratigraphic relationships between those sites, supports the assumptions established in the previous chapters that the organisation of the church in Argyll grew out of local strategies and attitudes towards the past. Although the stratigraphic data from Lismore are the most significant contribution, the detailed analysis of the distribution pattern of early Christian sites is also important because it ties the two methodological approaches together: the analyses across space and an analysis through time. Finally, Lismore is an interesting case study in which to test a model of the relationship between the Iron Age/early medieval socio-political organisation of the island with the later parish boundaries.

The Diocese of Argyll was constantly struggling through poverty in the Middle Ages, and letters were even written by the Pope in 1249 empowering the bishops of Glasgow and Dunkeld to move the cathedral to the mainland, but this was never done.345 MacDonald attributes the continuing importance of Lismore to the continuity of a significant religious community on Lismore up until the twelfth century.346 Lismore remains the head of the parish of Lismore and Appin, including the island itself and the region of Appin on the mainland. Appin, whose name comes from the Irish apdaine meaning abbacy or abbeylands, probably, according to Watson and Macdonald, represents the mainland territories of the community at Lismore.347

8.2 Historical Background

8.3 Archaeological Data

Even given the major monastic settlement on the island from the latter half of the sixth century, the ecclesiastical history of Lismore is little understood. In the middle ages, the island was the head of the Diocese of Argyll, and the site of the major early Christian monastic foundation of St Moluag. According to tradition, the Saint founded the monastery after beating Columba in a race to the island by cutting off his own finger and thrusting it upon the shores before his more famous contemporary reached the beach. The earliest historical references to Lismore record the arrival of St Moluag, an Irish saint from Bangor, who founded a monastery on the island in the latter half of the sixth century. There were no known annals kept at Lismore, and no contemporary life written of Moluag, though his year of death is noted in the Irish annals as 592.340 Further obits are mentioned in c.611 and c.637, but after the completion of the Irish Lismore in Co. Waterford in c.638, the Scottish Lismore disappears from the record.341

The micro landscape study of Lismore affords us the opportunity to take a more intimate approach to the evidence and to engage with the landscape in a more meaningful way. Up until now, we have been looking down on the landscape from above and generalising about the distribution of sites across a wide area; from a ‘bird’s eye’ perspective that would have been foreign to those living on the island thirteen hundred years or more ago. In looking at Lismore, we can tilt our perspective downwards to the horizontal and study the landscape from a human perspective. The following section describes the individual monuments examined as part of the Lismore Landscape Project including preliminary data recovered from survey and excavation. The detailed micro-analysis of the later Iron Age remains on the island, coupled with the stratigraphic relationships between monuments recovered from fieldwork, adds a richness to the data not available through ground surveys of larger areas. The final part of this chapter will propose some models for the overall geo-political landscape of Lismore, its role in the early medieval political structures of Argyll as a whole, and the role played by the church in these developments. The final section will take a more thematic approach to the data. The three themes are discussed in terms of archaeological relationships on Lismore: movement, site and cognition. It is hoped that these themes will show how ‘[places] of memory [acted to] anchor the past in the present’.348 The experiences as one moves across the landscape, seeing monuments and incorporating them into their mindscape, would have been the media through which the early practitioners of Christianity would have woven their new ideology into the existing social fabric.

The medieval ecclesiastical history of Lismore is better known after the 12th century, but little is known of the early history of the parish until it became the head church of the Diocese of Argyll in 1189. On constitution of the cathedral chapter in 1250, the teinds of the parsonage of Lismore were utilised for the support of the dignitaries of the chapter.342 The vicarage was annexed to the prebend of the Dean of Lismore before 1497, and a vicar appears in 1389 as the pensioner who served the cure.343 According to sixteenth century leases, all the dignitaries of the chapter held the revenues of the parish, with the bishop claiming a quarter of the revenues. The bishop of Argyll also claimed a quarter of the proceeds of the parish of Elanmunde, though that parish remained independent until the 16th century.344

8.3.2 RITUAL AND POWER, PAST AND PRESENT a. Ritual monuments The earliest ritual monuments on the island of Lismore are the usual class of monuments seen elsewhere in Argyll, cists and cairns of varying size and complexity.

340 Carmichael 1948: 31; MacDonald, ‘Two Major Early monasteries’, 1974:49 341 MacDonald 1974:48 342 Cowan 1967:134 343 Ibid. 344 Ibid., see also Turner 1998 for a detailed discussion of the Bishops of Lismore in the Middle Ages.

345

MacDonald 1974:49 Ibid. 347 Anderson 1922: 576-7; MacDonald 1974: 50; Watson 1926:124 348 Meskell 2003: 36 346

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CHAPTER 8: THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT However, the location of many of these monuments is interesting in the present context. The great number of cists and cairns are those that dot the summit of Barr Mòr, the long spine of hills running lengthwise from the southern tip of the island to roughly the northeastern edge of Loch Kilcheran. The ritual monuments largely occupy higher ground on the centre spine of the island, or along the southern coastlines, with a few notably exceptions. The position of the ritual monuments in highly visible, but not very accessible locations indicates that they were meant to be seen by a wide audience – those on Barr Mòr are visible from the sea approaches to Lismore. The visual impact of these monuments was clearly very important and would likely explain why most of them are located in the hilly south of the island. The notable exception to this rule is the massive cairn at Cnoc Aingal and the smaller but still significant Cairn Mór nearby. Both these cairns are located in low-lying positions that would have been visible only to the inhabitants of the island and would have been much more physically accessible within the landscape.

archaeological investigations of 2005. However, the fort’s position on the northern side of the island, facing Morvern, means that it is one of the only potential Iron Age monuments on the north side of the island with a clear view to the land and waterways north. The character of the two forts on Lismore is difficult to determine because of the denuded nature of the surface evidence. However, their geographic locations near good harbours with views of either long coast probably indicated that they were both important within the functioning of island society. Perhaps they had a security function beyond just as a high-status settlement. There are two complex Atlantic roundhouses on Lismore, a high number for such a small area in Argyll. The southernmost broch at Loch Fiart is much denuded, and would hardly be recognised now as a broch if it were not for a small gap in the turf covering, barely half a metre wide, which reveals the double walled construction of the monument. The broch commands views of the sea to the south and a fair view of the island to the southwest and northeast.351 The site also overlooks Loch Fiart, which would have provided excellent access to fresh water. However, little can be seen of the island north of Loch Fiart from this broch. Regardless, the size and complexity of this site suggest that it played an important role in the geopolitical landscape of the late Iron Age.

b. Iron Age sites Lismore has typical round houses and forts typically dated to the long Iron Age in northern Britain. Unusually in Argyll, Lismore also has two complex Atlantic roundhouses, brochs, at either end of the island. The number of sites, their complexity, and their geographic location, as we shall see below, all point to an island which must have played a very important role in early medieval Argyll, and the Cénel Loairn in particular.

The most well preserved Broch on Lismore, Tirefour, has been the focus of the most extensive excavations by the Lismore Landscape Project in 2004 and 2005.352 The excavation at Tirefour in 2004 concentrated on the southwestern approaches and outer works, and a small section of the northern terrace. The aim was to investigate the outer banks of the broch itself, as well as an associated sub-rectangular building that does not appear on any of the 1st edition Ordnance Survey maps of the site. The excavations on the Southwest approaches, however, revealed an interesting sequence of occupation, with substantial evidence for animal bone, metalworking, and some pottery and other artefacts.

There are two forts on Lismore which dominate opposite sides of the island. The southernmost fort, at Kilcheran, is much denuded and its details are difficult to make out.349 When the author visited the site in 2004, scarcely any details could be made out through the thick grass. However, this fort is located within sight of the possible early Christian site of Kilcheran, and at one of the best landing sites on the island. The views from this fort are now somewhat restricted by dense trees around the modern house of Kilcheran, but there is a very strong visual link between the fort, and the possible early Christian site that lent its name to the nearby loch. The other fort, located at the opposite end of the island near the 14th century Castle Coeffin, occupies a flattopped costal knoll that has been partially enclosed by a low, stony bank.350 The approach to the highest part of the fort is cut off by two stone ramparts that form the northeastern boundary of the enclosed area. An anomalous earthwork, that may once have been another section of walling but which is now greatly denuded, lies just inside the ramparts and runs parallel to them, NW by SE. There was a series of rig cultivation marks at the southern end of the enclosed area. The purpose and date of the remains at Castle Coeffin fort are difficult to determine from surface remains and the limited 349 350

Figure 54 Aerial photograph of Tirefour Broch looking towards the west. The box indicates the location of the possible early medieval building in figure 55. (Paul Pattison 2005) 351

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 72-3 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 65

352

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RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 75 RCHAMS, Inventory, 1974: 75-6

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL The greatest point of interest raised by the excavations on Tirefour is the dating evidence relating to occupation of the site in the early medieval period. The presence of the two bone pins, tentatively dated to the 12th and 9th centuries respectively, near the double-skinned structure at the base of the broch (figure 54) indicates that the site was most likely occupied throughout the early medieval period. At Tirefour, we have significant and datable finds clearly pointing to occupation during the time when Christianity was coming onto the island. The significance of this occupation is discussed in detail at the end of this chapter.

with a crudely constructed stone wall or bank. No artefacts were recovered from the rounded feature, but some evidence of burning suggests light industrial activity. The double dun at St Moluag’s chair yielded some interesting structural and possible dating evidence, if little in the way of artefactual evidence. Paul Pattison of English Heritage and the author initially surveyed the site in 2004, at which point the enclosure was recorded along with a low turf-dyke running up through the fields to the south and past the dun itself. Though it was not positively determined, this dyke appeared to be associated with the dun in some way, perhaps preserving field boundaries. The circular enclosure is located on a rock outcrop just west of the rock known as St Moluag’s Chair, a natural stone ‘chair’ or sorts, which Moluag was traditionally thought to have sat in to rest and meditate. The chair is also thought to have healing properties for those with mental illness, and Moluag himself was often invoked in cases of insanity or headaches.354 A stone and turf bank describes a circle of about 8m in diameter with a possible entrance to the ENE. Adjoining this enclosure is a further sub-circular enclosure about 6.5m in diameter within and rubble and turf bank (figure 56). The site itself is located at a very advantageous location on the island, commanding panoramic views of the whole island, and especially good views to the northeast straight up the Great Glen. The site of the monastic community as well as the enormous Cnoc Aingil (‘Hill of Fire’) cairn355 would have probably been visible from this site, to the west and north. Two large trenches were opened up at the site in 2005 in investigate the construction of the two enclosed areas, as well as to search for a possible entrance.

Figure 55 Tirefour Broch, west end of Eastern (possibly early medieval?) structure The size, shape, and structure of the numerous duns on Lismore vary from site to site across the island, but most are located in areas with good views of the sea. The majority of the duns are located at the southern end of the island; only two occupy the northern end. The seeming lack of duns at the northern end of the island could possibly be a result of increased agriculture and settlement at the northern end of Lismore. The duns, or smaller roundhouses, occupy much less imposing ground than do the two brochs on the island. The two duns at the northern end of the island, Park Dun and the unrecorded double dun near St. Moluag’s chair were chosen for intensive survey and excavation during the 2004-2005 seasons. The results of these excavations will be briefly described below in the context of the wider distribution of roundhouses on the island. The first site picked for excavation was the small, and very denuded, Park Dun at the northern most tip of the island.353 The features consisted of a small dun occupying a large flat terrace overlooking the sea on all sides. The flat terrace is bordered on the southern side by a low turfdyke as can be seen all over Lismore. A smaller, round feature built up against the natural hillside was also excavated. The main result, in terms of dating, to come from the excavation of the dun in 2004 was the discovery of the complete top half of what may be an early first millennium AD rotary quern. The excavations of the feature at the bottom of the hill indicated a small cshaped bank constructed from yellow clay and lay on the natural hillside to a maximum height of 1 metre, topped

Figure 56 St. Moluag’s Chair dun with 2005 excavation trenches(Paul Pattison 2004)

354 353

355

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 92

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Dransart 2003: 233 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 49

CHAPTER 8: THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT The first trench in the larger of the two enclosures, enclosure 1, at first revealed a wall constructed of rough rubble jammed tightly into the spaces between bedrock outcrops. This section of trench at the ENE may have been an entrance way raised by an artificial platform of rubble pounded into the spaces between the bedrock, as seen here. The floor of the enclosure was largely devoid of artefacts or any other signs of occupation, though some flakes of charcoal and one small piece of worked flint were recovered from the southern end of Trench 1. The second section of walling exposed in the western enclosure (figure 57) revealed a carefully coursed wall of limestone blocks measuring roughly 1 metre remaining in height and 1.5 metres think. The inside walls of the eastern enclosure revealed a very different type of construction altogether (figure 58). The bottom of the inner wall was constructed by laying large orthostats on end around the base of the wall, then filled in behind with large pieces of rubble, similar to the construction of, particularly. Some charcoal and animal bones were recovered from the floor surface of the second enclosure, but not enough to identify any specific activities, and the floor surfaces did not suggest any specific activity areas.

Figure 57 St. Moluag's Chair, coursed inside wall of western enclosure, trench 2

The site shows possibly two phases of construction based upon the differences in architecture between the two enclosures, although the relationship between the two phases, and whether there was a period of abandonment between the two, ere not established. The architecture of the eastern enclosure, however, suggests a later phase of building/occupation, the late wheelhouse at Cnip, Lewis.356 This site therefore throws up a number of points about the early Christian landscape. If the early medieval (or latest) phase of building activity represents continuous occupation, then there is some legitimacy to the argument that the relationship between the early Christian sites in Argyll and these types of monuments indicated a localised response to Christianity; a response that draws a close association between the local élite and the local church. It is no surprise that this site is located within 50 metres of a traditional sacred monument to St. Moluag. If the traditions between the stone and the Saint are to be believed, and the place name further along the island, Cill and t-Suidhe, ‘Church of the Seat’, suggests that this is so, then there is an example of a Christian interpretation of an élite settlement landscape.

Figure 58 St. Moluag’s Chair, upright stones along inside wall of eastern enclosure, trench 2 c. Circular Enclosures Located on Lismore are two, near perfectly circular bankand-ditched enclosures which have hitherto been interpreted as early medieval cemeteries.357 This interpretation of the enclosures is flawed, as I will demonstrate below, so they have been included between sections on the Iron Age and the early medieval period occupying, as they do, such an ambiguous position within the overall archaeology of the island. However, as the discussion on the enclosures will show, another possible interpretation of these sites is very relevant to the study of the early Christian landscapes of the island. Newfield, ‘Cill an t-Suidhe’ (Figure 59) The enclosure at Newfield, known in the RCAHMS volume as Cill an t-Suidhe stands in a waterlogged field near the farmhouse of Newfield.358 Nothing is known of the history of the site, although the place name, as well as its enclosure, has led to its interpretation as an early ecclesiastical site by the Royal Commission. In 1995, a massive bronze armlet was found near the farmhouse during routine digging. According to Hunter, such Iron Age armlets, dating from ca. AD 80-200, are often found in votive deposits.359 As the site is heavily waterlogged and overgrown with wild iris, its state of preservation is 357

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974, 118-119, RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 118 359 Hunter 1995 358

356

Hunter 2002: 132, fig. 42

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL very poor and requires immediate attention. The earthwork survey conducted in 2004 therefore sought to expand the original Royal Commission plan of the site.

internal features that would suggest themselves as gravecuts, or any grave markers of any kind. The earth and banked enclosure at Clachan was partially excavated by the Lismore Landscape Project in 2005 as part of the overall investigation of possible early Christian sites. A two by twenty metre trench was laid into the feature, cutting through the features at the northern end of the enclosure, the ditch, and the bank. Little was recovered from the site, aside from three possible bovine bones at the bottom of the ditch. The only cultural feature was a scant turf-line in one section of the bank (figure 60). The rectilinear features at the north end of the enclosure turned out to be a result of natural geological features.

Figure 59 2004 Earthwork survey plan of Cill-an tSuidhe/Newfield enclosure (Paul Pattison 2004) The enclosure is a single bank and outer ditched enclosure with no visible entrance with an overall diameter of about 38m (figure 59). Where the ditch survives, it is 2.5 meters wide and roughly 1.5 metres high from the top of the bank. The whole enclosure is cut through, dividing the eastern and western halves by a drystone wall of comparatively recent date. Little remains of the bank on the eastern half, though the ditch is discernible only as an area of thicker vegetation. The survey failed to add anything to the original Royal Commission plan, and no internal features were located in the centre of the enclosure, although it appeared that the ground in the interior had been raised up from the surrounding field. The survey also failed to identify anything resembling grave markers or grave cuts within the interior, although such identification would have been difficult given the condition of the site outlined above.

Figure 60 2004 Earthwork survey of Clachan enclosure and location of 2005 excavation trenches (plan by Paul Pattison 2004)

Clachan enclosure (Figures 60-61) The enclosure near the reconstructed croft near Clachan resembles the enclosure at Newfield almost exactly, though it is in a much better state of preservation.360 The site is also cut through by a drystone wall of recent date. It is again a single, outer-banked enclosure measuring 41 metres in diameter. At its highest point, on the NW side, the bank attains of width of 1.8 metres. The ditch is 1.5 wide at its best-preserved section, the bottom being roughly 1.2 metres from the top of the bank. This site has no known local history as a burial ground or anything else. Survey was conducted along the same lines as at the Newfield site, but revealed a much more complex set of features than originally planned by the Royal Commission. The survey, along with analysis of corresponding aerial photographs, revealed a rectilinear enclosure or building adjacent to the enclosure on the northwest side. The feature abuts the enclosure, partly lying over the ditch. The survey did not reveal any 360

Figure 61 West-facing section of enclosure at Clachan site with turf line visible, scale pole at 30cm increments. Discussion of Enclosures The ambiguous nature of these two enclosures, and their uniqueness in the region, warrants closer investigation. Their near identical size, shape, construction, and landscape context suggest the motivations behind their construction were the same. Charles Thomas initially

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 119

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CHAPTER 8: THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT interpreted the enclosures as early ecclesiastical enclosures. Based upon the so-called ubiquity of circular burial enclosures through the British Isles, the Royal Commission then continued this idea in their interpretation. The sites have been interpreted as early Christian burial grounds ever since.361 However, upon closer inspection, neither of the two features resembles any of the other early ecclesiastical monuments of this class. Early Christian sites in Argyll are characterized not only by a burial enclosure of some sort, but also the presence of early medieval sculpture, a chapel building even if it is later, a place name indicating an early foundation, and often written evidence. In nearly all cases, a chapel or burial ground is enclosed by a stone wall of some sort, new or old. The two enclosures on Lismore do not fulfil any of the requirements of an early ecclesiastical site. The bank and ditched enclosures at these two sites are extremely well preserved considering the intensive agriculture seen on the island since they were constructed, and the total lack of any other material aside from the earthwork being preserved is difficult to understand within an ecclesiastical context.

The landscape context of these sites is very telling as well, when compared to other early Christian sites in Argyll. The broch is the only monument visible from the Newfield site. Other early Christian sites generally enjoy good views of the landscape around them. Kilmartin in Knapdale enjoys a wide aspect of the surrounding countryside and clear views of the ritual monuments running south down the valley. Kilmoluag’s cathedral is well situated, and though located in a relative valley it still has a view of the majority of the surrounding land, including the large cairn at Cnoc an Aingil. The two enclosures are also quite different in their context. The two enclosures seem to be placed very deliberately to be visually isolated from within; however, anyone standing on the hills would have a perfect view inside. This, coupled with the votive armband found at Newfield, could suggest that these enclosures were created for some ritual purpose as a kind of amphitheatre. The defensive nature of the bank and ditch, which would have been impressive when new, indicates perhaps the inhabitants’ desire to control access to the enclosure. But their location at the bottom of hills and in a hollow does not suggest a particularly strong defensive structure, especially when compared to the multitude of fortified roundhouses, or duns, on Lismore, as anyone who wanted to attack could easily slip over the hills unseen and attack from above.

Whilst the site at Newfield is known locally as Cill an tSuidhe, the exact location of this place could not be verified locally. The place name evidence, therefore, is also dubious since the element ‘t-Suidhe’ is a very rare Gaelic ecclesiastical place name element indicating a ‘seat’, often pertaining to a location where a saint would sit in contemplation.362 Watson mentions only a couple of sites in Argyll with this place name element, but not Newfield. The ‘Suidhe’ placename element could be yet another example of an early dedication near a prehistoric monument in order to sanctify it in some way.

As for the Clachan enclosure, it has no known association with any early ecclesiastical site, and although it is located near the cathedral, the enclosure is visibly isolated from the surrounding landscape by the low hills. The name Kilandrist refers to a settlement with a traditional chapel and a still extant holy well not traditionally associated with the enclosure, well located south on the shores of Loch Baile a Ghobhainn. Like Cill an t-Suidhe, we therefore have an enclosure of some size and construction near an ecclesiastical building, but without any early placename, associated chapel, or sculpture.

Carmichael’s book, and discussion with local people, indicate that the enclosure is more popularly known as Cladh na Righ, ‘the burial place of Kings’, a decidedly un-Christian nomenclature similar perhaps to the site of Cladh a Bhile, ‘ Burial ground of the sacred tree’, in Knapdale. The site of Cladh na Righ may not have attracted the early Christian sculpture and investment of Cladh á Bhile because of the relative isolation of Lismore compared to Knapdale and perhaps because Lismore was not financially able. Only two, rather unimpressive fragments of early medieval sculpture have been found on Lismore suggesting that either the island and its inhabitants were not able to afford sculpture, or that they simply did not see the need to invest in it in the first place. This burial ground, Carmichael claims, was important amongst the kings of the Dál Riata, and their descendents were, until the early part of the twentieth century, still sailed across the water from Dunstaffnage to be buried at the site. However, as with much of Carmichael’s book, this tradition must be taken with a healthy dose of scepticism.363

Aside from place name evidence, neither of these sites has shown any evidence of burials. There are no stones, loose or otherwise, that might be construed as grave markers at either site, and no effort has been made to enclose them by a permanent wall as many early sites in Argyll eventually were. From the initial survey, and the excavation of the Clachan enclosure, it would appear that these two enclosures are not Early Christian burial enclosures. They more closely resemble the early medieval Irish ring forts than any other burial enclosures of Argyll, though there is even less evidence of these enclosures having had a settlement function. Few, if any, of the enclosed early Christian cemeteries for which we have evidence in Argyll, are constructed in such perfect circles. Most other early Christian sites instead follow the constraints of the landscape in which they sit. The two enclosures on Lismore are nearly perfectly circular, suggesting that they were created to be circular in and of themselves. Their circularity further suggests that they

361

RCHAMS, Inventory, 1975 Watson, 1926: 260, Watson does mention a ‘suidhe’ on Lismore, but in conjuction with St. Moluag’s Chair on the opposite end of the Island. 363 Carmichael 1948: 30 362

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL were intended to be the main monument at their respective sites and were not considered a secondary feature to another building. The size of each enclosure is also telling, and perhaps very significant in arguing for a reclassification of these monuments: Clachan and Cill an t-Suidhe measure 41m and 38m in diameter respectively. Their dimensions, circular and of this particular size, do not fit in comfortably with known early Christian sites in Argyll. Taking only the ‘safe’ early Christian sites, i.e. those with sculpture, the diameter of the enclosures falls into three main groups: those between 15-25m, those between 35-40m, and those above 60m. The sites do tend to cluster into one of these three size ranges. The two sites in Lismore would fit comfortably into the middle grouping, but are unlike any of the chapels within that group. Two other chapels that would fit into this group are Nave Island, Islay and Ceann a' Mhara, Tiree. Both of these sites have obvious Early Christian associations and very irregularly shaped enclosures. In fact, all enclosed chapels over a certain size have at least two or more indications of early Christian activity, be they sculpture, a church of chapel, or a placename. The two Lismore enclosures have none.

Little is known about the original monastic settlement, and little early medieval material has been recovered from the island: three pieces of early medieval sculpture now in the church, and three bronze pins found in the nineteenth century now at the National Museum of Scotland. However, the mention of the monastery in other independent sources suggests that the site was a monastery of some importance in the early medieval period. The church and churchyard as we see it now are the result of some eight centuries of decay and renovation. The current floor level of the church is nearly a metre higher than its original footing. The old churchyard itself would have been much larger in previous times covering, according to MacDonald’s best estimation, and local accounts of finding graves during building construction, about 3 acres on either side of the road.365 His estimation of the original extent of the churchyard and the possible line of the monastic enclosure are drawn partially from an 18th century estate map of Lismore shown in figure 62. The site is now difficult to situate visually in its modern landscape. The entrance to the medieval cathedral is now partially covered in a dense thicket of nettles and shaded by the high walls of the 18th century Manse. The entrance to the church, and cathedral before, would have been at the western end of the church rather than the eastern end facing the road as it is today. The whole orientation of the building was different which probably meant that the inhabitant’s interaction with the building was quite different as well. The building appears less picturesque than today, more of a building existing within a landscape rather than within an ideal setting.

The two enclosures nonetheless remain important for the argument that regional Christianities emerged in Argyll during the early medieval period that were territorial and localised rather than centrally organised. Firstly, the enclosure of Cill an t-Suidhe came to have a very early, and unusual, early Christian placename attached to it at some point. In addition, the church and lands of Killean probably incorporated the ‘Field of the Cross’ abutting the Newfield site. This indicates a specific case of a (presumably) prehistoric site of some importance being incorporated into a Christianised landscape. The legend that the enclosure of Newfield was a burial place of the kings of Dál Riata simply weaves the site event tighter into the Christian ideology of the early medieval period when kings were given their authority directly from God. 8.3.2. THE EARLY CHRISTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY OF LISMORE Little beyond placenames, ephemeral boundaries, and fragments of Lismore’s early Christian heritage remains on the island. However, these fragments taken together reveal more about the organisation of the church on this small island than many other areas. Five possible early Christian sites occupy the small island ranging from the historically attested monastic foundation of St. Moluag to the small hermitage on the tidal island of Bernera. a. St Moluag’s Monastery The former monastic foundation of St Moluag (d. 592), now serving as the parish church for Lismore and Appin, exists today as little more than the choir of the former cathedral; its nave was ruined by the sixteenth century.364

Figure 62 Eighteenth century Langolands Estate map of Kilmoluag Cathedral and outlying areas. (From McDonald 1974)

364

Brown and Duncan, ‘The Cathedral Church of Lismore’, 1957; Carmichael 1948: 78; MacDonald, ‘Two Early Monasteries’, 1974; OPS: 163; O’Sullivan, ‘Lismore Parish Church’, 1994: 57-8; SWHI: 121

365

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McDonald, 1974:56

CHAPTER 8: THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT An initial detailed survey of the site and surrounding areas had two purposes (figure 63). The first was to test MacDonald’s conclusion that the circular enclosing wall around the cathedral crossing over to the other side of the road, might have been the line of the original vallum.366 MacDonald’s map, figure 62, does not include a definite eastern border, and part of the testing process was to determine if any eastern boundary was visible. MacDonald believed that this boundary wall around the site represented the remains of the original monastic vallum. The name Lismore has been interpreted by local inhabitants as ‘the Great Garden’ (Lios Mor) owing to the great fertility of the island. However, the Gaelic could also be Lis Mor, ‘Great Enclosure’. This interpretation of Lismore’s name is significant given the numbers of important enclosed sites on the island, St. Moluag’s not the least. It is possible that the great enclosure was the name given to the island because of the presence of the great enclosed monastery, or because of the other two circular enclosures. Any guesses as to the nature of this great enclosure are pure conjecture, but the placename is still notable.

Figure 63 Earthwork survey of Kilmoluag Cathedral precincts (Pattison and Meredith-Lobay 2004) Brown and Duncan mention the feature briefly as an area for holding sheep, but its position within the supposed enclosed area, less than ten metres away from the original entrance to the church is intriguing.368 In addition, while all the crofts surrounding the church border Macdonald’s enclosed area quite tightly, none encroaches on the other side. If the churchyard was finally enclosed in its present form in the 18th century, as MacDonald reports, then the structures within the churchyard reflect a much earlier phase of building. As to the size and shape of the enclosure, it probably defined an area that in the seventeenth and eighteenth century was legally considered part of the cathedral. All the crofts bounding it are right up against the wall, which suggests that the cathedral precinct was enclosed in order to stem the encroachment of the crofts. Indeed records show that the decision to enclose the area was made in the 1760s in order to settle an argument regarding the size of the manse.369 The area now enclosed probably did constitute some kind of sacred space that was recognised as such up until that time, whether or not it was actually connected with the original monastery. Unfortunately, there is no solid evidence that the monastery was in the position of the present parish church: the site of St Moluag’s cathedral is a complicated multi-period conglomeration of evidence. The most interesting parts of the site are probably those concealed now by the old churchyard, and underneath the east end of the church. On the first edition Ordnance Survey map, this area is described as ‘Nunnery and Sanctuary’, and a strange cross-shaped stone still survives in the field near a modern bungalow that has encroached upon the site. The field where this stone now sits is very boggy, nearly waterlogged where it meets up with the wall, but flatter near the road.

The second purpose of the survey was to map any additional features not on the Ordnance Survey map of the area, or in the RCAHMS records of the site. The initial walk over of the site did not reveal anything different from MacDonald’s original plan, aside from the turf footings of one, possible two buildings mapped during the earthwork survey. A natural ridge of limestone circumscribed the eastern boundary. A walk in the field behind the manse to the east of the church revealed nothing. The only section of the boundary wall that appeared older than 18th dry-stone wall was one section to the north of the church where the walling seemed to have been built over an existing turf bank or head dyke, noted by MacDonald as a possible remainder of an older boundary as well.367 Earthwork survey on the old churchyard, the chapel itself, and the areas around the modern churchyard were then conducted in order to investigate certain features within the cathedral precinct with special focus on the small field to the north of the church, near the turf bank; the area excavated in 2005. Ridge and furrow marks were found on the highest terrace that had been bounded by a stone wall that seemed almost like a revetment wall against the field beyond. Below this, on the flattest area of the small yard, was a rectilinear enclosure adjacent to another sub-circular enclosure, not present on the first addition map of the cathedral precinct, or on the Langolands estate map of 1778.

The excavations at St Moluag’s cathedral concentrated on the features located to the north of the ruined nave of the former cathedral, partly because the rectilinear structures 366 367

368

MacDonald 1974 ibid:54

369

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Brown and Duncan 1957:50 MacDonald 1974:52

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL recorded in the survey are the only discernable features near the church. The excavation revealed what was a possible post-medieval structure, of which only the southern wall could be traced with any certainty. The structure incorporated much dressed sandstone likely to have been carted off from the cathedral when it fell into ruin in the sixteenth century. The larger enclosure or building looks to have cut the smaller building (figure 64). A rubble platform, composed of numerous rounded basalt pebbles probably carried up from the beach, had been created by jamming the rounded stones into the spaces between the bedrock outcrops to create an artificial terrace. The relationship between the platform and the larger building or enclosure was not immediately obvious, nor was the nature of the smaller building, though a small medieval thimble found near the bottom of the wall of the smaller enclosure, and half a quern stone found at the base of the later rubble platform, may indicate domestic use. Another, possibly earlier, structure was also found underneath the southern wall of the smaller structure.However, since it was discovered on the penultimate day of excavation, little other information about it has been uncovered to date. No artefacts were discovered associated with this structures, but those found in sealed contexts above will hopefully give us some idea of the dating of this possible building.

to the past ideational landscape. This relationship fits in well with the overall argument that the landscape contexts of these early Christian sites were very much focused on local concerns. The relationship between Kilmoluag’s cathedral and the surrounding landscape also shows that even the major monastic foundations could have a variety of specialised local relationship governing the decisions behind their placement in the landscape. We know that a foreign-born monk founded Lismore, but the location of the monastic settlement in the centre of the island, probably on land donated by the local ruling élite, indicates a desire to integrate the monastic site into an already established landscape, perhaps for the benefit of the élite.

Figure 65 Possible secondary structure underneath medieval building The excavations also shed interesting light on perceptions of the sacred spaces of the island in the medieval period. When Lismore became the head of the Diocese of Argyll, the Bishop’s palace was not built anywhere near the Kilmoluag, but rather at the other end of the island entirely. Achnadun, the Bishop’s Palace, would have had views of the Morvern Coast and of all water traffic heading towards Mull and the Outer Hebrides. However, the palace is far removed both physically and conceptually from the Cathedral at Kilmoluag and the rest of the parish. The Bishop’s palace was built with a clear view of the chapel site at Bernera Island, discussed below, a spit of rock with strong local Columban associations. It would be impossible to determine whether there was a political motivation or an ideological one for isolating the bishop’s palace from the main ecclesiastical site on the island. It is possible that the placement of the Bishop’s palace was a result of a compromise, an attempt to recognise the importance of both ecclesiastical sites.

Figure 64 Plan of excavated areas within cathedral precincts. The excavations at Kilmoluag, while not uncovering anything positively identified with the early medieval monastic foundation, highlight some interesting points regarding the relationship between the cathedral and its wider landscape. First, the finds from Tirefour do initially confirm that the early medieval monastic site and the broch were both occupied at the same time. There are strong visual links between the cathedral, the broch, and Cnoc Aingil to the North. These three monuments triangulate three very different ideological landscapes, yet tie them together conceptually. Each represents a very different interpretation of ritual and power within a landscape setting, yet, most significantly, the latest monument of the group, the monastery sits in a position which connects it visually, physically, and conceptually

The possible medieval building uncovered at Kilmoluag during excavation, built from pieces of the Cathedral, would have been mere feet away from the entrance to the church. This implies either that the building was connected with the church in some way, or that the concept of the sacred enclosed space around the

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CHAPTER 8: THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT cathedral, as in MacDonald’s drawing, is a modern construct. b. Killean The existence of a church dedicated to St John at Killean is confirmed by the presence of a number of different sites with the placename Killean.370 Since there is no church by the name of Killean marked on Blaeu’s late sixteenth century map of the island, it is safe to assume that the church had disappeared long beforehand. The placenames occur over a wide area just to the north and east of the village of Achnacroish. The first edition Ordnance Survey maps indicate a series of fields and hamlets north and east of Achnacroish and it could well be that this land once the possession of an early Christian establishment dedicated to St John. The placename Achnacroish, ‘field of the cross’, suggests that this area too formed part of lands belonging to the church of Killean at some point. The location of a ruined building and burial ground thought to be the church are only known to a small number of elderly inhabitants of the island, who largely disagree on where exactly the church was located. Reports from Donald Black indicate that the only remains are a small, drystone enclosure. Black added that the grave markers had not been visible since his boyhood. Another suggested site of the former church, pointed out by another long-time resident of Lismore, was a croft site built over another potentially earlier drystone enclosure, but the site could not be explored more thoroughly. The original RCAHMS survey of the island identified the enclosure at Newfield, known dubiously as Cill an t-Suidhe, with the site of Killean church. However, it is clear from local interviews that the actual site of Killean lies somewhere to the northeast of Achnacroish.

Figure 66 Possible site of Kilandrist – looking west towards Loch Baile a’ Ghobhainn Survey of the island by Paul Pattison in 2005 located a small, circular enclosure measuring roughly 9m in diameter at a site north of the Loch. The enclosure is constructed of drystone rubble, and is much denuded, the height of the walls being no more that 30cm in some places. It is impossible to determine whether the enclosure represents a building or just an enclosure. A small pile of stones lying next to the enclosure to the northeast appeared at first to be a clearance cairn, but a closer look suggested that it might have been a well covering. The location of this site, its dimensions, and the possible well next to the site are suggestive of an ecclesiastical site of some kind. The survey of the area near this site also found the remains of what appeared to be a medieval or post-medieval settlement just north of the enclosure. This site demonstrates very clearly the potential of dedicated earthwork survey at the location of suspected early Christian sites. The distance of the possible chapel site from the drystone enclosure housing Kilandrist holy well need not exclude the small enclosure from identification as a possible chapel.

c. Kilandrist The site at Kilandrist along with an associated holy well supposedly once was located on shores of Loch Baile na Ghobhainn.371 The well remains in a drystone enclosure, but there are no visible remains of the church. The name Kilandrist, whilst having an appropriate ‘-kil’ prefix, indicates a later dedication and may point to an even later church. However, no church appears on Pont’s map of Lismore in the location, nor is any church mentioned in the Old Statistical account, indicating that if there was a church at the site it had long disappeared by the sixteenth century. However, the existence not only of the placename itself, but also its survival in a post-medieval settlement, suggests that the existence of a church at the site is highly probable.

d. Bernera Island This island is mentioned by Carmichael as the site of an early chapel built by St Columba, and there is compelling evidence that it once was a religious site of some importance. The earliest maps of Lismore, Blaeu’s maps dating to the late seventeenth century, indicate only two churches on Lismore: the cathedral and a chapel on Bernera (figure 67).

370 371

RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 149

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL of Lismore and Appin stretch from an island to the mainland. The prominence of Lismore in the middle ages as the see of the bishopric is probably due to its prominence as a religious centre in the earlier period, as well as the fact that most remaining other early medieval religious centres in the Inner Hebrides were firmly held by the Lords of the Isles. Its prominence during the early medieval period is based on conjecture: as mentioned above, the medieval parish of Lismore and Appin could well have been a coherent political territory as well as a religious territory. As in Ireland, the sphere of influence of most of the churches in Argyll was likely to have been contiguous with their secular territory or túath. We know from the Senchus that there were at least seven different septs or túatha in Lorn; within each were probably even more, smaller political entities, lesser kingdoms etc. In Ireland, the evidence points to a system whereby each túath would have a corresponding main church. A major monastic centre such as Lismore could have been the head church for an entire sept, one of the seven subCenéla of the Cenél Loairn. The large numbers of impressive secular monuments, roundhouses etc., on Lismore itself, and the total lack of any such numbers in the Appin area lend some support to the argument that Lismore was an important centre both in the religious and secular realms of society. Finally, the mainland place name Appin suggests the territory of land belonging to a larger church foundation.373 Therefore, it can safely be assumed that Lismore and Appin represents a possible sept, or túath, within the Cenél Loairn. Though the prominence of Lismore during the early medieval period is conjecture, the medieval parish of Lismore and Appin, stretching onto the mainland north of Oban, could well have been a coherent political as well as a religious territory. It is perhaps significant that the boundary of the medieval parish of Lismore skirted just around Dunollie, as if two powerful influences pushed against one another. The large numbers of impressive secular monuments, roundhouses etc., on Lismore itself, and the dearth of any in the Appin area lend some support to the argument that Lismore was an important centre both in the religious and secular realms of society, its influence strong enough to maintain control of lands in Appin on the mainland.

Figure 67 Bernera Island, location of site and view of enclosure from the north The site is circumscribed by a low dry-stone dyke forming a semi-circular enclosure, with a stone and turf building/enclosure measuring E-W about 13.7m E-W by 4.5m with a tumbled wall roughly 0.5 metres high. No grave markers are evident within the main enclosure, though when Knight visited in the site 1937 he stated that he had found the remains of a Celtic cross and a slab incised with two crosses.372 The Royal Commission could not find these in 1971 or during the 2004 season. However, both visits by the author and the Royal Commission were made in the summer months whilst the site was very overgrown. Simple surface survey of these three sites was able to ascertain their visible structures and compare that data with that recorded by the Royal Commission in the 1970s. Though there is no recorded history of Bernera or its church, the proximity of the thirteenth century Bishop’s palace at Achnadun to the island also might point to its importance as an ecclesiastical site. The small rock to the south of the island called Sgeir an Teampuill, ‘rock of the chapel’, also suggests early Christian origins to the island. It is possible, therefore, that Bernera perhaps acted as a hermitage for the monks at Kilmoluag. Local traditions, from Carmichael again, tell of a yew tree that once grew on the island under which Columba used to pray. However, given the traditional tensions between Moluag and Columba, if the story of Moluag cutting off his own finger is anything to believe, then it seems difficult that Columba would have been particularly welcome so near a rival monastic foundation.

In addition, Lismore would have been the first stopping point for any journey up the Great Glen. This pattern seems to make sense in the context of the slightly older political organisation whereby the important centres of the Cenél Loairn located were on the mainland to the south and east of Lismore. The concern of the inhabitants of Lismore in the Late Iron Age and Early medieval periods, at least its élite inhabitants, was towards Oban. We can then assume some degree of continuity in the political organisation of the landscape from the late Iron Age to the early historic period, an assumption that lends even more credence to Campbell’s model of a contiguous Irish Sea cultural zone with no periods of mass migration. The island is right across the water from the major

8.4 Conclusions 8.4.1 LISMORE IN DÁL RIATA In the early medieval period, any journey through the Great Glen or along the western seaboards of Dál Riata would likely have passed by the shores of Lismore. Like many others in Argyll, the modern and medieval parishes 372 Carmichael 1948: 82; OSA, Vol. 1: 491; RCAHMS, Inventory, 1974: 117;

373

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McDonald 1974, Clancy 1995

CHAPTER 8: THE LISMORE LANDSCAPE PROJECT stronghold of Dunollie, its monastic site was the closest to the mainland of any other major monastery in the Cenél Loairn, and it holds some of the most fertile land in the entire region. These three reasons alone guarantee Lismore an important place in socio-economic terms. Conclusions drawn from the available evidence may cast some more light on the character of this prominent island. The occupation of such a high status site at such a close proximity to the documented historic power centre at Dunollie suggests a tension between the two sites. The parochial territories of Lismore on the mainland, in Appin, are sufficiently far away from Dunollie that it appears that Lismore may have been considered a different territory or túath from that controlled by Dunollie. Ultimately, the island of Lismore is an excellent testing ground for the arguments put forth in previous chapters regarding the complexity of early Church organisation in the landscape. Lismore is the site of a major monastery completely independent from Iona. This monastery, though founded by a foreign-born monk, was probably established on lands given by whatever potentate had it within his power to do so. The land granted was not just anywhere, but within site of both Tirefour and the largest ritual monument on the island. There is also the possibility that the ‘great enclosure’ suggested by both the placename Lismore and the boundary around the cathedral was an older boundary of some ideological importance. The location of the monastic site could therefore have been a concrete manifestation of the ideological ambitions of the local ruling élite as much as the piety of Moluag, especially since excavation established that both sites were occupied at the same time in the early medieval period. All other early Christian sites on the island, aside from the isolated Bernera Island, are located within very easy distance from presumably important prehistoric monuments and prominent settlement monuments. The site of Killean, though not located with certainty, incorporated the enclosure of Newfield into its lands. Kilmoluag itself was in very easy distance of the second enclosure at Clachan as well. The site at Kilcheran is located within site of many of the most prominent cists on the island running along the top of the highest ridge to the south. Kilcheran was also located within less than 100 metres of one of the two forts on the island and was probably somehow connected with that site. Similar to what we have already seen on Islay and in Kintyre, the early Christian sites were located near influential Iron Age sites, but woven more seamlessly into the past ritual landscapes. Kilmoluag’s cathedral was given land near the largest cairn in Argyll as a way of integrating all sections of society into the process of Christianisation described in Chapter 3.

Figure 68 Post-medieval settlement sites on Lismore 8.4.2 THE LANDSCAPE OF LISMORE I now want to approach the overall assessment of the Lismore remains, focusing on relationships that would have been relevant to the inhabitants and looking closely at how the realities of an unfamiliar religion with its linear reckoning of time and unusual rituals. As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, I want to approach these relationships thematically in such a way that we might emulate the process by which the memory of a place and a past, real or otherwise, would have been recalled and understood by an inhabitant of that landscape. The purpose of this approach is to take the long view of landscape development of Lismore, without becoming imprisoned by historical definitions that would have had no significance to the people involved in the slow process of change. I take as the primary standpoint an inhabitant of Lismore in early medieval period who moves through the landscape encountering places of importance from the past (Bronze Age ritual monuments), the present (élite settlement), and a future which is still little understood (Christianity). The themes chosen here are: 1) movement though the landscape, 2) sight, seeing monuments in the landscape, and 3) cognition, how someone understands the meanings of monuments and incorporates them into their mindscape. Movement in this case refers to someone moving horizontally through a landscape and, at the same time, moving from past to present. The early ritual monuments on Lismore tend to occupy the highest ground, and do not encourage physical interaction on a daily basis. Visiting these sites would probably have been only on special occasions and would have involved the northern inhabitants travelling to the southern end of the island. By contrast, the Iron Age settlement monuments are in far

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL more accessible locations, almost all of them are near or within site of harbours. These sites lie in areas that would probably have been important routes of movement across the island, many today are located not far from the main road, and figure 68 clearly demonstrates the close relationship between the settlement monuments and areas of post-medieval settlement. These settlement monuments were probably the nexus of their small-scale communities, though the communities themselves survived far longer. Though the settlement monuments were on lower ground and were physically accessible, they were still commanded higher ground, adding to the otherworldliness that characterised the earlier monuments. From the perspective of someone of the early medieval period, the church sites, located on the lowest ground and in the most accessible locations, would have been easy to interact with physically and would probably have been more an integral part of the ‘peasant’ landscape than the hilltop monuments. However, the early Christian sites are still located in places where their association with past (and present) important places would have been clearly understood. Kilmoluag is located within very close proximity of the two largest cairns on Lismore, Cnoc Aingail and Cairn Mór. Visiting the monastic site would have brought a person into close contact with two monuments usually located at high and inaccessible places. Therefore, the Early Christian sites allowed a physical interaction with places of ritual importance that would not normally have been possible for a large part of society. This type of interaction would probably have been a break with past tradition, but one in which the larger number of people would have been more empowered to take part in ritual activities. The act of forgetting, i.e. forgetting how one physically interacted with ritual places in the past, might have therefore have served a critical purpose for the early Christian church on Lismore: by ‘freeing’ the minds of people to begin incorporating a new reckoning of the past whereby the new religion would have been more easily accepted. However, as we shall see below, it can be argued that the visual connections between these two pasts, that of pagan cyclical time and linear Christian time, were as important in grounding the fundamentals of the religion.

apparent to anyone travelling near or through the island. Later, the settlement monuments were still built near the coasts of the island and were still visible on their higher ground from many places on the island itself. In contrast, the early Christian sites on Lismore are visible only to someone actually on the island and fairly close to the island itself. Someone visiting the monastic site of Kilmoluag would have seen Tirefour and Cnoc Aingail clearly and understood their importance within their own personal and community memories. Similarly with the potential site of Kilcheran and Killean; earlier monuments and élite settlements would have been visible from the sites and from outside the island, but, most likely, not the sites themselves. The early Christian sites therefore had a visible relationship to other places of importance, but only to those inhabiting the island. The Christian sites were intimately embedded in the landscape in a way that suggests that their importance was also embedded in the local mindscape in a way that would not have been apparent to an outsider. Going back to our theoretical persona, a seventh century inhabitant of Lismore, we have seen how moving through the landscape involved both physically and visually interacting with the past in several significant ways. The sum of these interactions would have been the understanding gained of the significance of these monuments. In a way, the theme of understanding is simply the sum of the past two themes. Moving through a landscape and seeing the monuments within communicates the meaning of rituals performed at such places.374 On Lismore, early Christain sites were constructed, as far as we can interpret from the evidence, in the places where ritual memories converged. Where one could see a church, a cairn, a dun all from the same place, the memories of these places converged as well, incorporating ‘new’ elements into the collective memories of the inhabitants. The physical experience of the landscape thus mirrors how the memories of these monuments would have been accessed and processed.

Standing today on the main road of Lismore in front of the church you are struck by a visual triangulation between the church at Kilmoluag, the cairn at Cnoc Aingail, and Tirefour looming in the distance. From any other point to the north or the south of this one, such a visual unity would not have been possible, indicating the importance of sight as the second theme highlighting the relationship between the Christian landscape and the past. The sites on Lismore can be viewed from many different directions, both on land and from the sea. The visual importance afforded to many of the monuments indicates that seeing important places in the landscapes was of some concern to the inhabitants. The cairns on the ridge of Barr Mor are visible from very far away, even from the sea. The ritual importance of Lismore would have been 374

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Bradley 1998:87-89

CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION In the past four chapters, we have seen how the early Christian sites across Argyll entered into a dialogue with the landscape that successfully reinterpreted existing sacred spaces within a Christian ideology. This chapter moves forward to suggest a number of different explanatory models for the development of the early church throughout the long early medieval period. The plurality of models mirrors the regional responses to the advent of Christianity which have been identified throughout. This chapter explores the models for the Welsh church developed by Nancy Edwards and Alan Lane, and examines how early Christian sites in Argyll may have developed in the landscape across time. The model does not account for form or function of the sites in question, but examines the possible development of the ecclesiastical landscape as a whole. Finally, the major research aims set out in Chapter 1 are revisited along with suggestions of how this research might move forward through an organised programme of fieldwork.

Chapter 9 DISCUSSION 9.1 Reinterpreting Landscapes in early Christian Argyll 9.1.1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF CHAPTERS 1-8 The Christianisation of Argyll has often been cast in a simplistic light. Columba and his followers came from Ireland and peacefully converted the whole of Dál Riata to Christianity without bloodshed or any overt opposition from the ruling classes. This story does not take into account how the population became Christianised, how they reacted to the introduction of the new religion, nor how that religion transformed the ritual landscape. The previous eight chapters have attempted to bridge the gap between the pre-Christian era and the full-blown religion that first appeared (as far as we know from Iona) in the sixth century. By studying the landscape contexts of the churches of Argyll, we can now see that the process of Christianisation was far more heterogeneous than has been previously argued, and that the relationship between churches and previous ritual landscape should be pushed up the research agenda for the region.

9.2 Seven models for the organisation of the early church in Argyll The quantity and quality of the data so far examined can now be explored with reference to the seven models introduced in Chapter 3. In the following section, each of the seven models is explained alongside examples gathered from the relevant data. The inherent assumptions behind these models are not only that the organisation of the church was organic and locally driven, but that the landscape context of these churches was the result of different, regional strategies towards Christianisation. The lack of excavation and general state of most medieval and earlier churches, in Argyll hinders the testing of these models with specific examples, so the models will be tested with excavated material from across Scotland where available. This section revisits the model introduced in chapter 3 and expands the discussion to include evidence gathered in the previous chapters.

The landscape context of the early Christian archaeology of Argyll suggests a dialogue between past and present, mediated by a landscape which actively sought to translate the language of Christianity into a conceptual framework that sat firmly on the shoulders of the pagan past. The success of Christianity rested on its ability to bridge the gaps between that past and its present: a success based not on the charisma of a few outstanding holy men and their propaganda machines, but on the active cooperation with local élites who were ‘seeking ideological support for their geopolitical ambitions’.375 The early Church in Scotland legitimised its power to convert and to control the spiritual life of the people, by means of a complex system of interrelationships with the local secular élite.376 Within this relationship, the Church provided spiritual legitimacy to the secular élite in return for land and physical protection.377 Therefore, part of the process of Christianising the landscape was to emphasize this connection with the élite secular power, past and present. The relationships between the past and the present varied from region to region, representing a complex reaction to the introduction of Christianity. The Church revealed in the past eight chapters is one concerned with the Christianisation of the local landscape on a very small scale. That Church is embedded within the local society of which is was a part to a degree that would be impossible within a centrally organised church based on Iona and the other big monasteries.

In the first model (figure 69, number 1), Bronze Age burials and/or Iron Age cemeteries were the focus of a ritual landscape. These sites continue as a burial place through the early Christian period, then acquiring an ecclesiastical site which is then either abandoned or developed further into and beyond the medieval period. This model suggests that the ritual importance of burial places transcended specific religious beliefs, but was instead firmly rooted within a community’s worldview. Churches in this model would probably have been locally founded and funded by someone with the means to do so, perhaps as private churches of the community buried in the original burial ground. There are several examples where a churchyard has incorporated prehistoric burials, such as the Bronze Age cists in the churchyard of Uragaig. Thomas mentions the excavations in the 1960s at Whithorn that revealed some of the Christian burials overlying Roman cremations. He suggested that these burials were the raison d’être for the ecclesiastical

375

Urbanczyk 1998:129 Driscoll 1991: 83; Foster 1998: 3 377 Foster 1998:3 376

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL foundation.378 The best example in Argyll is that of the small chapel at St. Ninian’s on the Island of Bute, excavated in the 1950s.379 At this site, an early Christian chapel was associated with an earlier pagan cemetery of unoriented long cist burials. Interestingly at this site, the ecclesiastic use of the site was the last phase. People chose to be buried in a ‘Christian’ way in a particular place without the necessity of a church at the site. Similar situations can be seen in Eastern Scotland at sites such as the Catstane or Lundin Links.380 This model could also include those sites where an ancient monument, a standing stone or the like, was ‘Christianised’ by the addition of an incised cross. There are several example of this in Argyll such as the site of Carragh Chaluim Bhainn, Jura.381 Incising a cross on a standing stone is a straightforward way of bringing a new ideology in direct contact with the old in order to legitimise itself. The propensity for cross-inscribed stones in Argyll, and elsewhere in the British Isles, could also be a way of adapting a Christian symbol into a recognisable ritual medium. Figure 69 Seven models for the organisation of the church in Argyll (based on Edwards and Lane 1992)

The second model suggests that some churches developed within a pre-existing Iron Age settlement. The site would have been handed over to the church in the early medieval period, probably by the local ruling élite. The church site would eventually have attracted burial from local communities, and would have continued in the medieval period, or eventually have been abandoned. Evidence from Iona suggests that part of its enclosure was Iron Age in date.382 The reasons for the re-use of an older enclosure may have varied from simple expediency to conscious desire to associate the church with an older place of some importance. The excavations at Ardnadam Chapel in Cowal indicated settlement back to the Neolithic period, with part of the Iron Age enclosure around the site refurbished for use in the early medieval period.383 The third model explores sites founded de novo in the early Christian period. In this case, a new (Christian) cemetery is established in the early medieval period to serve a local community. Either that cemetery is then abandoned, or the site is developed for ecclesiastical use. The evidence for a cemetery of this type would depend on the close dating of burials found at a site, and a thorough enough excavation to determine that the ‘Christian’ burials were indeed the first at the site.

The fourth possible model for the development of an early Christian site is the model that begins as a focal grave, or a single grave of an important saint. These types of graves would then form the nucleus of a cemetery that would then be developed into ecclesiastical use by the addition of a church and other ritual buildings. These focal graves, or the ‘isolated grave of a notable person’, are found often in Iron Age contexts.384 Eithne’s Grave on Eileach an Naoimh is one such grave, and is traditionally regarded as that of Columba’s mother. Though the dating of the early Christian remains on the island is not sure enough to know if Eithne’s grave was chronologically the earliest feature on the island, it is possible that a grave of this kind could have formed the focus of the later monastic complex.385 The fifth type of site is similar to the early medieval development of sites in model 2, but in model 5, the early Christian site is established de novo with a land grant, presumably from the ruling local élite. In this model, the ecclesiastical site eventually attracts burials and then is abandoned or continues into the medieval period. The types of sites we would expect to find within this category are those where an ecclesiastical foundation was first established for the sole use of its own inhabitants, that cemetery opening up for general use after a long period. The cemetery at Portmahomack, Tarbat Ness, is a fine example of this type of development.386 The earliest burials on the site were overwhelmingly males of between 35-45 years of age,387 probably monks in the ‘classic’ sense. However, the later burials at the site

378

Thomas 1971: 55; see also Hill 1997 10-12 Ibid.: 54-6, 71, 179-80 380 Williams 2007: 145-64 381 RCAHMS, Inventory, 1984b: 23 382 Foster 1996: 81; 383 Rennie, 1974,1975, 1976, 1977 379

384

Thomas, Early Christian Archaeology: 59-63; Wait 1985: 88, 93 Thomas discusses a number of other examples from Wales ad Ireland, 1974: 62-3 386 Carver 2004: 1-30 387 Ibid.:13, fig. 8 385

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CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION reveal more of the story of Christianity in Argyll than a larger monastic site.

showed a typical number of burials from different sexes and age groups, suggesting that it was utilised by the wider community. There is no site within Dál Riata that has been excavated as thoroughly, or to as high a standard as Tarbat, and so we therefore must simply guess as to which sites would be the most appropriate to test this model, though I would argue that this model wa s probably the most widespread. In Argyll, there is the possibility that the sites for which we have documented records of their foundations at a particular time, such as Lismore or even Applecross further north developed in this way. However, in order to test this model thoroughly, excavation of a site would need to establish that a site was indeed constructed in the early medieval period.

These models serve to emphasise the complexity inherent within the Christian landscapes of Argyll. This complexity can be explained by seeing the organisation of the church as locally driven by secular territorial concern and not because of centralised government, or ecclesiastical, control. Ultimately, these models assume that the kingdoms and churches of Argyll were not integrated into a coherent system as much as the annalistic evidence would have us believe, but that the complexity of the early Christian landscapes represents the complexity inherent within the entire system. Essentially, the church in Argyll and its place in the landscape was a result of the same types of social relationships running throughout; therefore, a system or organisation unresponsive to local beliefs and social practices – such as I believe an Ionian organisation would have been – would not have been quite so successful.

In the sixth model, an early medieval settlement is the beginning for an early medieval church. In this model, a site within the settlement is handed over to the church and that land then acquires a church and other ecclesiastical buildings and burials. From that point, the site could be abandoned or continue to develop the same way as churches in the models above. Unfortunately, our dearth of archaeological evidence for the earliest medieval settlement precludes citing any concrete examples of this type of church establishment. However, the numbers of early medieval churches located near post-medieval settlement suggests that these sites may be examples of the above.

9.3 The Early Christian Church in Argyll: A Reassessment. 9.3.1 DIFFERENT STRATEGIES OF CHRISTIANISATION The preceding nine chapters have attempted a preliminary reconsideration of how we research the early church in Gaelic Scotland by questioning our past assumptions about the archaeological remains of the earliest Christian church in Argyll, and proposing a new methodological approach towards this archaeology that could glean a significant amount of new data. This work has argued that the early church in Argyll was not organised along strict lines of centralised monastery and paruchiae, such Iona, but that, as in Ireland and the rest of Europe, organised around secular territorial divisions with churches in the same territories acting in allegiance. The argument throughout has been that the early Christian landscapes of Scotland represent a number of regional and local reactions to the coming of Christianity which reflect local territorial aspirations and organisations. The church in this model grew organically within the established political system, rather as an entirely new structure imposed upon society from above.

Finally, those early Christian sites that have been incorporated into a larger-scale ritual landscape constitute a separate class on their own, because of the intentionality inherent in their locations. These churches were founded within areas of heavy ritual importance as a most effective way of reinterpreting those landscapes. In a way, these sites are the most important for this study. Many examples of these types of sites have been mentioned already, including Kilmartin Parish Church, Kilmore in Glen Feochan, and the parish churches of the Mull of Kintyre. These are all sites where a church within a ritual landscape has also developed into the medieval parish church, along with the usual settlement, etc. It is interesting to note that most of the examples in Argyll that seem to be incorporated within a ritual landscape do indeed become the principal church within their parishes in the medieval period.

The aims were explored by means of a set of nested landscape studies. At the broadest regional scale, analysed in Chapter 5, the distribution of early Christian churches and sites was seen to mirror that of the older Iron Age settlement and older ritual landscapes. The broad association is very important as it shows that the sites, at the largest scale, were occupying the same landscapes. It was also demonstrated that the majority of the early Christian sculptured stones are located at the boundaries between contemporary political territories. I would then argue that this sculpture played an important political role within the landscape. The organisation of the church was concerned with territorial divisions and important local landscapes, a necessary move for the church in order to gain its foothold in Argyll, represents an organic growth of the church from an already

These seven different models for the development of early Christian sites in Argyll do not explicitly draw a link between a type of early Christian site, and the motivations of those behind its foundation. The information we have about most of the early Christian sites in Argyll is too small to determine without further fieldwork how the majority of the sites might fit into the diagram in figure 69. However, enough is known of some sites to suggest that the models are appropriate for framing new questions about the early Christian archaeology, and for suggesting that more thorough excavation of smaller Christian sites could potentially

85

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL located within 1km or less of both an Iron Age site and a prehistoric ritual site. Therefore, the model suggested for Lismore, that of an early Christian site mediating between landscapes of power from disparate times is perhaps applicable throughout the region.

established conceptual framework. The models for the development of the church in Argyll show in itself how different sites adapted the landscape to the purpose of the Word. The second research aim, exploring the relationship between Christian monuments and past ritual monuments, has been met with the most success in the preceding chapters. Much has been written on the uses of past monuments by society as a way of legitimising their place in the social order.388 The arguments put forward in Chapter 3 based upon the work of Harvey and Jones provides an excellent framework for examining the archaeological evidence in such a way. Two things should be considered when approaching the landscape context of early Christianity in Argyll: the political and the ideological. These two forces formed a symbiotic relationship in early Historic Scotland that cannot be over emphasised. However, the past scholarly emphasis on the secular power centres and structures of power have left a vacuum in the discussions of the ways in which the church was actually organised in order to fulfil its ideological obligations. Literature on the topic focuses on the thought that all the early Christian churches were part of great monastic organisations, or paruchiae. Consequently, all sites are believed to have been monastic some way, operating under the patronage of an often far away great monastic centre like Iona or Kilmoluag. However, recent work in Ireland and Wales suggests a more complicated picture, one that mirrors more the complex set of relationships found between secular sites, i.e. over-lordship acting as an overall structuring element with the importance to the majority on the specific territories. Rather, the indications are of ‘some pre-meditated activity in introducing elements of ideology that seemed necessary for the establishing of stable territorial organisations. Some advantages of Christianity which were so attractive to pagan leaders that they chose to promote the new religion even though it radically interfered with society389‘. This territoriality of the church would make more sense in a society that thrived upon kin relationships and the organisation of land into discreet areas.

The development of the early Church in Argyll was the result of a continuing dialogue with the past: a dialogue that eloquently bridged the ideological gap between two very different social systems. This discourse was not dictated by a single institution, instigated in a singular moment in time, but through long-term cooperation between the church and the secular élite: the people and their past. The wide collection of monuments and use of the landscape by the early church are a testament to the different responses to the introduction of Christianity. We should therefore speak not of early Christianity in Argyll, but early Christianities, where local concepts of the past, territoriality, and the secular political world coloured each new establishment with a different brush. What remains in common for all these sites, perhaps most importantly, is the way in which they wove themselves into an already rich and vibrant fabric of ritual, power, place, and memory.

9.4 Conclusion The future of the early Christian archaeology of Argyll will remain in jeopardy, and the aims of this dissertation will never be carried forward without an urgent reassessment of the preservation of the very sites presented here. Many of these sites are rapidly disappearing, not just from the landscape, but also from the memories of the inhabitants. The site of the church of Killean on Lismore is now known only to a few of the older inhabitants of the island. I would therefore like to conclude here by proposing a number of new goals for the future research of the early Christian archaeology of western Scotland. Firstly, the surveys of the Royal Commission in the 1970s and 1980s are now well outdated, as many more sites have since been found. A project of analytical earthwork survey, such as that undertaken on Lismore, should be undertaken in order to assess the condition of all sites properly. Plans of the buildings themselves along with any other relevant features, such as enclosures and other associated buildings should be included in such surveys. Wherever possible, in addition to the churches and their cemeteries, survey should be carried out on the surrounding areas. Evidence from other ‘Celtic’ areas in Britain and Ireland suggests the likelihood that many of the earliest Christian sites were the focus of settlement in the early medieval period. A programme of fieldwork focused on the areas beyond enclosed spaces might uncover some further information about the elusive unenclosed, lower-status settlement of the period. This archaeological survey can be easily accessible through the RCAHMS database, and will add greatly needed information to the historic cemeteries survey. In addition to the need for surveys of all the sites, especially those of

The evidence from Lismore provides the key bit of data for the argument above. The twelfth and ninth century pins found on the broch suggesting its occupation during the early medieval period, show the importance of examining early Christian sites alongside Iron Age settlement monuments. On Lismore, the major Christian site, Kilmoluag’s Cathedral, was located very near to the broch, but also, and perhaps more importantly, close to a major prehistoric ritual monument (Cnoc Aingil). The cathedral seems to anchor the broch to the cairn, mediating between power in the present and the past, and acting as a bridge between the two. Chapter 5 demonstrated that the majority of early Christian sites are 388

see especially Bradley, ‘Time Regained’, 1987, and Altering the Earth, 1993 for in-depth discussions. 389 Urbanczyk 1998: 130

86

CHAPTER 9: DISCUSSION which only the slightest traces survive, such as Kilmaha, additional excavation and building recording should be undertaken. The project at Howmore on South Uist conducted by Dr. Andrew Reynolds of University College London and Dr. John Raven of Historic Scotland should set the new benchmark for exploration of early Christian sites in Scotland as a whole, as indeed should the programme of excavation undertaken by Professor Martin Carver at Tarbat.390 There is nearly no information regarding the dates of many early church buildings within Argyll, and little information about their early medieval predecessors. However, the difficulties of excavation at church sites are great and resources available for the Tarbet project in particular will not normally be available for most projects, small-scale trial trenching combined with earthwork survey can begin filling in the gaps at many sites. Most important, however, is the underlying understanding that the way the archaeology is approached in the future will need to be with an unbiased eye to the status and function of sites. Early medieval monasticism was a heterogeneous institution with vast differences in the interpretation of orthodoxy between different regions.391 Archaeological evidence for the early church in Argyll should be approached on its own merits, outside of the conceptual boundaries of monasticism. Argyll is a land of contrasts, and even today, the people there retain a relationship to their dramatic landscapes in a way not found in many modern western societies. Though the introduction of Christianity into Argyll at the end of the sixth century hailed the beginning of a major shift in society, the ideological world that it replaces adapted rather than disappeared completely. The beginning of the Christian era was a time with a definite beginning, and one unlike anything that had come before. Connerton’s dictum that, “[all] beginnings contain an element of recollection” holds only true if the wealth of sites and sources that shaped this landscape of contrasts is afforded the necessary means to survey, record (and thereby preserve) its past meanings for future generations of inhabitants and scholars.392 The present work forms a firm foundation to this important process.

390

Carver 2004: 1-30 Edwards 1992:14-5 392 Connerton 1989:1 391

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A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL

88

APPENDIX

Appendix name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Achadh na Cille acoib Oib north knapdale kilmakcormek FALSE encem Loairn False 2 NR76SW 13 True 6 5 south E-W ind ind TRUE 18 x 15 earth and stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

An Eala ieala Iona kilfinichen and kilvickeon ionai FALSE longc Loairn False >1 >1 NM22SE 32 False

89

FALSE 40

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Annait anknp Uamh Nan Gobhlag south knapdale kilberryk FALSE plcnm nGabráin False >1 >1 NR76SW 18 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Appin Parish Church (Annat) appin Appin lismore and appin lismorel FALSE plcnm Loairn False >2 >2 NM94NW 7 False

FALSE 0

FALSE 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Annat annat kilchrenan kilchrennan and dalvich kilchrenanl FALSE plcnm Loairn False >1 >1 NN02SW 3 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Ardchattan Priory archt Lorn ardchattan and muckairn ardchattanl TRUE modsc Loairn False >1 1 >1 NR72NE 14 True 7.6 5.5 ind E-W stone? ind TRUE 30 x 24 stone? 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Ardnadam arndm Dunoon dunoon and kilmun dunoong TRUE encps nGabráin False >1 >1 NS17NE 7 True 5.3 3.4 W of S E-W stone? ind TRUE half and acre? earth and stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Ardrishaig arshg Ardrishaig south knapdale kilberryk TRUE isscp nGabráin False >1 >1 NR88NE 7.01 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Ardslignish slign Ardnamurchan ardnamurchan kilchoan FALSE encem Loairn False >1 >1 NM56SE 6 False

FALSE 0

91

TRUE 37x26 drystone 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Ardtaraig ardtg Mid-Argyll inverchaolain invercholang TRUE encps nGabráin False 2 NS08SE 2 True 10 5.6 ind NE-SW stone? ind TRUE 18 x 16.5 earth with facing stones 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Auch gleann, Allt Na H-Annait achgl Glenorchy glenorchy and inishail glenorchyl FALSE encps Loairn False 1 NS06NE 14 False

FALSE 3

Auchana aucna Auchana kilfinan kilfinang TRUE isscp nGabráin False >1 >1 NR98SW 4 False

FALSE 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Auchengallon auchg Arran kilmory kilmorya FALSE encps nGabráin False 1 NR83NE 3 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE 55 x 32 stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

TRUE ind turf bank 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Baile Mhaodain bamod Ardchattan ardchattan and muckairn ardchattanl FALSE encps Loairn True >1 1 >1 NR39SE 14 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE 22m diametre turf bank 0

93

Bail’ A’ Chlaidh baile Geometra, Mull kilninian and kilmore kilninianm FALSE encem Loairn False >1 1 >1 NM04NW 18 False

FALSE 0

Ballachuan balch Siel kilbrandon and kilchattan kilbrandonl FALSE uncps Loairn False >1 1 >1 NR75NE 4 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Barnakill brnkl Kilmichael Glassary kilmichael glassary glassaryg TRUE encem Loairn False >1 >1 NR89SW 38 False

94

FALSE 0

FALSE 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Barnakill rock-cut cross brnrc Balinakill kilmichael glassary glassaryg TRUE isscp Loairn False >1 >1 NR89SW 16 False

FALSE 0

Brouch an Drummin badrm Kilmartin kilmartin kilmarting TRUE longc Loairn False >1 >1 NR89NW 37 False

FALSE 4

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

ind ind TRUE 11m sq. stone? 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Bruichladdich brldi Islay kilchoman kilchomani FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >2 NR26SE 1 True 6 4 west E-W drystone or clay mortar ind TRUE 20m sq. drystone 0

95

Bernera Island bernr Lismore lismore and appin lismorel FALSE encps Loairn False 2 NM62SW 2 True 10.7 4.6 W of N E-W random rubble/ sandstone late medieval TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Caibel Catriona cbcat Southend southend kilcolmkillk FALSE encps nGabráin False >1 >1 NR61SW 1 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE 12m sq.

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Calgary clgym Mull kilninian and kilmore kilninianm TRUE encem Loairn False 1 NR44NW 26 False

FALSE 0 Caolas calst Tiree tiree kirkapolli TRUE encem Loairn False >2 >2 NM04NE 5 False

TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Camas nan Geall cmnag Arnamurchan ardnamurchan kilchoan TRUE isscp Loairn False >1 >1 NM56SE 2 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cara, St. Finnlough’s carag Gigha gigha and cara gighacarai TRUE uncps nGabráin False 1 NR88SE 4 False

3

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Ceann á Mhara cnmht Tiree tiree sorobyi TRUE encpm Loairn False >1 >1 NL94SW 2 True inc inc N of W E-W lime and rubble medieval TRUE 44m drystone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Chapel of Kilbride kbdsn Strathlachan strathlachan strathlachang FALSE encps nGabráin False 2 NS09NW 3 True 7 4.4 north E-W ind ind TRUE 35 x 32.6 rubble 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Chapel, Holy Island chphi Holy Island, Arran kilbridea kilbridea TRUE encps nGabráin False 1 NM82SW 21 False

TRUE inc modern 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill an T-Suidhe cilsu Lismore lismore and appin lismorel FALSE encps Loairn False 1 NR46NW 2 True 7.6 3.9 W of S E-W random local rubble

100

FALSE 0

TRUE inc modern 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Chaluim Cille clchj Tarbert, Jura jura jurai TRUE encps nGabráin False 1 NR68SW 4 True 6.9 3.5 W of S E-W drystone ind TRUE inc 19th c. 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Chatriona clbdc Balnahard, Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi TRUE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NR49NW 1 True 7.1 3.5 south E-W stone? ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill ChiarainC clchi Islay kilchoman kilchomani FALSE encps Oengusa False >1 >1 NR26SW 6 True 14.5 5.1 W of N E-W random rubble/ sandstone late medieval TRUE 60 x 37

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill ChiarainL clchr Lismore lismore and appin lismorel FALSE plcnm Loairn False >1 >1 NM83NW 17 False

0

101

FALSE 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Choinnich clcnn Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi FALSE uncps Loairn False >2 >2 NR39SE 10 True 5 3 ind E-W drystone ind FALSE 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill choluim-Chille ldaig Ledaig ardchattan and muckairn ardchattanl FALSE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NM93NW 8 True 11 4 ind E-W ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Cholumcille clckl Lochaline morvern kilcolmkillm FALSE encps Loairn True 2 NM64NE 2 True ind ind ind E-W rubble, sandstone dressings 12-15c. TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Choman clchn Islay kildalton and oa kildaltoni FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >2 NR34SW 4 True 6.3 3.1 north? E-W drystone ind TRUE 24 x 11 stone turf? 0

102

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Dhonnaig cldnb Bonnavoulin morvern killintagm FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NM55SE 2.00 True 19.2 5.6 ind WNW-ESE inc ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Earnadil clern Keils, Jura jura jurai FALSE encps nGabráin True >2 >2 NR56NW 1.00 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Eathain cetiy Islay kildalton and oa kildaltoni FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >2 NR24SE 1 True 5 3.5 ind NE-SW ind ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill EileagainC cleni Cragiens, Islan kilchoman kilchomani FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >2 NR26NE 2 True 8.4 5.8 N E-W stone ind TRUE 20 x 16 truf/stone 0

103

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill EileagainM clemi Murleesh, Islay kilarow and kilmeny kilarrowi TRUE encps Oengusa False >2 >2 NR46NW 4 True 5.5 3 S E-W stone ind TRUE 18 X 15 turf bank 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Fhinnein knvay Kenovay, Tiree tiree sorobyi FALSE encps Loairn False >2 >2 NL 9934 4675 True 9.1 5 ind E-W ind ind TRUE 26x19 ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Luchaig luchg Laphroaig, Islay kildalton and oa kildaltoni FALSE encem Oengusa False >1 >1 NR34NE 16 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Maluag clmlg South knapdale south knapdale kilberryk FALSE encps nGabráin False >2 3 >3 NM56NW 1 True 17 ind ind ind ind ind TRUE 37x27 drystone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Mhoire clmhc Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi FALSE encps Loairn False >1 >2 NR39NE 6 True 7 4 ind E-W ind ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

105

Cill MhairiL clmhr Ludale morvern kilmaliem FALSE encem Loairn False 1 NR44NW 25 False

TRUE 13m diametre stone 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Moire cmory Oronsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi FALSE uncps Loairn False >1 >1 NR38NE 1 True 5.5 3.5 ind E-W ind ind FALSE 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Ronain bgcri Braign, Islay kilchoman kilchomani FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >2 NR26NW 2 True 8 5 ind ind ind ind TRUE 21 x 19 ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cill Tobar Lasrach cltbr Islay kildalton and oa kildaltoni FALSE encps Oengusa False >1 >1 NR34NE 1 True 7.2 3.6 S ind ind ind TRUE 13 x 11 turf/stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cille Bhride clbwk Whitehouse, Kintyre kilcalmonell kilcalmonellk TRUE encps nGabráin False >1 1 >3 NM83SW 2 True

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cladh á Bhile clbhe Ellary south knapdale kilberryk TRUE encem nGabráin False >1 1 >1 NL93NE 4 False

TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cladh Churiollan cdchc Creagan lismore and appin lismorel FALSE encps Loairn False 2 NM94NE 2 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE 30 x 18m drystone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

109

Cladh Chatain clcha Ardnamurchan ardnamurchan kilchoan FALSE plcnm Loairn False >3 >3 NM56NW 2 False

FALSE 0

Cladh Na H’ Annait clnha Ardchattan ardchattan and muckairn muckairnl FALSE encem Loairn False 2 NM83SE 20 True 8.2 4.1 ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cleigh Na H-Annait ancoi Lorn kilmore and kilbride kilmorel FALSE encpm Loairn False >1 >1 NM92NW 17 True 7.5 4 ind E-W stone ind TRUE inc stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cnoc na Carraigh cnacr Gigha gigha and cara gighacarai TRUE isscp nGabráin False >1 >1 NR64NW 2 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cnoc na Cille nacli Brahunisary kildalton and oa kildaltoni TRUE isscp Oengusa False >1 >1 NR34NE 4 False

FALSE 0

110

FALSE 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cnoc Pollphail cnocp Kilfinan kilfinan kilfinang FALSE encps nGabráin False >2 >1 NR96NW 6 True 7.8 4.2 ind E-W sone? ind TRUE 36 x 31m stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Colonsay House clhsc Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi TRUE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NR39NE 3.00 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Cornaigmore crngm Tiree tiree sorobyi FALSE encps Loairn False >1 2 >1 NR89SW 12 False

FALSE

114

FALSE 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Dunoon dnoon Dunoon dunoon and kilmun dunoong FALSE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NS17NE 6 True ind ind ind ind ind 19th c. TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Eileach an Naoimh elcnv Garvellachs jura jurai TRUE encpm nGabráin False >1 >1 NM60NW 1 True

Eilean MórK elnmr Keills south knapdale kilberryk TRUE uncps nGabráin False 1 NR36NE 5.00 True 10.1 6.1 W of S E-W coursed randon rubble, lime medieval TRUE inc inc 1

0

115

TRUE 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Eilean Munde elmnd Lismore lismore and appin elanmundel FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NN05NE 1.00 True 15.2 4.9 W of S E-W stone ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Elanfinan elfhnn Loch Sheil, Morvern arasaig and moidart elan fhinan TRUE encps Loairn True 1 NS07NW 2 True 5.2 3.5 SE E-W stone? ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Feorlan felan Southend southend kilcolmkillk FALSE encps nGabráin False >2 2 1 1 >1 NM22SE 4.05 True

0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Keil Chapel keill Duror lismore and appin lismorel FALSE encps Loairn False 2 NM95SE 2 True 12.3 5.6 W of N E-W stone? late medieval TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Keills keils North Knapdale north knapdale kilmakcormek TRUE encps Loairn True 1 NM84SE 4 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE 5 x 5 approx. ind 0

TRUE

119

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilarrow O.P.C. karow Islay kilarow and kilmeny kilarrowi FALSE encps Oengusa True >1 1 >1 NR76SW 15.00 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilblane klbnk Southend southend kilblanek FALSE encps nGabráin True >1 >2 NR60NE 7 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

120

TRUE 27.5 x 20m turf/stone 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilbraenan bgdng Islay kilarow and kilmeny kilarrowi FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >2 NR36SE 6 True 5.4 3 ind E-W ind ind TRUE 22.0m E-W by at least 26.5m stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilbrandon kseil Seil kilbrandon and kilchattan kilbrandonl FALSE encps Loairn True >1 2 >2 NR95NW 6 True 25.5 8.2 inc inc inc 13-14thc. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilbrennan klbrn Mull kilninian and kilmore kilninian FALSE encps Loairn False >1 2 >2 NR92SE 7 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilbride O.P.C. kbopc Glenfeochan kilmore and kilbride kilbridel FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NM82NE 36.00 True 15.1 6.3 ind E-W stone? medieval TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

122

Kilbride burial ground kbbgd Glen Feochan kilmore and kilbride kilmorel FALSE plcnm Loairn False >1 >2 NM92SW 8 False

FALSE 0

Kilbride, Arran kbarr Arran kilbridea kilbridea TRUE encps nGabráin True >2 >1 NS03SW 5.00 True 20 8 ind E-W stone? late medieval TRUE inc inc 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilbrideC kbcrh Craignish craignish craignishg TRUE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NM80NW 20 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilbrideColl klbdc Coll coll coll FALSE encem Loairn False >1 1 >1 NR34NE 6 True 10.2 4.7 W of S E-W drystone ind TRUE 22 X 15 turf and stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilbrideKF kbdfn Kilfinan kilfinan kilfinang FALSE uncps nGabráin False >1 1 >1 NR77NW 22 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilbrideS kstnd Southend southend kilblanek FALSE plcnm nGabráin False >1 >1 NR70NW 13 False

FALSE 0

FALSE 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilbrideR kbdrd Rhudil kilmichael glassary glassaryg TRUE uncps Loairn False >1 >1 NR89NE 1 True 13.9 6.5 inc E-W stone? 1300 FALSE

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilcalmonell klgml Clachan, Kintyre kilcalmonell kilcalmonellk TRUE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NR75NE 9 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

124

0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilchamaig kilmg Whitehouse, Kintyre kilcalmonell kilcalmonellk FALSE plcnm nGabráin False >2 >2 NR86SW 6 False

0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilchattan/Kingarth O.P.C. kcbte Bute kingarth kingarthi FALSE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NS15NW 6 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilchattanC klctc Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NR39NE 7 True 8.3 4.5 ind E-W rubble with lime mortar ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilchattanG kctgh Ghiga gigha and cara gighacarai TRUE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NR64NW 1.00 True 11.6 6.1 W of S E-W rubble lime mortar inc TRUE inc inc 0

FALSE

125

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilchattanL luing Luing kilbrandon and kilchattan kilchattanl FALSE encps Loairn True >2 1 >1 NR62SE 12 True 13.3 6.7 inc E-W rubble lime morter 12th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilchoan kchan Loch Melfort kilbrandon and kilchattan kilbrandonl FALSE plcnm Loairn False >2 2 >1 NM46SE 3.00 True 14.4 5.2 inc W-E rubble, sandstone dressings 12-13c. Oldest TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilchoman klcmi Islay kilchoman kilchomani TRUE encps Oengusa True >1 >2 NR26SW 10.00 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilchousland chuld Kintyre campbelltown kilchouslandk FALSE encps nGabráin True >1 2 >1 NS06SW 3 True 8.3 4.1 south ENE-WSW stone? ind TRUE ind ind 0

127

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilchrennan kkrnd Kilchrenan kilchrennan and dalvich kilchrenan FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NN02SW 11.00 True 15.1 6 inc E-W stone? 13-18th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilcolmkill sthed Southend, Kintyre southend kilcolmkillk TRUE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NR60NE 1 True 22.5 5.6 inc E-W rubble stone 12-13th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kildalloig kdalg Kintyre campbelltown kilkerrank FALSE plcnm nGabráin False >1 1 >1 NR45SE 3.00 True 17.3 5.7 inc E-W boulders in lime mortat 12-13thc TRUE inc inc 0

FALSE 0

128

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kildalvan kdlvn Kilmodan kilmodan kilmadang FALSE encps nGabráin False 1 NS08NW 8 True 6.5 3 ind ESE-WNW stone? ind TRUE 40 x 25m stone/turf 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kildavie kdave Southend southend kilblanek FALSE plcnm nGabráin False 1 NR72NE 10 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kildonan Chapel kdarn Arran kilmory kilmorya FALSE uncps nGabráin False >2 >1 NS02SW 17 True ind ind ind ind ind ind FALSE 4

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilfinan klfnk Kilfinan kilfinan kilfinang TRUE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NR97NW 15 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilfinichen kfinm Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilfinicheni FALSE encps Loairn True >1 1 >1 NL94SW 1 True 8.7 3.1 W E-W rubble and lime mortar medieval FALSE

130

0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilkerran O.P.C. kkrop Kintyre campbelltown kilkerrank TRUE encps nGabráin True >1 >2 NR71NW 2.00 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilkivan O.P.S. kkopc Kintyre campbelltown kilkivank FALSE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NR62SE 9 True 17.4 7.2 W of N E-W local rubble with sandstone 13th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Killchianaig kljra Inverlussa, Jura jura jurai FALSE encps nGabráin False 2 NR61SE 2 True 11.2 6.3 ind E-W rubble lime mortar ind TRUE inc inc 0

131

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Killean, Lismore killm Achnacroish, Lismore lismore and appin lismorel FALSE encps Loairn False >1 >1 unknown True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilleanK klenk Kintyre killean and kilchenzie killeank TRUE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NR64SE 1 True inc inc inc E-W rubble, lime mortar 12-13th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Killellan kllen Dunoon dunoon and kilmun dunoong FALSE encps nGabráin False >2 >2 NS16NW 4 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Killervan klevn Kintyre southend kilblanek FALSE plcnm nGabráin False 1 NR61SE 5 False

132

FALSE 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Killevin klunc Crarae kilmichael glassary glassaryg TRUE encps Loairn True 1 NR99NE 4 True ind ind ind E-W ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Killunaig klngc Coll coll coll FALSE encps Loairn True 1 NM26SW 3 True 10.1 5 W of S E-W rubble and lime mortar late medieval TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

133

Killocraw kcraw Killocraw killean and kilchenzie killeank FALSE plcnm nGabráin False >1 >1 NR63SE 22 False

FALSE 0

Killundine kudnm Morvern morvern kilcolmkillm TRUE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NM54NE 1 True 7.6 3 south E-W inc medieval TRUE inc inc 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmachumaig kmcum Lochgair kilmichael glassary glassaryg FALSE plcnm Loairn False 1 NR99SW 13 False

0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmaglash klmag Kilmaglash, Strachur strachur strachurg FALSE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NN00SE 10 True ind ind ind ind ind 18th c. TRUE 0.5 acres ind 0

Kilmaha kmaha Loch Awe, Lorn kilchrennan and dalvich kilchrenanl TRUE encpm Loairn False 1 NR62SE 13 True ind ind ind ind ind ind FALSE

FALSE

134

0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmahumaig kmmag North Knapdale north knapdale kilmakcormek TRUE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NR79SE 20.00 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmalieu kilmu Inveraray inveraray inverarayg FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NN10NW 5 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmalieu klard Kilmalieu ardgour lismorel FALSE plcnm Loairn False 1 NR73NW 10 False

TRUE 9x6 inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmaronag kilma Lorn ardchattan and muckairn muckairnl FALSE encps Loairn False 1 NR62NE 25 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmartin kmrtn Kilmartin kilmartin kilmarting TRUE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NR89NW 8 True inc inc inc E-W boulders in lime mortar medieval TRUE inc inc 0

136

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmelford O.P.C. klmfd Kilmelford kilninver and kilmelford kilmelfordl FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NM81SW 10 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmeny kmnyi Islay kilarow and kilmeny kilarrowi FALSE encps Oengusa False >1 >1 NR36NE 7 True 11.5 6.5 ind E-W lime mortared rubble ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmichael Beg kmbeg Loch Fyne kilmichael glassary glassaryg FALSE uncps Loairn False 1 NR89SE 15.00 True inc inc inc E-W ind medieval TRUE inc inc 0

0

137

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmichael O.P.C. kmopc Kintyre campbelltown kilmichaelk FALSE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NR62SE 8 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmichael of Inverlussa kmisa North Knapdale north knapdale kilmakcormek TRUE encps Loairn False >2 >1 NR78NE 10 True 7.4 4 ind NW-SE drystone ind TRUE 31 x 19m drystone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmichaelB kmbye Bute north bute rothesay FALSE encps nGabráin False >1 >1 NR97SE 3 True 5.7 3.8 ind E-W stone? ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmichaelK kmbkn Ballochroy, Kintyre kilcalmonell kilcalmonellk TRUE encem nGabráin False 1 NR75SW 9 False

138

TRUE 20 x 17.5 drystone 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmodan kmodn Clachan of Glendaruel kilmodan kilmadang FALSE encps nGabráin True >2 >1 NR98SE 5 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmoluagT kmtre Tiree tiree sorobyi TRUE encps Loairn False >1 1 >1 NM84SE 5 True W E-W rubble with sandstone 12-14th c. TRUE various 0

Kilmore Bar-a-Goan kmbag Muckairn kilmore and kilbride kilbridel FALSE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NM93SW 3 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmoreD drvag Dervaig kilninian and kilmore kilcolmkillm FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NM45SW 11.00 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmoreGF kbean Glen Feochan kilmore and kilbride kilmorel FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NM82SE 6 True 17.1 6.5 inc E-W inc medieval TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmorich kchcw Cairndow lochgoilhead and kilmorich kilmorich TRUE encps nGabráin True 1 NS05NW 1 True 9.1 4.8 Ne wall E-W drystone ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilmory, Sliddery kmyan Sliddery, Arran kilmory kilmorya FALSE encps nGabráin True 1 NR92SW 10 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmoryK kykap Knap south knapdale glassaryg TRUE encps nGabráin False >1 >1 NR77NW 3 True inc inc inc inc inc inc TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmoryKG kmory Kilmichael Glssary kilmichael glassary glassaryg FALSE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NR88NE 13 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

141

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmoryO kyoib Oib north knapdale kilmakcormek TRUE isscp Loairn False >1 >1 NR79SE 7 False

0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

KilmoryS scrba Scarba jura jurai FALSE encps nGabráin False 1 NM80SE 3.00 True 21 5.7 south E-W stone? medieval TRUE inc inc 0

143

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilninian O.P.C. klnan Mull kilninian and kilmore kilninianm FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NM34NE 16 True ind ind ind ind ind 18th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilninver knver Kilninver kilninver and kilmelford kilninverl FALSE encps Loairn True >2 >1 NM82SW 20 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilnuaig knaig Pennyghael kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilvickeoni FALSE encem Loairn False >1 >1 NM42NE 6 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilpatrick kltrk Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilvivkeoni FALSE encem Loairn False >1 1 >1 NR92NW 6 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilpatrick kptrk Mull torosay torosay FALSE encem Loairn False 2 NM73SW 3 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilslevan kslvn Islay kilarow and kilmeny kilarrowi FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >1 NR46NW 3 True 6.3 3.7 WSW WSW-NEN Rubble lime mortar ind TRUE inc drystone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilspekeral O.P.C. kspkr Muckairn ardchattan and muckairn muckairnl FALSE encps Loairn True >2 >1 NN03SW 2 True ind 5.6 south E-W inc 14-15c. TRUE inc inc 0

145

TRUE inc inc 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilvaree kuare Kilvree ardchattan and muckairn muckairnl FALSE plcnm Loairn False 1 NM93SW 2 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kilvickeon kvckn Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilvickeoni FALSE encps Loairn True >1 >1 NM41NW 1 True 13.1 5.7 W of N E-W slab boulders 13th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kintra kntra Kintra, Islay kildalton and oa kildaltoni FALSE longc Oengusa False 2 NR34NW 28 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Kirkapol1 kpola Tiree tiree kirkapolli FALSE uncps Loairn False 2 NR99SE 1 True 5.8 3.6 N E-W stone? ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Lochead lched South Knapdale south knapdale kilberryk TRUE encps nGabráin False >1 >1 NR77NE 6 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Machrins mcrns Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi TRUE longc Loairn False >1 >1 NR39SE 47 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Nave Island nvisd Islay kilchoman kilchomani TRUE encps Oengusa False 2 NR25NW 33 True 4.4 2.7 W E-W stone? ind TRUE 15 x 11 drystone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Nun’s Cave nuncv Carsaig, Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilvickeoni TRUE caves Loairn False 1 NM54SE 7 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Scoor Cave scoor Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilvickeoni TRUE caves Loairn False >1 >1 NM41NW 5 False

151

TRUE 25 x 20m 0

FALSE 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Slugan Dubh sldub Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilvickeoni FALSE longc Loairn False >2 >2 NM22SE 114 False

Smuggler’s Cave smugr Arran kilbridea kilbridea TRUE caves nGabráin False 2 NS06SE 8 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

FALSE

153

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

St. Bridgit’s incon Inverchaolain inverchaolain invercholang FALSE encps nGabráin True 1 NS07NE 1 True ind ind ind E-W ind 19th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

St. Columba’s Cave clmbc Cove south knapdale kilberryk TRUE caves nGabráin False 1 NR70NW 4 True 11.6 5.2 W E-W rubble and lime mortar ind TRUE inc

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

St. John’s Church gulsh Gualachaolish, Mull torosay torosay FALSE encps Loairn True 1 NM62SW 3 False

FALSE 0

St. Marnock’s Field mrnck Kilfinan kilfinan kilfinang FALSE uncps nGabráin False 1 NR97SW 17 True ind ind ind inc ind ind FALSE 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

156

St. Margaret’s stmld Lochgilphead kilmichael glassary glassaryg TRUE modsc Loairn False 0 0 NR88NE 18 False

FALSE 0

St. Mary’s stmcm Carsaig, Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon Kilvickeoni TRUE encps Loairn False 2 NM55NW 2 True 9.1 5.3 ind E-W stone? 16th c. TRUE inc inc 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

St. Mary’s Church rothe Rothesay, Bute rothesay rothesay TRUE encps nGabráin True >1 >1 NS06SE 1 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

St. Molio’s molio Shiskine, Arran kilmory kilmorya FALSE encps nGabráin False >1 >1 NR93SW 19 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE ind ind 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

St. Ninian’s Chapel snins Sanda southend kilcolmkillK TRUE encps nGabráin False 1 NS06SW 4 True 6.3 4 S E-W stone? ind TRUE 24 x 23.5 stone 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Taynish Island tyish North Knapdale north knapdale kilmakcormek TRUE modsc Loairn False 0 0 NR78SW 5 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

FALSE 0

158

Suidhe Challumchille sdchl Arran kilmory kilmorya FALSE plcnm nGabráin False 0 >1 NR93NE 2 False

FALSE 0

Teampull A’Ghlinne tmagc Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi FALSE uncps Loairn False >1 >1 NR39SE 9 True 8 4.2 W of S E-W rubble lime mortar 14th c. FALSE 0

APPENDIX name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Texa texai Texa Island, Islay kildalton and oa kildaltoni FALSE encps Oengusa False >3 >3 NR34SE 2 True 8.8 4.1 W of S E-W rubble shell/lime mortar medieval TRUE 28 x 19 stone revetment 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Tockmal tkmal Islay kildalton and oa kildaltoni FALSE encps Oengusa False >2 >1 NR24NE 1 True 5.6 3.2 W of N E-W stone? ind TRUE 27 m diamter stone? 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Todhar An Teanpuill heyli Hliypol House tiree sorobyi FALSE plcnm Loairn False 1 NL94SE 9 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Tom na Croise tnacr Glenmacrie ardchattan and muckairn muckairnl TRUE isscp Loairn False >1 >1 NM92NW 9 False

FALSE 0

159

FALSE 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Torr Na H’Annaid trand Mull kilfinichen and kilvickeon kilvickeoni FALSE plcnm Loairn False >2 >1 NM32SE 12 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Toward Castle towrd Dunoon dunoon and kilmun dunoong TRUE longc nGabráin False >1 >1 NS16NW 7 False

FALSE 0

FALSE 2

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Torran toran Kilmartin kilmartin kilmartin TRUE isscp Loairn False >1 >1 NM80SE 37 False

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

Treshnish Isles trfld Fladda kilninian and kilmore kilninianm FALSE encps Loairn False 1 NR45SE 1 False

FALSE 0

name SITE place parish_mod parish_med sculpt SITE_TYPE cenel parish_ch Pre-Settlement pre-Ritual NMR_num chapel chapel_lengh chapel_width door orientation material date stand rem enclosure enclosure_dime materials number_cists

161

Uragaig urggc Colonsay colonsay and oronsay colonsayi FALSE encps Loairn False >1 >1 NR39NE 8 True ind ind ind ind ind ind TRUE 10 x 14 stone 0

A CONTEXTUAL LANDSCAPE STUDY OF THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCHES OF ARGYLL

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