A Comparative Phonology of Gbe 9783110870534, 9783110133929

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A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

Publications in African Languages and Linguistics The aim of this series is to offer, at regular intervals, carefully worked out studies or collections of papers in African linguistics. In this way, it is hoped that important work can be brought to the attention of a wider linguistic audience including scholars who are not primarily concerned with African linguistics but who wish to keep abreast of recent advances in the fields of historical linguistics, theoretical phonology and linguistic typology, all of which, incidentally, tend to rely rather heavily on African language data. At the same time, the editors intend to include occasional volumes which offer general accounts of major language groups, hoping that such surveys will be of assistance not only to linguists working on African languages but also to those who specialize in other areas. Throughout the series an attempt will be made to strike a healthy balance between theory oriented and data oriented research. Editors: George N. Clements Didier L. Goyvaerts

Advisory board: John Goldsmith (Chicago) Claire Gregoire (Tervuren) Frank Heny (Middlebury, Vermont) Larry M. Hyman (Berkeley) William R. Leben (Stanford) Thilo C. Schadeberg (Leiden)

Other books in this series: 1. Ivan R. Dihoff (ed.). Current Approaches to African Linguistics (vol. 1) 2. Gerrit J. Dimmendaal. The Turkana Language 3. G.N. Clements and J. Goldsmith (eds). Autosegmental Studies in Bantu Tone 4. Koen Bogers, Harry van der Hülst and Maarten Mous (eds). The Phonological Representation of Suprasegmentals 5. Jonathan Kaye, Hilda Koopman, Dominique Sportiche and Andro Dugas (eds). Current Approaches to African Linguistics (vol. 2) 6. Gerrit J. Dimmendaal (ed.). Current Approaches to African Linguistics (vol. 3) 7. David Odden (ed.). Current Approaches to African Linguistics (vol. 4) 8. Paul Newman and Robert D. Botne. Current Approaches to African Linguistics (vol. 5) 9. Isabelle Hal'k and Laurice Tuller (eds). Current Approaches to African Linguistics (vol. 6) 10. Mary M. Clark. The Tonal System of Igbo 11. John P. Hutchison and Victor Manfredi. Current Approaches to African Linguistics (vol. 7) 12. Paul Newman. Nominal and Verbal Plurality in Chadic 13. Norbert Cyffer and John Hutchison (eds). Dictionary of the Kanuri Language

Hounkpati B.C. Capo

FORIS PUBLICATIONS

Berlin · New York 1991 & LABOGBE(INT) Garome, Benin

Foris Publications Berlin · New York (formerly Foris Publications, Dordrecht) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within in the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Capo, Hounkpati B.C. (Hounkpati Bamikpo Christopher) A comparative phonology of Gbe / Hounkpati B.C. Capo, p. cm. - (Publications in African languages and linguistics : 14) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 3-11-013392-X 1. Ewe language-Phonology I. Title. II. Series. PL8162.C36 1991 496' .337415-dc20

91-33621 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek Cataloging in Publication Data Capo, Hounkpati B.C.: A comparative phonology of Gbe / Hounkpati B.C. Capo - Berlin ; New York : Foris Publ.; Garome, Benin : Labo Gbe (Int), 1991 ISBN 3-11-013392-X (de Gruyter) ® Copyright 1991 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-1000 Berlin 30 All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Printing: ICG Printing, Dordrecht Printed in The Netherlands.

To: KDJO

Ajo andYao,

who have not fully enjoyed paternal attention the way they deserve, this book is dedicated as a token of my love, and an invitation to join me in the search for non-material satisfaction. Ablo 03/15/91 Ithaca, NY.

Contents Foreword (by George N. Clements) Acknowledgements Abstracts Gbe French German Ki-Swahili Maps Map 1: Location of Gbe and its dialects Map 2: The Gbe dialect cluster

xv xvii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii xxiv

1. Introduction 1.1 The language unit and its speakers 1.1.1 On the name "Gbe" 1.1.2 The Gbe-speaking area: a socio-cultural point of view 1.1.3 An inventory of Gbe-speaking communities 1.1.4 Gbe and its neighbours 1.2 The topic 1.3 Theoretical framework 1.3.1 The Transformational-Generative model 1.3.2 The historical dimension 1.4 Methodology 1.4.1 Dialect groups or sections of the cluster Fig. 1 A subclassification of Gbe lects 1.4.2 Lects chosen in this work 1.4.3 Notes on the fieldwork 1.4.4 Notes on the method of presentation 1.5 Transcription and abbreviations

1 1 1 2 2 5 6 7 7 9 9 10 15 16 17 17 18

2. Synchronic phonetic setting 2.1 Notes on tones 2.1.1 Inventory of tones at the phonetic level 2.1.2 Determining the underlying tones 2.1.2.1 Consonant types and tones 2.1.2.2 Reducing the five level tones to two 2.1.2.3 Reducing the three falling tones to one 2.1.2.4 Recognising no underlying rising tones 2.1.3 Conclusion

19 19 19 21 21 21 22 23 24

viii

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

2.2 Vowels 2.2.1 Inventory of vowels Fig. 2 Phonetic inventory of Gbe vowels 2.2.2 Discriminatory/distinctive features 2.2.3 Distribution of vowels by lects 2.2.3.1 1 (nonnasalised close nonrounded front vowel) 2.2.3.2 T (nasalised dose nonrounded front vowel) 2.2.3.3 e (nonnasalised half-close nonrounded front vowel) 2.2.3.4 8 (nasalised half-close nonrounded front vowel) 2.2.3.5 9 (nonnasalised half-close nonrounded central vowel) 2.2.3.6 8 (nasalised half-close nonrounded central vowel) 2.2.3.7 c (nonnasalised half-open nonrounded front vowel) 2.2.3.8 £ (nasalised half-open nonrounded front vowel) 2.2.3.9 β (nonnasalised open nonrounded central vowel) 2.2.3.10 I (nasalised open nonrounded central vowel) 2.2.3.11 3 (nonnasalised half-open rounded back vowel) 2.2.3.12 5 (nasalised half-open rounded back vowel) 2.2.3.13 ο (nonnasalised half-close rounded back vowel) 2.2.3.14 δ (nasalised half-close rounded back vowel) 2.2.3.15 u (nonnasalised close rounded back vowel) 2.2.3.16 Q (nasalised close rounded back vowel) 2.2.4 Summary of vowel distribution 2.3 Consonants 2.3.1 Inventory 2.3.2 Discriminatory/distinctive features 2.3.3 Distribution by lects 2.3.3.1 p (voiceless bilabial stop) 2.3.3.2 b (voiced bilabial stop) 2.3.3.3 m (bilabial nasal) 2.3.3.4 / (voiceless bilabial fricative) 2.3.3.5 U (voiced bilabial fricative) 2.3.3.6 f (voiceless labio-dental fricative) 2.3.3.7 v (voiced labio-dental fricative) 2.3.3.8 t (voiceless laminal dental stop) 2.3.3.9 d (voiced laminal dental stop) 2.3.3.10 t9 (voiceless laminal denti-alveolar affricate) 2.3.3.11 d2 (voiced laminal denti-alveolar affricate)

24 24 24 25 26 26 27 29 30 30 31 31 32 32 33 33 33 34 34 34 34 34 39 39 39 42 42 42 43 43 43 44 44 44 45 46 46

Contents

ix

2.3.3.12 s (voiceless laminal denti-alveolar fricative) 2.3.3.13 z (voiced laminal denti-alveolar fricative) 2.3.3.14 [acjakpavi] Fon: /a dse a+wa/ 'he rejoiced' -» [adsawa] /a ze a+b+tjfe/ "he took my arm' -> [azaabt/e] ii. If the preceding stem vowel is either back or close, it usually desyllabifies (except in slow speech), and its tone and nasality are realised on the nominal prefix /a-/. Table 62: Examples of a back or nonclose (verb) stem vowel desyllabifying before the nominal prefix /a-/

Gen: /e φ a-tgbe/ 'he enjoyed life' -» [e(lwagbe] /edoa+zT/ 'he planted groundnuts' -» [edwazi] /e do a+bla/ 'he sent for bean bread' -> [edw bla] /e si a+bT/ 'he annointed his body' -» [esyamT] iii. Some verb stems must appear with specific objects in order to be meaningful. After such a verb, if the noun has an /a-/ prefix, the verb stem vowel elides if it is nonclose and nonback, as in (i) above; otherwise, if the stem vowel is nonclose and back, it can either desyllabify as in (ii), or elide as in (i): Table 63: Examples of phrasal verbs in which the noun complement has the prefix /a-/

Waci: /daa-tgbla/ /doa-fkpa/ Aloa+zT/

'to farm' 'to thank' 'to lay an egg'

-» [dagbla] -» [dwakpa] or [daakpa] -* [djwazT] or [c&azT]

° Since nominal prefixes tend to be unstable, their correspondences are less regular than those of stem vowels, and do not add anything new. Thus, the matchings between nominal prefixes in Table 21 do not provide a basis for reconstructing vowels other than those reconstructed in stems. In this respect, Ford's (1973) argument on cross-height harmony in Gbe vowels is not convincing. The present study makes no attempt to reconstruct nominal prefixes. We do trace the a-: a- matching to *a-, but other prefixes are indicated by a dash before the stem-initial consonant. The nominal prefix is part of the noun's lexical entry (see Bole-Richard 1983, Hazpume 1979) in the sense that some nouns are distinghished only by their prefixes; for a different view, see Abaglo and Archangeli (1989).

84

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe Since the verb stems in question are not found without noun complements, the underlying stem vowel is not directly recoverable from the phonetic output. For example, it is impossible to say whether [dagbla] derives from /daa+gbla/, /daa+gbla/ or /daa+gbla/. However, one can recover the stem vowel from the verbal noun, in which the noun complement occurs on the left of the reduplicated verb. In Waci, the verbal noun [a+gbla da-da] 'farming' shows that the noun prefix is /a-/ and the verb stem vowel is /a/. Similarly, Waci has [a+kpa do-do] 'thanking' and [a+ζΐ c|,o-djo] laying eggs', which justify the underlying forms cited in Table 63.

Available data suggest that the type of phrasal verb illustrated in Table 63 also existed in Proto-Gbe. Since elision of the verb stem vowel (if nonclose and nonback) by the /a-/ prefix is general in all present-day Gbe lects, we resonstruct the rule involved back to Proto-Gbe itself: SPRp

Elision of nonclose, nonback verb stem vowel before /a-/ "+syl '+syl -cons -cons +low -back -front + C (C) V C(C)_ .-high _ N. -V stem -Ν _-back

V P.

ΛΤ

Since all present-day lects also desyllabify back vowels before /a-/ in such phrases, we shall also trace the rule involved back to Proto-Gbe: SPRio Desyllabification of back verb stem vowel before /a-/ "+syl -cons +low r+syl -front -cons 1 -»[-syl]/ + C (C) V C(C)_ L+round .V stem .Ν .-back . N. V P. ΛΤ Although the rule deleting nonclose back vowels in such environments is only an optional alternative to SPRjo/ we think that it was also part of the grammar of Proto-Gbe, and state it here: SPRn Elision of nonclose, back verb stem vowel before /a-/ "+syl -cons +back .-high .

"

"+syl

C(C)_ -V stem .VP

-N

-cons +low -front -back

+ C(C)V N. VPJ

There is evidence for the application of SPRg and SPRn in Proto-Gbe. For instance, there are cases where the same sequence [C(C)aC(C)V] is intrepreted in different lects with a variety of underlying stem vowels:

Towards the Proto-Gbe Vowel System

/C(C)

85

#a+C(C)V/

The underlying forms in each lect can be determined on the basis of reduplicated gerunds like the following: Awlan Waci farming agbladada agbladada laying azTdodo thanking akpadada akpadodo Consequently we assume that Awlan, taking the phonetic string [C(C)aC(C)V] from Proto-Gbe, analysed it as /C(C)a#a+CC(C)V/. This reanalysis accounts for the o: a and a: e: a correspondences, where [a] in Awlan corresponds to [a, o] in Waci and [e, o] in other lects: Table 64: a : e : a and o : a matchings in some phrasal verbs, traced to Proto-Gbe »e and »o ProtoAwlan Waci Gen Fon Phla-Phera Gbe (Vhe) (Vhe) lects lects lects to farm »de de de da da — to lay Mo 0 do do da do da to thank »do do do do do We can now state formally the changes from Proto-Gbe to Awlan as resulting from DPRn. Note that the rule applies obligatorily when the stem vowel is nonback, but it is optional and applies sporadically to individual verbs when the stem vowel is [+back]. DPRn Shift ofnonclose verb stem vowels to /a/ before /a-/, in Awlan "+syl -cons +low Γ+syl I r+low -cons -front -front + C(C)V C(C)_ L-highJ L-back _V stem . -N _-back _ N_ uVP V P. 3.7 Summary of (Proto-) Gbe vowel system 3.7.1 The situation in Proto-Gbe itself We have reconstructed fourteen vowels in Proto-Gbe, paired off as oral and nasalised:*/, »Γ, »e, »e, »ε, *c, »a, »a, *3, *5, *o, *o, *u, *Q. The distinctive features which distinguish them are [±high], [±low], [±back], [±front] and [±nasal]. As said earlier, all back vowels are redundantly [-round] and all nonback vowels are redundantly [+round] (thus there is no need to include [±round] as an independent feature. All vowels are, of course, redundantly [+son, +syl]. Proto-Gbe systematic phonemic vowels are specified in terms of the feature matrices in Table 65:

86

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe Table 65: Feature specification of Proto-Gbe vowels

u

i

u

high low front back (round nasal A number of synchronic rules were productive in Proto-Gbe, as shown earlier in this chapter. They are repeated here for ease of reference: Nasalisation of vowels after "nasalised syllable" in Proto-Gbe and all present-day Gbe lects -cons [_+nas J SPRz

Half-close nasalised vowel lowering +syl -cons -high (-low) +nas f+front Ί \+back J

SPR3

Central vowel fronting in Proto-Gbe and all present-day Gbe lects

"+syl -cons -front -back

[+front ]

'+syl -cons +frpnt +high

SPR4

Tongue-height assimilation in Proto-Gbe and all present-day Gbe lects "+syl "+syl -cons -cons Γ-high] +high -high +front |_alow J alow

SPR9

Elision of nonclose, nonback verb stem vowel before /a-/ "+syl -cons "+syl +low -cons -^0// -back -front + C(C)V C(C)_ .-high . .V stem .N -back N. .\ Ρ V P.

87

Towards the Proto-Gbe Vowel System SPRio Desyllabification of back verb stem vowel before /a-/

"+syl -cons +low -front C(C)_ +C(C)V back -back LV stem J LN LJ NJ LVP VPJ

Γ+syl -cons 1 -»H l_+round 3.7.2

Diachronie rules

As said earlier, we hold the view that diachronic rules convert the ProtoGbe underlying representation into the underlying representations of the present-day Gbe lects, which derive their actual phonetic representations through synchronic rules. In expressing the vowel changes between ProtoGbe and present-day lects, DPR^ collapses DPR3, DPRs, DPR6 and DPRp, DPRis collapses DPR4 and DPR4, and DPRu collapses DPRa, and DPRs. DPRi2 Merger of Proto-Gbe *e and *t to /a/, *e and *ε ίο /a/, in Awlan, Ad ngbe, Waci, Towun and Avcno (Vhe lects) "+syl Γ-low 1 -cons [-front J -high +front DPRi3 Shift of Proto-Gbe *e and *e to /ε/ and III in Pec/ "+syl -cons -high +front DPRi4 Shift of Proto-Gbe *c and *c to /e/ and /e/ in Gen and A/a lects and in Kpando '+syl Γ-low I -cons [-high J +low +front DPRi

Proto-Gbe nasalised vowels denasalised in Ad ngbe after nonnasal consonants [-nas]

([-syl]

Shift ofnonclose verb stem vowels to /a/ before /a-/, in Awlan

[

+syl "I r+low Ί / -cons > -front / -highj L-back V

[

C(C)_ V stem _

LVP

"+syl -cons +low -front + C(C)V .N _-back _ N. V ?.

88

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

3.7.3 Synchronic rules common to all present-day Gbe lects The synchronic rules which are productive in all present-day lects are, in general, the same as those which apply in Proto-Gbe (see §3.7.1 above). Note, however, that SPR2 does not apply in Awlan (and applies only sporadically in Ανέηο) before nasal consonants. 3.7.4 Lect-specific synchronic rules These rules are SPRs, SPRs, SPR6 and SPR7. SPRg Fronting of a in Awlan, Waci, Adangbe, Towun, ~+syl -cons -high r -ι / Γ-cons I -low L+front J / +high ' |_-back J -front .-back _ SPRs

Half-close vowel closing in A/a lects, Awlan and Waci (Vhe) and optionally in Kpando (Vhe). "+syl "+syl -cons -cons -high [+high] / +high -low +front

SPR6

Partial closing of open vowels in Awlan (Vhe) "+syl -cons +high +front

SPR/ Complete closing of nasalised stem vowels in A/a lects +syl '+syl -cons -cons [+high] +high +nas +front 3.7.5 A note on rule ordering We said in Chapter 1 that we adopt the rule ordering hypothesis in this study. We have here a justification, on which we will briefly elaborate. i. In Awlan for instance, the rule closing half close stem vowels (SPRs) is ordered before the rule closing open stem vowels (SPRg), and both rules are ordered before the height assimilation rule affecting the /-!/ suffix (SPR4). Otherwise, incorrect phonetic outputs would result. For example, if SPR6 fed SPRs, the open vowels would be closed entirely: /a, o/ —(SPRo)-» [e, o] —(SPRs)-» [i, u]. But that is not actually the case. (Note that SPR3, fronting central vowels before /i/, applies before SPRs andSPRo·) It is SPRs andSPRo which feed SPRj, assigning to the /-!/ suffix its actual height. 19

These are the only lects — in this study — having /a, i/.

Towards the Proto-Gbe Vowel System

89

ii. Similarly, in all lects, the rule lowering the nasalised half-close vowels (SPR2) applies early in the derivation: it crucially applies before the height assimilation rule (SPfy) so that — except in AJa lects and Awlan, where additional rules apply — the /-!/ suffix is realised as [-ε] after underlying /δ/ and /e/. 3.7.6

Proto-Gbe vowels and their modern reflexes

Table 66: Underlying stern vowels (without contextual conditioning) Proto-Gbe *1 Awlan 1 Ανέηο 1 Tswun 1 V h e < Adangbe 1 Waci 1 Peci 1 Kpando 1

Gen/ Ajaj

Fon

PhlaPhera

*e *ε *a » 3 * 0 *u *G *o *5 *a »ε *e a § a a a 3 Ο U δ 5 a a a a a 3 Ο u Q δ 5 a a a a a 3 0 u Q δ 5 a a a 3 Ο u ,u δ,ο 5,3 ,a a> 5,a a a a 3 Ο u a a δ 3 ε ε a 3 Ο u u δ 3 ε ε e e a 3 Ο u Q δ 3 e e

Gllji Agol

1 1

e e

e e

a a

3

0

3

Ο

Hwe Slkpi

1 1

e e e e

a a

3

Ο

3

Ο

Agbome Kpase Gun Weme

1 1 1

ε ε ε ε

a a a a

3 3

Ο 0

3

0

i

e e e e

3

Ο

Alada Phla Phela Kotafon

1 1 1 1

e e e e

ε ε ε ε

a a a a

3

0

3 3

Ο 0

3

Ο

*ϊ ϊ ΐ ΐ ϊ,Ι ΐ ΐ ϊ

0 δ u δ

5 5

e e

e e

ϊ ΐ

u δ u Q δ

5 5

e e

e e

ϊ ΐ

u u δ u Q δ u δ δ u

5 5 5 5

ε ε ε ε

e e e e

ϊ ΐ ϊ ϊ

u Q δ u 0 δ u 0 δ u Q δ

5 5 5

ε ε ε ε

e e e e

ΐ ΐ ϊ ΐ

u u

3

Note that, by SPR2, /δ/ and /e/ always surface as [5] and [ε] (except in Awlan and Ανέηο after nasal consonants in a few cases). Also, by DPRi, Adangbe has nasalised vowels after nasalised consonants, and nonnasalised vowels after nonnasalised consonants.

90

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe Table 67: Stem vowels followed by the /!-/ suffix Proto-Gbe Awlan

»11 *ei *cl *al *ol *ol *ul *ul *5l *5l *al 11 11 11 ee oe ul ul QT QT oe ee 5ε εε Ανέηο 11 ee ee εε οε oe ul ui 5ε 5ε εε Towun 11 ee ee εε οε oe ul ΰΐ 5ε 5ε εε Adangbe 11 ee ee εε οε oe ul QT 5ε 5ε εε ul οε οε εε Waci 11 11 11 εε οε ul ul i 5ε 5ε εε Peci 11 ee ee εε οε oe ul ΰϊ 5ε 5ε εε Kpando 11 11 11 εε οε ul ul ϋϊ 5ε 5ε εε ee ee oe

Vhe
[ajii]

ayi

& Jfi

Note that the first four items in Table 82 illustrate the regular ji:y correspondence, whereas 'earth' illustrates a y:y:ß correspondence.

Towards the Proto-Gbe Consonant System

97

4.3.3.4

Proto-Gbe *1 reconstructed Table 83: Proto-Gbe *1 before non-nasalised vowels realised as [I] in present-day lects Proto- Vhe Gen Aja Fon Phla-Phera Adangbe Gbe lects lects lects lects lects (Vhe) 11 11 11 to iron/press »11 11 U U 3 k k la,le,le le le to bathe *k la ab hand *-b ab ab ab -b ab -10 elo elo -10 -10 crocodile »-10 alo Table 84: Proto-Gbe *1 before nasalised vowels and its reflexes in present-day lects ProtoVhe Gen Aja Fon Phla-Phera Adangbe Gbe lects lects lects lects lects (Vhe)

To To ?L Tä to burst */lä/->[Tä] Ta Ta la meat */-lä/->[Tä] -Tä eTä eTä -Ta to lie down */bl5/-»[m!5] mlo m To m\5 mT5 to accept

*/lö/-4Tö]

5

To

To

b

Tä

la

-Tä

ala

mTs

mTo

As already indicated in §4.1.2, postconsonantal [1] and [ ] after grave consonants, and [r] and [r] after non-grave consonants, are reconstructed as postconsonantal */!/ in Proto-Gbe. 4.3.3.5 Proto-Gbe *w reconstructed Apart from the nasal/non-nasal variants which are the focus of this section, roundness is also invloved in the determination of Proto-Gbe *w. The reconstruction of this phoneme is based on the yw correspondence before non-nasalised, non-back vowels (stated in §2.3.3.31 above), the w.w correspondence before non-nasalised, back (rounded) vowels (§2.3.3.39), the rj:rjw:w correspondence before nasalised, non-back vowels (§2.3.3.30), and the Q:W correspondence before nasalised, back vowels (stated in §2.3.3.30 above). Tables 85 and 86 now illustrate the situation before oral and nasal vowels respectively.

shirt ten white, clean dance, n.

Table 85: Proto-Gbe *w before non-nasalised vowels and its reflexes in present-day lects Proto- Awlan Waci Gen Aja Fon Phla-Phera Gbe (Vhe) (Vhe) lects lects lects lects awu awu awu awu awu *awu awu awo awo ewo ewo *-wo wo -wo ya ya *we we we *-we sya awo ewe ewe -we -we

98

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

Table 86: Proto-Cbe *w before nasalised vowels Proto- Awlan Waci Gen Aja Fbn Phla-Phera Gbe (Vhe) (Vhe) lects lects lects lects thorn V-w / arju erj arju arj aw awu glue Vaw / arp ano arj arjo awo awo to groan */we,we/ rja WE Qa Οε rj^fle we ^ x y wo to detect Vw5/ wo Φ (Note the rj:w matching illustrated in the last item.) Given the reconstruction of *w in Proto-Gbe and considering the fact that [γ] in Vhe lects (as well as Gen and A]a lects) occurs only before nonrounded vowels — and assuming that the item for 'white' in Table 85 has been reborrowed from Vhe lects as >e in A]a and Gen lects — we derive [γ] through a synchronic rule in Vhe lects: SPRi7 Derivation of [γ] from /w/ in Vhe lects -syl

-cons +high +back +round

[_-roundj

(0

r+syl Ι -cons [_-round J

(Note that instead of the postulated SPRi7, certain Vhe lects may apply SPR28; see §4.4.2.2 below for discussion.) 4.3.4

Phonemes with "palatalised" variants in some present-day Gbe lects9 A set of phonemes, all alveolars, develop "palatalised" variants in some lects before close front vowels (and, in Hwe, before close back vowels), so that for each of them we have two correspondence series, one with all lects exhibiting the same alveolars, and the other in which some lects exhibit alveolars while others exhibit palato-alveolars or palatals. Both series are traceable to underlying alveolars in Proto-Gbe as follows: *i > t:t

and t: is: tf

*d > d:d and d: (F : d$ *s > s:s and s:f *z > z: z and z: J Those lects exhibiting the "palatalised" variants (which we refer to here as the "palatalising lects") derive them through SPRis- They are some Aj lects (especially Hwe in this study) and some Vhe lects (Awlan and Ανέηο in this study). For our use of "palatalisation" in this work, see §5.1.2.

Towards the Proto-Gbe Consonant System

99

SPRi8 Palatalisation of laminal alveolars before close front vowels in Hwe, Awlan and Ανέηο -syl "+syl +ant (-ant) -cons +cor +high +high +str +dist -back In addition to SPRis, which adds palatality to alveolars before close front vowels, Hwe also applies SPRi9 through which palatality is also acquired before close back vowels. SPRi9 Palatalisation of laminal alveolars before close back vowels in Hwe --syl "+syl +ant "(-ant) 1 -cons —» +cor +high +high +dist +back . +str J Instead of SPRig, one "palatalising lect", Kpando, applies SPR20 through which it derived laminal alveolar affricates from the laminal alveolar stops before close front vowels. Affrication of laminal alveolar stops before close front vowels in Kpando '-syl +ant '+syl •ΚΌΓ -cons +high -cont +dist -back 4.3.4.1

Proto-Gbe *t reconstructed Table 87: Proto-Gbe *t before non-close vowels

ProtoGbe to deprive *te to sew *to head *-ta five *at5

Ανέηο Peci Hwe & Kpando & others (A|a) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) te ta te te,ta to to to to eta ata eta -ta at5 at5 at5 ato

Gen Fon Phla-Phera lects lects lects

te to eta at5

te to -ta at5

te to -ta(-)

at

Table 88: Proto-Cbe *t before close vowels

Ανέηο Peci Proto- Hwe & Kpando & others Gen Fon Phla-Phera Gbe (A)a) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) lects lects lects tree be fed up gun to grind

*-tf *tT *-tu *tu

atji t/T et^i

t;u

at;i t;i atu tu

at8! t5! etu tu

ati tl,ti -tu tu

ati atf tT — etu -tu tu tu, 11

χ

-tT tT

-tu tu

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A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

4.3.4.2

Proto-Gbe *d reconstructed Table 89: Proto-Gbe *d before Ανέηο Peci Proto- Hwe & Kpando & others Gbe (Ala) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) palm tree *-de ede ada ede cdc,ada to plant *do do do do do to wander about *da da da da da beak *ad5 ad5 ad5 ado ado

non-close vowels Gen lects ede do

Fon Phla-Phera lects lects -de -de do do

da da ado ado

da ado

Table 90: Proto-Gbe *d before close vowels Ανέηο Peci Proto- Hwe & Kpando & others Gen Fon Phla-Phera Gbe (A|a) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) lects lects lects be far »didT cl3Td3T dsldsi dzldzl didl dldl z look for *dT di di,d3i df df d3i fetch d-rU water *du du du du du du du deity *vod

vodsu

vodu

vodu

vodu

vodu vod

vod

(Note that the [ds] exhibited by Gen and some Vhe lects in cfr/'look for', in place of the expected [d], is certainly due to re-borrowing from Hwe, Awlan and Ανέηο.) 4.3.4.3

Proto-Gbe *s reconstructed

Table 91: Proto-Gbe *s before non-close vowels

hear be ready worship4 horse

Ανέηο Peci f Proto- Hwe & Kpando & others Gbe (A|a) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) *se se sa se se,sa *so... so... so... so... so... *se,se se s se,se se *-so eso aso eso -so

Gen Fon Phla-Phera lects lects lects se se se so... so... so... se se se eso -so -so

Table 92: Proto-Gbe *s before close vowels Ανέηο Peci Proto- Hwe & Kpando & others Gen Fon Phla-Phera Gbe (Ala) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) lects lects lects to respect »si palm of the hand *asi tear out *su be enough *su

;i a

J^ J ,s J ,s

si

si

si

si

si

ji so

asi

asi

asi

asi

S

S

S

S

S

S

S

S

—

asi su —

Ji a

Towards the Proto-Gbe Consonant System 4.3.4.4

101

Proto-Gbe *z reconstructed

ProtoGbe to walk *z5 to use *z pot5 *-ze

Table 93: Proto-Gbe *z before Ανέηο Peci Hwe & Kpando & others (Ala) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) ZD z5 z5 zo z z z z eze sza ezc εζε,θζβ

non-close vowels Gen lects zo z eze

Fon Phla-Phera lects lects zo zo z z ζε -ze

Tefc/e 94: Proto-Gbe *z be/ore c/ose vowels Ανέηο Peci Proto- Hwe & Kpando & others Gen Fon Phla-Phera Gbe (Ala) Awlan (Vhe) (Vhe) lects lects lects egg *azT 331 asT azl azl azT azT azT groundnut *azT asT asf azf azi azf azf az to push *ζϊ 3ΐ 3ΐ ζϊ ζΐ ζΐ ζϊ ζϊ (Note that there is no item in our data which reflects the sequence */zu/ in Proto-Gbe: this seems to us to be an accidental gap.) It must be pointed out that the laminal alveolars are also "palatalised" before the palatal approximant: see §4.4.1. 4.4 Correspondences between lect-specific consonants In this section, we shall discuss consonant correspondences in which the members in various lects are to be treated synchronically as different consonant phonemes. The consonants involved may be actually lectspecific in that they are attested in some lects only; in other cases, they are attested in all lects, but fail to occur in a regular correspondence (unlike the common consonants discussed in §4.3). 4.4.1

Non-grave or coronal consonants

The correspondences involved are £ : s, d : z, tf : ts : s, +high / +high (-str) L+str J ' _-back . ~spr . Affr ication of /*t, *d/ to /ts, d z / before /*-y-/r in Kpanc OandAvcno ~ -syl +ant •-syl -K»r -cons -cont +high (-str) -back . ~sPr

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A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

DPRi9 Assibilation of /*t, *d/ to //,3/ before /*-y-/ in -A/ada " -syl +ant "(-ant) ' "-syl -K»r +high -cons > -cont +hieh •fcont / / (-str) +str -back . ~&ΡΤ (The original versions of DPRi7 - DPRi9 lacked the specification [-spr], which is necessary to exclude *fi, *& from the domain of these rules.) DPR20 Proto-Gbe *th, *dh shifted to /t, d/ in Vhe, Gen and A]a lects ~ -syl +ant +ΟΟΓ

-cont -str _(+spr)

> [-spr

]

DPR21 Proto-Gbe *th, *dh shifted to Is, z/ in Fan and Phla-Phera lects " -syl +ant ^ +str ^ 4cor > (-spr) -cont •fcont J -str _(+spr) DPR22 Proto-Gbe *χ™, »Β™ shifted to /f, υ/ in Vhe lects -syl "l p -son +ant +back -round (+round) > (+dist) -Kxmt (-cor) (-back) -low DPR23 Proto-Gbe *%w shifted to /p/ in Gen lects -syl -son ρ +back +ant (+round) > -round (+cont) -cont -low (-cor) -vd J (_(-back) DPR24 Proto-Gbe *HW shifted to /K™/ f n Fon, Phla-Phera and Gen lects "-syl -son +back +round > Γ-low 1 +low [-high J +cont +vd

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123

DPR25 Proto-Gbe Ή™ shifted to /w/ in Vhe, AJa and Gen lects ~-syl -son +back 1 -cons +round I +son +low +high +cont +vd DPR26 Proto-Gbe *k, *g shifted to /t;, cfe / in most present-day Gbe lects (excluding Kpando, Avcnoand Alada) +cons +back -cont r(-back) Ί -cons Ι -ant -fcor +high L+str J -back J (+dist)

[

DPR27 Proto-Gbe *k, *g shifted to /ts, d z / in Kpando and Avcno ' -fcons +back ' -tcor -cont +ant Γ-cons -Hhigh -ant +str > +high (-high) [-back (+dist) _(-back) _

Χ

DPR28 Proto-Gbe *k, *g shifted to /J , 3 / in Alada " -fcons

+back -cont -ant +high

" +cor +cont +str _(-back) _

/ /

y

Γ-cons +high

l-back

DPR29 Proto-Gbe *χ, *K shifted to /s, z/ in some present-day lects ' +cons +back +cont +ant Τ / Γ-cons ~) -low +cor / +high x back -round +str J

[

L-

J

Interestingly, no present-day lect has retained the Proto-Gbe aspirated and breathy voiced stops, nor the rounded pharyngeal/glottal fricative, i.e. they have abandoned the proto-language features [±spread] and [±low], whose presence in the system was clearly less than optional. 4.6.3 Synchronic rules common to all present-day lects The synchronic rules productive in all present-day Gbe lects (as well as in Proto-Gbe) are SPRis, SPRi4, SPRi2 and SPR27, all reproduced in §4.6.1 above. Note that SPR27 does not apply in Vhe lects, which lack rounded obstruents in their inventory of systematic phonemes.

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A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

4.6.4

Lect-specif ic synchronic rules

The synchronic rules which are specific to present-day Gbe lects (or groups of lects) are the following: Another source of [q] and [q] in A/a lects and Waci -syl "+syl -cons -cons +high -round r+round -back anas |_anas 2

SPRi6 Derivation of [rj] from /n/ in Towun -syl +nas +cor _-high _

+high 1

'+syl -cons +hL +bac

.

SPRi7 Derivation of[y] from /w/ in Vhe lects

"-syl -cons +high +back

-»

(0

[-round]

+round

Γ+syl I -cons |_-round J

SPR28 Vowel rounding after /w/ in some Vhe lects (e.g. Kpando, Peciand Waci) -cons J

-»

[+roun [t/ ds] before /Ι ΐ y/DPR27 In Kpando and Ανέηο, Proto-Gbe */k g/>[t s dz] before/l T y/. DPR28 In Alada, Proto-Gbe */k g/ > [/ 3l before /t ΐ y/. DPR29 In certain present-day lects, Proto-Gbe */χ Κ / > [s z] or (in the "palatalising" lects) [j 3] before /l T y/. Also relevant are SPR24-26/ which delete [y] after Kpando [ts dz], Alada [/ 3] and (particularly in Hwe, Awlan and Ανέηο) [t/ ds / 3]. 5.1.2.2 Questioning the term "palatalisation" In the general process under discussion, some generalisations can be made about the input and output segments involved. a. When the laminal alveolar and velar stops are the input segments, the output segments are either palato-alveolar affricates (as in Hwe for instance) or alveolar affricates (as in Kpando) or palato-alveolar fricatives (as in Alada). b. When the (velar) uvular fricatives are the input segments, the output segments are either palato-alveolar fricatives (as in Hwe for instance) or alveolar fricatives (as in Kpando). c. When the (laminal) alveolar affricates are the input segments, the output segments are palato-alveolar affricates (as in Ανέηο). d. When the (laminal) alveolar fricatives are the input segments, the output segments are palato-alveolar fricatives (as in Hwe, Awlan and Ανέηο). Considering the output segments, only the palato-alveolars are [+palatal] whereas both the palato-alveolars and the alveolars are [+sibilant] (assuming that these features can be motivated). One may therefore suggest that the term "palatalisation" is too restrictive to account for all the manifestations involved: palatalisation sensu stricto is a process by which a given segment acquires palatality, and there is no palatality in alveolars.

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A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

Alternatively, one could describe the observed changes as involving "sibilantisation" — sibilance being the hissing and hushing impression which accompanies alveolar, palato-alveolar and palatal fricatives and affricates (Ladefoged 1971: 57). However, sibilantisation seems inadequate as a cover term for at least two reasons: in the case of /1s/ becoming [t/], the input segment is already sibilant; and nasals which undergo the process do not acquire any degree of sibilance (see Capo 1990b for further discussion). This issue is not trivial, nor merely terminological. It raises the question whether all the observed modifications reflect the same fundamental process. Data from Gbe suggest a positive answer, because then all the rules involved can be collapsed in a natural way, e.g.:

-syl -lab +dist

(F being the cover feature for the trait acquired)

Historically, a positive answer implies that *χ may change to s without the necessity of an intermediate stage /, and this bears on the relative chronology of innovations. If, on the other hand, one of the observed modifications is primary and the others are derived, then we have a definite and universal indication on relative chronology. The basis of sibilantisation is acoustic (or auditory), depending on "manner of perception", whereas palatalisation is basically articulatory, depending on "place of articulation". While the search continues in other directions, we will follow Bhat (1978: 47) in using palatalisation in the broad sense, to embrace tongue fronting, tongue raising and spirantisation, i.e. the addition of palatality (as in /s/->[j] or *χ-»χ ), the superposition of the feature [+strident] on [-continuant] (as in /t/-»[ts]), the shift from velar to alveolar (as in *χ->5 ), or any combination of these. 5.1.2.3

Some observations on palatalisation with regard to universals During our study of palatalisation in Gbe, we have observed interesting phenomena which may be relevant to the issue of language universals. a. Palatalisation and tongue position. The (post)alveolar apicals (/(I/ and /!/) are not palatalised in any Gbe lect. From this, we infer that a precondition for palatalisation is the convex shape of the tongue to match the concave shape of the roof of the mouth (so that the two organs are parallel, as in Fig. 3 below). For the Gbe /cjy and /!/, the tongue assumes a more or less vertical position, touching the (post) alveolar region with the apex (as in Fig. 4 below), so that palatalisation is blocked. As far as the anterior consonants are concerned, palatalisation is the raising of the front of the tongue towards the hard palate, by the action of

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the intrinsic muscles (particularly the vertical muscles). Given the vertical tongue position of the Gbe (post)alveolar apicals, any tendency towards palatalisation must also involve the extrinsic muscles (especially the styloglossus).

Fig. 3 Shape of the tongue enhancing palatalisation

Fig. 4 Articulation of Gbe apical (post) alveolars

This conclusion supports and extends Mensah's (1977) force-ofarticulation condition: "the greater the force, the wider the diameter of contact area". It also justifies using the feature [^distributed] for Gbe palatalisable segments (cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968, Halle and Clements 1983).» b. Direction of generalisation. In Hwe, palatalisation is compulsory before close front vowels for all laminal alveolars, whether stops or fricatives; but before close back vowels, it is compulsory for the stops only, and optional for the fricatives. We infer that: i. If close front vowels do not initiate palatalisation, the close back vowels cannot initiate it. In fact there is a generalisation from [+high, +front] to all [+high] segments, as there is from [+high, +front] to [+frontj in other languages (such as Akan). We are actually claiming that, as far as vowels are concerned, the close front vowel is the palataliser par excellence. This position is not clear in Bhat, who claims without supporting material that the palatalisation of an apical may take place before a high-back vowel, but at the same time it may fail to take place before a high- or mid-front vowel. (1974/78:54) b

It might be an accident that the feature [±distributed] accounts for the difference between palatalisable and non-palatalisable segments in Gbe. There might also be a need for a feature [±vertical] relating to the position of the tongue vis-a-vis the roof of the mouth.

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A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

ii. Palatalisation does not usually affect fricatives unless it also affects stops (and affricates).7 c. Hierarchy among palatalising segments. In all Gbe lects, the palatalisation of laminal alveolar stops occurs before the palatal approximant (at least diachronically), but it occurs before the close front vowels in only a few lects (synchronically). From this, we infer that palatalisation sensu stricto is not induced by vowels, but by y (if of course the language has the CyV syllable type). A similar claim is made by Bhat: [A] following front vowel is the strongest environment that induces the fronting (and hence the palatalisation) of a velar consonant, whereas a following yod (palatal semi-vowel) is an even stronger environment for raising (and hence palatalising) an apical consonant.(1974/78: 52) One may also account for the fact that no velar/uvular consonant is palatalised before /u/ by agreeing with Bhat that tongue height of the following vowel (or semivowel) is crucial for the palatalisation or an apical [I would prefer anterior— Capo] consonant whereas the frontness of the tongue rather than its height is more crucial for the palatalisation of a velar [I would prefer back — Capo] consonant. (1974/78:54) d. Motivating the deletion of the yod. Since the rules deleting the palatal approximant (SPR24-26) are crucially ordered after the "palatalisation" rules, we propose the following motivation: since the consonants concerned are "palatalised" before y, the presence of y is always felt through the "palatalised" segment, and the y is recoverable and its overt realisation is redundant. This situation is expected: [T]here are languages in which a front vowel or semivowel has induced palatalisation on a preceding consonant, and as an extreme case of this tendency, the palatalised consonant has 'absorbed' all the palatalness of the following segment. (Bhat: 1974/78: 73) Although we have confirmed our own generalisations about Gbe against those drawn by Bhat from comparison of about 120 instances of "palatalisation" in various language families, they remain subject to further empirical investigation. ' Paul Newman (p. c.) observes that, in the history of Hausa, t s z became tf f 5 before front vowels, whereas d remained d. Recently (probably within the last 100 years) d began to change to rfj, although with exceptions and phonological restrictions not applying with respect to t s z. Newman adds: I have no explanation why d behaves differently from t and whether from a phonetic point of view this should be considered 'natural' or 'strange'. My own (speculative) view is that, if both t and d were [+distributed], then the behaviour of d should be considered as 'strange'. But presumably, although t pairs off with d, d was not [+distributed] (and hence was not subject to palatalisation), whereas under the pressure of t it is becoming [-«distributed].

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139

5.1.2.4 Palatalisation and vowel closing Before leaving the issue of palatalisation, we should mention the peculiar correlation in some Gbe lects between palatalisation and vowel closing. Chapter 3 described three instances of stem vowel closing, the most widespread being the closing of the half-close vowels when followed by the close front vowel (SPRs). This rule applies particularly in Hwe, Awlan and Waci. Interestingly enough, the palatalisation before close front vowels stated as SPRis applies to Hwe and Awlan (and also Ανέηο). We do not know whether this situation reflects some principle; what is striking, however, is that SPRs and SPRi8 are crucially in counter-feeding order (Kiparsky 1968): SPRi8 must apply before SPRs so that the close vowels which result from the latter do not constitute a palatalising environment (see Clements 1971, Capo 1985d). One would expect this counter-feeding order to change to a feeding order at some future time.** The present situation suggests that: a. Of the two rules, the palatalisation one is the older, so that the synchronic ordering SPR^g SPRs reflects the relative chronology. b. The two rules were independently innovated in different lects; it would then be fortuitous that both rules occur in Hwe and Awlan. 5.1.3 Nasalisation within the syllable §4.3.3 stated a consonant nasalisation rule (SPRjs) which applies in all lects, including Proto-Gbe. It is repeated here for convenience: SPRjs Consonant nasalisation in all present-day Gbe lects and Proto-Gbe Γ Ί / r+sy! 1 L+nas J / (C) - [NV] -> [N] -» [N;+Q] 5.1.3.4 Conclusion on nasality We hold that nasality is primarily a vowel feature, in Proto-Gbe as well as in present-day Gbe lects. (In an autosegmental framework, it could be an autosegment, with the main Nasality Bearing Units being vowels.) The *5 M. E. Dakubu (p. c.) points out that the syllabic nasals in Ga are either taken together with Akan loanwords, or developed from nT — apparently quite recently, because Dangme has virtually none at all.

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149

systematic phonemic vowels divide into two sets, respectively [-nasal] and [+nasal]. A [+nasall vowel usually nasalises a preceding [-paired] consonant, thereby creating the systematic phonetic nasal consonants [m n ji/y rj rj w /w] from non-nasal [b i-/C yV N.b. the inserted vowel is followed by a syllable boundary (-).

The situation in Peci argues against a synchronic, disyllabic analysis of [CyV]. In Peci, disyllabic stems are fully repeated in the process of reduplication, thus subo reduplicates as subosubo, whereas (as already mentioned) CyV reduplicates as CVCyV (e.g. Tya 'climb' becomes lalya, not **7ya/ya). Thus, although a disyllabic analysis may be possible in the Fon lects, the same lects are also consistent with a monosyllabic analysis which posits three segments. For other lects such as Peci there is apparently no room for a disyllabic analysis of [CyV] as /Cl-yV/. d. [CyV] as /CyV/. By treating [CyV] as an underlying /CyV/ sequence of three segments, we assume that the -y- is a proper yod. Arguments in favour of this approach appear independently in a number of studies, each describing a different lect: Stahlke (1971a), describing Kpando; Bole-Richard (1976,1983), describing Gen; and Capo (1977), describing Waci. Pazzi, too, in his writing system (e.g. Pazzzi 1981) has CyV in lieu of the current, orthographic CIV.

A Study of Some Phonological Processes

157

Bole-Richard (1976: 52-55) and (1983: 78-83) considers all logical possibilities for analysis, i.e.: • palatalisation conditioned by the following vowel; • palatalisation as an inherent feature of the consonant; • palatalisation as a contextual realisation of /!/; and • a /Cy/ consonant cluster. He eventually opts for the last of these, and our own review points to the same conclusion, as already indicated. 5.2.2.3 A diachronic analysis a. Reconstructing Proto-Gbe */CyV/. The mere fact that we recognise a synchronic, monosyllabic /CyV/ string in all individual Gbe lects constitutes a prima facie argument that Proto-Gbe also had this syllable type. Moreover, there is comparative evidence for such a claim, because some items show direct /CyV/ correspondences: Table 135: The */CyV/ syllable type in Proto-Gbe ProtoVhe Gen AJa Fbn Phla-Phera Gbe lects lects lects lects lects to ask *bya, byo byo byo bya byo byo put to dry *xya, fya sya, ;ya sya fya, /a xya xya need Kyi zya 3ya,3a Kyi *Bya Bya »lya to climb lya lya lya lya lya b. A possible */Cl-yV/ source. Having reconstructed */CyV/ syllables in Proto-Gbe, we still have cause to think that some instances of present-day /CyV/ derive from a disyllabic source. Indeed, engaged in a synchronic description of Gen lects, BoleRichard (1976: 55, 1983: 82) suggests that the Gen /CyV/ derives historically from */Cl-yV/ by deletion of /!/. He observes that there is no [Cl-yV] sequence in present-day Gen (except for [bi-ya] 'bear', a loanword from English). On our own part, we have pointed out that [CyV] stems may optionally be pronounced [Cl-yV] in songs and slow speech. Further, we can now observe in certain lects, particularly Weme, some stems which are obligatory [C 1-yV], corresponding to [CyV] in other lects. Such items, we contend, constitute a basis for reconstructung YCl-yV/, as in Table 136: Table 136: Items pointing to */Ci-yV/ in Proto-Gbe Agbome Weme Proto- Waci Gen (Fon) (Fon) Gbe lects (Vhe) to press *fiy5 fy5 fiy5 fy5 fy5 to astonish *fiya fya fyä fyä Fiya ^ sense of decency *wTya wyä wTyä

158

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe One could generalise from these items, to treat all present-day Gbe /CyV/ stems as reflexes of a pre-Gbe */Cl-yV/, because there is strong evidence that Proto-Gbe itself had already innovated /CyV/ stems. One would then propose a diachronic i-deletion rule: DPR36 Diachronic {-deletion in pre-Gbe 1- > 0/C yV Another alternative, suggested by M. E. Dakubu (p. c.) posits an evolution of disyllabic */Cl-V/ in pre-Gbe to */CyV/ in Gbe by the change of *1 > y (and deletion of the syllable boundary). This view is supported by comparative evidence in Ga and Akan, including: *bl (Ga-Dangme) 'to ask' = *bisa (Akan) = *bya, byo (Proto-Gbe) At a Pre-Gbe stage, we could actually have *b/-a or *bl-Ca (the identity of C in this context remaining to be determined).

5.2.2.4

Conclusion: on the absence of [tyV], [dyV], [kyV] and[gyV] As we recognise a /CyV/ syllable type in Proto-Gbe and all present-day Gbe lects, at the same time as we also suggest a possible*/Cl-yV/ source in pre-Gbe, it would be strange to propose a Gbe morpheme structure constraint which prevents A d k g/ from occurring in syllable initial position. In §4.4.1.2 and §5.1.2, we have already explained these gaps through DPRi7_i9 and DPR26-28· m all present-day Gbe lects YtyV/ and */dyV/ have merged with */kyV/ and VgyV/ respectively. 5.2.3 Is there any ICiCjVI syllable in which C2 is /w/? 5.2.3.1 Delimitation As with [CyV], there are two types of [CwV] in Gbe. One of them occurs in all present-day lects and is clearly dimorphemic, with the V element constituting a morph on its own, or the first segment of a morph. In this case, the [w] is to be treated as an underlying back (rounded) vowel, since all Gbe morphemes end with a vowel. Examples in Table 137 show that the [Cw] part, as a stem, belongs to any grammatical category.^ Table 137: Instances of [Cw+V] (+ = morpheme boundary) /(jp + i/'eatif -» [φνΐ] /ko + 1/ 'deride him/her'

_> Γ [kwe] (Fon, Gen, Phla-Phera lects) ^ [kwl] (Α]έ lects/ Awlan/ Wad) (Table continues on following page.)

In Gen lects there is one underlying labialised obstruent /B w/, while Fon, Ala w w and Phla-Phera lects have two /x B / and Proto-Gbe has three */Xw B w H w /. These sounds are discussed at the end of this section.

A Study of Some Phonological Processes

159

/kpo 'look at him/her/it'

[kpwi] (AJa lects), [kpwe] (Awlan) [kpwe] (Gen lects, Waci) [kpwg] (Fon and Phla-Phera lects)

/etu+a/'thegun' /tu+o/'the gun'

[etwa] (Gen lects) [two] (Fon lects)

/ko + cjp + i/'cushion' (lit.: 'neck-holder')

ί [kos prompted analogically by the existence in proto Gbe of SPR67 (through which reduplication copies the stem vowel). In fact, for Aja lects and Waci, SPRss (for /CV/ stems), SPReo (for /CyV/ stems), SPR62 (for /CIV/ stems) and SPRoS (for /CiV2-C3V4/ stems) can all be collapsed as SPR68: SPR68 General reduplication rule in AJa lects and Waci RED-»C1(V2-)(C3)V4/_ C1(V2-)C3V4 c. Another important innovation has been made by Phla-Phera and most Fon lects with respect to /CIV/ stems. They have changed Proto-Gbe SPR62 into their SPR64, through DPR41 (and DPR4o). SPR62 Reduplication of /CIV/ stems in AJa lects and also in Waci (Vhe) and Agbome (Fon)

RED->Q l v3 /

Ci ι v3

DPR40

Deletion of /!/ from reduplication in Gen, Fon and Phla-Phera lects 1>0/Q _ V 3 CilV 3

DPR4i

Replacement of the stem vowel with /!/ in Phla-Phera and many Fon lects V3 > +front

A Study of Some Phonological Processes

181

SPR64 Reduplication of /CV/ stems in Phla-Phera and many Fon lects "+syl -cons χ r+syi 1 RED -> Ci +high / Q l -cons +front ' |_anas J _anas Here too, we can see that the change from SPRfi2 to SPR64 is prompted analogically by the existence of SPR57 (by which reduplication replaces the stem vowel by /I/). In fact, in PhlaPhera and many Fon lects, we can collapse SPR57 (applying to /CV/ stems) and SPR64 (applying to /CIV/ stems) as SPR69: SPR64 Reduplication of /C(1)V/ stems in Phla-Phera and many Fon lects ~+syl

RED -»Ci

-cons +high +front _ Ci (V2-) C3 V4 / Ci (V2-) C3 V4 Condition: if there is no V^ C$ must be /y/. Thus, in these lects, there is a split in the reduplication of /QC2V/ stems: the /CIV/ stems behave like the /CV/ stems, whereas the /CyV/ stems behave like the /CiV2-C3V4/ steins. We are wondering if there is any generalisation behind this. d. Other changes that brought about differences among present-day Gbe lects include the deletion of the postconsonantal yod in Peci reduplication (DPR39), and the deletion of the liquid in Gen, many Fon, Phla-Phera and some Vhe lects (DPR4Q). As both changes affect Peci, the two rules could be collapsed as DPR42DPR42 Cluster simplification in Peci reduplication Γ-syl Ί >0/Q V3Ci Γ-syl V3 |_+son J 5.5 A note on "word shortening" Discussing the /QC2V/ syllable types (§5.2), we observed that, although they exist at the level of underlying representation in all present-day Gbe lects as well as Proto-Gbe, some of them may be derived historically from Pre-Gbe disyllables through DPR3s (for /CIV/) or DPR36 (for /CyV/). We also observed that /ViV2/ sequences may originate from the deletion of a consonant through DPR37 (§5.3.3.4). The result of these rules is actually "word shortening", a phenomenon on which we have some brief comments.

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A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

In present-day Gbe lects, the vast majority of stems are monosyllabic. Some stems are, however, disyllabic and are often perceived by speakers as dimorphemic. From our own observations, there is evidence that at least some of these items were monomorphemic and disyllabic in ProtoGbe. During the history of the language, a given syllable of such a disyllabic form may be lost in some lects, while the other syllable may be lost in different lects. The result is apparently unrelated monosyllables in different lects, and, in those lects which preserve a disyllabic form, an apparent compound. For instance, 'sit down' is [si, si, χΐ] in Aja, Fon and some Phla-Phera lects, and [no] in Vhe and Gen lects. The two sets of forms are apparently unrelated, at least phonologically. It is the case, however, that 'sit down' in Phla is [χΐηο], and we are therefore inclined to reconstruct the Proto-Gbe form as */χΚ(ρ/-»[χ1η5], i.e. as a disyllabic morpheme, various monosyllabic reflexes of which are found in most present-day Gbe lects. Similarly for 'country* we have [du, dsu] in Vhe, Gen and AJa lects, and [to] in Fon and Phla-Phera lects. In Maxi and in some Waci proverbs, however, we have [duto] for 'country', which motivates the reconstruction of Proto-Gbe Yduto/. Based on these two examples, we wonder whether the shortening process, resulting in the deletion of a whole syllable, is not a more productive historical phenomenon in Gbe (or at least from Proto-VoltaCongo to Proto-Gbe). In this regard, note that 'head' is [eta, eta, ata] in all present-day lects known to the author except Phela, where it is [taku]. This [taku] is usually analysed as dimorphemic, consisting of /eta/ 'head' and /ek / 'seed'. We are, however, of the opinion that a monomorphemic Vtak / was the Proto-Gbe form which, due to the shortening process, was reduced by the deletion of [-k ] in most present-day lects, except Phela. The dimorphemic intrepretation of Phela [taku] would then be due to folk etymology which interprets the second syllable as the stem /-k / 'seed', just because it is lacking in the word for 'head' in all other Gbe lects. A similar analysis holds for 'mouth', which is [en , cn , arm] in all present-day lects except Phla, where it is [onukpa]. We propose to reconstruct */-4.ukpa/ as the Proto-Gbe form, and derive the majority of reflexes through deletion of the second syllable. Finally, 'do' is [wa, WD] in all present-day lects except Phla, where it is [wasi]. We would like to reconstruct Ywasi/ as a Proto-Gbe monomorphemic bisyllable, and derive the [wa, wo] forms through shortening. We will not formulate the shortening rule here, pending further investigation. In any case, the individual items must be singled out and dealt with on a case-by-case basis, particularly in light of other VoltaCongo languages — an undertaking beyond the present work.

A Study of Some Phonological Processes

183

5.6 Conclusions on phonological processes This chapter has not only touched upon analytical problems, it has also raised theoretical issues. 5.6.1 Problems of analysis We discussed different types of vowel assimilation and found that there is no universal equal height condition imposed on the phonetic outputs of vowel sequences: the observed condition results from the application of certain synchronic rules, restricted to situations in which the second vowel of the sequence is /!/ (§5.3). We noted a case of "vowel harmony" in the feature [±round] as in SPRss and a case of labial attraction or "consonantand-vowel harmony" (both rules given in §5.4, reinterpreting data in §5.1). We also approached the issue of nasality and rejected "syllabic nasals" as underlying phonological units of Gbe (§5.1.3.3). We also pointed out instances of vowel deletion (DPR35_3£ §5.3.3.4). We posited underlying consonant clusters in Proto-Gbe and all present-day Gbe lects, especially /Cl/ (§5.2.1) and /Cy/ (§5.2.2), but no underlying diphthongs or long vowels (§5.2.3). We also saw how, through analogical change, two Proto-Gbe reduplication rules (SPR57 and SPR67) have evolved towards a single rule, differently in different lects (§5.4) We finally suggested that there has been a productive shortening tendency in Gbe, or at least between proto-Volta-Congo and various Gbe lects. While discussing these practical issues, some theoretical and methodological questions have been occasionally raised. 5.6.2 Theoretical and methodological issues Among the issues touched upon are the interpretation of alternations, the concept of rule ordering, the scope of set features and the notion of palatalisation. a. Asa point of methodology, we have suggested (§5.1.3.5) that the concept of alternation should not be restricted to mean only morphological alternation in a particular lect, but rather it should be extended to include also inter-lectal alternation. This is because, very often, information from a particular lect has proven to be useful (even sometimes necessary) to solve certain synchronic problems in another lect (cf. Capo 1985b). In this respect, we are advocating a panchronic approach to issues which raise several equally plausible hypotheses. b. In this work we admit the concept of rule ordering on several occasions. For example in Hwe, the palatalisation rule (SPRjg) is crucially ordered before the vowel closing rules (SPRs and SPR/), so that whereas /tl si/ are automatically realised as [t/I /I], we have nonetheless [tl si] as phonetic realisations of /tel sei/. Similarly in Awlan, SPRs (mid-vowel closing) is ordered before SPR6 (open vowel closing), and both rules are ordered before SPR4 (tongue-height assimilation), or else they should be collapsed, so

184

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

that /o 1 I/ are realised as [oe u 1], but /ol/ does not become [u 1] after changing to [oe]. c. We also talked about hierarchy among classificatory features, distinguishing between discriminatory features, distinctive features and set features (§5.1.3.1). We said in particular that, whereas discriminatory and distinctive features always have phonetic content, set features may also be based on the history of the language or may even be entirely abstract. In fact we think that Halle's (1968) definition of natural class based on (discriminatory/distinctive) features has to be qualified. Our own view is that two or more segments constitute a class if they are subject to the same P-rules, or are outputs of the same P-rules, or participate in the same P-rules.^ d. Another theoretical issue touched upon is the process of "palatalisation" (§5.1.2). It was indicated that palatalisation sensu stricto (i.e. the acquisition of palatality) is perhaps simply a manifestation, although the commonest manifestation, of a more fundamental process (to be investigated further), which also includes the manifestation of sibilance. It is also claimed that it is difficult for consonants produced with the tongue in vertical position vis-ä-vis the roof of the mouth to undergo "palatalisation".

See Schachter 1976 for a similar view.

6. Conclusions This work being the first attempt so far made towards a reconstruction of Proto-Gbe and its segmental phonology, our findings should be exposed to criticisms so as to allow for a better and deeper insight into the language unit and its history. It will not therefore be superfluous to recapitulate here our claims and conclusions, summarised in §3.7, §4.6 and §5.6. 6.1 Elements of Proto-Gbe phonology 6.1.1 Morpheme Structure Conditions

We have seen that, at the level of underlying representation, Proto-Gbe had three types of open syllables, viz: i) a vowel only, /-V-/: the vowel is always non-nasalised, and not all oral vowels are found in this syllable type. (This may be accidental.) i i) a consonant followed by a vowel /-CM-/: no significant constraints obtain. i i i) a consonant cluster followed by a vowel /-C\C·^/-/: €2 is either a lateral liquid or a palatal approximant, cf. MSC2· a) When C2 is a palatal approximant (yod), then it is excluded from the Ci position, Proto-Gbe having no other palatal. At the level of phonetic representation, *[t d k g] do not appear as Cj, but this arises as a result of synchronic palatalisation rules, viz. SPRn and SPR29b) When C2 is a lateral, any (post-)alveolar apical is excluded form the Ci position, including the lateral which is itself a (post-)alveoal apical, cf. MSC . In addition, all back vowels are rounded, and all nonback vowels are nonrounded, cf. MSQ. 6.1.2 Vowels Proto-Gbe had a system of fourteen underlying vowels, paired off as oral/nasal: oral *1 *e *ε *a *o *o *u nasal *T »e *ε * *5 » * establishing in particular that */e/ contrasted with */ε/, and */o/ with */5/. At the level of systematic phonetic representation, no additional vowel surfaces, but /e δ/ were very often realised as [ε 5] respectively (SPR2). Paralleling the underlying nasal vowels, any oral vowel was nasalised after a syllable containing a nasalised vowel (SPRi). It was also claimed that /a / were realised as [e ε] before /i/ (SPRa) and the latter acquired the tongue height of the preceding vowel (SPfy). Other P-rules, syntactically motivated, were posited for Proto-Gbe, e.g. in a compound noun the vowel prefix of the second noun was always deleted (SPR52); a verb stem final rounded vowel became nonsyllabic if followed by a noun beginning with */a-/ in the same verb phrase (SPRio); a verb stem final nonclose and nonback vowel was deleted if followed by a noun beginning with */a-/ in the same verb phrase (SPRn).

186

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

In the feature system used to account for the vowel system of Proto-Gbe, we introduced [±front] together with [±back] to distinguish three "places of articulation", and [±low] together with [±high] to distinguish three "degrees of aperture". In so doing, we have implied that the feature [±ATR] or [±expanded] is not needed. The only instance of Vowel Harmony proved to exist in Proto-Gbe was based on roundness (SPRss). 6.1.3

Consonants

At the level of underlying representation, Proto-Gbe had a system of twenty-four consonants, none of which was a nasal: voiceless noncontinuants *t *t^ *ts *k *kp voiced noncontinuants *b *d *dh *dz *«t *g *gb voiceless continuants *( *s *χ *xw voiced continuants *v *z »1 *y *w *B *BW *HW A number of additional consonants surfaced, however: i) a series of nasalised consonants, viz. *[m η Ϊ y-ji w-rjw], derived from */b 4. 1 y w/ respectively, cf. SPRis. ii) oral and nasalised apical trills *[r r] derived from the */!/, cf. SPRi4. iii) *[tj" d3l derived either from the alveolar stops */t d/ followed by Yy/ by SPRii, or from the velar stops */k g/ followed by Vy 1 ΐ/ by SPR29- /*t / *d3 / were not reconstructed as underlying segments in Proto-Gbe because this would entail that /*t *d/ and /*k *g/ were not members of the */CyV/ syllable type. iv) *[ kpe -gä we, we /4>Ü/ (-»[-mü]) /[-mf]> bla(?bala) /blä/ (-»[mlä], ? /bälä/->[mälä]) /b!5/ (->[ml5], /b515/->[m515]) -bo bu /bü/ /-bü/ (-»[-mü]) bya (byo, ? biya, ? biyo) /byä, by5/ (-*[myä, myö]) /bya/ (-^[myä], ? biyä) /-byä/ (-»[myä], /-byö/-^[myö]) ?ßa/ba ? -ße, -'be

227

earth pubis, vagina palm branch festival, anniversary, (feast) day

96 96 (66

T82

33

T16

egg groundnut, peanut come arm (body part) mud

65

T44

101 117

T94 T110

73

T55

(64 (94

T43) T76)

95

T77

(95

T77)

95

T77

94

T76

94

T76

63

T39

65 65 151 (95 97

T44

64

T41

64

T40

65

T45

95

T77

65 73 73

T45

divide, share, split roast (v.) person hide oneself burn, consummate be cooked swallow (v.) excrement tie (v.) glorify, praise lie down charm, magic get lost, lose cut down, fall down be drunk mosquito ask germinate, grow ripen (left) hand come two

T81

T47)

T44

T131 T77) T84

T55

T55 95 T77 73 T55 117 §4.5.3 117 §4.5.3

A Comparative Phonology of Gbe

228

100 70 82 85 79 70 70 70 107 72

T57 T50

107

T101

107

T101

be tall, be far (?)

100

df dla, dyala (->[dra, dsra, dsala]) /dla dp, dyala cjp/ (-»[dracj.0, dsradjo, dsalacjp])

look for

79

T90 T57

advertise, sell

118

Till

get ready, repair

/die, dyele/ (-»[dre,dsele,dsre]) dlo, dyolo (-»[dro, dyo, dsolo])

measure (v.) wish (v.)

118 Till 118 Till

dl5,dl5l

-do, -dol do

da -da •dägbol ?de -defti) -de

wander about

dl, de de -dh5

be scarce

snake python farm, go to farm palm tree customs be resistant illness, sickness send work (n.) running

h

-d ü di, did!

T89

n3.6

T60 T64

T52 T51 T101

T54

118

Till

dream (n.)

75 81

T56 §3.5.4

bottom

80

plant, sow thank

85

T58 100 T89 T64

do (-kpe) -do-, -dovi du

belly, intestine fetch (water)

(100 T89) 100

T90

?duto

country

182

§5.5

/dya/or/gya/(-»[d3a])

chop up, hash (v.)

105

T99

/dye/ or /gye/ (-»[dse])

salt

105

T99

/dye/ or /gye/ (-»[dse]) /dyo/ or /gyo/(-»[d3o]) -d2«

perch (v.)

(105

T99)

happen alliance, covenant, fire

105

T99

103

T97

cease, stop

132

T122

z

z

z

d o(?d ud o)

Indexes of Proto-Gbe items -dzo(?

229

smoke (n.) abuse (v.), insult (v.) cook hair

/4|i/(-»[na,n5])

(habitual aspect)

/d£/ (-»[nl]) 4e 4e, 4eka

give remove, subtract one palmnut tongue (organ) benediction resemble

/-4ί,-4έ/Η[-ηέΊ) -4c(gbe) Φ Φ Φ'4Χ (/4ϊ4ϊ/-»[ηίηί]) 46 4ό 4ό (azT) ? 4okpo, lokpo /-4δ/ (-»[-no, ano])

46 (-we)

/