2 Chronicles: A Commentary 080066101X, 9780800661014

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2 Chronicles Ralph W. Klein

Hermeneia —

A Critical

and

Historical

Commentary

on the

Bible

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(1992):

60

36-42. As I will argue in the next chapter, it is highly unlikely that these verses were included by the

61

Johnstone, 1:322.

62

The Targum to Chronicles, however, adds after Boaz: “the leader of the clan of the house of Judah, from whom have come forth all the kings of the house of Judah.”

63

See R. B. Y. Scott, “The Pillars Jachin and Boaz,” JBL 58 (1939) 143-49. Strangely, cedar is not mentioned in this chapter, but see 2 Chr 2:7 (8).

64

Chronicler himself.

53

bim face the nave (to defend against encroachment?) and stand on their feet. A curtain separates the nave or holy place from the

contemporary with the Chronicler, on the other. The account also includes a brief description of the pillars in front of the temple, but the significance of these pillars

most holy house or T31 This recalls a feature of the

themselves and of their enigmatic names is not clarified

tabernacle, on the one hand, and perhaps of the temple

by the Chronicler.

54

4:1 — 5:1 Solomon Constructs Additional Items for the Temple and Brings into the Temple Items David Had Dedicated

Translation He made a bronze altar, twenty cubits long, twenty1 cubits wide, and ten cubits high.2 2/ Then he made the sea of cast metal; it was round, ten cubits from one rim to the other,3 and five cubits high. A line of thirty4 cubits would encircle it.5 3/ Under it figures resembling a bull6 were all around it, ten to a cubit, encircling the sea all around.7 The bulls were cast in two rows when they were cast. 4/ It stood on twelve oxen, three facing north, three facing west, three facing south, and three facing east. The sea was placed on top of them. All their hindquarters were toward the inside. 5/ Its thickness was a handbreadth; its rim was made like the rim of a cup, like the flower of a lily; it held8 three thousand baths.9 6/ He made ten lavers, and he put five on the right (south)10 and five on the left (north) for washing in them. In these they cleansed the things used for the burnt offering;11 the sea was for the priests to wash in. He made ten golden lampstands as pre¬ scribed, and put them in the temple, five on the south side and five on the north. 8/ He also made ten tables and put them in the temple, five on the south side and five on the north. And he made one hundred12 basins of gold. 9/ He made the court of the priests, and the great court, and doors for the (great) court;13 he over¬ laid their doors with bronze. The sea he put on the south side of the temple,14 at the southeast corner. Huram made the pots,15 the shovels,16 and the basins.17 Thus Huram18 completed doing the work19 which he did for King Solomon in the house of God: 12/ the two pillars, the two bowls of the capitals20 on the top of the pillars; and the two lattice-works to cover the two bowls of the capitals that were on the top of the pillars; 13/ the four hundred pomegran¬ ates21 for the two lattice-works, two rows of pomegranates22 for each latticework, to cover the two bowls of the capitals that were on23 the pillars. 14/ He made24 the stands, he made25 the lavers on the stands, 15/ the one sea, and the twelve oxen underneath it, 16/ the pots, the shovels, and the forks.26 And all the utensils for them27 Huram-abi28 made of burnished bronze29 for King Solomon for the house of Yahweh. 17/ In the plain of the Jordan the king cast them, in the clay ground30 between Succoth and Zarethan.31 18/ Solomon made32 all these utensils in such great quantity that the weight of the bronze was incalculable. So Solomon made all the utensils that were

1

2

3 4

5

6

7

Syr: “ten.” In readings discussed in nn. 15 and 40 (cf. n. 30), Chronicles presupposes a text of Kings other than MT. According to Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 88), this verse once appeared in the Kings Vorlage but was lost sometime after the Chronicler incorporated it. See the commentary. ins© TB&O; LXX TY)P diap.erpr]oav “the diam¬ eter.” trefatf. So also 1 Kgs 7:23; Kgs LXX (v. 10) Tpelq Kai TpiaKOVTCt “thirty-three.” R. B. Y. Scott (“The Hebrew Cubit,” JBL 77 [1958] 209) suggested that this translation resulted from a new calculation that allowed for the thickness of the rim in determining the circumference. LXX Kai to kvkAupta irr)Xeccl> TpiaKOvra “And the circumference thirty cubits.” Cf.JPS “and its circum¬ ference was 30 cubits.” Both of these translations show dynamic equivalence. t> nnnn “ipn mom, with bhs; mt nnn nnpn man lb (the mem was attached to the preceding rather than the following word). 1 Kgs 7:24 nmo □’UpSl instep “under its rim were gourds” (BDB [825] interprets D’llpS as ball-shaped, knob-shaped, or gourd-shaped; HALOT [960] “ornaments in the shape of gourds”). Curtis and Madsen (332) attri¬ bute the word □’“IpD to “some ignorant copyist” and restore □’UpDl in Chronicles, which they translate as “gourd-like knops.” Note, however, that Chronicles changes the reading to Ip3 (plural and singular) twice in this verse and prefixes the first with the noun mOTl. The only other uses of the word UpS outside of this verse in 1 Kgs 7:24 are 1 Kgs 6:18 and in a feminine plural form in 2 Kgs 4:39 (neither of which verses is included in Chronicles). The NRSV substitutes the reading of Kings in Chronicles (“under its rim were panels”) although no notifica¬ tion is given of this change. Barthelemy (Critique textuelle, 159) concludes, correctly in my judgment, that the word D’UpS in Kings was difficult for the Chronicler, who intentionally replaced it. MT adds HDR3 “for ten cubits”; so also 1 Kgs 7:24. This makes no sense since the sea was thirty cubits in circumference. I interpret these words as a mistaken gloss in 1 Kgs 7:24, duplicating the same measurement at the end of 1 Kgs 7:23. This mistake was brought over mechanically by the Chronicler. See Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 89. Rudolph (206) emends the text of Kings and Chronicles to ilQR rtDfcO mtOU “ten to a cubit.” That is reasonable for Kings, but there is no reason to think that this reading ever appeared in Chronicles. The 7V7Vreads “ten to a cubit,” apparently following the emenda¬ tion proposed by Rudolph. Similarly, NLT: “six oxen per foot.”

55

5:1/

in the house of God,33 together with the golden altar, the tables on which was the bread of the presence, 20/ the lampstands and their lamps of pure gold34 to burn in front of the inner sanctuary as prescribed; 21/ the flowers,35 the lamps, and the tongs36 of gold, that is, of the perfection of gold;37 22/ the snuffers, basins, ladles, and firepans38 of pure gold. As for the entrance of the house: its inner doors39 to the most holy place and the doors of the nave of the temple were of gold. So all the work that Solomon40 had done for the house of Yahweh was completed. Solomon brought in the things his father David had dedicated;41 he put the silver,42 the gold, and all43 the utensils in the trea¬ suries of the house of God.

8

pnno. The synonymous word at the end of the verse ‘TD’ should be deleted as a gloss from the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 7:26. This latter word became redundant once the Chronicler had chosen another construction.

9

10 11

12 13 14

15

Or the presence of both words in Chr MT is the conflation of synonymous variants. D’S^K nc'PCD DTQ; lKgs 7:26 P3 D’S'pg! “two thousand baths.” This expression is missing in Kgs LXX but corrected to MT in Kgs LXXAmssArab' ]’Q’Q. Rudolph (206) and BHSsuggest inserting D’1? “of the sea.” P^IUP niHUO. HALOT (617): “work associated with the burnt offering.” Cf. Hognesius, Text of 2 Chroni¬ cles, ”90; and Rudolph, 206. Syr: “one hundred twenty.” BHS proposes moving the athnah here; in MT it fol¬ lows rfrnan PPTUP1 “and the great court.” n’jQ’n rrnn prDQ, with a few Hebrew mss LXX and 1 Kgs 7:39; Chr MT P’lO’P ^rDD. Cf. Rudolph, 206; and Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:138. mTOn PN; cf. 1 Kgs 7:40 many Hebrew mss LXX Syr Vg; Kgs MT nvVDP “lavers.” Trebolle (“Qumran Fragments,” 21) points out that 4QKgs reads niP’OP. Kgs MT represents a confusion of D with 0. Lavers were made already in 2 Chr 4:6//l Kgs 7:38. Myers (2:24) translates the word in Chronicles as “ash con¬ tainers,” which he thinks were used for ashes from the altar sacrifices (Exod 27:3). See also HALOT, 752. Chronicles is based on a non-MT version of Kings.

16

DT’P nw mTOn PS; LXX rag Kpedypaq Kai ra iwpeia.. As Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:24) points out, the Greek has changed the order of these two nouns. He also notes that the translator patterned his translations of cubic implements on the tab¬

17

ernacle account in Exodus. In Exod 38:3 (23), for example, PP'OP PK is translated by to iwpelov. Chr LXX adds Kai irdvra ra axeutj avtov “and all its vessels.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:199) sees this as an assimilation to the wrong verse in Kings, 1 Kgs 7:45, whereas the Chronicler’s Vorlage here is 1 Kgs 7:40. But this may be an expansion within Chronicles since in 2 Chr 4:16//1 Kgs 7:45 this phrase occurs at the end of a similar list of temple equipment.

18

min with many Hebrew “Hiram.”

19

PD^bCP PK; a few Hebrew

mss

Q; K LXX Vg DPT

mss

LXX Vg and 1 Kgs

7:40 PDt^OP *7D PtC “all the work.” 20

P1PPDP1 mbm, with LXX and 1 Kgs 7:41. MT Pl^HPl P1PPPP1; the article has been mistakenly added to the first noun. Cf. the second half of this verse and v. 13. See Curtis and Madsen, 334: “the two bowls of the capitals which were on the pillars,” but they

56

4:1 —5:1

21

22 23 24

25 26

27

28

delete whole phrase. Rudolph (206) takes 73b373 7377773 as hendiadys: “two bowl capitals.” D'33077 783; LXX Kwbwfag “(four hundred golden) bells.” Cf. Exod 39:25-26. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:25): “Apparently the translator took bells and pomegranates as loose equivalents.” See the next note. D’3307; LXXpota/tom “pomegranates.” '32 by. 1 Kgs 7:42 '33 by, but some Kgs Hebrew mss Syr Vg read 087 by, as in 2 Chr 4:12//1 Kgs 7: 41. 7to; 1 Kgs 7:43 7to “ten” Chr LXX eumrjcxet' bena “he made (the) ten (niekonot).” Chr LXX conflates the variant readings attested in Kgs and Chr. The replacement of “to by Hto may have been acciden¬ tal. See also the next note. nto MT LXX. 1 Kgs 7:43 mto “ten.” rrabran 783 o-yn 783 ni’on 783 Chr lxx nai toviirobLOTrjpag /cat Tovq dpaXrjpTTTfjpag /cat roug Ae/3ryrag /cat rag Kpeaypag “the tripods and pails and cauldrons and meat hooks.” The first Hebrew word, nTOn, is apparently translated by the third Greek noun Ae/3r/rag. The second Hebrew word, D’y’il, and the third Hebrew word, 733bl07, are trans¬ lated by Kpeaypag (see v. 11 for this translation of D’y’n and 1 Chr 28:17 for this translation of 733bl073. The translator then added dfaAT?jtt7rrrjpag to make up a total of three implements. See Allen, Greek Chronicles, 1:24, 170. For 733bl073, 1 Kgs 7:45 reads 73p7T07 “83 “and the basins.” Allen suggests that /cat rovg ’KobiOTqpag translates a variant reading nmcr (cf. mt mTon). nn'by by 783; l Kgs 7:45 Qnbtcn o’byi by 783 “and all these utensils.” BHS emends Chr to □’byn by 78 “all the utensils.” I follow Rudolph (208) in starting a new sentence here. '08 min; cf. 2 Chr 2:12 (13). MT 3'08 0737 “Huram his father.” LXX Xetpap /cat avqveyKev “Hiram (made) and brought.” The expression /cat avqveyKev is a translation of 807 (hiphil), a corruption of

29

31

32

33 34 35

36

37

Chronicles, 1:61-62) thinks that the translator omit¬ ted the last three words because he did not under¬ stand 73b00; he does not mention that the first word is also not translated. It seems likely that the LXX translator put all the implements together and left the description of their makeup, “pure gold,” until the end. Rudolph (208) thinks these words were a

3’08. p370 70713; Chr LXX xaA/cot) nadapov “pure bronze.” 1 Kgs 7:45 0700 1123713 “burnished bronze.” Kgs LXX 7:31 x^A/ta dpbrjv “entirely of bronze.” The latter reading is preceded in Kings LXX by a major plus: “and the forty-eight pillars of the house of the king and the house of the Lord. All the works of the king that Hiram made.” See Cogan, 1 Kings, 268. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:53) notes that Ktcda-

30

pov is also used for “1330 in w. 20, 22 (= Chr LXX 21). 70787 'yyy; “in the thickness of the ground” (HALO!; 778). 1 Kgs 7:46 70787 70000 “in the earth foundry” (HALOT, 608-9). A few Hebrew mss of Kgs read 107871 'OyO, indicating that Chronicles is based on a non-MT reading in Kings. Rudolph (208), following Curtis and Madsen (334), suggests

that 7078 THOyOO “at the ford of Adamah” was the original reading in Kings, but there is no reason to think that reading ever appeared in this verse in Chronicles. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 93) interprets 'OyO as an orthographic variant of 70y00. Rudolph translates the words in Chronicles as “bei der Verdickung des Bodens” (“in the thickness of the earth”) but understands it as a place-name. JPS “in molds dug out of the earth.” NRSV“in the clay ground.” Myers (2:20) “in the earthen foundries.” 171733, with VL and 1 Kgs 7:46. It is possible, of course, that VL is a harmonization with Kings. MT 7737733 “Zeredah.” Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 94) says that Zeredah is in the hill country, but the bronze casting is being done in the Jordan valley. The he directive is also unusual after |’33. He there¬ fore reads Zarethan as in Kings. Rudolph (208) also adopts the Kings’ reading. Chr LXX Avapeaipbccda L = 7717733 |03. to'3; 1 Kgs 7:47 737 “[Solomon] left [unweighed].” Rudolph (208) thought that the Chronicler had merely replaced the difficult verb in Kings. Note that this is another use of007. D’7b87; Chr LXX KVpiov and 1 Kgs 7:48 737’; Kgs LXX lacks a reference to the deity. 7330 071. HALOT, 742 “pure, fine gold.” Cf. vv. 21-22; 9:20; 1 Kgs 7:49-50; 10:21. 77273; omitted by LXX. HALOT (967) interprets this word as a decoration of the lampstand in the tabernacle (Exod 25:31-34; 37:17-20) and in Solo¬ mon’s temple. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:117) pro¬ poses that the word was omitted from LXX because the translator thought that floral ornamentation was out of place in a list of cultic utensils. D'7pb073. HALOT, 594 “tongs for snuffing a candle and trimming a wick.” Note dual. LXX reverses the order of XafiLbeg (tongs) and Xvxvol (lamps). 771 73b00 837 77T; lacking in Chr LXX. The last three words are lacking in 1 Kgs 7:49. Allen (Greek

38

gloss on 7330 071 in vv. 20, 22, entered incorrectly into this verse. 7137)7073 732773 73p71D71 73701073. LXX (w. 21-22 partially combined) /tat rag (1992) 36-42.

4:1 —5:1

B 14 He made the stands, he made the layers on the stands:

replaces Huram as the principal actor. For the plain of

Earlier, in 2 Chr 4:6, the Chronicler had omitted the

the Jordan, see Gen 13:12; 19:29. The verse suggests

account of the stands rHDOn from 1 Kgs 7:27-37 and

that the clay ground was formed into a mold, perhaps

reworded the vocabulary about the stands, which he had

using the disappearing/vanishing wax technique. The

taken from 1 Kgs 7:39, so that it applied to the lavers

cities named in the Vorlage, Succoth (MR 208178)65 and

rather than the stands. Hurowitz notes that the stands

Zarethan (MR 205172),66 both in Transjordan, establish a

were wagonlike implements that carried smaller water

fairly precise context for this metal-casting work, requir¬

vessels.621 have concluded that the presence of

(“he

ing transportation of some fifty miles, some of it steeply

made”) twice in the MT instead of "to (“ten”) in 1 Kgs

uphill, to Jerusalem (MR 172131). The reading Zeredah

7:43 is the correct reading in Chronicles even if it is the

is a mistake in Chronicles MT (see the textual notes),

result of the Chronicler’s misreading of the text (see the

since this town, the birthplace ofjeroboam I, is farther

textual notes). Johnstone (1:328) concluded that the

west and south in Cis-Jordan (MR 159161) and nowhere

word

near Succoth and Zarethan.

was a tendentious change by the author, who

did not want to emphasize the stands by mentioning

B 18 Solomon made all these utensils in such great quantity

their number.63

that the weight of the bronze was incalculable: In principle

B 15 the one sea, and the twelve oxen underneath it: This

Solomon is credited with making all the utensils of

repeats what was said more fully in 2 Chr 4:2-5 and 6b.

bronze. In the Vorlage we are told that Solomon left all

The Chronicler has changed “underneath the sea” (1 Kgs

the utensils unweighed (m) because of their very great

7:44) into “underneath it.”

quantity and that the weight of the bronze was therefore

B 16 the pots, the shovels, the forks. And all the utensils for

not reckoned. The Chronicler also credits Solomon

them Huram-abi made of burnished bronze for King Solomon

with very many vessels and the amount of bronze that

for the house ofYahweh: Pots and shovels are repeated

was used was beyond reckoning. We are told earlier that

from v. 11 (cf. 1 Kgs 7:40), but the Chronicler replaced

David gave bronze beyond reckoning (1 Chr 22:3, 14,

mp-ITQn

16), and at another place we read that he had given eigh¬

DtCl (“basins”) from the Vorlage with

m^ran (“forks”). Is this an intentional change, or did

teen thousand talents of bronze—more than 605 tons

the Chronicler or a scribe err unconsciously in writ¬

(1 Chr 29:2, 7). The temple was grand indeed. Bronze

ing a list of instruments? The reason for the replace¬ ment

ofcnaa with pTIO

(“burnished” in both cases) is

taken from the Arameans was designated for use in the bronze sea, pillars, and vessels (1 Chr 18:8). In comment¬

equally unclear. The word “forks” appears in Chronicles

ing on the tribute figures in 1 Kgs 9:9—10:29,67 Gary N.

elsewhere only in 1 Chr 28:17, where it is followed by

Knoppers wrote: “Fabulous amounts of gifts and tribute

“basins.” Pots, shovels, basins, and forks appear in that

underscore the stunning impression Solomon’s temple-

order in the tabernacle account of Exod 27:3; 38:3.64

palace made upon the leaders of other states. . . . The

B 17 In the plain of the Jordan the king cast them, in the clay

accruing of bullion, vessels, and other artifacts in Jerusa¬

ground between Succoth and Zarethan: The king (Solomon)

lem is not intended to be credible, but incredible.”68

62 63

Hurowitz, “YHWH’s Exalted House,” 79. For possible ancient parallels to the stands, see

66

Silvia Schroer, In Israel gab es Bilder: Nachrichten von darstellender Kunst im Alten Testament (OBO 74:

64 65

Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1987) figs. 5

67

and 21. Other uses of the noun “forks” occur in 1 Sam 2:13-

68

Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 443; but Henry O. Thompson (“Zarethan,” ABD 6:1041-43) shows that there is great uncertainty about the location of Zarethan. The Vorlage of 2 Chr 4:18 is located outside this pericope at 1 Kgs 7:47. Knoppers, Two Nations under God, 1:130-31.

14 and Num 4:14. Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 442; a full canvass of opinions is in Jo Ann H. Seely, “Succoth,” ABD 6:218. H.J. Franken (“Deir Alla, Tell,” ABD 2:12629) makes this identification uncertain.

67

It is unclear where the author thought this bronze

compared to the incense stands that were found in the

was mined. A location of a copper-smelting installation

Yahweh temple at Arad.76 Noth, however, believes that the

at Ezion-geber (Tell el-Kheleifeh MR 147884), very far

“altar” in 1 Kgs 6:20, 22 is a table for the presentation of

distant from Succoth in any case), was favored by Nelson

the bread of the presence (cf. Lev 24:5-9; Exod 25:23-

Glueck, but more recent studies indicate that no cop¬

30).77 The Chronicler, who included this altar in 2 Chr

per was smelted there at the time of Solomon. Glueck

4:19, of course, accepted the account of a golden altar in

thought that the copper itself was mined at Timnac,

Kings at face value and does not specify the use to which

about twenty miles north of the Gulf of Aqabah. Copper

this altar is put.78 According to the Chronicler, David

mining/smelting is absent at Timnac from the mid¬

had given Solomon the weight of gold for an incense

twelfth century to the Nabatean period.69

altar of refined gold (1 Chr 28:18).79 It is surprising that the Chronicler himself did not include a reference to

4:19-22 The Construction of Cultic Items Made of Gold

this altar in vv. 7-8 when he included references to other

■ 19 So Solomon made all the utensils that were in the house

golden items.

of God, together with the golden altar, the tables on which was

In this verse the tables are designed for the bread of

the bread of the presence: In the tabernacle account there

the presence, though earlier we considered the tables

is a report of an altar of incense, made out of cedar

mentioned in v. 8 as supports for the ten golden lamp-

wood and overlaid with gold (Exod 30:1-10;70 cf. Exod

stands. A single table for the bread of the presence is

37:25; 40:26-27; Lev 4:7; 16:12). Incense was probably

described in the tabernacle account (Exod 25:23-30; cf.

used in preexilic worship (contra Wellhausen),71 but

2 Chr 13:11; 20:18). Note thatv. 19 has been harmonized

one could burn it in a censer and not necessarily on

with v. 8 in Chronicles by reading min^ton (“the tables”)

an altar (Lev 19:1; Num 16:6; Ezek 8:11),72 The golden

instead of jn^on (“the table”) in 1 Kgs 7:48, and by read¬

altar mentioned here in v. 19 and in the Vorlage at 1 Kgs

ing

7:4873 would seem to be an incense altar. Noth, however,

Strangely, the author omits the reference to gold for this

considers the altar in 1 Kgs 7:48 to be a secondary addi¬

table from 1 Kgs 7:48, and gold is also not mentioned for

tion, stimulated by references to the golden altar in Exod

the ten tables in v. 8.

39:38; 40:5, 26; Num 4:11.74 Another altar is mentioned

■ 20 the lampstands and their lamps of pure gold to burn in

in 1 Kgs 6:20, 22, not included in Chronicles, which

front of the inner sanctuary as prescribed: The author of this

also seems to some to be an incense altar75 and may be

verse followed the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 7:49a except that he

69

See Meir Lubetski, “Ezion-geber,” ABD 2:723-26; G. D. Practico, BASOR 259 (1985) 1-31 (who con¬ cluded that the copper mines discovered at Timna'

(“and upon them”) instead of

74

mining activities in the area of Timna', or anywhere else.”

gloss on Exod 25:23-30. Curtis and Madsen (335) believe that the incense altar had no place in Solo¬ mon’s temple. 75 76

So Fritz, 1 & 2 Kings, 73; Cogan, 1 Kings, 243. See Ze’ev Herzog, “Arad,” NIDB 1:221.

77

Noth, Konige, 122. Cf. Busink, Der Tempel, 1:291.

78

This altar is not mentioned among the booty taken

70

This altar measured one cubit long by one cubit wide and was two cubits high.

by Nebuchadnezzar in 2 Kgs 25:13-17//Jer 52:17-23, but it may have been taken in an earlier raid: “[the

71

Frank H. Gorman, “Incense,” NIDB 3:38.

72

Busink (Der Tempel, 290) believed that the incense censer could be placed on the table for the bread of

king of Babylon] cut in pieces all the utensils of gold in the temple ofYahweh, which King Solomon

the presence. 73

Fritz (1 & 2 Kings, 86) considers 1 Kgs 7:48-50 secondary. Busink {Der Tempel, 1:288-93) interprets the altar in these verses as a table for the bread of the presence.

68

Noth, Konige, 166. Noth also believes that the table of v. 48b|S is secondary, since it competes with 1 Kgs 6:20b, 21b/3. The glossator in this case based the

are three hundred years earlier than Solomon); and Suzanne F. Singer, “From these Hills . . . ,” BARev 4 (1978) 16-25. Dale W. Manor (“Tirana' [Place],” ABD 6:554) concludes: “There are no textual or archaeological indications that Solomon sponsored

(“upon it”).

of Israel had made” (2 Kgs 24:13). 79

Uzziah uses this altar inappropriately in 2 Chr 26:16-20.

4:1 —5:1

omitted the placement of the lampstands on the right

Num 7:14). These spoon-shaped implements were used

and the left (already included in v. 7), but he added “and

in connection with incense.82 DWriftm (“firepans”)83 are

their lamps (□TTTnTl) ... to burn” and “as prescribed”

mentioned in the tabernacle account (Exod 25:38; 27:3;

(C2S25QD). The latter term we saw in v. 7 as an attempt

37:23; 38:3) and on the Day of Atonement (Lev 16:12),

to justify an innovation by a vague appeal to tradition.

and they are listed among the items taken at the destruc¬

Here that appeal refers to their function more than their

tion of Jerusalem (2 Kgs 25:15//Jer 52:19).

shape. The form DiTTnDI (“and their lamps”) occurs only

In his discussion of the entrance of the house, the

here and in 1 Chr 28:15, where we read of David’s gift of

author follows the text of the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 7:50b with

gold for these lampstands.80 In his sermon to the north,

minor variations (see the textual notes). The presence of

Abijah refers to the burning of the lamps every evening,

golden doors to the most holy place conflicts sharply with

using the same verb (2 Chr 13:11). Abijah also states that

2 Chr 3:14, where the Chronicler had reported a blu¬

performing burnt offerings, burning incense, setting

ish purple, red purple, and crimson veil or curtain that

out the bread of the presence, and burning the lamps is

closed off the Holy of Holies. This conflict is one of the

keeping the charge (mOE?Q) ofYahweh (roughly equiva¬

main reasons for considering vv. 10-22 to be secondary.

lent to “as prescribed”).

■

21 the flowers, the lamps, and the tongs of gold, that is,

5:1 Work on the Temple Completed

of the perfection of gold: The author follows the Vorlage in

■ 5:1 So all the work that Solomon had done for the house

1 Kgs 7:49b, but adds the words about the perfection

of Yahweh was completed. Solomon brought in the things his

of gold, which may have been a marginal gloss, now

father David had dedicated; he put the silver, the gold, and

included in the text, that was intended to explain what is

all the utensils in the treasuries of the house of God: There

meant by "TOO Dill (“pure gold”) in vv. 20, 22 (see the tex¬

may be a wordplay between “Solomon” (ilftT’E?) and “was

tual notes). The flowers (Exod 25:31, 33; Num 8:4) and

completed” (D^Om).84 Another concluding verse to the

the lamps (Exod 25:37) are both part of the lampstands,

temple pericope, after the dedication ceremony, appears

and the tongs for snuffing a candle and trimming a wick

at 2 Chr 8:16, when Solomon’s work on the temple was

(□TTpbnm; HALOT, 594) may also be part of the equip¬

finished completely. David’s dedication of booty for the

ment for the lampstands (see Exod 25:38; 37:23; Num

temple is reported in 1 Chr 18:8, 10-11//2 Sam 8:11-12,

4:9; 1 Kgs 7:19; Isa 6:6).

and his gifts for the temple are reported in 1 Chr 22:3-5,

■

22 the snuffers, basins, ladles, and firepans of pure gold.

14, 16; 28:2; 29:1-5 (cf. w. 6-9). The mention of David

As for the entrance of the house: its inner doors to the most

and Solomon in this verse stresses their joint responsi¬

holy place and the doors of the nave of the temple were of gold:

bility for the construction of the temple (cf. 2 Chr 3:1).

The Vorlage in 1 Kgs 7:50a adds msom (“cups”) at the

David provided the blueprint and most of the material,

beginning of this list, a word that may have been lost

and Solomon followed through completely on the plan.

by accident in Chronicles.81 The word STnQTOm (“snuff¬

The temple treasuries have been mentioned in 1 Chr

ers”) appears also in 2 Kgs 12:14 (13) and among the

9:26; 26:20-26; 28:12; and 29:8,85 another allusion to the

booty mentioned in the account of the destruction of

work of David.

Jerusalem (2 Kgs 25:14//Jer 52:18). The word

mp“ITDm

(“basins”) was discussed at v. 8; msom (“ladles”) appear in the tabernacle account (Exod 25:29-30; 37:16; and in 80

This addition creates a redundancy in the next

81

verse. This word designates the vessel used for holding the blood of the lamb in the Passover account (Exod 12:22), but it is not used in the tabernacle account or in Ezekiel’s vision of the future temple. It does appear among cubic paraphernalia in the time of

82 83 84 85

Cogan, 1 Kings, 270. HALOT (572) identifies them as scuttles for carry¬ ing burning coals or ashes. See 1 Chr 22:9. Cf. Klein, 1 Chronicles, 438. Myers (2:25) connects them to the “upper rooms” of 2 Chr 3:9 and the side chambers of 1 Kgs 6:5-10.

Joash (2 Kgs 12:14 [13]).

69

Conclusion

nearby at Gibeon (1 Chr 21:29; 2 Chr 1:3-6, 9) and it was brought into the temple at its dedication (2 Chr 5:5).

In this chapter the Chronicler and a subsequent author

At times the Chronicler also reflects knowledge of the

have described a number of furnishings or utensils of

temple that existed in his own day.

bronze and gold that were manufactured for the temple.

The Chronicler gives prominence to the ten golden

The first three items, the bronze altar, the sea, and the

lampstands, the ten tables, and the ten golden basins by

lavers are all connected to sacrificial service (vv. 2-6).

rewording items found in the Vorlage (vv. 7-9).

The Chronicler retains the account of the bronze altar

Finally, a secondary hand included nearly verbatim

that has been lost in Kings. The Chronicler also ascribes

items from Kings that had been omitted from the origi¬

a practical use for the huge amount of water in the sea,

nal version in Chronicles (vv. 10-22). This includes the

however unlikely this may be: it was for the priests to

location of the sea and the listing of cultic items made

wash in. In addition to what he garnered from 1 Kings,

from bronze and gold.

the Chronicler makes allusions to the tabernacle account to show continuity between the time of Moses and the

With this pericope, which I believe should include the first verse of ch. 5, the account of the construction of the

era of David and Solomon. According to the Chronicler’s

temple and its outfitting has been completed. Subse¬

own narrative, the tabernacle or tent of meeting was

quent chapters deal with the dedication of the temple.

70

5 2/

11/

5:2-14 The Transfer of the Ark and the Tent of Meeting; a Theophany after the Deposit of the Ark Translation Then Solomon assembled1 to Jerusalem the elders2 of Israel, all the heads of the tribes, and the leaders of the ancestral houses of the Israelites in order to bring up the ark of the covenant of Yahweh from the city of David, which is Zion. 3/ All the Israelites assembled before the king3 at the festival that is in4 the seventh month. 4/ All the elders of Israel came, and the Levites5 carried the ark. 5/ So they brought up the ark,6 and the tent of meeting, and all the holy vessels which were in the tent; the levitical priests7 brought them up. 6/ King Solomon and the whole congregation of Israel, who had assembled before him, were in front of the ark, sacrificing sheep and cattle, which could not be numbered or counted because of their abundance. 7/ The priests brought the ark of the covenant of Yah¬ weh to its place in the inner sanctuary of the temple, to the Holy of Holies, under¬ neath the wings of the cherubim. 8/ The cherubim spread out their wings over8 the place of the ark, so that the cherubim made a covering9 above the ark and its poles. 9/ The poles were so long that the ends of the poles were seen from the holy place,10 in front of the inner sanctuary, but they could not be seen outside; they are11 there until this day. 10/ There was nothing in the ark except the two tablets12 which Moses had given13 on Horeb, when Yahweh had made a covenant14 with the Israelites when they came out of Egypt.15 When the priests came out of the holy place (for all the priests who were present had sanctified themselves, regardless of the divisions16), 12/ all the levitical singers, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun, their sons and brothers, clothed in fine linen, with cymbals, harps, and lyres, were stand¬ ing east of the altar, and with them were one hundred and twenty priests, who were playing17 on trumpets. 13/ It was the responsibility of the trumpeters18 and musicians together to make themselves heard in unison in praise and confession of Yahweh. And when they raised a sound, with trumpets and cymbals and other musical instruments in praise of Yahweh, "For he is good, for his loyalty lasts forever," the house was filled with a cloud—the house of Yahweh,19 14/ so that the priests were not able to stand to minister before the cloud; for the glory of Yahweh filled the house of God.20

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8 9

10

P’ijp’_, pointed as a jussive (plene) or rather as an old preterite; cf. 1 Kgs 8:1. The readings discussed in text-critical nn. 6, 8, and 20 show that the Chroni¬ cler had access to non-MT readings in Kings. '3pT HR; a few Hebrew mss LXXl Syr. ’3pT *30 PR “all the elders.” Note that “all the elders” are mentioned in v. 4.

-[Pan;

1 Kgs 8:2 POpD -[Pan. Syr adds “ in the month Ethanim” = 1 Kgs 8:2 G’XIKn IITD. This name of the month had fallen out of use by the time of the Chronicler. This preposition is supplied since the festival was not the seventh month itself. Keil (324) suggests putting 3 before the word “month” or supplying the name of the month. D’lPn; LXX 7TavTeq oL Aeuelrat “all the Levites” (D’lPil Pa). Note the mention of “all the elders of Israel” in the previous clause. 1 Kgs 8:3 DTDn “the priests”; cf. Chr Syr, which has been assimilated to the reading in Kings. [mien nR; 1 Kgs 8:4 LXXArt7t' Kifiurov. 1 Kgs 8:4 MT nm1 |YHR ns “the ark ofYahweh.” Kgs and Chr LXXB omit “So they brought up the ark,” by homoioteleuton (the last word in v. 4 is also “the ark”). D'lPn ennan; many Hebrew mss Chr LXX Vg (sacerdotes cum levitis) 1 Kgs 8:4 u’lPm D’3nGn “the priests and the Levites.” The two nouns without the conjunction are found in Deut 10:8; 31:9; 2 Chr 23:18; 30:27; Ezra 10:5. Rudolph (210) judges v. 5b D’lPn D’3nan nns iPan (“the levitical priests brought them up”) as secondary, correcting the Chronicler’s assertion in v. 4 that the Levites carried the ark. He also wonders whether the addition of “the Levites” was an even later gloss, protesting against the first gloss, which says that the priests brought it up. Allen (495) points out that both “the Levitical priests” and “the priests and the Levites” appear in ancient manuscripts so that we cannot be sure of the textual reading here. PU; cf. 1 Kgs 8:7 LXX eiri. Kgs MT and 4QKgs P«. lOD’l; 1 Kgs 8:7 MT and 4QKgs IGO’I. Note the metathesis of the two root letters. The two verbs mean much the same thing. See HALOT, 488, 754. Kgs LXX 'KepLeaaXv'KTOv; Chr LXX avveaaXviXTev. ETlpn, with a few Hebrew mss LXX (cf. 1 Kgs 8:8). MT [ID^n “the ark.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:145) understands the MT as a gloss made in response to the (incorrect) singular verb ’ITT later in the verse (see the next note), indicating from the glossator’s point of view what was still there in the Holy of JTolies, namely, the ark. This gloss jTlKn eventually displaced the original reading that is now restored

71

in our translation. Cf. also Allen, “Cuckoos in the Textual Nest at 2 Kings xx.13; Isa xiii.10; xlix. 24; Ps xxii.17; 2 Chron.

11

12

13

v.9,”/7’Sn.s. 22 (1971) 150. The translation of the MT pro¬ posed by Dillard (40)—“The ends of the poles extending from the ark could be seen in front of the inner chamber”— glosses over the problem with its paraphrastic rendering of ]ri871 |D by “extending from the ark.” Curtis and Madsen (340) consider the MT either a copyist’s error or a clumsy change by the Chronicler, who did not wish to think of the ark as visible from the holy place. See also the commentary. TTH with some Hebrew mss LXX Syr Tg; cf.l Kgs 8:8. Chr MT TH “it [the ark] was.” The final 1 was lost by haplography.

14

mo. Should we add !7’“Q? Normally one might expect explicit mention of the direct object I7'70 “covenant,” but there are parallels to this absolute use of the verb 1700 in 1 Sam 11:2 and

15

□’■33200 0178220. Chr LXX 1 Kgs 8:9 MT LXX [*780 0178320 □’7320 “when they came from the land of Egypt.” The latter reading is found only in this context, whereas the expression

22:8.

16

in Chr MT occurs also in Deut 4:45-46 and Josh 5:4-5. nip'pno1? with two Hebrew MSS BHS; MT nipbno1?. This

17

change is opposed by Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 99. D’-3227IO, with Q; K 0'T732n0 = lapsus calami for 0'73232T!0. Cf.

mrfsn ’30; 1 Kgs 8:9 D’3087! mrf? “tablets of stone.” 4QKgs 0’3087I mn*?n. See Trebolle, “Qumran Fragments,” 22. Kgs

18

1 Chr 15:24. 0’732n0t7, with Q; K 0’~l2232 n0i7. Cf. 1 Chr 15:24 and Hognesius,

LXX adds irAa/teg rfjq Stadrj/crjg “the tablets of the cov¬

19

enant” = IT-an mflb. That addition may have been made to provide a direct object for ITD later in the verse. Trebolle (“Kings [MT/LXX] and Chronicles,” 484-85) argues that an original clause “the tablets of the covenant which Yahweh made with the Israelites” in Kings was later supplemented with a clause “the tablets of stone which Moses placed there at Horeb.” ]n3; 1 Kgs 8:9 023 17371 “(which Moses) had put there.” Rudolph (211) adds DO to Chronicles, proposing that it may have been lost before the following word 171230 “Moses.” Cf. Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 99. 0123 is present in Chr Syr and Tg, where it may be an assimilation to the text of Kings. Kgs LXX a eftrjuev may represent a Hebrew text 023 1238 “which he placed,” which was corrected in Kgs MT to 0123 17371 7238. If the Chronicler knew the earlier reading 023 7238, he may have

Text of 2 Chronicles, 100. 77177 I7’0 ]323 8*70 Tl’OTTI. 1 Kgs 8:10 711 TP H'0 08 8^0 ]3237I1 “And the cloud filled the house ofYahweh.” As Benzinger (90)

points out, the Chronicler construed 8^0 as an intransitive verb. Kings LXX nai p veipeAp enXpaeu rbv olkov (only mss AZboxc,ecadd KVpiov) presupposes a Hebrew Vorlage n’OTI n8 8*70 ]32J7I3. The awkward 77 7 77 ’ 0'0 in Chronicles may be an assimilation to Kgs MT. Kleinig (Lord’s Song, 163) trans¬ lates v. 13b: “the temple was filled with the cloud ofYHWH’s

20

house.” Note that 0'0 is translated in two different ways in one clause, and the expression “the cloud of YHWH’s house” is also unusual. Chr LXX Kcd 6 olnog eve'K\r)(r&7) vetpeXrjq 5ot;r)g KVpLOV. The final two words are an assimilation to v. 14. 0’71l7871. 1 Kgs 8:11 MT 777 77'; Kgs LXX omits except for mss AZbioc2e2. Kings may have originally read 71’077, as in 1 Kgs 8:6, 10, and this has been expanded in alternate ways in Kgs MT and Chr MT.

replaced it with ]J73 7238.

Structure

closely than previously in 2 Chronicles, especially in the first three chapters. The following list indicates the struc¬

With the completion of the construction of the temple

ture of this section and its relationship to the Vorlage.3

and its furnishings in the previous chapters, the Chroni¬ cler moves on to the ceremonies associated with the

• Solomon brings the ark and the tent of meeting into the temple (2 Chr 5:2-14//l Kgs 8:1-11). This sec¬

dedication of the temple (2 Chr 5:2—7:22).1 While the

tion and the next begin with the temporal particle

Chronicler devoted forty verses to the description of the

m (“then”).

temple’s construction, he wrote seventy-nine verses about the dedication ceremonies.2 In this description of the

• Introductory remarks by Solomon (2 Chr 6:111//1 Kgs 8:12-21)

dedication ceremonies, he follows his Vorlage far more

1

72

Allen (494) divides Solomon’s reign into two halves: 2 Chr 1:1—5:1 and 5:2—9:31. Each half starts with

There are also seventy verses in 1 Kgs 8:1—9:9 and

the king organizing a national assembly to worship

Ps 132:1, 8-10, which served as the Vorlage in this sec¬ tion.

at a sanctuary and his receiving a theophany in

There are more variations between Chronicles and

which one of his prayers is answered at night.

Kings than this list might suggest. In 2 Chr 6:40-42,

5:2-14

• Solomon’s great dedicatory prayer (2 Chr 6:1242//1 Kgs 8:22-53; Ps 132:8-10, 1) • Concluding Ceremonies (2 Chr 7:1-10//1 Kgs 8:54-

664) 7:11-22//1 Kgs 9:1-9).5 For the materials covered in 2 Chr 5:2-14 we suggest the following outline:

II.

in 2 Chr 7:1-2, whereas the glory of Yahweh appears in v. 14 here.9 Fourth, Rudolph believed thatw. 11a, 13b-14, known from the Vorlage in 1 Kg 8:10-11, were intention¬

• Yahweh’s Second Appearance to Solomon (2 Chr

I.

only later in 2 Chr 6:418 and the iTIiT TCD then shows up

ally omitted by the Chronicler and only later mechani¬ cally brought in. Williamson (215) has called these conclusions into question. He noted that other passages written by the Chronicler do speak about the priestly

5:2-10 The transfer of the ark and the tent of meet¬

divisions,10 and the argument regarding the singers

ing to the Holy of Holies (1 Kgs 8:1-9)

wearing linen garments is circular—the second passage

5:11-14 Liturgical rites and a theophany after the

(v. 12) is denied legitimacy because the first one (1 Chr

deposit of the ark (1 Kgs 8:10-11)

15:27) was already declared secondary. But Rudolph’s

It will be noted that the progression of events in

argument there (119) is based on his decision on 2 Chr

David’s and Solomon’s movement of the ark are quite

5:12. Finally, why could not the Chronicler have a double

similar: (1) the convening of a national assembly (1 Chr

theophany—first, when the ark is placed in the temple

13:1-5; 15:3//2 Chr 5:2-3); (2) sacrifices carried on dur¬

(2 Chr 5:11-14), and a second time at the first burnt

ing the procession (1 Chr 15:26; 16:1//2 Chr 5:6); (3)

offering in the new temple (2 Chr 7:1-3)? In the first

musicians accompanying the ark with song (1 Chr 13:8;

case a cloud confirms Yahweh’s presence, while in the

15:16-28//2 Chr 5:12-13); (4) the king giving a blessing

second case fire from heaven ignited the first sacrifice.

to the people (1 Chr 16:l-3//2 Chr 6:3).

Dillard (40-41) adds that, if the narrative of Solomon’s

Rudolph (211) held vv. 1 lb-13a to be secondary addi¬ tions to vv. 11a and 13b-14, which he also considered sec¬

reign is structured as a chiasm (see D. 1 and D. T on his outline),11 the repetition of the appearance of the cloud

ondary.6 He argued thatw. lib and 12b7 presuppose the

in 5:11a, 13b-14, and 7:1-2 is a feature of chiastic order¬

twenty-four priestly divisions of 1 Chronicles 24, which

ing and would therefore represent original material. I

he denied to the Chronicler. Second, the singers in v. 12

believe, therefore, that these four verses are not to be

wear the priestly linen garments, which are attested else¬

denied to the Chronicler.

where only in 1 Chr 15:27, which Rudolph also believed

The structure of w. 11-13 themselves causes some dif¬

to be secondary. Third, vv. 11a, 13b-14, in which vv.

ficulty. Rudolph (210), Galling (88), and the i?5Tmake

llb-13a are imbedded, are secondary in his opinion since

vv. llb-13ao: (beginning with “for all the priests” through

the Chronicler has Solomon pray for a divine epiphany

“in praise and thanksgiving to Yahweh”) a parenthetical

the Chronicler replaces 1 Kgs 8:50aa-53 with an excerpt from Ps 132:8-10 and 132:1, and in 2 Chr 7:la/3-3 the Chronicler has drafted his own text that replaces 1 Kgs 8:54a/3-61. Other additions by

4

5 6

7

This verse has nothing to do directly with priestly divisions, but the number 120 is a multiple of twenty-four. Williamson (215) argued that what the reviser introduced in 1 Chronicles 23-27 was the notion of twenty-four divisions, not the divisions themselves. This verse, which is not in the Kings Vorlage, was taken from Ps 132:8-9. Only the first three words of 2 Chr 7:1-3 were taken from the Vorlage

the Chronicler include 2 Chr 5:llb-13a; 6:13 (see the commentary); 7:6, 9, 10aa, and 12b/3-15. The Chronicler also omits 1 Kgs 8:66a|3, 9:2, 3a(3. Solomon blessed the people in vv. 54-61, performed sacrifices in vv. 62-63, and sent the people home in

9

vv. 64-66. Japhet (573) ends the dedication in the Vorlage at

10

1 Chr 23:6; 26:1, 19; 28:13, 21; 2 Chr 8:14; 31:2, 15-17; 35:4, 10.

11

Dillard’s proposed outline is discussed in the intro¬ duction to the reign of Solomon.

1 Kgs 9:8. Cf. Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung, 196. 2 Chronicles 5:11a is taken from 1 Kgs 8:10a; 2 Chr 5:13b is taken from 1 Kgs 8:10b: and 2 Chr 5:14 depends on 1 Kgs

8

8:11 in the Vorlage. Thus, 2 Chr 5:ll:b-13a itself is not found in the Kings Vorlage.

73

statement. Japhet (580) limits the parenthesis to vv. 1 lb-

the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 8:1, the “heads of the tribes” (,ON“l

12, and NEB,JPS, NRSV, and my own translation limit

moon) appear nowhere else in Kings or Chronicles (but

the parenthesis to v. lib. Japhet finds difficulty in the

see Num 30:2 (l).16 De Vries (255) sees in this reference

tense sequence between v. 11 and v. 13,12 although to my

to the heads of the tribes a link to the genealogies of

mind this is not a major problem. When the priests came

the tribes in 1 Chronicles 2-9. The construct chain ■'K’O]

out (circumstantial clause), the Levites were standing

rroan

and the priests were playing on trumpets. In a sense, the

an abbreviation for mO^(H) mo

beginning of v. 13 (through the word Yahweh) is another

Mulder attribute the latter two expressions (the leaders

parenthetical comment. What is beyond question in any

of the tribes and the leaders of the ancestral houses) to

case is that the Chronicler has inserted between 1 Kgs

secondary hands in Kings, the Chronicler seems to have

(“leaders of the ancestral houses”) is apparently While Noth and

8:10a and 8:10b all of the materials in 2 Chr 5:llb-13a,

known the present form of the text of Kings in this verse

spelling out the role of the musicians and their music

and thereby expresses the comprehensiveness of Israel’s

that was played on this occasion.

participation in this event—by the elders of the whole people and by the leaders of individual tribes and even

Detailed Commentary

individual families.18 The adverb “then” at the beginning of the verse places this incident after the completion of

5:2-10 The Transfer of the Ark and the Tent of Meeting to the Holy of Holies

the temple and its furnishings in the previous chapters. The ark of the covenant19 of Yahweh had arrived at

I 2 Then Solomon assembled to Jerusalem the elders of Israel,

the city of David in 1 Chr 15:29, where it was placed

all the heads of the tribes, and the leaders of the ancestral houses

inside a tent that David had pitched for it (1 Chr 16:1).

of the Israelites in order to bring up the ark of the covenant of

Zion is mentioned in Chronicles only in this verse (cf.

Yahweh from the city of David, which is '/Aon: As with David’s

1 Kgs 8:1) and at the capture of the city of David in

transfer of the ark from Kiriath-jearim to Jerusalem, this

1 Chr 11:5//2 Sam 5:7,20 both times taken over from the

transportation of the ark is no private matter but involves

Vorlage. Other occurrences in Kings are limited to 2 Kgs

the whole people, who had been assembled13 at Solo¬

19:21, 31. The word occurs very frequently, of course,

mon’s direction. The word “all” is used with regard to

in poetic and prophetic contexts (over half of its occur¬

people in vv. 2, 3, 4, 6, 11, and 12. The “elders of Israel”

rences are in Isaiah and Psalms). JorgJeremias has made

in Chronicles previously have anointed David as king

a strong case that the Zion traditions in their oldest

over Israel (1 Chr ll:3//2 Sam 5:3) and participated

form, particularly the ideas of Yahweh as king and war¬

in bringing the ark from Kiriath-jearim to Jerusalem

rior, are to be understood as exegetical interpretations of

(1 Chr 15:25).14 The “elders” were present also when

the role of the ark and its traditions.21

the angel of Yahweh appeared to David by the thresh¬

■ 3 All the Israelites assembled before the king at the festival

ing floor of Oman (1 Chr 21:16).15 Outside of its use in

that is in the seventh month: This verse claims that the rest

12 13 14

74

priest Eleazar, Joshua, and the heads of the families

In v. 11, ’iTl with waw consecutive is followed in v. 13byD,-IQU (a qalparticiple). Cf. 1 Chr 13:5; 15:3; and v. 3 below. This reference in 1 Chronicles 15 is the only case

19

of the tribes of the Israelites. This term is mentioned more than fifty times in the Old Testament and twelve times in Chronicles. The

where the words “the elders of Israel” do not appear in the Vorlage. The earliest reference to the elders of

earliest reference in Samuel-Kings is 1 Sam 4:4-5; cf. also 2 Sam 15:24. It is mentioned ten times in the

Israel in biblical history is in Exod 3:16.

Priestly tabernacle account in Exodus and thirteen

15

See also 2 Chr 34:29, “the elders ofjudah and Jeru¬

times in the Deuteronomistic Jericho narrative in Joshua.

16

salem.” Cf. Num 10:4, 5W1, where a different

20

17

Hebrew word for “tribes” is used. See 1 Chr 7:11, 40; 8:13 and often in Chronicles.

This marks the first appearance of the word in the Old Testament.

21

JorgJeremias, “Lade und Zion: Zur Entstehung

18

See Noth, Konige, 176-77; Mulder, 1 Kings, 78. Cf.

der Ziontradition,”in Probleme Biblischer Theolo-

Josh 14:1, where the land was distributed by the

gie: Gerhard vo?i Rad zum 70. Geburtstag (ed. Hans

5:2-14

of the Israelites who were not in leadership positions also

Yahweh’s bursting forth against Israel (1 Chr 15:12-13).

participated in the transfer of the ark. This festival in the

Pentateuchal legislation authorizing the Levites to carry

seventh month is Tabernacles, which fell on the fifteenth

the ark appears in Num 3:31; 4:15, 24-28.

of the month (Lev 23:33-43; Num 29:12-38; 2 Sam 6:2).22

■ 5 So they brought up the ark, and the tent of meeting, and

The Chronicler omitted from the Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:2) the

all the holy vessels which were in the tent; the levitical priests

reference to the Canaanite month Ethanim,23 an omis¬

brought them up: The repetition of the description of the

sion he had also done at 2 Chr 3:2, where he omitted the

transfer of the ark causes no difficulty, although the

month name Ziv from 1 Kgs 6:1. The Chronicler gives no

context of the Vorlage made the priests, and not the Lev¬

year for this act. According to 1 Kgs 6:38 (not included

ites, the antecedent of “they.” The terms “tent of meet¬

in Chronicles), the temple was completed in Solomon’s

ing” and “tabernacle” are often used interchangeably,

eleventh year, in the eighth month. In that chronology,

especially in P. In the Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:4), it is not stated

either the temple was dedicated before all the furnish¬

from where the tent of meeting was brought.28 Most com¬

ings were completed (Dillard, 41) or the ceremony was

mentators on Kings in any case assume that the tent of

postponed until the next year.24 Keil suggested that

meeting/tabernacle29 is intended, and not the tent that

the dedication was delayed until Solomon’s twentieth

David had pitched for the ark in Jerusalem (1 Chr 16:1,

year, thirteen years after its completion.25 Since the

37-38; 2 Chr 1:4).30 Noth considers 1 Kgs 8:4ajS (“and the

Chronicler did not include 1 Kgs 6:38—and gave no year

tent of meeting and all the holy vessels which were in the

date for the completion of the temple in any case—the

tent”) a secondary gloss made from the perspective of P,

Chronicler did not face this problem, which still bedevils

an opinion that seems quite likely to me.31 Of course, it is

commentators on the book of Kings.26

also extremely unlikely that the tent of meeting from the

■ 4 All the elders of Israel came, and the Levites carried

wilderness period had survived outdoors for 250 years.

the ark: The Chronicler made one of his most famous

Whatever the value of those literary-critical and histori¬

corrections in this verse, since the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 8:3

cal judgments, it is clear that the tent of meeting already

stated that the priests had carried the ark.27 David had

existed in the Chronicler’s Vorlage. David’s tent that he

appointed the Levites to carry the ark on his second

pitched in the city of David is never called the tent of

attempt to bring it to Jerusalem (1 Chr 15:2), and he

meeting.32

indicated that the failure of the Levites to carry the ark at the first attempt to bring the ark to Jerusalem led to

22

Walter Wolff; Munich: Kaiser, 1971) 183-98. Note the reference to Yahweh being enthroned on the

28

Allen (495) suggests that the tabernacle had been brought earlier from Gibeon.

cherubim (1 Sam 4:4) and the ark’s role as a war palladium. “Yahweh of hosts” is connected with the ark in 1 Sam 1:3, 11; 4:4; and 2 Sam 6:2. See also

29

Cogan (1 Kings, 278). So also Josephus (Ant. 8.101), who identifies this as the “tabernacle which Moses had set up.” Gray (Kings, 194), however, thinks that David’s tent became the tent of meeting since it was the repository of the ark. For David’s tent, see 2 Sam 6:17; 1 Kgs 1:39 (“Zadok took the horn of oil from the tent”); 2:28-30 (“Joab fled to the tent of Yahweh”). Noth, Konige, 177. Similarly, DeVries, 1 Kings, 124. Its secondary character may also be shown by the

the song of the ark in Num 10:35-36. This is also the conclusion ofjosephus Ant. 8.100. In Ezra 3:1-7, the feast of Tabernacles is linked to the

23

dedication of the altar of the temple. In later Judaism this month became known as

24

Tishri. DeVries (1 Kings, 124) argues that the temple must

25 26

Keil, Books of the Kings, 118. Noth (Konige, 177) thought that there once was a

27

year date in 1 Kgs 8:1, which was deleted by the Deuteronomistic redactor. Campbell and O’Brien (Unfolding the Deuteronomistic

30

31

have stood empty for at least eleven months.

History) attribute 1 Kgs 8:3-5 to a post-Deuteron-

omistic redactor.

32

fact that no account was given of how it was placed in the temple. See Rainer Schmitt, Zelt und Lade als Thema alttestamentlicher Wissenschaft: Eine kritische forschungsgeschichtlicheDarstellung (Giitersloh: Gutersloher

Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1972), 193. SurelyJaphet (576) errs in claiming that the Chronicler calls the Mosaic and Davidic tents by the same title.

75

In Chronicles the tabernacle/tent of meeting was

Num 3:27-32 as authorization for the Levitical priests

located at Gibeon (1 Chr 16:39; 21:29; 2 Chr 1:3, 6, 13),33

to do this. Numbers 3:31 authorizes the Kohathites (an

and so this liturgical procession would have reunited at

important family of the Levites) to be in charge of the

the temple in Jerusalem the cubic sites connected with

ark, the table, the lampstand, the altars, and the vessels

the ark in the city of David and with Gibeon, north of

of the sanctuary with which the priests minister. But does

Jerusalem.34 Since according to the Chronicler Solomon’s

“levitical priests” mean Levites in the sense of second-

temple was located at the threshing floor of Oman, noth¬

level clergy, or does it refer to priests who also are consid¬

ing had to be moved from that site. David had instructed

ered part of the tribe of Levi in Numbers? If it means the

the leaders of Israel to build the temple so that the ark

latter, then it was not their responsibility to carry these

and the holy vessels of God might be brought into a

items. Williamson (214) observes that for priests to carry

house built for Yahweh’s name (1 Chr 22:19). The word

holy vessels and the tent contradicts the law (Num 1:50):

“vessels” is used some twenty-six times in the construc¬

“Rather you shall appoint the Levites over the tabernacle

tion of the tabernacle (Exod 25:39—40:10). One of the

of the covenant, and over all its vessels, and over all that

most difficult parts of this verse is the final clause in

belongs to it; they are to carry the tabernacle and all its

which the “levitical priests” are mentioned.35 First of all,

vessels, and they shall tend it, and shall camp around the

the text itself is uncertain (cf. the textual notes), and

tabernacle.” Williamson’s solution is to judge the whole

it is therefore difficult to tell whether we should read

clause secondary and to make its presence in Kings sec¬

“the levitical priests” or “the priests and the Levites.”

ondary as well.37 But why would a glossator provide incor¬

Many commentators favor “the priests and the Levites,”

rect information about who could carry these items?38

which is found in Kings, but “the levitical priests” also

If the reading in the MT represents the understanding

appears elsewhere in Chronicles (2 Chr 23:18; 30:27; cf.

of the Chronicler, he may have thought that “levitical

Ezra 10:5).36Johnstone (1:334) has proposed an inter¬

priests” were Levites in the sense of second-level clergy

pretation that puts the MT reading at the center of the

and not really priests.39 We are not told in any case what

issue: “They [the Levites] brought up the ark; and as for

was done with the tent of meeting when it was brought

the Tent of Meeting and all the holy vessels, these the

up.40 Nor do we learn of the disposition of the vessels.41

levitical priests brought up.” This interpretation consid¬

■ 6 King Solomon and the whole congregation of Israel, who

ers v. 5b as a casus pendens. Note that the verb is I1?!?!!

had assembled about him, were in front of the ark, sacrific¬

instead of the "fain in the Vorlage. Johnstone appeals to

ing sheep and cattle, which could not be numbered or counted

33

34

35

Fora discussion, see Klein, 1 Chronicles, 368. Other references to the tent of meeting appear in 1 Chr 6:17 (32); 9:21; 23:32. Kimhi comments, “They brought up the Ark and the Tent of Meeting. This means: the Ark from Zion and the Tent of Meeting from Gibeon.” See Berger, Kimhi, 208. For this term, see Deut 17:9; Josh 3:3; andj. A.

to the Levites in Kings is extremely rare. The word is used elsewhere only in 1 Kgs 12:31. In Chronicles it appears 113 times! 38

Wiirthwein (Konige, 85) alsojudges v. 5b to be sec¬ ondary.

39

Noth (Konige, 177), who judges this clause to be sec¬ ondary, believes that the author wants to conform the verse to Num 4:15, where the Levites are to

Emerton, “Priests and Levites in Deuteronomy: An

36

37

Examination of Dr. G. E. Wright’s Theory,” VT\2 (1962)129-38.

40

In 2 Chr 23:18 I read “the priests and the Levites” (see the textual notes on this verse), and in 2 Chr

41

Josephus {Ant 8.104-5) states that the lampstand, the table, and the golden altar were placed in the

30:27 I think the reference is to “the Levitical

same position in the nave (t'aog) before the adytum

priests." Ezra 10:5 should probably be emended to

the priests and the Levites (cf. LXX).

(advrov) that they had occupied in the tabernacle. Noth (Konige, 178) declares both the tent of meet¬

I can understand the argument that it is second¬

ing and the vessels secondary. However that may

ary in Kings, but it is difficult to believe it could be secondary in both. Japhet (576) is tempted to

be for Kings, it seems quite certain that they were

consider 1 Kgs 8:4 a Chronistic gloss. The reference

76

carry the sanctuary and all the holy vessels. See the reference to Richard Friedman in a foot¬ note to the next verse.

always a part of the Chronicler’s text.

5:2-14

because of their abundance: This is the only time that the Chronicler refers to Israel by the term

mi)

mercy seat (Exod 25:10-21), in Kings and Chronicles, the

(“congrega¬

cherubim stand erect on the floor, with one wing of each

tion”), which is echoed in a play on words in the word “assembled”

(D,“U)l]n), which follows in

cherub stretched out over the ark. The cherubim sup¬

the dependent

port an invisible firmament, over which rests an equally

clause, but the word does appear in the Vorlage (1 Kgs

invisible throne of Yahweh,46 and they offer protection

8:5).42 The Chronicler follows 1 Kgs 8:5 exactly except

with their wings for the ark. The Chronicler had earlier

that he leaves out 1DK (“with him”) after

informed us that the cherubim stood on their feet, facing

(“about

him”). Surely the importance here of the use of mi) is to

the nave (2 Chr 3:13).

indicate the participation of the whole assembly.

M 8 The cherubim spread out their wings over the place of the

Sacrifices were done en route, just as they had been

ark, so that the cherubim made a covering above the ark and

done when David brought up the ark to Jerusalem (1 Chr

itspoles:ln both Kings (1 Kgs 6:23-28) and Chronicles

15:26//2 Sam 6:13;43 1 Chr 16:1//2 Sam 6:17). These sac¬

(2 Chr 3:10-13) it is clear that the cherubim were not

rifices could not be done on the temple altar in any case,

attached to the ark as they were in the tabernacle

since it was not dedicated until the seven-day ceremony

account (Exod 25:18-22; 37:6-9). The cherubim were

recorded in 2 Chr 7:9. The numberless sacrifices are

ten cubits high (1 Kgs 6:23, 26), while the ark, at least

fitting for the dedication of the temple, for which gold

according to P, was only one and one-half cubits high.

and bronze had also been given without measure (1 Chr

The distinction between 10Ih (Chronicles) and IDO’l

22:14, 16; 29:2-3). Solomon also is lavish in his sacrifices

(Kings), both meaning something like “made a cover¬

later in the dedication account (2 Chr 7:5).

ing,” may have resulted from a simple metathesis. In

■ 7 The priests brought the ark of the covenant of Yahweh

any case, the words mean much the same thing, and the

to its place in the inner sanctuary of the temple, to the Holy of

Chronicler himself used the verb "[DO to describe this

Holies, underneath the wings of the cherubim: Except for one

function of the cherubim in 1 Chr 28:18. According to

orthographic change,44 the text is identical to 1 Kgs 8:6.

Exod 25:15 the poles were never to be taken from the

Appropriately, the priests alone took the ark to its place

ark.47

in the inner sanctuary (“Pin), that is, the Holy of Holies.

I 9 The poles were so long that the tips of the poles were seen

Levites had no access here. In Num 4:5-20 we read that

from the holy place, in front of the inner sanctuary, but they

the (levitical) Kohathites should not touch or even look

could not be seen outside; they are there until this day: If this

at the holy things or they will die. Nothing is said about

reading is correct (see the textual notes), the ark was

what was done with the tent of meeting, and there is no

apparently put into the inner sanctuary in an east-west

reason to think it was placed within the Holy of Holies.45

orientation, parallel to the cherubim, who were facing

While in the description of the ark and related items in

the nave, and the poles attached to it therefore extended

P the cherubim are attached to the covering of the ark

beyond the entrance that separated the Holy of Holies

(traditionally: mercy seat), in a standing position, fac¬

from the holy place (see the textual notes), an entrance

ing each other, with their wings hanging down over the

that was covered by a veil or curtain.48 Priests who stood

42

Noth (Konige, 178) declares ^tOE)* 1 mi) to be second- 46 ary in Kings. See Hurvitz, Linguistic Study, 65-67. The only other occurrence of mi) in Kings is in 1 Kgs 12:20, referring to the assembly of the north47

43 44

They sacrificed seven bulls and seven rams. 2 Chr 5:7 Item; 1 Kgs 8:6 “(the priests)

ern tribes that made Jeroboam king over Israel.

45

brought.” Contra Richard Elliott Friedman, “The Tabernacle in the Temple,” BA 43 (1980) 241-48. See also idem. The Exile and Biblical Narrative: The Formation of the Deuteronomistic and Priestly Works (HSM 22; Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1981) 48-53.

48

For defense of this understanding of the arrange¬ ment of the cherubim in the temple, see Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 1:338-67. Another viewpoint is expressed in Num 4:6, which states that their poles are to be inserted when the camp is moved. See De Vries, 1 Kings, 124. The Targum renders this difficult verse as follows: “Now the bolts were long and stuck out so that the tops of the bolts were visible, like two breasts, facing the place of Atone¬ ment.” Mclvor (Targum, 151) notes that the Talmud in an attempt to explain why the ends of the poles did not damage the curtain used the following

77

in the 7DTI (nave), or holy place, and close to the entry

of the law.52 However that may be, there is no reason to

way, could see the ends of the poles, but the poles could

believe that the phrase was ever at a different position

not be seen by anyone farther back in the nave, let alone

in Chronicles. Curtis and Madsen (338) state that the

outside the temple.49 The poles were left on the ark also

Chronicler was not interested in harmonizing his text

when it was not being transported (Exod 25:15). John¬

with the actual conditions of his day. Perhaps the phrase

stone (1:336), on the other hand, retains the MT and

“until this day” should be understood as an idiom mean¬

translates this verse as follows: “The bars were long and

ing something like “from then on” or “in perpetuity.”53

the heads of the bars were visible from the ark matching

In any case, the Chronicler was surely aware that neither

the inner shrine, but they were not visible outside.” While

cherubim, the ark, nor the poles existed in the temple of

admitting that the text is “a little obscure at this point,”

his time.

his translation “from the ark matching the inner shrine”

■ 10 There was nothing in the ark except the two tablets

is not convincing, and he apparently concludes that the

which Moses had given on Horeb, where Yahweh had made a

ark was inserted between the two cherubim and its poles

covenant with the Israelites when they came out of Egypt: This

fitted exactly into the inner shrine. Were the poles twenty

statement, taken with minor changes from the Vorlage

cubits long when the ark itself according to P was only

in 1 Kgs 8:9,54 is often thought to be in tension with the

two and one half cubits (Exod 25:10)?50Japhet (578)

priestly statements in Exod 16:33 and Num 17:25 (10),

thinks that the MT (“from the ark” instead of “from

which insist that ajar of manna and the rod of Aaron

the holy place”) makes better sense and concludes that

respectively were also kept “before Yahweh” or “before

the poles could be seen from the ark and were not fully

the covenant.”55 Bruce C. Birch points out that the Old

covered by the cherubim. But who would look at them

Testament references do not really support the idea that

from the ark?

the jar of manna and the staff of Aaron were kept within

The phrase PITH DTil 115 (“until this day”), with slight

the ark.56 The New Testament Letter to the Hebrews,

variations, is quite common in Chronicles.51 The Chroni¬

however, refers to the ark of the covenant, which con¬

cler, of course, is only copying his source in 1 Kgs 8:8.

tained a golden urn holding the manna, Aaron’s rod,

Noth believed that this notice gives far more attention to

and the tables of the covenant (Heb 9:4). The sole

the poles than they deserve and wanted to move it to the

function of the ark in Deut 10:1-5 is as a receptacle for

end of the next verse, where it would apply to the tablets

the tablets of the law given to Moses.57 The name of the

comparison: “They pressed against the curtain and bulged out as the two breasts of a woman.” Kimhi 53

if they were added after the time of the original composition. See Mulder, 1 Kings, 390. See Brevard S. Childs, “A Study of the Formula

place the ark on the west wall of the inner sanctuary but far from it, so that the poles extended beyond the inner sanctuary. See Berger, Kimhi, 209-10.

54

‘Unto This Day,”’ JBL 82 (1963) 279-92. Chronicles reads mn7n "JV instead of mn7 MO

See the discussion in Metzer, Konigsthron und Gottes-

55

offers two interpretations of this difficult text. First, he interprets "D'HKM transitively, “they lengthened the poles.” Second, he proposes that they did not

49

LXX. But these words are even harder to explain

□M3Kn. With the first, cf. Deut 9:17; 10:3, and with the latter, cf. Exod 34:1, 4; Deut 10:1, 3.

thron, 1:341-42. Cogan (7 Kings, 280), in comment¬

tablets in the ark: “There was nothing deposited in the ark except the two tablets which Moses had

ing on 1 Kgs 8:8, notes that no veil is mentioned here, as it was in Exod 26:31-33, and so the ends of

placed there after they had been broken because of the calf which had been made at Horeb and the two

the poles could be seen. Of course, according to

50

78

The Targum states that there were two sets of

1 Kgs 6:31-32, there were doors that closed off the inner sanctuary! The length of the poles is not given in Exod 25:10-

56

Bruce C. Birch, “Ark of the Covenant,” NIDB 1:266.

22.

57

The priestly writing also contains this tradition but

other sound tablets on which were engraved in a clear script the ten words.”

51

1 Chr 4:41, 43; 5:26; 13:11; 17:5; 2 Chr 8:8; 10:19;

uses the word HHi) instead of rp“Q. Hence we read

52

21:10. Cf. DVn IV 2 Chr 20:26; 35:25. Noth, Konige, 180. These words are missing in Kings

of man p« (Exod 25:22) or man tablets of the mi); Exod 31:18).

nn5 MO

(the two

5:2-14

mountain, Horeb, appears only here in Chronicles; the

stationed by the tabernacle at Gibeon (1 Chr 16:41),61

term Sinai is never used in Chronicles. Moses appears

According to 1 Chr 25:7-31, which is probably second¬

twenty-one times in Chronicles, only three of which are

ary,62 the total population of the divisions of the singers

taken from Samuel-Kings.58 The verse in Kings seems to

was 288.63 The singers, as in the previous narrative about

be a combination of Deut 9:9 “the tablets of the covenant

the ark, are clothed in fine linen (]*"□). A position east

that Yahweh made with you” and Deut 10:5 “I [Moses]

of the altar (cf. 2 Chr 4:1) would place them directly

put the tablets in that ark that I had made.”

in front of the temple. Cymbals, harps, and lyres were

This verse has one of the few references to the exodus

also identified as the instruments of the singers in 1 Chr

in Chronicles (cf. 1 Chr 17:21; 2 Chr 6:5; 7:22; 20:10).59

15:16 and 25:1.

5:11-14 Liturgical Rites and a Theophany after the Deposit

1 Chr 15:24.64 Many commentators have suggested that

Trumpet playing was the duty of the priests, as in of the Ark

the 120 priests represent five from each of their (later?)

B 11 When the priests came out of the holy place (for all the

twenty-four divisions, although that is not stated in the

priests who were present had sanctified themselves, regardless of

text. Japhet (580) notes that seven priests are named

the divisions): With the exit of the priests from the sanctu¬

for trumpet duty in 1 Chr 15:24, although two of these

ary comes the entrance of the divine glory. Beginning

served at the ark at Jerusalem (1 Chr 16:6) while the

with the parenthesis and continuing through v. 13a,

other five were stationed with the tabernacle at Gibeon

the Chronicler makes a major addition to his Vorlage.

(1 Chr 16:39-42). The large number of trumpeters, just

Even if the twenty-four priestly courses had not yet been

like the large number of Levites and the fact that the

established at the time of the Chronicler, there are other

priests in general had all sanctified themselves, is meant

references to priestly divisions in Chronicles,60 and some

to express the great significance of this event.

sort of rotation must have been used from early times.

I 13 /( was the responsibility of the trumpeters and musi¬

Because of the importance of this occasion, however, all

cians together to make themselves heard in unison in praise

the priests had sanctified themselves for service. When

and confession of Yahweh. And when they raised a sound, with

David had brought up the ark to Jerusalem, the priests

trumpets and cymbals and other musical instruments in praise

and Levites had also sanctified themselves (1 Chr 15:14).

of Yahweh, “For he is good, for his loyalty lasts forever, ” the

B 12 all the levitical singers, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun,

house was filled with a cloud—the house of Yahweh: Not only

their sons and brothers, clothed in fine linen, with cymbals,

is there massive participation by priests and Levites in

harps, and lyres, were standing east of the altar, and with them

these festivities, but their musical efforts were in uni¬

were one hundred and twenty priests, who were playing on

son. The Hebrew text indicates not only that they made

trumpets: There was maximum participation by the sing¬

music with one voice ("IPIK “Tip),65 but this happened also

ers in these festivities. All three singer heads are listed

"into,66 which I have translated “together.” Formerly the

and specific mention is made of the rank and file among

musicians had been stationed at separate sanctuaries

the Levites—their sons and brothers (cf. 1 Chr 25:7-

(1 Chr 6:37-42). “Praise” (b^H) is used twenty-one times

31). David had stationed Asaph by the ark in Jerusalem

as a verb in Chronicles and “confession” (HT) seventeen

(1 Chr 16:37), while Heman and Jeduthun had been

times. Eight times both verbs occur in the same verse.67

58

59

60 61

1 Chr 5:29 (6:3); 6:34 (49); 15:15; 21:29; 22:13;

62

23:13, 14, 15; 26:24; 2 Chr 1:3; 5:10//1 Kgs 8:9;

63

See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 475-79. For the singers, see the previous discussion at 1 Chr 6:16-32 (31-47); 15:16—16:6; 23:5; 25:1-31. Other

8:13; 23:18; 24:6, 9; 25:4//2 Kgs 14:6; 30:16; 33:8//2 Kgs 21:8; 34:14; 35:6, 12. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 9, 44 and nn. 307, 377, 384. The Chronicler omitted the mention of the exodus

64

in 1 Kgs 6:1. Cf. 2 Chr 3:1.

65

important passages dealing with the singers are 2 Chr 20:19; 29:13-14, 25-29; 35:15. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 355. Cf. the people’s united response to Moses in Exod

66

24:3. Cf. Isa 65:25; Eccl 11:6; Ezra 2:64//Neh 7:66; Ezra

67

3:9; 6:20. 1 Chr 16:4; 23:30; 25: 29:13; 2 Chr 5:13; 7:6; 20:21;

1 Chr 23:6; 26:1, 19; 28:13, 21; 2 Chr 8:14; 31:2, 15-17; 35:4, 10. For a discussion of the names of the singer guilds in Chronicles, see Klein, 1 Chronicles, 348-49.

79

The familiar refrain about Yahweh’s goodness and loyalty was used in the psalm medley in 1 Chr 16:34, but

ark (1 Chr 6:16-33 [31-48]; 13:6, 8; 15:16-22, 24, 27-28; 16:4-36; and 22:19) and with the dedication of the

also, in a partial duplication, in describing the work of

temple (2 Chr 7:3-4).70 Rudolph (211) proposed that the

Heman andjeduthun in their work at Gibeon (1 Chr

music called the Shekinah, the glory of Yahweh hidden

16:41).68

in the cloud, to be present, and John W. Kleinig, simi¬

The Chronicler rejoins the Vorlageat 1 Kgs 8:10b.The theophanic language in this verse and the next verse

larly, concludes that “the appointed musicians evoked the LORD’s glory by proclaiming his name in sacred song.”71

is highly reminiscent of the language at the dedication

It may be, however, that the house was filled with a cloud

of the tabernacle: “Then the cloud covered the tent of

because of the presence of the ark, and the music of

meeting, and the glory of Yahweh filled the tabernacle.

praise to Yahweh only accompanied and interpreted the

Moses was not able to enter the tent of meeting because

presence of the cloud and Yahweh’s glory (in the next

the cloud settled upon it, and the glory of the Yahweh

verse).

filled the tabernacle. . . . For the cloud of the Yahweh

■ 14 so that the priests were not able to stand to minister before

was on the tabernacle by day, and fire was in the cloud

the cloud; for the glory of Yahweh filled the house of God: The

by night” (Exod 40:34-38).69 The cloud dwells on the

only significant change from the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 8:11 is

tabernacle while the glory fills it, but in w. 13-14 cloud

the use of “house of God” instead of “house of Yahweh”

and glory seem fully synonymous. Whatever else the ark

at the end of the verse. Kings LXX presupposes only

might represent elsewhere—a symbol of unity in the

P’Hn (“the house”) as the final word, so it is possible that

tribal league, a war palladium, a chest for the Ten Com¬

Kings MT and Chronicles MT represent alternate and

mandments (also here in v. 10)—it clearly also signifies

independent expansions. Note that Moses himself was

Yahweh’s presence with his people in the temple. The

unable to enter the tent of meeting because of the cloud

Chronicler does not indicate the manner of that pres¬

and the glory of Yahweh (Exod 40:35). When fire came

ence at this place, but the theophanic imagery makes

down from heaven at the first sacrifice, the priests could

that interpretation of the ark’s role unmistakable. Willi

not enter the house of Yahweh because the glory of Yah¬

points out that music is frequently associated with the

weh filled Yahweh’s house (2 Chr 7:2).72

and 31:2. Willi (“Evokation und Bekenntnis,” 357-59) has suggested this translation on the basis of H. Grimme, “Der Begriff min und min,” ZAVP58 68

where instruments of music are mentioned (1 Chr 22:19; 2 Chr 23:13; 30:21; 34:12-13); at assemblies where a covenant oath is taken (2 Chr 15:14; 23:13), at the festival of Passover and Unleavened Bread

(1940-41) 234-40. See also 2 Chr 7:3, 6; 20:21; Ezra 3:11; and numer¬ ous times in the Psalter, especially Psalm 136. Cf. Ps

(2 Chr 30:21); during a war (2 Chr 20:19-28), or during the lamentations forjosiah (2 Chr 35:25).

118:1. 69 70

Cf. also 2 Chr 7:1-3 and 1 Chr 21:26—22:1. Willi, “Evokation und Bekenntnis,” 356. He also notes that there is music when the musical person¬ nel are appointed or introduced (1 Chr 6:16-33 [3148]; 23:5, 30; 25:1-31; 2 Chr 8:14; 13:12; 29:25-30);

80

71 72

It is mentioned with burnt offerings in 1 Chr 16:4142; 2 Chr 7:6-7; 23:18; 35:15. Kleinig, Lord’s Song, 166. See also the references to glory in the psalm medley (1 Chr 16:24, 28-29).

6 1/

3/

12/

6:1-42 Solomon's Prayer at the Dedication of the Temple Translation Then Solomon said, "Yahweh intended to dwell in thick darkness. 2/ But I have built1 for you an exalted house2, a place for your enthronement forever."3 Then the king turned his face and blessed the assembly of Israel, while all the assembly of Israel was standing. 4/ And he said, "Blessed be Yahweh the God of Israel, who has spoken by his mouth to David my father, and who has fulfilled that promise by his hands,4 saying, 5/ 'From the day that I brought my people out from the land of Egypt,51 have not chosen a city from all the tribes of Israel to build a house, so that my name might be there, and I did not choose a person to be prince over my people Israel; 6/ but I chose Jerusalem so that my name might be there,6 and I chose David to be7 over my people Israel.' 7/ My father David had it in his heart to build a house for the name of Yahweh the God of Israel. 8/ But Yahweh said to my father David, 'Because you had it in your heart to build a house for my name, you did well in that it was in your heart; 9/ nevertheless you shall not build the house, but8 your son who comes out of your loins, he will build the house for my name.' 10/ Yahweh has fulfilled his promise that he made; for I have risen up in the place of my father David, and I have sat down on the throne of Israel, just as Yahweh promised, and I have built the house for the name of Yahweh the God of Israel. 11/ There I have put the ark, in which is the covenant of Yahweh, that he made with the Israelites."9 Then he stood10 before the altar of Yahweh in the presence of the whole assembly of Israel, and spread out his hands.11 13/ Solomon had made a bronze plat¬ form12 five cubits long, five cubits wide, and three cubits high,13 and he had set it in the midst of the court; and he stood on it. Then he knelt on his knees in the presence of the whole assembly of Israel and spread out his hands toward heaven.14 14/ He said, "Yahweh, God of Israel, there is no God like you in heaven or on earth,15 keeping the covenant loyalty16 to your servants who walk before you with all their heart—15/ you who have kept for your servant, David my father, what you promised him. Indeed, you promised with your mouth and fulfilled with your hand, as this day shows. 16/ Now, Yahweh God of Israel, keep for your servant David my father what you promised him, saying, 'There shall never fail you a person before me who will sit on the throne of Israel, if only your descendants guard their way.

1

2

3

4 5

6

’DEE EtO. Note the stress on the pronoun. 1 Kgs 8:12 TlEE iTO (infinitive absolute and finite verb). In the text indicated by nn. 4, 6, 14, 18, 21, 25, 34, 37, 50, 54-57, 59, and 60, Chronicles presupposes a text of Kings that is different from Kings MT. “7ET JTE. Chr LXX olnov ra ovo/iaTt aov ayLov. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:122; 2:36) suggests that ra ovo/iaTL aov is not original (added from v. 9) and that o'lkov a:yL0V is an appropriate translation for the Hebrew. The LXX translation for the corresponding verses in the Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:12-13) has been moved to 1 Kgs 8:53a, where it has been significantly modified. ’PTEI; cf. 1 Kgs 8:15 LXX Kai ev ralq x€Polv avTOv. Kgs MT 1TE1 “and by his hand.” E'TSE ptCQ; 1 Kgs 8:16 ETKD0. Cf. 2 Chr 5:10, where Chronicles uses the shorter expression while the longer expression is found in the Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:9). 2 Chr 6:5b-6a (“And I did not choose a person ... so that my name might be there”) is missing in 1 Kgs 8:16 MT because a scribe’s eye skipped from EE ’DO niT!1? at the end of 1 Kgs 8:16a (cf. 2 Chr 6:5a) to the end of the same three words now attested only at the end of 2 Chr 6:6a, leaving out thirteen words in the process. So also Chr Syr Arab. Kgs LXX contains a translation for the equivalent of 2 Chr 6:6a, having lost the equiva¬ lent of 2 Chr 6:5b by homoioarchton (from Kai ovk e^eXe^dfxriv the scribe’s eye skipped to Kai e^eXe^dfirjv). The longer, more original reading in Kings is partially preserved in 4QKings

m’nb excite -raw balin' ’] nu by te nvn[ “?] [‘ptnSr] by ’qu by nvn1? [the ieeki ee 'ati “[to] be ruler over [my] people [Israel; but I chose Jeru¬ salem so that my name might be there, and I chose David] to be over my people over [Israel].” Kgs LXX omits a translation only for TITD btOE' 'QU by TE nvnV E’NE See Trebolle Barrera, “4QKgs,” 177, 180; and also Tov, Textual Criticism, 238-39. Chr LXX omits a translation for 2 Chr 6:6a by homoioarchton (from one Kai e^eXe^aixr)V to the next). The latter haplography may have taken place already in the Hebrew text. Per contra van Keulen, Two Versions, 248-49: “An alternate possibil¬ ity is that the reference to the election of Jerusalem represents a later addition to a text identical with 1 Kgs. 8:16, made under the influence of text tradi¬ tions as represented by Chronicles and 4QKgs.” Further, “There is good reason to assume that the long version is secondary to the short one” (p. 249). He believes that Kgs LXX and Chr MT represent 7

successive expansions. nvnb; a few Hebrew mss Syr Tg add TE “prince.” Cf. v. 5.

81

18/

22/

24/

26/

28/

to walk in my Torah17 as you have walked before me.' 17/ Now, Yahweh18 God of Israel, let your word19 be confirmed20 which you promised to your servant David. "But will God live with humanity21 on earth? Even heaven22 and the highest heaven cannot contain you, how much less this house which I have built. 19/ Regard the prayer of your servant and his supplication for mercy, Yahweh my God, by hearing the cry and the prayer which your servant is praying23 before you.24 20/ May your eyes be open day and night25 toward this house—the place where you promised to put your name—to listen to the prayer that your servant is praying toward this place. 21/ And hear the sup¬ plications for mercy26 of your servant and your people Israel, when they pray toward this place; may you hear from the place27 of your enthronement, from heaven; hear and forgive. "If28 a person sins against his neighbor and (the latter) obliges29 him to take an oath of innocence, and he comes with the oath30 before your altar in this house, 23/ may you hear from heaven,31 and act, and judge your servants, repaying the wicked person32 by putting the punishment for his conduct on his head, vindicating the inno¬ cent person by rewarding him according to his innocence. "If your people Israel are defeated before an enemy, because33 they sinned against you, and they repent34 and confess your name, pray and beg for mercy before you35 in this house, 25/ may you hear from heaven and forgive the sin of your people Israel and bring them back36 to the land which you gave to them and to their ancestors. "When the heaven37 is shut up and there is no rain because they have sinned against you, and when they pray toward this place, confess your name, and repent of their sin,38 because you have afflicted them,39 27/ may you hear from heaven, forgive the sin of your servants,40 and your people Israel (for you teach them in the good way41 in which they should walk); and send down rain on your land, which you have given to your people as an inheritance. "When there is famine in the land, if there is pestilence, blight, rust, locust, or caterpillar,42 if their enemy43 besieges them in the land of their gates;44 what¬ ever suffering or sickness there is; 29/ whatever prayer, whatever supplication for mercy which is from any individual or

82

8

D; many Hebrew mss LXX1 Syr Vg and 1 Kgs 8:19 □K D. Rudolph (212) says that the Chronicler leaves □K out intentionally. See 2 Chr 18:7//l Kgs 22:8;

9 10 11

2 Chr 25:4//2 Kgs 14:6. ‘WIET ’D DU; LXX T03 'Iopar)\ “with Israel,” omit¬ ting a translation for ’32. "TOUT; one Hebrew ms Syr and 1 Kgs 8:22 MT LXX add HQ^Si “Solomon.” TED; one Hebrew mss Syr and 1 Kgs 8:22 add C'OEin.

14

Cf. v. 13 and the commentary. —IT'D; see HALOT, 472. LXX pa. Cf. 2 Chr 6:5-6. 1 Kgs 9:3 □7li) 71) DE) ’DE) DIE)1? “to put my name there for¬ ever.” Cf. 2 Chr 6:20 DE) “[DE) DIE/V/l Kgs 8:29 □E) ’qe) mr.

18 19

nriNI; a few Hebrew mss nni?l “and now.” m01*. Cf. 1 Kgs 9:4 MT. Chr MT HIE) 1)71; cf. 1 Kgs 9:4 LXX Kai tov iroielv. Cf. Syr Vg. The additional conjunction in Kgs LXX is related to the fact that LXX makes the object of the verb commanded “him,” that is, David, rather than “you,” Solomon. See Mulder, 1 Kings, 465.

20

7*OE)’D 7e)10 EJ’K; cf. 1 Kgs 9:5 LXX avqp pyovpevoq ev lopartX. Kgs MT 7K7iZ)’ NOD 7l)Q E)’K

21

22

23 24

25

26

27

“a person over the throne of Israel.” Japhet (617) believes that Kgs LXX represents the original reading in Kings, influenced by Micah, which has become “corrupted” in Kings MT. Chronicles fol¬ lows this alternate text of Kings. Van Keulen (Two Versions, 259) believes, incorrectly in myjudgment, that Kgs LXX renders the Hebrew of 2 Chr 7:18b. With Kgs MT compare 1 Kgs 2:4; 8:25. ’ITKD1 Tnpri; cf. 1 Kgs 9:6 LXX Taq evToXaq pov Kai ra irpooTaypaTa pov “my commandments and my ordinances,” which has the conjunction with the second noun, but follows the word order in Kgs MT: Tlpf! THUD “my commandments, my statutes.” □TEinn. LXX Kai e£cepa vpaq. Cf. Syr Vg= CDTHtfnil “then I will pluck you up.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:97) notes that the three previous verbs end in DTI, but the inconsistency between the protasis and a third person form (Israel and them) in the apodosis is present already in the Vorlage (1 Kgs 9:7). I view the versions as an attempt to bring consistency to the text. See also textual n. 24 below. 7l)D; cf. 1 Kgs 9:7 LXX onro. Kgs MT 72 7l)D. urb. LXXL vpaq. Cf. Syr Vg. I view the versional evidence as an attempt to bring consistency between protasis and apodosis. See n. 22 above. nm n’DH PKl; cf. 1 Kgs 9:7 LXX Kai TOV oIkov tovtov “and this house.”. Kgs MT ITDil nSl “and the house.” “[’7e)N; cf. 1 Kgs 9:7 LXX airoppiipa\ cf. Vg Tg. Kgs MT n7E)N. The Hebrew underlying Chr LXX a7roOTpeipu “I will turn it away” is uncertain. ]T7l). BHS suggests adding ]”1)7 iT!T “will become a ruin.” Cf. 1 Kgs 9:8 VL Syr Arab. Rudolph (217) believes that these two words were lost by haplography. Cf. Mic 3:12; Jer 26:18. I. L. Seeligmann (“Indications of Editorial Alteration and Adapta¬ tion in the Massoretic Text and the Septuagint,” VT11 [1961] 205-6) believes that an original IT IT ]”I)7 in Kings became ]v7l) 77, and the Chronicler

had this corrupt text before him as he wrote. The Chronicler then read 7o7 instead of 7d and con¬ strued the root DOE) as “being desolate” rather than

103

every passer-by will be aghast.” He ignores the b on b^b.

“being astonished.” Mulder (7 Kings, 468) quotes Berlinger, who considered “exalted” a euphemism. 28

Fishbane {BiblicalInterpretation, 459) takes DOE? in its more usual sense as “being astonished” and translates: “And as for this Temple, which was once exalted:

29

Structure

K’XI; cf. 1 Kgs 9:9 LXX etnciyayeu. Kgs MT HUT K’Dn.

adds about eight verses of his own (2 Chr 7:la/3-3, 6, 9, lOact, 12b/3-15). Changes made in the syntax of v. 11

This chapter forms a sequel to the long prayer of Solo¬

(see the commentary) make this verse the conclusion to

mon, bringing the festivities dealing with the temple to

vv. 1-11 in Chronicles rather than the introduction to vv.

their conclusion and recording a second appearance of

12-22, as in the Vorlage.

Yahweh to Solomon. It may be outlined as follows: I.

and this led Galling (93) to doubt the originality of vv.

(1 Kgs 8:54a, 62-66; 9:1)

lb-4, and he assigned these verses to his second Chroni¬

A. 7:1-3 Fire from heaven gives divine approval to

cler.3 Rudolph (209-11) considered vv. llb-13a second¬

the temple and Solomon’s prayer (1 Kgs 8:54a)

ary because they presuppose 1 Chronicles 24, which he

B. 7:4-7 Sacrifices conducted on this occasion (1 Kgs 8:62-64) C. 7:8-11 The length of the festival and the depar¬ ture for home (1 Kgs 8:65-66; 9:1) II.

Verses la/3-3 repeat substantial parts of 2 Chr 5:13-14,1 2

7:1-11 The conclusion of the inaugural ceremonies

also considers secondary, and he thought that vv. 11a, 13b, and 14 had originally been omitted by the Chroni¬ cler and then mechanically added by a later hand from 1 Kings. De Vries (261) argues that the two pericopes

7:12-22 Yahweh’s second appearance to Solomon

(2 Chr 5:13-14 and 7:lb-3) form an inclusio around Solo¬

(1 Kgs 9:2-9)

mon’s address and prayer, and Dillard (56) appealed to

A. 7:12-16 Conditions under which people will prosper (1 Kgs 9:2-3) B. 7:17-18 Conditional dynastic promise (1 Kgs 9:4-5)

the chiastic structures that he has identified in 2 Chroni¬ cles 1-9 to explain the duplication of 5:13-14 and 7:lb-3. Rudolph (217) also considers 2 Chr 7:4-7 secondary.4 He notes that the offerings have already been struck by fire

C. 19-22 Conditions under which king and people

from heaven (2 Chr 7:1-3) and points out that the Vorlage

will be destroyed (1 Kgs 9:6-9)'

of vv. 4-5 (1 Kgs 8:62-63) is itself secondary. He also

While there are twenty-two verses in this chapter and

objects to the fact that Solomon and the people dedicate

in its Vorlage, the Chronicler actually omits about nine

the temple in v. 5b, whereas the Chronicler portrays

verses from Kings (1 Kgs 8:54b-61, 66a(3; 9:2, 3a/3) and

Yahweh’s intervention in vv. 1-3 as the true mark of the

1

Hurowitz {Exalted House, 310) observes that in Assyr¬ ian inscriptions a building story was concluded with

his loyalty lasts forever,’ the house, the house of Yahweh, was filled with a cloud, so that the priests were not able to stand to minister before the cloud;

conditional blessings and curses anyone who would find the current building in ruins. He notes that the biblical authors have transformed this form: “He [the biblical author] placed the blessings and curses into God’s own mouth and turned the condi¬ tions for activating the blessings and curses into conditions suiting his own ideological and religious purposes. 2

2 Chr 5:13-14: “And when the song was raised, with trumpets and cymbals and other musical instru¬ ments in praise ofYahweh, ‘For he is good, for

104

3

for the glory ofYahweh filled the house of God.” He notes thatv. lb mentions sacrifices that are pre¬ sented only later (v. 5). Rudolph (215), on the other

4

hand, judged 2 Chr 5:13-14 to be secondary. Cf. also Willi {Die Chronik als Auslegung, 164 n. 211, 196), who considers vv. 4-7 to be a gloss. He notes that v. 3 seems to serve as a conclusion, and he calls attention to the duplicative mention of the ministry of song in vv. 3 and 6.

7:1-22

temple’s dedication. Verse 7 presupposes the Solomonic

up the whole burnt offerings. The Jerusalem temple is

altar of 2 Chr 4:1, which he also had decided was sec¬

the legitimate successor to the tabernacle. Amid all the

ondary. Verse 6 is an even later addition, in his opinion,

diverse religious movements in the postexilic period, the

related to 2 Chr 5:llb-13a. None of the arguments raised

temple stands as a point of unity for Israel. Abijah also

against these pericopes is persuasive to me.

argued for the unifying powers of the Jerusalem temple

The Chronicler’s major omission from the Vorlage

and its cult and polemicized against northern worship

(1 Kgs 8:54b-61) does not result from the fact that Solo¬

in 2 Chr 13:10-12. The transition from the altar made

mon offers a blessing, a rite that should be restricted to

by Bezalel, which was stationed before the tabernacle at

the priests (Num 6:23) as Galling (93), Gray (Kings,230),

Gibeon (2 Chr 1:5), to the altar at the Jerusalem temple

and Curtis and Madsen (347) believe. The Chronicler

constructed by Solomon is given divine approval. The

has no difficulty elsewhere in Chronicles (1 Chr 16:2)

whole work on the temple by David and Solomon receives

and even in this very context (2 Chr 6:3-4) having a king

complete endorsement by this sign. Japhet (610) notes

give a blessing. Instead, this omission can be attributed

that these sacrifices come without the kinds of prepara¬

to the Chronicler’s eagerness to show as soon as possible

tions that are expressed in Lev 9:1-23; 1 Kgs 18:33-35; or

divine approval for the temple and to give Solomon a

1 Chr 21:26, so that the Chronicler can get on with his

positive response to his prayer (Ackroyd, 114).

story. The Chronicler’s focus on the miraculous fire from heaven was probably more important to him than such

Detailed Commentary

preparations. Sacrifices on this occasion are reported also in vv. 4-5, taken from the Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:62-63). It

7:1-11 The Conclusion of the Inaugural Ceremonies

cannot be determined whether the fire here merely antic¬

7:1-3 Fire from Heaven Gives Divine Approval

ipates those sacrifices or whether it might even refer back

to the Temple and Solomon's Prayer

to the sacrifices that were initiated by Solomon and the

■ 1 When Solomon had finished praying, fire came down from

assembly when the ark, the tent of meeting, and the holy

heaven and consumed the burnt offering and the communion

vessels were brought to the new temple (2 Chr 5:4-6). The clause beginning “all the while,” with the transla¬

sacrifices, and all the while the glory of Yahweh filled the house: Only the first clause comes from the Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:54a)

tion following Williamson’s suggestion (222), seeks to

and sets the context for the following report. The fire

make a bridge back to the cloud and the glory of Yahweh

from heaven indicates Yahweh’s approval of Solomon’s

that appeared when the ark was brought to the temple

temple and the sacrificial rites that are to be carried

(2 Chr 5:12-14//1 Kgs 8:10-11). “Glory” both then and in

on there, and it offers an initial positive response to his

the present context calls to mind the cloud and the glory

prayer. Similarly, fire from Yahweh had kindled the burnt

that filled the tabernacle at its dedication (Exod 40:34-

offerings and the peace offerings at David’s altar erected

35).

on the threshing floor of Oman the Jebusite (1 Chr

■ 2 The priests were unable to enter into the temple of Yahweh

21:26). Fire from Yahweh also ignited the burnt offer¬

because the glory of Yahweh filled the house of Yahweh: Moses

ing and fat on the altar of the first sacrifice conducted at

himself was not able to enter the tent of meeting at its

the tabernacle (Lev 9:23-24).5 This passage is echoed in

dedication because of the cloud and the glory of Yahweh

2 Macc 2:10: Just as Moses prayed to the Lord, and fire

that filled the tabernacle (Exod 40:35).

came down from heaven and consumed the sacrifices,

■ 3 All the Israelites were watching as the fire came down, and

so Solomon also prayed and fire came down and burned

the glory of Yahweh was on the house, and they knelt down on

5

Both the present context and the passage from Leviticus 9 refer to fire, glory, and the people who witness these phenomena and prostrate themselves. Cf. also the fire that the angel of Yahweh brought forth from the rock to consume the sacrifice of Gideon (Judg 6:20-22) and the fire of Yahweh that

wood, the stones, the dust, and even the water in Elijah’s contest with the prophets of Baal (1 Kgs 18:38). Elijah had argued in v. 24 that whichever God would answer by fire is the true God.

fell upon and consumed the burnt offering, the

105

the pavement with their noses to the ground and worshiped and

all the people dedicated the house of God: The sacrifices in

confessed Yahweh, for he is good, for his loyalty lasts forever:

vv. 4-5 are “communion sacrifices” (rQT) in which those

While the priests could see the glory within the temple,

who presented the sacrifice ate all or part of the animal.

the people now see the glory resting “on” the outside of

The numbers of animals sacrificed are enormous and

the temple. They too witness Yahweh’s approval of the

unrealistic, but they demonstrate the importance placed

temple and its sacrifices. The reference to “all the Isra¬

on this occasion.9 The number of sheep—120,000—may

elites” echoes the participation of all Israel in bringing

be an all-Israel emphasis, with 10,000 attributed to each

the ark of the covenant up to Jerusalem (1 Chr 13:1-5;

tribe. Byway of comparison, David offered 1,000 bulls, 1,000 rams, and 1,000 lambs as burnt offerings after his

15:25). In distinction to the experience at Sinai/Horeb, the

final speech (1 Chr 29:21). At the time of Hezekiah, 7

people at the dedication of the temple do not run away

bulls, 7 rams, 7 lambs, and 7 goats were offered as a sin

from Yahweh in panic. Rather they prostrate themselves

offering after the cleansing of the temple (2 Chr 29:21);

and worship. The reference to the “pavement” (ns^TI)6

70 bulls, 100 rams, and 3 bulls were offered as burnt

recalls the use of the same word in Ezekiel’s description

offerings, and 600 bulls and 3,000 sheep as “conse¬

of the pavement of the outer court in his vision of the

crated” offerings later in the same celebration (2 Chr

new temple (Ezek 40:17-18; 42:3). The verb used for con¬

29:32-36); and 2,000 bulls and 17,000 sheep during the

fessing (PIT)7 is the same one that is used for “confessing

second week of his Passover celebration (2 Chr 30:24).

the name of Yahweh” in 2 Chr 6:24, 26. The formula “for

At the time of Josiah, the king contributed 30,000 lambs

he is good, for his loyalty lasts forever” is used through¬

and kids and 3,000 bulls, while his princes chipped in

out the Chronicler’s account (1 Chr 16:34, 41*; 2 Chr

with 2,600 lambs and kids and 300 bulls. The chiefs

5:13; 7:6*; 20:21*).8 In fact, the last clause in this verse is

of the Levites gave 5,000 lambs and kids and 500 bulls

very similar to 1 Chr 16:34//Ps 106:1.

(2 Chr 35:7-9). Hence, Solomon’s 142,000 sacrificial animals far surpasses the 41,400 at the time of Josiah, the

7:4-7 Sacrifices Conducted on This Occasion

3,970 on one occasion, the 19,000 on a second occasion,

■ 4 Then the king and all the people offered a sacrifice before

and the mere 28 on a third occasion at the time of Heze¬

Yahweh: With this verse the Chronicler returns to the

kiah, and the 3,000 animals at the time of David (1 Chr

Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:62). The variation between “all the

29:21). Josephus reports that at Passover celebrations in

people” here and “all Israel with him” in 1 Kgs 8:62

first-century Judaism 256,500 lambs were sacrificed in

seems to be only stylistic. The LXX of Kings “and all the

a few hours.10 J. W. Wenham calculated that 20 animals

sons of Israel” offers a third possibility. In all three ver¬

would have to be sacrificed each minute for ten hours a

sions, the king and the people operate in solidarity. The

day for twelve days.11 Otto Thenius calculated 262 oxen

king’s role here should not be conceived of as priestly (cf.

and 1,430 sheep per hour in a twelve-hour day during

1 Chr 16:2//2 Sam 6:18 David; 1 Kgs 12:32 Jeroboam;

the seven-day festival, whereas Hugo Gressmann, who

and 2 Kgs 16:12-15 Ahaz). Rather, these sacrifices were

considered the numbers fantasy, put the number at 314

conducted under his royal authority and leadership.

bulls per hour and 1,014 sheep in ten-hour days during

I 5 King Solomon offered as a sacrifice twenty-two thousand

the seven-day festival in Kings.12 Such calculations only

oxen and one hundred twenty thousand sheep. So the king and

6

HALOT, 1275: stone pavement or flagstone floor.

7

The form of the word here, flTTim, is the hiphil

10

Josephus Bell. 6.424-26. This leads him to estimate

11

8

infinitive absolute. See GKC 75ff and 113 y-z. In passages marked with an asterisk, only the sec¬

the number of visitors to Jerusalem at 2.7 million. J. W. Wenham, “Large Numbers in the Old Testa¬ ment,” TynBul 18 (1967) 49.

ond half of the formula is used. Solomon sacrificed one thousand animals as burnt

12

Otto Thenius, Die Bucher der Konige (2nd ed.;

9

offerings at Gibeon (2 Chr 1:6), and at the installa¬

106

Kurzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch; Leipzig: Hirzel, 1873) 140; Hugo Gressmann, Die dlteste

tion of the ark the number of sacrificial animals was

Geschichtsschreibung und Prophetie Israels (2nd ed.; Die

simply uncountable (2 Chr 5:6).

Schriften des Alten Testaments 2.1; Gottingen: Van-

7:1-22

demonstrate the hyperbolic character of these num¬

offerings, the grain offering, and the fat of the offerings of well¬

bers.13 The only other use of the verb “[DPI in the sense

being—the bronze altar that Solomon had made was not able

of dedication of a building, outside of this verse and its

to hold the burnt offering and the grain offering and the fat

Vorlage, is in Deut 20:5, but the noun PTD3n is used of the

offerings: This verse, taken with a few changes from 1 Kgs

dedication of an altar in Num 7:10-11, of the temple in

8:64, indicates that Solomon set aside as holy all or part

Ps 30:1, and of town walls in Num 12:27. Cogan favors a

of the central, inner court (cf. 2 Chr 6:36).18 This conse¬

translation “inaugurated,” but the evidence is slim and

cration means that this area was not previously thought

the difference relatively insignificant. See also the word

to be appropriate for sacrifice and that even the very

“consecrated” in v. 7.14

large bronze altar that Solomon had made (2 Chr 4:1)

I 6 The priests stood at their posts; the Levites also, with

could not accommodate all the offerings.

instruments of music for Yahweh [cf. 1 Chr 25:1-6], which

Burnt offerings during the reign of Solomon are

King David had made for confessing Yahweh—for his loyalty

mentioned in 2 Chr 1:6; 2:3 (4); 4:6; 7:1, 7; 8:12. Grain

lasts forever—whenever David offered praises through their play¬

offerings are mentioned for Solomon only here and in

ing. Opposite them the priests sounded trumpets; and all Israel

2 Chr 9:24. The fat of the offerings of well-being appears

stood: The Chronicler has added this verse to the Vorlage,

only in this verse, its parallel in 1 Kgs 8:64, and Lev 6:5

and it expresses his typical understanding of the role of

(12). Fat was at one time permitted for human consump¬

the priests and Levites in leading congregational praise

tion (Ps 63:6 [5]), but it later was totally prohibited (Lev

(cf. 2 Chr 5:11-13). For “at their posts,” see 1 Chr 23:32;

3:17 “You must not eat any fat or any blood”19). Mulder

25:8; 26:12; and especially 2 Chr 35:2. The Chronicler

suggests that the word “fat” could refer to the fat parts

credits David with the creation of musical instruments

of the offering or to the offerings themselves. The latter

also in 1 Chr 23:5.15 A difficult verse in Amos may reflect

sacrifice is spelled □’OT’On

at its first mention in this

the same tradition: “[Woe to those who] like David

verse, but □’IlT'nn at the end of this verse.20 “The bronze

invent for themselves instruments of music” (Amos 6:5).

altar that Solomon had made” replaces “the bronze

The formula “ [for he is good] for his loyalty lasts for¬

altar which was before Yahweh” in the Vorlage in 1 Kgs

ever” appears frequently in Chronicles, sometimes as an

8:64. This nomenclature distinguishes this altar clearly

interjection (see above on v. 3 for a listing of passages).

from the altar Bezalel had made, which stood before the

David seems to be referred to as a worship leader here

tabernacle (2 Chr 5:1). Because of the fantastic num¬

and as a composer of the songs sung by the musicians.16

ber of sacrifices, even the very large altar described in

The Chronicler consistently assigns trumpets to the

2 Chr 4:1—twenty cubits by twenty cubits and ten cubits

priests.17 The whole congregation stood (in reverence)

high21—was not able to hold all the sacrificial animals.

during this part of the worship service, just as the priests

The Chronicler has reworded the Vorlage, which said that

did (cf. 2 Chr 6:3; 20:13).

the bronze altar was too small to hold these sacrifices, by

■ 7 Solomon consecrated the middle of the court that was in

stating that the altar was not able to hold the sacrifices.

front of the house of Yahweh; for he sacrificed there the burnt

The Chronicler may have felt that the altar itself was not He also rejects the idea that suet was originally used as food but later banned under the influence of priestly legislation. This suet is in fact inedible. He admits that the reasons for reserving suet to the

denhoeck & Ruprecht, 1921) 212. Those quotations 13

were cited by Mulder, I Kings, 451. See Klein, “How Many in a Thousand?”

14 15

Cogan, 1 Kings, 289. Or, Dillard (54) with Yahweh’s musical instruments.

16 17

Galling, 93; cf. 1 Chr 16:7. 1 Chr 15:24; 16:6; 2 Chr 5:12-13; 13:12, 14; 29:26.

20

18 19

See Mulder, 1 Kings, 453. Milgrom (Leviticus 1-16, 216): “You must not eat any

21

suet or any blood.” Milgrom (205) defines suet as “the layers of fat beneath the surface of the animal’s skin and around its organs ... in contrast to the fat that is inextricably entwined in the musculature.”

deity are shrouded in mystery. Mulder, 1 Kings, 453. In 1 Kgs 8:64 the longer expression is used on both occasions. This is the size of the altar in the Second Temple as described by Hecataeus, cited by Josephus Ap. 1.198. Hecataeus, however, states that this altar was made of unhewn and unwrought stones. The altar of the tabernacle was only five cubits square by three cubits high, according to Exod 27:1.

107

to be criticized; it was just the extraordinary circum¬

that “seven days,” following the LXX, was the original

stances of this festival that made the altar inadequate.

reading in Kings for the length of the dedicatory festivi¬ ties at the end of 1 Kgs 8:65.27 If that is correct, then the

7:8-11 The Length of the Festival and the Departure

Chronicler has made two changes: (1) He has made the

for Home

seven-day festival of dedication take place prior to the

■ 8-9 Solomon held the festival at that time for seven days,

seven days of Tabernacles, whereas the reconstructed

and all Israel with him, a very great congregation, from Lebo-

text of Kings based on the LXX seems to make these two

hamath to the Wadi of Egypt. On the eighth day they held a

events coterminous. The Chronicler may have thought

solemn assembly; for they had observed the dedication of the altar

it inappropriate to have the temple dedication rites

seven days and the festival seven days: The Chronicler agrees

take place during Tabernacles, or he recognized that

with his Vorlage (1 Kgs 8:65) in regard to the boundaries

none of the characteristics of the rites of dedication

from which the Israelites at this festival came. The Wadi

resembled the rites of Tabernacles.28 He surely would

of Egypt, the traditional southern border of Israel,22 is

not have wanted Solomon to ignore the feast of Taber¬

commonly identified with the Wadi el-cArish, which emp¬

nacles because of the dread consequences of such an

ties into the Mediterranean Sea about forty-three miles

omission (Zech 14:16-19). (2) The Chronicler has also

southwest of Gaza.23 Lebo-hamath, literally the entrance

added an eighth day to the celebration of Tabernacles,

to Hamath, is located somewhat to the south of that city

in accord with later biblical legislation, a day called mull

(MR 312503), probably on the Mediterranean coast, and

“holy convocation” (Lev 23:36; Num 29:35; Neh 8:18).29

is often referred to as the idealized northern border of

The Chronicler may have been upset that the people

Israel.24 Aharoni places it at Lebweh, at the source of the

were sent away on the eighth day because of Lev 23:34-

Orontes River (MR 277397).25 When David was planning

36, which states that there should be an eighth day of

to bring the ark to Jerusalem, he had gathered all Israel

celebration in addition to the original seven days. The

from the Shihor of Egypt to Lebo-hamath (1 Chr 13:5).

dedicatory rites took place then in the seventh month

The Vorlage of this verse (1 Kgs 8:65 MT) does not

from the eighth day through the fourteenth day; Taber¬

have “seven days” before “and all Israel with him” as in

nacles was celebrated from in the seventh month from

2 Chr 7:8, but at the end of the verse it reads, after the

the fifteenth day through the twenty-first day,30 followed

Wadi of Egypt: “before Yahweh our God, seven days and

by the eighth day of the solemn assembly on the twenty-

seven days, fourteen days.”26 Many commentators believe

second day, and the people were sent home on the next

22

23

Elsewhere in Chronicles the southern border is identified as Shihor (1 Chr 15:5) or Beersheba

(“Hamath, Entrance of,” ABD 3:36-37), who favors

(1 Chr 21:2; 2 Chr 30:5). Cf. Num 34:5; Josh 15:4, 47; 1 Kgs 8:65; 2 Kgs 24:7; Isa 27:12; Ezek 47:19; 48:28. See Rainey, Carta’s Atlas, 35. Nadav Na’aman (Borders and Districts in

25 26

Biblical Historiography [Jerusalem: Simor, 1986],

246-47) and M. Gorg (“Egypt, Brook of,” ABD

24

108

a location in the lower part of the valley of CoeleSyria between the Lebanon and the Anti-Lebanon mountains. Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 439. Targum Jonathan of Kings reads: “seven days the ded¬ ication of the house and seven days the festival— fourteen days.”

2:321), who cites references to the Wadi of Egypt in Assyrian sources (Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II, and Esarhaddon [ANET, 290]), identify the Wadi of

27

De Vries, 1 Kings, 119.

28

This causes some tension with 2 Chr 5:3, which

Egypt instead with Nahal Bezor, just south of Gaza.

29

Per contra Deut 16:13: “You shall keep the festival of

links the dedication to the festival (of Tabernacles).

See also Nadav Na’aman, “The Brook of Egypt and Assyrian Policy on the Border of Egypt,” TA 6

booths for seven days.” A seven-day festival is envis¬ aged also in Ezek 45:25; Lev 23:34, 36a, 39a, 40,

(1979) 74-80. This view is criticized by Anson F. Rainey, “Toponymic Problems (cont.): The Brook of

and 42. The term HIKU is used in Deut 16:8 for the seventh or last day of the Passover celebration.

Egypt,” TA 9 (1982) 131-32. See Num 13:21; 34:8; 2 Kgs 14:25; Amos 6:14; Ezek 47:15, 20; 48:1; 1 Chr 13:5. See Tom F. Wei

30

These are the dates given in the calendar in Lev 23:33-36; Num 29:12-38.

7:1-22

day.31 The Chronicler here ignores the Day of Atone¬

Jerusalem as a place where sacrifices and burnt offerings

ment, scheduled for the tenth day (Lev 16:29 [P]; 23:26-

are brought (Ezra 6:3).

32 [H]). Of course, he does not mention that festival

H 10 On the twenty-third day of the seventh month he sent

elsewhere.32 Kings originally had the dedicatory rites

the people to their tents, rejoicing and in good spirits because of

and Tabernacles celebrated jointly for one week, with the

the goodness that Yahweh had shown to David and to Solomon

people sent home on the eighth day (v. 10 below). No

and to his people Israel: The twenty-third day is the day

beginning date for the dedicatory festival in the seventh

after the eight-day celebration of Tabernacles. Solomon’s

month is given in 1 Kgs 5:2//2 Chr 5:3. At the time of

dismissal of the assembly echoes that of David after the

Solomon himself or the author of the original narrative

transfer of the ark (1 Chr 16:1-3, 43). “Tents” here is a

in Kings, Tabernacles was held at harvest time in the

synonym for homes (cf. Judg 19:9; 1 Kgs 12:16//2 Chr

fall, probably in the seventh month, but at a somewhat

10:16; Ps 91:10). The good spirits of the people were in

variable date. Later, that date was fixed as the fifteenth

response to the goodness Yahweh had shown to David,

through the twenty-second day of the month (Lev 23:33,

Solomon, and Israel, and not because of their indul¬

39; Num 29:12). The MT reading in 1 Kgs 8:65 “seven

gence in wine.36 Rejoicing also marks future celebrations

days and seven days, fourteen days,” should be corrected

in Chronicles (2 Chr 15:8-15; 30:10-17; 35:1-19). The

following this reconstruction to “seven days,” with the

Chronicler has added the name Solomon to the Vorlage

rest explained as a gloss made on the basis of the calen-

(1 Kgs 8:66) in accord with his equal treatment of the

drical calculations in Chronicles.33 While the temple is a place of prayer according to 2 Chronicles 6 and 7:13-16, it is also a place of sacrifice,

two kings of the united monarchy.37 H 11 So Solomon finished the house of Yahweh and the house of the king; all that had come into the heart of Solomon to do

emphasized here by the dedication of the altar. In 2 Chr

in the house of Yahweh and in his own house he accomplished

7:12 the temple is referred to as a “house of sacrifice.”34

successfully: By changing ITfoD YR from the Vorlage (1 Kgs

The sacrificial character of the temple is underscored

9:1) to noT'd? To1! the Chronicler makes this verse con¬

also in 2 Chr 2:3-5 (4-6).35 In Isa 56:7 Yahweh’s house

clude the previous section rather than begin a new one.

of prayer is a place where burnt offerings and sacrifices

De Vries (262) notes the inclusio with 2 Chr 1:18 (2:1),

are accepted on the altar. Cyrus refers to the temple in

where Solomon’s plans for a temple and a palace are

31

The Passover during the reign of Hezekiah was also celebrated for fourteen days (2 Chr 30:23-26). The Chronicler mentions at that time that there had been no celebration like this one since the days of

32

33

Solomon. This festival also goes unmentioned in Nehemiah 8, where Ezra reads the law on the first day of the seventh month (v. 2). There is a reference to Taber¬ nacles during the seventh month, with no mention of the Day of Atonement (vv. 14-15). See Shaver, Torah, 84, 128. Fishbane {Biblical Interpretation, 152) assumes that the Chronicler had the present text of Kings before

him. He therefore believes that the Chronicler was disturbed by the seven days assigned to Tabernacles in Kings without the requisite final eighth day. He believes that the Chronicler thought that the sev¬ enth day of the altar dedication coincided with the 34

35

36 37

milieu of the Second Temple. Cf. 1 Chr 22:1, refer¬ ring to the altar David had built on the threshing floor of Oman: “This will be the house ofYahweh God, and this will be the altar for burnt offering for Israel.” 2 Chr 2:3 (4): “I am building a house for the name ofYahweh my God by consecrating it to him for offering fragrant incense before him, and for the regular offering of the rows of bread and for burnt offerings every morning and evening, on the sabbaths, and the new moons, and the appointed festivals ofYahweh our God, as this is established forever over Israel.” Cf. the references to wine and this mood in Ruth 3:7; Esth 1:10; Eccl 9:7. Cf. 2 Chr 11:17; 35:4. The Chronicler also omits the words “his servant” after David.

first day of the week of Tabernacles. According to Hurvitz (“Terms and Epithets,” 17879), this is the only occurrence of this expression in the Bible. He assigns it in general to the linguistic

109

first announced.38 Solomon’s palace is mentioned also in

Nathan during the day, but Yahweh expressed another

2 Chr 8:1 //1 Kgs 9:10 and 2 Chr 9:11//1 Kgs 12:10.39 In

plan at night (1 Chr 17:1-3). In the present circumstance,

1 Chr 22:11 David told Solomon: “Now, my son, may Yah-

the nighttime revelation will confirm what was said by

weh be with you and may you succeed, and may you build

day. Yahweh’s first assertion is that he has heard Solomon’s

the house ofYahweh your God just as he has spoken con¬ cerning you” (cf. also 1 Chr 29:23). The divine appear¬

prayer (see 2 Chr 6:12-42 and especially vv. 40-42) and

ance in the next verse, according to the literary context,

chosen this place as a house of sacrifice (cf. v. 9 above

presumably happened shortly after the completion of the

for a discussion of the temple as a place for prayer and

temple. In the text of Kings where 1 Kgs 9:1 introduces

sacrifice). Solomon had referred in his prayer to the city

that appearance, Yahweh’s appearance would seem to

of Jerusalem that Yahweh had chosen (2 Chr 6:5-6, 34,

have happened only after the completion of Solomon’s

38//1 Kgs 8:16, 44, 48) and to Yahweh’s choice of David

palace thirteen years later than the temple. The plans

(2 Chr 6:6//l Kgs 8:16), but now the Chronicler adds

of Solomon according to the clause after the semicolon

the idea that Yahweh had also chosen ilTH DlpQ3 (“this

were focused only on the temple and his own house,

place”). Dlpft was used in 1 Chr 21:22, 25 to refer to the

whereas the different wording of the Vorlage suggests

“site” of Oman’s threshing floor, and it will be used

more wide-ranging building projects: “and everything

in 2 Chr 34:25 to refer to the temple. The temple was

that Solomon’s desire wished to do.” Solomon’s successful

frequently called a “place” in chap. 6 (2 Chr 6:20, 21, 26,

accomplishments (IT^n), a note added by the Chroni¬

40). The unspecified “place” of Deut 12:5, 11, and 14 is

cler, are echoed by the accomplishments of later kings

now identified with Solomon’s temple in Jerusalem. The

where the same verb is used (2 Chr 14:6 [7] Asa; 20:20

Chronicler adds a reference to the choice of the temple

Jehoshaphat; 26:5 Uzziah; and 31:21, 30 Hezekiah).40

also in v. 16.42 Solomon’s concern throughout chap. 6 was

7:12-22 Yahweh's Second Appearance to Solomon

prayers uttered in it or toward it. With the second clause,

that Yahweh would recognize the temple and especially 7:12-16 Conditions under Which People Would

citing Yahweh’s word to Solomon, the Chronicler begins

Prosper

an extensive addition to the Vorlage, through v. 16, that

■ 12 Yahweh appeared to Solomon by night and said to him,

spells out the hoped-for positive behavior of the people

“I have heard your prayer, and I have chosen this place for

and its consequences. This addition, supplemented by

myself as a house of sacrifice”: The Chronicler has added the

vv. 19-22, which were already present in the Vorlage, puts

reference to night41 and has omitted “a second time, just

the responsibility primarily on the people and tends to

as he had appeared to him at Gibeon” from 1 Kgs 9:2.

de-emphasize the conditional dynastic promise made to

The first appearance no longer serves as a precedent in

the king in vv. 17-18.43

Chronicles. This verse also suggests that the appearance

■ 13 “When I shut up the heavens so that there is no rain,

took place in the night after the fifteen-day celebration

or command the locust to devour the land, or send pestilence

that has just been described rather than after the first

against my people”: In the next three verses, all added by

twenty years of his reign. Japhet (614) notes that David’s

the Chronicler, Yahweh addresses a number of the con¬

expressed desire to build a temple was confirmed by

cerns raised in the series of seven model petitions from

38

Another reference to Solomon’s finishing work on the temple is found in 2 Chr 8:16.

39

In Kings alone, the palace is mentioned in 1 Kgs 3:1; 7:1. In the latter verse, it is reported that Solo¬ mon worked seven years on the temple and thirteen on the palace.

40

Cf. the use of this verb in regard to Solomon already in 1 Chr 22:11, 13; 29:23.

41

Cf. God’s first appearance to Solomon in 2 Chr 1:7, which also took place at night.

110

42

This focus on the temple may be why the Chronicler has omitted a reference to Solomon’s supplication for mercy in 1 Kgs 9:3. That kind of concern will be dealt with in the following verses.

43

See Donald F. Murray, “Dynasty, People, and the Future: The Message of Chronicles,”/SOT58 (1993) 71-92.

7:1-22

Solomon’s prayer (2 Chr 6:22-39) and promises to hear

Hezekiah and the inhabitants ofjerusalem; 33:12, 19,

them when appropriate prayers and repentance have

Manasseh; 34:27, Josiah) and negatively by those who did

taken place. Note that these are calamities that could

not (2 Chr 33:23, Amon; 36:12, Zedekiah).The verb U]D

typically affect postexilic Judah44 and that the Chronicler

had not been used in this technical sense previously in

omits the references from chap. 6 to war, defeat, or exile

Chronicles.48 The verb “pray” (V?B in the hithpael) is used

that were in the Vorlage. These verses are also paradig¬

in similar contexts also in the later historical narrative

matic in a different sense for the Chronicler, however,

(2 Chr 32:20, 24, Hezekiah; 2 Chr 33:3, Manasseh). This

because they indicate how the doctrine of retribution

verb or its cognate noun had appeared in Solomon’s

will be carried out in the subsequent historical record.

introductory and concluding prayers (vv. 18-21 and

The three specific disasters mentioned here appeared in

40-42) and in each of the seven model petitions in chap.

2 Chr 6:26 and 28, except now they are not disasters that

6. “Seeking” (tijpn) Yahweh or his face also occurs regu¬

happen “naturally,” but specific punishments brought

larly in the following historical narrative (2 Chr 11:16,

about by Yahweh.

faithful from all tribes at the time of Rehoboam; 15:4,

I 14 “if my people over whom my name is called humble them¬

15, all Judah at the time of Asa; 20:4, all Judah at the

selves, and pray and seek my face, and turn from their evil ways,

time of Jehoshaphat) ,49 CSyH is used as a parallel synonym

then I will hear from heaven and I will forgive their sin and

in 1 Chr 16:11; cf. 2 Chr 15:2; 20:3. The verb “turn” to

heal their land”:45 The expression “your name has been

express repentance was frequent already in 2 Chronicles

invoked over this house” was used in 2 Chr 6:33, where

6 (vv. 24, 26, 37, 38), but it appears in the later narrative

it referred to Yahweh’s ownership of the temple. Now

in 2 Chr 15:4, Israel at the time of Asa; 30:6, 9, exhor¬

the same expression is transferred to denote Yahweh’s

tation to Israel at the time of Hezekiah; 36:13, when

ownership of, or election of, Israel.46 The focus in this

Zedekiah hardens his heart against turning to Yahweh.

verse excludes the reference to the foreigner from 2 Chr

Hence the Chronicler has anticipated two of the cardinal

6:32-33. The Chronicler’s stress on Yahweh’s ownership

sins in the final generation ofjudah: Zedekiah’s failure

of Israel makes up for his omission in 2 Chronicles 6

to humble himself and his failure to repent.

of 1 Kgs 8:51, 53, where Israel had been referred to as

Yahweh’s promise to hear from heaven is exactly what

Yahweh’s rfpfll Four synonyms for repentance or aspects

Solomon prayed for in chap. 6 (vv. 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27,

of repentance appear in this verse: humble themselves,

30, 33, 35, 39). “Forgive” was used very frequently in

pray, seek my face, and turn. Saul’s failure to do any of

chap. 6 (vv. 21, 25, 27, 30, 39) but never again after this

these led to his rejection in 1 Chr 10:13-14. Israel’s duty

verse in Chronicles.50 Sin itself had been mentioned ten

to humble itself (D2D) in the face ofYahweh-brought

times in chap. 6 (vv. 22, 24, 25, 26 [twice], 27, 36 [twice],

calamity is illustrated both positively by those who did

37, 39), but after this verse it is mentioned only in 25:4;

humble themselves (2 Chr 12:6-7, the princes ofjudah

28:10, 13; 29:21, 23, 24 (twice); and 33:19.51 The third

and Rehoboam; 12:12, Rehoboam himself; 30:11, a few

of Yahweh’s responses to repentance is described by his

people from Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun;47 32:26,

healing of the land. Yahweh also healed the people in

44 45

46

47

48

Only pestilence is mentioned later, in 2 Chr 20:9. The Targum renders the second half of this verse, from then on, as follows: “Then I shall accept from heaven their penitence, I shall loose and forgive their sins and I shall bring healing to their land.” In Amos 9:12 the booth of David is promised that it will possess the remnant of Edom and all the nations over whom my name is called.

49

50

In this case only a few from Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun humbled themselves at the time of Heze¬ kiah. See 1 Chr 17:10; 18:1; 20:4, where it is used of subduing enemies. The verb WD in the hiphil is used

51

to express Yahweh’s punishment of unrepentant people by bringing them low (2 Chr 28:19). Cf. Jer 29:13: “When you seek (QntOpTI) me, you will find me; if you seek me (’3tQ“nn) with all your heart.” See also Ps 24:6; 27:8; 105:4, where both t0p3 and mi appear as synonyms. In 2 Kgs 24:4, dealing with the sins of Jehoiachin, we read ofYahweh’s unwillingness to forgive. This verse is not included by the Chronicler. See also the use of “12D (atone) in 2 Chr 29:24; 30:18. All of these verses except 25:4 are additions by the Chronicler. The references in chap. 29 are to sin offerings.

Ill

the time of Hezekiah (2 Chr 30:20). Johannes C. de

is unclear whether Yahweh sanctified the house to put

Moor has argued that healing often means restoring to a

his name there or whether Solomon built the house for

condition of

that purpose. The Chronicler clarifies this issue by omit¬

or peace. Notejer 33:6: “Behold, I will

bring to it recovery and healing, yes, I will heal them and

ting the words nnn “lEjtf (“which you [Solomon] have

reveal to them the crown of peace and security.”52 At the

built”) from the Vorlage. Yahweh is the one who has both

end of the book of 2 Chronicles, the Chronicler notes

chosen and sanctified the house for the sake of his name

that the people had so rejected the divine warnings that

dwelling there. What is the force of the addition of “my

there was no chance of healing (KD”)0; 2 Chr 36:16).53

heart” to “my eyes” as a part ofYahweh that will be in the

■ 15 “Now my eyes will be open and my ears ivill be attentive to

temple, in both Kings and Chronicles? “My heart” seems

the prayer from this place”: This promissory answer, intro¬

to have replaced “my ears” in 1 Kgs 8:52//2 Chr 6:50 (cf.

duced by the transitional word “now,” which indicates a

also 1 Kgs 8:29//2Chr 6:20). Note that this verse, like

new thought, is a direct response to Solomon’s prayer in

its Vorlage in 1 Kgs 9:3, stresses two things that will last

2 Chr 6:40. That verse, of course, was the Chronicler’s

forever: Yahweh’s name on this house and the presence

introduction to the materials he would insert from

of his eyes and heart there. 7:17-18 Conditional Dynastic Promise

Psalm 132. These words also imply that Yahweh would not refuse the prayer of his anointed one, about which

■ 17 “As for you, if you walk before me, just as your father

Solomon had prayed in 2 Chr 6:42.

David xcalked before me, doing according to all that I have com¬

■ 16 “For now I have chosen and consecrated this house so

manded you and if you keep my statutes and my ordinances”:

that my name will be there forever; my eyes and my heart will

This protasis states the conditions on which the per¬

be there always”: This paragraph ends as it began in v. 12

manence of the dynasty of David will be established.54

with an affirmation about Yahweh choosing the temple.

The Chronicler omits after the words “David your father”

“For now I have chosen” (Tnrn iinui) are words added

“I2T21

DrO “with integrity of heart and with upright¬

by the Chronicler to make a connection to v. 12; the rest

ness”55 from the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 9:4.56 Note that “my stat¬

of the verse comes from 1 Kgs 9:3. Yahweh has set the

utes and my commandments” recur in the threat of v. 19

temple aside as holyjust as Solomon had set the inner

(cf. 1 Kgs 9:6, where their order is reversed). This verse

court aside as holy as a place of sacrifice (2 Chr 7:7; see

in Kings anticipates Solomon’s apostasy in chap. 11, but

also v. 20 below). The temple, and not the dynasty, is

this is irrelevant in Chronicles, which does not include

what is of highest importance in Chronicles. Again at

(much of) 1 Kings 11.

the end of 2 Chronicles we read that the leading priests

■ 18 “then I will establish your royal throne just as I made a

and the people had defiled the house ofYahweh which

covenant with your father David, saying,‘You shall not lack a

he had consecrated in Jerusalem (2 Chr 36:14). Not

person to rule in Israel’”: The Chronicler has three signifi¬

only will Yahweh’s name be in the temple, signaling his

cant differences with regard to his Vorlage in 1 Kgs 9:5.57

presence, but his eyes will be there to see the needs of

(1) He drops the words “over Israel forever” after “royal

his people. Note Solomon’s prayer for this very benefac¬

throne”; (2) he replaces the word TI“Q7 (“I promised”)

tion in 2 Chr 6:20 and 40. In the Vorlage (1 Kgs 9:3), it

with T)"D (“I made a covenant”);58 and (3) he replaces

52

Johannes C. de Moor, “Rapi’ma-—Rephaim,” ZAW 88 (1976) 336. Cf. also Isa 57:19.

53

Murray (“Dynasty, People, and the Future” [see n. 43 above]) notes that there are explicit references back to 2 Chr 6:26-31 in vv. 13-14.

54

Cf. in substance 2 Sam 7:12, 14-16, and in verbal identity 1 Kgs 2:3-4 (4-5); 3:6 and 8:25. Solomon had prayed for the establishment of the dynasty in his first prayer, 1 Kgs 8:25-26//2 Chr 6:16-17.

55

See the similar if not identical vocabulary in Job 1:1, 8 and Ps 78:72. McKenzie (Chronicler’s Use, 97)

112

believes that these words are an expansion in Kings. 56

See the similar omission in 2 Chr 1:8 of parts of 1 Kgs 3:6.

57

I view the replacement of jrDbQD by “[tTD^D as stylis¬ tic.

58

It does not seem likely that this is merely a lapsus calami. Note the play on words with DID' (“you shall

not lack”) later in the verse. DID is also used without the following word iT“Q in 2 Chr 5:10//1 Kgs 8:9.

7:1-22

KCO

7:19-22 Conditions under Which King and

ETN (“a man over the throne of Israel”)

People Will Be Destroyed

with T’fcOiO'Il T’Ei'IO 2TK (“a successor to rule in Israel”). Changes 1 and 3 would seem to be related to each other,

■ IS “But if you turn aside and abandon my statutes and

since in both cases the Chronicler removes the explicit

my commandments that I have set before you, and go and serve

statement that an actual human king will preside over

other gods and bow down to them”: In the Vorlage (1 Kgs 9:6),

Israel in the future, including the time of the Chronicler.

the subject of the clause in the protasis is “you and your

Change 3, however, is attested already in the Chronicler’s

descendants,” that is, as the plural pronoun in Hebrew

Vorlage (see the textual notes). The deletion noted in

makes clear, the address is to Solomon and his contempo¬

change 1 is likely to have been made by the Chronicler

rary Israelites, as well as to future generations of Isra¬

himself.59 Note by way of contrast that the previous verse

elites. The Chronicler retains only the plural pronoun,

promised that Yahweh’s name would be at the temple

referring to Solomon and the people, and dropping the

forever and that his eyes and heart would be there “all

reference to descendants.63 For the Chronicler there is

the days” = “always.” Yahweh’s loyalty to and presence

no heaping up of guilt, but each generation is recom¬

in the temple is guaranteed for the future; the explicit

pensed for its good or bad behavior. The Chronicler

reference to the permanence of the Davidic dynasty is

reads DrQTih fOIBJn (“turn aside and abandon”) instead

nn«D jntDfi mo64

dropped by the Chronicler. The reading in change 3 is

ofnftton

probably taken from Mic 5:1 (2)60 and appears already

following me and do not keep”), with no significant

in the LXX of Kings and therefore cannot be attributed

change in emphasis. The Chronicler uses

(“indeed turn aside from (“aban¬

min in 2 Chr 12:1, but elsewhere he uses

to the particular bias of the Chronicler. Rainer Kessler

don”) with

interprets the passage in Micah as opposition to either

Zltr with Yahweh himself as the direct object.65 Serving

Babylonian or Persian overlordship.61 The accusations

and bowing down to other gods is also a characteristic

made against Nehemiah by his Samarian opponents in

Deuteronomistic charge (Deut 17:3; Josh 23:16). The

Neh 6:6-7, namely, that Nehemiah had plans to become

future of Israel will depend on faithfulness to this main

king, however false they may have been in the case of

commandment by both king and people. The Chronicler

Nehemiah himself, indicate that there were indeed those

has changed the order of the words “statutes” and “com¬

who nourished such a hope and would invoke passages

mandments” from the Vorlage.

such as Mic 5:1 (2) in support. But in comparison with

I 20 “then I will pluck them up from my land that I gave to

the wording in 1 Kgs 9:5, these words make a much

them, and this house that I have consecrated to my name, I will

less explicit affirmation about the future of kingship in

cast out of my sight, and I will make it a proverb and a taunt

Israel.62 And in view of the toned-down request about

among all peoples”: We have retained “pluck them up” and

the king in 2 Chr 6:42, no special interest in or urgency

“gave to them” (see the textual notes), and the Vorlage

about the restoration of the Davidic dynasty can be

(1 Kgs 9:7) reads “cut Israel off” and “gave to them”

detected in this verse.

respectively, so that the inconsistency between protasis

59

McKenzie (Chronicler’s Use, 97) suggests, however, that these words are a secondary addition in Kings.

60

Or is this a formula that had a more widespread

61

usage? Rainer Kessler, Micha (HThKAT; Freiburg im Breis-

62

gau: Herder, 1999), 229. But see 2 Chr 6:16 above, which seems to agree with

63

64

65

The Chronicler regularly omits infinitive absolutes from the Vorlage. Turning aside from following Yahweh is a frequent Deuteronomistic charge (Josh 22:16, 18,23; 1 Sam 15:11). 2 Chr 12:5; 13:10, 11; 21:10; 24:20, 24; 28:6; 29:6; 34:25.

1 Kgs 9:6. See Williamson, 224. Japhet (616) states that God’s promise to David is applied not to the the entire Davidic dynasty but to Solomon alone.

113

and apodosis was present already in the text of Kgs. The

destruction of the city or the land are also posed in Deut

“more correct” you plural readings in the versions that are cited in the textual notes are to be viewed as second¬

29:23-27 (24-28) andjer 22:8-9 (cf. the questions posed by Israel itself in Jer 5:19; 13:22; 16:10-13).71

ary corrections.66 Chronicles reads “my land” instead of

■ 22 “And they will say, ‘Because they abandoned Yahweh the

“the land” in the Vorlage. Possession of the land is linked

God of their ancestors, who brought them out from the land of

to obedience in 1 Chr 28:8. The verbs “pluck up” and

Egypt, and they took hold of other gods, and worshiped them and

“cast out” show the influence of Deut 29:27 (28).

served them; therefore he has brought on them all this calam¬

We might expect that the people rather than the

ity’”: The people who provide the answers to the question

temple would be cast from (sent away from) Yahweh’s

posed in v. 21 are presumably non-Israelites, since they

sight,67 but this picture of removing the temple from

refer to the Israelites in the third person. Beginning the

Yahweh’s sight already appears in the Vorlage whether

verse with an undifferentiated “they” is also an alternate

(Kgs MT)68 or

(Kgs LXX) is the original

way of expressing the passive in Hebrew. Hence, this is

reading there (see the textual notes). While Kings goes

equivalent to: “It will be said.” The use of “abandoned”

on to make Israel a proverb and a taunt,69 the Chronicler

here may explain the Chronicler’s substitution of DrQTI?!

makes the temple itself into such a proverbially disdained

for rntin

in v. 19 above. The verbs “worship” and

thing (hendiadys). The Chronicler therefore anticipates

“serve” were also used in that verse. The epithet “the

what his Vorlage said about the temple in the next verse.

God of the ancestors” is used twenty-seven times in

For the image of Israel as a proverb and byword, see Deut

Chronicles.72 The verb pTFT in the sense of “took hold of”

28:37 andjer 24:9.

or “clung to” is used also in 1 Kgs 1:50; 2:28 (neither

I 21 “And as for this house, which was exalted, it will be

of which is incorporated by the Chronicler) ,73 but it is

desolate for everyone passing by it, and [such a person] will

used only here of taking hold of other gods. While the

say, ‘Why has Yahweh done such a thing to this land and this

Chronicler does not use exodus language as much as it is

house?’”: As indicated in the textual notes, the Chronicler

used in Kings, it is by no means absent.74 The Chronicler,

probably had an already corrupted copy of Kings before

therefore, like his Vorlage, declares that the offense of the

him, and construed it as best as he could under the cir¬

people is denying the God of the exodus and his saving

cumstances. Hence the once exalted house70 will become

acts. In Kings, it is “the ancestors” who were brought out

desolate or an object of human astonishment for any

of Egypt.75

who observe the destroyed condition of temple and land. Such questions by the nations about the reason for the

66 67

Johnstone (1:360) concludes incorrectly that the antecedent of “them” is the successors of David. Cf. 2 Kgs 17:20: “Yahweh rejected all the descen¬

72

13:12, 18; 14:3 (4); 15:12; 19:4; 29:6, 33; 21:10; 24:18, 24; 28:6, 9, 25; 29:5; 30:7, 19, 22; 33:12; 34:32, 33; 36:15. A variety of possessive pronouns

dants of Israel; he afflicted them and gave them into the hand of plunderers, until he had cast them

114

1 Chr 5:25; 12:18 (17); 29:18, 20; 2 Chr 7:22; 11:16;

is used before “ancestors.” It only appears nineteen

68

away from his presence.” ”2 nbtO is used with reference to the people in

times in the rest of the Old Testament, including three times in Ezra. Seejaphet (Ideology, 14-19),

69

Jer 15:1. Cf. Deut 28:37; Jer 24:9, where people are the object

who points out that the Chronicler uses inter¬ changeably Yahweh your God, Yahweh the God of

of the proverbial taunt.

Israel, and Yahweh the God of your ancestors.

70

For jT’bu used for the exalted condition of Israel, see Deut 26:19; 28:1.

73

71

See D. E. Skweres, “Das Motiv der Strafgrunderfragung in biblischen und neu-assyrischen Texte,”

74

BZ14 (1970) 181-97; Winfried Thiel, Die deutero-

75

In these two passages it refers to laying hold of the horns of the altar. See Peter R. Ackroyd, “History and Theology in the Writings of the Chronicler,” CTM 38 (1967) 501-15.

nomistische Redaktion von Jeremia 1-25 (WMANT 41;

Note that the Chronicler refers to “Yahweh the God of their ancestors” while Kings refers to “Yahweh

Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1973) 295-300.

their God” but then has Yahweh bring “their ances¬ tors” instead of “them” out of Egypt.

7:1-22

Conclusion

A divine theophany in vv. 12-22 has been significantly modified by an expansion made by the Chronicler.

The inaugural ceremonies for the temple conclude with

In that expansion he lays out his expectations for the

a display of fire from heaven that confirms the legitimacy

people when they face divinely brought disaster. They are

of the temple and its sacrifices and also signals a positive

to humble themselves, pray, seek the face of Yahweh, and

response to Solomon’s prayer in chap. 6. The glory that

repent. This stress on the role of the people is balanced

had filled the house of Yahweh when the ark was placed

by a reference to the choice of Jerusalem both at the

in it now appears over the temple and is seen by all.

beginning and at the end of the supplemental para¬

Solomon and the people carry out lavish animal sacri¬

graph. Yahweh’s presence in the temple is “forever” or

fices at the dedication of the temple. The great number

“for all times.” The attitudes described in this paragraph

of these sacrifices shows the importance of the occasion

are ones that the Chronicler urges on his readers if they

in the eyes of the Chronicler, and that number is empha¬

are to survive. In the subsequent chapters, he will fre¬

sized by the need to consecrate the central portion of

quently accuse the kings and the people of having failed

the court so that sacrifices can be carried on there as

to carry out these activities.

well. Solomon’s bronze altar in any case has now replaced

While the Chronicler retains the conditional dynastic

the altar of bronze manufactured by Bezalel, which had

promise that was present in his Vorlage, he downgrades

stood before the tent of meeting. But that altar could not

its importance by prefacing it with the hoped-for positive

handle the massive number of sacrifices made on this

reactions of the people in w. 12-16, which are balanced

occasion so that Solomon consecrated the middle of the

by the corresponding warnings to them and the king in

court that was in front of the temple so that it could be

vv. 19-22, which state the conditions that would lead to

used for sacrificial purposes.

the people’s destruction. These two paragraphs form

The Chronicler makes the chronology of the festival correspond to ritual practices of his own time. Therefore

an inclusio around the conditional dynastic promise. The main danger foreseen in vv. 19-22 is the worship of

he places the seven-day ceremony for the dedication of

“other gods.” The Chronicler omits the reference in the

the temple a week before the Feast of Tabernacles, and

dynastic promise to Solomon’s reign over Israel lasting

he lengthens the latter feast by one day to reflect late

forever (v. 18; per contra 1 Kgs 9:5). This coheres with his

pentateuchal legislation. At the end of the ceremonies,

general lack of enthusiasm for or intense interest in the

Solomon sends the people home, just as David had dis¬

restoration of the monarchy.

missed the people after bringing the ark to Jerusalem.

115

8:1-18 Miscellaneous Incidents after the Dedication of the Temple Translation1 At the end of twenty years, during which Solomon had built the house of Yahweh and his own house,2 2/ Solomon built the cities that Huram had given to Solomon and settled the Israelites in them. 3/ Solomon went to Hamath-zobah and prevailed against it. 4/ He built Tadmor3 in the wilderness and all the storage towns that4 he built in Hamath. 5/ He also built Upper Beth-horon and Lower Beth-horon,5 fortified cities, with walls, double-doors, and bars, 6/ and Baalath, as well as all Solomon's storage towns, all the towns for his chariots, the towns for his horse¬ men, and whatever Solomon desired6 to build, in Jerusalem, Lebanon,7 and in all the land of his reign. All the people who were left of the Hittites, the Amorites,8 the Perizzites, the Hivites, and the Jebusites, who were not of Israel, 8/ from9 their descendants who were still left behind them in the land, whom the Israelites had not destroyed—these Solomon conscripted for forced labor,10 as is still the case today. 9/ But of the Israelites11 Solomon made no slaves for his work;12 they were soldiers, his com¬ manders, his captains,13 commanders of his chariotry and cavalry. 10/ These were the chief officers14 of king Solomon, two hundred fifty,15 who exercised authority over the people. Solomon brought Pharaoh's daughter up16 from the city of David to the house that he had built for her, for he said, "My wife shall not live in the house17 of David king of Israel, for the places18 are holy to which the ark of Yahweh has come. Then Solomon offered up burnt offerings to Yahweh on the altar of Yahweh that he had built in the front of the vestibule, 13/ as the duty of each day required, offering, according to the commandment of Moses, for the Sabbaths,19 the new moons, and the three annual festivals—the feast of Unleavened Bread, the feast of Weeks, and the feast of Tabernacles. 14/ Accord¬ ing to the ordinance of David his father, he appointed the divisions of the priests for their service, and the Levites for their offices of praising and serving along¬ side the priests, as the duty of each day required, and the gatekeepers in their divisions for the several gates; for this was the commandment of David the man of God. 15/ They did not turn away from the commandment20 of the king relat¬ ing to the priests and Levites regarding anything at all, or regarding the treasur¬ ies. 16/ Thus, all the work of Solomon was accomplished from the day of21 laying the

116

1

The Vorlageof 2 Chr 8:3-12 is 1 Kgs 9:17-25, with 1 Kgs 9:15-16 omitted by Chronicles. The equiva¬ lencies between 1 Kgs 9:15-25 MT and LXX are complicated. In the Rahlfs edition: 9:15, 17b, 18 (one word), and 19a/3b = 10:22a; 9:16-17a = 5:14b; 9:20-21 = 10:22b; 9:22 = 10:22c; 9:23 = 2:35h; 9:24 = 2:35fb and 9:9a; 9:25 = 2:35g. In the Cambridge

2

3

LXX: 9:15, 17b, 18 (one word), and 19a/3 = 10:23; 16-17a = 4:32-33; 9:19b-21 = 10:24; 9:22 = 10:25; 9:23 = 2:35h; 9:24 = 2:35g and 9:9b; 25 = 2:35g. In addi¬ tion, 9:15b, 17b, and 18a = 2:35i. Verse 1 may be a temporal clause linked to v. 2 so that something new begins with v. 3 (Dillard, 62; Japhet, 621-22; MV; and NRSV). Or v. 1 is a tem¬ poral clause linked with v. 3, with v. 2 as a paren¬ thetical insertion. For the latter, see Myers, 2:45; Rudolph, 218; and Galling, 95. “IDTl; cf. 1 Kgs 9:18 Qmany Hebrew mss LXX1' &o8pop Syr Tg Vg. See Josephus Ant. 8.153-54. Kgs LXX ledeppad and deppix) also reflect Tadmor. 1 Kgs 9:18 K 7Dn “Tamar.”

4

5

PR; lacking in LXXBLal Vg Arab. The omission of aq after oxvpdq is the result of haplography. prim pmn rvn roo pPn pin rra ntc; 1 Kgs 9:17 pnnn pn no HR! “lower Beth-horon.” 1 Kgs 2:35i LXX Kai ttju Baiftwpuv eiravoi and lKgs 10:23 LXX (Cambridge) and 10:22a (Rahlfs) Kai TT]V BaLdupwv Tpv avuTepu. “Upper Beth-horon.” See the commentary. ptSn PR HOP pen P nRl. P is lacking in 1 Kgs 9:19 MT but is present in many Hebrew mss Tg Vg. Chr LXX /cat oaa eirefivprioev EaAccpwv Kara ttjv e-Ki^vpiav “and all that Solomon desired according to his desire.” LXX provides a translation for both words formed from the root piP.

7

paPl; cf. 1 Kgs 9:19 MT. This word is lacking in Kgs LXX (Rahlfs 10:22a; Cambridge 10:24).

g

,_ID«m ’nnn; cf. 1 Kgs 10:24 LXX (Cambridge) and 10:22° (Rahlfs) tov Xerraiou Kai rod Apoppaiou. 1 Kgs 9:20 MT Tinm ,-lDR~ “the Amorites and the Hittites.” ]D; lacking in Syr and 1 Kgs 9:21. Curtis and Madsen (355) delete it.

10

OVb. BHS suggests adding "DU, with one Hebrew ms Syr Arab and 1 Kgs 9:21. Was IP lost by haplogra¬ phy before P?

n

PP1 P. MT adds PR, but this word is lacking in a few Hebrew mss LXX Syr Vg and 1 Kgs 9:22. Either this relative pronoun may have been added from the similar context in the previous verse, or it is a corrupted dittography of PP’ (Goettsberger, 239). Its presence would mean that there were indeed Israelites who did forced service, but this verse describes the duties of those who did not perform such service.

8:1-18

17/

foundation of the house of Yahweh until its completion. The house of Yahweh was finished completely.22 Then Solomon went to Ezion-geber and Eloth on the shore of the sea, in the land of Edom. 18/ Huram sent to him,23 in the care of his servants, ships24 and servants25 familiar with sea.26 They went to Ophir, together with the servants of Solomon, and they imported from there four hun¬ dred fifty27 talents of gold and brought it to King Solomon.

12 13

14

15

16

17 18 19

20

21

22

23

TOnW?; LXX rfj jSafftAetg avrov = lniD^Q1? “for his kingdom.” l’tB’^l V7fol with Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 9:22; MT ’7231 “the commanders of his captains.” Double loss of waw between the words. □’□K37 with Q many Hebrew mss and 1 Kgs 9:23; K D'T^DIl “garrisons.” For the latter, see 1 Chr 11:16; 18:13; 2 Chr 17:2.This is the only time “officers” appears in Chronicles. OTIKDI □"ran. 1 Kgs 9:23 m«D Efam □'tOOn “five hundred fifty.” Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 129) is undecided whether this is a text-critical issue or a deliberate change. The LXX translation of 1 Kgs 9:23 is in 2:35h, but the number of overseers there is taken from 1 Kgs 5:30 (16) LXX: three thousand six hundred. The MT in 1 Kgs 5:30 reads three thousand three hundred. 77137 nuns nn nai; 1 Kgs 9:9a LXX (Cam¬ bridge) 9:9b (Rahlfs) rore dvpyayev EaAwpcov ri)v fivyarepa inTo 7131. LXX eag ov ereAetaaet' EaAwpwv top olkop Kvpiov “until Solomon had fin¬ ished the house of Yahweh” = ITS HiK 7Q*7S ITfo 7131 mrr. The verb 7^3 is parsed piel in LXX and qal in MT. See the commentary. D7H7 l“7 iYpbPI. LXX Kai dneareLAev Xetpap, leaving out a translation for 7*7, which is also lacking in 1 Kgs 9:27. Rudolph (220) reads D7in 1*7 D237 “Huram pre¬ pared for him (ships).”

24 25

m,3«,withQ;KnmK. n’73131. Rudolph (220) (BHS) proposes ni’]vb 1 b nb&l □’7313 “and he sent to him for the ships servants,” arguing that the first three words were lost by

117

homoioteleuton. I believe there is no need to follow this conjecture and the one in n. 23. For an interpretation of the difficult MT, see the commentary. cf. 1 Kgs 9:27 LXX. Kgs MT DTI “the sea.”

26

27

□’CDOm HIND iQ“IK. Syr and Josephus Ant. 8.164 “four hundred.” 1 Kgs 9:28 MT D’ltDSI HIKO MIN “four hundred twenty”; Kgs LXX enarov einooi “one hundred twenty” (assimilation to 1 Kgs 9:14; 10:10).

Structure

labor that Solomon used to build the temple and his own house, other installations in Jerusalem, and Hazor,

In this chapter the Chronicler presents a revised version

Megiddo, and Gezer (1 Kgs 9:15). After the successful

of 1 Kgs 9:10-28. He has added vv. lib and 13-16 and

completion of the temple and its acceptance by Yah-

omitted 1 Kgs 9:14-l7a and 24b. His text in v. 2 is related

weh, it is not difficult to imagine why these references

to 1 Kgs 9:11-13, but departs from it in detail in remark¬

to forced labor seemed inappropriate or unnecessary.

able ways (see the commentary). The same can be said

The Chronicler retains the notice about forced labor

for vv. 3-5 in comparison with 1 Kgs 9:17b, 18b (again,

in vv. 8-9 (1 Kgs 9:21-22), where he makes a distinct

see the commentary). The chapter may be outlined as

contrast between the forced labor done by the pre-Isra¬

follows:

elite inhabitants of the land and the more exalted tasks

I. 8:1-6 Solomon’s building projects outside of and within Jerusalem (1 Kgs 9:10-13, 17b-19) II. 8:7-10 Solomon’s use of non-Israelite forced labor

assigned to the Israelites. The Chronicler also omitted the account of Pharaoh’s attack on Gezer, his burning of the city and then giving it as a dowry to his daughter, the

and of human resources from Israel (1 Kgs 9:20-23)

wife of Solomon, after which Solomon then rebuilt Gezer

III.

8:11 Solomon’s transfer of the residence of

(1 Kgs 9:16’-l7a). Since he included Solomon’s building

Pharaoh’s daughter (1 Kgs 9:24a)

projects in other cities, the Chronicler evidently found

IV.

8:12-16 Solomon’s cultic initiatives (1 Kgs 9:25)

this manner of acquiring Gezer unhelpful. Japhet (624)

8:17-18 Solomon’s and Huram’s shipping enterprise

notes that since it was a Levitical city already in the time

(1 Kgs 9:26-28)

of David, according to the Chronicler (1 Chr 6:52 [67]),

V.

The second half of Solomon’s reign is presented in about one-third of the space given to the building of the

its capture by Solomon from the Canaanites would have been an impossibility.

temple in the first half of his reign, and even in this chap¬ ter there are allusions to the earlier work on the temple.

Detailed Commentary

Solomon’s interaction with Huram in vv. 1-2 recalls their collaborative work in 1 Chr 2:2-15 (3-16) and marks an

■ 1 At the end of twenty years, during which Solomon had

end of these negotiations. Verses 7-10 show what hap¬

built the house of Yahweh and his own house: We have

pened to the levy of laborers mentioned in 1 Chr 2:1,

reached the midpoint of Solomon’s forty-year reign

16-17 (2, 17-18) after the completion of the temple.

(2 Chr 9:30), and the first half had been devoted to the

Solomon’s transfer of the residence of Pharaoh’s daugh¬

construction of temple and palace. The Chronicler omit¬

ter and his cubic initiatives are also related to his earlier

ted 1 Kgs 7:1-12, which reported that Solomon devoted

activities on behalf of the temple. Much of the chapter is

nearly twice as much time to the palace as to the temple:

devoted to extolling the achievements of Solomon and

thirteen years for his palace and only seven to the

his international prosperity and success. These accom¬

temple (1 Kgs 6:38).2 In 2 Chr 8:1 the Chronicler fol¬

plishments lend prestige to Solomon the temple builder.

lows the Vorlage (1 Kgs 9:10), although he shortens it (by

The Chronicler omitted the reference to the forced

1

dropping the reference to “two houses”) and modestly

Lemke (“Synoptic Problem,” 358-59) doubted that

the minus in Kgs LXX includes v. 17a and is clearly caused by a haplography from Gezer at the end of v. 15 to Gezer at the end of v. 17a.

1 Kgs 9:16 was in the Chronicler’s Vorlage since it is absent in the LXX (see textual note 1 for the verse equivalents in Cambridge LXX and Rahlfs). But

118

2

This verse is also not included'in Chronicles.

8:1-18

changes its second half after the word “built,” which

much anyway. In 1 Kgs 9:14 Hiram sends Solomon 120

read “two houses, the house of Yahweh and the house of

talents of gold. Noth suggests that Solomon ceded the

the king.”

towns to Hiram because he needed gold.8 This amount

H 2 Solomon built the cities that Huram had given to Solomon

of gold would be a little more than four tons (see 2 Chr

and settled the Israelites in them: This verse seems to contra¬

9:9//l Kgs 10:10 below).

dict what was said in 1 Kgs 9:11-13. In those verses Hiram had sent Solomon cedar and cypress wood and all the

In Chronicles, the cities are given by Huram to Solomon! I believe that the Chronicler introduced this

gold Solomon wanted (presumably for the temple and/

change because he did not want to imply that Solomon

or the palace; cf 1 Kgs 5:24 [10]).3 On his part, Solomon

was short of resources, that he would willingly give away

gave Hiram twenty cities in Galilee.4 Upon inspecting

part of the land of Israel in a business transaction, or

them, Hiram was displeased with them and asked criti¬

that Huram would dislike anything that Solomon had

cally and disparagingly, “What are these cities that you

given him.9 Solomon built or rebuilt these cities10 and

have given me, my brother?”5 Then he (or people in

settled new people in them.11

general) called them “the land of Cabul,” a pejorative

Others have proposed a variety of historical or har-

nickname that stuck for some time. Presumably Cabul

monistic interpretations of this apparent contradiction.

is an older name for a town6 that is now given an etio¬

Kenneth Kitchen finds in the two accounts in Kings

logical explanation by Hiram that applies to the whole

and Chronicles a “good old-fashioned haggle between

region. The meaning of that etymological etiology is no

two very wily Oriental gentlemen.” In this understand¬

longer completely clear.7 The citation of Hiram’s negative

ing, Solomon gave Hiram the desired coastal plain and

comment by the author of Kings may have been meant

the upslopes of Asher (the land of Cabul), while on his

to soften the negative political implications of Solomon’s

part Hiram ceded upland territory to Solomon, reach¬

payment. That is, what Solomon gave away was not worth

ing north of David’s probable border into the uplands

3

This earlier verse (1 Kgs 5:24 [10]), not included in Chronicles, says that Hiram supplied Solomon with cedar and cypress but says nothing about gold. The mention of gold in 1 Kgs 5:24 (10) anticipates 1 Kgs

7

9:14 “Hiram sent to the king one hundred twenty talents of gold,” but this verse is not included in the 4

5

6

Chronicler’s account. b’Sl. Cf. Josh 20:7; 21:32; 2 Kgs 15:29; Isa 8:23; 1 Chr 6:61 (76). Mulder (1 Kings, 476) suggests that this transaction could also be interpreted as the loss of territory during a skirmish between the two powers rather than a compensation for services

8

Solomon’s gift of towns to Hiram (1 Kgs 9:11b) and Hiram’s payment of gold to Solomon (1 Kgs 9:14) is

rendered. For “brother” in the sense of treaty partner, see also 1 Kgs 20:32-33, where Ben-hadad refers to King Ahab as his brother. The modern town of Cabul (MR 170252) is located some eight or nine miles southeast of Acco (MR 158258). The ancient site may be at Kh. Ras ezZeitun, about one mile northeast of Cabul. See Rafael Frankel, “Cabul,” ABD 1:797. The only other biblical reference to Cabul is Josh 19:27, where it is listed as part of the tribe of Asher. The border of Asher was somewhat to the east of Cabul. Aharoni (Land of the Bible, 277) believes that the etiol¬ ogy connected to Cabul applied not to the whole area of the twenty cities but only to the border

area between Tyre and Israel, in which Cabul was located. Josephus {Ant. 8.142) claims that it means “unpleas¬ ant” in Phoenician, and the Talmud {b. Sabb. 54b) defines it as “unfruitful.” Or is it combination of D (“like”) and (“nothing”)? See Cogan, 1 Kings, 300; Mulder, 1 Kings, 477; and Kevin A. Wilson, “Cabul,” NIDB 1:515. Noth, Konige, 212. Noth believed that 1 Kgs 9:12-13 was secondary, so that v. 14 was originally linked directly to v. lib. The exact relationship between

not given in the text. Long (1 Kings, 112) identifies it as a delayed climax that shows the grandness of

10

Hiram’s contribution to Solomon’s building pro¬ gram and the meanness of Solomon’s payment in kind (twenty villages in the Galilee region). Rudolph (219) ascribed the Chronicler’s divergent position to an alternate tradition that the Chroni¬ cler knew and which he felt to be more accurate. This explains what is unknown by an appeal to an otherwise unknown source.

10 11

The Chronicler uses the verb iTO six times in vv. 1-6. Such settlement is done elsewhere in the Bible only by conquering Mesopotamian powers (2 Kgs 17:16, 24; Ezra 4:9-10).

119

by Rama and to Qana.12 Kitchen’s apologetic for the

Hiram.” A loss of the initial

historicity of both accounts is given a veneer of verisimili¬

lead to the interpretation that king Hiram gave the cit¬

before Hiram could then

tude by citing particulars about the land transactions in

ies. It is hard for me to see how this conjectural mistake

both Phoenicia and Israel that are nowhere given in the

could take place, however, if the Chronicler had known

text. Myers (2:47) believed that Hiram returned the cities,

the context of 1 Kgs 9:11-14.

with which he was dissatisfied, to Solomon,13 who then

■ 3-4 Solomon went to Hamath-zobah and prevailed against

refurbished them. Myers felt that they were only collat¬

it. 4/ He built Tadmor in the wilderness and all the stor¬

eral in any case until payment could be made by Solo¬

age towns that he built in Hamath: Solomon is known in

mon.14 Hence the incident in Chronicles is subsequent to

Chronicles as a man of peace (1 Chr 22:9), in pointed

that in Kings. As Dillard (63) notes, however, if Huram

contrast to David, and these are the only verses in the

had found the cities to be an insufficient payment, he

Bible that ascribe military activity to Solomon. Modern

would have demanded an alternate payment or held

historians doubt that Solomon ever controlled this much

these cities as collateral until Solomon’s debt was fully

territory in the north,17 and the Chronicler’s basis for

paid off. Kimhi believed that these were two separate and

the territorial claims in these two verses is only partially

complementary incidents: Solomon gave Hiram twenty

explainable. I believe that he found the word Tadmor in

Israelite cities, and Hiram gave him twenty Phoenician

his Kings Vorlage, where it had arisen as a textual mistake

cities. These gifts were to secure a treaty between the

(see the textual notes). The expression “in the wilder¬

two countries.15 Willi speculates that the Chronicler’s

ness in the land” in Kings situates Tamar in a wilderness

Vorlage was quite corrupt (see also vv. 3-6 below) and that

area within the land of Judah. When applied to Tadmor

the Chronicler did his best with a corrupt text.16 The

in Chronicles, the Syrian wilderness is in focus, with the

LXX has a text of 1 Kgs 9:11 that reads “the king gave

subsequent dropping of “in the land.” Tamar also fits the

to Hiram” (DTlY?) instead of “King Solomon gave to

north-to-south listing of cities in Kings.18 Tamar is used

12 13

Kitchen, Reliability of the Old Testament, 114. This also seems to be the interpretation favored by

14

Josephus Ant. 8.142. In his commentary on Kings, Sanda has a similar solution. Solomon mortgaged the towns to Hiram

to the land of the Philistines, even to the border of Egypt; they brought tribute and served Solomon all the days of his life.” A passage toward the end of the Solomon narrative in Kings indicates that Solomon was not able to maintain his northern

until he could pay back his debt after his sea voyage to Ophir. See vv. 17-18 below. Aharoni (Land of the Bible, 275) posits a deficit in the balance of trade between Israel and Tyre.

cus (1 Kgs 11:23-25). Myers (2:48) argues for the historicity of the Tadmor reference: “There is just a possibility that Solomon may have constructed

Berger, Kimhi, 218. Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung, 75-78. This is

some kind of fortification at or in the vicinity of Tadmor to check the Arameans.” See M. Gichon

supported in part by Williamson (228-29) who suggests that the Chronicler would have just omit¬ ted a statement that he found embarrassing. When

(“The Defences of the Solomonic Kingdom,” PEQ 95 [1963] 116-19), who assumes that the source

15 16

Williamson asks why this transaction should be

behind Kings and Chronicles contained both Tad¬ mor and Tamar! See also Chris Hauer, Jr., “The Eco¬

embarrassing, since Solomon had already sent payments to Huram in 2 Chr 2:9 (10), he overlooks

JSOT18 (1980) 63-73, esp. 68; he follows Myers and

the serious implications of Solomon handing over parts of the promised land to a foreigner, since the land as the gift of Yahweh far outweighs its mere

argues that since Hamath had voluntarily submitted to David, the military action in these verses was “at most the recovery of a straying subject.”

monetary value. 17

See Miller and Hayes, History of Ancient Israel and Judah, 206-9, with a map of the approximate

extent of Solomon’s kingdom on p. 207. 1 Kings 5:1 (4:21), not included in Chronicles, is not thought, therefore, to reflect historical reality: “Solomon was sovereign over all the kingdoms from the Euphrates

120

holdings because of the increasing power of Damas¬

nomics of National Security in Solomonic Israel,”

18 Hazar, Megiddo, and Gezer, 1 Kgs 9:15-16; Bethhoron, 1 Kgs 9:17; and Baalat and Tamar, 1 Kgs 9:18.

8:1-18

for the southern border of Israel in Ezek 47:19 and 48:28

312503) and Zobah.24 Did the Chronicler not only know

and is associated with sites either thirty-two kilometers

the Assyrian-Persian provincial system, but also did the

southwest of the Dead Sea or ten miles south-southeast

association of these Aramean countries (Hamath and

of the Dead Sea.19 Tadmor, on the other hand, is located

Zobah) in the same province with Tadmor lead him to

190 kilometers (118 miles) northeast of Damascus,

insert the (artificial) name Hamath-zobah here? If the

halfway between Mari and Damascus. In Greek times

Chronicler thought that Solomon built Tadmor, which is

it was known as Palmyra.20 Once he discovered the

within the same province as Hamath, it would be easy for

name Tadmor in his Vorlage, the Chronicler moved it

the Chronicler to conjecture that Solomon also prevailed

to the head of the list of cities in w. 3-6 and (appar¬

against Hamath-zobah.25 To balance his building of Tad¬

ently) sought another northern city, Hamath-zobah,

mor, the Chronicler also has Solomon build storage cities

to match it. Willi (77) suggests that Hamath arose in

in Hamath. In 1 Kgs 9:19//2 Chr 8:6 these anonymous

vv. 3-4 from a misreading of a defectively written non in

store cities are not associated with any particular sites.

1 Kgs 9:15,21 where it is part of a reading D^CIT nftin JIN!

I 5 He also built Upper Beth-horon and Lower Beth-horon,

(“and the wall ofjerusalem”). Others have supposed that

fortified cities, with lualls, double-doors, and bars: The Chroni¬

Hamath-zobah was the name of a city in the kingdom

cler mentions both Beth-horons, whereas only Lower

of Zobah22 or that we should read Beth-zobah instead

Beth-horon is mentioned in 1 Kgs 9:17 MT.26 Upper

of Hamath-zobah.23 Noth proposed that the Assyrian

Beth-horon is identified with Beit 3U1 el-Foqa3 (MR

system of provinces, which lasted into the Persian period,

160143) and Lower Beth-horon is identified with Beit

put Tadmor in a province that included Hamath (MR

’Ur et-Tahta (MR 158144).27 If the mention of both cities

19

20

HALOT, 1756. See Mulder, 1 Kings, 486; see also Jeffrey K. Lott, “Tamar (Place),” ABD 6:315-16. He lists Qasr el-Juheiniya (MR 173048) twenty-one kilo¬ meters west southwest of the Dead Sea or Ain Hoseb (MR 173024) forty kilometers southwest of the Dead

25

Sea. Cf. Cogan, 1 Kings, 302. Sidnie Ann White (“Tadmor,” ABD 6:307) mentions another location, el-Qeriya, south of the Dead Sea. Does the retention of the older name suggest a Per¬ sian date for the Chronicler? Tadmor is mentioned in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser I (1114-1076 B.C.E.).

21

Note that 1 Kgs 9:14-l7a is not included in Chroni¬

22

cles. Otto Eissfeldt andj. Lewy, cited by Wayne T. Pitard, “Hamath-zobah,” ABD 3:37. After flourishing in

26

1 Kings?” It is also possible that Chronicles con¬ flates variant readings in the Kings tradition (MT Lower Beth-horon; LXX Upper Beth-horon). The original LXX of 1 Kgs 9:16-17 was lost by haplogra-

the late eleventh century and fighting with David (see the commentary on 1 Chr 18:3-8; 19:1-19), Zobah seems to have been under the control of Aram-Damascus in the tenth century. See Wayne T. Pitard, “Zobah,” ABD 6:1108. See also Hadadezer of 23 24

phy and is attested only in hexaplaric texts (A and the Syro-Hexapla). In the latter witness, the read¬ ing is marked with an asterisk) and in lKgs LXX 4:32-33 (Cambridge) = 5:14b (Rahlfs). In the list of

Zobah toward Hamath in 1 Chr 18:3. Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 275 n. 50, or 319 n. 54. He bases his suggestion on Chr LXX Bcaoccfld. M. Noth, “Das Reich von Hamath als Grenznachbar des Reiches Israel,” Paldstinafahrbuch 33 (1937)

Levitical cities (Josh 2L22//1 Chr 6:53 [68]), only one Beth-horon is mentioned, but the name may

36-51, esp. 41-42, 47. Also idem, Uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien, 159. Pitard (“Zobah,” ABD

6:1108) puts Zobah in the northern Biqac valley,

extending east of the Anti-Lebanon range to the north of Damascus. Japhet (622) argues for the historical plausibilty of this reference to Hamath. If Hamath changed its formerly friendly attitude toward Israel, an expedition against it would be necessary for Israel to secure its northern border. In 2 Chr 7:8, the Chronicler sets the borders of Israel from Lebohamath to the Wadi of Egypt (cf. 1 Chr 13:5). Since a military campaign is not characteristic of the Solomonic materials, she assigns credibility to this account. Kings LXX mentions only Upper Beth-Horon (see the textual notes). Van Keulen (Two Versions, 249) asks, “Has the original text been preserved fully in Chronicles and only partially in 3 Regum and

27

cover both sites. According to the genealogical reference in 1 Chr 7:24, these towns were founded by Sheerah, the

121

in Chronicles is not the retention of the original read¬

towns in v. 4 above. Pithom and Rameses, built by the

ing or the result of a conflation of variant readings (see

Israelites, were such cities in Egypt. For chariot cities, see

n. 26), one can suppose that the Chronicler added Upper

also 2 Chr 9:25//l Kgs 10:26, where horsemen are also

Beth-horon since both sites are sometimes mentioned

mentioned. The mention of building projects in Leba¬

together (Josh 16:3, 5; 1 Chr 7:24). Just as he supplied

non is surprising here (cf. Japhet, 624), and the absence

the reference to storage cities with Hamath, the Chroni¬

of Lebanon in the best Kings LXX manuscripts suggests

cler now adds the descriptive words “fortified cities, with

that it might be a secondary addition in Kings. In 1 Kgs

walls, double-doors, and bars” to the Beth-horons (cf.

5:28 (14)32 we read about the workers of Solomon who

2 Chr 14:6-7). Deuteronomy 3:5 also offers a very similar

spent one month in Lebanon and two months at home.

description of such fortified towns in the kingdom of Og. ■ 6 and Baalath, as well as all Solomon’s storage towns,

8:7-10 Solomon's Use of Non-Israelite Forced Labor

all the towns for his chariots, the towns for his horsemen, and

and of Human Resources from Israel

whatever Solomon desired to build, in Jerusalem, Lebanon, and

■ 7 All the people who were left of the Hittites, the Amorites, the

in all the land of his reign: The Chronicler took Baalath

Perizzites, the Hivites, and the Jebusites, who were not of Israel:

(£1710) from 1 Kgs 9:18, where it preceded Tamar (Tad-

This is a typical list of the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the

mor). Baalath was originally assigned to the tribe of Dan

land. A list of seven such nations appears in Deut 7:1 (the

(Josh 19:44), although that tribe was apparently unable

Girgashites are added after the Hittites and the Canaan-

to take it (Judg 1:34). It is probably identical with Mount

ites are added after the Amorites).33

Baalah (Josh 15:9) on the western boundary ofjudah. It

1 8 from their descendants who were still left behind them in

is identified today with El-Maghar (MR 129138). Hence it

the land, whom the Israelites had not destroyed—these Solomon

is somewhat south and considerably west from the Beth-

conscripted for forced labor, as is still the case today: For the

horons.28 Others have associated it with Baalah (rf?ID)//

forced laborers under Solomon, see the discussion at

Kiriath-jearim (Josh 15:9; cf. 1 Chr 13:6; MR 159135), in

2 Chr 2:1, 16-17 (2:2, 17-18).34 This verse indicates how

the neighborhood of the Beth-horons. Japhet (624) iden¬

Solomon deployed these forces after the completion

tifies it with another Baalah, a site in the tribe of Simeon

of the temple and his palace. The addition of “from”

mentioned in Josh 15:29.29 Baalath-beer (Josh 19:8; cf.

at the beginning of this verse indicates that the levy of

Baal in 1 Chr 4:33) is a Simeonite town whose exact loca¬

forced labor now was only partial. The clause “whom the

tion is unknown.30

Israelites had not destroyed” (□‘fo

Aside from two additions of the word “all,” the

ft1?) is a considerably

milder expression than “whom the Israelites had been

Chronicler took the rest of v. 6 from 1 Kgs 9:19. Storage

unable to put them under the ban” (DQ’-inil^) in 1 Kgs

cities are mentioned also in 2 Chr 16:4;31 17:12 (without

9:21.35 The Chronicler thereby also avoids the sugges¬

Vorlage); and 32:28 (without Vorlage); cf. the storage

tion that the Israelites who were fighting with Yahweh’s

daughter of Beriah, one of the sons of Ephraim. See

32

the discussion in John L. Peterson, “Beth-horon,” ABD 1:688-89. Peterson errs in stating that Lower

This verse is not included in Chronicles. See also the House of the Forest of the Lebanon in 1 Kgs 7:2.

33

Cf. Gen 15:19-21, where the list of pre-Israelite

Beth-horon was captured and burned by the Egyp¬ tians. Gezer was captured and burned.

inhabitants is expanded to ten: the Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Kadmonites, the Hittites, the Per¬

28

See Raphael Greenberg, “Baalath,” ABD 1:555.

29

Carl S. Ehrlich (“Baalah,” ABD 1:555) calls it a town

izzites, the Rephaim, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Girgashites, and the Jebusites.

ofjudah but notes that in the lists of the Simeonite tribal allocations within Judah it is called Balah

34

forced labor and 701? OQ = state slavery (e.g., I

(Josh 19:3) and Bilhah (1 Chr 4:29). Abel located it

Mendelsohn, “State Slavery in Ancient Palestine,” BASOR 85 [1942] 14-17, but this is denied by Anson

at Tulul el-Medbah, near Tel Masos (Geographie de la 30

Palestine [Paris: Gabalda, 1933]). Patrick M. Arnold, “Baalath-beer,” ABD 1:555.

31

The Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:20 has trn]0 (“Chinneroth”) instead of tYGDOD.

122

Some scholars distinguish between OQ = periodic

F. Rainey, “Compulsory Labour Gangs in Ancient Israel,” IEJ20 [1970] 191-202; see also Cogan, 1 Kings, 303). 35

Fishbane, Biblical Interpretationx 204.

8:1-18

support were unable to complete the battle effectively.

burdens under Solomon, does the Chronicler concede

According to Deut 20:10-18 only residents of distant cities

that Israelites themselves were put to forced labor. In

outside of the promised land could be forced into state

this verse, which follows the Vorlagein 1 Kgs 9:22 quite

service. All the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land, such

closely and is not historically accurate, the Chronicler

as those mentioned in the previous verse, were to be put

claims that the Israelites were not slaves, but he concedes

to the sword. Dillard (67) suggests that Gentile servitude

that they did military service, with special responsibili¬

to Israel’s God, cult, and king was for the Chronicler

ties as officers and supervisors. The mention of chariotry

and his audience not simply information from times

and cavalry echoes the establishment of cities for these

long past, but it also expressed a hope for the future, as

purposes in v. 6//1 Kgs 9:19. “Captains” (T’O'^'l; see the

embodied in a number of prophetic passages (Isaiah 60;

textual notes) might also be translated as “adjutants”38 or

55:5; 56:6-8; Mic 4:1-5; Zeph 3:9-11; Zech 8:20-23; 9:9-

field officers or fighting charioteers.

10; 14:10-19; cf. Ps 72:8-11). Still, the last words of this

BlO These were the chief officers of king Solomon, two hundred

verse, “as is still the case today,” were true neither in the

fifty, who exercised authority over the people: In 1 Kgs 5:30

Chronicler’s time nor in the time when the Deuteron-

(16) the “chief officers” (D’Tl^n ’"ifo) numbered 3,300,

omistic History was being written.

whereas when this passage is taken up in 2 Chr 2:17 (18)

I 9 But of the Israelites Solomon made no slaves for his work;

the

they were soldiers, his commanders, his captains, commanders

5:30 LXX). The workforce there was 150,000. Mulder

of his chariotry and cavalry: This verse, here and in 1 Kgs

translates the construct chain D’32i]n ’“ItO, rendered by me

9:21, makes the apologetic claim that Solomon did not

as “the chief officers,” as “the officials in charge of the

(“overseers”) numbered 3,600 (so also 1 Kgs

force the Israelites to do forced labor.36 That contradicts

foremen,” hence those who supervised the foremen.39

1 Kgs 5:27-28 (13-14), which describes the thirty thou¬

Japhet (625) allows this understanding but also considers

sand Israelite37 forced workers whom Solomon deployed

that the second noun may be in apposition: “the officers,

in monthly shifts in Lebanon. Those verses were not

that is, those in charge.” The difference in the number

included by the Chronicler (see the discussion at 2 Chr

of officers in this passage between 250 (DTIKQI □’TOn) in

2:16-17 (17-18). The Chronicler also did not incorporate

Chronicles and 550 (P18Q E?Qm D'CSDIT) in Kings probably

1 Kgs 11:28, which reports Solomon’s appointment of

reflects a textual mistake in one or the other text. Many

Jeroboam as supervisor of the forced labor of the house

commentators have speculated that this verse in Kings or

of Joseph. Earlier the Chronicler had described the resi¬

at least in the source on which Kings was based contin¬

dent aliens whom David had forced into being stonecut¬

ued with a list of the names of these chief officers.

ters (1 Chr 22:2). Only in 2 Chr 10:4//1 Kgs 12:4, where the northern tribes demand relief from their heavy

36

37 38

The Chronicler reads □’“OB (“slaves”) instead of -Qi) (“slave”) in 1 Kgs 9:22. He omits VDB1 (the personal servants of Solomon, according to Mulder, 1 Kings, 491) from the list of officers in the Vorlage, probably because of potential confusion with the statement that the Israelites were not D’lSB. “All Israel” here excludes Judeans, according to Mulder, 1 Kings, 491. See the note in Tadmor and Cogan, IIKings, 81, at 2 Kgs 7:2. B. A. Mastin (“Was the sails the Third Man in the Chariot?” in Studies in the Historical Books of the Old Testament [VTSup 30; Leiden: Brill, 1979] 125-54) translates “men of the third rank”

355-73) suggests “knight.” Cf. N. Na’aman, “The List of David’s Officers (salisim),” VT38 (1988) 71-79. D. G. Schley (“The salisim: Officers or Special Three-Man Squads?” VT40 [1990]: 321-26) construes them as elite warriors who gained fame by some heroic deed and were linked to the king. The last two articles deal primarily with 2 Samuel 23/1 Chronicles ll.O. Margalith (“ANote on salisim,” VT42 [1992] 266), thinks that this deals with soldiers in armor. HALOT (1526) suggests “fighting charioteers.” 39 Mulder, 1 Kings, 492.

(that is, after the king and his senior officers). M. Vervenne (“Hebrew .soffit-Ugaritic tit," UF19 [1987]

123

8:11 Solomon's Transfer of the Residence

(978-959

b.c.e.).44

In 1 Kgs 9:24 (the Vorlage of this verse)

of Pharaoh's Daughter

Pharaoh’s daughter is the subject of the sentence, and

■ 11 Solomon brought Pharaoh’s daughter up from the city of

she goes up from the city of David to the house which

David to the house that he had built for her, for he said, “My

Solomon had built for her (cf. 1 Kgs 7:8). Her special

wife shall not live in the house of David king of Israel*0, for the

house indicates the honor in which she is held. The

places are holy to which the ark ofYahweh has come”: This is

Chronicler makes Solomon the agent in this move, based

the first mention of Solomon’s marriage to Pharaoh’s

on a similar Vorlage reflected in 1 Kgs 9:9 LXX. This is

daughter in Chronicles (cf. 1 Kgs 3:1; 7:8; 9:16, 24;41

the first mention of her house, since the Chronicler did

11:142) and again, as in the genealogy ofjudah, the

not incorporate 1 Kgs 7:8 in his narrative.

Chronicler makes no critical comment on the marriage of an Israelite to a foreigner.43 Intermarriage with the

The Chronicler also adds a rationale for this move. There is some uncertainty on where the daughter of

pre-Israelite inhabitants of the land was forbidden in

Pharaoh ought not live. The MT suggests that she

Deut 7:3, and Deut 23:8-9 (7-8) states that no descen¬

should not live in the house or palace of David, a build¬

dant of Edom or Egypt can be admitted to the assembly

ing mentioned in 1 Chr 14:1, where we are told it was

ofYahweh until the third generation. This marriage,

built with Huram’s help. Does this suggest that she had

however, may be a way for the Chronicler to indicate

been living there up until now? The LXX of Chronicles,

Solomon’s standing among the nations. If this is a his¬

however, in agreement with the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 9:24,

torical reference, the best candidate for the Pharaoh is

speaks more generally of the city of David. This house

Siamun, the next-to-last king of the Twenty-first Dynasty

or city is inappropriate for Pharaoh’s daughter to live, in

40

The Targum renders the first part of this verse as follows: “Solomon brought up Bithyah, Pharaoh’s daughter, from the city of David to the palace which he had built for her, for he said: It is not possible that a woman should rule over me in the house of David, king of Israel.’” Mclvor (Targum, 162) points out that the name Bithyah, or Bithiah, comes from 1 Chr 4:18, where Mered married this daughter of Pharaoh. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 139-40. Mclvor interprets the strange comment about Solomon’s

41

43

objected to the alliance that 1 Kgs 3:1 reports in relationship to this marriage. 44 In the New Kingdom it was unusual for Egyptian kings to marry their daughters to outsiders. But the days of Solomon were humbler days for Egypt, according to Kitchen, Reliability of the Old Testament,

areas. 1 Kings 9:24 serves as the Vorlage for 2 Chr 8:11. It is translated in the LXX at 1 Kgs 2:35g and 1 Kgs 9:9a

108-12. Cf. Hadad the Edomite, who also married into Pharaoh’s house, since his wife was the sister of Queen Tahpenes (1 Kgs 11:19). For a full discus¬ sion, see A. R. Green, “Solomon and Siamun: A Syn¬

This is the passage that is most critical of Pharaoh’s daughter, since in chap. 11 Solomon’s foreign wives pose the danger of inclining his heart to follow

chronism between Dynastic Israel and the Twentyfirst Dynasty of Egypt,” JBL 97 (1978) 353-67.

foreign gods. D. W. Gooding (Relics of Ancient Exegesis: A Study of

period synchronizes with the first third of Solo¬ mon’s reign and whose foreign activities would have

the Miscellanies in 3 Reigns 2 [Cambridge: Cambridge

involved some relations with Israel during Solo¬ mon’s reign. See Cogan, 1 Kings, 301; and Abraham

University Press, 1976] 66-73) explains the arrange¬ ment of the main Greek text dealing with this inci¬ dent as follows: 1 Kgs 5:14aLXX (MT 3:1) Solomon puts Pharaoh’s daughter in David’s city until he finishes his building projects; 1 Kgs 5:14bLXX (MT 9:16) Pharaoh’s gift of Gezer to his daughter; 1 Kgs 5:15—9:9 LXX (MT 1 Kgs 5:l-9:9) completion of building projects, dedication of the buildings, and

124

daughter when he put her in David’s city, but only after the completion and dedication of the temple. We noted at 2 Chr 1:1 that the Chronicler no doubt

Egyptian wife ruling over him as the insistence that as both temple and king’s palace are holy areas, only a man should have authority in such sacred

(Rahlfs) and 1 Kgs 9:9b (Cambridge). 42

Yahweh’s appearance to Solomon; 1 Kgs 9:9aLXX (MT 9:24) Solomon brings up Pharaoh’s daughter from the city of David. Gooding argues that in this arrangement Solomon did not marry Pharaoh's

Siamun is the only Egyptian pharaoh whose regnal

Malamat, “The Kingdom of David and Solomon in Its Contact with Egypt and Aram Naharaim,” BA 21 (1958) 96-102.

8:1-18

Solomon’s view, because the places45 to which the ark has

that the issue is gender, but her citation of a prohibition

come are considered holy. David had pitched a tent for

in the Damascus Covenant (12:1-2): “No man shall lie with

the ark, according to 1 Chr 16:1, presumably within the

a woman in the city of the Sanctuary, to defile the city

city of David. The present passage might be construed

of the Sanctuary” (cf. 11QT 65:11-12 and 67) might just

to mean that Pharaoh’s daughter should (no longer?)

as well support Cohen’s interpretation about the pollu¬

live in any part of the city of David in which the ark had

tion associated with sexual intercourse.50 The Chronicler

stayed, or in the house of David in that city, which was

may represent an early feeling about the uncleanness

also affected by the holiness of the ark. It also implies

of women, which would be developed more stringently

that buildings immediately connected with the temple

in postbiblical texts. Japhet (626) points out that the

are an inappropriate place for her to live as well, since

only wives identified for Solomon are the daughter of

the ark had now found its resting place in the temple.

Pharaoh and Naamah, the Ammonitess, the mother of

The Chronicler does not say where the house Solomon

Rehoboam (2 Chr 12:3), and only the second of these

had built for her was located.46 One might infer from this

is given a name. Hence Solomon in Chronicles is cred¬

verse that this house was not built so much for her honor

ited with fewer wives than his father (1 Chr 3:1-6) or his

as to keep her apart from the sacred areas where the ark

son Rehoboam (2 Chr 11:21 = eighteen wives and sixty

had come. Solomon’s treatment of Pharaoh’s daughter

concubines). This is a far cry from the seven hundred

demonstrates his piety and portrays him as a model king

royal wives and the three hundred concubines that are

and husband. Rudolph (220) noted that the difficulty

ascribed to Solomon in 1 Kgs 11:3 (averse not included

with Pharaoh’s daughter was not so much that she was

in Chronicles). And the only child mentioned for Solo¬

an Egyptian as that, as a woman, she would be ritually

mon is Rehoboam!

unclean more often than a man.47 This fear of pollution because of menstrual uncleanness reminds one of a

8:12-16 Solomon's Cultic Initiatives

similar fear in Num 5:2 and Leviticus 12 and 15. Cohen

■

calls attention to Solomon’s reference to Pharaoh’s

the altar of Yahweh that he had built in the front of the vestibule:

daughter not just as woman but as “my wife” and thinks

The Chronicler presents a shorter version of his Vorlage

that intercourse in such sacred areas is the issue (see the

in 1 Kgs 9:2551 and changes the verb in Kings

warnings about ejaculation in Exod 19:15; Deut 23:10-

consecutive with the perfect; Solomon would character¬

12 Then Solomon offered up burnt offerings to Yahweh on

ilbum

(waw

12; and 1 Sam 20:26; 21:5-6).48 In any case the conflict is

istically offer up three times in a year) to a simple perfect

not about her religion or her nationality.49 Japhet thinks

n^Uil. The reference to the three festivals in 1 Kgs 9:26

45

46 47

This paraphrastic translation renders the Hebrew word ilDH. Willi (Die Chronik als Austegung, 173) suggests “those people are holy to whom the ark has come.” Shaye J. D. Cohen (“Solomon and the Daughter of Pharaoh: Intermarriage, Conversion, and the Impurity of Women,” JANES 16-17 [ 1984— 85] 23-27) thinks that the antecedent of “they” is the various houses that comprised the palace of David or the city of David and the house of David together. 1 Kings 7:8 implies that it was in the vicinity of Solomon’s own house. Sirach makes the issue lust rather than intermar¬ riage: “But you brought in women to lie at your side, and through your body you were brought into subjection. You stained your honor, and defiled your family line” (Sir 47:19-20).

48

4

50

51

The nationality and religion of Solomon’s wives are an issue in 1 Kgs 11:1-8. Ezekiel 44:9 reads: “There¬ fore ... no foreigner, uncircumcised in heart and flesh . . . shall enter my sanctuary.” See Sarajaphet, “The Prohibition of the Habitation of Women: The Temple Scroll’s Attitude toward Sexual Impurity and Its Biblical Precedents,” JANES 22, no. 1, special issue, Festschrift Y. Muffs (1993) 69-87. The word “then” is actually taken from the last clause in 1 Kgs 9:24, a clause that the Chronicler omitted: “Then he built the Millo.” Mulder (1 Kings, 494-95) considers this clause a possible gloss. Chronicles also omits from 1 Kgs 9:25 the difficult expression TIN TOpiT (“and he burned incense offerings”), a privilege not allowed to the king in Chronicles (see 2 Chr 26:16-21).

Cohen, “Solomon and the Daughter of Pharaoh,” 26.

125

is actually transferred and expanded in 2 Chr 8:13, and

■ 14 According to the ordinance of David his father, he

the last clause in 1 Kgs 9:25 (min JIN □‘7501, “So he com¬

appointed the divisions of the priests for their service, and the

pleted the house”) shows up in a somewhat altered form

Levites for their offices of praising and serving alongside the

in 2 Chr 8:16. The altar in this verse is the one placed

priests, as the duty of each day required, and the gatekeepers

in front of the vestibule (cf. 2 Chr 15:8),52 and so it is a

in their divisions for the several gates; for this was the com¬

reference to the altar mentioned in 2 Chr 4:1.53 He also

mandment of David the man of God: While the sacrificial

drops the reference to the peace offerings in 1 Kgs 9:25.

system was established by Moses himself, according to

I 13 as the duty of each day required, offering, according to the

the Chronicler, the appointment of the divisions of the

commandment of Moses, for the Sabbaths, the new moons, and

priests, the Levitical musicians and the gatekeepers was

the three annual festivals—the feast of Unleavened Bread, the

established by David, as is mentioned at the beginning

feast of Weeks, and the feast of Tabernacles: The Chronicler

and the end of this verse. These appointments were

uses this occasion to list the regular required burnt offer¬

described in the primary level of 1 Chronicles 23-26,

ings, beginning with a reference to the daily morning

except for the divisions of the priests into twenty-four

and evening sacrifices (see Num 28:2-8).54 Then follow

courses, which we ascribed to a secondary hand.58 The

references to the Sabbath sacrifices (see Num 28:9-10),

general distinction between the duties of priests and

the new moon sacrifices (see Num 28:11-15), and the

Levites is given already in 1 Chr 16:4-6, 37-42. The com¬

three annual festivals: Unleavened Bread (see Num

mandment of David is paralleled by the commandment

28:17-25) ;55 the feast of weeks (see Num 28:26-31); and

of the king in the next verse, and it is balanced by the

the feast of Tabernacles (see Num 29:12-38).56 The refer¬

commandment of Moses, with regard to the sacrifices, in

ence to Moses alludes to Num 28:1, where Yahweh gives

the previous verse. David is given the prophetic title of

Moses instructions about sacrifices.37 The Chronicler has

“man of God” here,59 and in 2 Chr 29:25 David is listed

changed the offerings made three times a year from the

alongside Gad the king’s seer and Nathan the prophet in

Vorlage in 1 Kgs 9:25 by listing the names of the three

the appointment of Levitical musicians, although there

festivals, as in Deut 16:16. The offerings on the other

he is not called prophet or man of God. David is also

occasions were not mentioned in the Vorlage. Solomon is

called “the man of God” in Neh 12:24, 36. No other king

the only king to observe all three festivals. Hezekiah and

is given this title in Chronicles. Moses is given the title

Josiah do observe Passover/Unleavened Bread (2 Chron¬

“man of God” in 1 Chr 23:14; 2 Chr 30:1660; and Ezra

icles 30; 35).

3:2. Other “men of God” in Chronicles are Shemaiah

52

Other references to the vestibule are in 1 Chr 28:11; 2 Chr 3:4; 29:7, 17. The Chronicler did not include 2 Kgs 16:14 “The bronze altar that was before Yahweh he [Ahaz] removed from the front of the

56

“for the rows of bread, the regular grain offering, the regular burnt offering, the Sabbaths, the new moons, the appointed festivals, the sacred dona¬ tions, and the sin offerings to make atonement

house, from the place between his altar and the house of Yahweh, and put it on the north side of his 53 54

altar.” That altar is not mentioned at this point in Kings, but see 1 Kgs 8:64. In describing the responsibilities of the Levites, David had also listed offerings for Sabbaths, new moons, and other appointed festivals (1 Chr 23:31).

for Israel, and for all the work of the house of our God.” 57

58

23:18; 24:6, 9; 25:4; 30:16; 33:8; 34:14; 35:6, 12. On the secondary character of 1 Chronicles 24, see

59

The Targum translates “man of God” as “the

Klein, 1 Chronicles, 461-62. prophet of the Lord.” Rudolph (221) denies v. 14b

the purpose of the temple (2 Chr 2:3 [4]). 55

29:7-11).

126

to the Chronicler, since he claims that the Chroni¬ cler never gives David this title. He also denies the

No mention is made here of the Passover sacrifice (Num 28:16), the new year’s sacrifice (Num 29:1-6), or the sacrifices on the Day of Atonement (Num

Other references to Moses in Chronicles, not including genealogical notices, appear in 1 Chr 6:34 (49); 15:15; 21:29; 22:13; 2 Chr 1:3; 5:10;

Solomon himself had listed morning and evening burnt offerings, plus sacrifices on Sabbaths, new moons, and appointed festivals when he described

Cf. also the sacrifices mentioned in Neh 10:34 (33):

originality of these titles in Neh 12:24 and 36. 60

In this verse the priests and the Levites take their accustomed posts according to the Torah of Moses.

8:1-18

(2 Chr 11:2//1 Kgs 12:22) and the anonymous man of

Solomon: The word 0*70 is translated “completely,” and

God at the time of Amaziah (2 Chr 25:7, 9). The “divi¬

it has the same root letters as no^C), “Solomon.” The

sions” of the priests indicate the shifts in which they

Chronicler created this sentence from a reading at the

served while the word “service” describes the functions of

end of 1 Kgs 9:25 rrnn DN

the priests. The Levites perform musical functions and

there is considerable debate. The simplest solution is to

assist the priests in offering sacrifices. The assignments

translate □*70) (“and he completed the house”), with the

of the gatekeepers are given in 1 Chr 26:1-3, 9-11.

conjunction understood as introducing a regular, rather

I 15 They did not turn away from the commandment of the

than a consecutive perfect. While this meaning of the piel

king relating to the priests and Levites regarding anything at

is sometimes considered an Aramaism, the standard lexi¬

all, or regarding the treasuries: According to this verse, the

cons assign this meaning also to the Hebrew language.63

on whose meaning

community at the time of Solomon carried out com¬

Others follow Ehrlich and translate “he (continuously)

pletely the commandment of David with regard to the

restored the temple (over the years)”64 or Montgomery-

priests and Levites. This included David’s regulation with

Gehman, who deleted min HN and translated “he (con¬

regard to the assignment of the gatekeepers to the trea¬

tinuously) paid his vows.”65 The alternate reading in Chr

suries (1 Chr 26:20-28). Hence these regulations have

LXX (see the textual notes) credits Solomon directly

the support of the eras of David and Solomon.

with the completion of the sanctuary: “until Solomon

1 16 Thus, all the work of Solomon was accomplished from

had finished the house of Yahweh.”

the day of laying the foundation of the house of Yahweh until its completion. The house of Yahweh was finished completely:

8:17-18 Solomon's and Huram's Shipping Enterprise

The account of the construction of the temple began at

I 17 Then Solomon went to Ezion-geber and Eloth on the

2 Chr 1:18 (2:1) although no mention was made there of

shore of the sea, in the land of Edom: The Chronicler makes

laying the foundation.61 The completion of the temple

a series of changes from the Vorlage (1 Kgs 9:26). He

was mentioned also in 2 Chr 5:1//1 Kgs 7:51, although

has Solomon go to Ezion-geber and to Eloth, whereas

that notice was followed by the dedicatory proceedings in

the Vorlage has Solomon himself build a fleet at Ezion-

the next chapters. David had promised Solomon divine

geber, which is near Eloth. The Chronicler also changes

assistance until the end of the temple-building process:

the body of water from the Sea of Reeds (rp0 D1) to “the

“Yahweh my God is with you. He will not fail or forsake

sea” (DTI). Ezion-geber may be identified with the island

you until all the work62 for the service of the house of

Jezirat Farcon, some seven miles south of the modern city

Yahweh is finished” (1 Chr 28:20). The completion of the

of Eilat and nine hundred feet from the shore66 whereas

temple was reported also in 1 Kgs 6:14 and 6:38, neither

Eloth67 is either at Tell el-Kheleifeh (MR 147884), at a

of which was incorporated by the Chronicler. The final

site about half a mile northeast of Aqabah (MR 150882),

sentence in v. 16 may contain a wordplay with the name

or buried under the modern cities of Eilat or Aqabah.68

61

62

tioned. HDNSq. This is also the word used in 2 Chr 8:16 for

63 64

“work.” BDB, 1022; HALOT, 1534. Cf. Cogan, 1 Kings, 305, who suggests “he kept the

65

harbor in the northern part of the Gulf of Aqabah. The previous identification with Tell el-Kheleifeh (MR 147884), between the Israeli city of Elath and the Jordanian city of Aqabah, has now been given

This term does play an important role in building the Second Temple. See Ezra 5:6, 10-12. In Ezra 3:12 the foundations of the first temple are men¬

temple in repair.” Montgomery and Gehman (Kings, 215) delete the word rrn. They consider the reading in MT a useless

67

2:8 (where it is associated with Ezion-geber); 2 Kgs

repetition (p. 211). See the discussion in Mulder, 1 Kings, 497-98, who identifies this sentence as a 66

late gloss. Meir Lubetski, “Ezion-geber,” ABD 2:723-26. This island alone would provide a safe and deep enough

up, even by Nelson Glueck, one of its most promi¬ nent advocates. See also the popular article on this island by Alexander Flinder, “Is This Solomon’s Seaport?” BARev 15 (1989) 32-43. Ezion-geber is mentioned also in Num 33:35-36; Deut 2:8; 1 Kgs 22:49; and 2 Chr 20:36. Elsewhere usually spelled Elath in the Bible: Deut

68

14:22//2 Chr 26:2 (Eloth); 2 Kgs 16:6. See Jeffrey R. Zorn, “Elath,” ABD 2:429-30; and Cogan, 1 Kings, 305-6, for the locations of these sites. During the reign of Jehoram, Edom revolted

127

While the Sea of Reeds often refers to the Gulf of Suez

suggests that Hiram sent boats from Tyre to Ezion-geber:

or to the water crossed by the Israelites in the exodus, it

“Hiram sent off in the ship some of his servants. . . .”74

refers to the Gulf of Aqabah in Exod 23:31 and Num 21:4

This (mis) understanding of the text may he behind the

and 14:25, as it surely does in 1 Kgs 9:26. The common

change in Chronicles and obviate the need to figure out

association of the Sea of Reeds with the exodus site no

how Huram got ships from the Mediterranean to the

doubt led to the Chronicler changing the reference to

Gulf of Aqabah. If the shorter reading in Chronicles

“the sea.”

LXX is followed, lacking the words “to him” (see the

I

textual notes), Huram sent ships to Ophir, without

18 Huram sent to him, in the care of his servants, ships and

servants familiar with sea. They went to Ophir, together with the

indicating the port from which they were dispatched. In

servants of Solomon, and they imported from there four hundred

any case, this verse indicates that Solomon used the ship¬

fifty talents of gold and brought it to King Solomon: Here the

building skills and seamanship (see Isa 23:1, 14; Ezekiel

Chronicler alleges that Huram sent Solomon boats and

27) of the Phoenicians, just as he had earlier arranged

sailors who were knowledgeable about the sea, whereas

with Huram for raw materials and technical skills in

the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 9:27 had Hiram send with the fleet

building the temple. The maritime arrangements

(built by Solomon) sailors who knew the sea and who

between Solomon and Huram are mentioned again in

were to work with the servants of Solomon. If Huram

2Chr9:10, 21.

sent boats to Solomon, it is not clear how they came to

The location of Ophir is unknown.75 Josephus (Ant.

Ezion-geber.69 Proposals have ranged from sending them

8.164) placed it in India,76 Albright put it in Somalia

all around Africa, to identifying a city called Tyre on the

(ancient Punt),77 while others have sought it in Arabia.78

Red Sea,70 to sending the boats by land,71 to building the

If a voyage there took three years (2 Chr 9:21//1 Kgs

boats on the Mediterranean coast, disassembling them,

10:22), it must have been a very distant site, unless ship¬

and rebuilding them at Ezion-geber, to sending them

ping could be done only in certain seasons of the year.

through a canal connecting the Nile to the Red Sea and

An eighth-century ostracon from Tell Qasile reads “gold

then up the Gulf of Aqabah,72 or to Huram only send¬

of Ophir to Beth-horon. 30 shekels,”79 though this could

ing building materials to Ezion-geber.73 Kings LXX also

be a reference either to the quality of the gold80 or to its

and Elath was probably lost to Judah (2 Kgs 8:2022//2 Chr 21:8-10). Uzziah rebuilt Elath (1 Kgs

69

14:22//2 Chr 26:2), but the city was lost to Judean control for good during the reign of Ahaz (2 Kgs 16:6). For this reason, Rudolph (220) rewrites the text: “Huram had ships prepared by his people and sent to him [Solomon] for the ships people who were knowledgeable about the sea.”

70 71

passage, see 1 Kgs 10:ll//2 Chr 9:10; 1 Kgs 22:49 (48); 1 Chr 29:4; Job 22:24; 28:16: Ps 45:10 (9); Isa 13:12. Ophir is a person in Gen 10:29//1 Chr 1:23. 1 Kgs 10:11 mentions almug wood and precious stones, that were brought back from Ophir, while the ships of Tarshish in 1 Kgs 10:22 brought back gold, silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks. 76

He states that Sopheir (Ophir) is now called the Land of Gold, which belongs to India.

Vatablus, cited by Mulder, 1 Kings, 502. G. Posener, “Le Canal du Nil a la Mer Rouge avant

77

Albright, Religion of Israel, 133-34; Mulder, 1 Kings, 503; Myers, 51.

Les Ptolemees,” Chronique d’Egypte, 25-26 (1938) 259-73; K. W. Butzer, Lexikon der Agyptologie 3

78

Montgomery-Gehman, Kings, 212; Gray, Kings, 256. Ophir is among the Arab sons of Shem in Gen 10:29//1 Chr 1:23. Cf. Klein, 1 Chronicles, 70. The

(1978) cols. 312-13. Both cited in Williamson (233), who considers this more plausible in the Chroni¬

Bishops’ Bible, published in 1568, contained the following marginal comment at Ps 45:10 (9): “Ophir

72

cler’s day than in Solomon’s day. Welten, Geschichte, 37-38.

73 74

See Curtis and Madsen, 355. Apparently LXX read VDl? ’3N3 instead of

found by Christopher Columbo: from which at this day is brought most fine golde.”

vaa n« ’kx 75

is thought to be the llande in the west coast, of late

79

traduction, commentaire, vol. 1, Les Ostraca (Litte-

Joktheel,” Proceedings of the Fourth World Congress of

ratires anciennes du Proche Orient 9; Paris: Cerf, 1977) 254.

Jewish Studies (1967): 197-202, suggested it was the

mythical equivalent of Eldorado. In addition to this

128

See A. Lemaire, Inscriptions hebraiques: Introduction,

Robert North (“Ophir/Parvaim and Petra/

80

Cf. Job 22:24; Ps 45:10 (9); Isa 13:12.

8:1-18

geographic source. Kitchen concludes that the balance

plied both the boats and experienced sailors (vv. 17-18).

of probability indicates a location in western Arabia in

Hence, in both of these accounts Huram plays the role of

a zone 370 miles long!81 Instead of 450 talents of gold,

the inferior partner. Solomon is successful and prosper¬

1 Kgs 9:28 reports 420 talents of gold. This numerical

ous and gains international acclaim.

difference probably represents only a copyist’s error in

The building projects of Solomon included far-off

one of the texts.82 The amount of gold is about fifteen

Tadmor and Hamath-zobah, as well as building projects

tons. Despite the claims of Millard, this seems to be a

in Lebanon and Israel itself. The claims to activity in the

very unrealistic amount.83 In any case, the cooperation

far north are not likely historical in character. Solomon’s

with Huram and the vast amounts of gold brought back

successful attack on Hamath-zobah is the only military

from Ophir underscore the great importance of Solo¬

action attributed to this king in 2 Chronicles 1-9.

mon in the eyes of the Chronicler. Later Jehoshaphat of

The Chronicler reports that Solomon secured forced-

Judah and Ahaziah of Israel would undertake a similar

labor workers from the pre-Israelite inhabitants of the

trading adventure from Ezion-geber (2 Chr 20:36-

land, presumably to do the non-temple construction

27//1 Kgs 22:49-50).

reported in this chapter. He used Israelites, however, only in his armed forces or as supervisors over those who

Conclusion

did the forced labor. Solomon transferred Pharaoh’s daughter to a house

This chapter begins the Chronicler’s description of the

he had built for her because no woman should live in

second half of Solomon’s reign after the completion

those parts of the city to which the ark of the covenant

and dedication of the temple. The chapter begins and

had come. Solomon carried out sacrifices for a variety of

ends with incidents about Huram, who had contributed

occasions in accord with Mosaic law, and he appointed

materials and building skills to the temple. Huram

priests and Levites to specific shifts and duties, follow¬

is portrayed as subservient to Solomon, giving him a

ing the command of David. The authority of Moses and

number of cities, which Solomon rebuilt and in which

David respectively stands behind the sacrificial system

he settled people (v. 2) and engaging with Solomon in a

and the clergy that attend it. David’s prestige is under¬

highly profitable shipping venture, in which Huram sup¬

scored by calling him the man of God.

81

Kenneth A. Kitchen, “Sheba and Arabia,” in Handy, Age of Solomon, 143-45.

82

83

According to Berger (Kimhi, 220), they may have used the additional thirty talents of gold for travel¬ ing expenses! Alan R. Millard, “Does the Bible Exaggerate King Solomon’s Golden Wealth?” BARev 15 (1989) 20-31, 34. Millard cites a series of large amounts of gold

from antiquity: Tiglath-pileser III took 150 talents of gold from Tyre; Sargon II gave 154 talents of gold to the gods of Babylon, and Tuth-mosis III gave thir¬ teen and one-half tons of gold to the Amun temple at Karnak. Alexander the Great found 1,180 tons of gold in Susa and 7,000 tons in all of Persia. Of course, these claims may be exaggerations as well.

129

9:1-31 The Visit of the Queen of Sheba; the Conclusion of Solomon's Reign

9

13/

Translation When the queen of Sheba heard the fame1 of Solomon, she came to test Solo¬ mon with riddles in Jerusalem, with a very great retinue and camels2 bearing spices and very much gold and precious stones. When she came to Solomon she discussed with him3 all that was on her mind. 2/ Solomon explained to her all her questions. There was nothing hidden from Solomon that he could not explain to her. 3/ When the queen of Sheba saw the wisdom of Solomon, the house that he had built, 4/ the food of his table, the seating of his officials, the attendance4 of his servants and their clothing, his cupbearers5 and their clothing,6 and his ascent7 by which he went up to the house of Yahweh, she was breathless.8 5/ She said to the king, "True [was] the report9 which I had heard in my land about your deeds and your wisdom, 6/ but I did not believe their words10 until I came and my own eyes saw them. Half of the greatness of your wisdom had not been told me; you surpass the report I had heard. 7/ How enviable are your people11 and how envi¬ able12 are these your servants who stand before you continuously and listen to your wisdom. 8/ Blessed be Yahweh your God, who has delighted in you by putting you on his throne as king for Yahweh your God. Because your God13 loved Israel in order to establish them14 forever, he has made you king over them,15 that you may carry out justice and righteousness." 9/ Then she gave to the king one hundred twenty talents of gold, a very large quan¬ tity of spices, and precious stones: there were no spices like those that the queen of Sheba gave to king Solomon. 10/ More¬ over, the servants of Huram and the ser¬ vants of Solomon,16 who had brought gold from Ophir,17 brought18 almug wood19 and precious stones. 11/ The king made from the almug wood20 the steps21 of the house of Yahweh and the house of the king, lyres and harps for the musicians; there was not seen the like of them previously in the land of Judah. 12/ King Solomon gave to the queen of Sheba every desire that she asked for, except that which22 she had brought to the king. Then she turned23 and went to her own land, she and her servants.24 The weight of the gold that came to Solo¬ mon in one year was six hundred sixty-six talents of gold, 14/ besides that which the merchants25 and the traders26 were bring¬ ing; and all the kings of Arabia27 and the governors of the land were bringing gold and silver to Solomon. 15/ King Solomon

130

i

DO©; LXX to ovopa “the name” = CD. Is there any relationship between this reading and the addition after I3QD in 1 Kgs 10:1 717’ CD1? “due to the name of Yahweh?” Cogan (/ Kings, 310) translates it “for the sake of the name ofYHWH.” Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 133) suggests that these additional words in 1 Kgs 10:1 should be deleted. In readings discussed in nn. 1, 5, 8, 13, 14, 17, 34, 36, 39, 41, 42, 45, 46, 47, 48, and 59, Chronicles depends on a non-

2 3

4

5

®

7

MT reading in Kings. □’^Oll; cf. 1 Kgs 10:2 LXX /cat Ka/jL^Xoi. Cf. Syr. Kgs MT □,I7D3, omitting the conjunction. 1013. Chr LXX npoq avrov; cf. 1 Kgs 10:2 T*7K (“she said) to him.” Williamson, 234: the change in Chr MT makes the queen less dominant—she spoke with him rather than to him. 701301. Or “service.” See HALOT, 614. Cogan, 1 Kings, 310, 312: “post.” Cf. OS1? 7013 “wait on (the king)” in passages such as 1 Kgs 1:2. TpDOl. HALOT, 652: “drinks” (cf. 2 Chr 9:20//l Kgs 10:21); but it notes that LXX in both Kgs and Chr reads oivoxbovqloivoxouv “cupbearers.” See the commentary. Cn’DlC^Ol. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 135 n. 373) observes that this word is missing in two of Kennicott’s manuscripts. It is also missing in 1 Kgs 10:5, which Benzinger (94) attributes to haplography.

infpin-; cf. Rudolph, 222. Chr MT ItT^l “his upper room.” BHSretains MT but understands it as “his ascent.” 1 Kgs 10:5 infill “and his burnt offering [which he offered up in the house of Yahweh].” Chr LXX Syr Vg “and his burnt offerings” = inf?!)-). See the commentary. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 134 n. 371) observes that the plural in Chr LXX does not imply that its Hebrew Vorlage had the plural and refers to Allen, Greek Chronicles, 1:47.

§

1717 73 7113 rrn K1?! “And there was not anymore in her breath.” Chr LXXLand 1 Kgs 10:5 reverse the second and third words: 7113 73 “in her anymore.” JPS “it took her breath away.”

7377 PON; cf. 1 Kgs 10:6 LXX aXp’divoq 6 Xoyoq. Kgs MT 7’7 note The verb is necessary in English style but was not expressed in the text of Chronicles or in the Vorlage of Kings that he used.

10

□7’737i7; one Hebrew ms LXX Tg □’737i? “the words.” So also 1 Kgs 10:7 MT.

j |

■pDUK; cf. 1 Kgs 10:8 MT. Chr LXX' VL Syr Kgs LXX Syr at yvvaiKeq aov ("I’D]) “your women.” Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 136) retains Chr MT but changes Kgs to “women.” He speculates that the Chronicler changed “women” from his Vorlage to “men,” and this reading later replaced the original reading in Kings MT. Curtis and Madsen (358) also believe that “your women” was the original

9:1-31

17/

22 /39

2542/

29/

made two hundred large shields of beaten gold; six hundred shekels28 of beaten gold went into each shield. 16/ He made three hundred small round shields of beaten gold; three hundred shekels29 of gold went into each shield;30 and the king put them in the House of the Forest of Lebanon. The king also made a large ivory throne and overlaid it with pure gold.31 18/ The throne had six steps and a footstool32 of gold attached to the throne,33 and on each side of the seat were armrests and two lions standing beside the armrests, 19/ while twelve lions34 were standing, one on each end of a step on the six steps. The like of it was never made in any king¬ dom.35 20/ All the drinking vessels of King Solomon were gold, and all the vessels of the House of the Forest of Lebanon were of pure gold; silver was not considered as anything in the days of Solomon. 21/ For the king's ships36 were going to Tarshish with the servants of37 Huram; once every three years the ships of Tarshish38 would come, bringing gold, silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks. King Solomon excelled all the kings of the earth in riches and in wisdom. 23/ All the kings of the earth40 would seek the presence of Solomon to hear his wisdom which God had put in his heart. 24/ Each one of them would bring a present, objects of silver and objects of gold, garments, weapons/perfume,41 spices, horses, and mules, so much each year. Solomon had four thousand43 teams of horses44 and chariots,45 and twelve thou¬ sand horsemen, which he stationed46 in the chariot cities and with the king in Jerusalem. 26/ And he was ruler47 over all the kings48 from the river and up to49 the land of the Philistines, and up to the border of Egypt. 27/ The king made silver50 as common in Jerusalem as stone, and cedar as plentiful as the sycamores in the Shephelah. 28/ They would bring out51 horses52 from Egypt for Solomon53 and from all54 the lands. The rest of the acts of Solomon, the first and the last,55 are they not written in the acts of Nathan the prophet, the proph¬ ecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the visions56 of the seer Iddo57 which he saw concerning Jeroboam the son of Nebat? 30/ Solomon reigned in Jerusalem over all Israel58 for forty years. 31/ Solomon slept with his fathers,59 and they buried him60 in the city of David his father;61 his son Rehoboam ruled in his place.

reading in Chronicles. Mulder (1 Kings, 518) and Noth (Konige, 203-4) retain MT in Kings. While retaining MT in Chr, I take it in an inclusive sense. Japhet (636) sees the reference to women as part of the later homiletic elaborations to the story of the queen of Sheba. 12 13 14

■’“ItCBI. Chr LXX jtLOCKaptoi, lacking the conjunction. Cf. 1 Kgs 9:8 MT and LXX. “J’nblC 1 Kgs 9:9 miT. Chr LXX is a conflation: Kvptop top deop oov “Yahweh your God.” "ITOUrf?; cf. 1 Kgs 10:9 LXX OTrjacn. Lacking in Kgs MT.

15

crP^D; cf. 1 Kgs 10:9 LXX enavrovg. Lacking in Kgs MT.

16

Chr LXX reverses the order of the servants: “And the servants of Solomon and the servants of Huram.”

17

IK’Sn TB1KD 3HT wnn im. LXX recast the Hebrew by omitting “IttiR and then did not need to translate IR’an twice. It added KaAapap “to Solomon” after the word “gold.” wnn; cf. 1 Kgs 10:11 LXX. Kgs MT TBND -N’Bn. ’Jill, with a few Hebrew mss 1 Kgs 10:1 'XV “almug wood.” Chr MT ’241? □’C'llT’K. See Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 137; and 2 Chr 2:7 (8). nmD^K; cf. 1 Kgs 10:12. Chr MT □’QtlT’Nn. nVPOD. 1 Kgs 10:12 7D0Q “supports.” Mclvor, Targum, 164: “stools as a support” (ITED'D TDD1?), appar¬ ently conflating the two readings. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 137) notes that BDB suggests that m^OD is a corruption of (m)7D0D. “IttJN “n^O; BHS suggests inserting after these words with Tg ~\m nnn mbn |ra “(outside of that which) he had given to her from his heart because of that which.” Cf. Rudolph, 222. Similarly, Japhet, 632; cf. Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 138. Mclvor, Targum, 165: “apart from what he had given her in exchange for what she had brought to the king.” But MT may simply be taking note again of the gifts that the queen of Sheba brought in vv. 1 and 9. See the commentary. -[snm; cf. the use of "[SH in 2 Kgs 5:26. 1 Kgs 10:13

18 19

20 21

22

23

jam. 24

25

mail! B’il; lacking in LXX, but probably lost in Greek by homoioteleuton (from the first aiiTfjg to the second; cf. Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:52). □’Tin ’EGNB; so also 1 Kgs 10:15. BHS (cf. Rudolph, 222) emends to □‘’“ITIH ’031)0 “contributions of the merchants.” Cf. HALOT, 1709: “apart from the taxes imposed by the merchants (traders).” The word 7371 in postbiblical Hebrew means “merchant” (see also Arabic and Aramaic). Japhet (632) notes two proposed emendations for □’inn: D’”IDn “cities” and □,-imn “merchants” (cf. Rudolph, 222). In Kings,

131

BHS reports a proposal 0’!237n '3RD “from the ships of Tarshish.” The proposed emendations may have some merit in Kings, but the Chronicler is clearly basing himself on Kgs MT. See the commentary. 26 27

28 29

30

31

32

33

Dnnom. HALOT, 750. 1 Kgs 8:15 □’‘XDIH 771003 “the business of the merchants.” Dpi?. Two Hebrew mss 07330; many Hebrew mss and editions 0733. 1 Kgs 10:15 07337 “the west.” Except

“attached with gold.” If the LXX had once read Kal araacg irobwv (cf. 1 Chr 28:2) to) -dpovut kvbebepevoi xpvoia “and the footstool for the throne was bound fast with gold,” the first five words could have been lost by homoioteleuton. Rudolph (224) moves Plin after D’tn80 and proposes that the translation for t23001 800^ was then lost in Chr LXX by homoio¬ teleuton. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 140) notes that 12300 does not occur elsewhere in the Old Testa¬ ment, but it is common in Rabbinic Hebrew, with

for the addition of the definite article, the conso¬ nants are the same as Chronicles. Kgs LXX tov itepav “from beyond.” 17180 E3E3. The word shekels is not explicit in Hebrew. See also the next verse. 17180 Cbvi. 1 Kgs 10:17 DPP “three minas.” Rudolph (223) says that minas are not mentioned in preexilic texts (only in Ezek 45:12; Ezra 2:69; Neh 7:70-71 [71-72]), and that DPP is a simple error in Kgs for 17180. Similarly, Hognesius (Text of 2 Chron¬ icles, 139) suggests that the reading in Chronicles was also the original reading in Kings. He allows, incorrectly in my mind, for the possibility that the reading in Chronicles arose in order to enhance the impression of the wealth of Solomon. Chr LXX omits “three hundred shekels of gold went

12300 “footstool” because he did not understand the “rounded top” in his Vorlage and/or because he thought thrones should have footstools. cnnKP 800^ pnn. Chr LXX evbebepevot xpvola

the meaning “ascent.” I have no explanation why 34

35 36

into each shield,” apparently by accident. See Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:136. Two clauses in a row have the words “three hundred.” Tina ant; 1 Kgs 10:18 TS10 am. HALOT (921) parses T010 as a hophal participle from ITS and suggests a translation “fine.” Chronicles uses a more common adjective. Kings LXX and Chr LXX agree in read¬

37

ing xpvo'uc boKipw “certified gold.” 0001. The cognate noun in Jewish Aramaic means “stool, bank” (HALOT, 460). Rudolph, 224: “foot¬ stool,” following LXX1 Vg Tg (Mclvor, Targum, 165:

39

38

□77180 is masculine plural. 17T78. This word, as usual in Hebrew, is feminine plural. It replaces the masculine plural form □"IN in 1 Kgs 10:20, which appears only there in the Bible. Cf. Montgomery and Gehman, Kings, 230. 70^00 *70*7; cf. 1 Kgs 10:20 LXX 7taarj jSamAeta. Kgs MT ITD^nn ^ “ in all kingdoms.” I7T28; Chr LXX vavq “a ship.” 1 Kgs 10:22 78 “a ship” or (collectively) “a fleet.” '7033 D33; cf. 1 Kgs 10:22 LXXL7W Ttalbuv. 1 Kgs 10:22 MT '38 D33 “with the fleet.” t!TC33~in nr38. 1 Kgs 10:22 C'CTi '38. Kgs LXX vavq €K Qapaelq “a ship from Tarshish.” This variant reading in Kings may have led the Chronicler to conclude earlier in the sentence that the ships went to Tarshish. See the commentary.

“footrest”). One Hebrew ms, editions 133001 “lamb.” Galling (96) suggests “Stierkopfe” (calf heads) with 1 Kgs 10:19 (see proposed emendation *733) 't33871

The synoptic parallels in the following verses can be diagrammed as follows: 2 Chronicles 9 1 Kings 10 Kings LXX Cambridge (Rahlfs) v. 22 v. 23 10:26 (23) v. 23 v. 24 10:27 (24) v. 24 v. 25 10:28 (25)

in BHS, based on Kgs LXX ttpoTopal poax^v)1 Kgs 10:19 123871 “rounded top” (HALOT,

v. 25 v. 26

784). Montgomery and Gehman (Kings, 230) note that Chronicles has 12300, which they believe should be emended to IIDP. This is based in part on their

v. 27 v. 28

40

preference for ‘PPi? 12387 “the head of a calf” in 1 Kgs 10:19 instead of the reading in MT. Cf. G. R. Driver,

v. 26 5:1 (4:21) v. 27

10:29 (26) 10:30 (26a)

10:31 (27) v. 28a 10:32a (28a) |*78n 'O^O *701; cf. 1 Kgs 10:27 LXX (Syr) Kal Ttaureq (3aaL\elq rrjq yijq. 1 Kgs 10:24 MT j*787 ^01 “and all the earth.”

“Studies in the Vocabulary of the Old Testament.

41

p233. See the discussion in the commentary.

VIII,”/TS 36 (1935) 299-300. C. R. North (“The Religious Aspects of Hebrew Kingship,” ZAW50

42

The Vorlage for this verse is 1 Kgs 10:26. For 1 Kgs 10:26aa/3 the Chronicler follows the Vorlage of Kgs LXX, which agrees with 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26) MT (no

[1932] 28, 29) held that the original reading in Kings was *7333 ’C2387 “calves’ heads” and that 12300

LXX translation exists for this verse, but see 1 Kgs 2:46i LXX). 1 Kgs 10:26aa/3 MT agrees with 2 Chr

“lamb” was an attempt to get rid of the offensive *7333 “calf,” but it is doubtful that the Chronicler

1:14. See extensive discussion in van Keulen, Two Versions, 250-64.

would have perceived this reading as idolatrous. See 2 Chr 4:3, where he has no trouble with 0'7p0 in the temple itself. Perhaps the Chronicler used

132

43

□’S‘78 1733078; cf. 1 Kgs 10:29 (26) LXX (reaaapeq XL^idbeq “four thousand”). 1 Kgs 10:26 MT

9:1-31

(HIKO in~l81 qblS “one thousand four hundred”).

tup to the influence of the same form earlier in the verse. In 1 Kgs 10:28 lO^Db 1C218 is placed after D’0101 “horses,” while in 1 Kgs 10:32 (28) LXX EaAupup is placed after e^oboq {= 811101). Hence “Solomon” appears in three different places. The A family of mss in Kgs LXX agrees with 1 Kgs 10:28 MT.

1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26) D'm« “forty thousand.” Cf. 1 Kgs 2:46' (jeoaapaKOVTa x^Aiabeq TOKabeq “forty thousand brood mares”).

44

ni’18; cf. 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26) For the meaning of this

45

word, see the commentary. For the traditional understanding of the word ni’18 as “stalls,” see HALOT, 85. Chr LXX dr/Aetat lttkol “mares”; 1 Kgs LXX 2:46' TOKabeq “brood mares.” In Akka¬ dian urati = mares {HALOT, 85, 2). niDDIQI. Chr LXX eiq appara = 1 Kgs 5:6 MT

46

47

48

1333107 “for his chariotry.” Cf. 1 Kgs 10:29 (26) LXX and 1 Kgs 2:46‘ LXX.

55

DIT-H; Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 10:29 (26) LXX Kai e$€TO. 1 Kgs 10:26 MT DPI?]. As pointed, the verb in

56

Chronicles MT comes from m3 and the verb in Kgs MT from iTO.

57

7tij10 ’PPI; cf. 1 Kgs 10:30 LXX Kai pp pyovpepoq and 1 Kgs 2:46tLXX Kai f)V apxup. 1 Kgs 5:1 (4:21) MT btflD H’H nobtDI. DObori; cf. 1 Kgs 10:30 (26") LXX tup /3aacXeup and 1 Kgs 2:46k LXX Toiq fiacnAevoLP “kings.”

49

1 Kgs 5:1 (4:21) MT tTObnon “the kingdoms.” 131; 1 Kgs 10:30 (26a) LXX Kai euq. Cf. 1 Kgs 2:46k LXX Kai euq. The word is lacking in 1 Kars 5:1

50

(4:21) MT. =]031 178; cf. 1 Kgs 10:27 MT. Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 10:31 (27) LXX ro xpvoiop Kai to apyvpiov “gold

51 52

53

54

58

nimoi. Rudolph (225) suggests two other vocaliza¬ tions: nitn and nirn. 1111’ with Q, K’lll’. Cf. 2 Chr 12:15 11111. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 143) states that the latter person is intended. Cf. Japhet, 645. 7810’ *73 “711 d7®11'3; cf. 1 Kgs 10:42 MT. Chr LXX omits “in Jerusalem,” and 1 Kgs 10:42 LXX omits “over all Israel.” Do the Hebrew texts conflate ancient variants, or do the LXX texts accidentally omit alternate expressions?

59 60

1T138 Dll; omitted by Chr LXX. IIIOp’1; cf. Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 10:43 LXX Kai efiafap avTOP. Kgs MT IDp’l “and he was buried”; cf. 1 Kgs 12:24"rat. tHanreraL. The forms of the verbs for burying kings vary greatly in Chr MT, between Chr MT and Chr LXX, and between Chronicles and its Kings Vorlage throughout the history of the kingdom of Judah {qal active verbs with attached and separable pronominal object and niphalverbs). It is unclear whether LXX translators always reflected a corresponding Hebrew verb or whether they changed the verb form for stylistic reasons.

61

1 Kings 11:43 LXX has a significant addition at this point. It is discussed in the second textual note to 2 Chronicles 10.

and silver.” It appears that the LXX texts have been assimilated to the parallel verse in 2 Chr 1:15. MT DTP! 1781 rp31 ns “silver and gold.” 2 Chr 1:15 LXX to xpvoiop Kai to apyvpLOP “gold and silver.” It is not clear why the Greek word order is different. D'8’3i1D1; Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 10:32 (28) LXX Kai rj efrboq. 1 Kgs 10:28 MT and 2 Chr 1:16 MT 83*101. D’010. Chr LXX tup lttttup; 1 Kgs 10:32 MT D’0101 1 Kgs 10:32 (28) LXX tup Linreup. All but Chr MT have the definite article. nobsb D’13*00; Chr LXX e£ AiyvnTov tup EaAupup. Allen (Greek Chronicles 2:12) attributes

‘POOI. BHS cites a proposal: 73*71. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 142) cites a proposal to interpret all the words after “horses” as: “from Musri for Solomon and for all the lands.” See, however, textual n. 18 to 2 Chronicles 1. D’ThnKm. Note double hateph pathah in Codex Leningradensis.

Structure

both Solomon’s wealth and his wisdom. The chapter may be outlined as follows:

With this chapter, the Chronicler concludes his account

I.

of Solomon’s reign. The chapter begins with the visit of the queen of Sheba and ends with a summary of Solo¬

13)1 II.

mon’s reign. In between are various notices that indicate

1

9:1-12 The visit of the queen of Sheba (1 Kgs 10:1-

Verses 1-2 The Queen of Sheba comes to see Solomon; vv. 3-4 she views the grandeur of Solo-

9:13-16 The wealth of Solomon and his golden shields (1 Kgs 10:14-17)

departs; vv. 10-11 Solomon makes steps and musical instruments from almug wood,

moil’s court; vv. 5-8 she delivers a speech; vv. 9, 12 the queen and Solomon exchange gifts and she

133

III.

9:17-19 The throne of Solomon (1 Kgs 10:18-20)

also gave Jeroboam a conditional dynastic promise, and

IV.

9:20-21 Solomon’s wealth in gold and other objects

Jeroboam fled to Egypt when Solomon tried to kill him

(1 Kgs 10:21-22)

(1 Kgs 11:26-40). The major omission of these verses by

V.

9:22-24 The kings of the earth pay tribute to Solo¬

the Chronicler results from his attempt to idealize the

mon’s wisdom (1 Kgs 10:23-25)

life of Solomon, a task that he accomplishes more com¬

9:25-28 Solomon’s wealth in horses, chariots, and

pletely with Solomon than he did with David.

VI.

The relationship to the Vorlage in section VI (2 Chr

other objects (1 Kgs 10:29-32 [Rahlfs 10:26, 26a, 27, 28] LXX).2

9:25-28) is quite complicated. In the first place, the

VII. 9:29-31 Concluding summary of Solomon’s reign

Chronicler had already included a copy of 1 Kgs 10:26-29 in 2 Chr 1:14-17. Rudolph (221, 223) noted the duplica¬

(1 Kgs 11:41-43) The above outline makes clear that the synoptic

tion in chaps. 1 and 9 and held that the original version

parallels in sections I-V and VII are relatively clear, with

in 2 Chronicles 9 consisted only of v. 25aa (through

characteristic departures from the Vorlage in Chronicles

“horses” = 1 Kgs 5:6a [4:26]) and v. 26 (= 1 Kgs 5:1a

that will be discussed in the commentary below. The

[4:21] through “up to the border of Egypt”). A glossator

textual notes also show that the Chronicler had a Vorlage

later added 2 Chr 9:25a/3 (“and twelve thousand horse¬

that differed at significant points from Kings MT.

men” from 1 Kgs 5:6b (4:26b) and changed "QTHO1? □'DIO

Just as the Chronicler passed over the controversies

“horses for his chariots” into rVQTHOl C'DIO (“horses and

in the transition from David to Solomon, including

chariots)” in v. 25 MT.5 The glossator also noted that the

Solomon’s killing of a number of opponents (1 Kings

conclusion of 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:21) agreed with the conclusion

1-2), the Chronicler also omitted the first forty verses

of 1 Kgs 10:26a and therefore wrote 1 Kgs 10:26b-286 on

of 1 Kings 11, which reported the apostasies of Solomon

the margin of the manuscript of 2 Chronicles 9. These

that were connected to his many foreign wives (vv. 1-8).3

marginal verses were later brought into the text, with

Because of these failures recounted in 1 Kings, Yahweh

1 Kgs 10:26b placed before 2 Chr 9:26 as 2 Chr 9:25b,

had decided to take away the kingdom from Solomon

and 1 Kgs 10:27-28 placed after 2 Chr 9:26 as 2 Chr

and give it to his servant, except for one tribe [Judah],

9:27-28.' Curtis and Madsen (318) held both passages

which was retained for Solomon’s descendants because

(2 Chr 1:14-17 and 9:25-28) to be original in Chronicles,

of the promise to David (vv. 9-13). Three adversaries also

but claimed that the Chronicler put one version of 1 Kgs

rose up against Solomon: (a) Hadad the Edomite (1 Kgs

10:26-29 early in his text as 2 Chr 1:14-17 since in that

11:14-22); (b) Rezon of Damascus (1 Kgs 11:23-25); and

passage Solomon had fourteen hundred chariots while

(c) Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who receives a promise

in the second passage from later in his reign, 2 Chr

from the prophet Ahijah4 of a kingdom consisting of

9:25-28 (= 1 Kgs 5:6, 10:26b; 5:1; 10:27-28), Solomon had

the ten northern tribes of Israel. The prophet Ahijah

forty thousand8 teams of horses9 and/for the chariots.10

2 3

This complicated text will be discussed at length

6

below.

7

Solomon’s succumbing to the temptations of foreign women is affirmed in Neh 13:26. This is another reason for denying that Ezra and Nehe-

Auslegung, 63-64 n. 69) attributes vv. 27-28 to a secondary hand, since they repeat 2 Chr 1:15-16. He differs with Rudolph, however, in holding all of v. 25 to be original with the Chronicler.

miah belonged to the “Chronicler’s History.” See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 6-10. For the Chronicler’s toleration of foreign marriages, see 1 Chr 2:3, 17, 34-35;

4

8

3:1; 4:17; 7:14; 8:8; 2 Chr 2:13 (14); 8:11; 12:13;

instead of the four thousand of 2 Chr 9:25 MT.

24:26. Ahijah’s oracle is referred to in 2 Chr 9:29 and

They appeal to LXXALof 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26). The Old Greek lacks 1 Kgs 5:5-8 (4:25-28), although vv. 5 and 6 (25 and 26) are filled in by A x Arab and the Syro Hexapla.

for the split of the kingdom. Note that Chr LXX, however, still retains the “older” reading. See textual note 45.

134

1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26) MT. Curtis and Madsen (360), therefore, reconstruct this number in 2 Chr 9:25

10:15 although the Chronicler blames Rehoboam 5

Rudolph noted that v. 28 was somewhat shortened. Similarly, Williamson, 236. Willi (Die Chronik als

See v. 25 for the justification of this translation. 10

Galling (99) compared 2 Chr 9:25 with the Vorlage

9:1-31

Japhet (642) held that all of 2 Chr 9:25-28 was original

Little can be said historically about the queen of Sheba

to the Chronicler, but she concluded that the Chronicler

since she is an anonymous figure14 and the location of her

himself was writing a new version of this summary draw¬

land is uncertain (see v. 1). An Ethiopian legend makes

ing on 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26); 10:26b; 5:1 (4:21); 10:27-28).n What all of these scholars have failed to take into full

Menelik I the son of Solomon and the queen of Sheba, and he is credited with taking the ark of the covenant to

consideration is that 2 Chr 9:25-28 is not based directly

Ethiopia. In the New Testament she is known as the queen

on 1 Kgs 5:6a [4:26a]; 10:26a/3b; 5:1a [4:21a]); 10:27-28,

of the south (Matt 12:42; Luke 11:31). Nadav Na’aman

but on the Vorlage of 1 Kgs 10:29-32a LXX.12 That is, an

believes that the biblical story of the queen of Sheba

alternate account of Solomon’s wealth in horses, chariots,

reflects the zenith of South Arabian trade with Judah in

and other objects had already been constructed from

the seventh/sixth centuries, and he assigns its author¬

verses from 1 Kings 5 and 10 in the Vorlage of 1 Kings

ship to a post-Deuteronomistic redactor.15 Kitchen admits

10 LXX. This Vorlage of Kings LXX had displaced what

that there is no proof either way about the historicity of

we now call 1 Kgs 10:26-28a MT. Since the Chronicler

the queen of Sheba, but he believes that background

reproduced 1 Kgs 10:26, 28-29 MT nearly exactly in

data provide an intelligent framework for what is found

2 Chr 1:14, 16-17, he had access to both versions of this

in 2 Chronicles 9 and 1 Kings 10. Her role as queen, not

paragraph—1 Kgs 10:26-28a MT and the Vorlage of 1 Kgs

king, cannot be dated later, in his opinion, than 690 b.c.e.

10:29-32a (Rahlfs 26, 26a, 27, 28) LXX—in the book of

and long-distance travel by royal figures in the Near East is

Kings. This may also help to explain why he included

well attested.16 Lemaire addresses the main three objec¬

both passages in his work.13

tions to the story’s historicity—the long distance of 2,400

11

12 13

(1 Kgs 10:26) and noted the higher number of stalls (Pferdestande; Gespannen) for horses (four thousand versus fourteen hundred) at the end of Solomon’s reign, although he did not notice that the Vorlage actually was numbering chariots! He further confuses things by comparing 2 Chr 1:14 with 2 Chr 10:25 (should be 2 Chr 9:25). On p. 81 he acknowledges that the numbers from 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26) were recorded in 2 Chr 9:25. The synopsis of Vannutelli also implies that the Chronicler was basing himself on 1 Kgs 10:26; 5:1 (4:21); and 10:27-28. In the Rahlfs LXX, these verses are called 10:26, 26a, 27-28. P. S. F. van Keulen argues that the Chronicler com¬ posed the text that we now have in 2 Chr 9:25-26 MT, and that Kgs LXX originally translated 1 Kgs 10:26 MT (“A Touch of Chronicles: The Prov¬ enance of 3 Reigns 10:26-26a,” in X Congress of the

14

15

International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies. Oslo, 1998 [ed. Bernard A. Taylor; SBLSCS 51; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2001] 441-57; and idem, Two Versions, 250-59). Later, a reviser of Kgs LXX included a translation of 2 Chr 9:25-26 in Kgs LXX as a replacement for the earlier translation of 10:26, and this translation later served as the model for the translation in 2 Chr 9:25-26 in Chr LXX. Rather than a change imposed on Kgs LXX from Chronicles, I think the Hebrew Vorlage of 1 Kgs 10:29-30 (Rahlfs vv. 26 and 26a) was

incorporated by the Chronicler in his manuscript. James A. Montgomery (“A Study in Comparison of the Texts of Kings and Chronicles,” fBL 50 [1931] 115-16) believed that the text of 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26) was once read at 1 Kgs 10:26 and was followed immediately by 1 Kgs 5:1a. He held 1 Kgs 10:27 to be secondary, an intrusion from 2 Chr 1:15. He also noted that 1 Kgs 2:46i LXX = 1 Kgs 5:6 and that 2:46k LXX = 1 Kgs 5:1a. Thus, the sequence of texts 1 Kgs 5:6 and 5:1a appears in 1 Kgs 2:46'andk and 1 Kgs 10:29-30 (Rahlfs 26 and 26a) LXX. In Josephus Ant. 158-59, she is called Nikaule = (NLKavAr)), the queen of Egypt and Ethiopia. Cf. 8.165-75. The source of this name is unknown. A footnote in the Loeb edition of Josephus mentions that the name is given as Nitocris in our texts of Herodotus. On the queen of Sheba, see also Klein, “Africa and the Africans,” 277-78. Nadav Na’aman, “Sources and Composition in the History of Solomon” in Handy, Age of Solomon, 73. Walter Dietrich (Early Monarchy in Israel, 297) tentatively assigns the narrative of the visit by the queen of Sheba to a pre-Deuteronomistic “book of

16

the story of Solomon.” Kenneth A. Kitchen, “Sheba and Arabia,” in Handy, Age of Solomon, 127-53. Edwin M. Yamauchi (Africa and the Bible [Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2004], 97-105) gives extensive coverage to the tradi¬ tion of the Queen of Sheba in Jewish, Islamic, and Ethiopian traditions.

135

kilometers; the kingdom of Saba and its spice trade did

cles, Sheba is listed as the son of Raamah and brother of

not exist in the tenth century, and queens did not play a

Dedan;20 Raamah is the fourth son of Cush, the son of

major political role in Southern Arabia—and finds them

Ham (1 Chr 1:9//Gen 10:7). But Sheba is also listed as

wanting. He notes that there were long campaigns already

the tenth son of Joktan in the fifth generation after Shem

at the time of Sargon I and Zimri-Lim and points out that

(1 Chr 1:22//Gen 10:28), and Sheba and Dedan are

the word queen roT’O, used only in Esther and the Song

grandsons of Abraham and Keturah through their father

of Songs in the Old Testament, could refer to a female

Jokshan (1 Chr 1:32//Gen 25:3). The Bible also men¬

member of the royal family, a princess, and not necessarily

tions Seba (K3D), who is identified as the firstborn son

a head of state.17 In any case the Chronicler inherited the

of Cush in 1 Chr 1:9//Gen 10:7. In Isa 43:3 Egypt, Cush

story of the queen of Sheba from the book of Kings and

(Sudan), and Seba are associated with one another, lead¬

used it to spell out the wealth and the wisdom of Solomon.

ing to the idea that Seba was in northeastern Africa, pos¬ sibly in modern-day Ethiopia. Sheba and Seba are listed

Detailed Commentary

together in Ps 72:10, whose title relates it to Solomon: “May the kings of Tarshish and of the isles render him

I. 9:1-12 The Visit of the Queen of Sheba

tribute, may the kings of Sheba and Seba bring gifts.”

■ 1 When the queen of Sheba heard the fame of Solomon, she

The Chronicler replaces the participle in the Vor¬

came to test Solomon with riddles in ferusalem, with a very

lage (n^QtD, “she was hearing”) with a finite verb (HUO?)

great retinue and camels bearing spices and very much gold

“heard”) and retains only two of the three uses of Kilim

and precious stones. When she came to Solomon she discussed

(“and she came”).21 He omits niiT

with him all that was on her mind: This verse in Chronicles

Yahweh”), which is difficult to translate in the Vorlage.

corresponds to 1 Kgs 10:1-2 in the Vorlage; as a result, all

The queen comes from a distant region where she has

the numbers of the subsequent verses in Chronicles up

heard about Solomon’s reputation for wisdom. That

(“to the name of

until v. 24 will be one less than in Kings.18 The queen of

noun “wisdom” appears six times in this chapter, always

Sheba is anonymous in both Kings and Chronicles, as

with reference to Solomon, beginning in v. 3 (see vv. 5,

is Pharaoh’s daughter. Of all the women in the life of

6, 7, 22, 23). The queen is quite active in this chapter

Solomon, we know only the name of Naamah the mother

and has come to test for herself through riddles whether

of Rehoboam. Sheba (tO0) is generally identified with

Solomon is indeed wise. The Chronicler uses this story

southern Arabia, in the region of the modern state of

to demonstrate Solomon’s wisdom although he omitted

Yemen.19 It is the most important of the four ancient

1 Kgs 3:16—5:14 (3:16—4:34), which decisively dem¬

south Arabian states of Saba3, MacIn, Qataban, and

onstrated Solomon’s wisdom in other ways.22 The most

Hadramawt. In the genealogical introduction to Chroni¬

famous riddle in the Bible was told by Samson to his

17

Lemaire, “La Reine de Saba,” 48-52. Lemaire’s position is vigorously contested by E. A. Knauf, one

is the Hebrew spelling of Saba, the South Arabic

of the editors of the volume in which Lemaire’s article appears! Knauf claims that Assyrian and Sabaean texts attest to the process of Sabaean state

Sheba and Seba go back etymologically to the word Saba, and that Seba was probably located in Africa.

name of the Sabean state. He believed that both

20

Cf. Ezek 38:13, where Sheba, Dedan, and Tarshish are mentioned together.

21

In 1 Kgs 10:1-2 the queen came to test Solomon,

formation in the late eighth and early seventh century (pp. 2-3 n. 4). Thus, he denies that there was a Sabaean state in the tenth century. He adds:

then she came to Jerusalem, and finally she came to

“Nor could a Queen of Sheba of 10th century vintage have been much impressed by the palaces of Jerusalem, for these had to wait for Athaliah to be 18

Solomon. The Chronicler omits the second of these verbs and spells his verbs plene. 22

erected.” The complications in vv. 25-28 discussed under

administrative officers; 4:20—5:8 (4:28), the magnificence of Solomon’s rule; 5:9-14 (4:29-34),

“Structure” result in 2 Chr 9:27-28 having the same verse numbers as 1 Kgs 10:27-28. 19

136

Cf. Cogan, 1 Kings, 310; and G. W. Van Beek, “Sabeans,” IDE 4:144-46. Van Beek held that Sheba

1 Kgs 3:16-28, Solomon’s wise decision about the child of the two prostitutes; 4:1-6 and 7-19, his

Solomon’s wisdom unmatched throughout the known world. 23

Josephus {Ant. 8.148-49) quotes Dios, who claimed

9:1-31

Philistine companions, where the word riddle occurs in every verse (Judg 14:12-19). Modern readers might be

The queen’s initiative is emphasized, as she discussed with Solomon all that was on her mind. This verse and

inclined to call Samson smart or clever rather than wise.

the next suggest that her thoughts ran toward riddles

Other biblical passages do connect the ability to solve

and hard questions, but she expresses her thoughts more

riddles with wisdom. Proverbs refers to the words of the

explicitly in vv. 5-8. Many modern scholars have wondered

wise and their riddles (Prov 1:6). The wise hero Dan¬

whether there might lie behind the legendary traits of this

iel had the ability to interpret dreams, explain riddles

story more down-to-earth political or economic concerns.

(]Tn«), and solve problems (Dan 5:12). Personified wisdom herself knows the solution to riddles (Xvoetq cdvcygLoiTwi'; Wis 8:8).23

That is, did the queen of Sheba come to secure trade

The queen’s arrival itself is impressive: she comes

routes through Israel that might be threatened by Solo¬ mon’s own enterprises or his joint ventures with Huram?27 Cogan takes a hard position against this interpretation,

with a great retinue (l7’n),24 plus camels bearing spices,

largely because he holds that the political and economic

much gold, and precious stones. Camels are relatively

presuppositions for this interpretation were not in place

rare in Chronicles, appearing as Israelite property in

before the end of the eighth or the beginning of the sev¬

1 Chr 12:41 (40) and 27:30, but owned by foreigners

enth century (cf. 2 Kgs 20:13, where Hezekiah entertains

here and in 1 Chr 5:21 and 2 Chr 14:15. “Spices” (COED;

a delegation from Babylon).28 However that may be, there

see also w. 9, 24) tend to confirm the queen’s place of

is absolutely no interest expressed in such political or eco¬

origin. In his oracle against Tyre, Ezekiel notes that

nomic realities in Chronicles.

the merchants of Sheba and Raamah traded with Tyre,

■ 2 Solomon explained to her all her questions. There was

exchanging for its wares the best of all kinds of spices,

nothing hidden from Solomon that he could not explain to her:

and all precious stones, and gold (Ezek 27:22). Hezekiah

Solomon fully met her test mentioned in v. 1. There was

showed off his collection of spices to the delegation from

nothing he could not explain to her. This is the first of a

Babylon (2 Kgs 20:13). Third Isaiah speaks of the camels

series of incomparable items mentioned by the narrator

of Midian, Ephah, and Sheba, which will bring gold and

in this chapter.29

frankincense (iTTQ1?) to Jerusalem (Isa 60:6; Jer 6:20).25

■ 3 When the queen of Sheba saw the wisdom of Solomon, the

The mention of her gold announces a major theme of

house that he had built: Solomon had asked for wisdom in

this chapter, in which gold is mentioned sixteen times.26

2 Chr 1:10-12, and another foreign leader, Huram, had

David had donated precious stones for the temple (1 Chr

recognized in him the wise son of David (2 Chr 2:11

29:2), which were indeed used in its construction (2 Chr

[12]). The “house” in this verse is presumably a refer¬

3:6). These precious gifts are appropriate to the queen’s

ence to the king’s palace (cf. 2 Chr 1:18 [2:1]; 2:12 [13];

wealth and the importance she placed on Solomon. The

7:11) although it could be a reference to the temple. Both

queen gives each of these items to Solomon in v. 9.

buildings are called houses in Hebrew.

thought that she went home only after gaining a

that Solomon and Hiram exchanged riddles. Since

24 25

Hiram was unable to solve Solomon’s riddles, he had to pay large sums of money as a fine. Cogan (1 Kings, 311) states that this could refer either to a military escort or to her wealth. Josephus (Ant. 8.174) credits the queen of Sheba with bringing balsam plants, which are the source of the perfumes associated with Jericho and En-

26 27

gedi. Verses 1, 9, 10, 13 (twice), 14, 15 (twice), 16 (twice), 17, 18, 20 (twice), 21, 24. See Ahlstrom (Ancient Palestine, 518-19), who thought that some of the hard questions she posed may have dealt with the trade routes from Palestine and Egypt to Arabia; or Bright (History, 215), who

28 29

commercial agreement. Cogan, 1 Kings, 315. The other incomparable items include the follow¬ ing: the queen was breathless when she saw his wisdom and wealth (v. 4); half the greatness of Solomon was not told me (v. 6); there were no spices like those that the queen of Sheba gave to king Solomon (v. 9); there had never been seen in the land of Judah anything like the items listed in v. 11; and silver was not considered as anything since it was so abundant (v. 20).

137

■ 4 the food of his table, the seating of his officials, the

for “and his burnt offerings” as Tffrlh, yielding “and his

attendance of his servants and their clothing, his cupbearers

ascent.”36 The context suggests that the queen of Sheba

and their clothing, and his ascent by which he went up to the

was impressed by the grandeur of Solomon’s court, and

house of Yahweh, she was breathless: To a great extent the

our reading supposes some kind of grand processional

Chronicler is only copying the materials from the Vorlage

way or ceremony by which Solomon advanced to the

(1 Kgs 10:5) that refer to Solomon’s sumptuous food and

temple.37 Cultic actions in themselves, such as burnt

the impressiveness of his officials. It is not immediately

offerings, come as a surprise in this context, and “his

clear why the seating of his officials or the attendance of

upper room” supposes that the Chronicler substituted an

his servants would make an impression on a guest, but

otherwise unknown building for the word he found in

apparently their clothing was outstanding.30 The word

Kings. But no certainty can be attained. The Chronicler notes, in any case, that the queen

translated as “cupbearers” here (VptOfTl) could refer to the drinks served by Solomon or his drinking vessels in

of Sheba was breathless at this magnificent display of

the Vorlage (1 Kgs 10:5),31 but the addition of the word

the grandeur and riches of Solomon. This idiom makes

“their clothing”32 requires the interpretation of this word

sense also in contemporary English, but it was also used

as butlers in Chronicles.33

of the reaction of the Canaanite and Amorite kings to

The Vorlage in 1 Kgs 10:5 in both MT and LXX reads

the miracle at Israel’s crossing of the Jordan (Josh 5:1).38

“and his burnt offering which he (customarily) offered

Rahab notes that she and her fellow citizens of Jericho

up in the house ofYahweh” (cf. 1 Kgs 8:62; 9:25) instead

were similarly breathless (or without courage?) before

of “his ascent by which he went up to the house ofYah¬

the Israelites39 when they heard about the Exodus and

weh.” While Montgomery and Gehman emend Kings to

Israel’s military victory over Sihon and Og (Josh 2:11).

read “and his ascent” (see textual notes for the Hebrew

■ 5 She said to the king, “True [was] the report which I had

spelling), Noth retains the MT in Kings.34 In Chronicles

heard in my land about your deeds and your wisdom”: Ben

there are at least three options for understanding UT^lTi.

Zvi points out that the queen of Sheba, like Huram, is

One can follow LXX, Syr, and Vg and read “and his

presented as a foreign monarch whose perspective and

burnt offerings,” assuming a Hebrew plene reading in

speech are similar to those of a pious Israelite.40 The

which the yod before the taw has been replaced by the

word “true” is given emphasis in Hebrew by being put in

similar looking waw im^IM,35 one can retain the MT

the first position in the sentence. There is a pun in this

“and his upper room,” or one can point the consonants

verse between the report (“OTil)41 the queen had heard

30

In Kings LXX the suffix on the single word for clothing is third masculine singular, thus referring

in Ezekiel’s vision of the future temple (40:26). The Targum reads: “the way in which he went up in procession to the sanctuary house of the Lord.”

to Solomon’s clothing. The New Testament refers to the magnificence of Solomon’s clothing in Matt 31 32

Kimhi writes: “This is a stairway that he made to ascend from his house to the house of the Lord”

6:29 and Luke 12:27. Mulder, 1 Kings, 515; Montgomery and Gehman, Kings, 216: “drinking service. NRSV: “his valets.”

(see Berger, Kimhi, 220). Cf. Willem Boshoff (“The Source Narrative of a Legend: Two Versions of the Queen of Sheba Story in 1 Kings 10 and 2 Chron¬

Rudolph (222) holds that the word □iTtC’O‘PD’1 (“their clothing”) was accidentally lost in 1 Kgs 10:5, but

icles 9JSem 13 [2004] 40), who points out that it

there is no versional evidence to support that.

38

would not seem appropriate for the queen of Sheba to be a spectator of Solomon’s burnt offerings. *?m6r '32Q m"l Till CQ rrn tcbl, “and there was no

39

DD’HSn Efta mi Tiy nap K*7I, “And there was no

35

Konige, 225. This is the reading chosen by Dillard, 68-69.

36

Montgomery and Gehman, Kings, 216-17, 228.

40

spirit/courage left in any of us because of you.” Ben Zvi, “When the Foreign Monarch Speaks,”

Japhet (636) thinks that one can come to this mean¬ ing by following a later rabbinic definition of the

41

33

This is the way it is interpreted in the LXX of both Kings and Chronicles.

34

Montgomery and Gehman, Kings, 216-17; Noth,

word 37

138

irrbin.

Note the seven steps leading up to the south gate

longer in them spirit because of the Israelites.”

218-19. Verse 1 expressed the content of this report by the word OTEJ (“fame”).

9:1-31

in her home country and the deeds or words (TITT)

putting you on his throne as king for Yahrveh your God. Because

she has just seen. The NEB understands the Hebrew

your God loved Israel in order to establish them forever, he has

expression “[’“Ql bu as an idiom for “about you.”42 The

made you king over them, that you may carry out justice and

international fame of Solomon’s wisdom is noted again

righteousness”: Huram had also blessed Yahweh the God

in vv. 22-23. The Chronicler had omitted a similar state¬

of Israel, who had given King David a wise son to build a

ment in 1 Kgs 5:14 (4:34): “Delegates came from all the

house for Yahweh (2 Chr 2:11 [12] //1 Kgs 5:21 [7]). The

peoples to hear the wisdom of Solomon.”

Chronicler has replaced the “throne of Israel” in 1 Kgs

I 6 “but I did not believe their words until I came and my

10:9 with “his throne,” that is, Yahweh’s throne.44 In fact,

own eyes saw them. Half of the greatness of your wisdom had

he also adds three additional words over the Vorlage that

not been told me; you surpass the report I had heard”: Seeing

clinch that point “pn^N miT1?

is truly believing for the queen of Sheba; in fact, the

your God”). Compare 1 Chr 17:14, where the Chronicler

reality of Solomon’s wisdom proved to be greater than its

turns the dynasty and kingdom of David ("[nO^QOl in’ll;

reputation. Her words relate much more to the wisdom

2 Sam 7:16) into the dynasty and kingdom of God

of Solomon in w. 2-3 than to his grandeur and riches in

(TTDta) TCHU).45 By sitting on Yahweh’s throne, Solo¬

v. 4. There is also a play on words between “true” (nON,

mon has fulfilled David’s words: “And from all my sons

( “as king for Yahweh

from the root ]0N) in the previous verse and her original

... he has chosen Solomon my son to sit on the throne

lack of belief (TUftNil

of the kingdom ofYahweh over Israel” (1 Chr 28:5; cf.

expressed in this verse.

■ 7 “How enviable are your people and how enviable are these

1 Chr 17:11). Huram had also affirmed Yahweh’s love for Israel in

your servants who stand before you continuously and listen to your wisdom": The translation “enviable” or “how to be

2 Chr 2:10 (11), a verse composed by the Chronicler.

emulated” follows the suggestion of Waldemar Jan-

Here the clause about Yahweh’s love for Israel is taken

zen, who notes that ’"©K appears primarily in wisdom

over from the Vorlage (1 Kgs 10:9).46 Yahweh’s love for

contexts and never as the antonym of “IVIN (“cursed”).43

Israel is a frequent theme in Deuteronomy (Deut 4:37;

“Your people” and “these your servants” may be under¬

7:8, 13; 10:15; 23:6 [5]). The additions of the words “to

stood as a hendiadys. The alternate reading for the

establish them” and “over them” were made already in

word “your people” that has often been suggested, “your

Kgs LXX47 and are not part of the Chronicler’s original

women,” makes little sense in Kings, where Solomon is

contribution. Nevertheless, “to establish them” makes an

reproved for his women in ch. 11 (a chapter not included

important point that Israelite kingship is set up for the

in Chronicles). It also would be the first mention of Solo¬

ultimate goal of establishing Israel. Justice and righteousness are divinely endorsed

mon’s wives in this pericope. The standing of his servants before (,]St7

. . . “p“Oy) Solomon echoes “the atten¬

virtues already for Abraham (Gen 18:19). Josiah flour¬

dance” of his servants” (TTHtftD “IQUQI) in v. 4.

ished as a king because he did justice and righteousness

■ 8 “Blessed be Yahiueh your God, who has delighted in you by

(Jer 22:15), and that is the duty of the people as well

42

“The report which I heard in my own country about

43

you and your wisdom was true.” Waldemar Janzen, “3Asre in the Old Testament,”

44

HTR58 (1965) 215-21. Cf. 2 Chr 13:8 “And now, you think you can with¬ stand the kingdom ofYahweh [which is] in the

45

hand of the sons of David.” A similar substitution is made in 1 Chr 29:23: “the throne ofYahweh” for “your royal throne” in 1 Kgs 1:46. Contrast “the throne of David his father” in 1 Kgs 2:12. Note “the kingdom ofYahweh over Israel” in 1 Chr 28:5. The “throne of Israel” is retained in 2 Chr 6:10, 16//1 Kgs 8:20, 25. “Your

46

47

royal throne over Israel” in 1 Kgs 9:5 became “your royal throne” in 2 Chr 7:18 (cf. 1 Chr 22:10, “his royal throne in Israel forever”). The reference to the throne of Israel in 1 Kgs 2:4 is part of a section not included in Chronicles. Ben Zvi (“When the Foreign Monarch Speaks,” 219) observes that these are the only two occasions in Chronicles where one finds an explicit statement of Yahweh’s love for Israel. Japhet (636) misses this point at least for “to establish them.” She identifies “1QU in the hiphil as a characteristic technical term for the Chronicler (see Curtis and Madsen, 32, #89).

139

(Jer 22:3).48 David’s rule over all Israel gave him the

The position of this verse and the next in both Kings and

opportunity to administer justice and righteousness to

Chronicles interrupts the story of the queen of Sheba.

all his people (1 Chr 18:14//2 Sam 8:15; in both cases

Whether that indicates the secondary character of these

the words HpTi is translated as “equity” in the NRSV).

verses in Kings can be debated,52 though the Chronicler

As divine king, Yahweh did justice and righteousness for

clearly is dependent on the order of these verses in the

Jacob (Ps 99:4). The promised future king will do justice

text of his Vorlage. Both foreign monarchs were respon¬

and righteousness in the land (Jer 23:13; 33:15). Kings

sible for bringing expensive items to Jerusalem. The text

in general are given this duty by Yahweh (Ps 72:1-3).49

of the Vorlage in Kings credits the fleet of Hiram with

In Chronicles, the doing of justice and righteousness is

bringing gold, wood, and precious stones to Solomon,

attributed only to David and Solomon.50

whereas Chronicles makes this again a joint venture

■ 9 Then she gave to the king one hundred twenty talents of

involving both the servants of Huram and the servants of

gold, a very large quantity of spices, and precious stones: there

Solomon. We have seen already in the previous chapter

were no spices like those that the queen of Sheba gave to king

that the Chronicler attempted to show that Huram and

Solomon: One hundred twenty talents of gold were also

Solomon were equal partners or that Solomon even was

given by Hiram to Solomon (1 Kgs 9:14) although the

the superior partner (2 Chr 8:2). The MT text of Kings

Chronicler did not include that verse in his narrative.

states that also the wood and precious stones—not just

One hundred twenty talents of gold would amount to

the gold—came from Ophir, but that is not true for

about 8,076 pounds or a little more than four tons. The

Kings LXX or the text of Chronicles, since they leave

queen’s camels carried this cargo of spices, gold, and pre¬

the source of these goods unclear (see textual note 18).

cious stones in v. 1. The text indicates the high value of

Almug wood is not precisely identified though 2 Chr 2:7

the spices by claiming that there were no other spices like

(8) states that it comes from Lebanon and associates

these. As we will also see below, these claims to incom¬

it with cedar and cypress. If we assume that the text of

parability should not be taken literally. Mulder suggests

1 Kgs 10:11 is correct in stating that it was the fleet of

that this verse means that never again were such quanti¬

Hiram that brought these items, and that the second

ties of balsam oil imported as when the queen of Sheba

mention of Ophir in 1 Kgs 10:11 MT is secondary, then

visited king Solomon.51

we would conclude that the fleet of Hiram brought this

■ 10 Moreover, the servants ofHuram and the servants of

wood from the storehouses and workshops of Huram.53

Solomon, who had brought gold from Ophir, brought almug

This fits with the one extra-biblical reference to the

wood and precious stones: Huram’s dealings with Solomon

name of this wood at Ugarit, almg,54 where it is associated

in matters of trade are recorded in 2 Chr 8:17-18//1 Kgs

with a word tisr, Hebrew Tlt-j^n, often identified as a type

9:26-28 and 2 Chr 9:10-11//1 Kgs 10:11-12, thus forming

of cypress (cf. Isa 41:19; 60:13; Ezek 17:6, n.b b in BHS).55

an inclusion around the story of the queen of Sheba and

An Akkadian word for wood, elammaku, also unidenti¬

closely relating the stories of these two royal personages

fied, probably came from the Amanus mountains.56 This

who extolled Solomon and contributed to his financial

wood was used for doors, boxes, tables, and beds, but its

well-being. On Ophir, see the discussion at 2 Chr 8:18.

use for musical instruments (see the next verse) is not

48 49

50

Cf. Ezek 18:21, 22, 24, 26, 27; and Isa 56:1. See the helpful discussion injohnj. Scullion, S.J.,

von Walter Baumgartner (VTSup 16; Leiden: Brill, 1967), 87.

“Sedeq-Sedaqah in Isaiah cc. 40-66,” UF3 (1971)

54

335-48, especially 342. In Jer 22:15-16, Josiah is credited with doing justice

UT 120, lines 7-8. This supports the spelling in Kings against Chronicles.

55

The translation £t;Acov neVKivuv in Josephus Ant.

and righteousness and judging the cause of the 51

poor and needy. Mulder, 1 Kings, 519.

52

Noth, Konige, 227.

53

Jonas C. Greenfield and Manfred Mayrhofer, “The ’algummim/’almuggim-Problem Reexamined,” in Hebraische Wortforschung: Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag

140

8.176 makes it a kind of conifer. Cf. Chr LXX rd neviava (“the pinewood”). 56

For full discussion, see Greenfield and Mayrhofer, “The ’algummim/’almuggim-Problem,” 83-89. Cf. Cogan, 1 Kings, 313.

57

Greenfield and Mayrhofer, “The ’algummim/’almuggim-Problem,” 87.

9:1-31

attested elsewhere.57 It is generally agreed today that

■ 12 King Solomon gave to the queen of Sheba every desire

almug/algum wood is not sandalwood.58

that she asked for, except that which she had brought to the

■ 11 The king made from the almug wood the steps of the

king. Then she turned and went to her own land, she and her

house of Yahweh and the house of the king, lyres and harps for

servants: Both Kings and Chronicles want to show that

the musicians; there was not seen the like of them previously in

Solomon was generous in giving back to the queen of

the land of Judah: The central difficulty in this verse is to

Sheba, but the second clause in the first sentence is

identify precisely the meaning of the word “steps” m^OO

difficult. Mulder understands the text of Kings to say

(TUOQ, “supports,”59 in 1 Kgs 10:12). Dillard (68, 70), fol¬

“even aside from the things Solomon gave her out of his

lows the suggestion of D. A. Dorsey,60 based on Akkadian

royal bounty.”65 In other words, he met her requests and

muslalu, that m^OQ in its three appearances in Chronicles

gave much more from his own resources as well, com¬

(see besides this passage 1 Chr 26:16, 18) means gateway

mensurate with his own wealth and power. Chr MT, as

or entranceway to a temple or palace, perhaps a gateway

translated above, indicates that while all the benefits

with an outside stairway. The Chronicler apparently

desired by the queen of Sheba were met, she had given to

was using m^OO, because he did not understand the

Solomon generously from her own resources. Japhet and

word "1102 in 1 Kgs 10:12, used only here in the Bible.61

Rudolph translate the Targum into Hebrew and insert

Raphael Weiss suggested that the Chronicler had a Vorlage

it into the text (see the textual notes). This makes sense

that read

of the passage, but I strongly suspect that the Targum

(or he understood the Vorlage in this way),

which he translated “step” or “path.” He understood

was correcting the text that it had, not preserving a more

nVTOD as “paths,” but, as Dillard remarks, it seems strange

original reading. The last sentence in this verse, report¬

to make a path out of a fine wood.62 Chronicles LXX

ing the queen of Sheba’s return to her homeland, brings

reads dua/3aaeig (“ascents”). Whatever these words

firm closure to the story of the queen of Sheba.

mean in Chronicles or Kings, they were part of both the temple and the king’s palace. Certainty is impossible. According to this verse, almug wood was also used for

9:13-16 The Wealth of Solomon and His Golden Shields I 13 The weight of the gold that came to Solomon in one year

musical instruments, perhaps lyres and harps, or lyres

was six hundred sixty-six talents of gold: Solomon’s annual

and lutes, or several types of lyres.63 The musicians or

income in gold was almost forty-five thousand pounds or

singers could be part of the king’s staff (2 Sam 19:36;

more than twenty-two tons.66 The Chronicler took these

2 Chr 35:25) or even liturgical singers. The Chronicler

figures from his Vorlage in 1 Kgs 10:14, but this does not

again makes all of these things incomparable with any¬

make them any more credible. Solomon, the temple

thing that had previously been seen in Judah. The text of

builder, was simply very rich—that is what the narrative

the Vorlage for 2 Chr 9:11b in 1 Kgs 10:12 reads: “Almug

is telling us.67 According to 1 Chr 29:4 David had contrib¬

wood had not come in this manner, nor had it been seen

uted three thousand talents of gold to the temple (about

(in such quantity) until this day.”64

58

Montgomery and Gehman (Kings, 218-19) already recognized this identification as uncertain.

64

59 60

BDB, 703. D. A. Dorsey, “Another Peculiar Term in the Book of Chronicles: nfsillah, ‘Highway’? ” JQR 75 (1985)

65

61

62 63

385-91. Kings LXX reads VTrooTrjpiypaTa = “supports.” G. Warmuth suggests tentatively “paneling” (“H70,” TDOT 10:290). Mulder (1 Kings, 522) suggests

66 67

See Mulder, 1 Kings, 521, 523. Cf. Noth, Konige, 201; and Cogan, 1 Kings, 310, 313. Mulder, 1 Kings, 523; Cogan, 1 Kings, 314: “besides what he gave her as befitted King Solomon.” Solomon used six hundred talents of gold to line the holy place (2 Chr 3:8). Alan R. Millard (“Does the Bible Exaggerate King Solomon’s Golden Wealth?” BARev 15, 3 [1989] 20-34) concludes that the amount of gold earned

“pieces of equipment.” Raphael Weiss, “Textual Notes,” Textus6 (1968) 130. Ivor H. Jones, “Music and Musical Instruments,”

and used by Solomon is “feasible.” But his support for this argument consists primarily of taking at face value other astounding claims of riches in

ABD 4:937. As Cogan (1 Kings, 314) indicates, any

antiquity, such as Thutmosis III (1479-1425

b.c.e.)

translation of these instruments involves guesswork.

141

201,900 pounds or almost 101 tons68) while according to

about” or “to go to and fro as a go between,” which sug¬

1 Chr 22:14 he contributed one hundred thousand tal¬

gests a plausible reason to translate □Tnn

ents of gold (about 6,730,000 pounds or 3,065 tons). The

the traders.”70 For the second term, GTnom (^/parti¬

only other king for whom the Chronicler gives details of

ciple), BDB (965) suggests “traffickers” or “traders.”71 In

his wealth is Hezekiah, but without any specificity: “he

this case, the Vorlage of 1 Kgs 10:15 reads Cf TOT “irtOQl.

made for himself treasuries of gold, for precious stones,

BDB (695) suggests for the first word a meaning “mer¬

as “from

for spices, for shields, and for all kinds of costly vessels”

chandise” but raises the possibility of textual corruption;

(2 Chr 32:27). On Jehoshaphat, see 2 Chr 17:5 and 18:1,

for the second word, BDB (940) suggests “traffickers” or

great riches and honor.

“traders”—hence “the merchandise of the traders.” Per¬

■ 14 besides that which the merchants and the traders were

haps the first word should be emended slightly to "inOQl

bringing; and all the kings of Arabia and the governors of the

(“from the trade or profits of the traders”).72 The men¬

land were bringing gold and silver to Solomon: While the gen¬

tion of “the kings of Arabia” refers to rulers of Arabian

eral meaning of this verse is clear, the specific definition

tribes in the Arabian peninsula.73 In Jer 25:24 MT, we

of words is difficult. In addition to the annual income

read of mu tT’D To

of gold, there were other sources of Solomon’s wealth:

kings of Arabia74 and all the kings of the west.” Mulder

income from merchants and traders and from the kings

believes thatfTNn mnsi (“the governors of the land”)

of Arabia and the governors of the land.69 BDB (1064)

are the governors of the districts mentioned in 1 Kings 4,

suggests “merchants” for GTnn 'SMKQ in both the Vorlage

although these governors are not mentioned in Chroni¬

(1 Kgs 10:15) and the present passage. On the basis of

cles.75 The words “were bringing gold and silver to Solo¬

Kgs LXX tpoptiV (“taxes, tribute”) some would emend

mon” have been added (redundantly) by the Chronicler,

the first word to ’EWm and translate “from the taxes

apparently in an attempt to make the verse as clear as

CTT

HS1, “and all the

imposed by the merchants.” While that is theoretically

possible. In general, the Chronicler has substituted more

possible in Kings, the second appearance of the word

common for more difficult expressions in this verse.

in Chronicles makes that change unlikely here. As

■ 15 King Solomon made two hundred large shields of beaten

to □■'“inn, the root Tin basically means “to spy” (HALOT,

gold; six hundred shekels of beaten gold event into each shield:

1708), but because of the association of this word with

The large shield (!TE$) covered the whole body76 while the

□,L?Din (“traders, vendors, merchants”) in 1 Kgs 10:15, a

small round shield (]3Q; see the next verse) was held in

meaning such as “merchants” has also been proposed for

the hand and protected primarily the head and chest.77

□’“in, despite the difficulty in relating this to the verbal

The total weight in gold would be 120,000 shekels. Since

root Tin. Gray suggested connecting it with an Arabic

a talent was worth three thousand shekels, the forty tal¬

root, tarn in the fourth stem, meaning “go out or travel

ents of gold in these shields is proportionate to the total

donating thirteen and a half tons of gold to the Amun temple at Karnak.

an emendation of the second word:

instead of

68

Klein (1 Chronicles, 534) mistakenly set that number at 112.5 tons.

71

HALOT, 750. Cf. also 2 Chr 1:16 "[ban 'TO (“the traders of the king”).

69

Josephus Ant. 8.179: “not including what was brought by the merchants (epTropwv) or the gifts

72

HALOT, 750. “ino with the meaning of “trading

which the governors and the kings of Arabia (ot

73

Mulder (1 Kings, 526) specifies their location as S. E. Arabia.

him.”

74

This first phrase is omitted by LXX.

Gray, 1 Kings, 246; cf. Noth, Konige, 204, 229. Del¬ bert R. Hillers (“A Hebrew Cognate of unussu/}unt

75

Mulder, 1 Kings, 528. Since the governors in 1 Kgs

profit” occurs in Isa 23:3, 18; 45:14; Prov 3:14; 31:18.

rfjq Apaj3iaq Tonapxou /cat /laatAetg) sent to 70

4:7-19 are called DTK], Cogan (/ Kings, 317) inter¬

in Is. 33:8,” HTR64 [1971] 257-59), on the basis of a Ugaritic cognate, suggested that 2T0N in Isa 33:8 meant “land tax owed to the king,” but O. Loretz (“Zu Ug. unt und Heb. ’n(w)s,” UF8 [1976] 449) rejects the Hillers proposal for Isa 33:8, but sup¬ ports the meaning for this word in 1 Kgs 10:15, with

142

□1“nn

□'in.

prets these officials as administrators of foreign lands. 76 77

See Mulder, 1 Kings, 528; HALOT, 1037. HALOT, 545.

9:1-31

annual income of 666 talents of gold claimed for Solo¬

and one half times Solomon’s annual income (v. 13).79

mon in v. 13, however outlandish that figure is. The word

These shields were put into the House of the Forest of

“shekels” is not explicit in either Kings or Chronicles.

Lebanon, the account of whose construction in 1 Kgs

The second occurrence of the word “beaten” has been

7:2-5 was not included in Chronicles. That house was one

added by the Chronicler.

hundred cubits long, fifty cubits wide, and thirty cubits

I 16 He made three hundred small round shields of beaten

high. Its distinguishing feature, from which it may have

gold; three hundred shekels of gold went into each shield; and

gotten its name, was its forty-five pillars. It is apparently

the king put them in the House of the Forest of Lebanon: These

considered here to be an armory or arsenal. Such a use is

three hundred small round shields had three hundred

ascribed to “the house of the forest” in Isa 22:8 (cf. Neh

shekels of gold in each one of them, so that the amount of gold in each of the small round shields was half as

3:9).80 These smaller shields, according to 2 Chr 12:911//1 Kgs 14:26-28, were taken by Shishak and replaced

large as the full body shields. The total weight of gold for

with bronze shields.

these small shields was ninety thousand shekels or thirty talents. The Vorlage (1 Kgs 10:17) states that three minas

9:17-19 The Throne of Solomon

of gold went into each shield. A mina is fifty (or sixty)

■ 17 The king also made a large ivory throne and overlaid

shekels,78 and so there would be only 150 shekels of gold

it with pure gold: The Chronicler follows the Vorlage in

in each shield, or one-twentieth of a talent. The total

1 Kgs 10:18 except that he substitutes the word "YinCD

amount of gold needed for these three hundred shields

(“pure”) for the rare word TDIfa81 (“fine gold”) in Kings.

according to the mina calculation would be forty-five

The description of this throne in Kings and Chronicles

thousand shekels, or fifteen talents. “Minas” (□’313), how¬

has evoked intensive scholarly investigation.82 The

ever, has probably replaced the word “hundred” (niNO)

throne would not have been made out of solid ivory, but

under the influence of the similar-looking word □,33Q

a basically wooden throne would have had ivory inlay.83

(“shields”). In any case, the word “mina” appears only

Gold also would not have covered up the expensive

in late texts (Ezra 2:69; Neh 7:71-72; Ezek 45:12) and is

ivory completely. Metzger cites two possible parallels: a

surely secondary in Kings. Johnstone (1:371) mistakenly

throne of Tutankamun has ivory panels on the backrest

states that 1 Kgs 10:17 refers to three hundred minas,

that are highlighted with gold, or, on a larger throne of

that the gold needed for each of the small shields would

King Tutankamun, almost all the wooden portions of

be fifteen thousand shekels or five talents, and that the

the throne are covered with gold leaf.84 Either or both of

total weight of gold for the small shields would be fifteen

these parallels may explain the use of gold on the throne

hundred talents or 4.5 million shekels. The total weight

of Solomon. Syrian elephants were extinct because

for both kinds of shields would be fifteen hundred forty

of extensive hunting for ivory by the ninth or eighth

talents—forty talents for the large shields and fifteen

centuries.85

hundred talents for the small shields, or more than two

78

79

80

81

Mulder, 1 Kings, 529. Dillard (73) argues that this refers to the “heavy mina,” which amounted to one hundred shekels. The MVharmonistically translates HIND E© in 2 Chr 9:15 as “six hundred bekas” (half-shekels) and mND E5E in 2 Chr 9:16 as “three hundred bekas (half-shekels)” = one hundred fifty shekels, or the same as three minas in Kings. See now Helga Weippert, “Das Libanonwaldhaus,” in Saxa Loquentur: Festschrift fur Volkmar Fritz (ed. C. G. den Hertog, U. Hiibner, and S. Miinger; AOAT 302; Munster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2003), 213-26. Hophal participle from the root TTS, which is prob¬

ably formed denominatively from the noun T2 82

83

(“refined, pure gold”). See BDB, 808; HALOT, 921. See F. Canciani and G. Pettinato, “Salomos Thron, philologische und archaogische Erwagungen,” ZDPV81 (1965) 88-108; and Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 298-308. Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 301. See the beds of ivory in Amos 6:4 or the house of ivory in 1 Kgs 22:39. Cf. also the houses of ivory in Amos

84

3:15. Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 301-2.

85

Mulder, 1 Kings, 530.

143

■ 18 The throne had six steps and a footstool of gold attached

head) instead of the plural.90 Many have further con¬

to the throne, and on each side of the seat were arm rests and

cluded that the Chronicler was offended by this imagery

two lions standing beside the arm rests: Metzger surveys six

because of its similarity to the calf cult of the northern

possibilities for laying out the steps, each of which was

kingdom, and replaced the word

(“calf”) with EDD

outfitted with two lions (see the next verse) and evaluates

(“young ram”),91 which was felt to be less offensive, and

the strengths and weaknesses of each of his proposals.

this in turn was replaced by or confused with EilD92 mean¬

He finally settles on a ziggurat-like design, which would

ing “footstool.” A number of recent scholars, however,

have steps on three sides of the podium, with the lions

have argued for the originality of Kings MT.93 There is no

facing forward on the side steps.86

reason to think, for example, that a calf’s head was used

Perhaps the most difficult part of the description is the

as an image for Yahweh as early as the time of Solomon,

phrase: “and a footstool of gold attached to the throne.”

and the reading 03D (“footstool”) is so dominant in the

The Vorlage in 1 Kgs 10:19 is quite different and also not

manuscripts that there is no justification for choosing EDD

without uncertainties: YHITOQ

as the more original reading.94 Canciani and Pettinato95

*7131) ®11, “the throne

had a rounded top on its backside.”87 F. Canciani and

and Metzger have pointed out numerous archaeologi¬

G. Pettinato, as well as Metzger, have pointed out ancient

cal parallels to a chair or throne with a rounded top at

Near Eastern parallels to this type of back on a throne.

its back, particularly from the New Kingdom in Egypt.96

Kings LXX has also stimulated heated discussion and

Perhaps the Chronicler no longer understood the Vorlage

debate: Kai TrpoTopal ijlooxup tu dpovco en 7W ordow

in 1 Kgs 10:19 and so created a throne with an attached

avrov, “and the throne had heads of calves in relief

footstool that may have seemed more natural to him.97 Metzger finds the best parallel to the wording of the

behind it.”88 This might be translated back into Hebrew as Tinao HCO1?

wm. Clear ancient parallels to this

last clause in this verse in arm-rests and the lions beside

description have not been found.89 Many commentators

the arm-rests in thrones of Amenophis IV and Rameses

have reconstructed the original text of Kings on the basis

II and III, although he believes that the entire picture

of the LXX, with some opting for the singular (a calf’s

may better be met by other figures he cites.98 He finds the

86 87 88

89

Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 303-7. Canciani and Pettinato, “Salomos Thron,” 90-95; Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 298—301. Cf. Josephus Ant. 8.140: “the seat. . . rested on the head of a calf which faced toward the back of the

93

throne.” The thrones that are partially parallel do not have

94

Canciani and Pettinato, “Salomos Thron,” 93-94.

95 96

Ibid., figs. 8a and 8b, from Egypt, p. 105. Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 300-301.

97

ANEP, 332, 458, 460, 463. The latter is a picture

backrests or armrests. See ANEP, 460. Metzer {Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 299) also considers Elamite and Hurrian-Mitannian thrones formed

mously regarded as a scribal correction for “calf’s head.”

Cogan {1 Kings) points to ANEP, 332, 458.

with animal heads, but these are divine thrones and 90 91

of Darius, with Xerxes behind him. Japhet (641) accepts the “calf’s head” as the original reading

they do not have armrests. Montgomery and Gehman, Kings, 221, 230. C. R. North, “The Religious Aspects of Hebrew

in Kings and chooses an etymology for DiDD from Rabbinic Hebrew meaning “ascent, landing bridge, especially the inclined plane leading to the altar.”

Kingship,” ZAWbO (1932) 28-29. This word is often used as a sacrificial animal in Leviticus. The vocal¬

Hence, there were two ways of approaching the throne: steps and an inclined ascent.

ization in the MT, then, could also be an attempt to get rid of the offensive “calf.” Metzger {Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 300-301) points out that there are 92

144

Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 299; Noth, Konige, 204; Mulder, 1 Kings, 532. Japhet (640) errs in stating that the reading “rounded head” is unani¬

98

no good archaeological parallels to such a throne.

Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 302. See figs. 266A, 267, 268, 279, 271A. Metzger distinguishes three types of thrones: (a) lions as relief images in

BHS points out that Hebrew manuscripts and edi¬

the area filled in under the armrests (figs. 225, 227,

tions still read (D23. This view is represented also in

231, 232, 234, 236-39, 253); (b) the lions next to

Montgomery and Gehman, Kings, 230; and Curtis

the armrests (figs. 267, 268, 269, 270, 271 A); and

and Madsen, 359. This is the only time this word for footstool is used in the Bible; the usual term is Dll.

(c) lions that flanked the throne itself (figs. 266A, 267, 268, 270, 271, 1179 [Idrimi from Alalah]).

9:1-31

best parallels to the details of the throne itself in Egypt.

of the earth brought it as tribute (2 Chr 9:14, 24), and

The best parallels to the ziggurat-like steps topped by

the Tarshish boats brought back it and other valuable

a podium are, however, found in Mesopotamia (Ur-

commodities (see v. 21). The texts of Chronicles and

Nammu, 634-636; Mari, 804)."

Kings are identical except that the Chronicler has only

I 19 while twelve lions were standing, one on each end of

one negative CpK) in the last clause instead of the

a step on the six steps. The like of it was never made in any

Vb

kingdom: Metzger’s choosing of a ziggurat-like layout with

■ 21 For the king’s ships were going to Tarshish with the

the steps on three sides, permitted him to imagine lions

servants of Huram; once every three years the ships of Tarshish

of 1 Kgs 10:21.

of sufficient size, standing in pairs on each of the stairs,

would come, bringing gold, silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks:

facing toward the front, parallel to the king. The many

The first part of this verse (through Huram) differs from

parallels cited by Metzger, Canciani and Pettinato, and

its Vorlage in 1 Kgs 10:22, which reads: “For the king’s

others remind us that we are not to take the assertion

Tarshish fleet was on the sea with the fleet of Hiram.”

that Solomon’s throne was incomparable too literally. In

While Tarshish seems to have referred to a city, prob¬

the Chronicler’s opinion it was incomparable; we would

ably Tartessus, a Phoenician colony in southwest Spain, a

expect, and Metzger and the others have discovered,

Tarshish boat had come to mean one that could under¬

that in fact the throne resembled others in its cultural

take a long journey on the sea.100 The Chronicler, how¬

context.

ever, interpreted his Vorlage as meaning that the boats sailed to Tarshish.101 He retains the term “ships of Tar¬

9:20-21 Solomon's Wealth in Gold and Other Objects

shish” in the second half of the verse.102 Instead of “with

■ 20 All the drinking vessels of King Solomon were gold, and

the fleet of Hiram,” as in the Vorlage, the Chronicler

all the vessels of the House of the Forest of Lebanon were of pure

wrote “with the servants of Huram” (cf. 2 Chr 8:18). The

gold; silver was not considered as anything in the days of Solo¬

cargo brought back from this joint expedition consisted

mon: As we have indicated, gold is stressed as the valu¬

of luxurious items (gold, silver, ivory103) or exotic items

able precious metal throughout this chapter. Solomon

(apes and possibly peacocks). The term for apes or mon¬

supposedly did not pay attention to anything as relatively

keys, □’Sip, is a loanword from Egyptian (HALOT, 1089),

worthless as silver in comparison with gold. In 2 Chr 1:17

while the word translated peacocks, □’''Din, may refer to

and 9:17 the Chronicler reports that silver and gold were

peacocks (with the versions Syr, Arab, Tg), apes,104 or less

as common as stone in Solomon’s days. But of course the

likely “poultry.”105

kings of Arabia, the governors of the land, and the kings

99 Metzger, Konigsthron und Gottesthron, 308. 100 Isa 2:16; 23:1, 10, 14; 60:9; Ezek 27:25; Ps 48:8 (7). Tarshish ships in 1 Kgs 22:49 (48) made the long trip to Ophir. William F. Albright (“New Light on the Early History of Phoenician Civilization,” BASOR 83 [1941] 14-22) interpreted “Tarshishfleet” as a fleet of ships that brought the smelted metal home from colonial mines. He held “Tar¬ shish” to be a loanword from Akkadian meaning “smelting plant” or “refinery.” Note that silver, iron, tin, and lead are associated with Tarshish in Ezek 27:12. Strabo and Herodotus refer to southern Spain as Tartessus. Noth (Konige, 232) points out the rarity of the tafil noun form in Canaanite. See also Dale W. Manor, “Tarshish,” NIDB5:473-74. 101

See the textual notes, where it is suggested that a variant reading in Kings LXX led to this interpreta¬ tion. Cf. 2 Chr 20:36-37, where boats are built at

Ezion-geber to go to Tarshish. Jonah fled toward Tarshish in Jonah 1:3; 4:2. Allen (511) finds the mention of Tarshish as a destination “embarrass¬ ing.” The MV harmonizes by translating “trading ships” instead of boats that sailed to Tarshish. The Targum reads: “For the king had ships which sailed to Africa.” 102 The translator of Kings LXX, however, referred here to vavg eK Oapoecg “a ship from Tarshish,” as if he too thought the fleet had gone to Tarshish. 103 D’jDrTO. This word is composite, consisting of the Hebrew word for tooth or ivory ]2i and, probably, an Egyptian word for Elephant 3bw {HALOT, 1602). Cf. 3’, the Aramaic name for the island of Elephantine. 104 Possibly a loanword from Egyptian {kyw; the initial n could represent the article). See Albright, Religion of Israel, 212 n. 16; and Noth, Konige, 205. 105 HALOT, 1731. Josephus {Ant. 8.181) refers to “silver

145

9:22-24 The Kings of the Earth Pay Tribute

on the word Solomon? The word translated “weapons/

to Solomon's Wisdom

perfume” may come from p2331 or pEJ] II (HALOT, 731).

■ 22 King Solomon excelled all the kings of the earth in riches

The latter occurs only in this verse and its Vorlage and is

and in wisdom: This positive expression of Solomon’s

proposed because of orpaKTr) (myrrh), its equivalent

wealth and wisdom is to be compared with the many

in Kings and Chronicles LXX. The Greek translation,

negative statements of incomparability in this chapter. In

however, may have been affected by the following word

later history the theme of Solomon’s wealth and wisdom

□’Oiim (“spices”).108 Silver is not mentioned in Kings

grew ever more extravagant.106 This verse fulfills the

LXX, perhaps because of the denigrating comments

promise of incomparable wisdom and riches made to

about silver in 2 Chr 9:20//l Kgs 10:21. On “spices,” see

Solomon in 1 Kgs 3:13//2 Chr 1:12. According to 2 Chr

the commentary on v. 1.

1:12 that incomparability even applies to all kings who will come after him.

9:25-28 Solomon's Wealth in Horses, Chariots

■ 23 All the kings of the earth would seek the presence of

and Other Objects

Solomon to hear his wisdom which God had put in his heart:

■ 25 Solomon had four thousand teams of horses and chariots,

This verse and its Vorlage (1 Kgs 10:24) are the only

and twelve thousand horsemen, which he stationed in the

places in the Bible where ’32 tup2 (“seek the presence”)

chariot cities and with the king in Jerusalem: As indicated

is used of a human being. Normally this expression is

under “Structure” above and in the textual notes, this

followed by “Yahweh” (2 Sam 21:1; Hos 5:1; Ps 24:6; 27:8;

verse is equivalent to the Hebrew text of 1 Kgs 5:6 (4:26)

105:4//1 Chr 16:11; Prov 29:26; 2 Chr 7:14). Solomon

MT and 1 Kgs 10:26b MT and was included at this point

had prayed for the gift of wisdom in 2 Chr 1:10, and God

already in the Chronicler’s Vorlage of Kings, as shown by

promised Solomon on that occasion wisdom, knowledge,

1 Kgs 10:29 (26) LXX. 1 Kings 10:26ao:/3 MT (“Solomon

riches, possessions, and honor (2 Chr 1:11-12).

gathered together chariots and horses; he had fourteen

■ 24 Each one of them would bring a present, objects of silver

hundred chariots”) is identical to 2 Chr l:14aa/3 MT.

and objects of gold, garments, weapons/perfume, spices, horses,

See the following chart for the various equivalents. Italic

and mules, so much each year: The “presents” brought by

verse numbers for the first two entries on the two col¬

these kings are probably better understood as obligatory

umns on the right indicate agreement of 1 Kings 10 MT

tribute (cf. 1 Kgs 5:1 [4:21]). The spelling of the word

and 2 Chronicles 1 MT against 2 Chronicles 9 MT and

“garments” (mQ^O) is not as common as m^OiO.107 Was the

1 Kings 10 LXX:

spelling chosen for this verse intended to enhance a pun

1 Kings 10 MT

2 Chronicles 1 MT

v. 26aot

v. 14aano

v. 29aa = 1 Kgs 5:6a

v. 26af

v. 14a(3m

v. 25a/3

v. 29a/3//l Kgs 5:6b

v. 26a7

v. 14a7

v. 25b

v. 29b

v. 26b

v. 14b

2 Chronicles 9 v. 25aa

1 Kings 10 LXX109

and gold and much ivory and Ethiopians and apes.' Josephus may have read □"Din as “Cushites.”

meaning “smell,” Rudolph (224) raises the possibil¬ ity of changing the middle consonant to a sin. BDB

106 See W. Lohse, “ToAo/xcot',” 7DjVT 7:461-62. 107 The latter word does not occur in Kings or Chron¬ icles, while the former word is used also in 1 Kgs

109 The verse number is 26 in Rahlfs LXX.

11:29-30.

110 Solomon gathered together chariots and horses.

108 See Noth, Konige, 205. BDB (676) includes the occurrence of pD3 in this verse under “weapons.” In order to connect this word with an Arabic word

146

(676) includes the occurrence in this verse under “weapons.”

111

He had fourteen hundred chariots and twelve thou¬ sand horses.

9:1-31

Verses 25-28 spell out the incomparable riches of Solo¬

usually identified with the Wadi el-cAris, south of Gaza

mon. While nriK has traditionally been translated as

(see commentary at 2 Chr 7:8. It is commonly agreed

stalls, cognates in Akkadian (urull) and Aramaic

today that Solomon’s kingdom in fact was much smaller

support translating it as “teams (of horses).”112 The

than this.114

number of animals is set at four thousand in 2 Chr 9:25

■ 27 The king made silver as common in ferusalem as stone,

and 1 Kgs 10:29 (26) LXX, at forty thousand in 1 Kgs

and cedar as plentiful as the sycamores in the Shephelah: For

5:6 (4:26), and at fourteen hundred in 1 Kgs 10:26 MT

this verse, see the commentary 2 Chr 1:15. Note only that

and 2 Chr 1:14. The present verse in Chronicles shows

the Chronicler makes no mention of gold here, just as in

that Solomon’s numbers have increased from fourteen

1 Kgs 10:27 MT//1 Kgs 10:31 (27) LXX.

hundred chariots to four thousand teams of horses dur¬

■ 28 They would bring out horses from Egypt for Solomon

ing his reign. Solomon’s twelve thousand horsemen were

and from all the lands: Chronicles MT recasts the initial

assigned to the king’s chariot cities and to his forces in

word in the sentence (see the textual notes), and after

Jerusalem in all the texts. This hyperbolic account is fur¬

“Solomon” it summarizes the rest of 1 Kgs 10:28b-29115

ther magnified in Josephus (Ant. 8:185-88), who reports

with the words “and from all the lands.” Verse 24 had

that the horsemen were in the first flower of youth and

already reported how all the kings of the earth had

much taller than other men. Their hair was worn long

brought horses to Solomon. The concluding formula

and they dressed in Tyrian purple. Every day they sprin¬

for David also mentions his international renown: “with

kled their hair with gold dust so their heads sparkled in

accounts of his rule and might and of the events that

the sun. Josephus further claims that Solomon kept only

befell him and Israel and all the kingdoms of the earth.”

a few chariots in Jerusalem.

David Glatt-Gilad refers to w. 26-28 as “tone-setters” for

■ 26 And he was ruler over all the kings from the river and

understanding the concluding formula in vv. 29-31.116 For

up to the land of the Philistines, and up to the border of Egypt:

discussion of the commerce in horses reported in 1 Kgs

The Chronicler’s Vorlage (see 1 Kgs 10:30 [26a] LXX) had

10:28b-29, see the commentary on 2 Chr l:16b-17.

this verse at this point, whereas in Kings MT it is located at 1 Kgs 5:1a (=4:21a). Note that in three cases (see

9:29-31 Concluding Summary of Solomon's Reign

textual notes 46-48) Chronicles MT, Kgs LXX and 1 Kgs

■ 29 The rest of the acts of Solomon, the first and the last, are

2:46k LXX agree against 1 Kgs 5:1 MT. “The river” here,

they not written in the acts of Nathan the prophet, the proph¬

as often in the Bible, is the Euphrates. Sometimes that

ecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and in the visions of the seer Iddo

river is called the great river, the river Euphrates (Gen

which he saw concerning Jeroboam the son of Nebat? “The rest

15:18; Deut 1:7; Josh 1:4), but at other times this river is

of” is a translation of “INtZil, whereas the Vorlage used the

not called great or explicitly identified as the Euphrates

Hebrew word in1!.117 Williamson (236-37) thinks that

(Gen 31:21; 36:37). Noth considers the words dealing

the rest of the acts of Solomon refers to passages such

with the land of the Philistines secondary because of

as 1 Kings 1-2, 11, butjaphet (646) asks whether the

their awkward fit in the verse.113 The border of Egypt is

Chronicler would direct his readers to passages he had

112 See Graham I. Davies, “>Urwdt in 1 Kings 5:6 (EW. 4:26) and the Assyrian Horse Lists,”/SS 34 (1989) 25-38. Davies shows that uru II can mean both “stall/stable” and “team.” Davies has no quarrel with the translation “stall” or “stable” in 2 Chr 32:28. 113 Noth, Kdnige, 75. Noth thought this gloss was trying to make clear that Solomon’s realm extended only up to, but was not inclusive of, Philistia despite the reference to the border of Egypt. 114 See Miller and Hayes, History of Ancient Israel and Judah, 207, map 17.

a price. A chariot could be imported from Egypt for six hundred shekels of silver, and a horse for one hundred fifty; so through the king’s traders they were exported to all the kings of the Hittites and the kings of Aram.” 116 Glatt-Gilad, “Regnal Formulae,” 194. See also 2 Chr 12:13-14; 13:21; 16:10; 27:6; 28:25. 117 A word for “rest” is not used at all in 2 Chr 12:15 “the acts of Rehoboam” (contrast 1 Kgs 14:29 TH); 16:11 “and behold the acts of Asa” (contrast 1 Kgs 15:23

-im).

115 “And the king’s traders received them from Kue at

147

intentionally omitted. It seems to me that the Chronicler

cf. 1 Kgs 12:15//2 Chr 10:15). The third prophet, Iddo,

merely picked up this reference from the Vorlage, where

is listed with Shemaiah as one of the authors of the two

it clearly did not refer to 1 Kings 1-2, 11. “The first and

sources listed at the end of Rehoboam’s reign (2 Chr

the last” is frequently used in these concluding formu¬

12:15, without Vorlage in 1 Kings) and as the author of

las at the end of the reigns of kings118 in place here of

the sole source at the end of the reign of Abijah (2 Chr

“all which he did and his wisdom” (1 Kgs 11:41).119 “The

13:22, without Vorlage in 1 Kings). Josephus {Ant. 8:231-

first and the last” is a merism, indicating the entirety of

35) called the anonymous man of God in 1 Kgs 13:1-10

Solomon’s activities. Just as three prophetic sources were

Jadon, his spelling of Iddo, although Chronicles does not

referred to at the end of David’s reign in 1 Chr 29:29—

include this pericope.123 Because of the omission of the

“in the words of Samuel the seer, and in the words of

Ahijah prophecy, this is the first mention of Jeroboam124

Nathan the prophet, and in the words of Gad who saw

in Chronicles. Since the Chronicler provides almost no

visions”—three prophetic sources are cited at the end of

new information on Solomon,125 apart from that con¬

Solomon’s reign.120 The “acts” (,-Q”I) of Nathan121 uses

tained in Kings, these three source citations probably

the same word as the “acts” of Solomon at the begin¬

refer to the book of Kings itself. In Kings the reader is

ning of the verse. It could also be translated “words.”

referred only to the Book of the Acts of Solomon (1 Kgs

Nathan the prophet is the only person common to the

11:41).

concluding summary of the reigns of David and Solo¬

I 30 Solomon reigned in Jerusalem over all Israel for forty

mon. The Chronicler may have thought that Nathan did

years: In Kings the length of a king’s reign is given at the

not continue long into Solomon’s reign, just as Samuel

beginning of his reign, with the single exception of Solo¬

had passed from the scene after he had anointed David

mon (Japhet, 644). In Chronicles the length of the reign

but before David had begun to reign. Ahijah, who is

is also given in the concluding formula for Rehoboam

identified here by his hometown of Shiloh122 rather than

(2 Chr 12:13; moved from its location in the Vorlage in

a title, is mentioned here and in 2 Chr 10:15, where the

1 Kgs 14:21); Asa (2 Chr 16:13, an addition to 1 Kgs

fulfillment of his word against Solomon is mentioned

15:24);Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 20:31//1 Kgs 22:42); and

after the foolish strategy of Rehoboam in his negotia¬

Jehoram (2 Chr 21:20; cf. 2 Kgs 8:17). As in Kings, David

tions with the northern tribes. The Chronicler did not

and Solomon reign for the same amount of time. Both

actually include the incident where Ahijah had delivered

of them are also idealized in Chronicles. Ruling over all

an oracle tojeroboam (1 Kgs 11:29-39). Ahijah spans

Israel is also something that David and Solomon have in

the reigns of Solomon and Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:2-18;

common in Chronicles (cf. 1 Chr 29:23, 26; 2 Chr 1:9). In

118

1 Chr 29:29, David; 2 Chr 12:15, Rehoboam; 16:11, Asa; 20:34, Jehoshaphat; 25:26, Amaziah; 26:22,

Hanani; 2 Chr 26:22, Uzziah: Isaiah the prophet; 2 Chr 32:32, Hezekiah: the vision of Isaiah the

Uzziah; 28:26, Ahaz; and 35:27, Josiah. See GlattGilad, “Regnal Formulae, 198-99. In 1-2 Kings the source citation is usually given in the form of a

prophet; 2 Chr 33:19, Manasseh: the chronicles of the visionaries.

question: “Are they not written?” See 1 Kgs 11:41 for Solomon. 119 Wisdom has already been mentioned six times in this chapter. This is the only time in Chronicles that the king’s wisdom is mentioned in the concluding formula to a king’s reign. 120 A unique source is cited in the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 11:41: “the Book of the Acts of Solomon.” Other

122 Cf. 1 Kgs 11:29; 12T5//2 Chr 10:15; 1 Kgs 15:29. 123 The Targum reads: “Iddo, the prophet, who proph¬ esied concerning Jeroboam, the son of Nebat.” 124 The Chronicler does not mention the following northern kings: Nadab, Elah, Zimri, Zechariah, Shallum, Menahem, Pekahiah, and Hoshea. 125 Japhet (646) notes his additional information on

regnal resumes also include references to pro¬

the conquest of Hamath and a possible oral tradi¬

phetic figures: 1 Chr 29:29, David: Samuel the seer, Nathan the prophet, and Gad the visionary;

tion about the location of the tabernacle at Gibeon.

2 Chr 12:15, Rehoboam: Shemaiah the prophet and Iddo the visionary; 2 Chr 13:22, Abijah: Iddo the prophet; 2 Chr 20:34, Jehoshaphat: Jehu son of

148

121 The Chronicler mentions all the prophets in the book of Kings except for Elisha and Jonah.

Rudolph refers to oral traditions about the Danite origin ofHuram (2 Chr 2:13 [14]) or Solomon’s rebuilding of the cities Huram had given to him (2 Chr 8:2).

9:1-31

the Deuteronomistic History, David is said to rule over all

In vv. 25-28 the Chronicler talks about Solomon’s

Israel and Judah (2 Sam 5:5) or over Israel (1 Kgs 2:11).

horses, chariots, and horsemen in a paragraph quite

■ 31 Solomon slept with his fathers, and they buried him in

similar to 2 Chr 1:14-17. Hence, at the beginning and

the city of David his father; his son Rehoboam ruled in his place:

end of Solomon’s reign this information is provided. The

The idiom “slept with his fathers” refers to someone who

alternate wording in Chronicles, which incorporates two

died a non-violent death.126 Neither David nor Solomon is

verses from elsewhere in Kings (1 Kgs 5:6 and 5:1 [4:26

said to be buried “with his fathers” which does not apply

and 4:21]), had actually been included already in the

since neither king had more than one generation before

Vorlage in Kings.

him (see 1 Kgs 2:10; 11:43).

Finally the Chronicler provides a summary of Solo¬ mon’s reign and calls attention to the prophetic sources

Conclusion

in which the reign of Solomon is described. The final chapter on Solomon therefore is altogether

In closing his account of the reign of Solomon, the

positive and differs in this respect drastically from the

Chronicler reports the visit of the queen of Sheba, who

ending in Kings (1 Kgs 11:1-40), which has Solomon

marvels at the wealth and wisdom associated with Solo¬

prosper at the beginning of his reign and while he builds

mon. This chapter also stresses his international reputa¬

the temple, but then chastises him at the end of his reign

tion. All of this is in fulfillment of the divine promise

for his many foreign wives, who led him into apostasy.

in 2 Chr 1:11-12. Solomon successfully meets the tests

The different depiction of Solomon’s character coheres

the queen poses to him, and she gives a short speech in

with Yahweh’s promise: “I will establish his [Solomon’s]

which she confesses her own disbelief about the rumors

kingdom forever if he is resolute in keeping my com¬

she has heard in her home country about Solomon’s wis¬

mandments and my judgments” (1 Chr 28:7). Solomon

dom. Her experience at his court convinces her, however,

lived up to David’s admonition: “And you, my son Solo¬

of the truth of those rumors, and she confesses that the

mon, acknowledge the God of your father and serve him

rumors about his wisdom understate the truth by half.

with a perfect heart and a willing spirit” (1 Chr 28:9). In

Like Huram, she testifies thatYahweh loves Israel and put

Kings, Solomon also faces three revolts at the end of his

Solomon on the throne to execute justice and righteous¬

reign, and the prophet Ahijah announces God’s decision

ness. The queen and Solomon exchange lavish gifts, and

to give most of the kingdom to the rebel Jeroboam.

the Chronicler uses this occasion to describe the great wealth brought in by the joint sea ventures of Huram and

The Chronicler is silent about all that. His Solomon is virtually flawless. His wisdom enables him to build the temple, and his wisdom and wealth are manifest

Solomon. The rest of the chapter deals primarily with the wealth

and are hailed by royal figures from Tyre and from

of Solomon. The Chronicler describes Solomon’s annual

Sheba. Solomon the chosen temple builder has carried

income in gold, as well as his income from traders and

out the task his father gave him. No one after Solomon

from the kings of Arabia and the governors of the land.

quite matched him, although in the Chronicler’s telling

Solomon made two types of golden shields, which were

there were periodic reforms by kings who supported the

lost under his son and successor Rehoboam. The Chroni¬

temple and its cult, and Hezekiah will emerge toward the

cler also describes Solomon’s wealth by providing a

end of the work as a second Solomon.

description of his magnificent throne.

126 Glatt-Gilad, “Regnal Formulae,” 203. See 2 Chr 12:16, Rehoboam; 13:23 (14:1), Abijah; 16:13, Asa; 21:1, Jehoshaphat; 26:2, Amaziah; 26:23, Uzziah; 27:9, Jotham; 28:27, Ahaz; 32:33, Hezekiah; and 33:20, Manasseh.

149

10:1 — 11:4 The Division of the Kingdom

10:1 — 12:16 The Reign of Rehoboam Translation 1/

4/

6/

8/

12/

Rehoboam went to Shechem because all Israel had come1 to Shechem to make him king. 2/2 When Jeroboam the son of Nebat heard3—and he was in Egypt where he had fled from Solomon the king—Jeroboam returned from Egypt.4 3/ They had sent and called him, and Jeroboam and all Israel came and said5 to Rehoboam, "Your father made our yoke harsh. Now,6 therefore, lighten the harsh service inflicted by your father7 and the heavy yoke he put on us, and we will serve you." 5/ He said to them, "Come8 again,9 in three days return to me." So the people went away. King Rehoboam took counsel with10 the elders who had stood before Solomon his father while he was alive, saying, "How do you advise me to answer this people?" 7/ And they spoke to him as follows: "If11 you will be kind to this people and please them, and speak good words to them, they will be your servants all the days." But he rejected the advice of the elders who advised him, and he took counsel with the youths, who had grown up with him and stood before him. 9/ And he said to them, "What do you advise that we answer12 this people who have spoken to me as follows: 'Lighten the yoke that your father placed on us'?" 10/ The youths who had grown up with him said to him, "Thus shall you say13 to the people, who have spoken with you, 'Your father made our yoke heavy, but you, lighten it for us'; thus you shall say14 to them, 'My little thing is bigger than my father's hips. 11/ And now, whereas my father has imposed upon you a heavy yoke, I will add to your yoke. My father reproved you with whips, but I15 with scorpions.'"16 Jeroboam and all the people17 came to Rehoboam on the third day, as the king had said, "Return again to me on the third day." 13/ And the king answered them18 harshly, and king Rehoboam rejected the advice of the elders 14/ and he spoke to them in accord with the advice of the youths, saying, "My father made your yoke heavy19 and I will add to it. My father reproved you with whips, but I20 with scorpions." 15/ So the king did not listen to the people because it was a turn of affairs brought about by God so that Yahweh could establish21 his word that he had spoken by Ahijah of Shiloh to Jeroboam the son of Nebat 16/ and all Israel,22 for the king did not listen to them. And they replied23 to the king as follows: "What portion have we in David, and what inheri¬ tance do we have in the son of Jesse?

150

1

2

1KD 1 Kgs 12:1 LXX ijpxovTo; Chr LXX r/pxero-, 1 Kgs 12:1 MTKD. The Hebrew and Greek versions differ depending on whether they understand “all Israel” as a collective noun. In a reading discussed in n. 32, Chronicles presupposes a Hebrew Vorlage different from Kings MT. Verses 2 and 3a (through “Israel”) are lacking at this point in 1 Kgs 12:2-3a LXX, but a translation ofv. 2 is contained in 1 Kgs 11:43 LXX after the translation of 1 Kgs 11:43 MT: “And it happened, when Jeroboam son of Nebat heard (and he was still in Egypt, since he fled from before Solomon and settled in Egypt), he went straight and came to his city in the land of Sarira which is in the hill country of Ephraim. . . .” The italicized additional words represent the following Greek text Karevdovei

Kai epx^Tat eig tt)v ttoXlv avrov eig tt)v j^v Lapetpa rr)v ev opet 'E(ppoap, which can be trans¬ lated into Hebrew as TDK m"!2f ptf? TTp RDT PtD □’“ISK 1113. This clause was lost in 1 Kgs 12:2 by homoioteleuton following the second □,“I2£GD “in Egypt.” See Steven L. McKenzie, “The Source of Jeroboam’s Role at Shechem (1 Kgs 11:43—12:3, 12, 20),”JBL 106 (1987) 297-300. McKenzie agrees with me (“Jeroboam’s Rise to Power,” and “Once More: Jeroboam’s Rise to Power”) that in 1 Kings 12 Jeroboam was not present at the Shechem assembly until after the murder of Adoram (see vv. 18-20), and he finds the source of the tradition that placed him at the assembly before this murder in 1 Kgs 12:24f LXX. See also “Structure” in the commen¬ tary. 3

DD3 p DJQT DD0D. BHS (cf. Rudolph, 226) wants to insert nab© PQ ’D “that Solomon had died,” which was lost by homoioteleuton. Cf Arabic and 1 Kgs 12:24 LXX Kai pKOvaev lepofioap ev Aiyumw “When Jeroboam heard in Egypt that Solomon had died.” But Kings MT and

OTL T6$pr]K6V EaXwpwv,

LXX also lack this clause, and its addition is meant to correct what ancient scribes saw as a difficulty. 4

□’“KOD DDDT1 Dtp. The Chronicler corrects 1 Kgs 12:2 MTD'D^DD □DDT’ Dtp “and Jeroboam stayed in Egypt.” These two variants are conflated at this point in Chr LXX Kai KaTWKrjoev ’Iepofioap. ev

AiyvTTTa Kai aireorpeif/ev lepofioap, ei; Alyvitrov “and Jeroboam had taken up residence in Egypt— then Jeroboam returned from Egypt.” BHS suggests emending the text of Kings to agree with Chroni¬ cles. 5

-nDTl 5k-©’ Pi □DDT’ KDT. LXXB Kai rjX&ev 'Iepofioap. Kai naoa rj eKKXrjoia f/Xfiov.The Vaticanus manuscript of Chr LXX conflates translations for ten (Chr MT 1 Kgs 12:3 Q) and IKD’1 (1 Kgs 12:3 K). The subject of the clause in the Vorlage of LXXBis ^npn *?D1 DDDT, but presumably

10:1-11:4

1727/

11:1/

Each24 of you to your tents,26 Israel! Now look to26 your own house, David." And all Israel went to their tents. And as for the Israelites who lived in the cities of Judah, Rehoboam reigned over them. 18/ Then king28 Rehoboam sent Hadoram,29 who was over the forced labor, and the Israelites stoned him30 with stones, and he died. King Rehoboam made haste to enter his chariot to flee to Jerusalem. 19/ Israel has been in revolt against the house of David until this day. Rehoboam came to Jerusalem and assem¬ bled one hundred eighty thousand31 chosen troops from the house of Judah and Benjamin to fight against Israel and to bring back the kingdom to Rehoboam. 2/ But the word of Yahweh32 came to Shemaiah33 the man of God, 3/ "Say to Rehoboam the son of Solomon king of Judah and to all Israel in Judah and Benja¬ min,34 4/ 'Thus says Yahweh, You shall not go up to fight against your brothers. Turn back each of you to his house, for this thing is from me."' The people obeyed the word of Yahweh36 and turned back from going against Jeroboam.

*74470’ *77p *707 0007’ in the Vorlage of LXXA: Kai r)Xdev lepofioap Kai itaaa 17 eKKXpoia lapar/X.

6

7 8

9

10

11

12

13 14 15

16 17

Alexandrinus may conflate the variants in MT *740(0’ *707 and the Vorlage of LXXB *77p7 *707, or it may retain a translation for the reading found in 1 Kgs 12:3. Chr LXXA presupposes only one occurrence of the verb 440’7. Only Chr LXXL offers a translation for 7707’1. nrm A few Hebrew mss Vg 77447 “and you.” BHS: Read with 1 Kgs 12:4 17170 77447 “and you now.” Like¬ wise Chr Syr Tg Arab. I am construing the word “[’044 as a subjective genitive. 70*7 07*744 “to them, Come.” Cf. Japhet, 648. Likewise Chr LXX Syr Vg. Cf. 1 Kgs 12:5 MT 70*7 D7’*744.70*7 is missing in Chr MT, but Rudolph (226) decided not to add it in Chronicles. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:204) lists Chr LXX under “assimilation to parallel texts,” but note that Chr LXX reads iropeveofie and Kgs LXX dneX^ere. 1 Kgs 12:24p also omits a trans¬ lation for 70*7. When the narrator quotes Rehoboam in v. 12, he uses the word 7070 in both Kings and Chronicles. 770; 1 Kgs 12:5 70. Chr and Kgs LXX euq, (= 70) presupposing the defective orthography of 1 Kgs 12:5. j'07’7. LXX VL Kai avvpyayev “and (Rehoboam) gathered.” Rudolph (226) calls attention to 1 Kgs 12:6 LXX/cai. irapriyyeiAev (“summoned”) and would emend Kings to p00’7. 044; Chr LXX VL 1 Kgs 12:7 add D7’7 “today.” Has □7’7 been accidentally lost in Chr MT, or does Chr LXX represent assimilation to the text of Kings? See textual note 8 above. 707 07077; cf. 1 Kgs 12:9 MT. Chr LXX VL Vg Kai anoKpLilrioopaL Xoyov “that I answer.” Cf. 1 Kgs 12:9 LXX onroKpLftiti. 70447; cf. 1 Kgs 12:10 MT. Chr LXX and 1 Kgs LXX AaApaecq, normally a translation of 7077. 70447. 1 Kgs 12:10 MT 7077 Kgs LXX XaXr/aeLq. See the previous note. ” 447. Chr LXX Kai eya Tratbevoa vpaq “and I will discipline you.” 1 Kgs 12:11 00744 70’44 “I will reprove you.” Cf. v. 14. The translators are para¬ phrasing the Hebrew text. C’07p00 with BHS, many Hebrew mss and editions and 1 Kgs 12:11. Chr MT C’07p00. 007 *707 0007’; cf. 1 Kgs 12:12 MT. Kgs LXX Iraq Iapar]X “all Israel.” Thus, Jeroboam is not attested here in Kgs LXX. See “Structure” in the commen¬

18

tary. 0707; cf. 1 Kgs 12:13 007 744 .. . ]0’7 “and [the king] answered the people.” Chr LXX Kai aTreKpidr)

6 jSacriAeug “and the king answered.” Did the

151

19

20

21

22

Chronicler’s Vorlage lack the suffix on the verb as in Kgs, or is this just a free translation? 3’333 '3S with many Heb mss, editions, versions, and 1 Kgs 12:14. Codex Leningradensis □3*73 PS 3’338 “I will make your yoke heavy.” A scribe’s eye skipped from 2 to 2 and left out the intervening letters. Cf. Japhet, 648. Williamson (239) agrees but is tempted to see the MT as a further example of shifting responsibility for the division of the kingdom away from Solomon and onto Rehoboam’s folly. 381. Chr LXX Kal eyu Treadevoa vpaq and 1 Kgs 12:14 cons no's “I will reprove you.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:204) cites this as an example of assimi¬ lation to parallel texts. See also n. 15. mm Q’pn po1?. LXX Aeyuv :AveoT7]oev Kvpcoq “saying, The Lord has established.” The translator read (or construed) the first word as 3081?. 783ET 731, ignoring the end of verse marker in the MT. 1 Kgs 12:16 l?83fD’ *73 83’1 “and all Israel saw.” On the basis of many Hebrew mss Syr Tg VL Arab, Rudolph (228) and many other scholars read: 183 *78310’ *731 “and all Israel saw” and argue that 183 was lost accidentally after the similar letters in 78310’. For my reconstruction, see Williamson {Israel, 108), who argues that this reading in Chr MT underlines the fact that the division was God’s will for all Israel as much as for Jeroboam, and he draws attention to Israel’s involvement in the division. This construal is followed already in Chr

23

LXX. Johnstone (2:28) interprets Chr MT as a casus pendens “As for all Israel, when the king. . . .” 13’t0’1; 1 Kgs 12:16 333 .. . 1303. Johnstone (2:28) translated Chr MT as “rejected.” But31!0 in the

27

added in a differently constructed Greek sentence 28 29

t0’8; lacking in Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 12:16. Curtis and Madsen (364) interpret tD’8 as a dittograph of the

25

preceding ’tO’ “Jesse.” ']'i738‘7. BHS suggests emending to 1'i738l7 “to his tents.” Cf. Syr and 2 Sam 20:1.

26

run.

1 Kgs 12:16 LXX (3ooKe = 333 (“shepherd”), a secondary development.

152

in bdopc,er "[‘7Q3; lacking in Chr LXX although the latter adds

enavTOvq “(sent) against them.” 3333 38; Chr LXXBal VL (Syr Arab) Abutvetpap. See variation between MT 3338:1 and LXX Abuivipdp (Syr) in 2 Sam 20:24. 1 Kgs 12:18 MTD338; Kgs LXX (Syr) “Adoniram” (cf. Josephus Ant. 7.293 Abdpapov); 1 Kgs 4:6; 5:28 (14) 03338. In 1 Kgs 4:6 Adoniram is said to be the son of Abda (8330). Rudolph (228) suggests that Hadoram is another pronunciation of the name Adoram found in 1 Kgs 12:18. Curtis and Madsen (364) emend both Kings and Chronicles to Adoniram. Hognesius (Text of

30

2 Chronicles, 148) emends Chronicles to agree with Kings. “38:33' ’33 13 13333; cf. LXX. 1 Kgs 12:18 *73 13333 13 *78310' “and all Israel stoned him”; Kgs LXX Kal eAvdofioApoav avrov “and they stoned him.” “Israelites” and “all Israel” seem to be independent expansions in Chr and Kgs MT. Note also the alter¬ nate position of 13.

31

^*78 331331 383. Cf. 1 Kgs 12:21 MT ^8 33331 383. Kgs LXX eKarou Kal eiKoat x ~\m TTNbsb, “belonging to Pela’yahu who is in charge of the corvee.” See Nahman Avigad, “The Chief of the Corvee,” IE] 30 (1980) 170-73. This is particularly interesting since there is no mention in the Bible of any official

Chronicles. The name Hadoram is known elsewhere for other individuals; see Gen 10:2T//1 Chr 1:21 and 1 Chr 18:10.1 doubt that this divergent spelling in Chroni¬ cles is intentional, relating him to the god Hadad or

over forced labor after Adoram/Hadoram. See also Avigad, Corpus, 56-57. 74

that he had become assimilated to foreign ways and therefore got no more than he deserved (Johnstone, 2:29). 72

ofYahweh shall be put to death; the whole congre¬ gation shall stone the blasphemer.” 75

Adoniram appears in 1 Kgs 4:6; 5:28 (14), under Solomon, and Adoram appears in 2 Sam 20:24,

must refer to the Israelites assembled at Shechem

76

may have been of foreign origin. The only other two people named Hadoram in Chronicles (1 Chr 1:21; 18:10) are both foreigners. 73

The expression OQH bl? “1C2R has turned up in a seal dated to the seventh century on paleographi-

164

Cogan (1 Kings, 350) notes that “all Israel” in Kings and that the conclave had not dispersed, as v. 16 would imply.

under David. C. L. Seow (“Adoniram,” NIDB 1:54) finds in Adoram/Hadoram a reference to the storm god known otherwise as Baal and suggests that he

See also Lev 24:16: “One who blasphemes the name

Johnstone (2:29) sees irony in the use of a verb meaning “be strong” to describe Rehoboam’s actions, but the three parallels he cites are all in the qal instead of the hithpael.

77

The reference in Kings is to the underlying tradi¬ tion and not to the time of the Deuteronomistic

10:1-11:4

11:1-4 Threatened War Canceled by a Prophetic Oracle

that title in 2 Chr 8:14. “Man of God” is twice used of an

H 11:1 Rehoboam came to Jerusalem and assembled one hun¬

anonymous prophet in the reign of Amaziah in 2 Chr

dred eighty thousand chosen troops from the house of Judah and

25:9.82

Benjamin to fight against Israel and to bring back the kingdom

I 3 “Say to Rehoboam the son of Solomon king ofJudah and to

to Rehoboam: As commentators on Kings suggest, this is

all Israel in Judah and Benjamin”: This is the first mention

not likely to be a historical account, and to imagine that

of the title “king ofjudah” in the Chronicler’s narrative.

Rehoboam could assemble so large an army quickly is

Earlier references to this title appear only in the genealo¬

highly improbable. Kings LXX reduces the number of

gies (1 Chr 4:41; 5:17).83 The Chronicler can speak about

troops by one-third (see the textual notes), but that does

Israel in Judah and Benjamin (cf. 2 Chr 10:17),84 but he

not help much. Nor is it particularly helpful to observe

also uses the term “Israel” for the northern tribes in this

that larger armies for Judah are mentioned elsewhere:

context (2 Chr 10:1, 3, 16, 18, 19).85 He called the south

400,000 under Abijah in 2 Chr 13:3; 580,000 under

“all Israel” here as he did the north in 2 Chr 10:17.86

Asa in 2 Chr 14:7 (8); 1,160,000 under Jehoshaphat in

For the period of the divided monarchy, both north and

2 Chr 17:14-18.78 The goal of these verses is to exculpate

south may legitimately be called Israel. The Chronicler

Rehoboam for not having brought back Israel under the

omits from the Vorlage (1 Kgs 12:23) a reference to “the

control of the house of David. This is the first mention of

rest of the people,” a reading that puzzles commentators

Benjamin in this account.79 On “chosen troops,” seejudg

on Kings to this day. “All Israel in Judah and Benjamin”

20:15-16, 34; 1 Sam 24:3 (2).

replaces “the entire house ofjudah and Benjamin” in the

I 2 But the word of Yahweh came to Shemaiah the man of

Vorlage. In the Chronicler’s view, the kingdom ofjudah

God: The expression “the word of Yahweh came” appears

was never occupied solely by people from the tribes of

in Chronicles only here and in 1 Chr 22:8 (an oracle

Judah and Benjamin.87

delivered to David), but more than eighty times in the

I 4 ‘“Thus says Yahweh, You shall not go up to fight against

Old Testament.80 In Kings, Shemaiah is unknown apart

your brothers. Turn back each of you to his house, for this thing

from this incident in 1 Kgs 12:22, but in Chronicles he

is from me.’” The people obeyed the word of Yahweh and turned

shows up again during the invasion of Shishak (2 Chr

back from going against Jeroboam: Shemaiah’s word starts

12:5, 7), and his records are one of the sources men¬

with a messenger formula and is phrased as a direct

tioned for the reign of Rehoboam in 2 Chr 12:15. In that

quotation from Yahweh. It is significant that the north is

passage and in 2 Chr 12:5 he is also called the prophet

called “brothers” here as it will be later in Chronicles as

(K'Zin). His title here, “man of God,” puts him in select

well (2 Chr 28:8-15). One of the Chronicler’s main objec¬

company. Moses is called “the man of God” in 1 Chr

tives was to invite the heirs of these brothers to the tem¬

23:14 and 2 Chr 30:16 (cf. Ezra 3:2),81 and David receives

ple in Jerusalem. Even in the midst of Abijah’s polemical

History itself. See Brevard S. Childs, “The Study of 78 79

80 81 82

the Formula ‘Until this Day,''”JBL82 (1963) 279-92. See Klein, “How Many in a Thousand?” Cf. Ezra 1:5; 4:1; 10:9; 2 Chr 15:2, 8, 9; 25:5; 31:1; 34:9. But note what was said about Benjamin under

85

“Structure.” Ben Zvi, “Secession,” 80 n. 52. He is called the servant of God in 1 Chr 6:34 (49) and 2 Chr 24:9. In Kings the title “the man of God” is used for the anonymous man of God in 1 Kings 13 (sixteen times, plus 2 Kgs 23:16, 17), for Elijah (1 Kgs 17:18),

86

See Williamson, Israel, 97-110. For the use of “Israel” in relation to the south, see especially 2 Chr 12:1, 6; 15:17; 21:4; 28:19, 27.

87

See 1 Chr 9:3: “And in Jerusalem lived some of the people ofjudah, some of the people of Benjamin, and some of the people of Ephraim and Manasseh.”

and for Elisha (2 Kgs 4:7, 21, 22, 25, 27, 42; 5:8, 14, 15, 20; 6:6, 9, 10, 15; 7:2, 17, 18; 8:2, 4, 7, 8, 11; 83 84

13:19). See Ben Zvi, “Secession,” 74 n. 38. The Vorlage in 1 Kgs 12:23 reads “all the house of

Judah and Benjamin,” as does Chronicles LXX here. Von Rad (Geschichtsbild, 24, 31) believed that true Israel in the books of Chronicles was confined to the southern kingdom ofjudah and Benjamin. This stems in part from beginning the investiga¬ tion with the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. See the discussion in Williamson, Israel, 97-110; he points out (p. 98) that fifty-one occurrences of “Israel” in Chronicles refer to the northern kingdom.

165

sermon against the north, those people are called Isra¬

hard line of his young advisors, who responded to the

elites T’KHEr "]H (2 Chr 13:12). Each soldier is required

northern complaint about Israelite forced labor with a

to return to his house, just as Israel had gone to its tents

policy of even more severe servitude. Rehoboam’s foolish

in 2 Chr 10:16. Shemaiah’s assertion that this event has

decision will later be blamed on his youth and irresolute

happened through Yahweh’s intervention says much the

character and on the rebellion of Jeroboam and the

same thing as 2 Chr 10:15: it was a turn of affairs brought

worthless fellows who were gathered around him (2 Chr

about by God. Rehoboam had of course listened to the

13:7).88 In any case, Rehoboam threatened an even

foolish advice of those who had grown up with him, and

harder rule, and his advisors showed their disdain for the

the north also shares in the blame, according to 2 Chr

north by their crude sexual metaphor. But the breach

13:7 “There gathered to him (Jeroboam) worthless men,

is also a turn of affairs brought about by Yahweh, just as

good-for-nothings, and they strengthened themselves

the transition from Saul to David was a divine interven¬

against Rehoboam the son of Solomon, while Rehoboam

tion, and it was also the fulfillment of a prophetic word,

was young and weak of heart.” The people’s immediate

although the Chronicler did not include the prophetic

compliance with Shemaiah here is echoed in 2 Chr 11:17

reasons for judgment, namely, that the breach was a

(they walked for three years in the way of David and

response to the sins of Solomon.

Solomon) and in 2 Chr 12:6 (where the princes of the

Once the breach had taken place, Rehoboam initi¬

king and Rehoboam humble themselves when Shemaiah

ated two attempts to reunite the kingdom. He first sent

delivers another oracle). Two changes are made by the

Hadoram, the longtime chief of forced labor, who was

Chronicler to the Vorlage. “Sons of Israel” is omitted after

promptly assassinated by community stoning. Next, he

“your brothers,” and the Chronicler notes that the peo¬

attempted to use the army to restore unity, but this was

ple turned back from going against Jeroboam whereas in

checked by the prophetic word of Shemaiah, who con¬

Kings they turned back to walk in the word of Yahweh.

vinced the people to refuse to march against the north.

The people’s obeying (literally, listening to) the word of

Despite the breach, the Chronicler still could refer

Yahweh contrasts sharply with the king’s not listening to

to the northern tribes as Israel and indeed as brothers.

the people in 2 Chr 10:15-16. Rehoboam is blessed for

In addition, as we will see, he did not believe that the

this obedience by being able to build the many fortresses

breach was necessarily permanent or inevitable.

recorded in 2 Chr 11:5-23. If one of the primary results

While the textual history of 1 Kings 12 gives evidence

of Shishak’s invasion of Judah and attack on Jerusalem

of a change in the role of Jeroboam in the Shechem

was the weakening ofjudah (2 Chr 12:2-11//1 Kgs 14:25-

assembly over the years, the Chronicler bases his account

28), this would provide another, more secular reason

on a developed form of that tradition and has Jeroboam

why Rehoboam decided not to try to regain the north by

involved with the assembly’s demands from the start. The

military action.

Chronicler omits the account of Jeroboam’s construction of sanctuaries at Bethel and Dan in 1 Kgs 12:25-33.

Conclusion The Chronicler blames the split between north and south on the foolish decision of Rehoboam to follow the

88

166

See also the appraisal of Rehoboam in 2 Chr 12:14//1 Kgs 14:22-24.

11:5-23 Rehoboam's First Three Years

11 5/

13/

18/

of Blessing Translation Rehoboam lived in Jerusalem, and he built cities for defense in Judah. 6/ He built Bethlehem, Etam, Tekoa, 7/ Beth-zur, Soco, Adullam, 8/ Gath, Mareshah, Ziph, 9/ Adoraim, Lachish, Azekah, 10/ Zorah, Aijalon, and Hebron, which are fortified cities in Judah and in Benjamin. 11/ He strengthened the fortresses and put commanders in them and storehouses for food, oil, and wine. 12/ In every city he also put large shields and spears, and made them very strong. Judah and Benja¬ min belonged to him. The priests and the Levites who were in all Israel presented themselves to him from all their territory. 14/ For the Levites left their pasture grounds and their posses¬ sions and came to Judah and Jerusalem because Jeroboam and his sons1 pre¬ vented them from serving as priests for Yahweh, 15/ and because he appointed for himself priests for the high places and for the goat-demons, and for the calves that he had made. 16/ And after them,2 from all the tribes of Israel, those who had dedicated their hearts to seek Yahweh the God of Israel came to Jerusalem in order to sacrifice to Yahweh the God of their ancestors. 17/ They strengthened the kingdom of Judah and made Rehoboam the son of Solomon secure for three years, for they walked3 in the way of David and Solomon for three years. Rehoboam took as his wife Mahalath4 the daughter of5 Jerimoth son of David, and [the daughter of] Abihail6 the daughter of7 Eliab son of Jesse. 19/ She bore to him sons: Jeush, Shemariah, and Zaham. 20/ After her he took Maacah the daugh¬ ter of Absalom,8 and she bore to him Abijah,9 Attai, Ziza, and Shelomith.10 21/ Rehoboam loved Maacah the daughter of Absalom more than all his other wives and concubines (he took11 eighteen wives and sixty12 concubines, and he became the father of twenty-eight sons and sixty daughters). 22/ Rehoboam13 appointed Abijah son of Maacah as chief prince among his brothers, for (he planned) to make him king.14 2315/ He acted wisely16 and the king17 distributed18 some of his sons19 in all the lands of Judah and Ben¬ jamin, in all the fortified cities;20 he give them abundant provisions and acquired for them wives.21

1 2

3

4

5 6

7

8

9

10

11 12

VJ31. Or “successors.” See the commentary. □mnN'I. LXX Kai e^eflaXev amove; “and he expelled them.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:121) calls attention to the Talmudic apheloiU~T\ in the sense of “excommunicate” and reconstructs the Hebrew behind the LXX as OnnKI. "D^H; LXX eTTOpevfir) “he [=Rehoboam] walked.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:98) suggests that the plural in the MT is secondary, resulting from the influence of two plural verbs earlier in the verse. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 151) notes that there are three spellings of this name in the masoretic tradition: fl^OO (Leningradensis), rfprjQ, and n^PlQ. Cf. n. 18a in BHS. 113 with some Hebrew mss LXX Tg Vg Q; K p “son.” ‘t’itoni with LXXAal vl Tg Vg. mt ‘rrrnK, without the conjunction. My addition of “the daughter of” makes Abihail the mother of Mahalath. Without this addition, she could be a second wife of Rehoboam. Tg puts the object marker before Abihail, making her a second wife of Rehoboam. Cf. Berger, Kimhi, 224. See the commentary. ra. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 151) construed Abihail as a second wife of Rehoboam and under¬ stood HD as granddaughter. Thus Rehoboam the grandson of David marries Abihail the granddaugh¬ ter of David’s older brother Eliab. In this under¬ standing Abihail would be the mother of the sons listed in v. 19, and Rehoboam and Abihail would be second cousins. mbenK ra roua. Cf. 1 Kgs 15:2. In 2 Chr 13:2 the mother of Abijah is called TiTD’D Micaiah (the daughter of Uriel from Gibeah). See the commen¬ tary. ITUS; cf. v. 22; 2 Chr 12:16; and nine times in 2 Chronicles 13. 1 Kgs 14:31; 15:1, 7-8 Abijam. See the commentary. rrafpiO; cf. LXXL. LXX EaXppwd mo7t2 “Shelomoth”; cf. 1 Chr 23:9 K; 1 Chr 23:9 Qrrat®. This person is a son of Shimei, a Levite. K®]. According to HALOT (726), earlier Hebrew used np1? in this context. □"TO; LXX TpuxKOVTa “thirty.” Cf. VL Josephus Ant. 8.250. Hebrew for thirty = D'C1?©. Is “sixty” influ¬ enced by the sixty daughters in the second half of the verse? See Allen, Greek Chronicles, 1:16, 106. G. R. Driver (“Abbreviations in the Massoretic Text,” Textus 1 [1960] 125-28; and “Once Again Abbrevia¬ tions,” Textus 4 [1964] 82-86) explained this and several other examples as instances of confusion

13

deriving from a system of numerical abbreviations based on the use of initial letters of the numerals. Oinm; lacking in LXXB and placed at a strange position in MT after “as chief prince.” Cf. Allen {Greek Chronicles, 1:119), who notes that when

167

14

determined from all his sons” [er bestimmte von all seinen Sohnen].” Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 154) suggests that V3S’1 p’l could be understood as “he built and he broke down,” with T33 *733 “from

the subject of a verb is clear from the context, Chr LXX will often omit it. Japhet (672) takes this last clause as elliptical. Rudolph (232) inserted ]313 “he intended” at the end of the verse. 13 was lost by haplography after 13’*7Q3*7 and then ]3 was miswritten as p “he acted wisely.” Subsequently it became ]3'1 (the first word

all his sons”considered as a gloss misplaced from v. 22, but on the next page he concludes that the whole verse is to be regarded as corrupt beyond repair. BHK: 33*7 ]1T33 1371*7 |m = the king provided abundant provisions (for the towns, not for the sons, as would be naturally understood from the

in v. 23) to coordinate with the following verb. Curtis and Madsen (370) insert 33n on the basis of LXX btevoelTO. 15

16

17 18

Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 152-55) considers the text of this verse the most difficult verse in 2 Chronicles. p’l from j’3. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 154) states that this meaning (“be wise”) of the root is rare. The Jerusalem Bible derives this verb from HID “he built”: “He built more and demolished more than any of his descendants.” BHS emends to |33 and moves this verb to the end of v. 22. See n. 14

MT). 19 20

21

above. “[*71371, with Rudolph, 232, BHS. MT *7313 “some of all

133 *7313. JPS “all his sons.” 7113331371 ’33 *73*7. LXX Kai ev TCtiq TtoAeoiv raiq

dxvpcdq “and in the fortified cities.” 3’3] 371*7 Rto’l. Cf. Ehrlich, Randglossen, 7:361. Japhet (672) notes that this emendation is gener¬ ally accepted. So also Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 153. MTD’30 ]inn *7N3’ “he sought an abundance of wives.” Note that the difference between these read¬ ings is largely a question of word division. Rudolph

[his sons].” Rudolph (232) emends to 3333 and trans¬ lates “verteilte” (“distributed”). Curtis and Madsen (370) interpret LXX rjv^rifiT) as though jHS had the meaning of “spread abroad” or “increase.” Perles {Analekten, 87) interprets 133 *733 f'lD’l as “he

(232) 3’tD] ]11371 371*7 KtD’l “he acquired for them an abundance of wives.” NAB 3’E0 ]1133 371*7 *7S2?’l “he sought out for them an abundance of wives.” Perles, Analekten, 47: 3’tD3 33*7 l*7tC3’l “they [= the sons] sought out for themselves wives.”

Structure

defense in Judah); 1 Kgs 12:26—13:14: Jeroboam’s religious reform and the reactions to it (cf. 2 Chr 11:13-

These verses are not found in the Vorlage of the book of

17: clergy and laity who came to Judah from all Israel);

Kings, but they have been added by the Chronicler. This

and 1 Kgs 14:1-18: Jeroboam’s wife and her son who dies

chapter may be outlined as follows: I. 11:5-12 Rehoboam’s cities for defense in Judah II. 11:13-17 Clergy and laity who came to Judah from all Israel

(cf. 2 Chr 11:18-23: Rehoboam’s wives and children). In each case Rehoboam seems to surpass the contemporary northern king—by building at more sites, by receiving defectors from Jeroboam’s cultic innovations, and by his

III. 11:18-23 Rehoboam’s wives and children

many wives and exceedingly many children.

At this point in the narrative the author of Kings begins

An even more important organizing principle is

alternating accounts of the northern and southern king¬

related to the Chronicler’s doctrine of retribution. We

doms, first relating stories about the reign of Jeroboam

are told twice in v. 17 that for three years Rehoboam and

in the north (1 Kgs 12:25—14:20) and then turning his

the people walked in the way of David and Solomon and

attention to Rehoboam and the south (1 Kgs 14:21-31).

were secure. At the beginning of the next chapter we

Japhet (663) has pointed out some rough structural

learn that Rehoboam and all Israel abandoned the law

parallels between 2 Chr 11:5-23 and the account of

ofYahweh (v. 1), and as a result King Shishak made an

Jeroboam from 1 Kings, which has been omitted by the

attack on Jerusalem in Rehoboam’s fifth year (v. 2). It is

Chronicler: 1 Kgs 12:25: Jeroboam’s building ofShechem

in these first three years of Rehoboam’s faithfulness that

and Penuel (cf. 2 Chr 11:5-12: Rehoboam’s cities for

we hear about his building projects (vv. 5-12),1 the defec-

1

168

Building projects are given only for kings whom the

of those kings whose reigns are divided into positive

Chronicler assesses positively or to the pious period

and negative sections: 1 Chr 11:8-9, David; 2 Chr

11:5-23

tors who joined him from north Israel (vv. 13-17), and

Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 332) or combine all three lists

his many wives and children (vv. 18-23), who are here

(Aharoni and Kallai-Kleinmann) in order to construct

seen as signs of blessing. The reader should not lose sight

the territory of Judah in the time of Rehoboam.5 The

of the organizational clarity and important theological

reason for the order of the cities in this list is not clear.

message being conveyed in 2 Chr 11:5-23 as we wrestle in

The list begins with four cities on the east from north to

the following paragraphs with historical and exegetical

south (Bethlehem, Etam, Tekoa, and Beth-zur). William¬

details about the account.* 2

son (242) suggests that a logical location of fortresses on

In vv. 5-12, the account of Rehoboam’s cities for defense, the Chronicler probably added vv. 5a (through

the southern flank would be (5) Lachish, (6) Adoraim, (7) Ziph, and (8) Hebron. A logical distribution on the

Jerusalem) and 10 a/3-12 (beginning with which are forti¬

western flank, then, from north to south, would be (9)

fied cities) to a document that was available to him from

Aijalon, (10) Zorah, (11) Azekah, (12) Soco, (13) Adul-

a noncanonical, unknown source.3 The document that

lam, (14) Gath, and (15) Mareshah. The actual order

came into the Chronicler’s hands may have been headed:

of the last eleven names in Chronicles, however, is 12,

“Cities for defense in Judah.” Scholars have compared it

13, 14, 15 (cities in the west from north to south); 7, 6, 5

with other administrative documents from Judah, such as

(cities in the south from east to west); 11, 10, 9 (cities in

the city list in Josh 15:21-624 and the list of the Levitical

the northwest from south to north), 8 (Hebron, a city in

cities in 1 Chr 6:39-66 (54-81). In the former case, how¬

the southeast). Groups of names have been displaced.

ever, Adoraim and Gath among Rehoboam’s fortresses

The reason for placing Hebron at the end is not immedi¬

are not listed among the Judean cities, and only Aijalon

ately clear.6

and Hebron among the fortresses in chap. 11 show an overlap with the Levitical cities. Volkmar Fritz concludes,

As scholars have studied this list of fifteen sites in Judah,7 they have tried to determine whether it meshes

therefore, that the list of fortresses is an independent

with what we know about the reign of Rehoboam and

document, not constructed on the basis of either of the

with modern archaeological findings.8 The latter area

other lists, and it is inappropriate to take items from

of research is somewhat disappointing in this case, since

one of the other lists in order to fill out this one (contra

a number of the sites have not been excavated at all

8:1-6, Solomon; 2 Chr 14:5-6 (6-7), Asa; 2 Chr 17:1213, Jehoshaphat; 2 Chr 26:6, 9-10, Uzziah; 2 Chr 27:3-4, Jotham; 2 Chr 32:5, 29, Hezekiah; 2 Chr 33:14, Manasseh. According to Fritz (“Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 50), all of these building projects are 2

3

4

5 6

fictional except for 2 Chr 11:5-12 and 26:10. For maps of these cities of defense, see Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 331, map 25, or Rainey, Carta’s Atlas, 169. Welten, Geschichte, 11-15. Fritz (“Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 46) would attribute also v. 5b to the Chronicler. Note, however, that this half-verse men¬ tions only Judah, whereas the Chronicler himself attributed the fortresses to Judah and Benjamin in

vv. 10, 12. Frank Moore Cross and George Ernest Wright (“The Boundary and Province Lists of the Kingdom ofJudah,”/jBL 65 [1956] 202-26) uncovered a list of provinces of Judah, with the present form of the list coming from the time of Jehoshaphat, but perhaps based on an earlier list from the time of David. See also Y. Aharoni, “The Province Lists of Judah,” VT

7

8

9 (1959) 225-46; and Kallai-Kleinmann, “Town Lists,” 134-60. Fritz, “Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 46; cf. Hobbs, “For¬ tresses of Rehoboam,” 53. Japhet (665) attempts to find additional order in the list, claiming that Soco, Adullam, Gath, and Mareshah form a western line, also from north to south, but Gath and Mareshah seem out of line to me. The reference to Judah and Benjamin in v. 12 (cf. vv. 1, 3) is part of the Chronicler’s editorial hand and is contradicted by v. 5. All of the cities, in any case, can be assigned to Judah with the possible exceptions of Gath and Aijalon discussed below. Y. Garfinkel (“2 Chr. 11:5-10 Fortified Cities List and the LMLK Stamps—Reply to Nadav Na’aman,” BASOR 271 [1988] 69-73) misunderstands the importance of these references to Benjamin. See the survey of the data in Fritz, “Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 47-48; Na’aman, “Hezekiah’s Fortified Cities,” 6; Hobbs, “Fortresses of Rehoboam,” 44.

169

or not recently,9 and the findings at the other sites are

response to the attack (e.g., Aharoni).13 A third position

ambiguous or even negative. The only positive correla¬

asks whether the system may have been begun before

tion between this list of fortresses and the archaeological

the attack and been completed sometime later (William¬

record seems to be at Azekah.10 One great ambiguity of

son, 241). If it was built, at least in part, in response to

course is what an ancient writer might have meant by a

Shishak’s attack, it might explain why the line of defenses

“city of defense.” Does this presuppose a particular type

along the western boundary of Judah have been pushed

of building or a type of defensive walls that would be

eastward from what might have been expected under

likely to leave a trace in the archaeological record, or

Solomon.14 This also might explain why the southern for¬

were the primary features of these cities that they were

tresses do not extend beyond Adoraim and Ziph, leaving

staffed in a certain way, that they were provided with

out Beer-sheba (MR 134072) and other important south¬

adequate rations to support the staff or withstand a siege,

ern sites.15Beyer attributed the position of the southern

and that they had a supply of weapons (vv. 11-12)? None

line of defense to Edomite incursions.16 Much more problematic is the city of Gath (MR

of these three features would be likely to provide mate¬ rial archaeological evidence. In addition, these three

135123) and the lack of fortresses facing the north.17

features are in verses we have attributed to the Chroni¬

Gath is considerably farther west than the other western

cler in any case and hence are not of the same age as the

cities, and it is unlikely to have been under Judean control

archival list of fortresses itself.

at the time of Rehoboam. In 1 Kgs 2:29 Shimei’s slaves

The Chronicler himself attributes the list to the time

escaped there to King Achish son of Maacah of Gath, and

of Rehoboam.* 11 In its present location the list comes

it remained under non-Israelite control at least until the

before the attack of Shishak (2 Chr 12:1-12), but as we

time of Amos, when it is called Gath of the Philistines

have seen this location may have more thematic than

(Amos 6:2; cf. 2 Sam 1:20). One solution to this puzzle

chronological importance. While some scholars think

has been to substitute Moresheth Gath (Tell Judeideh;

that the fortresses were built in anticipation of Shishak’s

MR 141115)18 for Gath, but this is only an educated guess

attack (Orlinksy, Noth),12 many others think that it was a

and one would think that a shortened form of the name

9

10

11

Adoraim, Adullam, Etam, Socoh, Ziph, and Zorah. The site of Gath is undergoing new excavations. See the Tell es-Safi website: http://faculty.biu.

13

Fortresses,” 49) notes the improbability of forti¬ fying these cities, since they were not the cities that Shishak attacked. Hobbs (“Fortresses of

ac.il/~maeira/. Hobbs (“Fortresses of Rehoboam,” 44), however, notes that the excavation of this site occurred many years ago. This dating is accepted by Aharoni, Land of the

Rehoboam,” 43) remarks that Rehoboam would have been bolting the wrong door. 14

Bible, 330-33; G. Beyer, “Beitrage zur Territorial-

cElun (MR 143099), in part to fill in a gap he saw in the southwest defenses. The excavations at Tell ed-

380; Rudolph, 229-30; Peter Welten, Die KonigsStempel (ADPV; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969)

Duweir, however, have proved conclusively that this site is indeed Lachish. 15

which might be expected in a later list. Beyer’s

reigns of David and Solomon. This enables him to

establish the extent of Rehoboam’s kingdom on the basis of this list.

extend the defense line to Debir, Jattir, Eshtemoa, and Juttah.

H. M. Orlinsky, Ancient Israel (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell

16

Beyer, “Das Festungssystem,” 129-30.

University Press, 1960) 79-80; Noth, History of Israel, 238-40; and idem, Chronicler’s History, 58 and n.

17

Hobbs (“Fortresses of Rehoboam,” 46) also notes the absence of Jericho.

49. But would Rehoboam have had the time and

18

resources for this in his first five years?

170

Aharoni (Land of the Bible, 332) suggests that the Judean Levitical cities may have covered this region and that they had already been fortified during the

early study attempted to show the plausibility of this defense system. He also thought that he could

12

Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 330. G. W. Ahlstrom (“Is Tell ed-Duweir Ancient Lachish?” PEQ112 [1980] 7-9) wanted to shift the location of Lachish to Tell

geschichte von Siidwest-palastina im Altertum,” ZDPV54 (1931) 113-34; Kallai, Historical Geography,

167-71; idem, Geschichte, 13-15, 192; and William¬ son, 241. Williamson notes the absence of Arad,

Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 330; Dillard (95-97) seems also to favor this position. Fritz (“Rehoboam’s

See Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 330. Note that Mareshah (ntljlft) is the next city listed, and the similarity

11:5-23

would be Moresheth and not Gath.19 The lack of northern

Na’aman himself has proposed a date at the time of

fortresses is equally puzzling, since the north was always

Hezekiah and believes that the western and southern

Jerusalem’s most vulnerable side.20 Some have suggested

orientation of these forts makes sense as part of prepara¬

that this represents a latent hope for reunion of the two

tions for the impending Assyrian attack, which came in

kingdoms, but the numerous battles between the two

701 b.c.e. under the leadership of Sennacherib.26 Gar-

kingdoms in the ensuing years do not make that explana¬

finkel has pointed out, however, that we know from the

tion particularly helpful. Others have said that Rehoboam

Bible and from archaeology that Hezekiah fortified Jeru¬

merely continued to use fortresses that Solomon had

salem, but that city is not mentioned here, while there

built. According to 2 Chr 8:5-6, Solomon had fortified the

is no other biblical evidence for his fortifying the land

two Beth-horons and Baalath. But against whom would

with such fortresses.27 Na’aman has tried to correlate his

Solomon have been defending himself by this string of

dating with the Imlk jar handles, but this does not seem

southern fortresses? Aharoni suggests that Rehoboam

to me to be successful.

hoped to push the border farther to the north.21 A fourth possibility, of course, is that this is just a list of fortresses

Fritz, following older proposals by E. Junge, and A. Alt, has proposed dating the list of fortresses to the time

rather than a comprehensive list.22 Na’aman suggests that

of Josiah.28 Instead of anticipating Sennacherib’s attack,

the Chronicler omitted the northern part of the list of

Josiah was drawing strategic lessons from this attack

fortresses because he wanted to provide space for pil¬

about how Judah would need to be defended.29 In view of

grims to come from the north or for the several wars with

the positive evaluation ofjosiah in 2 Chr 34:2, one might

the north that occupy the following chapters.23 Pilgrims,

expect Josiah himself to be credited with this building

of course, could travel between or around the fortresses

project. Fritz, however, argues that the Chronicler’s focus

and would have been welcomed in any case, and defensive

on cultic reforms provided for a poor fit between Josiah

fortresses do not fit well into any expansionist policies

and this building of fortresses. Fritz attributes its location

that Rehoboam may have had. Na’aman has argued that

in 2 Chronicles 11 to the author’s desire to show the mea¬

Aijalon was part of the northern kingdom at the time of

sures that Rehoboam had taken to secure the kingdom

Rehoboam, but the evidence for that is quite thin.24 The

of Judah in anticipation of Shishak’s attack.30

archaeological evidence from Lachish and Beth-zur does not fit well with a late-tenth-century date.25 between it and Moresheth (ntZHO) could have led to haplography. Either Gath or Moresheth-Gath could protect the entrance to the Guvrin Valley and roads leading to Hebron. Yigal Levin (“The Search for Moresheth-Gath: A New Proposal,” PEQ134 [2002] 28-36) suggests locating Moresheth-Gath at Tell Harassim, five kilometers northwest of Tel es-safi/ Gath. But that is not persuasive for this context. See also Anson Rainey, “The Identification of Philistine Gath: A Problem in Source Analysis for Historical 19

20 21 22

Geography,” Erlsr 12 (1975) 63-76. Kallai (Historical Geography, 92 n. 163) notes that Gath seems to have been annexed to Judah by Uzziah (2 Chr 26:6). He views Amos 6:2 as problem¬ atic. According to 2 Chr 12:15, there were continual wars between Rehoboam and Jeroboam.

23

24

25

Na’aman, “Hezekiah’s Fortified Cities,” 9-10; and idem, “The Date of 2 Chronicles 11:5-10—A Reply to Y. Garfinkel,” BASOR 271 (1988) 76. Na’aman (“Hezekiah’s Fortified Cities,” 6-7) claims that the attack of Shishak along the Aijalon-Bethhoron line was within north Israel. Cf. “Reply to Y. Garfinkel,” 74. Beyer (“Das Festungssytem,” 127) argues that Aijalon belonged to Judah at the time of Rehoboam. Dillard (94) notes that Lachish was not at this time a fortified city and that Beth-zur was desolate at this time.

26 27 28

See also McKenzie, 265. Garfinkel, “Fortified Cities” (see n. 7 above), 71. Fritz, “Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 49-50; Junge, Der Wiederaufbau des Heerwesens, 79-80; Albrecht Alt, “Festungen und Levitenorte im Lande Juda,” in Kleine Schriften zur Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Munich:

Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 330. Karl Elliger (“Die Heimat des Propheten Micha,” ZDPV57 [1934] 108-9, 149-50) observes that this

29

Beck, 1953) 2:306-15. Fritz, “Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 50.

list does not mention all the fortresses but only

30

Ibid., 51.

those rebuilt by Rehoboam.

171

Finally, Siegfried Herrmann has proposed that the list

this verse on analogy with 1 Kgs 12:25 dealing with

in 2 Chronicles 11 was only a proposed plan for fortresses

Jeroboam: “Jeroboam built Shechem in the hill coun¬

that was never completed or implemented, even suggest¬

try of Ephraim, and resided in it. He went out from

ing that the plan might have arisen first under Solomon,

there and built Penuel.” Note that Rehoboam built as

when no fortresses toward the north would have been

Jeroboam did (p’1 appears twice in 1 Kgs 12:25), and

necessary.31 This seems desperate to me, however, and

Rehoboam lived in Jerusalem just as Jeroboam lived in it

openly contradicts v. 6, which says that Rehoboam had

(= Shechem). In fact, instead of building two cities, like

built these cities. Hobbs finds fault with all the proposals

Jeroboam, Rehoboam built fifteen cities.33 The transla¬

for dating these fortresses as fortresses. On the basis of

tion “cities for defense” (TllSft1? □’ll?) is supported by

the etymology of "TI2SQ, he suggests that these are really

HALOT, 623. See 2 Chr 8:5 (mentioning walls, double¬

cities of restraint meant for internal control of Judah and

doors, and bars); Ps 60:11 (9), 108:11 (10); Hab 2:1; Zech

Benjamin after the secession of the north rather than

9:3; and 1QH 6:25.

national defense. He notes that Rehoboam staffed these

■ 6-10 He built Bethlehem, Etam, Tekoa, Beth-zur, Soco, Adul-

cities with his trusted relatives (v. 11, 23).32 Etymology is

lam, Gath, Mareshah, Ziph, Adoraim, Lachish, Azekah, Zorah,

only one of the tools of the lexicographer, however, and

Aijalon, and Hebron, which are fortified cities in Judah and in

the commentary on v. 5 will try to show why “cities of

Benjamin:

defense” is still the most probable reading.

Bethlehem MR 169123. The first four cities form an east¬

In myjudgment, no sure date can be assigned to this

ern line from north to south on the main highway

list, but we agree with the conclusion that it was a pre-

from Jerusalem to Hebron along the ridge of the

exilic list of fortresses in Judah that was incorporated by

Judean Hills and offer protection from the direc¬

the Chronicler into the reign of Rehoboam to show, by

tion of the eastern wilderness. A coalition attacked

this building project, that Rehoboam was under Yah-

Judah from the east in 2 Chr 20:1-28 and was

weh’s blessing. We have no way of telling whether the list

defeated in the vicinity of Tekoa.34

might have been updated (with Gath or Aijalon) or what

Etam MR 166121

the comprehensive defense strategy of Rehoboam may

Tekoa MR 170115. Tekoa is on the road that leads from

have looked like. The reason for the particular ordering of these cities is only partially evident to us. The com¬

En-gedi to Bethlehem.35 Beth-zur MR 159110. Rainey points out that modern

mentary will make some suggestions about the strategic

excavations did not discover fortifications that can

importance of some cities or groups of cities.

be dated to the time of Rehoboam.36 Soco MR 147121. Soco and Adullam guard the Valley of

Detailed Commentary

Elah (Wadi Sanc-es), where David had confronted Goliath (1 Samuel 17).37 Soco, Adullam, and Ado¬

H 5 Rehoboam lived in Jerusalem, and he built cities for

raim guarded the routes into the Shephelah and

defense in Judah: The Chronicler may have constructed

toward Philistia.

31

Siegfried Herrmann, “The So-Called ‘Fortress System of Rehoboam’ 2 Chron. 11:5-12: Theoretical Considerations,” Erlsr 20 (1989) 75-76.

32

Hobbs, “Fortresses of Rehoboam,” 51-53, 61.

34

33

As Ben Zvi (“Building Texts,” 140-44) argues, this is the narrative point that the Chronicler wanted to

no better historical insight here than we do. See Aharoni, Land of the Bible, 330-33, and map 25, p. 331.

35

Fritz, “Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 48.

make for his readers and why he included the fol¬

36

Rainey, Carta’s Atlas, 169.

lowing list of cities at this place. “The more signifi¬ cant that ‘Jeroboam’s rebellion’ is in the discourse

37

Dillard (96) states that Azekah and Soco are at the

in Chronicles, the more significant the strength of the characterization of Rehoboam as builder (and blessed) becomes, and accordingly, the stronger the reason to associate a list of fortified cities with

172

Rehoboam” (143). Just as I concluded that no sure date can be assigned to this list, the Chronicler had

entrance to this valley.

11:5-23

Adullam MR 150117

the territory of north Israel.40 In 2 Chr 28:18

Gath MR 135123. Gath, Azekah, Mareshah, and Lachish

Aijalon belonged to Judah, when it and Soco were

defend against an attack coming from the coastal

captured by the Philistines.41 The valley of Aijalon

plain and the Philistines in the south. The Elah

is the most important trade route through the

Valley connects Gath to Bethlehem and, through

Shephelah, leading to Beth-horon and the central

Adullam and Keilah (MR 150113), with Beth-zur.38

part of Benjamin. Solomon had fortified this valley

Mareshah MR 140111. The invasion of Zerah was stopped

(2 Chr 8:5 Lower and Upper Beth-horon; cf. 1 Kgs

at this site by Asa (2 Chr 14:8-14).

9:17 Lower Beth-horon). The Amorites retained

Ziph MR 162098. Ziph, Adoraim, and Hebron offer

possession of Aijalon in early Israelite times (Judg

protection against an attack from the south, in the

1:35). Later the heads of the Benjaminite families

direction of Beer-sheba.

of Aijalon put to flight the inhabitants of Gath

Adoraim MR 152101

(1 Chr 8:13). Saul’s army struck down the Phi¬

Lachish MR 135108. Lachish and Azekah are paired in

listines from Michmash (MR 176142) to Aijalon

Jer 34:7 and Neh 11:30. Lachish offers connections

(1 Sam 14:31, 46; cf. 1 Sam 13:15-18). It is listed

to the coastal highway (via maris) and east through

among the Levitical cities (1 Chr 6:54 [69]//Josh

Adoraim to Hebron. David Ussishkin notes that

21:24) and was probably assigned to one of Solo¬ mon’s administrative districts in 1 Kgs 4:9.42

during the corresponding period (Level V) Lachish was not protected by a proper city wall. He suggests that Lachish became a heavily fortified city in Level IV under Asa or Jehoshaphat. He mentions that some have assigned Level IV to Rehoboam, Hezekiah, or Josiah.39 Azekah MR 144123. Azekah, Zorah, and Aijalon defend against an attack coming from the coastal plain and the Philistines in the north. Zorah MR 148131. Zorah and Aijalon were originally Danite (Josh 19:41-42) but became part of Judah, as is shown by other lists of Judahite cities (Josh 15:33; 1 Chr 2:53; 2 Chr 28:18). Zorah was at the mouth of the Soreq Valley, from which a route led to Jerusalem in the east, and it guarded the route passing between it and Beth-shemesh (MR 147128) and on tojabneh on the coast. Aijalon MR 152138. Shishak may have traveled via

Hebron MR 160103. The identification of these places as fortified cities in Judah and Benjamin continues the Chronicler’s editorial framework around the list of Judean fortresses (11:610aa). Whereas the caption in v. 5b referred to cities for defense in Judah, reference is made in vv. 10 and 12 to both Judah and Benjamin (cf. the mention of Judah and Benjamin in 2 Chr 11:1, 3). All of the cities listed in vv. 6-10a were part of Judah.43 The construct chain irrao nr resembles Tl^O nr in 2 Chr 8:5 and TCSCb Dnr in the caption in v. 5. ■ 11 He strengthened the fortresses and put commanders in them and storehouses for food, oil, and wine: “Strengthened” (ptm) is a favorite term of the Chronicler. The word “commanders” (Dn’33) in this context refers to generic kinds of chief officers rather than to someone like the king designate or prince (for the latter, see v. 22). The

Rubute, Aijalon, Beth-horon, and Gibeon, within

38

39 40 41

McKenzie (265) thinks that Gath may not be the well-known Philistine town but a site closer to Adul¬

42

lam and Mareshah. David Ussishkin, “Lachish,” NIDB 3:558. Fritz, “Rehoboam’s Fortresses,” 49; Na’aman, “Heze¬ kiah’s Fortified Cities,” 7. See John L. Peterson, “Aijalon,” ABD 1:131. When the kingdom was divided, Aijalon was included in the tribe of Benjamin. According to 1 Chr 6:54

MT ]jn n’3 ifrsi. The consonants of the first place could also be vocalized as Aijalon. Aijalon and Elon are mentioned in josh 19:42-43 and are probably neighboring places. Rainey {Carta’s Atlas, 175) in any case includes Aijalon in Solomon’s second

43

administrative district. Josephus {Ant. 8.247) harmonizes by having Rehoboam construct other large cities in the terri¬ tory of Benjamin.

(69), this city is part of the Ephraim allotment in the Levitical cities.

173

supplies of food, oil, and wine could be general supplies

brought up the people from the land of Egypt. One of

for those stationed in these cities or they could represent

these calves he stationed at Bethel in the extreme south¬

specific foodstuffs needed to withstand a siege.

ern part of his kingdom and the other he put at Dan

■ 12 In every city he also put large shields and spears, and

in the extreme north, and people made pilgrimages to

made them very strong. Judah and Benjamin belonged to him:

these two sites (1 Kgs 12:30).44Jeroboam also made high

“Every city” presumably represents the fortified cities of

places and appointed priests who were not descendants

the preceding verses rather than every last city in Judah

of the Levites. He also established an alternate feast on

and Benjamin. Stocking the cities with appropriate weap¬

the fifteenth day of the eighth month, and he sacrificed

ons indicates clearly the military purpose of these cities

to the calves that he had made. The Chronicler made

in contrast to Hobbs’s interpretation of them as cities for

the inference from these verses that if Jeroboam’s priests

internal control or taxation (see “Structure”). Shields

were not from the Levites, that representatives of the

and spears are mentioned together also in 1 Chr 12:9, 25

priests and Levites would betake themselves to (or side

(8, 24) and 2 Chr 14:7, where they appear in the singu¬

with; ■QiTnrT) Rehoboam in the southern kingdom. Since

lar. Outside of Chronicles these two weapons are never

we concluded that the Chronicler himself had included

used in the same verse. The Chronicler overstates the

the lists of the cities of the priests and Levites in 1 Chr

case in claiming that Judah and Benjamin belonged to

6:39-66 (54-81); 13:2, it is understandable that he would

Rehoboam. In fact, of course, Benjamin was disputed ter¬

have these clergy come to Jerusalem from their places

ritory. Abijah took some cities away from the north (from

scattered over the entire territory of land belonging to

Benjamin, 2 Chr 13:19), and the northern king Baasha

the northern kingdom. Levites in this verse refers to

built Ramah in Benjamin as a control city that permitted

those members of the tribe of Levi who were not priests.

no one to go in or come out ofjudah (1 Kgs 15:17).

These people took their stand with Rehoboam (and the Jerusalem temple); it is not clear whether the Chroni¬

11:13-17 Clergy and Laity Who Came to Judah

cler thought this involved one or more pilgrimages, or

from All Israel

whether he thought they took up permanent residence

■ 13 The priests and the Levites who were in all Israel

in Judah (cf. v. 16).

presented themselves to him from all their territory: Another

■ 14 For the Levites left their pasture grounds and their pos¬

indication of the blessing that came to Rehoboam in

sessions and came to Judah and Jerusalem because Jeroboam

his period of faithfulness is those people, both clergy

and his sons prevented them from serving as priests for Yahweh:

and lay (see v. 16), who came to the king, temporarily

Willi and Williamson (243) judge v. 14a (through Jerusa¬

or permanently, from the north. “All Israel” when used

lem) to be secondary.45 Willi feels that the repetition of

without a geographic qualifier refers to people of the

the Levites from v. 13b is unnecessary in v. 14a, and that

northern kingdom (Williamson, 243). The Chronicler

v. 14a makes their movement appear voluntary whereas

passes over (at least in this context; cf. 2 Chr 13:8-9) the

in v. 14b it is enforced byjeroboam. He also claims that

account ofjeroboam’s apostasy in 1 Kgs 12:26-33, which

v. 14b “serving as priests” QilDO) refers only to the priests

is described in a highly critical style there from a Deu-

from v. 13. That verse, however, referred to both priests

teronomistic perspective. There the omniscient narra¬

and Levites, and v. 14 speaks of these two groups of

tor reported that Jeroboam feared in his heart that the

clergy separately: first referring to the Levites and then

kingdom would revert to the house of David if the peo¬

to the priests. The so-called Levitical cities are cities

ple were to go up to Jerusalem to sacrifice in the house/

of priests (1 Chr 6:39-45 [54-60]) and Levites (1 Chr

temple of Yahweh. Jeroboam therefore made two golden

6:46-66 [61-81]). The Chronicler breaks up “the priests

calves and addressed them as the God of Israel who

and the Levites” from v. 13 by speaking chiastically first

44

So LXX1'. NRSV: “before the one at Bethel and before the other as far as Dan.” The MT does not mention a pilgrimage to Bethel.

45

174

Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung, 211 n. 26.

11:5-23

of the Levites and then of the priests. On the one hand,

■ 15 and because he appointed for himself priests for the high

the clergy gave up their homes and their guaranteed

places and for the goat-demons, and for the calves that he had

income, and, on the other hand, they came because they

made: Two of the three functions for which Jeroboam

had been prevented from carrying out their priestly (and

had appointed non-Levitical priests involve rephrasing

Levitical) duties. The verse is paradoxical but true: the

of charges made in 1 Kgs 12:32. Hence “priests for the

clergy came voluntarily to Jerusalem because they had

high places” (mm1? DUilD) (cf. 2 Chr 13:9)48 has replaced

been expelled from clerical service in the north. The

the very similar mann TD (cf. 1 Kgs 12:31; 13:33-34)

idea of expulsion apparently arose from the Chronicler’s

and (priests) “for the calves which he had made” (cf.

reading and interpretation of 1 Kgs 12:31-33. Those

2 Chr 13:8) has replaced (he went up on the altar) “to

verses had merely stated that Jeroboam had built high

sacrifice to the calves which he had made” (1 Kgs 12:28).

places and appointed non-Levitical priests (v. 31), that

The order of the charges, however, has been inverted

Jeroboam had established an alternate date for the fall

from the Vorlage, and between the two charges has been

festival (v. 32), and that he himself had led the sacrifices

inserted the charge about priests being appointed for

dedicated to the calves and appointed at Bethel priests

the “goat-demons.” This seems to be an allusion to Lev

from the high places (v. 33). Kings makes it appear that

17:7, where sacrifices that are performed without the

Jeroboam practiced indiscriminate hiring practices,

appropriate blood rite before the tent of meeting are

but the Chronicler makes explicit that this meant the

called “their sacrifices for goat-demons” (DTIXiT5 □iTTDT).

rejection of the Levites as priests. The sons who joined

In other words, the Chronicler has used Lev 17:7 to label

Jeroboam in expelling the priests could be his actual

the worship of north Israel as the worship of satyrs or

first-generation sons, who may have had some royal

goat-demons. Satyrs are said to inhabit open fields, ruins,

authority (cf. vv. 22-23 below and note the importance of

and desolate places (Isa 13:21; 34:14).49Jeroboam’s cult

the royal sons during the reign of David, 2 Sam 15:1-6;

has displaced the temple in Jerusalem, which in turn

1 Kgs 1:9). Or they could be his successors as king, both

was regarded as the legitimate replacement for or suc¬

his blood relatives and his nonrelated successors on the

cessor to the tent of meeting. This is the first mention

northern throne who continued his cultic policies. The

of the illegitimate high places in Chronicles.50 In the

priests and the Levites abandoned the pasturelands that

Chronicler’s opinion, the high place at Gibeon (1 Chr

had been given them by the Israelites (1 Chr 6:49 [64]);

16:39; 21:29; 2 Chr 1:3, 13) was made legitimate by the

in fact, the open land around their cities (ETUIS iTIEU

tent of meeting, which was stationed there. Jeroboam’s

□mi?)46 had been given them as an “everlasting posses¬

manufacture of calves for his shrines at Dan and Bethel

sion” (□t7W niTTK; Lev 25:34).47 These lands could never

is described extensively in 1 Kgs 12:25-33.

be sold (Lev 25:34). The priests and Levites left their

■ 16 And after them, from all the tribes of Israel, those who

lands under duress; they did not sell them. Jeroboam and

had dedicated their hearts to seek Yahweh the God of Israel came

his associates gave them no choice. The term “pasture-

to Jerusalem in order to sacrifice to Yahweh the God of their

lands” seems to be used here as a part for the whole; it

ancestors: This verse reports how lay Israelites followed

also includes the cities themselves.

the example of the priests and Levites by dedicating

46 47

48

49

and an Arabic word for phallus, and Norman H.

Cf. 1 Chr 6:40 (55) iTTQ TDD rVCTHQ PK1 (“its sur¬ rounding pasturelands”).

Snaith (“The Meaning of D’Tltf?,” VT25 [1975] 115-18) connects these figures with rain gods, fertility gods, and the baals of the rain storms.

Yahweh instructed Moses to give to the Levites cities in which to dwell and pasturelands around their cities (Num 35:2-5). In 1 Kgs 12:31 there is a reference to Jeroboam making niD3 JT3, “houses on high places” (NRSV) or “shrines on high places” (NIV). Milgrom, Leviticus 17-22, 1462. Harris H. Hirschberg (“Some Additional Arabic Etymologies in the Old Testament,” VT11 [1961] 381-82) argues

50

2 Chr 14:2, 4 (3, 5); 15:17; 17:6; 20:33; 21:11; 28:4, 25; 31:1; 32:12; 33:3, 17, 79; 34:3. All of the subse¬ quent passages refer to high places in the southern kingdom although 2 Chr 31:1 refers to a reform that got rid of the high places from Judah and Benjamin as well as Ephraim and Manasseh.

unconvincingly for a relationship between □’TUiC

175

their hearts to seek Yahweh the God of Israel and to

number three indicates the completion of a short period

sacrifice to Yahweh the God of their ancestors. The word

of time.53 The “way of David,” with reference to his con¬

order in Hebrew puts the role models first in the sen¬

duct according to the law, is mentioned in 2 Chr 6:16.

tence: “After them came those who had dedicated. . .

The Chronicler here indicates that David and Solomon

In one of his farewell addresses, David had urged the

were equally role models in proper ethical behavior. The

leaders of Israel to dedicate their hearts to seek51 Yahweh

book of Kings contains no such formula and, given the

(1 Chr 22:19). These northern laypeople are implicitly

severe critique of Solomon in 1 Kings 11, such a formula

following the exhortation of 2 Chr 7:14 to seek (CpH)

in Kings is virtually unthinkable. In fact the Deuteron-

Yahweh’s face. The Chronicler had also earlier noted how

omistic editor concluded: “For when Solomon was old

the half tribe of Manasseh had proved unfaithful to the

his wives turned away his heart after other gods; and his

God of their ancestors (1 Chr 5:25). Both divine titles—

heart was not wholly true to Yahweh his God, as was the

Yahweh the God of Israel and Yahweh the God of the

heart of David his father” (1 Kgs 11:4).

ancestors—offer strong testimony that the true God is the one worshiped at the temple in Jerusalem. Jeroboam

11:18-23 Rehoboam's Wives and Children

had expressed the fear that people might go up to Jeru¬

■ 18 Rehoboam took as his wife Mahalath the daughter of

salem. Here some of the people do exactly that, although

Jerimoth son of David, and [the daughter of] Abihail daughter

kingship over the north does not return at this time to

ofEliab son of Jesse: Wives and children are a sign of bless¬

the house of David. Did this involve a one-time or an

ing. In 2 Chr 13:21 we read that Abijah the king of Judah

occasional pilgrimage, or an actual emigration from

grew mighty—he took fourteen wives and had twenty-two

the north to Judah? 2 Chronicles 15:9 might suggest the

sons and sixteen daughters (cf. 2 Chr 21:1-3). David too

latter: “He gathered together all Judah and Benjamin

was blessed with many wives and children (1 Chr 3:1-9;

and those who sojourned with them from Ephraim,

14:3-7). Chronicles notes that Heman the king’s visionary

Manasseh, and Simeon, for great numbers from Israel

had fourteen sons and three daughters “according to the

had deserted to him when they saw that Yahweh his God

promise of God to exalt him” (1 Chr 25:5). Obed-edom

was with him.”52

had eight sons because God blessed him (1 Chr 26:4-5).

■ 17 They strengthened the kingdom of Judah and made

Rehoboam’s first wife Mahalath is the granddaughter

Rehoboam the son of Solomon secure for three years, for they

of David on her father’s side and the granddaughter of

walked in the way of David and Solomon for three years: The

David’s brother Eliab on her mother’s side of the family.54

use of the verbs “strengthened” and “made secure” may

Her parents Jerimoth and Abihail were first cousins, with

indicate that the travel from north to south should be

her father Jerimoth being the son of David himself and

considered emigration rather than pilgrimage. The

her mother being the daughter ofEliab, David’s oldest

chiefs of David’s warriors, and in fact all Israel, had

brother (1 Sam 16:6; 17:13; 1 Chr 2:13). The rest of the

strengthened the kingdom of David (1 Chr 11:10; pin in

Bible does not mention Jerimoth55 among the sons of

the hithpael). Solomon also had made himself strong over

David, and so it is thought that he was the son of David

the kingdom (2 Chr 1:1). However, the subject of the

and one of his lesser-known wives (1 Chr 14:3) or the

verbs in this verse is not clear; it could be the new arrivals

son of David and a concubine (1 Chr 3:9). Solomon was

from the north or the population of Judah in general.

another first cousin of Jerimoth and Abihail. The result

In any case, their fidelity to Yahweh lasted at least three

of these calculations is that Rehoboam and Mahalath

years but was followed by forsaking the law of Yahweh in

were second cousins on her mother’s side and first cous¬

2 Chr 12:1. The period of three years is typological; the

ins on her father’s side.56 Some scholars treat Abihail as

51

The verb is

52

Other northerners participated in cubic worship at

instead of

as here.

55

error for Ithream (□DTP), the son of David’s sixth wife, Eglah, but that seems quite remote.

Jerusalem in 2 Chr 30:5-11, 18-20; 35:18.

176

53

Cogan, “Chronicler’s Use of Chronology,” 207.

54

Josephus {Ant. 8.249) calls her a kinswoman (auy yewrj) of Rehoboam.

mQ'T. Some have speculated that this is a spelling

56

I avoid the further complications if Solomon and Jerimoth came from different mothers.

11:5-23

a second wife rather than Rehoboam’s mother-in-law.

and twenty-two sons and sixteen daughters (2 Chr 13:21).

In this case Rehoboam would be her first cousin once

The proportion of the sons and daughters of Rehoboam

removed.

is quite unusual. Six sons of David are born to David in

I 19 She bore to him sons: Jeush, Shemariah, and Zaham:

Hebron and thirteen more in Jerusalem (1 Chr 3:1-9),

None of these sons is known elsewhere.571 take the ante¬

not counting the sons of the concubines, but only one

cedent of “she” to be Mahalath.

daughter, Tamar, is mentioned. We learn from 1 Chr 14:3

B 20 After her he took Maacah the daughter of Absalom,

that David took more wives in Jerusalem and had other

and she bore to him Abijah, Attai, Ziza, and Shelomith:

sons and daughters. Job twice had seven sons and three

Rehoboam’s second (or third58) wife Maacah (rDI}0)

daughters (1:2; 42:13). The singer Heman had fourteen

is identified as the daughter of Absalom, probably his

sons and three daughters (1 Chr 25:5).

granddaughter,59 and she became the mother of four

B 22 Rehoboam appointed Abijah son of Maacah as chief

children, including Rehoboam’s successor Abijah, who

prince among his brothers, for (he planned) to make him king:

is the fourth or middle son among seven. If Maacah’s

“Chief prince” represents two separate words in Hebrew:

father is the son of David who revolted against the king,

OK"!4? and T3]1?. Is this the conflation of ancient variants?

she would be a granddaughter of David and a first cousin

Rehoboam’s choice of his fourth son (and the oldest son

of her husband Rehoboam and of his first wife Mahalath.

of Maacah) as his successor seems to be related to the

Her pedigree, however, is beset with several problems.

previous verse, where we were told that Rehoboam loved

See the discussion at 2 Chr 13:2. Shelomoth/Shelomith,

Maacah more than all his other wives and concubines.

the child of Rehoboam, is apparently a man.60

Rehoboam preferred the wife who was a Davidide only

B 21 Rehoboam loved Maacah the daughter of Absalom

on one side of her family or not at all, and who if she is a

more than all his other wives and concubines (he took eigh¬

Davidide descends from David’s rebellious son Absalom.

teen wives and sixty concubines, and he became the father of

David, at the strong urging of Nathan and Bathsheba,

twenty-eight sons and sixty daughters): Rehoboam’s love for

had also designated Solomon as his successor. Dillard

Maacah over his other wives plays an important role in

(98) cites other examples where the right of primogeni¬

the next verse. The Chronicler mentions more wives for

ture was set aside by a father: Gen 17:19-21 (Isaac over

Rehoboam than for any other king except Solomon, but

Ishmael); 48:13-20 (Ephraim over Manasseh); 2 Sam

he seems to treat them here as a blessing rather than as

3:3-5 and 1 Kgs 1:29-30 (Solomon over Adonijah); 1 Chr

an occasion for criticism (cf. 1 Kings 11 and the many

26:10 (Shimri the son of Hosah). On the other hand,

wives and concubines of Solomon). For David he men¬

Deuteronomy tried to protect the right of the firstborn

tions six wives in Hebron, Bathsheba, and other unidenti¬

by declaring that a man could not treat the son of the

fied wives and concubines (1 Chr 3:1-9; 14:3). The only

wife he loved more preferentially over the wife he dis¬

wives of Solomon mentioned in Chronicles are Pharaoh’s

liked (Deut 21:15-17). The Chronicler seems to register

daughter and the mother of Rehoboam, Naamah, the

no criticism of Rehoboam at this point. Both David and

Ammonitess (2 Chr 12:13). Abijah had fourteen wives 57

58 59

James M. Kennedy (“Zaham,” ABD 6:1038) notes that Zaham is connected to the Hebrew root DPI? and means something like “loathsome.” This seems an unlikely etymology for this name. She would be the third wife if Abihail was also Rehoboam’s wife. Since Solomon and Absalom were brothers, and Asa is the great-grandson of Solomon, Absalom must be at least her grandfather if not great-grandfather. Josephus (Ant., 8.249) makes Maacah (Machane) the daughter of Tamar (Thamare) the daughter of Absalom. Absalom’s mother was also named Maa¬

therefore had the same name as her great grand¬ mother. 60 Cf. 1 Chr 23:9, the sons of Shimei: Shelomoth; 1 Chr 23:18, the sons of Izhar: Shelomith; 1 Chr 24:22, Shelomoth (apparently the same person as in 1 Chr 23:18); 1 Chr 26:25 Q, Shelomith; K She¬ lomoth, the son of Zichri; 1 Chr 26:26, Shelomoth, 1 Chr 26:28, Shelomith MT or Shelomoth LXX; Lev 24:11, Shelomith is the daughter of Dibri from the tribe of Dan, and another Shelomith is the daughter of Zerubbabel (1 Chr 3:19). Shelomith is a male head of a father’s house in Ezra 8:10.

cah (1 Chr 3:2//2 Sam 3:3). Maacah in Josephus

177

Solomon had held the office of T3] as well (1 Chr 11:2;

for food, oil, and wine. The prosperity of Rehoboam is

17:7; 29:22).

underscored by his quest for multiple wives for his sons.

■ 23 He acted wisely and the king distributed his sons in all Conclusion

the lands of Judah and Benjamin, in all the fortified cities; he give them abun dant provisions and acquired for them wives: Although the overall sense of this verse is clear, there are

The verses discussed in 2 Chr 11:5-23 illustrate the good

several difficult Hebrew readings (see the textual notes).

fortunes of Rehoboam that devolved to him since the

The closest parallel to this use of I’ll (“acted wisely”) in

people (and/or Rehoboam himself) walked for three

Chronicles is 1 Chr 27:32, which speaks of Jonathan,

years in the way of David and Solomon. This is a typical

David’s uncle, as a man of discernment (]'3Q CTK) and a

example of the doctrine of retribution. These benefits

scribe. By putting his own sons in the fortified cities (cf.

included his building of some fifteen fortress cities in

vv. 5-12), Rehoboam guaranteed trustworthy representa¬

Judah and his ability to staff these sites, arm them, and

tives in these strategic institutions. How the assignment

provide them with necessary supplies. Second, Judah

of these royal sons was to relate to the commanders

during Rehoboam’s reign experienced a population

stationed in those cities according to v. 11 is not stated.

increase consisting of priests and Levites who had been

Jehoshaphat also gave his sons fortified cities in Judah

ousted from their offices in the northern kingdom and

but he gave the kingdom to his son Jehoram (2 Chr

laypeople who came to Jerusalem to sacrifice to Yahweh

21:3). By distancing the sons from Jerusalem he also may

the God of Israel, who was also the God of their ances¬

have meant to pave Abijah’s path to the throne.61 The

tors. Finally, Rehoboam enjoyed domestic prosperity.

cities are again said to be within Judah and Benjamin

He had eighteen wives, sixty concubines, and he was

even though the cities mentioned by name are all from

the father of twenty-eight sons and sixty daughters.

Judah (see vv. 10, 12). The only other use of the word

Rehoboam provided for an orderly transition of power

“provisions” (]1TQ) in the Bible is in Gen 45:23, where

to his son Abijah, at his death.62 He also provided for the

Joseph sent to his father donkeys loaded with grain,

welfare of his other sons, appointing them to all the forti¬

bread, and provision. According to v. 11, Rehoboam

fied cities and securing for them wives as well.

had already provided storehouses in the fortified cities

178

61

Similarly, Abraham sent the sons of his concubines out of the land, away from his son Isaac, before his own death (Gen 25:6).

62

While Rehoboam faced the demands of the Shechem assembly that led to the loss of ten north-

ern tribes, we are not told that there had been rivals to him within the royal house.

12:1-16 The invasion of Shishak; the Death of Rehoboam Translation 1/

2/

13/

When the kingdom of Rehoboam was established1 and it was strong, he forsook the law2 of Yahweh, and all Israel with him. In the fifth year of King Rehoboam, Shishak3 the king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem, for they had acted unfaithfully toward Yahweh 3/ with twelve hundred4 chariots and sixty thousand cavalry. And the troops who came with him from Egypt were without number—Libyans, Sukkiim,5 and Cushites. 4/ He captured the cities of defense that belonged to Judah and he came to Jerusa¬ lem. 5/ Then Shemaiah the prophet came to Rehoboam and to the officials of Judah who had gathered together to Jerusalem because of Shishak, and said to them, "Thus says Yahweh, 'You have abandoned me and so I have abandoned you into the hand of Shishak.'" 6/ Then the officials of Israel and the king humbled themselves and said, "Yahweh is righteous." 7/ When Yahweh saw that they had humbled themselves, the word of Yahweh came to Shemaiah, saying, "They have humbled themselves; I will not destroy them, but I will give to them deliverance6 in the near future and my wrath will not be poured out on Jerusalem.7 8/ Neverthe¬ less, they shall be servants to him,8 and they will experience servitude to me and servitude to the kingdoms of the lands. 9/ Then Shishak the king of Egypt went up against Jerusalem, and he took the treasures of the house of Yahweh and the treasures of the house of the king; he took away everything. He also took away the golden shields that Solomon had made; 10/ and King Rehoboam made in their place bronze shields, and he entrusted them into the hands of the officers of the runners9 who protected the entrance to the house of the king. 11/ Whenever the king went to the house of Yahweh, the guards (runners) came and carried them and brought them back to the guardroom of the runners. 12/ And when he humbled himself the anger of Yahweh turned from him, so as not to destroy him completely; and so there were good things in Judah. So King Rehoboam strengthened himself in Jerusalem,10 and he reigned. Rehoboam was forty-one years old when he became king, and he ruled seventeen years in Jerusalem, the city which Yahweh had chosen to put his name there. And the name of his mother was Naamah the Ammonite. 14/ And he did evil11 for he did not establish his heart to seek Yahweh. 15/ The acts of Rehoboam, from first to

1

2

3 4

5

6

pDPD (niphal) with the versions; MTfOrD (hiphil) “When the kingdom of Rehoboam had established itself.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:120) calls attention to the word order and the lack of a suffix or article as support for the niphal. Kropat (Syntax, 59-60) defends the MT. In a reading discussed in n. 11, Chronicles presupposes a text of Kings different from the MT. min. Chr LXX rag ePToXaq, which is usually a translation for rVKD. Cf. 2 Chr 7:19, where this noun also follows the verb “forsake.” ptO’0; some Hebrew mss LXX ptC-©. 1 Kgs 14:25 K ptZTICB; QpeM Galling (104), without explanation, changes the number to twelve thousand. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 155) claims that Galling changed sixty thousand cavalry to six thousand but adds that the unreasonable number does not justify emendation. Williamson (247) notes that six thousand cavalry would be more appropriate for the proportion of cavalry to chariots. □’’DO; LXXB Tpayodvrac; LXXA TpayAodvrca. Cf. VL and Vg. Gerleman (Chronicles, 21) notes that the papyri contain numerous indications of the basic traffic between Egypt and the Trogodyte country on the east coast of Africa, and he adds: “For an Alex¬ andrian translator it must thus have seemed quite natural to associate the Libyans and the Ethiopians with the Trogodytes.” ntD’l73l7. For the construction, see Curtis and Madsen, 372; and GKC §117n. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 155) says that the initial lamed, should

7

probably be deleted. DbEhTn; cf. LXX; MT adds pETE TO “by the hand of

8 9

Shishak.” l7; lacking in LXX (haplography before □’“Dip?. nmn TE. English versions commonly render this as

10 11

“officers of the guards.” VL adds: “since he was a son of Solomon.” inn cm; cf. 1 Kgs 14:22 LXX Kal e-Kolpaev Po(3oap to Tropppop epdnaop Kvpiov “And Rehoboam did evil in the eyes of the Lord.” Kgs MT HIT Tin inn nniT Em “And Judah did evil in the eyes of Yahweh.” One Chr Hebrew MS adds TT Tin

12

“in the eyes ofYahweh.” □ThnKT, with note a in BHS. Cf. 2 Chr 9:29.

13

ntnn; LXX tov opLiPTtq Kal Ttpa^eig avrov “the

l □Tinn^iT]. seer and his deeds.” See 2 Chr 13:22 VOT TOIT Kal at irpa^eug Kal ol Xoyoi avrov “and his [Abijah’s] ways/deeds and his words.” Chr LXX omits a translation for ETmE. See the next note. 14

tzrrnn1? nr, with Rudolph, 234 (cf. BHS). Note addi¬ tion of definite article. MT lacks T by haplography after ntnn. MT reading is lacking in LXX. EnTT!1?

179

is an infinitive used here as a substantive (HALOT, 408). Rudolph (233-34) claims that this clause refers to the descendants of Rehoboam that had been later added in 11:18-23 and that a glossator

last,12 are they not written in the words of Shemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the visionary?13 This served also for the genealogy.14 And the wars of Rehoboam and Jeroboam were all their days. 16/ Rehoboam slept with his fathers,15 and was buried with his fathers, and he was buried in the city of David.16 Abijah17 his son reigned in his place.

insists by this reading that the genealogical infor¬ mation comes from the same source as the rest of the records about Rehoboam. Of course this inter¬ pretation also works if the genealogy in 11:18-23 is original. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 156) says 15

that the MT should not be altered. YTQK □!? cmm TDiiT; LXX mi. onretiavev Pofioap.

16

“And Rehoboam died.” TT1 Tin -Qp’1 TTQK CU

“Qp’l. Chr LXX mi

eTcupt] perd twv trotTepoiv aurov mi eroKpr] ev 7toAet Aavei5 “and he was buried with his fathers, and he was buried in the city of David.” Chr MT TT Tin “Qp’l suffered a loss when a scribe skipped from the first “Dp-1! to the second. 1 Kgs 14:31 Tin Tin VrDK nv "OpT Chr LXX resembles 1 Kgs 17

Structure

14:31 except that it repeats “he was buried.” n’3«; 1 Kgs 14:31 cns “Abijam.” See the commen¬ tary.

Shishak is considerably longer than the report of this event in the Vorlage. Between the first and last three

In this chapter the Chronicler gives his version of the sec¬

verses of that account (1 Kgs 14:25, 26-28//2 Chr 12:2a,

ond major event in the reign of Rehoboam, the invasion

9a/3b-ll) the Chronicler has inserted materials that iden¬

of Shishak, and he also reports the death and burial of

tify the people’s unfaithfulness, provide more details of

Rehoboam. This chapter may be outlined as follows: I. 12:1 Apostasy of Rehoboam and the people II. 12:2-12 The invasion of Shishak (1 Kgs 14:25-28) III. 12:13-16 Summary of Rehoboam’s reign and his death (1 Kgs 14:21-22a, 29-31) The Chronicler begins the chapter by adding v. 1 and

the invasion, and describe a prophetic judgment speech and its consequences (vv. 2b-8). Verse 3 provides new information about the numbers and the ethnic identity of Shishak’s troops, while v. 4 reports that Shishak cap¬ tured the cities of defense that Rehoboam had built (cf. 2 Chr 11:5-12). A prophetic speech (vv. 5-8) is delivered

v. 2b, which identify the cause of Shishak’s invasion as

by Shemaiah, who has already been introduced in 2 Chr

the infidelity of the king and the people. In Kings the

ll:2-4//l Kgs 12:22-24. Verse 9aa repeats v. 2a (Wieder-

report of Shishak’s invasion (1 Kgs 14:25-28) was placed

aufnahme; repetitive resumption) and allows the Chroni¬

after verses that reported the sins ofjudah (1 Kgs 14:22-

cler to include additional verses (vv. 9a/3-l 1) dealing

24) but without drawing any direct connection between

with this invasion taken from 1 Kgs 14:26-28 .Verse 12,

these sins and the invasion.

added by the Chronicler, reports additional effects of the

The Chronicler’s description of the invasion of

180

people’s repentance.

12:1-16

The Chronicler concludes the account of Rehoboam

Detailed Commentary

by combining in 2 Chr 12:13b-16 two summary para¬ graphs about Rehoboam in 1 Kgs 14:21-22a’ and 14:29-

12:1 Apostasy of Rehoboam and the People

31 that had been separated in Kings by the report of

I 1 When the kingdom of Rehoboam was established and

Shishak’s invasion in 1 Kgs 14:25-28. The Chronicler

it was strong, he forsook the law of Yahweh, and all Israel

also adds a brief theological comment in v. 13a. There is

with him: In 2 Chr 11:17 the Chronicler had reported

a parallel to 2 Chr 12:13-14a in the alternative account

that refugees from the north had strengthened the

in Kings LXX (12:24a/3). Rudolph(235) judged vv. 13-14

king of Judah for three years by walking in the way of

to be secondary. The mature age of Rehoboam at his

David and Solomon. The alleged forsaking of the law

accession clashed with the Chronicler’s idea in 2 Chr 13:7

or Torah, therefore, took place between the third year

that Rehoboam was too young to withstand the worth¬

of Rehoboam and his fifth year, when Shishak attacked

less scoundrels from the north. In Rudolph’s judgment,

(v. 2).4 Rehoboam’s strength was seen also in his build¬

the person who added vv. 13b-14a switched the subject of

ing of the cities for defense (2 Chr 11:5-12) and in his

v. 22a from “Judah” to “the king” and left out vv. 22b-24

marriages and fathering of children.5 Note the hiphil of

since they conflicted too much with 2 Chr 12:12b (there

pm

were good things in Judah). Welten, on the other hand,

strength, or perhaps because of his pride in his strength,

(“made strong”) in 2 Chr 11:11, 12, 17. Despite his

(mn1 min). Deuter¬

retained v. 13 for the Chronicler but assigned v. 14 to

Rehoboam abandoned Yahweh’s law

a second hand since it contradicts the Tendenz of the

onomy had warned about pride or self-confidence that

Rehoboam tradition.21 believe, however, that the Chroni¬

could lead to forgetting Yahweh (Deut 8:11-17). Indul¬

cler had an ambivalent attitude toward Rehoboam and

gent Jacob/Jeshurun had grown fat and abandoned its

that therefore it is illegitimate to delete verses in order to

creator (Deut 32:15). The Chronicler will later report

create a more univocal account.3 The Chronicler has omitted from Kings incidents

how Uzziah’s pride led to his destruction (2 Chr 26:16) and how even Hezekiah’s pride led to the wrath of

from the reign ofjeroboam (1 Kgs 13:1—14:20: the man

Yahweh (2 Chr 32:25-26). The positioning of this verse

of God from Judah who prophesied about Josiah and cas¬

before the invasion of Shishak and the addition of v. 2b

tigated Jeroboam; Ahijah’s prophecy against Jeroboam

are good examples of the doctrine of immediate retri¬

and the death ofjeroboam) and verses that spell out the

bution in Chronicles, and in fact of punishment fitting

nature of Judah’s sin in 1 Kgs 14:22b-24. The latter verses

the crime (see v. 5). In 2 Chr 21:10 the Chronicler links

accused Judah of behaving worse than their ancestors.

Libnah’s revolt tojehoram’s abandoning Yahweh the

They had utilized all kinds of illicit religious parapher¬

God of his ancestors. David had warned Solomon that if

nalia (high places, pillars, sacred poles); there were EHp

you forsake Yahweh he will forsake you (1 Chr 28:9) and

(traditionally “sacred prostitutes”) in the land; and their

forsaking Yahweh or his statutes and commandments

sins were greater than the pre-Israelite inhabitants of

was one of the sins warned against in 2 Chr 7:19, 22. All

the land. In 2 Chr 12:14b the Chronicler provides his

Israel, which represents Judah here,6 joined Rehoboam

own summary of Rehoboam’s sin, using his own typical

in this sin.

vocabulary. 1

In the process he omits the name of Rehoboam’s

2

mother, Naamah. Welten, Geschichte, 14 and n. 25. Myers (2:75) calls v. 14 an addition and a reminder of what was said in v.

3

Cf. Glatt-Gilad, “Regnal Formulae,” 193: “Taken

1. together, these two verses [vv. 13-14] . . . reflect [the Chronicler’s] view of Rehoboam as a king who achieved much even in the face of adversity, but who ultimately fell short of the religious ideal of ‘seeking Yhwh.’”

4

5

Note how Rehoboam is criticized for doing evil in v. 14 and in the detailed indictment of him in 1 Kgs 14:22-24. In v. 5, Rehoboam’s abandoning of the law is interpreted as abandoning Yahweh. Cf. 2 Chr 13:21, where Abijah grew strong, took fourteen wives, and became the father of twenty-two sons and sixteen daughters.

6

Williamson (Israel, 102) calls attention to eleven cases where “Israel” is used of the southern king¬ dom: 2 Chr 12:1, 6; 19:8; 21:2, 4; 23:2; 24:5, 16; 28:19, 23, 27. Cf. other references to Israel in the

181

12:2-12 The Invasion of Shishak

11:40), or, since a good number of the cities attacked

■ 2 In the fifth year of King Rehoboam, Shishak the king of

were in the northern kingdom, had Jeroboam and the

Egypt came up against Jerusalem, for they had acted unfaith¬

north somehow offended him?11 Or did he come only

fully toward Yahweh: The first half of this verse is taken

on an economic mission? Donald B. Redford concludes

from 1 Kgs 14:25 and is one of the rare occasions when a

that Judean expansion into the Negeb and increased

specific date is given to a battle.7 Shishak, whose Egyp¬

trade through Ezion-geber led Shishak to construe a

tian name is usually spelled Shoshenq in English by

minor border incident as a cause for war, leading to his

Egyptologists,8 was the first king of the Twenty-Second,

campaign into Palestine.12 The Karnak inscription does

or Libyan, Dynasty in Egypt (945-924 b.c.e.),9 having pre¬

not mention, among the 175 cities, Jerusalem as one of

viously served as the commander-in-chief of the Egyptian

the cities that Shishak attacked, as Chronicles does in vv.

army under Psusenes II. When Psusenes II died without

9-10.13 The campaign itself, taking the topographical list

leaving a male heir, Shishak claimed the throne of Egypt.

at face value, involved the Negeb, the coastal plain, the

Shishak left an incomplete inscription at Karnak dealing

northern hill country,14 and even cities in Transjordan.15

with his Palestinian campaign, listing about 175 cities

After a careful recent study of other topographical

and towns in Palestine, most of them in the northern

lists from Egypt, Wilson concludes, “The survey of topo¬

kingdom or in the Negeb. Kitchen takes the incomplete

graphical lists has shown, however, that these registers

condition of the inscription to mean that this invasion

in other examples do not preserve the itinerary of the

took place late in the reign of Shishak.10 The political

pharaoh’s campaign. . . . The attempt to determine the

or strategic reason for his attack is not mentioned in

route of the army’s march on the basis of the topographi¬

the Bible or at Karnak. Did Shishak come to support

cal list should therefore be abandoned.”16 The net effect

Jeroboam, who had sought refuge with him (1 Kgs

of Wilson’s study is that the Bible may be the best source

ability of the Old Testament, 496) points out that only

Rehoboam account: 2 Chr 10:17: “And as for the Israelites who lived in the cities ofjudah, Rehoboam reigned over them”; 11:3: “Say to Rehoboam the son of Solomon king ofjudah and to all Israel in Judah 7

and Benjamin.” Cf. the reference to the fourteenth year of Hezekiah

8

when he was attacked by Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:13; not included in Chronicles). In Libyan it is spelled ssnk, while it appears in Akka¬

9

dian as susinku. These dates are those of Kitchen, Third Intermedi¬ ate Period, 287. Donald B. Redford (“Shishak,” ABD 5:1221-22) gives Shishak’s dates as 931-910 b.c.e. Carolyn Higginbotham (“Shishak,” NIDB5:241-42) cites both dates, without indicating a preference.

10

11

Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 302; and idem, Reliability of the Old Testament, 33. Kitchen often

traces the course of the events of the campaign and offers maps on pp. 297 and 434. Kitchen explains the often puzzling order of the cities by claiming that it is made up of segments of marching routes. See also the discussion of Shoshenq’s inscription in Rainey, Carta’s Atlas, 185-89. 15

Redford, “Shishak,” 1222. Rainey {Carta’s Atlas, 170) prints a map that shows a “highly speculative reconstruction of the possible course of Shishak’s campaign.”

16

Wilson, Campaign of Shoshenq, 62; cf. p. 97. Similarly, the relief of Shoshenq in that same inscription depicts the pharaoh as triumphant over the whole

takes the biblical narrative at face value, without

known world. Wilson concludes, “Contrary to

adequate critical controls. See his discussion of Shemaiah {Third Intermediate Period, 298).

previous studies, which have interpreted the relief as a celebration of his Palestine campaign, neither

Kitchen {Reliability of the Old Testament, 34) specu¬ lates that Jeroboam may have defaulted on payment

the triumphal relief nor any of its elements can be

of tribute.

utilized as a source for historical data about that campaign” (p. 65). Higginbotham (“Shishak,” 242)

12

Redford, “Shishak,” 1221; see also Kitchen, Third

states that the result of Wilson’s study is that the tri¬ umphal stele of Shishak is a kind of execration text,

13

Intermediate Period, 294. See the commentary on vv. 4 and 9 for attempts to explain this silence. Redford (“Shishak,” 1222) sets the number of destroyed cities at 154. Kitchen {Reli¬

182

14

about nine of these cities are common to Shoshenq and previous lists of the pharaohs. Kitchen {Third Intermediate Period, 296-300, 432-47)

magically protecting Egypt from all its enemies.

12:1-16

of information about the specifics of Shishak’s cam¬

northern kingdom recognized the dominion of the pha¬

paign, namely, his demand for payment from Jerusalem’s

raoh and its own vassal status, or the stele was erected to

treasuries.17 Israel Finkelstein suggests that Shishak’s

commemorate a treaty between Israel and Egypt.22 David

invasion of the Negeb may have been an effort to secure

Ussishkin believes that Shoshenq’s erection of the stele

the north Arabah copper trade for Egypt.18 If control of

implies that the pharaoh controlled the city, possibly

the copper trade was Shoshenq’s objective, Jerusalem was

intending to hold it as well as the nearby highway in the

not just a stage in the invasion but the main object of the

future.23 All are agreed that Shoshenq invaded the Holy

attack. As Lester L.Grabbe points out, what happened

Land in the 920s

on the ground in Shoshenq’s invasion and even its date

biblical accounts in Kings and Chronicles and the Kar-

are considerably disputed.19 Shishak died, perhaps after

nak inscription and the Megiddo stele cannot be finally

a brief co-regency with his son and successor Osorkon

resolved.

I. Osorkon gave massive donations of gold and silver to

b.c.e.,

but the correlation between the

This verse is the first time the Chronicler has used

the temples, as shown in an inscription from Bubastis,

the verb “to act unfaithfully”

and these donations have been interpreted by Kitchen

against Saul for acting unfaithfully in 1 Chr 10:13.24

as reflecting in part Shishak’s booty from the Palestine

Neither this verb nor the charge of abandoning the law

campaign.20

in the previous verse makes clear what the offense was.

The other major piece of evidence for Shishak’s inva¬

since his accusation

Elsewhere the Chronicler focuses on inappropriate wor¬

sion is a fragment of the top part of a stele of Shishak,

ship practices25 or the worship of other gods.26 See also

originally about ten feet high, containing the distinc¬

the discussion of v. 14 below.

tive cartouches of Shoshenq I, which was found by

Shishak’s attack is interpreted as a consequence of

archaeologists at Megiddo.21 As Wilson points out, the

Judah’s unfaithfulness. That is a frequent theme in

Megiddo stele does not provide evidence that Megiddo

Chronicles: 2 Chr 7:19-22; 21:10; 24:24; 28:6; 29:6, 8,9;

was destroyed by Shishak but only that at some point the

34:25.27 For God forsaking his people, see on v. 5.

17

18

19

20

21

Wilson (Campaign of Sheshonq, 98-99) suggests that the pharaoh may have been coming to the aid of his vassal Jeroboam. By attackingjerusalem, Shosh¬ enq weakened Judah. Shemaiah's prophecy, which prevented Rehoboam from attacking the kinfolk in the north (2 Chr 11.1-4//1 Kgs 12:21-24), maybe an alternate theological interpretation of the reason why Rehoboam did not attack the north. Israel Finkelstein, Alexander Fantalkin, and Eliezer Piasetzky, “Three Snapshots of the Iron IIA: The Northern Valleys, the Southern Steppe, and Jerusa¬ lem,” in Grabbe, Israel in Transition, 1:38-39. Grabbe, Israel in Transition, 1:226-27. Grabbe cites Knauf’s opinion that Shoshenq actually made a series of campaigns to reestablish Egyptian control. See Israel in Transition, 2:65, 84-86. Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 303. Kitchen also mentions general taxation from a unified,

Shoshenqs of Egypt and Palestine,” fSOT 93 (2001) 22 23

24

25

30:7; 36:14. 2 Chr 13:10-11 (accusation against the north for not using Aaronic priests and Levites); 2 Chr 21:11 (high places in hill country of Judah); and 2 Chr 28:6 (abandoning Yahweh the God of the ances¬

26

better-run, and relatively more prosperous country and crown revenues from trade abroad. These are plausible suggestions, but only that. See Kitchen, Reliability of the Old Testament, 33. On p. 508 n. 68, Kitchen sharply criticizes the attempt of Frank Clancy (“Shishak/Shoshenq’s Travels,” JSOT86 [1999] 3-23) to date this inscription to

3-12. Wilson, Campaign of Shoshenq, 97-98. David Ussishkin, “Notes on Megiddo, Gezer, Ashdod, and Tel Batash in the Tenth to Ninth Centu¬ ries B.C.,” BASOR 277/278 (1990) 71-74. Cf. earlier in 1 Chr 2:7; 5:25 (where unfaithfulness led to the exiling of the Reubenites, Gadites, and the half-tribe of Manasseh); 9:1; and subsequently in 2 Chr 21:11, 13 (twice); 26:16, 18; 28:19, 22; 29:6;

27

tors). Cf. 2 Chr 7:19, where serving other gods is linked to forsaking God’s statutes and commandments; 7:22, where adopting other gods is linked to abandoning Yahweh; 24:18, where serving the sacred poles and the idols is linked to abandoning the house of Yah¬ weh; and 34:25, where making offerings to other gods is linked to forsaking Yahweh. See Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation, 400-401.

Shoshenq IV. See also Kenneth A. Kitchen, “The

183

H 3 with twelve hundred chariots and sixty thousand cavalry.

Testament (see Zeph 2:12; 3:10). Today the Cushites are

And the troops who came with him from Egypt were without

commonly identified by scholars as Nubians rather than

number—Libyans, Sukkiim, and Cushites: The ratio between

Ethiopians (the latter term is still used in many English

chariots28 and cavalry has seemed disproportionate to

translations and in the LXX).35 Cush was a country south

many commentators, and the number of cavalrymen

of Egypt, inhabited by non-Egyptians. In the Roman

in any case seems high.29 Galling raised the number of

period their territory was known as Nubia and was

chariots in his translation to 12,000, and Williamson sug¬

equivalent to the Sudan and part of modern Ethiopia.36

gested lowering the number of cavalry to 6,000. No man¬

The mention of Sukkiim leads some scholars to posit

uscripts or versions support either conjecture (see the

that the Chronicler indeed had access to information

discussion in the textual notes). The number of chariots,

from a source for this verse.37 The Sukkiim seem to be

cavalry, and infantry that David allegedly captured from

the equivalent of Egyptian Tk(tn), who are mentioned

Zobah are of similar proportions: 1,000 chariots,30 7,000

in the thirteenth and twelfth centuries as Libyan forces

cavalry,31 and 20,000 infantrymen (1 Chr 18:4). Similarly,

from the oases of the western desert.38 McKenzie (268)

David supposedly killed 7,000 Aramean charioteers and

observes that the composite makeup of the Egyptian

40,000 infantrymen (1 Chr 19:18).32 Large numbers are

forces may come from the Chronicler’s desire to depict

part of the Chronicler’s style. In 2 Chr 13:3 he gives Abi-

the enormous size of the invading forces rather than

jah an army of 400,000, while 800,000 fight for Israel. In

from historical data.

2 Chr 14:8 (9) there are 300,000 from Judah and 280,000

■ 4 He captured the cities of defense that belonged to Judah

from Benjamin. Jehoshaphat fields an army of 1,160,000

and he came to Jerusalem: The Chronicler claims that

men! (2 Chr 17:14-18). Significantly, the great Ramesses

Shishak conquered the cities that Rehoboam had con¬

II had only fifty chariots at the battle of Kadesh.33

structed (2 Chr 11:5-10). We have seen that it is by no

Shishak I was of Libyan origin,34 which accounts for

means certain or even probable that all of those fifteen

the mention of Libyans among his soldiers. Libyans and

cities had been fortified by the time of Shishak’s inva¬

Cushites are mentioned together in Nah 3:9; 2 Chr 16:8;

sion, and the only one of these cities explicitly mentioned

and Dan 11:43, and Egyptians and Cushites are also

by Shishak is Aijalon (most of the sites mentioned in the

commonly linked (Isa 20:3-4; Ezek 29:10; 30:4); Cush

Karnak inscription are in the Negeb or north Israel).

is sometimes almost a synonym for Egypt in the Old

The Chronicler seems to be making the theological

28

Kitchen (Third Intermediate Period, 295 n. 288) admits that the number of chariots is large but calls it a very reasonable chariot force. He notes that Egyptian inscriptions attribute 2,500 chariots to the Hittites at the battle of Qadesh. Tuthmosis III claimed to have captured 924 chariots at Megidclo (.ANET.237b). Amen-hotep II captured 730 and more than 1,000 chariots in separate battles (ANET, 246b, 247b). Ahab of Israel supplied 2,000 chariots for the battle of Qarqar (ANET, 278-79).

29

Kitchen (Third Intermediate Period, 295) suggests ten¬ tatively that we should read sixty3elep, or divisions, but see the criticism of this understanding of3elep in Klein, “How Many in a Thousand?”

30

The Vorlagein 2 Sam 8:4 does not mention chariots at all.

31

2 Samuel 8:4 MT reads 1,700 cavalry, but 4QSam“ and Sam LXX already read 7,000. See Klein,

32

According to 2 Chr 1:14 Solomon had twelve hun¬

1 Chronicles, 386 n. 7.

184

dred chariots and twelve thousand cavalry, and in 2 Chr 9:25 Solomon had four thousand stalls for 33

horses and chariots and twelve thousand horses. Wilson, Campaign of Shishak, 83. Wilson rightly

34

concludes that these biblical numbers should be treated with skepticism. Japhet (677) calls him a Nubian.

35

See Robert Houston Smith, “Ethiopia,” ABD

36

A Cushite was among the servants of David (2 Sam

2:665-67. See also 2 Chr 14:12, 13; 16:8; 21:16. 18:21-34); Ebed-Melech, a Cushite, was instrumen¬ tal in getting Teremiah released from prison (Ter 38:7-13; 39:15-18). 37

For example, Japhet, 677.

38

Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 295 n. 291. Kevin A. Wilson (“Sukkiim,” NIDB 5:395) notes that Papyrus Anastasi IV states that they were serving at the oases of Dakhleh and Khargah in the western desert of Egypt.

12:1-16

point that trust in human defenses, such as these forti¬

ily proclaimers of the word and spell out the theological

fied cities, is misplaced and cannot stand against the

views of the Chronicler.44 The officials of Judah are here

power of God. Indeed, the achievements of Rehoboam

described from a geographical perspective. They are

were lost when and because he and all Israel had for¬

clearly identical with the officials of Israel in the next

saken the law. Since the Vorlage had already claimed that

verse, who are identified there as representatives of the

Shishak had come up against Jerusalem, the Chronicler

people.45 This is the first of many prophetic speeches

may have reasoned that the only way for him to get there

added by the Chronicler in 2 Chronicles. Shemaiah’s

was through the fortified cities mentioned in the previ¬

speech is introduced by a messenger formula (“Thus

ous chapter. His study of the text of Kings may have

says Yahweh”46) and is followed by the reasons for judg¬

led the Chronicler to model Shishak’s plan of attack

ment (“you have abandoned me”; cf. 2 Chr 7:22) and

after that of Sennacherib.39 Both Rehoboam and Heze-

the announcement of judgment (“I have abandoned you

kiah turned from Yahweh before the foreign invasions

into the hand of Shishak”). The second person pronouns

but repented afterwards, and the foreign invader took

in this verse are plural, with the antecedents being

treasures of the temple and palace.40 Unfortunately,

Rehoboam and the officials of Judah. While there are

Shoshenq’s inscription does not include Jerusalem in its

times when Yahweh simply abandons his people, there

long list of cities.41 Kitchen has proposed that Shishak’s

are parallel passages where the deity abandons them into

“coming” to Jerusalem probably reflects his position at

someone else’s control. David had warned Solomon that

Gibeon (MR 167139), mentioned in Shishak’s stele, from

if he abandoned Yahweh, Yahweh would cast him off for¬

where he could have easily sent a delegation to Jerusalem

ever (1 Chr 28:9; TOT in the hiphil). The same correlation

(MR 172131).42

between abandoning Yahweh leading to Yahweh’s aban¬

■ 5 Then Shemaiah the prophet came to Rehoboam and to

doning people occurs in 2 Chr 15:2 and 24:20. Shemaiah

the officials of Judah who had gathered together to Jerusalem

takes the initiative here, whereas in 2 Kgs 19:1-4 Isaiah is

because of Shishak, and said to them, “Thus says Yahweh, ‘You

contacted by Hezekiah’s delegation before the prophet

have abandoned me and so I have abandoned you into the

replies in 2 Kgs 19:6-7. Shemaiah’s warning leads to

hand of Shishak’”: This is the first of the unique prophetic

repentance among the people.47

speeches in 2 Chronicles.43 These prophets are primar¬

39

“In the fourteenth year of King Hezekiah Sennach¬ erib came up against all the fortified cities of Judah and took them (2 Kgs 18:13).” Note that Sennach¬ erib’s invasion is also linked to a specific year within

40 41

Japhet, 678-79. Rainey {Carta’s Atlas, 185) suggests that Jerusa¬ lem may have been inscribed on one of the thirty ovals that have been effaced. Wilson {Campaign of Sheshonq, 60) notes that only 127 of the original 175

a Judean king’s reign.

42 43

names can be read. Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, 298. The only unique prophetic speech in 1 Chronicles is by Amasai to David in 12:19 (18). Other unique prophetic speeches in 2 Chronicles include: Azariah the son of Oded (2 Chr 15:2-7); Hanani the seer (2 Chr 16:7-9); Jehu the son of Hanani the visionary

44

Chronikbiichern: Ein Beitrag zur Kompositionsund Redaktiongeschichte der Chronikbucher,” ZAW 45 46

105 (1993) 481-97. See Williamson, Israel, 106-7. Other messenger formulas are added by the Chroni¬ cler in 2 Chr 20:15 and 21:12; cf. 2 Chr 21:11. In all other cases the messenger formulas in Chronicles are taken from the Vorlage: 1 Chr 17:4, 7//2 Sam

(2 Chr 19:2-3); Jahaziel (2 Chr 20:15-17); Eliezer son of Dodayahu (2 Chr 20:37); letter of Elijah (2 Chr 21:12-15); Zechariah (2 Chr 24:20); an anon¬ ymous man of God (2 Chr 25:7-9); a prophet (2 Chr 25:15-16); a prophet Oded (2 Chr 28:9-11); Necho

(2 Chr 35:21). Prophetic speeches taken over from Samuel-Kings include Nathan (2 Chr 17:1-2) and Shemaiah (2 Chr 11:3). The words of Gad (1 Chr 21:11-13) and Huldah (2 Chr 34:23-28) contain both synoptic material and material unique to the Chronicler. See Duke, Persuasive Appeal, 175-76; and Gerstenberger, “Prophetie.” See also the Excursus on Prophetic Figures in Chronicles at 2 Chr 10:15. See Jurgen Kegler, “Prophetengestalten im Deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk und in den

7:5,8; 1 Chr21:10//2 Sam 24:12; 2 Chr 11:4//1 Kgs 12:24; 2 Chr 18T0//1 Kgs 22:11; 2 Chr 34:23, 24, 47

26//1 Kgs 22:15, 16, 18. See 2 Chr 24:19, where Yahweh is said to send

185

H 6 Then the officials of Israel and the king humbled them¬

with the land. Yahweh’s promise not to destroy them (cf.

selves and said, “Yahweh is righteous”: The officials and

also v. 12) recalls the destructive angel who was sent in

the king demonstrate the appropriate response to sin

response to David’s taking of the census, but who, when

by humbling themselves. Rehoboam is the first king in

he was about to destroy, was called off by Yahweh, who

Chronicles to humble himself. This action had been

had relented (1 Chr 21:12, 15; DPI] in the niphal). There

mandated in Yahweh’s response to Solomon’s prayer

is some ambiguity on whether Yahweh promises a “little

at the dedication of the temple (2 Chr 7:14) and was

deliverance”50 or deliverance in a very short time (na,t7Sl7

followed on a number of occasions in the later history

CDI500) although the second is probably intended.51 Hul-

ofjudah (vv. 7, 12; cf. 2 Chr 30:11; 32:26 [Hezekiah];

dah announced that because Israel had forsaken Yahweh

33:12, 19 [Manasseh humbled himself before the God of

his wrath would be poured out on “this place” and would

his ancestors]; 34:27 [with reference to Josiah]).48 The

not be quenched (2 Chr 34:21, 25). Wrath poured out

officials and the king also confess that Yahweh has been

is frequently associated with the destruction of the First

vindicated or declared innocent in this verse: “Yahweh

Temple (Jer 7:20; 42:18; 44:6). The MT adds that this

is righteous.”49 Similarly Pharaoh had confessed, “I have

wrath will be poured out by the agency of Shishak (see

sinned this time; Yahweh is in the right, and I and my

the textual notes). Deliverance from Shishak does not

people are in the wrong” (Exod 9:27). Daniel would

mean a future without danger for Jerusalem. Allen (526)

later express the confession of the people in these words:

sees the humbling of Rehoboam under Shishak as a mir¬

“Yahweh our God is righteous in all the works which he

ror or model for postexilic Judah.

has done, and we have not obeyed his voice” (Dan 9:14).

H 8 “Nevertheless, they shall be servants to him, and they will

In contrast to this humbling of themselves and listen¬

experience servitude to me and servitude to the kingdoms of the

ing to Shemaiah, at the time of the Babylonian invasion

lands": The expected (little) deliverance from Shishak

Zedekiah the king did not listen to Jeremiah (2 Chr

will nevertheless result in the Judahites becoming his ser¬

36:12), and the people are criticized for ignoring the

vants (see v. 9 for one example of such service). Second,

prophets who had been sent to them persistently (2 Chr

Israel will experience servitude to “me,” that is, Yahweh.

36:15-16).

Israel is called the “servant of Yahweh” in Second Isaiah

■ 7 When Yahweh saw that they had humbled themselves,

and in the present context Israel is told that they will

the word of Yahweh came to Shemaiah, saying, “They have

experience both service to Yahweh and servitude to the

humbled themselves; I will not destroy them, but I will give to

kingdoms of the lands, here exemplified by Shishak.

them deliverance in the near future and my wrath will not be

“Service” can mean both obedience and worship, and in

poured out on Jerusalem": Yahweh recognized the contri¬

such service is freedom.52 To avoid Yahweh’s service leads

tion of the people, and this was followed by a second

to slavery (Japhet, 680). But at the same time, paradoxi¬

oracle through Shemaiah. Yahweh’s action in bringing

cally, Israel will also be subjected to service at the hands

Shishak is not just punitive but also didactic (McKenzie,

of foreign nations. The NIVparaphrases this verse:

268). The sequence of events is much like that in Lev

“Nevertheless they shall be his servants, so that they may

26:40-42. There confession of iniquity and humbling

know the difference between serving me and serving the

oneself are followed by Yahweh’s remembering his cov¬

kingdoms of other lands.”

enant with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and his covenant

prophets to bring people back to himself, and 2 Chr

50

36:15, where Yahweh’s sending of prophets was a function of his compassion.

See Gen 26:10; 2 Sam 19:37; 1 Chr 16:19//Ps 105:12; Ps 73:2; 119:87.

51

Ezra 9:8; Isa 26:20; Ezek 16:47; Ps 2:12; 81:15 (14); 94:17; and Song 3:4.

52

In Exod 20:2, Israel confesses that, in bringing them out of the land of Egypt, Yahweh took them out of the house of slaves.

48

Amon (2 Chr 33:23) and Zedekiah (2 Chr 36:12)

49

are castigated for not humbling themselves. In 2 Chr 6:23 p'liS is used in contrast to the person who is JltOT, or guilty. In the next verse, those who have sinned are expected to return to Yahweh and confess Yahweh’s name.

186

12:1-16

I 9 Then Shishak the king of Egypt went up against Jerusa¬

at least in part, what service to the kingdoms of the

lem, and he took the treasures of the house of Yahweh and the

lands means. In 1 Kgs 14:26 the loss of the shields is the

treasures of the house of the king; he took aiuay everything. He

major result of the confrontation with Shishak; here in

also took away the golden shields that Solomon had made: Verse

Chronicles it is only the reduced punishment subsequent

9a repeats the substance of v. 2a, permitting the Chroni¬

to Judah’s repentance.

cler to return to the text of his Vorlage in 1 Kgs 14:26.

■ 10 and King Rehoboam made in their place bronze shields,

Since Shishak does not mention the defeat of Jerusalem

and he entrusted them into the hands of the officers of the

in his inscription at Karnak, it is often concluded that

runners who protected the entrance to the house of the king:

this verse refers only to a delegation sent to Jerusalem by

Rehoboam’s reduced circumstances only allowed him to

Shishak. Shishak therefore may not have taken the trea¬

replace the golden shields with shields made of bronze.

sures of temple and palace by physical force but rather

In Dan 2:31-45 the kingdoms of the world are rated on

received them as tribute or a bribe from Rehoboam,

a descending scale, ranging from gold through silver to

which was enough to persuade him not to attack the city

bronze and iron. Rehoboam gave the bronze shields to

directly. The treasuries (rm^N) of the house of Yahweh

the officers of the guards (literally, “the runners”) who

were mentioned in 1 Chr 26:22, where their staffing was

protected the palace entrance. These runners or royal

described, and in 2 Chr 5:1, where Solomon stored the

bodyguard are mentioned with Absalom (2 Sam 15:1)

silver, the gold, and all the vessels in the treasuries of the

and with Adonijah (1 Kgs 1:554), when both sought the

house of God. Kingjoash of Israel took the treasuries of

kingship.55 It is only here and in the Vorlage at 1 Kgs 14:27

the house of the king from Amaziah the king of Judah

that their duties are spelled out, namely, guarding the

(2 Chr 25:24). The only specific item mentioned here

entrance to the royal palace.56

is the golden shields (HiUTl ’33Q HN). Solomon had made

■ 11 Whenever the king luent to the house of Yahweh, the

three hundred shields of beaten gold (3ilT DUHO

guards (runners) came and carried them and brought them

CDTTO), with six hundred shekels of gold in each shield,

back to the guardroom of the runners: The function of the

and had put them in the House of the Forest of Lebanon

shields in the royal ceremony is not indicated, especially

(2 Chr 9:16//1 Kgs 10:17). Similarly, David had taken the

why they were taken with the king when he went to the

golden bow cases (Until ’CO1!© HN) carried by the servants

temple. They are now taken for safe-keeping to the

of Hadadezer and had brought them to Jerusalem (1 Chr

guardroom of the runners. The word “guardroom” (Nil)

18:7//2 Sam 8:7).53 As late as 2 Chr 23:9 we read that

is used only in this verse and its Vorlage and ten times in

Jehoiada delivered to the captains the spears (□'TY’XIil) and the large and small shields

riNl n*D3Qn TNI)

that had been David’s. The loss of these shields defines,

Ezek 40:7-36, where it refers to the recesses in the temple gates.57 The golden shields had previously been kept in the House of the Forest of Lebanon (2 Chr 9:16//1 Kgs

53 In 2 Sam 8:7 LXXLadds: eat rtavra ra 07rAa ra Xpvoa Kal ra dopara, “and all the gold shields and all the large shields,” after “Hadadezer the king of Zobah.” LXX VL (cf. 4QSama) add after Jerusalem:

54

“and Shishak king of Egypt took them when he went up against Jerusalem in the days of Rehoboam son of Solomon.” The source of this plus is the text of 1 Kgs 14:26 LXX, which identifies the large gold shields (dopara) taken by Shishak as the ones David had taken from the servants of Hadadezer.

55 56

Hence the LXX confuses the gold shields made by Solomon with those taken from the servants of Hadadezer by David. Josephus (Ant.1.10A) related

22:17. In Kgs LXXL they are said to guard the house of the Lord, but that is apparently a secondary conclu¬ sion drawn from the fact that the runners took the shields to the temple with the king (v. 11). In 1 Sam 8:llwe are tol'd that the king “will take your sons and appoint them to his chariots and to be his horesemen, and to run before his chariots.”

that David took gold quivers (ipaperpaq) and suits of armor from Hadadezer, and that these were later taken by Shishak during Rehoboams reign. See

Cogan (1 Kings, 157) notes that the royal entourage included an escort of runners. He calls attention to 2 Kgs 10:25 (Jehu gives orders to D’2~l5 “runners and officers”) and 2 Kgs 11:11, 19 (at the deposing of Athaliah; v. 19 refers to the gate of “the runners” leading to the king’s house). Cf. the runners who stood around Saul in 1 Sam

57

Cf. also Akkadian talu.

McCarter, II Samuel, 244.

187

10:17). We are not told why their place of storage

pm in the hithpael (“strengthened himself”) is frequently

changed. Had their status been reduced by the change

used of kings by the Chronicler.59 Rehoboam’s strength¬

from gold to bronze and hence no longer merited depos¬

ening of himself may refer first of all to his building of

iting in the House of the Forest of Lebanon? Or had

cities for defense in 2 Chr 11:5-10. The Vorlage stated that

the royal ritual merely undergone transformation over

Rehoboam reigned in Judah60 instead of in Jerusalem.61

the years? The invasion of Shishak is credited with this

Jerusalem is important in this context, since Yahweh had

change here.58

promised in v. 7 not to pour out his wrath on Jerusalem. Rehoboam’s age at his accession, forty-one years,

I 12 And when he humbled himself the anger of Yahweh turned from him, so as not to destroy him completely; and so

would mean that he was born prior to his father’s acces¬

there were good things in fudah: See the discussion of “hum¬

sion to the throne and that therefore he scarcely qualifies

ble oneself” at v. 5. Just as humbling was to be followed

as young at the time of his accession (per contra 2 Chr

by repentance or turning from evil ways (2 Chr 7:14), so

13:7). The alternative account in 1 Kgs 12:24a LXX puts

the anger of Yahweh turned away from Rehoboam so as

his age at accession at sixteen and the length of his rule

not to destroy him completely after he had humbled him¬

at twelve years. For Jerusalem as the chosen city, see

self (cf. v. 7). Instead of complete destruction, Rehoboam

2 Chr 6:6, 34, 38; 33:7.

experienced, according to the Chronicler, only the loss

Naamah is the only wife or concubine of Solomon

of his cities for defense and the loss of his golden shields.

who is given a name in the Bible. Ammonite women were

Beyond the humbling and repentance of the king, we

mentioned in 1 Kgs 11:1, and we are told that Solomon

are told also that “there were good things” in Judah, that

“went after” Milcom, the abomination of the Ammonites,

is, among the people. While the Deuteronomistic His¬

in 1 Kgs 11:5. That critical attitude toward marriage

tory characteristically evaluates a given era by the king’s

with outsiders is absent here as it has been through¬

behavior, the Chronicler makes clear that the obligation

out Chronicles. The alternative story in 1 Kgs 12:24a

of obedience lies also upon all the people. We are told

LXX makes Naamah the daughter of Hanun the son of

that good things were found also in Jehoshaphat when he

Nahash king of Ammon (cf. 2 Sam 10:2//1 Chr 19:1-2).

destroyed the Asheroth (2 Chr 19:3).

In this interpretation the granddaughter of Nahash, the contemporary of Saul and David, was married to the son

12:13-16 Summary of Rehoboam's Reign and His Death

of David.

■ 13 So King Rehoboam strengthened himself in Jerusalem,

■ 14 And he did evil for he not establish his heart to seek Yah¬

and he reigned. Rehoboam was forty-one years old when he

weh:62 The Chronicler attributes evildoing to Rehoboam

became king, and he ruled seventeen years in Jerusalem, the

himself rather than to Judah, perhaps dependent on a

city which Yahweh had chosen to put his name there. And the

reading now found in the Hebrew Vorlage of 1 Kgs 14:22

name of his mother was Naamah the Ammonite: The Chroni¬

LXX.63 Earlier we have been told that Rehoboam and

cler has brought together in vv. 13-16 passages that were

all Israel had abandoned the law of Yahweh after they

separated in his Vorlage (1 Kgs 14:21-22, 29-31; see under

had walked in the way of David and Solomon for three

“Structure”). The first two clauses in this verse (through

years (2 Chr 11:17; 12:1). Rehoboam and the people had

“and he reigned”) are an addition to his Vorlage and pro¬

of course humbled themselves and confessed Yahweh’s

vide a general comment on Rehoboam’s reign. The verb

innocence in 2 Chr 12:6, and there were good things in

58 59

See Noth, Konige, 332. 2 Chr 1:1, Solomon; 2 Chr 13:21, Abijah; 2 Chr 15:8, Asa; 2 Chr 17:1, Jehoshaphat; 2 Chr 21:4, Jehoram; 2 Chr 25:11, Amaziah; 2 Chr 27:6, Jotham; 2 Chr

60 61 62

188

verse with its negative judgment on Rehoboam to be secondary, taken from the Deuteronomistic evalua¬ tion in 1 Kgs 14:22. 63 See the textual notes. In 1 Kgs 14:22 the indictment

32:5, Hezekiah. 1 Kgs 14:21 LXXL adds “Benjamin.”

goes on with the charge that they provoked Yahweh to jealousy by these actions. Fishbane (Biblical Inter¬

In 2 Chr 11:5 we are told that Rehoboam lived in

pretation, 400) suggests, incorrectly in my opinion,

Jerusalem.

that they incensed the king by their acts of apostasy.

Augustin (“Beobachtungen,” 17) considers this

12:1-16

Judah according to v. 12. We will discuss the ambivalent

Chronicler’s account of Rehoboam, once taken from the

attitude of the Chronicler toward Rehoboam in the Con¬

Vorlage (2 Chr 11:2) and once in a passage added by the

clusion. Hanani the seer comforted Jehoshaphat, whose

Chronicler (12:5, 7). In the former passage he is called

behavior was different from Rehoboam’s, because he had

“the man of God,” while in the latter he is given the title

set his heart to seek God (2 Chr 19:3; cf. 30:19 and Ezra

“prophet.” Iddo appears with the title prophet in the

7:10). The Vorlageof v. 14 in 1 Kgs 14:22b read: “And they

concluding formula to the reign of Abijah in 2 Chr 13:22,

[=Judah] provoked him [=Yahweh] to jealousy more

but he is called the visionary Iddo67 in the concluding

than all which their ancestors did by their sins which

formula to the reign of Solomon in 2 Chr 9:29.68 The

they sinned.”64 The next verses, 1 Kgs 14:23-24, itemized

next sentence is variously rendered in English transla¬

particular sins that are not repeated in the Chronicler’s

tions: “recorded by genealogy” (NRSV); “after the man¬

account: high places, pillars, and asherim, offenses with

ner of genealogies” (JPS); “that deal with genealogies”

□’Dip, and abominations of the nations whom Yahweh

(ATT);69 “for the purposes of enrollment” (Johnstone,

had driven out. In Chronicles Rehoboam is both vil¬

2:48);70 “for genealogical enrollment” (Dillard, 91); “in

lain and victim, and we see no justification in following

reckoning genealogies” (Curtis and Madsen, 372-73).

Welten to delete this verse, with the result of his deletion

Curtis and Madsen see this as defining the character

being that the first four kings of the south are judged

or contents of the source just mentioned as containing

positively.63

a genealogical register (my preference), the title of the

■ 15 The acts of Rehoboam, from first to last, are they not

work of Iddo, a copyist’s blunder, to be translated “in

written66in the words ofShemaiah the prophet and of Iddo the

order to be enrolled in the genealogies” and placed after

visionary ? This served also for the genealogy. And the wars

2 Chr 11:16, or a meaningless phrase deriving from tex¬

of Rehoboam and Jeroboam were all their days: “The acts of

tual corruption that should perhaps be deleted. Japhet

Rehoboam from first to last” replaces “and the rest of the

(682) construes the word Dn'm^ as an indication of the

acts of Rehoboam and all that he did” from 1 Kgs 14:29.

type of document attributed to the seer Iddo, a composi¬

Instead of the generic source reference in the Vorlage to

tion like that mentioned in Ezra 2:62,71 and paraphrases

the “chronicles of the kings of Judah” the Chronicler

it as “the genealogical enrollment of Iddo the seer.”72

refers to the words of Shemaiah the prophet and Iddo the visionary. Shemaiah appears twice elsewhere in the

64

65

66

In reporting on the constant warfare of Rehoboam and Jeroboam, the Chronicler has rephrased the Tor-

Cogan (7 Kings, 389) points out that the focus has shifted from royal misbehavior to the idolatry of the people ofjudah in 1 Kgs 14:22-24. He notes that nowhere is Rehoboam accused of personal sinning. Welten, Geschichte, 14 n. 24. Cf. Myers (2:75), who judges v. 14 to be an addition, “a reminder of what was said in vs. 1.” This question form occurs only here and in

69 70

71

a slightly different version in 2 Chr 25:26, for Amaziah, in Chronicles. It is quite frequent in Kings: 1 Kgs 14:29, Rehoboam; 15:21, Nadab; 16:5, Baasha; 16:20, Zimri; 16:27, Omri; 1 Kgs 22:46, Jehoshaphat; 2 Kgs 14:15,Jehoash (north); 14:18, Amaziah; 14:28, Jeroboam II; 15:6, Azariah; 16:36,

67 68

Jotham; 20:20, Hezekiah; 21:17, Manasseh; 21:25, Amon; 23:28, Josiah; 24:5, Jehoiakim. See the textual notes in 2 Chr 9:29. Iddo is mentioned there because of what he saw concerning Jeroboam the son of Nebat.

72

Japhet (674) quotes this translation as “in the man¬ ner of genealogy.” Johnstone sums up his opinion: “It implies evaluation of what has happened even in the first generation as beginning the process of qualifying or disqualifying those concerned in the events for participation in the true Israel.” “These looked for their entries in the genealogical records (D’EJrTTIOn), but they were not found there, and so they were excluded from the priesthood as unclean.” In 2 Chr 9:29 this source is called “the visions of Iddo” and in 13:22 “the midrash of the prophet Iddo.” Kimhi thought that the source document dealt with the deeds of the kings and their genea¬ logical relationships (Berger, Kimhi, 225). The Targum translates £"'”7 as “In the book of the genealogy of the house of David.”

189

Conclusion

lage of 1 Kgs 14:30,73 but with no apparent change in meaning. Elsewhere there are similar notices that are placed between a closing summary and a burial notice.

After an initial three-year period in which king and

See 1 Kgs 15:23, 32; 22:47-50; 2 Kgs 15:16, 37.74 Similar

people walked in the ways of David and Solomon (2 Chr

notices about hostilities are given for Rehoboam and

11:17), the king and the people forsook the law of Yah¬

Jeroboam in 1 Kgs 15:6;75 for Abijam and Jeroboam in

weh. As a direct theological consequence of this unfaith¬

1 Kgs 15:7;76 and for Asa and Baasha in 1 Kgs 15:16,77

fulness (v. 2), Shishak king of Egypt carried out an

32.78 The wars between the states ceased in the era of

invasion and advanced toward Jerusalem, after capturing

Jehoshaphat and Ahab.

the cities of defense of Rehoboam.

■ 16 Rehoboam slept with his fathers, and was buried with

At this point the Chronicler ascribes a prophetic judg¬

his fathers, and was buried in the city of David. Abijah his son

ment speech to Shemaiah that leads king and people to

reigned in his place: To sleep with one’s fathers is an idiom

humble themselves and to confess that Yahweh is in the

representing a peaceful death, not death on the battle¬

right and, at least implicitly, they are in the wrong. In a

field.79 The burial notice is the same as in the Vorlage at

second divine oracle, Shemaiah promises deliverance in

1 Kgs 14:31, except that Chronicles adds a second “and

the near future (or in a certain measure) but notes that

he was buried.”80 The Chronicler changes the name of

the people’s service in the future will be double: both to

the next king: he calls him Abijah instead of Abijam. In

Yahweh and to the kings of the lands, that is, to Shishak.

Kings, Abijah is the name of Jeroboam’s son who died,

Shishak then took away the treasuries of both temple and

and some commentators ascribe the change from Abijah

palace or at least the golden shields that Solomon had

(My divine father is Yahweh) to Abijam (My divine father

made. Later Rehoboam replaced the gold shields with

is Yamm [the god of the sea]) in Kings as an effort to

ones made of bronze and entrusted them to guards/run¬

keep these names straight (Curtis and Madsen, 373).

ners, who regularly brought them out when Rehoboam

Others have ascribed a polemical intent in Kings because

processed to the temple.

the king Abijam was an evil king (1 Kgs 15:3).81 Or did

The destruction wrought by Shishak was not com¬

the Chronicler change Abijah’s name because of his

plete because Rehoboam the king humbled himself, and

generally positive evaluation of him? Myers (2:74) desig¬

there were some good things in Judah. No events are

nates Abijam as his given name, with Abijah as his throne

reported from the last twelve years of Rehoboam’s reign,

name. Gray believed that the Kings LXX reading a(3iov

although we are told that the king strengthened himself,

was from a Hebrew TDK, with the final waw later cor¬

either during his whole reign (cf. 12:1) or in the wake of

rupted to a mm.82 This name will be discussed further

Shishak’s invasion. In a sharp concluding judgment we

in the next chapter. The Chronicler drops the name of

are told that Rehoboam did evil and did not establish his

Rehoboam’s mother from the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 14:31, but

heart to seek Yahweh. At his death he was succeeded by

he had already provided this in v. 13.

his son Abijah.

190

73

1 Kgs 14:30: “There was war between Rehoboam

74

and Jeroboam all their days.” Cogan, 1 Kings, 388.

81

This verse is not included in Chronicles.

75

2 Chr 13:2 reads “between Abijah and Jeroboam”;

82

Gray, Kings, 315; Keith W. Whitelam, “Abijah, King of Judah,” ABD 1:18-19.

76

lacking in Kgs LXX. This notice is not included in Chronicles.

77

This is changed in 2 Chr 15:19: “There was no war until the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Asa.”

78

This verse is not included in Chronicles.

79

See the list of passages at 2 Chr 9:31.

80

See the textual notes. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chron¬ icles, 156-57) suggests that this omission of “with

his fathers” in Chr MT may reflect the Chronicler’s verdict on Rehoboam.

12:1-16

Is Rehoboam villain or victim?83 His hard-nosed and

chapter, the Chronicler will insist that the northerners

shortsighted reaction to the Shechem assembly led inevi¬

took advantage of Rehoboam when he was young and

tably to the division of the kingdom, which in the final

irresolute.

analysis was God’s plan as well. His initial faithfulness

The judgments on Rehoboam are mixed: a foolish ini¬

in the first years of his reign was followed by departure

tial act, faithfulness, apostasy, contrition. His life is more

from the law and chastisement delivered by the hand of

complicated than a positive period followed by a nega¬

Shishak. In response to a prophetic oracle, Rehoboam

tive period,84 since negative actions preceded his positive

and the people repented, and the damage done by

period, and positive actions followed his apostasy. Even

Shishak was reduced though not eliminated. No further

his foolish initial actions were attributable in part to his

events during the last twelve years of Rehoboam’s reign

opponents’ taking advantage of his youth. One could

are reported. There were some good things in Judah,

argue that he was both villain and victim. As villain he

but the bottom line on Rehoboam was negative: he did

did evil and as victim he was done in by Jeroboam and

evil and did not set his heart to seek Yahweh. In the next

Jeroboam’s companions.

83 84

See Gary N. Knoppers, “Rehoboam in Chronicles: Villain or Victim?”/BL 109 (1990) 423-40. Such periodization is found in the accounts of Asa (2 Chronicles 14-16), Joash (2 Chronicles 24), Ama-

ziah (2 Chronicles 35), and Uzziah (2 Chronicles 26). Manasseh has a negative period followed by a positive period (2 Chronicles 33).

191

13:1 -23a (14:1a) The Reign of Abijah

10

4/

13/

Translation In the eighteenth year of King Jeroboam, Abijah became king over Judah. 2/ Three1 years he reigned in Jerusalem, and the name of his mother was Micaiah2 the daughter of Uriel3 from Gibeah.4 There was war between Abijah and Jeroboam.5 3/ Abijah engaged in the battle with an army6 of mighty warriors, four hundred7 thousand chosen men. Jeroboam set up battle lines opposite him with eight hundred thousand chosen mighty warriors. Abijah stood on Mount Zemaraim,8 which is in the hill country of Ephraim, and said: "Listen to me Jeroboam and all Israel. 5/ Do you not know that Yahweh the God of Israel gave the kingship to David over Israel forever, to him and to his sons as a covenant of salt? 6/ But Jeroboam the son of Nebat the servant of Solomon the son of David rose up and rebelled against his master.9 7/ There gathered to him10 worthless men, good-for-nothings, and they strengthened themselves against Rehoboam the son of Solomon, while Rehoboam was young11 and weak of heart, and he was not able to withstand them. 8/ And now, you think you can withstand the kingdom of Yahweh [which is] in the hand of the sons of David because you have a great multitude and with you are the calves of gold, which Jeroboam made for you as gods. 9/ Have you not thrust out the priests of Yahweh, the sons of Aaron, and the Levites? And you have made for yourselves priests from the peo¬ ple of the land.12 Whoever comes to you to consecrate himself with a young bull or with seven rams becomes a priest to what are 'no-gods.' 10/ But as for us, Yahweh is our God, and we have not abandoned him.13 We have priests serving Yahweh who are sons of Aaron and Levites for their functions.14 11/ They offer to Yahweh burnt offerings and sweet incense every morning and every evening, they lay out the rows of bread on the pure table, and they care for the golden lampstand so that its lamps may burn every evening; for we keep the charge of Yahweh our God, but you have abandoned him. 12/ Behold God is with us at the head,15 and his priests have their battle trumpets16 to raise the battle cry against you. O sons of Israel, do not17 fight against Yahweh the God of your ancestors for you cannot suc¬ ceed." Jeroboam had set the ambush to come from behind them, and his troops were in front of Judah, and the ambush was behind them. 14/ Judah turned and behold

192

i

LXXacefgne£ “six.” Cf. 1 Kgs 15:2 LXXBL. Why do the two Greek translations differ from the MT and agree with each other? Note that it is only minor Greek mss in Chronicles. VPD’D. Chr LXX Syr Arab 1 Kgs 15:2 PD13D “Maacah.” Cf. 2 Chr 11:20, where Rehoboam married Maacah the daughter of Absalom. See the discus¬ sion of Abijah’s mother in the commentary.

3

4 ^

‘THIN nil; 1 Kgs 15:2 and Chr LXXL “daughter of Absalom.” 71333; LXX Ta/Sow “Gibeon”; Syr Arab rmP = 7Q7 “Ramah ” djqt pi itok p nrrrt nanPi. This clause is lacking in Syr. Note the partial parallel in 1 Kgs 15:6 DUST pi Dinm p Him nonPl, “there was war between Rehoboam and Jeroboam.” Some Kgs Hebrew mss and Syr read “between Abijam and Jeroboam”; the whole verse is missing in 1 Kgs 15:6 LXX, but this may be the result of parablepsis because of homoioteleuton, with a scribe’s eyes skipping from “all the days of his life” at the end of 1 Kgs 15:5ba to the end of the same expression at the end of 1 Kgs 15:6. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chroni¬ cles, 157) states that this clause is synoptic with 1 Kgs 15:7b and that 1 Kgs 15:6 should be deleted since it is a repetition of 1 Kgs 14:30. In his view, the Vorlage that the Chronicler used did not contain 1 Kgs 15:6. Or had the Vorlage of 1 Kgs 15:6 available to the Chronicler been corrected to read that the war was between Abijam and Rehoboam, and that (marginal) correction was added in the manuscript tradition that became the MT at 1 Kgs 15:7? Note that the Chronicler omits the mention of this war in the regnal summary of Abijah.

6

7 g

9

‘TPQ (construct); cf. BHS. MT ‘TFD (absolute). If the MT is retained, “mighty warriors” must be construed as in apposition to “an army.” Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 157) retains the MT. HIKD miK. One Hebrew ms 7E313 1337K “fourteen.” Chr LXX Lopopuv, an alternate spelling for Samaria, represents a Greek corruption. See Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:149. THB; plural of rank. LXX singular. Cf. Isa 19:4 HtDp D’37K “a cruel master.” Waltke and O’Connor (Syntax, 14.2c) justify the singular adjective in Isaiah because it follows the inherent sense of the

noun. Knoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 517 n. 18) emends the text to the singular, following the versions. 10

VbV. Two Hebrew

mss

V'PR. LXX irpog avtov. Allen

(Greek Chronicles, 2:123 n. 2) observes that the LXX

translator is not as literal as Aquila and that there¬ fore one does not know whether he read *713 or ‘PK. 11

7133. LXX veurepog “rather young.” Knoppers (“Bat¬ tling against Yahweh,” 517 n. 19) sees this transla-

13:1 -23a (14:1a)

22/

there was a battle in front of them and behind them, and they cried out to Yahweh, and the priests were blowing18 the trumpets. 15/ Each man of Judah shouted, and when each man of Judah shouted, God routed Jeroboam and all Israel before Abijah and Judah. 16/ The Israelites fled before Judah, and God gave them into their hand. 17/ Abijah and his troops dealt them a severe blow, and there fell slain from Israel five hundred thousand chosen men. 18/ The Israelites were brought into subjection at that time, and the sons of Judah grew strong because they relied on Yahweh the God of their ancestors. 19/ Abijah pursued after Jeroboam and took from him cities: Bethel and its associ¬ ated towns, Jeshanah19 and its associated towns, and Ephron20 and its associated towns. 20/ Jeroboam did not regain his strength any more in the days of Abijah. Yahweh struck him and he died. 21/ But Abijah grew strong, and he married four¬ teen women21 and became the father of twenty-two sons and sixteen daughters. The rest of the acts of Abijah and his ways and his words are written in the midrash of the prophet Iddo. 23 (14:1)/ Abijah slept with his fathers and they buried him in the city of David, and his son Asa reigned in his stead.

tion as an attempt to soften the conflict with 2 Chr

12

13

14

15 16 17

18

12:13, where Rehoboam was forty-one years old at his accession. pRn DUD, with LXX (Syr) €K roii Actov rf/q yriq Traoriq “from the people of the whole land.” Knoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 518 n. 26) inter¬ prets itaarjq as explicative and does not include it in his reconstruction of the Hebrew text of Chronicles. Chr MT mS“1^n ’DUD “like the peoples of the lands” is an assimilation to a term used commonly else¬ where: 2 Chr 32:13; Ezra 3:3; 9:11; 10:2; Neh 9:30. Cf. also p«n ’DU in 1 Chr 5:25; 2 Chr 6:33; 32:19; Ezra 10:11; Neh 10:31 (30). Japhet (693) claims that the LXX reads “from the peoples of the lands.” Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 158) interprets the LXX as a misreading on the translator’s part (cf. Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:112) or an intensification (cf. Rudolph, 236). imDTU mn’; LXX Kvptov tov deov OVK evKareXiTtopev “we have not abandoned the Lord, our God.” Knoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 521 n. 37) claims that the MT suffix on the verb is an explicating plus. I think that the LXX translator did not understand the casus pendens construction and so made “Yahweh our God” the direct object of the verb “abandon” rather than construing mil’ as a nominal sentence. cnDR^DD; LXX ev ralq eipppepieaq “in their daily divisions.” Cf. Welten, Geschichte, 117; Rothstein, 638: “in ihren (Amts-)Verrichtungen”; and Galling, 108: “in ihren Amtsverrichtungen.” MT PDkVdD. The final mem was lost by haplography. Rudolph (236) reads "IPN^DD: “kraft der Beauftragung durch ihn,” “by virtue of their appointment by him.” EitfPD.yPS: “as our chief.” nunnn nnuism. Literally, “(his priests) and the trumpets of the battle cry.” “iK; lost by haplography in the Vorlage of the LXX after ‘iN'ItU’. LXX can be translated: “You, the sons of Israel, are going to war against the Lord, God of your fathers.” D’“l!ffra, with Q; KC’PDDnO. Cf. 1 Chr 15:24. Hogne¬

19

sius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 159) refers to 2 Chr 5:12-13, where the Qere should also be read. mtU’. LXXB /cat Tr)V Kava. See Allen {Greek Chronicles, 2:25), who notes an interchange between iq and K. The Jeshanah gate is mentioned in Neh

20

3:6. pSU with K some Hebrew mss Qmss and the Ver¬ sions; Qj’PSU. Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 159)

21

says that the K is also the Q of some manuscripts. VL, according to Rudolph (236), adds “sixteen concubines.”

193

Structure1

the formulaic introduction to the reign or in the regnal resume,3 it is clear that the Chronicler evaluated Abijah

The Chronicler’s account of Abijah, the successor of

very positively. Why did he make this change from a

Rehoboam, differs radically from the much shorter

negative to a positive evaluation, and what is the source

account in 1 Kgs 15:1-8 in length, content, and theo¬

of his additional material? What is the relationship, if

logical evaluation, and it is a strategic pericope in the

any, between these two questions?

Chronicler’s work. The king, who is identified by the

There is general agreement that the sermon itself is

Chronicler as Abijah the son of Micaiah the daughter

the work of the Chronicler. Its vocabulary and ideology

of Uriel from Gibeah, is identified in Kings as Abijam

conform to those of the Chronicler throughout,4 as will

the son of Maacah the daughter of Abishalom.2 Because

be demonstrated in the commentary. The location of the

of the way the regnal resume is worded, it is difficult to

sermon at the beginning of the divided monarchy is bal¬

see where the chapter should be divided (2 Chr 13:23 in

anced by a sermon by Hezekiah and another call for the

Hebrew is 14:1 in English), but we have decided in this

north to return, which is delivered after the fall of the

case to end the chapter in the middle of v. 23 (14:1). The

northern kingdom (2 Chr 30:6-9). The sermon of Abijah

chapter may be outlined as follows:

argues for the legitimacy of the Davidic kingship and the

I. 13:l-2a Formulaic introduction to the reign of Abijah

temple and its cult in Jerusalem, and condemns at the

(1 Kgs 15:1-2)

same time the reign of Jeroboam (and implicitly that of

II. 13:2b-3 Introduction to the war between Abijah and Jeroboam (1 Kgs 15:6) III. 13:4-12 Abijah’s sermon to Jeroboam and all Israel from Mount Zemaraim IV. 13:13-21 The battle report V. 13:22-23a (14:1a) Regnal resume (1 Kgs 15:7-8) Four of the twenty-three verses in the Chronicler’s

his successors) and the northern worship practices. The mention of Mount Zemaraim, not attested elsewhere in the Old Testament, is the only item from the sermon not explained by the Chronicler’s theological and ideological interests. The battle account too is largely (or completely) ascribed to the Chronicler’s pen by recent commentators.

account are taken from five verses in the Kings Vorlage.

The highly unrealistic numbers of the troops in v. 35 and

The Chronicler also omits three verses from the Vorlage

the features of holy war in vv. 13-18 (the cry to Yahweh,

(1 Kgs 15:3-5) and adds nineteen verses of his own. What

the blowing of trumpets, the shouting of the Judeans,

he omits from the Deuteronomistic History is its sharp

God’s smiting of Jeroboam and all Israel, Israel’s flight,

criticism of the reign of Abijah and the ethical contrast

God’s giving them over into Judah’s hand, the follow-up

drawn there between Abijam and David (1 Kgs 15:3).

actions of Abijah and the Judeans, the enormous number

What he adds in vv. 3-21 is the sermon of Abijah and

of casualties on Israel’s side, Israel’s being subdued, and

the account of a battle between Abijah and Jeroboam

Judah’s reliance on Yahweh)6 stem from a theological or

I. While there is not an evaluative statement in either

1

For a study of the ways in which formal, structural, and linguistic features of narrative function as responses to physical, social, and economic situ¬ ations, see Roland T. Boer, “Utopian Politics in 2 Chronicles 10-15,” in Graham, Hogland, and McKenzie, Chronicler as Author, 360-94.

194

71 [1990] 48-62) who argues for the historicity of the account in general and even proposes that the Chronicler may have found a form of this sermon in a source. For the language of the Chronicler, see Welten, Geschichte, 118-22. For discussion of attempts to reduce them to more

2

See the commentary for discussion of these names.

realistic levels, see the commentary on v. 3.

3

There are only two kings whose rule is not explicitly evaluated: Abijah, here, and Jehoahaz in 2 Chr 36:1-

See Ruffing, Jaliwekrieg, 331-40; and Knoppers, “Battling against Yahweh,” 522-29. Jones (“From

4, who reigned for only three months.

Abijam to Abijah,” 426) lists the following other

4

The Chronistic language and thought patterns are recognized by David G. Deboys (“History and The¬

holy war accounts in Chronicles: 2 Chr 14:8-14; 20:1-30; 26:6-8; 27:5-6. Cf. von Rad, Holy War,

ology in the Chronicler’s Portrayal of Abijah,” Bib

128-31.

13:1-23a (14:1a)

ideological understanding of the battle and are not today considered to be historical features. The report of Jeroboam’s military strategy (using an

Two features of this chapter have convinced many commentators that the Chronicler may have found a notice about this battle in a source: the specificity of

ambush) in vv. 13-14a could come from a source, but

the names of the conquered cities in v. 19 (cf. Mount

armies throughout history have tried to attack on two

Zemaraim in v. 4)7 and the Chronicler’s reversal of the

fronts and use ambushes, and there is the strong pos¬

evaluation of Abijah found in the book of Kings.8 Only

sibility that the description of Jeroboam’s strategy is

Bethel of the three cities is well known, and the relative

based at least in part on reports of earlier biblical battles.

obscurity of the other two cities and of Mount Zemaraim

Verse 20 implies that Jeroboam died before Abijah,

may suggest that they come from an authentic source.9

although other biblical passages suggest that he outlived

Their capture would represent a temporary expansion of

him by one or two years (see the commentary on v. 20).

Judah by about nine or ten miles to the north of Mizpah,

Jeroboam’s failure to regain his strength and his death

which serves as the northern boundary of Judah dur¬

are contrasted with the strength of Abijah and his marry¬

ing much of the preexilic period. This gain in any case

ing fourteen women and fathering thirty-eight children.

was short-lived, since the third northern king Baasha

No names of these wives are provided at this point, but

invaded and pushed the border south, past Mizpah

records of wives and children are reported for many of

(MR 170143), to Ramah (MR 172140) although because

the kings, and it would seem hypercritical to deny that

of Aramean intervention the border was reestablished

this tradition may have been found in some kind of

at Mizpah (1 Kgs 15T7-22//2 Chr 16:l-6).10 The claim

source by the Chronicler.

that Bethel was captured by Abijah and Judah is rather

7

Noth, Chronicler’s History, 60; Rudolph, 235.

2 Chr 17:2: “He put an armed force in all the forti¬

8

Rudolph, 235-36; Williamson, 250. This reevalua¬

fied cities ofjudah and put garrisons in the land of

9

10

tion may account for the change of the king’s name

Judah and in the cities of Ephraim that his father

from Abijam to Abijah.

Asa had captured”). Aharoni thought that there

Welten (Geschichte, 116-29) overstates the case when

was a Benjaminite district in north Israel that was

he claims that these cities are not mentioned in

annexed twice, by Abijah (2 Chronicles 13) and

preexilic sources. Jeshanah has been reconstructed

again byjosiah (2 Kgs 23:2). The invasion of Baasha

text-critically in two Old Testament passages. He

was an attempt to annex the Benjaminite district of

views the area circumscribed by these three cities as

Judah {Land of the Bible, 350). Albrecht Alt (“Judas

a point of contention between the postexilic inhab¬

Gaue unterjosia,” Palastinajahrbuch 21 [1925] 100-

itants ofYehud and their neighbors.

116) and Martin Noth (Josua, 111-12) dated the list

In their discussion of the twelve provinces of Judah

to the time ofjosiah because of Josiah’s conquest

in the book ofjoshua, Frank Moore Cross and G.

of Bethel. Cross and Wright argued that Josiah was

Ernest Wright (“The Boundary and Province Lists

laying claim to all of north Israel, and hence this

of the Kingdom of Judah,”/.BE 75 [1956] 202-26)

small incursion did not fit Josiah’s time. Zech-

argued that an eleventh province, in Josh 18:21-24,

aria Kallai-Kleinman (“The Town Lists ofjudah,

which contained cities north of the usual border

Simeon, Benjamin, and Dan,” VT8 [1958] 134-60)

of the southern kingdom, was in territory won by

dated the list to the time of Hezekiah. Kallai Klein-

Abijah’s war. Their claim (pp. 222-23) that this

man (p. 141) argued that 2 Chr 17:2 does not refer

extension of the border lasted until the time of

to the territory conquered by Abijah, which was lost

Jehoshaphat cannot be sustained. Cross and Wright

in the war between Asa and Baasha (2 Chr 16:1 //1

based their assessment of the effects of this war on

Kgs 15:17). The cities mentioned in 2 Chr 17:2 can

2 Chr 15:8; 17:2; and 19:4, but those are references

only refer to the narrow strip including Ramah and

added by the Chronicler that point back to this

Mizpah that was retaken by Asa after the Aramean

event of Abijah, and they contradict the change of

intervention (2 Chr 16:5-6//1 Kgs 15:21-22).

affairs brought about by the campaign of Baa¬ sha. Aharoni (Land of the Bible, 347-56; and “The Province-List ofjudah,” VT9 [1959] 225-46) dated the province list in its present form to the time of Uzziah (originally in the time of Jehoshaphat; cf.

195

BAI&HAKAIILANA or

startling, since this city was home to one of the two

the LXX, however, would be

state-sponsored sanctuaries in the northern kingdom.

BH&HAKAIILANA. I suggested that the original read¬

Almost three centuries later Josiah captured Bethel and

ing “Bethel andjeshanah” was collapsed into one name

destroyed its altar, although it is difficult to gauge how

fictLoava or fir\oava, owing to homoioteleuton from flat

apostate that sanctuary would have seemed to Judah at

to

the time of Abijah and how significant its capture would

used that list as a source for the names of the territory

have been. Everything about this battle account except

seized by Rehoboam. I still think that is probable but

for the cities mentioned in vv. 4 and 19 can be ascribed

recognize the hypothetical character of my proposal. Did

to the Chronicler’s theological purposes.11

the Chronicler have a source only for the geographical

In 1983 I noted that Zemaraim, Bethel, Jeshanah, and

Koa.

I then proposed that the Chronicler may have

notices? Or did this source contain other information

Ephron/Ophrah12 are mentioned in that order in a list

about the battle, which the Chronicler jettisoned because

of towns from the tribe of Benjamin in the text of Josh

of his theological agenda? Or is the specificity of the

18:22 as reconstructed on the basis of LXX (see the dis¬

cities attributable to the Chronicler’s research in Josh

cussion of the province list of Judah in n. 10).13 They are

18:21-24?

part of a paragraph, Josh 18:21-24, which may have delin¬

The other factor, mentioned by a number of commen¬

eated an administrative district in north Israel (Aha-

tators, is that the Chronicler’s discovery of this military

roni).14 The list in the MT mentions Zemaraim (v. 22),

victory in a source virtually forced him to change the

on whose mountain Abijah addressed the people, Bethel

evaluation of Abijam contained in Kings, in line with his

(v. 22), and Ophrah (v. 23). The first four cities in this

doctrine of immediate retribution.16 An evil king should

Benjaminite list—Jericho, Beth-hoglah, Emek-keziz, and

not win a great victory. I do not find this particularly

Beth-Arabah—would be too far to the east to serve the

persuasive as proof that the war account came from a

Chronicler’s purposes. The other cities may have been

source. The most that can be confidently ascribed to a

unknown to the Chronicler.15 The most significant dif¬

historical source is the mention of the capture of Bethel

ficulty with this hypothesis is that it does not account for

and two relatively insignificant other cities. The other

the presence ofjeshanah. According to Josh 18:24 there

features of the victory, such as the enormous number of

were twelve cities in this list, but there are only eleven in

Israelite casualties, are not historical. Hence, it is hard

the MT. The transliteration for Bethel and Jeshanah in

to say that this source forced the Chronicler’s hand,

11

Jones (“From Abijam to Abijah,” 425) notes that many have felt that the Chronicler’s account was not reliable. See Albright, “Judicial Reform of

seems arbitrary to him; and it discounts the simpler explanation that the names belonged to a border area that changed hands after the division of the kingdom. The last point is well taken, but almost

Jehoshaphat,”68: “It is more difficult than ever to accept the stories of the wars of Abijah.” Cf. his “Excavations and Results at Tell el-Fi.il (Gibeah of Saul),” AASOR 4 (1924) 125: “The account of this war is historically suspicious and may safely be regarded as another of the chronicler’s favorite romances ad majorem Dei gloriam. ” Bright (History, 2S4), on the other hand, concluded: “The incident 12

13

is certainly historical.” }nSJJ is usually identified with mSi? (Ophrah) in

theological presuppositions. 14

The Befijaminite cities listed in Josh 18:25-28 would be south of the border between the two kingdoms.

15 16

Avvim, Parah, Chephar-ammoni, Ohni, and Geba. Japhet (688) says that the only possible conclu¬ sion is that the Chronicler had access to authentic

Josh 18:25. See James C. Moyer, “Ephron,” ABD

historical details. She even speculates that Abijah may have lost his life in this campaign, resulting in

2:558. Klein, “Abijah’s Campaign,” 210-17. Jones (“From

observes that if Abijah had a treaty with Aram, as

Abijam to Abijah,” 430) raises the following objections to my proposal: its starting point is the assumption that the Chronicler was working all the time on theological presuppositions; my explana¬ tion of the selection of names from the Joshua list

196

every facet of this battle except for the three names is suspicious historically and seems to be based on

the shortness of his reign (p. 689). Rudolph (235) 2 Chr 16:3//1 Kgs 15:19 states, then he would have had the resources to prevail against Jeroboam. That is irrelevant for the text itself, since military victory does not depend on human strength or superiority in numbers.

13:1 -23a (14:1a)

when several features of this victorious battle clearly

book of Kings (1 Kgs 15:1) that is included by the Chron¬

stem from the Chronicler himself. There are at least

icler, but its inclusion makes sense since much of this

two other factors that could have led to his reversal of

chapter is dealing with Jeroboam the northern king, who

judgment about Abijah. The Chronicler may have wanted

has so far been mentioned only in passing (2 Chr 10:2-3,

an occasion early in the divided monarchy to articulate

12, 15; 11:14-15; this did not include his coronation in

his own interpretation of the schism and its implications

1 Kgs 12:20).18 We learned already in 2 Chr 11:21-22 that

for the Davidic dynasty and the temple in Jerusalem.

the reason why Abijah succeeded his father Rehoboam

Given his ambivalent evaluation of Rehoboam and that

was because of his father’s love for Abijah’s mother and

king’s own complicity in causing the schism, he could

his designation of Abijah as his successor. The name

hardly have put a sermon like that in vv. 4-12 into the

Abijam from Kings has been replaced by Abijah (see the

mouth of Rehoboam. But he used Abijah instead and

discussion at 2 Chr 12:16). The faithfulness of Abijah in

gave this king a more appropriate name. Second, the

this chapter will be contrasted with the heightened apos¬

puzzling reference to a war in 1 Kgs 15:6//2 Chr 13:2b17

tasy of Ahaz in 2 Chronicles 28 (Williamson, 343).

would provide an occasion for this very important speech

■ 2a Three years he reigned in Jerusalem, and the name of his

delivered to the troo'ps before a major battle. Whether in

mother was Micaiah the daughter of Uriel from Gibeah: The

fact there was such a war depends primarily on whether

Chronicler retains the three-year reign of Abijah even

the names of the three cities were taken from a source or

though Japhet believes that this brevity would have raised

gleaned from Josh 18:21-24, although border skirmishes

questions for the Chronicler because it does not reflect

in the immediate wake of the schism are both likely and

the reward Abijah should have received for his piety. The

attested elsewhere.

identity of the mothers of Abijah and Asa is unclear.19

In myjudgment, therefore, the evidence for the his¬ torical character of this war is ambivalent and quite thin

• 2 Chronicles 13:2: Abijah’s mother, Micaiah (UTD’O),20 is the daughter of Uriel from Gibeah.

at best. This uncertainty should not in any way diminish

Jones notes that both Abijah and Micaiah are given

the strategic importance of this chapter for understand¬

distinctively Yahwistic names in Chronicles, which

ing the Chronicler’s purpose in writing his work.

may reflect the Chronicler’s revised interpretation of Abijah’s reign.21 The Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:2 states

Detailed Commentary

that the mother of Abijam was Maacah the daughter ofAbishalom (DI^CZTDK HU ilDUQ). Gray proposes

13:1-2a. Formulaic Introduction to the Reign of Abijah

that Maacah was the granddaughter of Absalom,

■ 1 In the eighteenth year of King Jeroboam, Abijah became

the rebellious son of David, with her parents being

king over Judah: This is the only synchronism from the

Uriel from Gibeah and Tamar, the only otherwise

17

2 Chr 15:2 three times for 2 Chr 13:2, and claiming that 1 Kgs 15:10 is a parallel passage to 2 Chr 13:2. Actually 1 Kgs 15:2 is the Vorlage for 2 Chr 13:2. John I. Lawlor (“Maacah,” NIDB 3:741) admits that

For discussion of this reference and the related reference in 1 Kgs 15:7, see the commentary on v. 3. Curtis and Madsen (373) argue that it was on the basis of this notice that the Chronicler depicted Abijah as a winner. This neglects the importance of the Chronicler’s need to find someone to deliver his

18

critique of the north. See Glatt-Gilad, “Regnal Formulae,” 187. The age of Abijah at his accession is not given here or in 1 Kgs 15:l-2a, nor is the age of Asa at his accession given in v. 23 (14:1), as it is also not given in 1 Kgs 15:9-10. Everywhere else, both Kings and Chronicles provide

there are difficulties with every proposed identifica¬ tion of Maacah. He errs in listing the name of the 20

aiah, see 1 Kings 22//2 Chronicles 18 passim (the prophet Micaiah); 2 Chr 17:7 (an official during the reign ofjehoshaphat); Neh 11:17, 22; 12:35 (a Levite); Neh 12:41 (a priest); Jer 36:11, 13 (the son of Gemariah and grandson of Shaphan). For Micaiah

this information for kings of the Judean monarchy. See Galil, Chronology of the Kings, 155, Appendix C. 19

See Linda S. Schearing, “Maacah,” ABD 4:429-30. Schearing complicates an already confusing picture by reading 1 Kgs 11:21 for 2 Chr 11:21, reading

king as Abijah in 1 Kgs 15:2, 8, and 10. Note that the LXX reads Maaxa. Micaiah appears only here as a woman’s name. For men named Mic¬

21

the father of Achbor (2 Kgs 22:12), see the discus¬ sion of Abdon the son of Micah in 2 Chr 34:20. Jones, “From Abijam to Abijah,” 422.

197

mother. Like 1 Kgs 15:10, these passages make Asa,

known daughter of Absalom (2 Sam 14:27).22 It is

rather than Abijah, the son of Maacah.

by no means sure, however, that this Abishalom is the well-known son of David. Noth held that 2 Chr

Possible solutions and harmonizations: I. Abijah’s mother was Micaiah the daughter of

13:2 is correct about Micaiah’s patronymic, with the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:2 and the previous reference

Uriel (2 Chr 13:2), and Asa’s mother was Micaiah

in 2 Chr 11:2023 secondary calculations due to the

the daughter of Abishalom (1 Kgs 15:10 and

influence of 1 Kgs 15:10 (where Maacah is given as

1 Kgs 15:13/72 Chr 15:16). The text of 1 Kgs

the name of Asa’s mother).24 The Targum makes a

15:2 (Maacah is the mother of Abijah) has been

lengthy addition that seeks to explain the names of

corrupted by attraction to 1 Kgs 15:10 and 1 Kgs

Micaiah and Uriel: “She was Maacah, the daughter

15:13//2 Chr 15:16, which are dealing with the

of Absalom, but because she was a worthy woman

mother of Asa. Then 2 Chr 11:20-22 is built on this

her name was changed to the more excellent one

secondary reading. Hence 1 Kgs 15:2 and 2 Chr

of Micaiah. Her father’s name was changed to Uriel

11:20-22 are incorrect, and 2 Chr 13:2, 1 Kgs

who was from Gibeatha, so as not to recall the name

15:10, and 1 Kgs 15:13//2 Chr 15:16 are correct.

of Absalom.”25 • 2 Chronicles 11:20, without a Vorlage in Kings, makes

II. Maacah/Micaiah is the daughter of Uriel and

Maacah (rDUft), the wife of Rehoboam, the mother

Tamar and therefore the granddaughter of

of Abijah and three other sons. According to 2 Chr

Absalom.27 If this option is chosen there are

11:21, Rehoboam loved her more than all his other

three options: (a) Abijah and Asa are brothers

wives (eighteen) and concubines (sixty). Verse 22

despite the contradiction with 1 Kgs 15:8//2 Chr

also makes Abijah the son of Maacah.

13:23, which identifies them as father and son;

• 2 Chronicles 13:23 (14:1)//I Kgs 15:8 makes Asa the

(b) Maacah/Micaiah is Abijah’s mother and Asa’s

son of Abijah/Abijam.

grandmother despite the assertion in 1 Kgs 15:10

• 1 Kings 15:10, not included in Chronicles, makes

and 1 Kgs 15:13//2 Chr 15:16 that she is Asa’s

Maacah, the daughter of Abishalom, the mother of

mother; or, more remotely, (c) Abijah married his

Asa. Does this make Abijam/Abijah and Asa brothers

mother Maacah/Micaiah and sired Asa by her.

rather than father and son?26 BHK proposes replac¬ ing in (“his son”), referring to Asa, in 1 Kgs 15:8

13:2b-3 Introduction to the War between Abijah

with YTTK (“his brother”).

and Jeroboam

• 2 Chronicles 15:16//1 Kgs 15:13 reports that Asa

■ 2b There was war between Abijah and Jeroboam: The

removed his mother Maacah from being queen

Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:6 reads: “There was war between

22

Gray, Kings, 316. Already Josephus {Ant. 8.249) sug¬ gested that Abijah’s mother was the granddaughter of Absalom through Tamar. Absalom’s own mother

26

son or a brother of Abijah. Jones (“From Abijam

was also named Maacah (1 Chr 3:2//2 Sam 3:3).

to Abijah,” 422) argues that Maacah was queen mother during the reign of Abijah and retained

2 Samuel 14:27 LXXL and VL make Maacah instead of Tamar the daughter of Absalom and the LXX

that position when Abijah her son died. She may have acted as queen regent during the early years

adds at the end of this verse that she (Maacah) was the wife of Rehoboam and the mother of Abijah. As

of Asa’s reign. More remotely, Abijam/Abijah was both the son of Maacah and her spouse. This would make Asa the product of an incestuous relationship

McCarter {II Samuel, 343) notes, the source of this addition is 1 Kgs 15:2. 23

Rudolph (233) judged all of 2 Chr 11:18-23 to be secondary, since it contradicts 2 Chr 13:2.

24

Noth, Chronicler’s History, 162 n. 57.

25

Kimhi comments: “[Micaiah] is the same as Maacah daughter of Absalom, mentioned above, for she and her father had two names each” (Berger, Kimhi, 226).

198

Bright {History, 240) identifies Asa as either a

between Abijam/Abijah and his own mother. 27

The word rD in 1 Kgs 15:2 is to be construed as granddaughter.

13:1-23a (14:1a)

Rehoboam28 and Jeroboam all his days.”29 This would

gives the number for Israel of eight hundred thousand,

seem to be a misplaced doublet of 1 Kgs 14:30//2

but Judah’s number is five hundred thousand. But LXXL

Chr 12:15 (referring to the continual wars between

andjosephus (Ant. 7.320) read four hundred thousand

Rehoboam and Jeroboam), which is part of the regnal

for Judah (cf. 1 Chr 21:5, 470,000). For setting up battle

resume of Rehoboam. In 1 Kgs 15:7 we read: “There was

lines (nan^O . . . -pi>), see 1 Chr 19:9//2 Sam 10:8; 1 Chr

war between Abijam and between Jeroboam,” but this

19:l7//2 Sam 10:17; 2 Chr 14:9.33 The Chronicler does

clause is not included in 2 Chr 13:22. It may be a cor¬

not explain why Abijah felt he was legitimate in initiating

rection of 1 Kgs 15:6, replacing Rehoboam with Abijah,

this war in spite of the divine oracle delivered by Shem-

entered at the wrong spot, one verse later. In any case,

aiah the man of God that prohibited Judah from fighting

the Chronicler has a notice about a war at the same

against their northern brothers (2 Chr 11:2-4).

place it was in 1 Kgs 15:6, although he corrected the text to read “Abijah and Jeroboam” instead of “Rehoboam

13:4-12 Abijah's Sermon to Jeroboam and All Israel on

and Jeroboam.”30 In Kings “war” seems to refer to an

Mount Zemaraim

extended series of battles, but in Chronicles it is inter¬

I 4 Abijah stood on Mount Zemaraim, which is in the hill

preted as a single battle described in vv. 3, 13-19.

country of Ephraim, and said: “Listen to me Jeroboam and all

■ 3 Abijah engaged in the battle with an army of mighty war¬

Israel”: It is unrealistic that Abijah’s voice could be heard

riors ,31 four hundred thousand chosen men. Jeroboam set up

by the 800,000 men in Jeroboam’s army.34 This speech,

battle lines opposite him with eight hundred thousand chosen

nevertheless, is at a turning point in the narrative and

mighty warriors: The verb “engaged in” (~!0K) is used

interprets the second major period in the history of the

similarly in 1 Kgs 20:14 and may refer to the “binding”

monarchy, the first being the united kingdom.35 The

of (chariot) horses in preparation for battle (cf. Gen

location of Mount Zemaraim is unclear. Klaus Koch

46:29; Exod 14:6). The significance of the numbers is

suggested that it could be identified with Ras ez-zemara,

that Judah is outnumbered two to one, which makes its

between the modern towns of et-Tayibeh (Ophrah MR

subsequent victory result solely from God’s intervention.

178151) and Rammun (Rimmon), but he remained

The numbers are not realistic for tenth-century Israel or

uncertain about the location of the town of Zemaraim

any time in antiquity32 and in this case may be derived

in the tribal territory of Benjamin (Josh 18:22).36 Wil¬

from the census numbers in 2 Sam 24:9, where the MT

liamson (252) proposed Khirbet el-mazarica, about a

28 29

30

31

See the textual notes. Or this correction had already been made in the Kings manuscript he was using. Note the misentered correction in 1 Kgs 15:7. nnobD ’TOX Cf. the designation ofYahweh as

nanbn “raa in 32

J. Barton Payne, “The Validity of the Numbers in Chronicles,” BSac 136 (1979) 109-28, 206-20; also published in Near East Archaeological Society Bul¬ letin n.s. 11 (1978) 5-58. Abijah’s reign is dated to 914-911 b.c.e. and Jeroboam I’s to 931/930-909

Some Hebrew mss read “Abijam.” Cogan (1 Kings, 393) observes that this is “cor¬ rectly” missing from the LXX, not noting that the LXX may have lost all of vv. 5b/3-6 by haplography.

Ps 24:8. See Klein, “How Many in a Thousand?” The attempt to make the numbers more realistic by interpreting to mean a (much smaller) military unit (Myers, 2:78) or to repoint the word as (“commander, colonel” or “fully-armed soldier”) are not convinc¬ ing, as shown in detail in my essay. For the contrary position, see George E. Mendenhall, “The Census Lists of Numbers 1 and 26JBL 77 (1958) 52-66; John Wenham, “Large Numbers in the Old Testa¬ ment,” TynBul 18 (1967) 19-53; idem, “The Large Numbers in the Bible,” JBQ21 (1993) 116-20; and

33 34 35

36

b.c.e. by Galil, Chronology of the Kings, 147. Cf. also 1 Chr 12:34, 36, 37 (33, 35, 36). See the similar setting for Jotham’s speech on

Mount Gerizim in Judg 9:7. Throntveit, When Kings Speak, 38, 111, 115. The speech of Hezekiah in 2 Chr 30:6-9 brings this period to an end. These speeches form a parenthe¬ sis about the period of the divided monarchy. Klaus Koch, “Zur Lage von Semarajim,” ZDPV78 (1962) 19-29. See also Welten (Geschichte, 117-18), who parses the name as “the high mountain with the double peaks.” In Josh 28:22, the name of a town Zemaraim appears between Beth-arabah (MR 197139) and Bethel (MR 172148) in Benjamin. It is mentioned also by Shishak as dmrm (Row V, #57; Rainey, Carta’s Atlas, 170, 186).

199

mile and a half west of Ras ez-zemara as a location for

Smith compared this to the sacredness of the bond

the mountain, while Gustaf Dalman argued for Ras

among Arabs who have “eaten salt” together.41 David

et-tahuneh (MR 170147) since before the battle Abijah

himself speaks of Yahweh making him king over all Israel

should be south of Bethel (MR 172148).37 The “hill coun¬

(1 Chr 28:4) and insists that Yahweh has chosen Solomon

try of Ephraim” is used in Judg 4:5 to locate the palm of

to sit on the throne of the kingdom of Yahweh over Israel

Deborah between Ramah and Bethel, both of which are

(1 Chr 28:5). The Chronicler could also have appealed

Benjaminite towns. The hill country of Ephraim there¬

to passages such as 1 Chr 17:14 (cf. 2 Chr 6:14 and 21:742)

fore refers to a geographical region in Benjamin rather

to back up his assertions about Yahweh’s everlasting com¬

than to the territory belonging to the tribe of Ephraim.

mitment to David. The covenant with David would apply

Mount Ephraim is used in 2 Chr 15:8 to describe the

to Abijah and other descendants of David. The illegiti¬

area in the north in which Asa captured cities and in

macy of northern kings accounts for the Chronicler's not

2 Chr 17:2 to an area in which Jehoshaphat had put garri¬

including the north in his history except for those places

sons. Abijah’s call for Jeroboam and all Israel to listen to

where its interaction with the south makes mention of it

him38 is ironic, since much of the speech seems designed

necessary. The Chronicler’s view of Jeroboam contrasts

to persuade Israel to disassociate itself from Jeroboam.

with the book of Kings, where Jeroboam’s kingship over

Jeroboam is referred to in the third person in vv. 6-8.

the north is endorsed by a prophetic oracle delivered by

Hence, the real addressees are the Israelites.39

Ahijah the Shilonite and where he is presented with the

I 5 “Do you not know that Yahweh the God of Israel gave the

opportunity to have his own perpetual dynasty (1 Kgs

kingship to David over Israel forever, to him and to his sons as

11:26-39).

a covenant of salt?”: Abijah’s appeal to Yahweh as the God

■ 6 “But Jeroboam, the son of Nebat the servant of Solomon

of Israel puts his hearers (all Israel) under obligation to

the son of David rose up and rebelled against his master”:

listen to this God. A covenant of salt is another way of

Abijah refers to Jeroboam not only in the third person,

referring to an everlasting covenant, as Num 18:19 makes

as if he were not being addressed, but also as the son

clear: “All the holy offerings that the Israelites present to

of Nebat; that is, Jeroboam is quite clearly not a son of

Yahweh I have given to you [Aaron], together with your

David. Jeroboam was a servant, perhaps even a slave, of

sons and daughters, as a perpetual due [D^ID pn1?]; it is

Solomon, and his rebellion against his master—Solo¬

a covenant of salt forever [oTh^

mon and/or Rehoboam43—is therefore dismissed as that

ms] before Yahweh

for you and your descendants as well.”40 W. Robertson

37

38

of an uncontrollable servant or slave.44 The only other

Gustaf Dalman, “Einige Geschichtliche Statten im Norden Jerusalems,48 (1929) 360-61. Cf.

40

200

with your father David, saying, ‘You shall not lack a person to rule in Israel.’” 43

Talshir (Alternative Story, 191) argues that this refers to his rebellion against Solomon. Japhet (Ideology, 309-10 n. 171) understands it to be a revolt against

elsewhere in the Old Testament only in Gen 23:8. Throntveit, When Kings Speak, 37. It is doubtful in my opinion that all Israel is meant to include also

Solomon and hence contradictory to 2 Chronicles 10, which speaks of a revolt against Rehoboam.

the southern soldiers; cowtrajohnstone, 2:52. See v. 16.

Williamson (252) thinks that it refers to Jeroboam’s rebellion against Rehoboam. So also Allen, 530.

See Lev 2:13: “You shall not omit from your grain offerings the salt of the covenant with your God; with all your offerings you shall offer salt.” Cf. Ezek

41

This passage speaks about the covenant Yahweh made with David. See also 2 Chr 7:18: “I will estab¬ lish your royal throne just as I made a covenant

Wesley L. Toews, “Zemaraim,” ABD 6:1074; and M. Patrick Graham, “Zemaraim,” NIDB 5:974. This imperative appears in other royal speeches (1 Chr 28:2; 2 Chr 13:4; 20:20; 29:5) and in two prophetic speeches (2 Chr 15:2; 28:11). It appears

39

42

44

The Chronicler may be alluding to 1 Kgs 11:26, where we are told that Jeroboam the son of Nebat,

43:24 and Ezra 4:14. Milgrom (Leviticus 1-16, 191)

a servant of Solomon, rebelled against the king. Cf. 1 Kgs 11:11. But as Amos Frisch (“Jeroboam and

remarks: “It is likely that in Israel as well salt played a role at the solemn meal that sealed a covenant.”

ing Biblical Accounts,” JANES 27 [2000] 16-17, 25)

W. Robertson Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites (3d ed.; New York: Macmillan, 1927) 270.

notes, the term “servant” is not critical of Jeroboam in 1 Kings 11, but rather against Solomon, who is

the Division of the Kingdom: Mapping Contrast¬

13:1-23a (14:1a)

time that the Chronicler uses the word “rebel” (T1D)

and the fact that he was weak of heart.48 David had

is in 2 Chr 36:13 describing the rebellion of Zerubba-

referred to his son Solomon as young (“1333)49 and inex¬

bel against Nebuchadnezzar. The Chronicler remains

perienced ("["1—not followed here by the word “heart”;

silent about the divine promises of kingship that came

1 Chr 22:5; 29:1), but his endorsement of Solomon as

to Jeroboam during his conversation with Ahijah (1 Kgs

his successor, his securing the consent of leadership

11:26-40). This interpretation of the schism as the rebel¬

circles, and his lavish provisions for building the temple

lion of a slave is in tension with the tradition included by

assured that Solomon would succeed as king. Rehoboam,

the Chronicler from his Vorlage that the division of the

however, did not receive such support from Solomon, as

kingdoms was the result of God’s will (2 Chr 10:15//1

far as we know. People who were afraid or disheartened

Kgs 12:15).

pH^n -pi) were excused from military service in time

I 7 “There gathered to him worthless men, good-for-nothings,

of holy war (Deut 20:8). Rehoboam is a victim of hostile

and they strengthened themselves against Rehoboam the son

forces and of his own youth and inexperience. Youth

of Solomon, while Rehoboam was young and weak of heart,

may not seem an appropriate excuse for someone who

and he was not able to withstand them”: The slave Jeroboam

came to the throne at forty-one like Rehoboam (2 Chr

attracted to himself the riffraff of the society. “Worthless

12:13//1 Kgs 14:21).50 The word “11)3 may refer more

men” (□’pi D’DDN) is used of the people Abimelech hired

to social status or even lack of experience rather than

and who supported his renegade kingship (Judg 9:4) or

chronological age.51 At that time Rehoboam did not have

of the outlaws who associated with Jephthah and made

the wherewithal to withstand the advisors. The Chroni¬

raids with him (Judg 11:3). “Good-for-nothings” appear

cler is here categorically denying the validity of the

several times in Samuel45 and Kings, but only here in

northern kingdom.

Chronicles. The term is used for the corrupt priests who

■ 8 “And now, you think you can withstand the kingdom of

are sons of Eli (1 Sam 2:12), of the people who opposed

Yahweh [which is] in the hand of the sons of David because

Saul’s kingship (1 Sam 10:27), of the false witnesses

you have a great multitude and with you are the calves of gold,

involved in Ahab’s and Jezebel’s attempt to appropriate

which feroboam made for you as gods”: In this verse and the

the vineyard of Naboth (1 Kgs 21:10, 13), and, in the

next, the Chronicler emphasizes “you” as he addresses

singular, of Nabal, the first, foolish husband of Abigail

his audience (cf. v. 11); this will be contrasted with “but

(1 Sam 25:17).46 The verb “strengthened themselves”

we” in v. 10. The kingship of David and his successors (so

is used only here in the hiphil with the preposition bv.

far: Solomon, Rehoboam, and Abijah) is here equated

Williamson (252) believed that the worthless good-for-

with the kingdom of Yahweh, which means that rebellion

nothings referred to the youthful advisors who gave

against the Davidic king is at the same time rebellion

Rehoboam foolish advice and prevailed over him.47

against God.52 Their attempt to “withstand” Yahweh’s

Jeroboam and his allies were able to overcome Rehoboam, whose vulnerability is attributed to his youth

kingdom is an ironic play on words on Rehoboam’s inability to withstand the hoodlums arrayed against him

being punished measure for measure: he rebelled against Yahweh and now his servant rebels against him. 45 46 47

child (]Qp “li)3) and did not know how to go out or come in (military terminology; 1 Kgs 3:7 [not cited in Chronicles]). Curtis and Madsen (375) note that because of this chronological difficulty Otto Zocker and Samuel Ottli arbitrarily emended forty-one to twenty-one.

Klein, 1 Samuel, 25. Cf. also Deut 13:14 (13);Judg 19:22; 20:13. So already Josephus Ant. 8.277: “because, following

50

the advice of wicked men, in a public assembly [my father] spoke in a manner that displeased you.” Cf.

51

Leeb, Away from the Father’s House, 94, 190-91.

52

Cf. earlier references to this equation in 1 Chr 17:14; 28:5; 29:23; 2 Chr 9:8.1 believe, however, thatKnoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 529-32) errs in claiming that the Chronicler is arguing for the political superiority of Yehud or even for the reestablishment of Davidic kingship.

48

Allen, 530. Kimhi remarks: “But [Rehoboam] was forty-one

49

years old when he became king. What this means, rather, is that he was like a boy, in that he did not have the courage to fight” (Berger, Kimhi, 226). Solomon had acknowledged that he was only a little

201

in the previous verse. Superiority in numbers does not

priests (11:14b)—or both charges were true.54 The peo¬

guarantee an army any advantage in holy war (2 Chr

ple here are made culpable for the innovations among

14:10 [11]; 20:2, 12, 14, 24; 32:7). The golden calves (cf.

the ranks of the clergy, formerly attributed to Jeroboam

2 Chr 11:15 and what was said there), interpreted here as

himself. The exact charge in the second sentence differs

gods, will supply even less help against the true God of

depending on which reading is chosen. If one follows

Israel, Yahweh. In v. 10 these calves are called “no-gods.”

the LXX, as in my translation above, the northerners are

The only other uses of “calves of gold” are in 1 Kgs 12:28

accused of creating priests from “the people of the land”

(“So the king [Jeroboam I] took counsel, and made two

(p«n DU),55 perhaps to be understood here as from the

calves of gold. He said to the people, ‘You have gone up

people (of Israel) in general or from all sectors of the

to Jerusalem long enough. Here are your gods, O Israel,

people.56 In the MT version the Chronicler charges that

who brought you up out of the land of Egypt’”) and

the northerners have made priests just like their non-

2 Kgs 10:29 (“Jehu did not turn aside from the sins of

Israelite neighbors do. If one were to combine the LXX

Jeroboam son of Nebat, which he caused Israel to com¬

and MT variants, one could reconstruct a text in which

mit—the golden calves that were in Bethel and Dan”).53

the northerners appointed priests from the peoples of

The idolatrous interpretation of the cult of Jeroboam in

the land, that is, from those who were not part of the

Kings, clearly accepted by the Chronicler at face value,

covenanted Israelite people.

need not be taken as Jeroboam’s own understanding.

The Chronicler further charges, apparently on the

It seems much more likely that he had no intention of

basis of 1 Kgs 13:33 (which verse itself is not included

renouncing Yahweh but only intended to worship Yahweh

in Chronicles), that anyone who is willing to pay the

under a different iconography, in which Yahweh was

price to join the clergy ranks is welcomed. Consecrat¬

thought to be enthroned invisibly on the back of the

ing oneself (literally filling the hand) is an action here

calves, and which had a long history in Israelite tradition

undertaken by the applicant himself, whereas in 1 Kgs

(see Exodus 32).

13:33 it refers to the way that Jeroboam consecrated

■ 9 “Have you not thrust out the priests of Yahweh, the sons

priests. In the Pentateuch, the cost for consecrating

of Aaron and the Levites? And you have made for yourselves

oneself to the priesthood was one young bull and two

priests from the people of the land. Whoever comes to you to

young rams (Exod 29:1, 35), but in Jeroboam’s cult the

consecrate himself with a young bull or with seven rams becomes

price had been raised to one bull and seven rams. Is that

a priest to what are ‘no-gods’”: In this verse the Chronicler

just an alternate tradition known from the north, or is

uses “priests of Yahweh” as an overall category and then

the Chronicler trying to emphasize that the office of

breaks that down into the sons of Aaron (or priests in

priest was for sale in the north?57 In any case, these are

the narrow sense) and Levites (religious leaders of a rank

not priests for Yahweh in the Chronicler’s judgment, but

lower than the priests). He repeats the charge made two

priests for the “no-gods” represented by the golden calves

chapters earlier that the north had expelled the legiti¬

(cf. v. 8).58 In calling the calves “no-gods,” the Chronicler

mate priests, but, as we saw in 2 Chr 11:14, priests and

seems to be indebted to Hos 8:5-6:

Levites from the north had either voluntarily come and sided with Rehoboam and his cult (11:14a), or Jeroboam and his sons had actually prevented them from serving as

53 54

55 56

Neither of these passages is included by the Chronicler. Williamson (243) suggests that 2 Chr 11:14a, which

57

speaks of the voluntary rallying of the “Levites” to

58

28) asks whether the Chronicler is caricaturing the northern cultus or referring to actual practice. In 2 Chr 11:15 the Chronicler had used a term from

Rehoboam and Jerusalem, may be secondary. Cf. Curtis and Madsen, 376; Throntveit, When Kings

Lev 17:7 to label the cult of the north as worship of

Speak, 37.

takes the accusation about satyrs as separate from the golden calves.

Cf. 1 Kgs 13:33-34; and Gary N. Knoppers, “Battling against Yahweh,” 518 n. 27.

202

Knoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 518-19 n.

satyrs or goat-demons (□’TUtDb). Williamson (253)

13:1-23a (14:1a)

Reject your calf, Samaria!

illegitimate priests in north Israel. The series of rituals

My anger burns against them—

mentioned here match best with the tabernacle account

how long will they be able to remain incapable of innocence?

and thus make the temple cult in Jerusalem the direct continuation of and therefore the legitimate successor to

For who is Bull El?

the cult of the tabernacle.62

As for him, a workman made him, and he is no god [Kin

• burnt offerings every morning and evening: Exod

8*71].

For the calf of Samaria

29:38-42; Num 28:3-8; 2 Chr 2:3 (4) • sweet incense every morning and evening: Exod

shall be broken into pieces.59 Hence the Chronicler criticizes the northern cult at

25:6; 30:7-10; 2 Chr 2:3 (4) • laying out the rows of bread on the pure table:63

least for having non-Levitical priests and for being dedi¬ cated to false deities; he may also be charging that the

Exod 25:30; Lev 24:5-9; 1 Chr 23:29; 2 Chr 2:3 (4) • care for the golden lampstand so its lamps burn

office is for sale.

every evening.

■ 10 “But as for us, Yahweh is our God, and we have not

A single lampstand is mentioned in the tabernacle

abandoned him. We have priests serving Yahweh who are sons

account: Exod 25:31-40; 30:7-8; 31:8; 40:24-25; Lev 24:1-

of Aaron and Levites for their functions”: This verse draws

4; Num 8:2-4. This contrasts with 1 Chr 28:15; 2 Chr 4:7;

a sharp contrast between the worship of the north and

2 Chr 4:20//l Kgs 7:48, which speaks of ten golden lamp-

south: They have abandoned Yahweh (see v. 11) and

stands.64 The lampstands are not mentioned in 2 Chr 2:3

worship no-gods (v. 9) or satyrs (2 Chr 11:15); we, on the

(4). In other words, the Chronicler in Abijah’s speech is

other hand, claim Yahweh as our God and we have not

refining the claim of legitimacy in Jerusalem by making

abandoned him.60 They have expelled the Aaronic priests

the one lampstand a direct continuation of tabernacle

and .the Levites and have welcomed as priest anyone who

practice.

applies; we have priests who minister to Yahweh and we

The accusation against the north is summed up in the

have Levites in their several functions or capacities.61

last two clauses: “we keep the charge (niDliiD) of Yahweh

■ 11

our God,65 but you have abandoned him.” The Hebrew

“They offer to Yahweh burnt offerings and sweet incense

every morning and every evening, they lay out the rows of bread

text gives emphasis to the pronouns “we” and “you.” The

on the pure table, and they care for the golden lampstand so

pronoun “you” is in the plural and emphasizes that the

that its lamps may burn-every evening; for we keep the charge of

people as a whole, and not just Jeroboam, are at fault

Yahweh our God, but you have abandoned him”: In this verse

(contrast 1 Kings 11-12). Despite the polemical tone of

the Chronicler continues his contrast between the true

this verse, the Chronicler keeps the door open to a full

Aaronic priests in the south and those non-Levitical,

return of the northern kingdom (2 Chr 11:13-17; 15:9).66

59

Translation from Chalmers, Struggle for Hosea’s Israel, 123. Jeremiah (2:11; 5:7; 16:20) and the Deuteronomistic Historian (2 Kgs 19:18//Isa 37:19) use

60

61

“no-gods” to refer to foreign deities. There is a tension here with 2 Chr 12:1: “He [Rehoboam] forsook the law of Yahweh, and all Israel with him.” Rudolph (237), however, argues that the Chronicler would not sense this as a contra¬

64

only one lampstand. See Zech 4:2, 11 and 1 Macc 1:21; 4:49, but the Chronicler usually lists ten lampstands for the First Temple.

diction. The Rudolph emendation, mentioned in the textual notes, would claim that the Levites are appointed by Yahweh rather than that they are non-Levitical,

62

63

65

self-chosen volunteers. See Knoppers, “Battling against Yahweh,” 519-20. He concludes: “The Chronicler masks the innova¬ tion involved in constructing the temple and in centralizing the cult by identifying procedures and

furnishings at the temple with those of the taber¬ nacle.” This was done weekly; all the rest of the activities were done daily. The pure table is also mentioned in Lev 24:6. The NRSVtranslates it in both passages as “the table of pure gold.” Knoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 320 n. 32) believes that it is likely that the Second Temple had

For charge (m0!2i0), see 1 Chr 23:23 and 2 Chr 23:6. As Allen (530), points out, this assertion of proper cultic worship creates tension with 2 Chr 14:3-5a, Asa’s reform, since there would seem to be

66

nothing to reform. See Williamson, Israel, 113-14.

203

■ 12 “Behold God is with us at the head, and his priests have

two sides: his main force was to the north of the Judean

their battle trumpets to raise the battle cry against you. O sons

army and his ambush came up behind Judah. A series of

of Israel, do not fight against Yahweh the God of your ancestors

narratives about early Israel provides precedent for this

for you cannot succeed”: Abijah lines up arguments to show

military strategy. Joshua attacked Ai from the north but

that the military advantage is really with Judah, despite

also set an ambush on the west of Ai (Josh 8:9-13). The

the great disparity in numbers: God is with Judah as the

Shechemites used an ambush against Abimelech (Judg

head of their army, and the priests are all set to blow the

9:35), and he in turn used a three-pronged attack on

battle trumpets, which are a characteristic feature of

Shechem (Judg 9:43-44). The Israelites used an ambush

the Yahweh war (Num 10:8-9; 31:6).67 At the end, Abijah

when they fought against the Benjaminites (Judg 20:29).

uses a vocative address, aimed at the grievously erring

Joab faced forces from two fronts when he was fighting

Israelites, who are still Israelites. He reminds them that

the Arameans and the Ammonites (2 Sam 10:9). Yahweh

Yahweh is the God of their ancestors, but that he is now

even set an ambush in his fight for Israel against the

on Judah’s side. He pleads with them not to fight against

Ammonites, the Moabites, and Mount Seir (2 Chr 20:22).

Yahweh and reminds them that they are doomed to fail¬

The battle in vv. 13-19 is described from the perspective

ure.68 Of the thirteen times that

ofjudah.

(“succeed”) is used

in Chronicles, it is used with a negative imperative only

I 14 Judah turned and behold there was a battle in front of

here and in the speech of Zechariah in 2 Chr 24:20. As

them and behind them, and they cried out to Yahweh, and the

Rudolph remarks (238), Abijah is the legal advocate of

priests were blowing the trumpets: When the Judeans rec¬

the true Israel, and therefore it is not surprising that the

ognized the threat they faced, they cried out (pi?i£) to

negative judgment on Abijam of 1 Kgs 15:3 is dropped in

Yahweh, which is a very common motif in holy wars.70 In

Chronicles. Ironically, Abijah calls on the north to desist

subsequent wars the king issues a petition to Yahweh at

from fighting, whereas earlier the prophet Shemaiah

this point (2 Chr 14:11 [10]; 20:6-12). Andreas Ruffing

had forbidden Judah to fight against the north (2 Chr

suggests that the conjunction before “the priests” is dis¬

11-.4//1 Kgs 12:24).

junctive: the people cried to Yahweh, but the priests blew the trumpets as an action directed against the enemy.71

13:13-21 The Battle Report

I 15 Each man of Judah shouted, and when each man of

H 13 Jeroboam had set the ambush to come from behind them,

Judah shouted, God routed Jeroboam and all Israel before Abijah

and his troops were in front of Judah, and the ambush was

and Judah: The shouting of Israel at the battle of Jericho

behind them: Despite Abijah’s impassioned appeal and

is perhaps the most well-known use of this motif (Josh

detailed argument about the impossibility of fighting

6:10, 16).72 At Jericho and here shouting follows after the

against Yahweh, northern Israel gives no heed, and

blowing of the trumpets. The double mention of “each

Jeroboam takes the lead in trying to use military strategy

man” ofjudah in this verse is no doubt aimed to express

to gain a victory.69 Jeroboam tried to attack Judah on

the unanimous participation of the people. The interven-

67

The only other occasion for trumpet blowing

of the inner-Israelite enemy. (2) The character of

mentioned is when the Israelites break camp (Num

the covenant breach is unprecedented. (3) Unlike in Deuteronomy 13 but as in Judges 19-21, Israel in 2 Chronicles 13 is not a people put under the ban. (4) There is a paradoxical stress on the unity of

10:5-6). See also the reference to the trumpets in v. 14 and to the battle cry in v. 15. Num 31:6 is the only other use of runnnn nn^m. 68

Cf. Psalm 2, which marvels incomprehensibly at the hopelessness of the nations revolting against Yahweh and his anointed king.

69

Knoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 524-29) has

In 1 Chr 5:20, the two and one-half Transjordanian tribes cried out (put) in their battle against the Hagrites, and God granted this entreaty. See also

explored the similarities between this account and the intra-Israelite battles in Judges 19-21 and the

71

2 Chr 18:31//1 Kgs 22:32; 2 Chr 20:9; 32:20. Ruffing, Jahwekrieg, 34 n. 58.

authorization for such a war in Deuteronomy 13.

72

Cf. 1 Sam 4:5; Judg 7:20; 1 Sam 17:20, 52; 2 Chr

He points out the following similarities and differ¬ ences: (1) Highly derogatory terminology is used

204

Israel and the vanquished as Israelites. 70

20:21-22; and von Rad, Holy War, 48.

13:1-23a (14:1a)

tion ofYahweh in holy war is often indicated by the verb here translated as “routed” (cf. v. 20; 2 Chr 14:11;

despite the lopsided outcome of this battle. This suggests that the account of the battle is more theological than

20:22).73

historical.

■ 16 The Israelites fled before fudah, and God gave them into

■ 18 The Israelites were brought into subjection at that time,

their hand: Flight (Josh 4:15, 17; 10:11, 16;Judg 1:6) and

and the sons of fudah grew strong because they relied on Yahweh

“being given into an enemy’s hand” are characteristic

the God of their ancestors: The narrator continues to make

motifs in holy war contexts. In the case of Ahaz, Yahweh

contrasts between the Israelites and the Judeans, as was

gave him into the hand of the king of Damascus and into

done in the speech above. For “brought into subjection”

the hand of the king of (north) Israel (2 Chr 28:5-6).74

(1i’]D',l), see 1 Chr 20:4.78 The Israelites had tried to fight

The location of this Ubereignungsformel (handing over

against Yahweh while the Judeans relied on (13J)D2) Yah¬

formula) after the report of God’s intervention in v. 15

weh, and this led to their success. Asa is later criticized

is unusual.75 It provides a transition from the actions of

for relying on the king of Aram rather than on Yahweh

God in v. 15 to those of Abijah and Judah in v. 17; in fact,

(2 Chr 16:7). Reliance on Yahweh earlier in the reign of

it makes those actions possible.

Asa led to victory over the Cushites (2 Chr 14:10 [11];

I 17 Abijah and his troops dealt them a severe blow, and

16:8). Yahweh’s epithet as the God of the ancestors was

there fell slain from Israel five hundred thousand chosen men:

mentioned in Abijah’s admonition to the north in v. 12.

With the battle already decided, Abijah and his troops

Victory in war is the retributive response to faithfulness,

perform a mop-up operation.76 The number of casualties

but faithlessness leads to the opposite results: “Yahweh

is again wildly unrealistic, and the number may have a

had brought Judah low because of Ahaz the king of

relationship to the number of Judeans in David’s census

Israel, for he had made Judah act without restraint, and

(2 Sam 24:9 MT). Dillard (106) points out the deaths

he proved himself utterly unfaithful (‘TUG l7BJ0'l) to Yah¬

of United States’ soldiers in World War II, when the

weh” (2 Chr 28:19).

number of troops was vastly larger than at the time of

■ 19 Abijah pursued after Jeroboam and took from him cit¬

Abijah and when faced with much more lethal weapons,

ies: Bethel and its associated towns, Jeshanah and its associ¬

was only somewhat more than four hundred thousand.

ated towns, and Ephron and its associated towns: The verb

The words “chosen men” probably mean something like

“pursue” in Chronicles appears only here and in 2 Chr

“elite troops” here and on its two occurrences in v. 13.77

14:12, where Asa and his army pursue the Cushites.

Despite overwhelming numbers, use of standard military

The two kings, Abijah and Jeroboam, stand here for

strategies, and superior troops, Jeroboam and his army

their respective armies, almost as if this were a one-to-

suffered overwhelming losses. No casualties are reported

one conflict. An arc is formed by this incursion into

for Judah, and one supposes that there were none!

the land of the northern kingdom. See Bethel (MR

Abijah does not force the north to reunite with the south

172148), Jeshanah (MR 174156),79 and Ephron (MR

73

74 75 76

See also 2 Chr 21:14, 18, where Joram, his family, and the people are struck (rp]) by sickness and war because of Joram’s unfaithfulness. Von Rad {Holy War, 42-44) lists twenty occurrences of this Ubereignungsformel. Ruffing, Jahwekrieg, 34. The actions of Jeroboam and Abijah are reported only in vv. 13 and 17. Human participation is absent from the battle report in 2 Chr 14:7-14; cf. 2 Chr

77

78

20:20-25. For this reason the Ubereignungsformel is absent from 2 Chronicles 14 and 20. Ruffing (Jahwekrieg, 42) suggests it may also indicate the professional status of these troops. Cf. 1 Chr 19:10//2 Sam 10:9; 2 Chr 11:1//1 Kgs 12:21; 2 Chr

79

The verb there is an addition by the Chronicler to the Vorlagein 2 Sam 21:18. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 411. Knoppers (“Battling against Yahweh,” 523) points out that the niphal of HD usually connotes voluntary self-abasement before Yahweh, but here it is involuntary. Jeshanah is seventeen miles north of Jerusalem and about ten miles northeast of Mizpah, the customary border city of Judah. Jeshanah should be recon¬ structed atjosh 18:22 (see the discussion under “Structure”). See also Jeffries M. Hamilton (“Jesha¬ nah,” ABD 3:769), who mentions a similar emen¬ dation in 1 Sam 7:12 on the basis of the Targum. Contrast Klein, 1 Samuel, 64. There is ajeshanah

25:5.

205

178151).80 If the capture of these cities is historical (see

response to his fighting against Judah and Yahweh even

the discussion under “Structure”), they were returned to

after the sermon of Abijah, who had tried to convince

northern control within a few years when Baasha forti¬

him to desist. I see no basis for Japhet’s claim (699) that

fied Ramah (MR 172140; cf. 2 Chr 16:1//1 Kgs 15:17).

Abijah’s successful military campaigns came to an abrupt

The calves were still in Bethel at the time of Jehu in the

end with his own untimely death.

middle of the ninth century (2 Kgs 10:29) and of Hosea

I 21 But Abijah grew strong, and he married fourteen women

(10:5) in the eighth century.

and became the father of twenty-two sons and sixteen daugh¬

■ 20 Jeroboam did not regain his strength any more in the

ters: This verse continues the series of contrasts between

days of Abijah. Yahweh struck him and he died: Jeroboam’s

southern and northern kingdoms in this chapter.

inability to reassert himself may have been related to a

Jeroboam’s loss of strength and premature death are

treaty that Abijah made with Aram. We only know about

contrasted with the fourteen wives and the thirty-eight

this treaty from the story of Abijah’s son Asa, who pro¬

children of Abijah, which are taken as a sign of his

poses a treaty with the king of Aram like the one their

strength (cf. 2 Chr 11:18-23). Abijah ruled for only three

two fathers had had (2 Chr 16:3//1 Kgs 15:19).81 The

years, but we do not know his age at accession. Still the

Chronicler usually criticizes reliance on foreign pow¬

number of wives and children are signs of blessing more

ers because they are a sign of distrust in Yahweh (2 Chr

than a straightforward historical report.

16:7-9; 19:1-3; 25:7-10; 28:15-21). This verse seems to say that Jeroboam died during the lifetime of Abijah, but

13:22-23a (14:1a) Regnal Resume

that does not agree with information provided by the

■ 22 The rest of the acts of Abijah and his ways and his words

book of Kings.82 Abijah began to reign in Jeroboam’s

are written in the midrash of the prophet Iddo: The words of

eighteenth year and reigned for three years (2 Chr 13:1-

Abijah are an allusion to his speech earlier in this chap¬

2//1 Kgs 15:1-2), and Jeroboam’s reign lasted twenty-two

ter. The Chronicler provided three prophetic sources for

years and ended with Jeroboam’s peaceful death (1 Kgs

David and Solomon, and two for Rehoboam. Only one,

14:19-20). According to 1 Kgs 15:9, Asa began to reign

from the prophet Iddo, is mentioned here and it takes

in Jeroboam’s twentieth year, and Nadab succeeded

the place of “the book of the chronicles of the kings of

Jeroboam in Asa’s second year (1 Kgs 15:25). The Chron¬

Judah” in 1 Kgs 15:7. Iddo was mentioned among the

icler may have changed the order of these deaths to

sources for both Solomon (2 Chr 9:29) and Rehoboam

show that Abijah was more blessed than Jeroboam. The

(2 Chr 12:15), although on both of those occasions he

death of Jeroboam at Yahweh’s hand recalls the death of

is identified as the visionary (ilinn) rather than as the

Saul in 1 Chr 10:14. Throughout Chronicles Jeroboam

prophet (N’lin). He is the only prophetic figure who

is treated more negatively than he is in Kings, and this

appears in three source references, and he appears only

retribution at the hand of Yahweh seems to be a direct

in these source references, never in the narrative itself.83

80

city gate in Neh 3:6 and 12:39, known before the exile as the Corner Gate. Welten, Geschichte, 123-24. Ephron (]T13U) is usually identified with Ophrah

(mail), about four miles north of Bethel, and with the town Ephraim. Ophrah was plundered by the Philistines in the time of Saul (1 Sam 13:17). Cf. Josh 18:23. The town Ephraim is mentioned in 2 Sam 13:23 and was a place Jesus visited, according to John 11:54. 81

Welten (Geschichte, 126) believes this only indicates

82

that the treaty was old. But Dillard (109) remarks, “The verse correctly implies that Jeroboam outlived Abijah.” He claims that the report of Jeroboam’s death is “telescoped” and compares this notice with the report of the

206

death of Sennacherib in 2 Kgs 19:37, which hap¬ pened only about twenty years after 701. We saw in Huram’s giving cities to Solomon (2 Chr 8:2), how¬ ever, a direct reversal of the notice in Kings (1 Kgs 9:11-12), so that a change of chronology is not an impossibility. 83 Cf. Japhet, 699. The seer Samuel and the visionary Gad and the prophet Nathan are mentioned in the source reference for David (1 Chr 29:29), and the prophet Nathan and the prophecy of Ahijah, in addition to the visionary Iddo, are mentioned in the source reference for Solomon (2 Chr 9:29). The prophet Shemaiah, in addition to the vision¬ ary Iddo, is mentioned in the source reference for Rehoboam (2 Chr 12:15).

13:1-23a (14:1a)

The word “midrash” occurs only here and in the reg¬

by a bunch of worthless men and good-for-nothings

nal resume in 2 Chr 24:27 (the midrash of the book of „

(v. 7). Yahweh had given kingship to David and his sons

Kings). Rudolph (239) believed that the midrash of Iddo

as an everlasting covenant (a covenant of salt; v. 5).

was an excerpt from the great historical work that lay

Jeroboam’s revolt is in fact a rebellion against the king¬

before the Chronicler.84 Instead of “and all which he did”

dom ofYahweh (v. 8).Jeroboam trusted in the numbers

(1 Kgs 15:7),85 which is never included by the Chronicler

of his soldiers and apparently in his military strategy

in this formula, he wrote “his ways and his words.” This

in a battle that was more against Yahweh than against

has replaced “the first and the last,” used in the regnal

Judah. In addition, he had manufactured the “no-gods”

resumes of David (1 Chr 29:29; he ruled for forty years),

of the golden calves, expelled the legitimate clergy, and

Solomon (2 Chr 9:29; he ruled for forty years), and

installed clergy without the proper pedigree, perhaps

Rehoboam (2 Chr 12:15; he ruled for seventeen years).

even allowing priesthood to be purchased. In all these

Such a description would not seem appropriate in a

offenses he is joined by the people of the north (v. 9).

short, three-year reign. The Chronicler always writes “are

Abijah’s sermon draws sharp contrasts between the

written” instead of “are they not written.” His omission of

perfidy of Jeroboam and the north and the correctness

the war notice from 1 Kgs 15:7 probably results from the

of the Davidic dynasty and the worship at the Jerusalem

fact that it is a correction at this point.

temple.

I 23a (14:1a) Abijah slept with his fathers and they buried him in the city of David, and his son Asa reigned in his stead: This

The war itself was no contest, with God responding to the shouts and the trumpet blowing of Judah and giving

verse clearly identifies Asa as the son of Abijah, despite

them a decisive victory. While Israel lost five hundred

the confusion caused by the names of their mothers,

thousand soldiers, Judah grew strong because it relied

discussed above.86

on Yahweh the God of their ancestors. Jeroboam’s lack of power and early death are contrasted with the multitude

Conclusion

of wives and children associated with Abijah. Knoppers assigns to this chapter a broader political

The sermon of Abijah and the details of his battle

agenda. “The Chronicler advocates approaching Yehud’s

against north Israel are additions to the Kings Vorlage

plight from a position of strength. Ironically this means

by the Chronicler, who not only leaves out verses critical

affirming and safeguarding the sanctity of those institu¬

of Abijah but (implicitly) changes his evaluation of the

tions and traditions which historically were offensive to

king, turning him into an ardent spokesperson for the

many Northerners and probably treasonous (in the case

Davidic dynasty and the Jerusalem cult, both topics dear

of an independent Davidic monarchy) to the Persian

to the heart of the Chronicler himself. The reasons for

crown. . . . The Chronicler therefore provides ideologi¬

the change of the king’s name from Abijam to Abijah

cal justification for reestablishing a Davidic-Solomonic

may stem from this revised theological evaluation.

state.”87 It seems unlikely to me, given the realities of Per¬

The chapter continues the negative portrayal of

sian power, and the sustained focus on the temple and its

Jeroboam that we have seen already in previous chapters.

cult elsewhere, that the Chronicler was really fostering

Jeroboam is a rebellious slave (v. 6) who was supported

such an audacious political agenda.

84

85

In 2 Chr 12:15, Rudolph (235) proposed that this historical work was the source of 2 Chr 11:5-12 and perhaps also of 2 Chr 11:18-23. “Von der Zeit der geteilten Reiche an hat also der Chr. ein umfassenderes Werk vor sich gehabt, fiber dessen Inhalt und Umfang hier noch nichts ausgemacht werden

86

kann.” The expression “and all that he did” is used some

87

twenty-one times for kings from both kingdoms in Kings. Curtis and Madsen (378) propose reading “brother” rather than “son.” BHK records a conjec¬ tural proposal to emend 1 Kgs 15:8 to make Asa the brother of Abijah instead of his son. Knoppers, “Battling against Yahweh,” 532.

207

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15) The Piety and Successes of Asa;

13:23b (14:1b) —16:14 The Reign of Asa

13/14

His Defeat of Zerah the Cushite Translation

23b (14:1b)/ In his days1 the land2 was quiet for ten3 years. 14:1 (2)/ Asa4 did what was good and upright in the eyes of Yahweh his God. 2 (3)/ He removed the foreign altars and the high places, and he broke in pieces the pillars and hewed down the asherim. 3 (4)/ He commanded Judah to seek Yahweh the God of their ancestors and to keep the law and the command¬ ment. 4 (5)/ He removed from all the cities of Judah the high places and the chapels5 so that the kingdom was quiet before him. 5 (6)/ He built cities of defense in Judah, for the land was quiet, and he had no war in these years since Yahweh had given him rest. 6 (7)/ He said to Judah, "Let us build these cities, and let us sur¬ round them with a wall, towers, double doors, and bars; the land is still at our disposal. Since we have sought6 Yahweh our God, he has sought us,7 and he has given us rest all around." And they built and prospered.8 7 (8)/ Asa had an army of three hundred thousand from Judah bearing large shields and spears, and from Benjamin bearing round shields and draw¬ ing bows were two hundred and eighty9 thousand; all these were mighty warriors. 8 (9)/ Zerah the Cushite came out against them with a force of one million,10 and three hundred11 chariots, and he came to Mareshah. 9 (10)/ Asa went out to meet him and they drew up their battle lines in the valley of Zephathah12 at Mareshah. 10 (11)/ Asa cried to Yahweh his God and he said, "Yahweh, there is no difference for you between helping the mighty and the powerless.13 Help us, Yahweh our God, for we rely on you and we have come in your name against this great multitude. Yahweh, you are our God. Do not let a mere human prevail over you."14 11 (12)/ Yahweh smote the Cushites in the presence of Asa and in the presence of Judah, and the Cushites fled. 12 (13)/ Asa and the troops who were with them pur¬ sued them as far as Gerar,16 and some of the Cushites16 fell wounded beyond recov¬ ery for they were broken before Yahweh and before his camp, and they carried off very much spoil. 13 (14)/ They attacked all their cities round about Gerar, for the dread of Yahweh was on them. They plundered all their cities, for there was much to plunder in them. 14 (15)/ They also attacked the tents of those with livestock,17and they captured sheep in abundance and camels, and they returned to Jerusalem.

1

2

3

4 5

6

7

8

9 10 11 12

TD'H; LXX ev rale; rjpepatq 'Aaa “in the days of Asa.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:150) interprets the LXX as an explanatory change to avoid Abijah being taken as the subject of the sentence. pK7. LXX rj yfj 'Iovba “the land ofjudah.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:36) interprets the LXX as a cor¬ ruption. 700; Syr Arab “twenty.” Cf. 2 Chr 15:10-19, which takes place from the fifteenth to the thirty-fifth year of Asa. NOK; lacking in LXX. Cf. 2 Chr 13:23 (14:1), how¬ ever, where Asa is listed as Abijah’s successor. jOri; see HALOT, 329. For discussion of the meaning of this word, see the commentary. The proposal of A. S. Yahuda (“Hebrew Words of Egyptian Origin,” JBL 66 [1947] 85), who derives [017 from Egyptian hmn (the number eight) and states that the hmn.yui are the eight primeval gods of Hermopolis, is highly unlikely. 130773, following a suggestion in BHS; cf. LXX Syr Arab. MT 13077 ’3 “For we have sought.” See also the next note and the commentary. 13077, following a suggestion in BHS. MT 13077 “we sought (him).” The word is lacking in LXX Syr and Arabic. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 160) states that an erroneous vocalization (see the previous note) led to this repetition, but he then refuses to emend the previous verb (n. 515)! Ifl'^'l 1337. LXX Kal evobwaev rip.LV = rr^Kn 13*01 “and he has given us success.” Rudolph (240) states that the latter reading is not to be preferred. *]■?« □'31001 □’nun. LXX and Josephus Ant. 8.291 “two hundred and fifty thousand.” D’D^R ‘7TI3. N1V“with a vast army.” Do apolo¬ getic reasons lie behind this translation? niRO 0*70; Syr Arab “thirty thousand.” 7nS0 K’33. BHS proposes 73120 N'33 “in a valley north (of Mareshah).” Cf. LXX Kal ev Trj (papa771 Kara (3oppdv. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 161)

follows the LXX, since it explains the following preposition (*7). In this understanding, the waw and nun of 173120 were written together as P. 13 14

Japhet, 711: “There is none except you to help [in a conflict] between the strong and the weak.” 013N “[□0 -00' *78. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 161) favors the translation offered above. The verb 700’ is an elliptical representation of 1113 700' “be capable of.”

15

773; LXX Teboip = 773. A town Gedor is mentioned

16

in 1 Chr 4:39, though it is often emended with the LXX to Gerar (see Klein, 1 Chronicles, 144). D’0130; Cairo Genizah □’0137Q, with an addition of

17

73pQ ’*77M D31. The LXX has both a translation and

the definite article. a transliteration, and the translation is probably a

208

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15)

correction of the transliteration: /cat ye aKTjvaq KTrjoeav roue

Afia^ovelc;. Allen

(Greek Chronicles,

1:167) reconstructs the original transliterated form as 'AXai^axava. Rudolph (242) interprets the transliteration as a corruption ofA(At)jttafor,etg

from 2 Chr 22:1 LXX. The masculine form of the transliterated word conflicts with the idea that this is a reference to the Amazons, since they were a female tribe. See also Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 162.

Structure

VI.

16:1-6 Asa’s alliance with Ben-hadad and the subse¬ quent withdrawal of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:17-22). This

The account of Asa’s reign in 2 Chr 13:23b

alliance is evidence for Asa’s not relying on Yahweh

(14:1b)—2 Chr 17:1a is nearly three times as long as the

and shows a quite different response by him than

parallel in 1 Kgs 15:9-24! (forty-seven and one-half versus

he had to the threat of Zerah and the Cushites. The

sixteen verses). The outline below includes material from

Chronicler’s positioning of this failure provides a

all three chapters that are dedicated to Asa. I. 13:23b—14:7 (14:lb-8) The piety and successes of Asa: reform, building projects, and army (1 Kgs

and Asa’s angry response. Asa’s response and his

is the first of four reforming kings in Chronicles.

lack of reliance on Yahweh explain why the king of

See the later discussion of Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah,

Aram escaped him and why Asa was afflicted with a

andjosiah.

disease in his feet. VIII. 16:11-14 Sickness and death of Asa (1 Kgs 15:23-

million-man army

24a). Even in his sickness Asa relied not on Yahweh

15:1-7 Admonition of Azariah the son of Oded. He

but on healers.

reiterates the doctrine of retribution, mentioning

IV.

VII. 16:7-10 Rebuke of Asa by Hanani the seer (nK“in)

15:11-12, corresponding to 2 Chr 14:1-2 [2-3]).2 Asa

II. 14:8-14 (9-15) Defeat of Zerah the Cushite and his III.

theological rationale for his subsequent rebuke by Hanani and his foot disease.4

The Chronicler begins and ends his account of

both positive and negative consequences, and urges

Asa’s reign with excerpts from the Vorlage (1 Kgs 15:11-

Asa and the people to carry out reforms.

12, 13-24), but he inserts new material in 2 Chr 14:3

15:8-15 A second reform and covenant making after

(4)—15:15 and 16:7-10, including two prophetic speeches

the admonition of Azariah

(2 Chr 15:1-7 and 16:7-10). His sole omission is 1 Kgs

V. 15:16-19 Asa’s removal of the great lady3 and his

15:9-10, which contains a synchronism with the north¬

donation of votive offerings in an era of peace

ern kingdom, the length of Asa’s reign, and the name

(1 Kgs 15:13-16)

of his mother, Maacah. Synchronisms with the northern 33: Baasha in the third year of Asa; 1 Kgs 16:8: Elah in the twenty-sixth year of Asa; 1 Kgs 16:10, 15: Zimri in the twenty-seventh year of Asa; 1 Kgs 16:23: Omri in the thirty-first year of Asa; and 1 Kgs 16:29: Ahab in the thirty-eighth year of Asa. See Raymond B. Dillard, “The Reign of Asa (2 Chr 14-16): An Example of the Chronicler’s Theologi¬

1 These verses in 1 Kings 15 have the following out¬ line: vv. 9-14: Deuteronomistic introduction to Asa’s reign and his reform; v. 15: Asa’s donation of votive offerings to the temple; w. 16-22: the war between Baasha and Asa; vv. 23-24: Asa’s illness and death. There is no correlation between the positive evalu¬ ation of Asa and his wars with Baasha. See Jonker, “Cushites,” 868. Apart from Asa’s sickness coming in his old age, the author of Kings does not assign dates to the events in Asa’s life, such as his removal of his mother (1 Kgs 15:13) or the war with Baasha (1 Kgs 15:16-22). The author of Kings does assign specific dates to the coronation of six kings of the northern kingdom during the reign of Asa (1 Kgs 15:25: Nadab in the second year of Asa; 1 Kgs 15:28,

cal Method,” JETS 23 (1980) 207-18. 2

1 Kings 15:12 is significantly changed in 2 Chr 14:2 (3); 2 Chr 14:3 (4)—15:15 has no parallel in

3

1 Kings. For this translation of nT33, see the commentary on

4

2 Chr 15:16. Augustin, “Beobachtungen,” 18.

209

kingdom are always omitted from the Kings Vorlage in the

the king sought relief from this threat by sending a bribe

following chapters. The length of Asa’s reign is included

to the Aramean king Ben-hadad and concluding a treaty

in a different context in 2 Chr 16:13. For his mother, see

with him. While this led to Baasha’s withdrawal, Asa’s

the commentary at 2 Chr 13:2 and 15:16.

tactics are severely criticized by Hanani the seer, and as a

The two military encounters during Asa’s reign are

consequence Asa falls victim to a foot disease. Even in his

both successful, although the first, against Zerah, results

illness Asa did not seek Yahweh, and so his death comes

from his dependence on Yahweh, for which he is blessed.

also as judgment. Features of retribution theology in

The second results from his trust in a military alliance,

response both to Asa’s pieties and failures permeate the

his first sin, for which he is rebuked, and for which he

account.

is punished by having the king of Aram escape and by

There are, however, a number of problems with this

experiencing troubling wars during the rest of his reign

chronology. According to 1 Kgs 15:239 and 1 Kgs 16:810

(2 Chr 16:7, 9). His harsh response to the prophecy of

Baasha died in Asa’s twenty-sixth year, making a battle

Hanani is his second sin, for which he is punished by an

between Asa and Baasha ten years later impossible. The

illness in his feet (2 Chr 16:12a). A third sin was his seek¬

prolonged period of peace that ended only with Baasha’s

ing physicians instead of Yahweh in his illness, with the

invasion in Asa’s thirty-sixth year also conflicts with 1 Kgs

result that he died (2 Chr 16:12b-13). In the Chronicler’s account of Asa there are a sig¬

15:16, which states that there was constant war between Baasha and Asa throughout their reigns. A third, lesser

nificant number of dates that are not contained in the

problem is the four-year hiatus between the defeat of

Vorlage, which provide a theological interpretation and a

Zerah, presumably in Asa’s eleventh year, and Asa’s dedi¬

unity to the story even as they raise a number of ques¬

cating votive offerings to Yahweh from this battle fully

tions for the modern reader.

four years later, in the fifteenth year. De Vries (297) sug¬

13:23(14:1): The land had rest for ten years at the

gests a solution to this problem by having the ten years

beginning of Asa’s reign.5 15:10:

of quiet at the beginning of Asa’s reign be followed by

An assembly in the third month6 of the fifteenth

five years of building projects and military preparations,

year

with the attack by Zerah occurring therefore in Asa’s

15:19:

No war until the thirty-fifth year of Asa

fifteenth year.11 A fourth chronological problem is the

16:1:

The attack of Baasha in Asa’s thirty-sixth year7

report that there was no war for Asa until his thirty-fifth

16:12:

The illness of Asa in his thirty-ninth year8

year (2 Chr 15:19) despite the war with Zerah in 2 Chr

16:13:

The death of Asa in the forty-first year of his

14:8-14 (9-15). The NRSVharmonizes by adding the word

reign (cf. 1 Kgs 15:10)

“more”: “And there was no more war until the thirty-fifth

Asa’s piety is rewarded with thirty-five years of peace that

year of the reign of Asa.” The first two chronological

were interrupted only by the successful defeat of Zerah

problems are not so easily solved. Edwin R. Thiele, Wil¬

the Cushite. The date of that battle is not given, but

liamson (256-58), and De Vries (296) argued that the

the text implies that it took place in Asa’s eleventh year.

thirty-fifth and thirty-sixth years should be considered

When Baasha invaded Judah in Asa’s thirty-sixth year,

to be dates after the division of the kingdom,12 but the

Williamson (259) identifies this as an arbitrarily chosen round number. He suggests that Asa’s fif¬

9

Baasha began to reign over Israel in Asa’s third year and reigned for twenty-four years.

teenth year is the Chronicler’s date for the invasion of Zerah.

10

Elah, Baasha’s successor, began to reign in Asa’s twenty-sixth year.

6

The significance of this month and the lack of a

11

Johnstone, 2:59, finds a sequence of ten, five,

7

specific day will be discussed in the commentary. LXX: thirty-eighth year.

8

In 1 Kgs 15:23 this illness comes only “in the time of his old age.” In his reconstruction of Asa’s chronol¬ ogy, Williamson (257) is unsure when to date this illness.

210

twenty, and five years in the chronology. He puts the attack of Zerah within the first five-year period and puts the war with Baasha between the twentyyear period and the final five-year period. 12

Thiele, Mysterious Numbers, 84-88. De Vries believes

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15)

text of 2 Chr 15:19 and 16:1 explicitly link these dates to

brought peace (2 Chr 14:4b [5b]), building projects

the reign of Asa himself. I believe that by his decision to

(2 Chr 14:5-6 [7-8]), and a military buildup (2 Chr 14:7

divide the reign of Asa into a long positive period and a

[8]). In addition, the prophetic figure Azariah told Asa

relatively short negative period,13 the Chronicler created

that his work (of reform) would be rewarded (2 Chr

a clash with chronological items in his Vorlage. The notice

15:7), and the Chronicler reports that Yahweh gave Asa

in the Vorlage (1 Kgs 15:23) that reported Asa’s disease

rest all around (2 Chr 15:15b) in response to his sacrific¬

in his feet led the Chronicler to date Asa’s misbehavior

ing from the booty of warfare (2 Chr 15:11)15 and the

in the war against Baasha and his subsequent oppression

people’s decision to enter a covenant (2 Chr 15:12-15a).

of the seer Hanani also late in Asa’s life. The Chronicler

Peace lasted for most of Asa’s reign, and the war with

was either unaware of the chronological problems he

Baasha was delayed until the king’s thirty-sixth year

had created or chose to ignore them. Allen (536) notes

(2 Chr 15:19).16 Asa’s foot-disease resulted from his mis¬

that the Chronicler’s chronology implies a long period of

handling of the seer Hanani and his supporters (2 Chr

blessing due to his fidelity and a short period of infidelity

16:10).

and its negative consequences. The materials in 1 Kgs 15:9-24 would have presented

Rudolph (240-41) notes that 2 Chr 14:2-4 (3-5), removal of foreign altars and high places, is parallel to

several theological problems to the Chronicler, and

2 Chr 15:8-15 (removal of abominable idols, making of

they account in part for the differences in his narrative

the covenant, and the discharging of Maacah from the

about Asa. Asa’s reign is evaluated positively in 1 Kings

office of great lady because of her devotion to Asherah)

15 (vv. 11, 14b), and Kings reports significant reform

and that these are alternate accounts of the same event.17

measures (w. 12-13) and Asa’s generosity toward Yahweh

Rudolph also observed that Azariah makes no mention

(v. 15), resulting in a lengthy reign. All that would make

of the reforms already under way in 2 Chr 14:2-4 (3-5);

theological sense to the Chronicler. But why should such

2 Chr 15:l-718 but issues an initial call to repentance, that

a pious king be engaged in constant warfare with the

therefore 2 Chr 15:1-15 in its entirety may be a doublet to

northern kingdom (v. 16), and why should such a pious

2 Chr 14:2-4 (3-5), and that this doubling of the accounts

king fall victim to a foot disease (v. 23)? The mention of

had occurred already in the Chronicler’s extracanoni-

Asa’s failure to remove the high places (v. 14a) also strikes

cal source.19 Rudolph also proposed that 2 Chr 15:16-18

a discordant note with his positive evaluation in Kings.

was added secondarily by an editor from 1 Kgs 15:13-15.

The Chronicler reported that Asa’s orders for the

Rudolph found a contradiction between Asa's not remov¬

people to seek Yahweh (2 Chr 14:3 [4])14 and his removal

ing the high places in 2 Chr 15:17a and his removing

of the high places and the chapels (2 Chr 14:4a [5a])

them in 2 Chr 14:2, 4 (3, 5)20 and between the statement

that these dates replaced the original dates of the fifteenth and sixteenth years of Asa. 13

14

15

16

This same division occurs with Joash (2 Chronicles 23-24); Amaziah (2 Chronicles 25), and Uzziah (2 Chronicles 26). See the uses of also in 2 Chr 14:6 (7); 15:2, 12, 13; 16:12, all without Vorlage in Kings. The synonym OpD is used in 2 Chr 15:4 and 15. Rudolph (244) identifies IK'nn ]Q (“from the booty [of Zerah] they had brought”) as secondary, designed to link chap. 15 to chap. 14. The Chronicler therefore “corrected” 1 Kgs 15:16, which reported constant warfare between Baasha and Asa. That notice of uninterrupted warfare between Asa and Baasha is repeated in the Deuteronomistic Historian’s account of the reign of Asa (1 Kgs 15:32; this verse is not included by the Chronicler). The battle between Baasha and Asa

17

18 19

20

in 1 Kgs 15:17 (cf. 2 Chr 16:1) is not given a date in Kings. Did Asa give orders to seek Yahweh in 2 Chr 14:3 (4) but not fully carry out those orders himself? See also Wilhelm Rudolph, “Der Aufbau der AsaGeschichte (2 Chr. xiv-xvi),” VT2 (1952) 367-71. Or of the war with Zerah. So Dillard, 117; and Rudolph, 241. Rudolph felt that the Chronicler had no reason to put the reform in two acts. Rudolph could not decide whether the war with Zerah was already in the intermediate position in the extracanonical source. Theodoret, according to Rudolph, stated that Asa had not fully removed the high places. Others have proposed that the high places of 2 Chr 14:2, 4 (3, 5) are those for sanctuaries of foreign gods but that those mentioned in 2 Chr 15:17 were dedicated to Yahweh. Rudolph, however, argues that in that case

211

that Asa’s heart was blameless all his days (2 Chr 15:17b)

be equivalent to the fifteenth and sixteenth years of

and the offenses he committed against Hanani and his

Asa’s reign. This contradicts the explicit statement of the

followers in 2 Chr 16:10, as well as the judgments raised

text in both cases, however, where the dates are defined

against him in 2 Chr 16:921 and 2 Chr 16:12.22 Rudolph

as “in the reign of Asa,” and we have no evidence from

believed that 2 Chr 15:19 originally followed directly

elsewhere that events were dated after the division of the

after 2 Chr 15:15. Since 2 Chr 15:19—16:6 already had

united kingdom.25

incorporated 1 Kgs 15:16-22, a later tradent decided to Detailed Commentary

insert 1 Kgs 15:13-15, which he placed after 2 Chr 15:15. This editor or an even later hand added the word (“out of Israel”) in 2 Chr 15:17 (the high places were not

13:23b (14:1 b)-7 (8) The Piety and Successes of Asa:

taken out of Israel) in an attempt to eliminate the contra¬

Reform, Building Projects, and Army

diction with 2 Chr 14:2 (3), where the high places were

■ 13:23b (14:1b) In his days the land was quiet for ten years:

taken away. Israel in this verse refers to the northern

The quietness of the land is apparently Asa’s reward for

kingdom, or at least to those places in the northern king¬

making cultic reforms (2 Chr 14:2, 4-6 [3, 5-7]), but it

dom that Asa had captured (2 Chr 15:8; 17:2). DeVries

is difficult to see when this ten-year period began.26 It

(296) agrees that 2 Chr 14:2-7 (3-8) is a doublet of 2 Chr

is contradicted by 1 Kgs 15:16 and 32 (not included in

15:1-18.23 The seam at 2 Chr 15:10-11 (at the celebration

Chronicles), which say that Asa and Baasha were at war

in Asa’s fifteenth year, an offering was made from the

all their days, and Baasha began to reign in the third

booty taken from Zerah) results from the attachment

year of Asa. In Chronicles there is no war in the reign

of the Zerah account (2 Chr 14:8-14 [9-15]) to the first

of Asa until his thirty-fifth year (2 Chr 15:19). The verb

reform account.

0pt7 (“was quiet”) reappears in 2 Chr 14:4, 5 (5, 6)27 and

Many scholars have attempted to explain the con¬

is also used of the quiet experienced by Jehoshaphat as a

flicted chronology of the reign of Asa by alternate recon¬

divine gift (2 Chr 20:30)28 and of rest subsequent to the

structions of history or of the text. Thiele, for example,

assassination of Athaliah (2 Chr 23:21). Dillard (110)

proposed that the thirty-fifth and thirty-sixth years of

notes that the concepts of peace and quiet are intro¬

2 Chr 15:19—16:1 be understood as dates after the divi¬

duced in 1 Chr 22:9 as part of God’s promise to David

sion of the united kingdom.24 Since Rehoboam ruled for

about Solomon, and they are used subsequently to note

seventeen years and Abijah for three, these dates would

the peace and quiet that attend other godly reigns. This

we would expect the word “foreign” to be in 2 Chr

“fifteenth” and “sixteenth,” explaining the MT as a

14:2 (3). “You have acted foolishly.”

textual error. But that would mean that the rest that Yahweh gave all around in 2 Chr 15:15 (cf. 15:10)

22

In his illness he sought physicians instead of Yahweh.

would have lasted only for one year. C. Schedl

23

Note that he does not consider 2 Chr 15:16-18 to be secondary. Thiele, Mysterious Numbers, 57-61; cf. Williamson,

21

24

(“Textkritische Bemerkungen zu den Synchronismen der Konige von Israel undjuda,” VT12 [1962] 112) changes the number to twenty-six. 26

256. 25

Japhet, 704. William F. Albright (“The Chronol¬ ogy of the Divided Monarchy of Israel,” BASOR 100

27

kingdom was quiet before him. He built cities of defense in Judah, for the land was quiet, and there was no war with him in these years, since Yahweh had given him rest.”

of a Rehoboam era, but died in the forty-sixth year

or nine years. Rudolph (239 n. 1) notes that some older exegetes (he does not name them; see Keil, 367; and Bertheau, 315-16) simply replaced the numbers in 2 Chr 15:19 and 16:1 with the numbers

212

2 Chr 14:4-5: “He removed from all the cities of Judah the high places and the chapels so that the

[1945] 20 n. 14) noted that, according to 2 Chr 16:1, Baasha was still alive in the fifty-fourth year of that era. He harmonized the dates by arbi¬ trarily reducing the reign of Rehoboam by eight

Perhaps it started with Abijah’s victory over Jeroboam.

28

We also find there the hiphil of mi (“God gave him rest”): “And the kingdom of Jehoshaphat was quiet because his God had given him rest all around.” Cf. 2 Chr 14:5,6(6, 7); 15:15.

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15)

is the first reference to peace and quiet since Solomon.

Chronicler’s evaluation of Abijah is also quite positive

See also the term “rest” in vv. 5-6 (6-7). Yahweh his God: The Chronicler takes over from 1 Kgs

(2 Chr 13:21-22).31 The reform, therefore, would seem to be unnecessary. Asa’s reform in 1 Kgs 15:12 is described in different terms: “He put away (CFEnpn)32 from the

15:11 this evaluation of Asa, but he adds to it mCDil (“what

land, and he removed all the idols (D’T’T’R) which his

was good”), thus adjusting it toward a standard Deutero-

fathers had made.” The Chronicler omits all four refer¬

nomic formula (Deut 6:18 [where the order of the

ences to E’ERp from the Vorlage in Kings (see 1 Kgs 14:24

substantives is reversed]; and 12:28). The Chronicler also

[Abijam]: “There were also EHp in the land”; 1 Kgs 22:47

asserts that Hezekiah did what was good and upright and

[46; Jehoshaphat]: “The remnant of EHp FT who were still

faithful (2 Chr 31:20).29 He adds “his God” to the divine

in the land in the days of his father Asa, he extermi¬

name Yahweh and drops from the Vorlage the comparison

nated”; 2 Kgs 23:7 [Josiah]: “He broke down the houses

with Asa’s (great-great-grand)father David. The Chroni¬

ofinzhpn,” although in none of these cases is any part of

cler also did not include the comparison with David in

the verse included in Chronicles. It is possible that these

the reign of Abijah (1 Kgs 15:5).30 A negative comparison

cultic officials did not exist in postexilic Judah and so

with David is made for Ahaz (2 Chr 28:l//2 Kgs 16:2)

references to them would be irrelevant to the Chroni¬

■ 1 (2) Asa did what ivas good and upright in the eyes of

and a positive one for Hezekiah (2 Chr 29:2//2 Kgs 18:3)

cler’s audience.33 The idols (□’T'T’in) made by Asa’s fathers

and forjosiah (2 Chr 34:2//2 Kgs 22:2).

according to 1 Kgs 15:12 may have also seemed irrelevant

■ 2 (3) He removed the foreign altars and the high places,

to the Chronicler, since he has provided a far more posi¬

and he broke in pieces the pillars and hewed down the asherim:

tive account of Solomon, Rehoboam, and Abijah.34 Asa’s

The reforms of Asa in Chronicles come as a surprise,

reforms are similar to those of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:4, 22)

since Rehoboam had humbled himself and the wrath of

and Josiah (2 Kgs 23:8) and follow the exhortations of

Yahweh had turned away from him (2 Chr 12:13) and the

the Deuteronomic program (Deut 7:5; 12:3; 16:21-22).35

29

This is part of his rewriting of the invasion of Sennacherib. For the following kings, the authors of Chronicles and Kings report that the king did what was right: Asa (2 Chr 14:1//1 Kgs 15:11); Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 20:32//l Kgs 22:43); Jehu (2 Kgs 10:30 [Kings only]);Joash (2 Chr 24:2//2 Kgs 12:3 [2]); Amaziah (2 Chr 25:2//2 Kgs 14:3); Azariah (2 Chr26:4//2 Kgs 15:3);Jotham (2 Chr

30

31

32 33

27:2//2 Kgs 15:34); Hezekiah (2 Chr 2.9:2//2 Kgs 18:3); and Josiah (2 Chr 34:2//2 Kgs 22:2). Although in this case, the whole context was dropped (1 Kgs 15:3-5). See also the comparison of Solomon and David in 1 Kgs 11:6, 11, passages that also were not included by the Chronicler. Note the Chronicler’s omission of 1 Kgs 14:2-3 and the change of the king’s name from Abijam to

34

17:12; 21:11, 21; 23:24. Only 2 Kgs 21:11 was included by the Chronicler (in 2 Chr 33:22), where he restructures the syntax and uses the word 7’0S

Abijah. This term is conventionally translated as “male temple prostitutes.” See Paul E. Dion, O.P., “Did Cultic Prostitution Fall into Oblivion during the Postexilic Era? Some Evidence from Chronicles and the Septuagint,” CBQ43 (1981) 41-48. Dion concludes that “the temptation of cultic prostitution was no longer felt [in the Chronicler’s time] in the land ofjudah” (p. 48). Phyllis A. Bird (“The End of the Male Cult Prostitute: A Literary-historical and Sociologi¬

cal Analysis of Hebrew qades-qedesim,” in Congress Volume: Cambridge 1995 [ed. J. A. Emerton; VTSup 66; Leiden: Brill, 1997] 37-80) believes that it is questionable on literary, linguistic, and sociological grounds whether there ever was a class of male cult prostitutes in ancient Israel. The sexual association ofD’EHp arose through the connection between HlIT and Htinp in Deut 23:18-19 (17-18) and Hos 4:14. See Zevit, Religions of Ancient Israel, 462-63 and n. 52. Zevit thinks that they may have been cultic poets and musicians, bearers of Syrian mythic traditions. Japhet (706) argues that the Chronicler omits all mention of these officials because of his convic¬ tion that the existence of these figures should be silenced altogether. The word □’773 occurs also in 1 Kgs 21:26; 2 Kgs

instead of D,773 for idols. Cf. the use of the word 7’0S in non-synoptic passages: 2 Chr 33:19; 34:3, 35

4, 7. Deut 16:21-22: “You shall not plant any tree as a sacred pole (mtDK) beside the altar that you make for Yahweh your God; nor shall you set up a stone pillar—things that Yahweh your God hates.”

213

The mention of foreign altars (1331 mrQTD ntf) prob¬

torn down, according to the Chronicler, byjehoshaphat

ably refers to the worship of foreign gods. In 2 Chr 33:15

(2 Chr 17:6), Hezekiah (2 Chr 31:l//2 Kgs 18:4; cf. 2 Chr

Manasseh removed the foreign gods (1331

32:12/72 Kgs 18:22//Isa 36:7; 2 Chr 33:3//2 Kgs 21:3),

nfl)

from the house of Yahweh. The traditional translation

andjosiah (2 Chr 34:3). After Manasseh’s repentance,

of 133 by “high place” is maintained in this commentary

the people worshiped at the high places, but they only

though the primary denotation of this noun is a struc¬

sacrificed there to Yahweh their God (2 Chr 33:17). Wor¬

ture within which cubic acts take place.36 Sometimes

ship at the high places was idolatrous, according to the

these “high places” are valley shrines. The high place

Chronicler, and they were not, except for 2 Chr 33:17, an

at Gibeon in the time of Solomon was the place where

alternate venue for Yahweh worship (2 Chr 28:25).42 Pillars (milHO) are mentioned by the Chronicler only

the tabernacle of Yahweh was kept and is therefore a legitimate worship site (1 Chr 16:39; 21:29; 2 Chr 1:3,

here and in 2 Chr 31:l//2 Kgs 18:4, where they are torn

13).37 Asa is the first southern king in Chronicles who

down by Hezekiah.43 The Chronicler mentions the goddess Asherah once

took away these illegitimate high places (2 Chr 14:2, 4 [3, 5]), though this is contradicted by 2 Chr 15:17: “But the

(2 Chr 15:16) and asherim, or sacred poles, ten times

high places were not removed from Israel” (taken from

(asherim [□’ItZiKI] eight times [2 Chr 14:2 (3); 17:6;

the Vorlagein 1 Kgs 15:14).38Jehoram (Asa’s grandson)

24:18; 31:1; 33:19; 34:3, 4, 7] and asheroth [miOKI]

is the first king in Chronicles who is said to have made a

twice [2 Chr 19:3; 33:3]). Asa and Hezekiah hewed

high place (2 Chr 21:11).39 Ahaz and Manasseh are the

down (inn) the sacred poles (2 Chr 14:2 [3] and 2 Chr

only kings accused by the Chronicler of worshiping at

31:1//2 Kgs 18:4),44Jehoshaphat removed (TOn) them

the high places (2 Chr 28:440//2 Kgs 16:4 [Ahaz]; 2 Chr 33:3//2 Kgs 21:341). High places were also taken away or

36

(2 Chr 17:6), andjosiah purged (113)Judah and Jerusalem of them (2 Chr 34:3), shattered them (133

Milgrom, Leviticus 23-27, 2316-17. Milgrom argues that in Leviticus the HDD are houses for the wor¬ ship of “pagan” gods while a tOlpD is a house for the worship ofYahweh. The Deuteronomist only distinguishes between legitimate and illegitimate cultic sites, that is, between the Jerusalem temple

39

the reign of Rehoboam, and Solomon is accused of building high places for Chemosh the god of Moab and Molech the god of Ammon (1 Kgs 11:7). Japhet {Ideology, 219) errs in stating that no high places existed in Judah in Chronicles until Jehoram’s reign, since Asa already tore them down.

and all other cultic sites, even though the worship ofYahweh may be practiced at the latter sites. Zevit (Religions of Ancient Israel, 262) concludes that a

37

high place was a publicly accessible place with pil¬ lars (rrmo). In 1 Kgs 3:2-3 people worshiped at high places before the temple was erected. These verses were not incorporated into the Chronicler’s account.

38

Note the similar conflict between 2 Chr 17:6 (Jehoshaphat took them away) and 20:33//l Kgs

40

Cf. 2 Chr 28:25, where Ahaz is accused of making high places in every city.

41

Manasseh worshiped all the host of heaven, prob¬ ably at the high places he had rebuilt.

42

Japhet, Ideology, 221.

43

The Chronicler omitted the reference to Judah’s building pillars during the days of Rehoboam

22:44 (43) (the high places were not removed).

(1 Kgs 14:23) and tojosiah’s breaking the pillars to

Joash (2 Kgs 12:3-4 [2-3]), Amaziah (2 Kgs 14:4), Azariah/Uzziah (2 Kgs 15:4), andjotham (2 Kgs

pieces in 2 Kgs 23:14. All the rest of the references to pillars in Kings refer to offenses in the northern

15:4) are evaluated positively in Kings, except that we are told that the people continued to sacrifice

kingdom (2 Kgs 3:2; 10:26, 27; and 17:10). Injunc¬

and burn incense at the high places. This excep¬

34:13; Deut 7:5; and 12:3. See Joel F. Drinkard, Jr., “Pillar,” NIDB 4:528-30.

tion is not reproduced for the first three of these kings in Chronicles, and for the fourth, the verse is

214

father had done. Only he did not enter the temple ofYahweh, but the people still acted corruptly.” According to 1 Kgs 14:23, Judah built high places in

tions to destroy such pillars occur in Exod 23:24;

44

Cf. also Deut 7:5. Gideon (Judg 6:25, 26, 28, 30),

reworded with the omission of the word high place

Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:4), andjosiah (2 Kgs 23:14) cut

in 2 Chr 27:2: “He did that which was right in the sight ofYahweh according to all which Uzziah his

down (HD) asherahs. Cf. also Exod 34:13, where Israel is commanded to cut down the sacred poles.

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15)

in the piel; 2 Chr 34:4//2 Kgs 23:6), and beat them into

commandment is exemplified by the actions in the previ¬

powder (pin1? JTD; 2 Chr 34:7). Jehoshaphat destroyed

ous and the following verse. It is the opposite of seeking

("lOT in the piel)

the baals (cf. 2 Chr 17:4) or of serving other gods (2 Chr

(2 Chr 19:3). After the death of

Jehoiada, the people abandoned the house of Yahweh

7:19). While “law” (iTTin) comes from Yahweh (1 Chr

and served these poles and idols (D’H^U; 2 Chr 24:18),

16:40; 25:4) and through the agency of Moses (2 Chr

and Manasseh made m“l©N (2 Chr 33:345//2 Kgs 21:346)

23:18; 25:4; 30:16; 33:8; 34:14), the law may also well

or setup (TOOT) asherim before his repentance (2 Chr

need interpretation (2 Chr 19:10) and actualization (see

33:19). Asherah in the singular (iTl©^) in Chronicles

on 2 Chr 15:3).

is mentioned only in 2 Chr 15:16//1 Kgs 15:13 (see the

■ 4(5) He removed from all the cities ofJudah the high places

commentary). The seven references in 2 Chr 14:2 (3);

and the chapels so that the kingdom was quiet before him: Peace

17:6; 19:3; 24:18; 33:19; 34:3, 7 are additions to the

(quiet) is characteristic of the vast majority of Asa’s reign

Vorlage by the Chronicler.47 Of the four passages taken

(see already 2 Chr 13:23 [14:1] and the parallel passages

over from the Vorlage, one is feminine singular, two are

cited there) and is the retributive consequence of his and

masculine plural, and one is feminine plural. All four are

the people’s faithfully ridding themselves of illicit cultic

feminine singular in the Vorlage.

items. The Chronicler does not make clear the differ¬

■ 3 (4) He commanded Judah to seek Yahweh the God of their

ence between removal of the high places in v. 2 (3) and

ancestors and to keep the law and the commandment: This

those mentioned in this verse. Were the earlier ones high

positive admonition to the people is an important part

places dedicated to other gods while the ones in this

of Asa’s reform program and will recur with Jehoshaphat

verse were Yahwistic? The meaning of the word trans¬

(2 Chr 17:7-9), Hezekiah (2 Chr 30:6-9), andjosiah

lated as “chapels” is contested. Ezekiel speaks of smash¬

(2 Chr 34:29-32).48 It had occurred already with David in

ing and hewing down the D’DQn of the mountains of

1 Chr 22:19; 28:8. Not only the king’s faithfulness but the

Israel, referring to the destruction of chapels that housed

people’s as well is necessary. Seeking (2TTT) Yahweh is an

pagan deities and in which their rituals were performed.

important motif in the Chronicler’s account of Asa (cf.

The translation “chapels” is based in part on Palmyrene

2 Chr 14:6 [7]; 15:2, 12, 13; 16:12). He also twice uses the

inscriptions.50 Milgrom argues that a passage like 2 Chr

synonym ©pH (2 Chr 15:4, 15).49 Devotion to the God of

34:4 (the □HOT stood on the altars of Baal) suggests that

the ancestors was also the source of Judah’s deliverance

they were cult objects set on the altar,51 which is compat¬

in the previous chapter (2 Chr 13:18). Seeking Yahweh

ible with an interpretation of them as “incense stands” or

here is defined as keeping the law (iTTnn) and the com¬

“incense altars.”52 Earlier suggestions include “pillars for

mandment (niSDn). Relying on Yahweh (v. 10 [11]) would

the worship of the sun,”53 cultic buildings smaller than

be a synonym. One assumes that such keeping of law and 45

This is the only occurrence in Chronicles that lacks the definite article. In the same chapter, 33:19, the word occurs in the masculine plural.

46 47

An asherah (nntOK). Christian Frevel (“Die Elimination der Gottin aus

50

dem Weltbild des Chronisten,” ZAW103 [1991] 265) finds in the plural the tendency of the Chronicler to a sweeping judgment (Pauschalisierung) in relation¬ ship to foreign cults or their exercise (Ausiibung) and claims that the Asherah cult in Chronicles is 48

49

The noun appears elsewhere in 2 Chr 34:4, 7; Lev 26:30; Isa 17:8; 27:9; and Ezek 6:4, 6. See Block, Eze¬ kiel 1-24, 225-26. See D. R. Hillers, “Palmyrene Ara¬ maic Inscriptions and the Old Testament, Especially Amos 2:8,” ZAH8 (1995) 57-58. Zevit (Religions of Ancient Israel, 263) concludes that these items may have been canopies over an altar and cult image or a Hebrew term for a wayside chapel or model shrine. Zevit himself relates them to model shrines

pale and shadowy (blass und schemenhaft). Japhet, 706-7. Japhet states that such positive guidance occurs in Kings only with Solomon (1 Kgs 8:61//not in Chronicles) andjosiah (2 Kgs

51 52

of various sizes, made of wood or clay (p. 340). The Targum translated this word as “solar statues.” Milgrom, Leviticus 23-27, 2318. HALOT, 329. See Albright, Religion of Israel, 215-16

23:3//2 Chr 34:31; 2 Kgs 23:21//not in Chronicles).

53

n. 58. BDB, 329, s.v. DOPI = “be hot.”

See Christopher T. Begg, ‘“Seeking Yahweh’ and the Purpose of Chronicles,” LouvSt 9 (1982) 128-41.

215

a temple, where foreign gods were worshiped,54 and “an

speech in the mouth of Asa, in which the king urges

altar for (the god Baal-) iammon.”55

Judah to follow his example, as he had also exhorted

■ 5 (6) He built cities of defense in Judah, for the land teas

them in v. 3 (4). For similar descriptions of city fortifica¬

quiet, and he had no war in these years since Yahweh had given

tions, see Deut 3:5; 1 Sam 23:7; Isa 45:1; Jer 49:31, and

him rest: God-given quiet,56 mentioned already in the

especially 2 Chr 8:5. The towers here are in cities, not

previous verses, is supplemented now by the absence of

watchtowers in the countryside.61 By including this exhor¬

war (rran^O ]’N)57 and the presence of God-given rest (see

tation and the building reference in the previous verse,

also the next verse). This period of tranquillity provided

the Chronicler prepares the reader for the forthcoming

the opportunity for Asa to engage in building, another

battle with Zerah. When that crisis does come, Asa does

sign of a king under God’s favor. Success breeds success.

not depend on these military preparations and hence he

The reference to his building project in this case is quite

does not show a lack of faith (v. 10; Rudolph, 243). The

general and does not necessarily require an extrabiblical

impending crisis may be hinted at in the words “The

source available to the Chronicler. The Deuteronomistic

land is still at our disposal” (irsb JHKn imi?).62 The

Historian had referred to the cities that Asa built in the

second sentence in this verse has been emended from

summary of the king’s reign (1 Kgs 15:23).58 The term

the MT with only minor consonantal changes (see the

“cities for defense” is quite general, and no specific cities

textual notes). Dillard (114) points out that it is unusual

are mentioned.59 Welten believes that the reference to

for Yahweh to be the subject of the verb “seek” (ETH) in

the building of Mizpah and Geba by Asa in 1 Kgs 15:21-

Chronicles (1 Chr 28:9: Yahweh searches every mind;

22 (taken over in 2 Chr 16:5-6) may have justified the

2 Chr 24:22: Zechariah prays that Yahweh will seek out,

Chronicler in making this assertion.60 Hence, there is

that is, avenge, his murder). If the textual reconstruction

nothing improbable about this reference to his building

is correct, the people’s action and Yahweh’s retributive

activities.

consequence are expressed by the same verb. Elsewhere

■ 6 (7) He said to Judah, “Let us build these cities, and let us

the Chronicler has “seek” in the protasis, and “be found

surround them with a wall, towers, double doors, and bars; the

by him” in the apodosis (1 Chr 28:9; 2 Chr 15:2, 4, 15).

land is still at our disposal. Since we have sought Yahweh our

Zion is promised that she will be called “sought out,”

God, he has sought us, and he has given us rest all around. ”

nCOTH (by Yahweh) in Isa 62:12.63 The verb “to prosper”

And they built and prospered: The Chronicler puts a brief

(n^H) is a favorite of the Chronicler, occurring thirteen

54

See Volkmar Fritz, “The Meaning of the Word Hamman-hmn,” Folia Orientalia 21 (1980) 103-15; and idem, “Die Bedeutungvon hamman in Hebraischen und von hmn’ in den palmyrischen Inschriften,”

reliance on a foreign alliance (16:2-4), failure to rely on Yahweh (16:8), and his harsh response to the seer Hanani (16:10). 58

BN 15 (1981) 9-20. The use of the verb ma in the

destruction of these items argues against this pro¬ 55

posal. B. A. Levine, Leviticus

59 The Traditional Hebrew

Text with the New JPS Translation (JPS Torah Com¬

60

mentary; Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1989) 188. 56

61

Note that Uzziah built towers in Jerusalem and in the wilderness (2 Chr 26:9-10). See Ben Zvi, “Build¬ ing Texts,” 144-45.

5:31), and after Gideon’s defeat of Midian (Judg 8:28). Cf. 2 Chr 15:19 and contrast with 2 Chr 15:5 (in the

62

Cf. Gen 13:9; 20:15; 34:10; 47:6; and Jer 40:4. See BDB, 817a, s.v. ITS.

past) and 16:9 (during the reign of Asa). The lack

63

Cf. Deut 11:12: “a land that the Yahweh your God looks after (2)11).”

of peace at the end of Asa’s reign results from his

216

Welten, Geschichte, 18-19. Welten also claims that, where the Chronicler wanted to qualify a portion of

notice (p. 52). See 2 Chronicles 27 (Jotham) and 33 (Manasseh).

(Judg 3:30), after the victory of Deborah (Judg

57

in defense against Baasha (Jer 41:9). Contrast 2 Chr 11:5-12, esp. vv. 10, 11. Cf. 2 Chr 11:23; 12:4.

history positively and yet lacked data from previ¬ ous sources, he felt free to fill it in with a building

Cf. 2 Chr 13:23; 14:4 (14:1, 5). Note that the land had rest from war (CDpEi) after the conquest (josh 11:23), after Othniel had defeated Cushan-rishathaim (Judg 3:11), after Ehud had defeated Moab

This clause is not included in 2 Chr 16:11. Ishmael was thrown into the large cistern that Asa had made

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15)

times between 1 Chr 22:11 and 2 Chr 32:30. Only two

the divergent weapons could reflect regimental tradition,

of these verbs are taken from the Vorlage (2 Chr 18:11,

with heavy and light regiments.69 We agree with William¬

14//1 Kgs 22:12, 15).64

son that there surely is not enough evidence to date these

■ 7 (8) Asa had an army of three hundred thousand from

lists to military conditions at the time of the Chronicler

Judah bearing large shields and spears, and from Benjamin

but find the evidence for the authenticity of these lists

bearing round shields and drawing bows were two hundred

also quite thin. In any case, the Chronicler’s use of this

and eighty thousand; all these were mighty warriors: The size

list here is part of his description of the blessings incum¬

and competence of his well-equipped army are another

bent upon the pious Asa.

indication of the blessing under which Asa stands. As we have seen before, the numbers of the soldiers are much

14:8-14 (9-15) Defeat of Zerah the Cushite

larger than they would have been historically.65 Such

and His Million-Man Army

details about the army of the southern kingdom appear

■ 8 (9) Zerah the Cushite came out against them with a force

also in 2 Chr 17:14-19; 25:5; and 26:11-15, and in three

of one million, and three hundred chariots, and he came to

of the four cases they are used as part of positive evalu¬

Mareshah: There are five mentions of a Zerah in addi¬

ation of kings.66 Junge called attention to the statistical

tion to this person in the Old Testament, all of them in

character of these lists, which differ in style from the

Chronicles.70 Zerah is a Semitic name, which is another

Chronicler; they are free of moralizing or theological

challenge to a historical understanding of this invasion.

reflection and reflect a conscript rather than a standing

Outside of the gentilic “the Cushite,” there is no indi¬

army. He noted the absence of horses and chariots and

cation of Zerah’s social role (political leader? military

the divisions of the troops in three of the cases accord¬

officer?). One notes the exceedingly large number of

ing to tribes (2 Chr 17:7; 17:14, 17; 25:5). He also noted

soldiers associated with him and the proportionately

that there were no terms for professional soldiers. As a

small number of chariots.71 Arrayed against him were

result, he dated these lists to the time ofjosiah.67 In his

the 580,000 troops of Judah and Benjamin, for whom no

analysis Welten found in these lists descriptions based on

chariots are mentioned. Four interpretations, with some

the Hellenistic armies of the Chronicler’s own day.68 He

internal variations, have dominated recent discussions of

pointed out that chariots were not mentioned in these

this battle, which was not mentioned at all in the book of

lists, and he found the assignment of specific weapons to

1 Kings.

the tribes of Judah and Benjamin artificial. Williamson

1. Zerah was a Nubian general under Osorkon I.72 He

(262) argued that the non-mention of chariots results

was sent by Osorkon, the contemporary Pharaoh

from this being a conscript army, and he proposed that

of the Libyan dynasty in Egypt and already an

64 65

and sixty thousand cavalry.

66 67

68 69

separation into the tribes of Judah and Benjamin was out of date. She finds nothing improbable in these lists except for the numbers and claims that

In these cases they are spoken by the false prophets and by Micaiah speaking ironically. Johnstone (2:62) suggests that Zerah’s army, at one million, is smaller than Shishak’s, which was uncountable. Shishak had twelve hundred chariots 70

2 Chronicles 25:5 is the exception. Junge (Der Wiederaufbau des Heerwesens, 37-45) believed that the numbers in these lists were added by the Chronicler and were much too high. Rudolph (243) subscribed to Junge’s analysis but felt that the dating was unsure. Welten, Geschichte, 79-114. Japhet (709) attributes the absence of these military lists in Kings to that author’s lack of interest in military matters and holds that these lists cannot reflect the Chronicler’s circumstances since in the Chronicler’s time Judah had no army and the

71

72

to reject them outright would be a case of circular argumentation. Zerah the son of Judah and Tamar (1 Chr 2:4, 6; 9:6; 27:11); a Simeonite (1 Chr 4:24); a Levitical clan (1 Chr 6:6, 26 [21, 41]); an Edomite (1 Chr 1:37); and the father of the second king of Edom (1 Chr 1:44). See T. M. Mauch, “Zerah,” IDB 4:95354; and Ernst Axel Knauf, “Zerah,” ABD 6:1080-81. The reading of “thirty thousand” in Syr and Arab has no claim to originality. Williamson (265) claims that chariots are an addition by the Chronicler, since bedouin forces would not have had chariots at their disposal. Early attempts to identify Zerah with Osorkon have failed. No phoneme in ancient Egyptian is rendered

217

old man, to gather plunder in the same way that

and Midian has been established. According to

Shishak had done73 and to dismantle the military

2 Chr 21:16, the Cushites lived in the neighbor¬

buildup of Asa. Hanani refers to this force as Cush¬

hood of Arabs. Camels and herdsmen are referred

ites and Libyans in 2 Chr 16:8.74

to in 2 Chr 14:14 (15).77 In this interpretation, a local skirmish of unknown date has been trans¬

2. After Shishak’s attack in 2 Chr 12:1-9, the Pharaoh left behind a cadre of Nubian mercenaries at Gerar

formed in Chronicles into a massive invasion from

(some thirty miles southwest of Mareshah) that

Nubia, south of Egypt. Of course, the reference to

formed a kind of buffer state with Judah.75 Zerah

Libyans in 2 Chr 16:8 speaks against this hypoth¬

was supported by bedouin allies in addition to the

esis. Jehoshaphat later received tribute from the

Nubian forces. Gerar, however, is mentioned only at

region of Gerar (2 Chr 17:10-11).78

the end of Asa’s pursuit (2 Chr 14:11 [12]) and not

4. The story is a fabrication designed to illustrate the

as the source of the invasion. There is no evidence

reward that Asa received for relying on Yahweh

that such a garrison was established at Gerar. 3. Egypt is not mentioned in the narrative, and Zerah

(see 2 Chr 16:7-8).79 Some advocates of this posi¬ tion would also concede that the third interpreta¬

may have been the leader of an Arab bedouin

tion might explain where the Chronicler got his

tribe.76 “Cush,” then, is linked not to Nubia but to

material.80 Welten argues that Cushites are easier

Cushan in Hab 3:7, where “the tents of Cushan”

to explain at the time of the Chronicler, when the

are parallel to “the curtains of the land of Midian.”

Cushite dynasty of 715-656 was already a thing of

Moses married the daughter of a Midianite priest

the past, than in the ninth century.81 Welten con¬

(Exod 2:16-21; 3:1), but another passage calls his

cludes that it is difficult to say whether a single, spe¬

wife a Cushite (Num 12:1). If these passages refer

cific military conflict stands in the background of

to the same woman, another link between Cush

2 Chr 14:8-14, but he notes that the region in which

73 74 75

as t in ancient Semitic languages. See Knauf, “Zerah,”1081. Shishak had used a sizable number of Nubians in

in some tension with this bedouin hypothesis, but this feature may have been added by the Chronicler. 78

his Egyptian forces. See Kitchen, Third Intermediate Period, par. 268, n. 372; and idem, Reliability of the Old Testament, 10-11. See William Foxwell Albright, “Egypt and the Early

(243) keeps options 2 and 3 open and believes that Gerarite Cushites attacked Asa and were defeated by him. He points to Mareshah as an indication that

History of the Negeb,’" JPOS 5 (1924) 146-47; and Bright (History, 235 and n. 20), who speculates that Zerah may have been an Ethiopian or Arabian adventurer in the Pharaoh’s pay, and that Zerah may have been taking orders from Osorkon I or even Baasha. Bright holds that in spite of exagger¬ 76

ated numbers this incident is historical. Japhet (710) says that the account reminds the

79

in 1 Kgs 15:23 would include the Cushite war. Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 208; Welten, Geschichte, 129-40. Mosis, Untersuchungen, 174.

80

Galling and Noth think that this account reflects experiences from postexilic times. Miller and Hayes remark: “This is another of the Chronicler’s stories that may be based on some historical event

belonged to Ham, with a chronological link to the time of Hezekiah in vv. 42-43. These verses mention

but that is presented in such midrashic form that the historian hardly knows what to do with it. . . .

Simeonites who went to Mount Seir and destroyed

The figures—one million men and three hundred

the Amalekites. Cf. 1 Chr 5:10, where Reubenites made war on the Hagrites in the days of Saul. Zerah

chariots—are as weird as they are exaggerated” (History of Ancient Israel and Judah, 279).

Shishak. Japhet seeks Zerah’s origins in the south¬ ern parts of the land.

218

concrete relationships lie behind the Chronicler’s story. He believes that the reference to Asa’s might

reader of 1 Chr 4:39-41, where Simeonites jour¬ neyed to Gedor, where the former inhabitants

may have been a dark-skinned leader, belonging to Ham, who infiltrated the south in the wake of

77

See S. Hidal, “The Land of Cush in the Old Testa¬ ment,” SEA 41/42 (1976/1977) 97-106. Hidal dated this tradition to the early monarchy. Rudolph

Williamson (265) remarks that the chariot force is

81

Welten, Geschichte, 138. Cf. Isa 18:1-6; 20:1-6; 43:3; 45:14; Ezek 30:9.

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15)

the battle took place, with the cities of Mareshah

Dillard (114) points to a valley that provides a natural

and Gerar, is outside of postexilic Yehud.82

pass through the Shephelah at Mareshah, via Nezib or

Mareshah is usually located at MR 141115, about

Idna, to the ridge route at Hebron, and suggests that this

twenty-two miles southwest ofjerusalem, and is one of

may have been the Valley of Zephathah.

the sites where Rehoboam had built a city of defense (2

■ 10 (11) Asa cried to Yahweh his God and he said, “Yahweh,

Chr 11:8). Recently, Yigal Levin proposed identifying

there is no difference for you between helping the mighty and

Moresheth-gath with Tell Harassim, located some five

the powerless. Help us, Yahweh our God, for we rely on you

kilometers northwest of Gath (MR 135123) and believes

and we have come in your name against this great multitude.

that this tell may also be the location for Gath in 2 Chr

Yahweh, you are our God. Do not let a mere human prevail

11:8 and Mareshah in this verse. The proximity to Gath

over you”: Asa does not resort to his own strength or

in the period of its greatest strength, however, does not

that of his army (cf. vv. 5-7 [6-8]) but turns to Yahweh

seem to be a likely spot for Zerah to confront Israel, and

in prayer.85 The urgency of the situation is shown by

Levin says that this site west of Gath and Ekron was not

the triple repetition of the divine name. The verb “ITU

in control of Judah in the ninth century.83 Jonker has recently made the point that the Ethiopi¬

is used twice with the meaning “help” and the similar verb “li»U comes at the end of the verse, with the mean¬

ans and Libyans had a powerful reputation in Herodotus

ing “prevail.” De Vries (298) suggests the following

and Diodorus, and presumably also in Yehud, whether

outline for Asa’s prayer: (a) description ofYahweh’s

from influence from these Greek writers or through

incomparability (v. lOact, ending with the word “weak”);

other channels. Hence, their defeat would serve the

(b) a cry for help and an appeal (v. 10a/3, through “this

Chronicler’s purpose well in showing that reliance on

host”); (c) challenge for Yahweh to demonstrate his

Yahweh could overcome great disparity in numbers and

incomparability. It is unclear whether “[DU

military equipment.84 Jonker even speculates that superi¬

translated “there is no difference for you” (cf. NRSV;

ority over Cushite power would imply power greater even

JPS) or “there is none beside you” (cf. NIV; Pseudo-

than that of the Persians.

Rashi; Kimhi; Japhet, 711; RSV: “There is none like

■ 9(10) Asa went out to meet him and they drew up their battle

you”). Williamson (265) notes the further lack of clarity

lines in the valley of Zephathah at Mareshah: Zephathah is

on whether this means “either the mighty or the weak”

the great puzzle in this verse. One solution is to follow

or “in an encounter between forces that are unequally

should be

the LXX (see the textual notes) and seek the location

matched” and hence by implication to help the weak.86

in a valley north of Mareshah. Levin has pointed out the

Japhet (711) takes the syntax as elliptical: “There is

similarity of Zephathah to Saphitha and Morasti on the

none except you to help [in a conflict] between the

Madaba map and to the modern name Tell es-Safi, but

strong and the weak.”87 Clearly, Asa views Zerah and

his location of this site to the northwest of Gath seems

his host as mighty and Judah and himself as weak. Asa’s

unlikely to me. It is usually said that Zephathah is other¬

petition is to the point—“Help us”—and is followed by

wise unknown and cannot be identified with Zephath of

two reasons for Yahweh to act: “We rely on you” and

Judg 1:17, which was conquered by Judah and Simeon.

“in your name we have come88 against this host.” The

82 83

Welten, Geschichte, 139. Yigal Levin, “The Search for Moresheth-gath: A New Proposal,” PEQ134 (2002) 28—36.

“O Lord, you are our God. Mortal man cannot pre¬ vail against you.” For prayer at the time of battle, see the two and one-half Transjordanian tribes (1 Chr

84 85

Jonker, “Cushites,” 872-74. Throntveit (When Kings Speak, 62-63) notes the ele¬ ments of address, complaint, petition, protestation of innocence, and confession in this prayer. Com¬

86 87

plaint (there is no difference for you between help¬ ing the mighty and the powerless) and confession (Yahweh our God, do not let a mere human prevail

5:20); cf. Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 18:31; 20:6-12); and Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:20). See Ruffing, Jahwekrieg, 110—11. De Vries (299) too suggests an ellipsis: “There is none like thee to help, intervening against the mighty on behalf of him without power.”

88

over you) seem to be misnamed. The confession is followed by a final petition. Throntveit translates:

Cf. 1 Sam 17:45, the only other use of “we have come in your name” in the Old Testament, when David approaches Goliath.

219

first clause is a faith statement (cf. 2 Chr 13:18),89 while

camp, and they carried off very much spoil: The only task for

the second affirms the faith that Judah’s power lies in

Judah is to pursue the enemy (2 Chr 13:19) and collect

Yahweh and implies thatYahweh’s reputation or name

spoils. Gerar (MR 112087)93 is located about twenty-five

is at stake. Again the unequal odds are expressed by the

miles to the southwest of Mareshah (MR 141115) and is

words “this great multitude.” In the previous chapter,

defined as the southwest border of Canaan in Gen 10:19.

of course, Abijah had affirmed that relying on military

“His camp” would seem to be a reference to Asa’s troops

size is no guarantee of strength or victory (2 Chr 13:8).

rather than to the heavenly host (cf. 1 Chr 12:23 [22];

Asa again expresses Judah’s faith or dependency: “You

2 Chr 13:12, where Yahweh stands at the head of the

are our God.”90 Then he concludes with another appeal

Judean army) ,94 The exact death toll among the Cushites

for Yahweh to maintain his reputation: “Let not a mere

is not given.95 The abundance of the spoil is emphasized:

mortal prevail over you.”91 So the prayer starts with

“much spoil” in this verse, “all their cities,” “much to

a statement of Yahweh’s incomparability, then states

plunder,” and “sheep in abundance” in the following two

that the incomparability or reputation of Yahweh is on

verses.

the line, and concludes with a petition for Yahweh to

■ 13 (14) They attacked all their cities round about Gerar, for

demonstrate concretely his incomparability. What is at

the dread of Yahweh was on them. They plundered all their cit¬

stake finally is not just the welfare of Judah and its king

ies, for there was much to plunder in them: The word “attack”

but Yahweh’s reputation as well. Those who fight against

(rDD) here and in the next verse means to inflict a

Judah are also fighting against Yahweh.

military defeat. Divine fear typically deprived the enemy

■ 11(12) Yahweh smote the Cushites in the presence of Asa and

of power and therefore defeated the enemy in holy war

in the presence of Judah, and the Cushites fled: Yahweh’s smit¬

contexts (Exod 23:28; Deut 7:20, 23; Josh 24:12; Judg

ing ('p]) of the Cushites echoes his intervention in 2 Chr

7:19-23; 2 Chr 17:10; 20:29).96Japhet (712) notes that

13:15. Asa and Judah are witnesses of Yahweh’s victory;

the Judean forces are active round about Gerar, but the

they do not really participate in the battle themselves.

author does not claim that they conquered Gerar itself,

This is a frequent phenomenon in holy war contexts:

and she takes this as evidence for the authenticity of

Exod 14:14; Deut 7:17-21, 23; 20:3-4; 1 Sam 17:47.

information. Plunder from this battle may be connected

Rudolph (244) detects a total lack of human involvement

to that later offered up to Yahweh (2 Chr 15:11) or dedi¬

in the fight here in contrast to 2 Chr 13:14-15. The total

cated to the temple (2 Chr 15:18).

defeat of the Cushites is indicated by their flight.92 Noth¬

■ 14(15) They also attacked the tents of those with livestock,

ing is said about the fate of Zerah himself.

and they captured sheep in abundance and camels, and they

■ 12(13) Asa and the troops who were with them pursued

returned to ferusalem: The “tents of those with livestock”

them as far as Gerar, and some of the Cushites fell wounded

renders ilDpQ ’XIK, with “TIN understood to mean the peo¬

beyond recovery for they were broken before Yahweh and before his

ple who inhabit the tent, as in its Arabic parallel (ahl).97

89

Ackroyd cites Isa 10:20 as a parallel: “On that day

Per contra von Rad, Holy War, 130. Ruffing (Jah-

the remnant of Israel and the survivors of the house ofjudah will no more lean (]JJtO) on the one who

ivekrieg, 120-21) argues that it could be either the Judean troops or the heavenly host.

struck them, but will lean on Yahweh the Holy One of Israel, in truth.” 90

Earlier Asa had already referred to Yahweh as “our God.”

91

1KU is often used with the noun TO (1 Chr 29:14; 2 Chr 2:5 [6]; 13:20; 22:9), but here and in 2 Chr 20:37 it is used without this additional noun.

220

92

Cf. Exod 14:25, 27; fosh 10:16; Jude 7:21-22; 1 Sam 17:51; 2 Chr 13:16.

93

The variant reading Gedor is located at MR 158115,

94

which is east of Mareshah! Rudolph, 244; Galling, 114; Welten, Geschichte, 134.

95

For “wounded beyond recovery” (ITTID Dn*7 J’N1?), see JPS and Ruffing, Jahwekrieg, 118. McKenzie (279) however, writes: “Verse 13 is emphatic that all (one million!) of the Cushites were killed. Cf. NRSV:

96

“The Ethiopians fell until no one remained alive.” See von Rad, Holy War, 46-47. Note how Yahweh brought the fear of David to the nations (1 Chr 14:17). See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 343.

97

Williamson, 266. Cf. 1 Chr 4:41. The literal transla¬ tion, “tents of cattle,” was construed by Klaus Koch as tents that were used as stables, which seems quite unlikely. Cf. TDOT 1:120.

13:23b (14:1b) —14:14 (15)

This reference to cattle and the mention of camels fits

The invasion of the Cushite Zerah threatens to bring

well with the hypothesis that Zerah’s raid is that of an

an end to this idyllic scene, but Zerah’s forces, which are

Arabic bedouin band. In 2 Chr 15:11 Asa and the people

far superior in numbers to those of Judah, are met by

sacrifice seven hundred oxen and seven thousand sheep

Yahweh’s intervention, which comes in response to Asa’s

from this plunder.

prayer. In this prayer, Asa expresses Judah’s trust in Yah¬ weh and implies that Yahweh’s reputation is what is really

Conclusion

at stake in this conflict. The invading Cushites are routed by Yahweh, and Judah only performs mop-up actions in

The Chronicler’s lengthy treatment of Asa builds on the

pursuit of the fleeing Cushites, and in collecting large

positive evaluation of this king in the book of Kings and

amounts of booty from their cities.

resolves a number of theological tensions that are in that

The events of this chapter find echoes in the next

earlier account. Instead of Asa being engaged in constant

two chapters, where the reform will be carried further

war with Baasha, the contemporary king in the north,

thanks to the admonition/prophecy of Azariah." When

that hostility is reduced to a single incident without a real

the reform has been completed, Asa and Judah are again

battle (see chap. 16), and the first thirty-five years of Asa

faced with a military danger, recorded already in Kings,

were characterized by no wars, and by quiet, and rest.

but this time Ahaz resorts to Realpolitik, successfully as

Asa is the first of the reforming kings,98 and he rid the

far as his military status is concerned, but catastrophi¬

land of foreign altars, high places, and chapels and com¬

cally unproductive as far as his standing before Yahweh is

manded Judah to seekYahweh. His dedication to Yahweh

concerned. A prophet who points this out to him is mis¬

is matched by an extensive building program and a very

treated by the king. Asa’s resulting sickness, also known

large army, which never really fights.

from the Vorlage, leads not to prayer but to physicians.

98

Lowery (Reforming Kings) pays special atten¬ tion to the reforms of Jehoshaphat in the ninth century and to Ahaz, Hezekiah, Manasseh, and Josiah during the Assyrian period. See also H. D. Hoffmann, Reform and Reformen: Untersuchungen zu

einem Grundtheme der deuteronomistischen Geschichts-

99

schreibung (ATANT 66; Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1980). His name means “Yahweh has helped.”

221

15:1-19 The Admonition of Azariah, Followed

15 1/

8/

16/

by a Second Reform and a Covenant Translation As for Azariah the son of Oded, the spirit of God came upon him. 2/ He went out before Asa and said to him, "Listen to me, Asa and all Judah and Benjamin. Yahweh will be with you if you are with him.1 If you seek him, he will let himself be found2 by you. If you abandon him, he will abandon you. 3/ For many days Israel was without the true God and without a teaching priest,3 and without law; 4/ but when in their distress they turned to Yah¬ weh the God of Israel and sought him, he let himself be found by them. 5/ In those times there was no safety for anyone who went out or came in, for great distur¬ bances4 were on all the inhabitants of the lands. 6/ They were broken in pieces,5 nation against nation and city against city, for God troubled them with every kind of distress. 7/ But you, take courage! Do not let your hands grow weak, for your work shall be rewarded." When Asa heard these words and the prophecy,6 he took courage, and put away the abominable idols from all the land of Judah and Benjamin and from the cities he had captured in the hill country7 of Ephraim. He repaired the altar of Yahweh, which was in front of the vestibule of Yah¬ weh.8 9/ He gathered together all Judah and Benjamin and those who sojourned with them from Ephraim, Manasseh,9 and Simeon, for great numbers from Israel had deserted to him when they saw that Yah¬ weh his God was with him. 10/ They were gathered at Jerusalem in the third month of the fifteenth year of the reign of Asa. 11/ They sacrificed to Yahweh on that day, from the booty they had brought,10 seven hundred oxen and seven thousand sheep. 12/ They entered into a covenant to seek Yahweh the God of their ancestors with all their heart and with all their innermost being. 13/ Everyone who did not seek Yah¬ weh the God of Israel was put to death, whether young or old, whether man or woman. 14/ They took an oath to Yahweh with a loud voice, and with shouting, and with trumpets, and with horns. 15/ All Judah rejoiced over the oath; for they had sworn with all their heart, and they had sought him with all their desire, and he let himself be found by them. Yahweh gave rest to them all around. Also, as for his mother Maacah, Asa the king removed her11 from being great lady12 because she had made an abomi¬ nable image for Asherah.13 Asa cut down her abominable image, crushed it,14 and burned it at the Wadi Kidron. 17/ But the high places were not removed from Israel.

222

1

Curtis and Madsen, 384: “Yahweh was with you because you were with him.” In a reading discussed in n. 16, Chronicles seems to presup¬ pose a text of Kings different from the MT.

2

K2S0\ For this translation of the niphal, see HALOT, 620. Cf. Isa 55:6; 65:1; Jer 29:14; Ps 46:1. See Beentjes, “Prophets,” 50. The same interpretation of this verb is followed in vv. 4, 15. 7710 ]70 absent from LXX because of homoioarchton before the second tt^l (“and

3

4

5

6

without law”). 17107 70170; LXX 'eKOTaaiq Kvpiov “terror of the Lord.” Cf. Zech 14:13 LXX eWamg nvpLov .. . peyaAp and MT 737 717' 70170. In 2 Chr 14:13; 17:10; and 20:29 eKoraoLc; KvpLov translates 17117' 772. 17731; a few Hebrew mss inn?). Cf. LXX Vg. Rudolph (242) concludes that it is unneces¬ sary to vocalize the verb in the piel with some Hebrew mss VL Vg. 7K13371. MT N'337 77B 7K13371 “and the proph¬ ecy Oded the prophet.” BHS suggests either N’nn 7733 p Tintu nffoim “and the prophecy which Azariah the son of Oded the prophet prophesied,” or it suggests delet¬ ing K’337 7713 as a gloss intended for v. 1 to indicate the office that Azariah held (cf. Curtis and Madsen, 387; Rudolph, 244, and Dillard, 114). VL Syr Vg preface 7713 with p 17'7Ti3 “Azariah the son of.” LXX nai rpp irpo-K0] all his days”) and 2 Chr 16:9,

Rudolph (241-42) points out that the LXX and the

12, where Asa is said to have acted foolishly and to have

Vulgate construed vv. 3-6 as a prophecy about the future2

consulted physicians. The conflict that Rudolph detects

and the speech is designated as prophecy in v. 8, but that

in v. 17a (nonremoval of high places) with 2 Chr 14:2, 4

its whole point is to draw a lesson from the past for the

(3, 5; removal of high places) was solved by the Chroni¬

present. He believes that even in the present arrange¬

cler’s addition of “from Israel” to the text of his Vorlage.

ment of the text vv. 3-4 deal with the past and vv. 5-6 with

That same tension between the removal and nonremoval

the future, and he therefore wants to move v. 4 after v.

of high places exists also in the Chronicler’s account of

6, suggesting that

Jehoshaphat.5 Rudolph’s claim that the deposing of Asa’s

“IH3 (“when in their distress”) in v.

4 harks back to n~l3 ^33 (“with every kind of distress”)

mother comes too late is in a sense true, but it results

in v. 6. He also assigned v. 5b to a secondary hand since

only from the Chronicler’s decision to return to the Vor¬

it deals with the inhabitants of the whole world whereas

lage for the continuation of the narrative.

everything else speaks about Israel only. In his judgment, a reader was reminded of Zech 14:13b-14a3 by v. 6 and

2

3

He notes that many words recall eschatological pictures: cf. v. 3 with Hos 3:4 and vv. 5b-6 with Ezek 38:21; Hag 2:22; and Zech 14:3-4. Zech 14:13b-14a: “So that each will seize the hand of a neighbor, and the hand of the one will be raised against the hand of the other; even Judah will fight atjerusalem.”

4

Zech 14:13a: “On that day a great panic from Yah¬ weh shall fall on them.”

224

5

2 Chr 17:6: “His heart was exalted in the ways of Yahweh, and he again removed the high places and the asherim from Judah”; 2 Chr 20:33: “Only the high places did not go away.”

15:1-19

Detailed Commentary

known from the time of Ahaz when a prophet by that name appears (2 Chr 28:9).

15:1-7 Admonition of Azariah the Son of Oded

■ 2 He went out before Asa and said to him, “Listen to me,

i 1 As for Azariah the son of Oded, the spirit of God came

Asa and all Judah and Benjamin. Yahweh will be with you if

upon him: This verse begins with a casus pendens (cf. v. 16)

you are with him. If you seek him, he will let himself be found by

and introduces a prophetic figure, who draws out the les¬

you. If you abandon him, he will abandon you”: Asa’s “going

sons of the defeat of Zerah the Cushite and warns about

out” echoes the going out of Zerah and Asa in 2 Chr

lapsing back into complacency. The spirit-possession of

14:8-9 and anticipates the going out of the seer Jehu the

Azariah empowers him to speak and has deep roots in

son of Hanani to meetjehoshaphat (2 Chr 19:1-2) and

biblical tradition. Note the lying spirit who empowers

of the prophet Oded going out to meet the army that

also the false prophets in 2 Chr 18:20-22//1 Kgs 22:21-

came to Samaria (2 Chr 28:9). Azariah addresses both

23 (cf. Joel 2:28).6 The other prophetic figures who are

the king and the people (’J1OT7, a plural imperative), and

endowed with the spirit in Chronicles are also relative

the Chronicler through Azariah also addresses his own

unknowns (Amasai, chief of the thirty, 1 Chr 12:19 [18];

audience. After the call to attention (“listen to me”),11

Jahaziel the Levite, 2 Chr 20:14;7 and Zechariah the son

Azariah’s first clause is chiastically arranged12 and could

ofjehoiada the priest, 2 Chr 24:20); more well-attested

be translated in several tenses: “Yahweh was with you

figures such as Elijah, Isaiah, and Jeremiah are not

because you were with him” (Curtis and Madsen, 384)

described as endowed with the spirit.8 Williamson (267)

or “Yahweh is with you if you are with him” (Rudolph,

concedes that Azariah’s speech is the composition of the

242).13 The next two clauses state the positive and nega¬

Chronicler, but he believes that the Chronicler must have

tive consequences of seeking or not seeking Yahweh.

gotten the name itself from a source since the Chroni¬

They restate in the plural what David had advised Solo¬

cler, in his judgment, assigns such speeches only to his¬

mon before his death (1 Chr 28:9)14 and are closely par¬

torically attested persons.9 Azariah’s name (“Yahweh has

allel to Deut 4:2915 andjer 29:13-14.16 God’s sovereignty

helped”), however, is somewhat suspicious because of the

is protected by the passive form of the verb: “he will let

two uses of the verb TD in Asa’s prayer before the battle

himself be found by you” instead of “you will find him.”17

with Zerah in 2 Chr 14:10. The name may have been

In v. 15 they had sought Yahweh, and he let himself be

created for this particular context. The name Oded10 is

found by them. The Chronicler also states elsewhexe, in

6

7

8

For the Chronicler’s conception of prophecy, see the Excursus on Prophetic Figures in Chronicles at

13

2 Chr 10:15. The description of his endowment with the spirit is expressed with the same formula. Beentjes, “Prophets,” 46-47. Other prophetic fig¬ ures in Chronicles that are not mentioned in Kings include Hanani (2 Chr 16:7), Eliezer son of Dodavahti (2 Chr 20:37), Zechariah (2 Chr 26:5), Oded (2 Chr 28:9), and Jeremiah (2 Chr 35:25; 26:12, 21,

14

22). 9 10

11 12

Similarly, Japhet, 717. HALOT (796) suggests an etymology for this name as “He (Yahweh) has helped.” For discussion of other possibilities, see Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung, 221-22 n. 23. Cf. 2 Chr 13:4, the beginning of Abijah’s sermon to the north. The first and the last words refer to Yahweh (him) and the two middle words refer to “you.”

15

16

17

Rudolph (“Der Aufbau der Asa-Geschichte,” 369) observes that Azariah drew from the fact that Yahweh was with them the general conclusion that Yahweh lets himself be found when people seek him. See the rhetorical question David addressed to Solomon in 1 Chr 22:18: “Is not Yahweh your God with you?” The spirit-endowedjahaziel assures Judah and Jerusalem that “Yahweh will be with you” (2 Chr 20:17). 1 Chr 28:9: “If you seek him, he will let himself be found by you, but if you abandon him, he will cast you off forever.” Deut 4:29: “From there you will seek Yahweh your God, and you will find him if you search after him with all your heart and soul.” Jer 29:13-14: “When you seek me, you will find me; if you seek me with all your heart, I will let you find me, says Yahweh.” Cf. the passive verbs in Isa 65:1: “I was ready to be sought out by those who did not ask, to be found by

225

the words of the prophet Shemaiah, that abandoning or

priest (Judg 17:5). This lack of a teaching priest antici¬

forsaking Yahweh will be met by Yahweh’s abandoning

pates what is said in the next phrase about not having the

Israel into someone else’s hands (2 Chr 12:5) or, in the

law. What was lacking was a priest who could teach with

words of the spirit-endowed Zechariah, in God’s forsak¬

authority and apply the will of Yahweh to new situations.

ing them (2 Chr 24:20). Asa and the people relied on

Not having the law does not mean for the Chronicler that

Yahweh in the moment of crisis under Zerah and are now

Israel had a time in the land when it did not know of the

asked to apply this principle throughout their life.

revelation at Sinai, but this law was not correctly taught

■ 3 “For many days Israel was without the true God and

or applied in the constantly changing challenges of life.23

without a teaching priest, and without law”: There are no

While these were conditions in the distant past, they

verbs in Hebrew in this verse, so it could be construed

were also dangers in any period, including that of the

as referring to the past or to the future.18 The latter

Chronicler himself. This will lead to Azariah’s exhorta¬

option is chosen by the LXX and the Vulgate, despite

tion in v. 7.

the three past tenses in the following verse. A somewhat

■ 4 “but when in their distress they turned to Yahweh the

similar sentence in Hos 3:4 also refers to the future: “For

God of Israel and sought him, he let himself be found by

the Israelites shall remain many days without king or

them”: When Israel had sinned and had fallen under

prince, without sacrifice or pillar, without ephod or tera-

God’s judgment in the period of the judges, the people

phim.”19 The Targum applied this verse to the northern

repented and cried out to Yahweh (e.g.,Judg 2:18; 3:9,

kingdom: “It is a long time since those of the house of

15; 4:3; 10:10, 15-16), and were then delivered (e.g., 2:18;

Israel separated from those of the house of Judah; they

3:9-10, 15-30; 4:22; 10:16). This verse also provides a con¬

mistakenly followed Jeroboam; they did not worship the

crete example of how seeking Yahweh leads to his being

true God but bowed down to golden calves; they had no

found by the faithful (v. 2). The distress faced by Israel

priest to teach righteousness; instead they had priests

in the period of the judges could be matched by experi¬

who offered up incense for the foreign cult but did not

ences of people in the restoration community (e.g., Zech

concern themselves with the Law.”20 The majority of

7:14; Ezra 8:31), many of course unknown to us. Hosea,

recent commentators, however, refer it to the past (see

who predicted a coming disaster (Hos 3:4), also pre¬

v. 4) and specifically to the period of the judges.21 Being

dicted a future repentance: “Afterward the children of

without the true God was embodied in Israel’s serving of

Israel shall return and seek Yahweh their God and David

the baals and other gods (Judg 2:11-13). The true God

their king” (Hos 3:5).24

in this understanding is Yahweh (Jer 10:10).22 Not having

■ 5 “In those times there luas no safety for anyone who went out

a teaching priest might refer to the aberrant shrine of

or came in, for great disturbances were on all the inhabitants of

Micah, who installed one of his own sons who became his

the lands”: Azariah returns to his description of the ear-

those who did not seek me.” In Isa 55:6 the writer

For this dynamic understanding of law

(min), see

Thomas Willi, “Thora in den biblischen Chronik-

18 19

Ben Zvi (“Monarchic Past,” 355) notes this echo of

problem in that period, despite Judg 17:6; 19:1; and 21:25.

Hosea. He points out that Azariah refers to a verse set in a period later than himself.

buchern,”/wd36 (1980) 102-5, 148-51. Willi points out that being without a king was not their biggest

24

Japhet (720) also calls attention to the close simi¬

20

Cf. also Johnstone (2:65), who concludes that this verse probably refers to the northern kingdom.

larity to Hos 5:15 “I will return again to my place

21

De Vries (301), on the other hand, refers it to

face.” Gerstenberger (“Prophetie,” 359) notes the

Israel’s time in Egypt. Fishbane [Biblical Interpreta¬ tion, 389) thinks that it refers to the exile, although

similarity between Azariah’s words and prophetic and Deuteronomistic speeches, and this similarity is

of course that would be anachronistic at the time of Asa.

intended to show his message as an authentic word of God.

22

Jer 10:10: “Yahweh is the true God; he is the living God and the everlasting king.” Cf. Deut 7:9; 32:4; Ps 31:6 (5).

226

23

puts “while he may be found” and “while he is near” in parallel lines. Beentjes, “Prophets,” 51.

until they acknowledge their guilt and seek my

15:1-19

lier period of distress in order to prepare for his exhorta¬

■ 7 “But you, take courage! Do not let your hands grow weak,

tion in v. 7. The reader might think ofjudg 5:6 (caravans

for your work shall be rewarded”: If the promises of v. 2 had

ceased and travelers kept to the byways); 6:2-6 (Midianite

been realized in the victory over Zerah, Azariah now

oppression); or, in the early postexilic time, Zech 8:10:

urges Asa, Judah, and Benjamin—and the people of the

“For before those days there were no wages for people

Chronicler’s audience—not to grow complacent or rest

or for animals, nor was there any safety from the foe for

on their laurels. As the next verses make plain, this was

those who went out or came in.” To go out or come in

interpreted to mean that they should continue and even

often has military connotations.25 The expression “great

accelerate the reforms they had begun. The Chronicler

disturbances” recalls Amos 3:9.26 The “inhabitants of the

may well be using this speech to include additional infor¬

lands” could refer to people living in various districts of

mation about Asa’s reform that he had at his disposal.

the land of Israel (Curtis and Madsen, 385), or it could

In a sense, the reform activities had been interrupted

include other nations in the chaos that affected Israel

by the invasion of Zerah. The prophet Zephaniah had

first of all. Note that nation is set against nation in the

urged his hearers not to let their hands grow weak (3:16)

following verse as well. Williamson (268) notes that “all

and the prophet Zechariah had put that in a positive

the inhabitants” would include the Chronicler’s contem¬

context: “Let your hands be strong” (Zech 8:9, 13). The

poraries.

affirmations about the doctrine of retribution from v.

■ 6 “They were broken in pieces, nation against nation

2 are repeated here with the promise that their work

and city against city, for God troubled them with every kind

would be rewarded. The Chronicler seems to be quot-

of distress”: Azariah (and the Chronicler) may well be

ingjer 31:16,28 although he changes its pronouns from

generalizing beyond the period of the judges to make

the second feminine singular (referring to Rachel) to

the period of distress analogous to whatever the people

the second masculine plural. The reward applies to Asa,

in the audience might have experienced or might still

Judah, and Benjamin—or to the Chronicler’s audience

experience. The great disturbances (mm mOITO) of the

for that matter.

previous verse are now made explicit visitations of God

(□non D’n^s “God troubled them”; cf. Zech 14:1327).

15:8-15 A Second Reform and Covenant Making

The distress of v. 4 has now been heightened into “every

after the Admonition of Azariah

kind of distress.” A whole series of passages reflect the

■ 8 When Asa heard these words and the prophecy, he took

horror of internecine strife: Judg 8:5-9, 15-17 (Gideon

courage, and put away the abominable idols from all the land of

versus Succoth and Penuel); Isa 9:18-21 (Manasseh and

Judah and Benjamin and from the cities he had captured in the

Ephraim against each other, and jointly versus Judah);

hill country of Ephraim. He repaired the altar of Yahweh, which

Ezek 38:21 (Yahweh’s sword against Gog; the swords of all

was in front of the vestibule of Yahweh: The word “prophecy”

against their comrades); Hag 2:22 (people will fall by the

(nN"Q]) appears only here and in 2 Chr 9:2929 and Neh

sword of a comrade); Zech 8:10 (I set them all against

6:12.30 In response to the exhortation of Azariah, Asa

one another); 11:6 (people will fall into the hand of a

initiated additional acts of reform. As indicated under

neighbor); 14:13 (the hand of one will be raised against

“Structure,” vv. 8-15 may once have been an alternate

the hand of the other).

account of the reform described in 2 Chr 14:2-4 (3-5).

25

Deut 31:8; Josh 14:11; 1 Sam 18:13; 2 Sam 5:12;

26

1 Kgs 3:7; Isa 37:28. Amos 3:9: “See what great disturbances are within it [Mount Samaria].” Cf. Ben Zvi, “Monarchic Past,”

27 28

355. Zech 14:13: “A great panic from Yahweh will fall on

reward for your work,’ says Yahweh; ‘they shall come 29 30

back from the land of the enemy.’” The prophecy of Ahijah is one of the sources cited for information on the reign of Solomon. Nehemiah identifies the prophecy of Shemaiah as false. He had been hired by Tobiah and Sanballat.

them.” Jer 31:16: “Thus says Yahweh: ‘Keep your voice from weeping, and your eyes from tears; for there is a

227

Azariah had urged his hearers to be strong (pin) in the

altar, based on a Syrian model, but this altar is not men¬

qal and Asa’s taking courage uses a form of the same verb

tioned in Chronicles (2 Kgs 16:10-16).

in the hithpael. Heeding the prophets is quite similar to

■ 9 He gathered together all Judah and Benjamin and those

trusting in God in Chronicles (see 2 Chr 20:20).31 This is

who sojourned with them from Ephraim, Manasseh, and

the Chronicler’s only use of the word “abominable idols”

Simeon, for great numbers from Israel had deserted to him when

(□rrapo).32 This may be the Chronicler’s way of referring to the idols from 1 Kgs 15:12, averse that, as we

they saw that Yahweh his God was with him: Asa brought together a great assembly that involved the tribes of

noted above, he did not include. While the reforms in

Judah and Benjamin, which were part of his kingdom

2 Chr 14:2-4 (3-5) referred only to Judah, this phase of

(according to the Chronicler), and others who had

the reform refers also to Benjamin.33 The cities captured

associated with them from Ephraim, Manasseh, and

by Asa from the hill country of Ephraim are also men¬

Simeon.37 They saw that Yahweh was with him,38 which is

tioned in 2 Chr 17:2; they should not be identified with

perhaps an allusion to his victory over Zerah the Cushite.

the cities taken by his father, Abijah (2 Chr 13:19), since

Earlier we had heard about priests and Levites who had

these were presumably lost with Baasha’s invasion (1 Kgs

migrated to the south during the reign of Rehoboam

15T7//2 Chr 16:1).34 External pressure by the Philis¬

and who were joined by those who had set their hearts to

tines and Arameans on the northern kingdom make an

seek Yahweh from all the tribes of Israel (2 Chr 11:13-

advance northward by Asa plausible, not to mention the

17). Ephraim and Manasseh are regularly mentioned in

instability of the kingdom as reflected in the seven differ¬

invitations to the north for festivals (2 Chr 30:1, 18 at the

ent northern kings from five distinct dynastic houses that

time of Hezekiah) or in reform activities (2 Chr 31:1 at

were contemporaries of Asa (911-870).35 The constant

the time of Hezekiah; 2 Chr 34:6 at the time ofjosiah).

war between Baasha and Asa (1 Kgs 15:16, 32) may have

The Levites gathered a collection from Judah and

permitted Asa to capture a few northern cities.

Benjamin and from Ephraim and Manasseh at the time

The altar of burnt offering is situated before the ves¬

ofjosiah (2 Chr 34:9).39 The surprise here is the men¬

tibule also in 2 Chr 8:12, and the vestibule is called the

tion of the tribe of Simeon, since it is usually assumed

“vestibule ofYahweh” also in 2 Chr 29:17. So this read¬

that Simeon was absorbed by Judah at an early period.40

ing is no doubt correct, even though we might expect

We note, however, that the Chronicler did have access

the text to read “the vestibule of the house ofYahweh.”

to some genealogical records for Simeon that mention

The restoration or repair of the altar is mentioned also

activity as late as the time of Hezekiah (1 Chr 4:28-43),

in 2 Chr 33:16,36 and this may reflect necessary periodic

and that Simeon is mentioned in the activities of Josiah’s

maintenance rather than cultic reform. Hezekiah did

reform in 2 Chr 34:6. The Chronicler may have mechani¬

purify ("lilts) the altar (2 Chr 29:18). Ahaz built a new

cally reckoned Simeon to the northern kingdom to

31

Note Asa’s mistaken trust in the king of Aram in 2 Chr 16:7 and his failure to respond properly to a prophetic rebuke in 2 Chr 16:9-10.

35

32

It is used six times in Kings. Three of its occur¬

36

884-880); Omri (884-873); Ahab (873-852). The verb used there is from fO K or iTO Q.

rences are in the critique of Solomon in 1 Kings 11, which is omitted altogether by the Chronicler. The

37

Hence, the influence of the kingdom was increased

other three, in 2 Kgs 23:13 (twice), 24, are part of long contexts in the Josiah account that are omitted

38

both by refugees and by cities captured in Ephraim. Cf. the past-tense translation “Yahweh was with you

by the Chronicler. Benjamin is mentioned with the troops in 2 Chr

39

since you were with him” in v. 2 above. Jehoshaphat put garrisons in the cities of Ephraim

t 33

captured by his father (2 Chr 17:2), and he sent his teaching delegation there (2 Chr 19:4).

14:8; 15:2. 34

Rudolph (245) connects these cities to Geba and Mizpah in 2 Chr 16:6, but as Japhet (722) notes, these cities were only built, not taken. I find doubt¬ ful her suggestion that the unity of the reigns of Abijah and Asa permits this to be a reference to 2 Chr 13:19.

228

Jeroboam I (931-909); Nadab (909-908); Baasha (908-885); Elah (885-884); Zimri (884; Tibni

40

Cf. the list of Levitical cities, where Simeon is not listed separately.

15:1-19

achieve a total of ten tribes, since he associated Judah

Weeks (HiDC) as the feast of oaths (ITUOP). While the

and Benjamin with the southern kingdom. Anything

word “oaths” is not used in this context, the verb “swear”

not part of Judah is therefore considered “the north.”

does appear in vv. 14-15 and the word “oath” appears in

Rudolph (247) noted that much of the Simeonite terri¬

v. 15.48 In the treatment of Gen 9:8-16 in Jubilees (6:11,

tory had been taken over by the Edomites already at the

17), Pentecost is commanded as a reenactment of the cov¬

time of Rehoboam so that “from Israel” in v. 9b is to be

enant with Noah, although that tradition is not invoked

understood only as a parte potiori.41 Noth suggested that

here. If the war with Zerah took place in Asa’s eleventh

the attack of Simeon and Levi on Shechem (Genesis 34;

year,49 this celebration and especially Asa’s contribution

cf. 49:5-7) shows that Simeon once lived in the Samarian

of the spoil from that battle (v. 11) seem to come too late.

mountains and this may have played a role in the Chroni¬

Hence, Rudolph (240) would delete “from the spoil” in

cler’s associating Simeon with the north.42

v. 11. If the battle with Zerah took place in Asa’s fifteenth

■ 10 They were gathered at Jerusalem in the third month

year, the ceremony in the third month seems to be too

of the fifteenth year of the reign of Asa: The date given is

early since military campaign's only began about that

tantalizing, since the month is specified and not the day

time of the year.50Japhet (725) notes that, if the battle

of the month. The third month in the Old Testament

took place in the eleventh year,51 one would expect the

is the time of the feast of Weeks (Exod 23:16;43 34:22;

gift of spoil no later than the twelfth year, so that the his¬

Lev 23:15-21 ;44 Num 28:26;45 Deut 16:9-1046); it is also

toricity of the fifteenth year could gain some credibility

the month in which the Israelites arrived at Sinai (Exod

as an item taken from a source, or it could mean simply

19:1). In later Judaism, the feast of Weeks was the time

that numbers that are multiples of five play a major role

for the commemoration of the revelation at Sinai. That

in the Chronicler’s account of Asa: 13:23 (14:1), ten years

connection is attested no earlier than the second century

of quiet; 15:10, celebration in fifteenth year; 15:19, no

c.e.

in Judaism and is reflected in the Targum’s render¬

ing of this passage.47 There is no need to assume that

war until the thirty-fifth year of Asa. ■ 11 They sacrificed to Yahweh on that day, from the booty they

connection here. Japhet (724-725), assumes that the con¬

had brought, seven hundred oxen and seven thousand sheep: The

nection with the third month is with the feast of Weeks

first act of the assembly mentioned is a massive sacrifice,

or, more exactly, with an understanding of the feast of

with no tie to the following covenant ceremony,52 in which

41

A part stands for the whole. Myers (2:89) thinks it possible that the inhabitants of Simeon (that is, southern Judah) were forced out by the expansion of the Edomites. Williamson (Israel, 104 n. 2) observes that, according to 1 Chr 4:41, this situation would have been reversed by the time of Hezekiah or even Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 19:4). In 2 Chr 34:6 the tribe of Simeon may have a relationship with the north, but

43 44 45

Here called the festival of the harvest (TISp). Seven weeks after Passover/Unleavened Bread. Num 28:26: “On the day of the first fruits ... at

46

your feast of weeks.” Deut 16:9-10: “You shall count seven weeks . . . feast

47

“Simeon” could equally well be included to indicate the southernmost part of the country as a whole. Williamson adds that Amos too considered Beer42

sheba as belonging to the north (Amos 5:5; 8:14). Noth (Chronicler’sHistory, 104 n. 22) finds Simeon’s association with Ephraim and Manasseh difficult to explain and wonders whether some kind of reflection on Genesis 34 led the Chronicler to locate Simeon in the hill country of Samaria. In his earlier Das System der zwolf Stdmrne Israels (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1930) 77 n. 2, Noth conjectures that in 2 Chr 15:9 and 34:6 the text once read “from Simeon to Naphtali” as a description of the entire Israelite territory.

48 49 50 51 52

of weeks.” “They assembled at Jerusalem in the third month of the fifteenth year of the reign of Asa, and on that day, at the Feast of Weeks. . . .” Williamson (270) claims that the connection with the giving of the law on Sinai represents a false understanding of the covenant in v. 12. Japhet (725) mistakenly claims that the verb “swear” appears three times. Josephus (Ant. 8.292) says that Asa had been reign¬ ing ten years when Zerah attacked. Williamson, 271. For this reason Dillard (121) dates the campaign in the previous year. Cf. Curtis and Madsen, 384-85. So Japhet (725), who sees the sacrifices as thank offerings. She notes the symbolic connection of seven into with the root for “oath/swear” (100).

229

the sheep outnumber the oxen by a seven-to-one ratio

The stringency of this commitment is seen by the capital

(cf. 2 Chr 35:7: thirty thousand lambs and kids and three

punishment imposed on anyone who would not seek

thousand bulls; 2 Chr 35:8: twenty-six hundred lambs and

Yahweh, regardless of age or gender.54 According to Ezra

kids and three hundred bulls; 2 Chr 35:9: five thousand

10:8, those who did not come to the assembly to solve the

lambs and kids and five hundred bulls). The plunder

problem with foreign wives would forfeit all their prop¬

refers back to 2 Chr 14:14 (15), where the capture of sheep

erty and be banned from the congregation. Artaxerxes

and goats is mentioned. Since, according to v. 19, there

threatened anyone who would not obey the law of God

were no other wars in Asa’s first thirty-five years, the spoil

and of himself with four types of punishment: death,

would have had to come from this one battle. Williamson

banishment, confiscation of goods, or imprisonment

(271) took the reference to spoil as an addition by the

(Ezra 7:26). Such harsh treatment, therefore, seems

Chronicler to the source represented by w. 8-15.

typical for the Persian period. In the Pentateuch, capital

■ 12 They entered into a covenant to seek Yahweh the God of

punishment is mandated for a female sorcerer (Exod

their ancestors with all their heart and with all their innermost

23:17 [18]) or for false prophets who use dreams or who

being: This covenant to “seek” Yahweh would seem to be

tempt people to follow other gods (Deut 13:6-11 [5-10];

a climactic fulfillment of the order to seek Yahweh issued

17:2-7). Not seeking Yahweh could be equated with wor¬

by Asa in 2 Chr 14:3 (4); such seeking had already been

shiping other gods, or it could represent a more general

partially realized in 2 Chr 14:6 (7). The partners to this

rebellion against Yahweh. Yahweh the God of their ances¬

covenant would be the groups of people mentioned in v.

tors is here equated with Yahweh the God of Israel.

9, or perhaps these people and the king. No obligation

■ 14 They took an oath to Yahweh with a loud voice, and with

in this covenant is placed on Yahweh. Other covenants

shouting, and with trumpets, and with horns: Taking an oath

committing the human participants to a specific vision

is equivalent to making a covenant (cf. Neh 10:30 [29],

or task include 2 Chr 23:1 (to participate in the coup

the oath of the people at the time of Nehemiah to walk

against Athaliah); 2 Chr 23:16 (Jehoiada, king, and

in God’s law).55 Covenant and oath are also associated

people to be the people of Yahweh); 2 Chr 29:1 (Heze-

with each other in 1 Chr 16:15-17//Ps 105:8-10, where

kiah’s covenant with Yahweh so that his anger would

Yahweh’s covenant with Abraham is made parallel with

turn away); 2 Chr 34:31, 32 (the king’s and the people’s

his oath for Isaac and with his statute or everlasting cov¬

covenant to follow Yahweh); and Ezra 10:3 (the covenant

enant with Jacob-Israel. Shouting, trumpets, and horns

of Ezra and the people to send away the foreign wives

also accompanied the bringing up of the ark to Jerusa¬

and their children). The sincerity and depth of the com¬

lem (1 Chr 15:2856//2 Sam 6:15). One hears in these

mitment in this verse are indicated by the dedication by

sounds overtones of unity, enthusiasm, and joy.

the people of their heart and inmost being (DtCS] 7331;

■ 15 All Judah rejoiced over the oath; for they had sworn with

cf. David’s admonition to Solomon in 1 Chr 28:9; cf.

all their heart, and they had sought him with all their desire,

1 Chr 21:19 and Deut 4:29). This covenant anticipates

and he let himself be found by them. Yahweh gave rest to them

the covenant in the days ofjosiah (2 Kgs 23:3)53 and the

all around: The implied unity, enthusiasm, and joy57 are

firm agreement (WON) in Neh 9:38 (10:1).

made explicit in these verses. “All Judah” indicates that

■ 13 Everyone who did not seek Yahweh the God of Israel was

there was no need to impose the harsh penalties of v. 13;

put to death, whether young or old, whether man or woman:

“all their heart” and “all their desire” echo v. 13 even if

53

2 Kgs 23:3: “The king [Josiah] stood by the pillar and made a covenant before Yahweh, to follow Yahweh, keeping his commandments, his decrees, and his statutes, with all his heart and all his soul,

undertook an obligation to adhere to a certain code. 55

people also swear to Milcom) and Isa 19:18 (where people in Egypt will swear to Yahweh).

to perform the words of this covenant that were

54

written in this book. All the people joined in the

56

Harps and lyres are also present at this event.

covenant” (cf. 2 Chr 34:31-32). Japhet (726) sees a similarity to the covenants at

57

Cf. the universal joy at David’s coronation in 1 Chr 12:41 (40).

Qumran in which those entering the covenant

230

For other oaths to Yahweh, see Zeph 1:5 (where

15:1-19

(“their desire”) has replaced D0S3 (“their innermost being”). Azariah’s promise has proved to be true: “if you

“great lady” (HTID) has been traditionally translated as “queen mother,” and various duties have been assigned

seek him,58 he will let himself be found by you” (2 Chr

to the person in this role. But only the Judean royal wives

15:2). Asa himself had recognized that their seeking

Maacah, the grandmother of Asa, and Nehushta, the

Yahweh led Yahweh to give them rest on every side (2 Chr

mother ofjehoiachin (Jer 29:2),62 are called by this title,

14:5-6 [6-7]; cf. 2 Chr 13:23 [14:1).

and the evidence that the nTQH was a title usually given to the king’s mother is very slim.63 The translation “great

15:16-19 Asa's Removal of the Great Lady and

lady” is derived from the etymology of the Hebrew root

His Donation of Votive Offerings in an Era of Peace

"QJ. The occurrence of the word in 2 Kgs 10:13 probably

■ 16 Also, as for his mother Maacah, Asa the king removed

refers to the wife of Joram rather than to his mother,

her from being great lady because she had made an abomi¬

Jezebel.64 Both Maacah and Nehushta can be linked to

nable image for Asherah. Asa cut down her abominable image,

cultic roles related to Asherah.65 Bathsheba and Athaliah,

crushed it, and burned it at the Wadi Kidron: With this verse,

who play major roles in the Davidic succession, are not

the Chronicler begins to follow once more the Vorlage

called by this title. Building on the study of Tawananna in

(from 1 Kgs 15:13). For the confusion about the name

Hittite culture, scholars have concluded that the queen

of Asa’s (grand) mother, see the commentary at 2 Chr

mother exercised both state and cultic functions and had

13:2.59 It is likely that Asa came to the throne at an

considerable influence after the death of her husband,

early age, since his father ruled only three years, so that

but neither of the tawannas deposed by the Hittites was

his (grand) mother, Maacah,60 may well have served as

actually the mother of the king.66 Ackerman speculates

regent during his minority and retained a considerable

that Maacah legitimated her son’s reign in the name of

amount of influence as great lady (nT33)61 even after

Asherah, who was Yahweh’s consort.67 Asa’s removal68 of

Asa had fully taken over his duties as king. The word

his (grand) mother from her position as great lady must

58 59 60

61

In the promise the verb is EH"7, while here in the fulfillment the verb is EpH. Glatt-Gilad (“Regnal Formulae,” 189) says that here Maacah might be understood as Asa’s grandmother. Gosta W. Ahlstrom (Aspects of Syncretism in Israelite Religion [Horae Soederblomianae 5; Lund: Gleerup, 1963] 57-63) suggested that Maacah was of nonIsraelite (Aramean) descent and because of her support of non-Israelite cults she was an early version of Jezebel. Bowen (“Quest,” 616, citing Ahlstrom and other scholars) also identifies her as foreign. Much depends on identifying her ancestor Abishalom. See the commentary on 2 Chr 11:20. If he is Absalom the son of David, his mother is Maacah the daughter of KingTalmai of Geshur (2 Sam 3:3). But I suggested at 2 Chr 11:20 that Absalom was at least the grandfa¬ ther if not the great-grandfather of Maacah. For how many generations is one still considered “foreign”?

62

63 64

This term is used for royal women in Judah or Israel only in 1 Kgs 15:13, the Vorlage of this passage; in 2 Kgs 10:13; and in Jer 13:18; 29:2. Susan Ackerman

65

(“Queen Mother,” 399) assumes that all mothers of Judean kings could be called m’DH and so gives this title to Bathsheba, Jezebel, and seventeen wives of the king in Judah. Ackerman has made a strong

66

case for the political and cultic role of the queen mother and for her decisive role in questions of suc¬

cession. She argues that the queen mother was rou¬ tinely a devotee of Asherah. Her case is somewhat weakened since neither Bathsheba nor Athaliah is actually called 1TT33. Niels-Erik A. Andreasen (“The Role of the Queen Mother in Israelite Society,” JBL 45 [1983] 179-94) concluded that the chief func¬ tion of the queen mother was to be a senior coun¬ selor to the king and the people. He denied that the queen mother had active participation in fertility rites in the Old Testament. Per contra, Ahlstrom {Aspects of Syncretism. 57-88). The uncertainty of all of these conclusions is stressed by Bowen, “Quest.” This identification assumes that the HTD3 ofjehoi¬ achin is his mother mentioned in 2 Kgs 24:8, 12. Neither the king nor the HTOj is explicitly identi¬ fied in Jer 13:18. For full discussion, see Bowen, “Quest.” Bowen, “Quest,” 610-12; contra Ackerman, “Queen Mother,” 392. For the latter, see Ackerman, “Queen Mother,” 396-98. This is deduced from the etymology of her name, “serpent,” an appropriate epithet for

67

Asherah. Elna Solvang, “Queen,” NIDB 4:702. Ackerman, “Queen Mother,” 401.

68

Cf. Judg 9:29, where Gaal expresses a desire to

231

have been a radical act in itself, but if the stricture of

The Asherah image was probably made of wood, since

v. 13 had been applied, she would have been executed.69

it could be cut down and burned.74 The addition to the

What is meant by her “abominable image” (DK^SQ)70 is

Vorlage of the word “crushed to powder” (pTI) may be

not clear since this noun is only used twice in this verse

a late gloss to create a typology between what Asa did

and twice in the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:13. Parallel uses of

and whatjosiah would later do (cf. 2 Kgs 23:6, 15 and

the root j'T’S are translated customarily as “tremble” for

2 Chr 34:4, 7).75 The Kidron Valley was the location

the verb in Job 9:6; “horror” or “shuddering” for the

where other items discarded in other cultic reforms were

noun m^S in Isa 21:4; Ezek 7:18; Ps 55:6 (5); Job 9:6;

burned (2 Kgs 23:4-6, 12; 2 Chr 29:16 [not in Kings];

or “terror” for another noun, n^Dn, injer 49:16. Hence,

2 Chr 30:14 [not in Kings]).

the noun is probably pejorative here, designating the

■ 17 But the high places were not removed from Israel. Neverthe¬

thing (image?) she had made for Asherah as something

less the heart of Asa was faithful all his days: In the Vorlage,

horrible or at which one shudders.71 It is possible, of

the first sentence indicates a deficiency in Asa’s reform,

course, that n^SO normally had some kind of positive

namely, that the high places were not removed. In the

meaning within the Asherah cult. While Asherah seems

Chronicler’s account of the first phase of the reform,

to have been a prominent deity in popular religion, she,

the high places were in fact removed from all the cities

her symbol, high places, and pillars came to be consid¬

of Judah (2 Chr 14:2, 4 [3, 5]) so that the Chronicler in

ered accretions to Yahwism and were disapproved by the

this verse adds “from Israel,” implying that this deficiency

Yahweh-alone party and condemned to destruction.72

applied only to the area of the northern kingdom over

Asherah’s image may have been placed in the temple

which Asa had no control in any case (Curtis and Madsen,

once more by the time of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:4; not

386),76 except for the cities he had captured from Ephraim

included in Chronicles) and installed again by Manasseh

(v. 8).77 The second sentence, therefore, is more logically

(2 Kgs 21:7),73 and this Asherah was destroyed byjosiah (2 Kgs 23:4-7; not included in Chronicles).

69

70

remove Abimelech, and 2 Chr 36:3, which reports the Egyptian king’s deposition ofjehoahaz. A point driven home in the marginal notes of the Geneva Bible (1560), which praise Asa for deposing his mother and chide him for not killing her. HALOT, 618. The Chronicler switches the order of Asherah and this noun from the Vorlage, making clear that he understood Asherah as a proper name (so Ackerman, “Queen Mother,” 389 and n. 16). Judith M. Hadley (The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000] 66) suggests unconvincingly that the Chroni¬

72

Exod 34:13; Deut 7:5; 12:3; 16:21. Ackerman (“Queen Mother,” 391) argues that it was the norm in the southern kingdom in the ninth to seventh 73

centuries to worship both Yahweh and Asherah. The word “Asherah” is omitted in the parallel text 2 Chr 33:7.

74

See Deut 16:21: “You shall not plant any wooden thing as an Asherah beside the altar ofYahweh your God, which you shall make.” For this understanding

75

cler intended us to read “she made a mipleset in the

76

reign of Jehoshaphat, with 2 Chr 17:6, where Jehoshaphat removed the high places. This puzzle

Asherah here as a cult object rather than the per¬

71

232

See Williamson, Israel, 104. Cf. 2 Chr 20:33, where the high places were not taken away during the

of Asherah as a goddess seems clear here. Frevel (“Die Elimination der Gottin,” 267) also interprets sonal name of the goddess. The Vulgate translates PU7SD mCitfb as simulacrum Priapi (“image of

of J'V, see Day, “Asherah in the Hebrew Bible,” 402. See Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung, 158. Note how Moses ground the golden calf to powder, sprinkled it on the water, and made the Israelites drink it. (p7 -\m 1JJ ]neH; Exod 32:20).

function of an asherah.” This reflects her idea that when the Chronicler thought of an asherah, only a wooden cultic object came to mind. This may be the tendency in other passages, but the understanding

See Day, “Asherah in the Hebrew Bible,”406. Cf.

is compounded by 2 Chr 21:11, where we hear that Jehoram was the first to erect high places. 77

japhet (729) regards this as a “weak solution.”

Priapus,” the god of procreation), with possible ref¬

She argues that this does not explain why these

erence to a phallus cult (Curtis and Madsen, 386).

high places would be held against Asa, but the

See Zevit, Religions of Ancient Israel, 462 and n. 51.

Chronicler was harmonizing what was troublesome

15:1-19

convincing in the context in Chronicles.78 “All of his days”

year by the skirmish with Zerah, so the end of peace in

must be understood in Chronicles as “most of his days” or

the thirty-fifth year was followed in the thirty-sixth year

“all of his days up to the present” since Asa does in fact err

by the battle with Baasha.82

in the latter part of his reign (Japhet, 728). ■ 18 He brought the votive gifts of his father and his own

Conclusion

votive gifts into the house of God—silver, gold, and utensils: This verse taken from the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:15 con¬

A spirit-endowed prophet named Azariah drew out the

tinues the recounting of positive actions taken by Asa.

lessons of Asa’s victory over Zerah, a victory that had

These votive offerings had presumably been stored in

resulted from Yahweh’s presence with Israel and their

some other shrine, and Asa is credited with bringing

presence with him. He promised that if they would seek

them over to where they belong./9 For a list of votive

Yahweh, he would be found. Azariah illustrated from

offerings by David, see the textual notes. In the Chroni¬

the history of the period of the judges how repentance

cler’s account, these votive offerings may come from spoil

in time of distress and seeking Yahweh were followed by

taken in the battle with Zerah (2 Chr 14:8-14 [9-15])

Yahweh’s being found. He urged Judah and Benjamin to

or in the battle for the cities in Mount Ephraim (v. 8).

take courage and promised them that their work would

Curtis and Madsen (386) propose that these votive offer¬

be rewarded.

ings may have been brought to Jerusalem for safekeeping

This led to a second phase of Asa’s reform. Asa

because of the imminent danger from Baasha.

removed the abominable idols from Judah, Benja¬

■ 19 There was not war until the thirty-fifth year of the reign

min, and the cities of north Israel he had captured,

of Asa: This verse is quite different from the Vorlage in

he repaired the altar, he called an assembly, which

1 Kgs 15:16 “There was war between Asa and Baasha king

included Judah, Benjamin, and a number of people from

of Israel all their days.”80 Since Baasha became king in

Ephraim, Manasseh, and Simeon who had rallied to his

Asa’s third year and died in Asa’s twenty-sixth year (1 Kgs

cause. After performing sacrifices of thanksgiving, the

15:33; 16:8), this means there was (on and off) fighting

community entered a covenant to seek Yahweh, fulfilling

between the two kings over a twenty-four-year period, or

the demand made by Asa already in 2 Chr 14:3 (4). Capi¬

60 percent of Asa’s reign. The Chronicler, whose chronol¬

tal punishment was threatened against all who would not

ogy throughout has expressed his positive evaluation of

seek Yahweh, but the report makes clear that in fact all

Asa, delays this war until the thirty-sixth year of Asa.81

did seek Yahweh, and they did so with enthusiasm and

Just as ten years of quiet were followed in the eleventh

joy. As promised, they were given rest all around.

information in his Vorlage. Somewhat more convinc¬ ing is her reference to a similar tension in 2 Chr 17:6 (where Jehoshaphat removed the high places) and 20:33//l Kgs 22:44 (43) (where they were not removed), a tension to which we will return in our commentary on Jehoshaphat. Her own solution seems weak to me when she refers to her study of

80 81

ignores the brief notice of cities taken in Mount Ephraim (2 Chr 15:8). The RSVand the NRSV recognized the tension with Asa’s earlier battle (s)

ing. Cogan, 1 Kings, 399, commenting on the Vorlage in

and add the word “more” in their translations: “And there was no more war until the thirty-fifth year of the reign of Asa.” De Vries (302) believes that the numbers are faulty in 2 Chr 15:19 and 16:1 and reconstructs them as the fifteenth and sixteenth years of Asa respectively. For criticism of this and defense of my position, see

1 Kgs 15:15.

“Structure” in the commentary on chap. 14.

reigns ofjoash (2 Kgs 12:3-4//2 Chr 24:2), Azariah (2 Kgs 15:3-4//2 Chr 26:4), Amaziah (2 Kgs 14:4), andjotham (2 Kgs 15:34-35//2 Chr 37:2). The Chronicler omitted the words “toward Yahweh” from the Vorlage without a detectable shift in mean¬

79

15:32. This confirms what was said in v. 15, that Yahweh gave him rest all around. One might object that Asa had a war with Zerah in his eleventh year, but the Chronicler apparently did not consider that suc¬ cessful battle, in which the Judean troops did not really fight, a war. This thirty-five years of peace also

high places as showing that they were less signifi¬ cant for the Chronicler. How does her proposal resolve this tension? The Chronicler omitted the idea that the high places continued during the

78

This information in the Vorlage is repeated in 1 Kgs

82

233

The reform continued with Asa deposing his own

and his own votive gifts to the temple. Because of his

mother and destroying her Asherah. Although the high

seeking Yahweh, especially through acts of reform, war

places could not be removed from Israel, Asa’s heart was

was delayed until the thirty-sixth year of his forty-one-

loyal to Yahweh and he brought the votive gifts of Abijah

year reign.

234

16:1-14 Sickness and Death of Asa Translation In the thirty-sixth1 year of the reign of Asa, Baasha the king of Israel went up against Judah and built Ramah2 so as not to allow anyone to go out or come in for Asa the king of Judah. 2/ Asa took out silver and gold from the treasuries of the house of Yahweh and the king's house and §ent them to Ben-hadad the king of Aram, who lived in Damascus.3 3/ "Let there be a treaty between me and you, as there was between4 my father and your father. See I am sending you silver and gold. Go, break off your treaty with Baasha king of Israel so that he will go up from upon me." 4/ Ben-hadad listened to King Asa, and he sent the officers of his troops against5 the cities of Israel. They attacked6 Ijon, Dan, Abel-maim,7 and all around the cities of3 Naphtali. 5/ When Baasha heard about this, he stopped building Ramah and brought his work to a stop. 6/ King Asa took all Judah, and they carried away the stones of Ramah and its lumber, and built with them Geba and Mizpah. At that time Hanani the seer came to Asa the king of Judah and said to him, "Because you relied on the king of Aram and did not rely on Yahweh your God, therefore, the army of the king of Aram9 has escaped from your hand. 8/ Did not the Cushites and the Libyans have a huge10 army, with exceedingly abundant chariots11 and cavalry? When you relied on Yahweh, he gave them12 into your hand. 9/ For, as for Yahweh, his eyes roam throughout the entire world to strengthen those whose heart is faithful to him. You have acted foolishly in this case. From now on you will have13 wars."14 10/ Then Asa was provoked with the seer and put him in the stocks, in prison, for he was angry with him about this.15 And Asa inflicted cruelties on some of the people at that time. The acts of Asa, the first and the last, behold they are written in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel. 12/ In the thirty-ninth year of his reign Asa was diseased16 in his feet, and his disease became severe. Even in his illness he did not seek Yahweh, but only physicians.17 13/ Asa slept with his fathers and died in the forty-first18 year of his reign. 14/ They buried him in his grave19 which he had dug for himself in the city of David. They placed him on a bier that was full of20 various kinds of21 spices22 that had been prepared by the perfumer's art, and they kindled for him an exceedingly great fire.

1

9

4 5

6 7

8

9

10

11 12 13 14

15

16

LXX “thirty-eighth.” In a reading discussed in n. 6, Chronicles presupposes a text of Kings different from Kings MT. ilQin. The definite article occurs with Ramah thir¬ teen times in the Old Testament. ptDQPPD.The older form would be pCDPD. ]’DD, with BHS; MT jm. 1 Kgs 15:19 ]’□, where the 0 has been lost by haplography. bV; cf. Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 15:20 MT. Chr MT*?N. 1DP MT; cf. 1 Kgs 15:20 LXX. Kgs MT “[’1 “he attacked.” D’O *738. Tg D*0 “from the west.” All other “Abel” place-names are in Transjordan. 1 Kgs 15:20 □DUO TO bis “Abel-beth-maacah,” is no doubt the better reading, but there is no evidence that it ever appeared in Chronicles. ’PD TODD bV; cf. LXX Kal itaoaq rag TrepLx^pouq “and all the environs of.” MT ’HU fTODOQ bD “all the store-cities of.” 1 Kgs 15:20 niTD bv “and all Chinneroth.” Rudolph (246) thinks that the Chroni¬ cler misread PTIjD as mPDD “vicinities” and then replaced it with the more common word rraoa. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 165) reads tTUDOQ ’PU bv “all the store-cities of.” For the devia¬ tion in LXX, see Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:60), who does not favor the emendation we have adopted. □PS; LXXL “Israel.” Cf. BHS. See Rudolph, 247 n. 2, and 248. In the view of those who would emend the text to Israel, CPS is a textual mistake because of the preceding DPS “[^Q. Curtis and Madsen (389), how¬ ever, argue correctly that Hanani’s rebuke means that if Asa had relied on Yahweh he would have conquered not only Baasha but also the Arameans who were in league with him. See also Knoppers, “Alliances as a Topos," 607 n. 20; and the commen¬ tary on this verse. □P1?. BHS deletes as a dittography with the follow¬ ing word DDP1?. Cf. Rudolph (248) Syr Arab. The minus in these versions is due to homoioarchton. Hognesius (Text of 2 Chronicles, 167) retains the MT and attributes it to the stylistic repertoire of the Chronicler. □DP1?; LXX ftapooq “courage,” apparently a corrup¬ tion. D3TI3; LXX itapebtiKev, lacking a translation for the suffix “them.” -[□□. BHS (Rudolph, 248) proposes pDD1? DPS DD “there will be (wars) for your people with Aram.” rrraf?D. LXX iroXepoq Syr “war.” Knoppers (“Alliances as a Topos") claims incorrectly that 1 Kgs 15:16 MT also has the plural form of “wars.” iPKT bv 1QD pun n. Rudolph, 248:1DD □□□ pDT m nNT bv “and since there was among the people anger with him about this.” 'pn’l; see Hognesius, Text of 2 Chronicles, 168. MT

235

17 18 19

K^tTI; the final is a dittograph of the first letter ofBOt* (Asa). 1 Kgs 15:23 n7n. Kgs LXX eitoveoev “he was diseased.” Kgs LXXLeirolr]06i> ’Aaa to ■novqpov Kai eitoveoev “Asa did evil and was dis¬ eased.” See the commentary. □,KS"i3. Some have proposed “Rephaim.” Cf.

21

BHS. '

22

’31, with BHS note b. MT □□n. The final mem arose by dittography. The word is used only here and in Ps 144:13. Rudolph (248) calls it a Persian loanword. HALOT (274) notes its occurrences in Sir 37:28;

LXXmin “thirty-nine.” LXXB “thirty.” rninp?; LXX Vg singular. A few Hebrew mss Edd TTTiapa. BDB (868) understands the plural as an intensive, used of stately or royal sepulchers. Cf.

49:8 and shows that it is a loanword in Aramaic from Old Persian zana. DTipi?, with Tg Vg, and BHS. This word was lost by haplography before the next (consonantally identi¬ cal) word □TIP“10, which is pointed as pual participle masculine plural. BDB, 955a: “mixed as ointment.” Hognesius {Text of 2 Chronicles, 169) retains the MT.

2 Kgs 22:20//2 Chr 34:28 and 2 Chr 35:24. piel perfect. The subject is indefinite (BDB, 570b).

20

Structure

Chronicler omits the following pericopes from 1 Kings dealing with the history of northern kings: 15:25-26,

The Chronicler completes his account of Asa by sur¬

Nadab; 15:27—16:7, Baasha; 16:8-14, Elah; 16:15-20,

rounding a prophetic speech of his own composition

Zimri; 16:21-28, Omri; 15:29—21:29, Ahab (including

with revised selections from the Vorlage in Kings (for

the stories of Elijah).

an analysis of the whole Asa account, see “Structure” in

The only place where the Chronicler adds new

chap. 14):

information to the account, in addition to the speech

VI.

16:1-6 Asa’s alliance with Ben-hadad and the subse¬

of Hanani, is in the ceremonies accompanying Asa’s

quent withdrawal of Baasha (1 Kgs 15:17-22). This

burial. Japhet (732) thinks it unlikely that there were any

alliance is evidence for Asa not relying on Yahweh

additional sources available to the Chronicler for this

and shows a quite different response by him from

chapter.

the response he had to the threat of Zerah and the Cushites. The Chronicler’s positioning of this fail¬

Detailed Commentary

ure provides a theological rationale for his subse¬ quent rebuke by Hanani and Asa’s foot disease. VII. 16:7-10 Rebuke of Asa by Hanani the seer1 and

16:1-6 Asa's Alliance with Ben-hadad and the Subsequent Withdrawal of Baasha

Asa’s angry response. Asa’s response and his lack of

■ 1 In the thirty-sixth year of the reign of Asa, Baasha the

reliance on Yahweh explain why the king of Aram

king of Israel went up against Judah and built Ramah so as

escaped him and why Asa was afflicted with a dis¬

not to allow anyone to go out or come in for Asa the king of

ease in his feet.

Judah: Baasha’s encroachment upon Judah is undated

VIII. 16:11-14 Sickness and death of Asa (1 Kgs 15:2324a). Even in his illness Asa relied not on Yahweh but on healers.

in 1 Kings, and the Chronicler has placed it after the thirty-five years of peace and rest that have been the reward for Asa’s piety. Historically this date is impossible,

This section of the account of Asa in 1 Kings consists

since Baasha died and was succeeded by his son Elah in

of a narrative about the conflict between Asa and Baasha

the twenty-sixth year of Asa (1 Kgs 16:5-8). Attempts to

(1 Kgs 15:17-22) and a Deuteronomistic conclusion to

relieve this problem by claiming copyist’s errors (Curtis

his reign (1 Kgs 15:23-24). In addition to the prophetic

and Madsen, 387) or by making the thirty-sixth year date

speech in 2 Chr 16:7-10, the Chronicler made significant

from the beginning of Rehoboam’s reign, that is, the

additions to the Vorlage in 2 Chr 16:12b, 13b, and 14. The

beginning of the divided kingdom (Thiele),2 are in my

1

In the Targum he is called a prophet.

2

Thiele, Mysterious numbers, 84-88. Cf. Williamson, 256-58; and De Vries, 296.

236

16:1-14

judgment misguided. The Chronicler’s decision to divide

the temple treasuries have been restocked (cf. also the

Asa’s reign into a long positive period and a relatively

votive gifts that were deposited in the temple in 2 Chr

short negative period caused a clash with the chronology

15:18//1 Kgs 15:15). Williamson (273) suggests that the

in Kings. This clash was either unnoticed by the Chroni¬

Chronicler did not want to draw attention to Shishak’s

cler or ignored by him.

plundering of the temple or give the impression that

We are not told about any direct military confronta¬

Asa had completely drained the temple’s resources. On

tion in the battle between the two kingdoms at this time,

the other hand, Asa can be seen to be using the votive

but Baasha was apparently trying to hem Asa in or taking

offerings he has recently contributed to the temple,

over the southern portion of Benjaminite territory.3

presumably in thanksgiving for the victory over Zerah,

Ramah (MR 172140) is only about five and one-half miles

in a faithless attempt to buy protection through the

north of Jerusalem (MR 172131). Ramah was at one point

Aramean king. In the Deuteronomistic History, four of

part of the northern frontier of Benjamin, with Gibeon

the kings who pay a foreign king out of the palace or

(MR 167139) and Beeroth (MR 167137; Josh 18:25).4 In

temple treasuries are evaluated positively (Asa, 1 Kgs

Kings this incident is apparently one in a series of hostile

15T7-19//2 Chr 16:1-3; Jehoash, 2 Kgs 12:18-19//2 Chr

confrontations between north and south (1 Kgs 15:16,

24:23;5 Amaziah, 2 Kgs 14:ll-14//2 Chr 25:20-24;6 and

32); in Chronicles it is the only confrontation reported.

Hezekiah, 2 Kgs 18:13-16; not taken up in Chronicles)

For going out and coming in, with its military connota¬

and there is no specific criticism of this temple despolia¬

tions, see 2 Chr 15:5. The alleged expansion of Abijah

tion. In Chronicles Asa’s despoliation is included in the

into the northern kingdom (2 Chr 13:19) is reversed by

negative part of his reign.7

this action, as is Asa’s capture of (unnamed) cities in the

The Chronicler also left off the patronymics (son of

hill country of Ephraim (2 Chr 15:8).

Tabrimmon son of Hezion) from the name Ben-hadad,

■ 2 Asa took out silver and gold from the treasuries of the

perhaps because he no longer understood them or con¬

house of Yahweh and the king’s house and sent them to Ben-

sidered them unimportant. Kings suggested that Ben-

hadad the king of Aram, who lived in Damascus: Instead of

hadad was preceded by Tabrimmon and Hezion. On the

turning to Yahweh, as Israel had done in the past, accord¬

basis of a four-line, mid-ninth-century inscription on the

ing to Azariah (2 Chr 15:4), Asa turned to the Aramean

Melqart stele found seven kilometers north of Aleppo,

king Ben-hadad. The Chronicler made several minor

on which Albright found these two patronymics, Albright

changes to the Vorlagein 1 Kgs 15:18, the most important

identified Ben-hadad of 1 Kings 20-2 Kings 8 with the

of which are his omission of the word “all” before “the

Ben-hadad of 1 Kings 15//2 Chronicles 16. A flurry of

silver and gold” and “that were left” (□'“iniCT) before the

subsequent interpretations of the stele identified the

word “treasuries.” Rehoboam had paid a bribe to Shishak

man mentioned on it with the son of Hadad-Tdri the

out of these temple treasuries (1 Kgs 14:26; 2 Chr 12:9),

king of Damascus who participated in the battle of Qar-

and Asa’s payment in the Vorlage was made from this

qar in 853

b.c.e.

(Cross); Hadad-Cidri himself (Shea); the

reduced amount and from his own resources. In Chroni¬

brother of Hazael, who killed his predecessor (Lipinski);

cles, however, Asa’s reign has been prosperous and peace¬

the son of Hazael (Miller), or the grandson of Hazael

ful (2 Chr 13:23; 14:4-7 [5-8]), and one assumes that

(Lemaire). On the basis of a reexamination of the stele

location between Bethel (MR 172148) and Ramah

In commenting on 1 Kgs 15:17, David Elgavish (“Objective of Baasha’s War against Asa,” in Studies in Historical Geography and Biblical Historiography:

5

in the hill country of Ephraim. But the Chronicler does not include the payment

6

made to Hazael. In this case the northern kingjehoash took these

Presented to Zecharia Kallai [VTSup 81; ed. G. Galil

and M. Weinfeld; Leiden: Brill, 2000] 141-49) argues that Baasha’s goal was to annex the southern portion of the territory of the tribe of Benjamin, and that the hemming in of Asa was a consequence, but not the purpose, of Baasha’s attack. Cf. also Judg 4:5, where Deborah judges Israel at a

7

treasures by force. On these despoliation texts, see Evans, “Chroni¬ cler’s Despoliation Notices,” and Knoppers, “Trea¬ sures Won and Lost.”

237

itself, the ruler has been separated from the Damascene

of Hanani (2 Chr 19:2) and Eliezer the son of Dodayahu

line and attributed to the kingdom of Zobah or Arpad.8

(2 Chr 20:37).

The Ben-hadad of this verse was preceded on the throne

■ 4 Ben-hadad listened to King Asa, and he sent the officers

of Damascus by Tab-Rimmon (late tenth/early ninth cen¬

of his troops against the cities of Israel. They attacked Ijon,

tury), Hezion (late tenth century), and Rezon (mid-tenth

Dan, Abel-maim, and all around the cities of Naphtali: While

century), a contemporary of Solomon (1 Kgs 11:23-25).

there is some uncertainty about the text (see the tex¬

Damascus is located at MR 272324.

tual notes), the meaning in general is clear. Ben-hadad

■ 3 “Let there be a treaty between me and you, as there was

opened a second front in the northern territories of

between my father and your father. See I am sending you silver

Israel, which forced Baasha to discontinue his southern

and gold. Go, break off your treaty with Baasha king of Israel so

adventure and attempt to defend his own territory. “Offi¬

that he will go up from upon me”: Three treaties are referred

cers of the troops” (D’^Ttil ,_1D) are mentioned a num¬

to in this verse: (1) a (proposed) treaty between Asa and

ber of times in Jeremiah (40:7, 13; 41:11, 13, 16). Ijon

Baasha;9 (2) a treaty between Abijah and, presumably,

(MR 205308) and Dan (MR 211294) are at the historic

Tab-Rimmon;10 (3) a treaty between Baasha and Ben-

northern border of Israel, and the tribe of Naphtali is

hadad.11 On the basis of the tribute he is sending—the

also in the far north. 1 Kings 15:20 mentions Abel-beth-

Chronicler has omitted the word IPIO (“bribe”) from

Maacah (MR 204296), which would fit this general area,

the Vorlage12—Asa asks Ben-hadad to break off his treaty

but the text of Chronicles mistakenly reads Abel-maim.13

with Baasha (and presumably put military pressure

According to 2 Kgs 15:29, during the reign of the

on him) so that Baasha will retreat from his advanced

northern king Pekah, Tiglath-pileser III captured Ijon,

southern position. The first treaty in this understanding

Abel-beth-maacah, a number of other cities, and all the

would be a renewal or restoration of the second treaty.

land of Naphtali and annexed this territory to Assyria in

The word for treaty is rp-Q. Asa now seeks a n,-Q with

734

Baasha just after he and the people had entered a

rf"Q

b.c.e.

The Chronicler replaced Abel-beth-maacah for

some reason with Abel-maim, which the Targum under¬

to seek Yahweh the God of their fathers with all their

stood as “Abel from the sea” or “Abel from the west.”14 In

heart and with all their innermost being (2 Chr 15:12).

Ben-hadad’s case he apparently only plundered the land

As Asa is breaking (being unfaithful to) his covenant/

but did not cut it off from Israel. The word Chinneroth

treaty with Yahweh, he is asking the Aramean king to

in 1 Kgs 15:20 (cf.Josh 11:2; 12:3)15 is obscure and

break (be unfaithful to) his treaty with the northern

may refer to the region around the Sea of Galilee. The

kingdom. This treaty will be attacked by the seer Hanani

Chronicler apparently tried to replace this proper name

in vv. 7-9, and this inappropriate treaty foreshadows his

with something simpler, but textual uncertainties (see

son Jehoshaphat’s alliance with the Omride kings in the

the textual notes) make his strategy unclear.

northern kingdom, which is also attacked byjehu the son

8

For a thorough and convincing discussion and volu¬ minous bibliography, see Pitard, Ancient Damascus,

Chronicles), where Ahaz sends a bribe to Tiglathpileser III from the treasuries of the temple and the palace. In 2 Kgs 12:19 (18) Kingjehoash of

138-44. 9

The Hebrew is ambiguous, since no verb is con¬ tained in the first clause. Hence, it could be trans¬ lated as above, or “There is a treaty between me and

Judah took his own votive offerings and those of Jehoshaphat, Jehoram, and Ahaziah his ancestors and sent them to King Hazael of Jerusalem. This was enough to get Hazael to withdraw from Jerusa¬ lem.

you.” 10

We have no way of documenting that such a treaty actually existed.

13

11

See the treaty between David and the elders of Israel (1 Chr ll:3//2 Sam 5:3) and the treaty

Allen (542) suggests that Abel-maim was the postexilic name for Abel-beth-Maacah.

14

Mclvor (Targum, 180) suggests that

15

(“from the west”) may have become confused. Or Chinnereth, Num 34:11; Deut 3:17; Josh 13:27; 19:35.

between Jehoiada the commander of the hundreds and the treaty between all the assembly and the king (2 Chr 23T-3//2 Kgs 11:4). 12

238

Cf. 2 Kgs 16:8 (this verse is not incorporated in

and

16:1-14

■ 5 When Baasha heard about this, he stopped building

from this verse.19 Geba is modified by the word “of Benja¬

Ramah and brought his work to a stop: “He brought his work

min” in the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:22.

to a stop” replaced either “he returned to Tirzah” (Kgs LXX) or “he lived in Tirzah” (Kgs MT) from the Vorlage

16:7-10 Rebuke of Asa by Hanani the Seer

in 1 Kgs 15:21. “He brought to a stop” in Hebrew rQ2H

and Asa's Angry Response

closely resembles “he returned” or “he lived,” both 3t£n.

■ 7 At that time Hanani the seer came to Asa the king of

Tirzah (MR 182188) is about eleven kilometers northeast

Judah and said to him, “Because you relied on the king of

of Shechem (MR 176179). Jeroboam had moved the capi¬

Aram and did not rely on Yahweh your God, therefore, the

tal from Shechem to Tirzah (1 Kgs 14:17). It remained

army of the king of Aram has escaped from your hand”: This

the capital (1 Kgs 15:33; 16:8, 15) until the founding of

paragraph begins and ends (v. 10) with the words “at

Samaria as a capital by Omri (MR 168187; 1 Kgs 16:24).

that time.” Hanani the seer (HiOn) is not mentioned

■ 6 King Asa took all Judah, and they carried away the

as a prophetic figure in Kings. Jehu the son of Hanani

stones of Ramah and its lumber, and built with them Geba and

appears as a prophet (K1]]]) opposed to Baasha in the

Mizpah: “Took all Judah” (HTTP To n« np7) replaces

northern kingdom (1 Kgs 16:1, 7, 12), and Jehu the

“made a proclamation to all Judah without exception”

son of Hanani also appears in Chronicles as a visionary

Op] ]"« min’

n« irOETi) in 1 Kgs 15:22.16 In other

(iHTI) during the reign of Jehoshaphat in Judah (2 Chr

words, the severity of the “forced labor” is somewhat

19:2; 20:34).20 The only other seer (PIK“l) in Chronicles is

toned down in Chronicles. The building materials

Samuel (1 Chr 9:22; 26:28; 29:29).21 The name Hanani

left behind by Baasha were used to build Geba (MR

has therefore been created by the Chronicler from Jehu

175140)17 and Mizpah (MR 170143).18 Geba was a little

the son of Hanani, who prophesied at the time of Baasha

less than two miles from Ramah, and Mizpah was a little

in the northern kingdom.22 Hanani’s appearance on this

more than two miles from Ramah. Mizpah apparently

occasion resembles Shemaiah approaching Rehoboam

remained the northernmost city of Judah until the end

during the Shishak crisis (2 Chr 12:5-8),Jehu confront¬

of the northern kingdom, although it goes unmentioned

ing Jehoshaphat after the war in Ramoth-gilead (2 Chr

in the Bible until the Babylonians sent up Gedaliah

19:2), and Eleazar prophesying to Jehoshaphat in 2 Chr

as governor there (2 Kgs 25:23). Ishmael, who assassi¬

20:37. The speech of Hanani consists of the reasons for

nated Gedaliah, also killed a number of pilgrims from

the judgment in vv. 7ba. 8-9a, and announcements of

Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria, and threw their bodies

judgment in vv. 7b/3 and 9b. The accusation in this verse

into a cistern that Asa had built as part of his defense

is that in the recent incident with Baasha, Asa had relied

against Baasha (Jer 41:1-9). Patrick Arnold mentions that

CpE?) not on Yahweh but on the king of Aram (= Ben-

the massive Iron Age walls at Tell en-Nasbeh correspond

hadad). This resembles the accusation of Isaiah: “Alas

to the type of fortress construction one would expect

for those who do down to Egypt for help and who rely

16 17

18

19

An exemption from holy war was normally made for a man who was newly married (Deut 24:5). According to Patrick M. Arnold (“Geba,” ABD 2:921-22), this town controlled a key road that crossed the valley between Geba and Michmash (MR 176142). Gibeah is located at MR 172136 (Tell el-Ful). Geba of Benjamin (in the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:22) or Gibeah (Judg 20:4, 5) maybe Gibeath elohim (1 Sam 10:5) or even Gibeah of Saul (1 Sam 11:4). Tell en-Nasbeh. Some would identify Mizpah with Nebi Samwil (MR 167137). See Dillard, 125. For Mizpah’s role in the premonarchic period, see Judg 20:1; 1 Sam 7:5, 16 (Samuel). Patrick M. Arnold, “Mizpah,” ABD 4:879-81. Arnold

20

21

22

assumes that Mizpah watched over the watershed highway at the frontier between Judah and Israel. Historically, Jehu the son of Hanani is a north¬ ern prophet, but the Chronicler has used him in 2 Chronicles 19-20 to deliver a prophetic message inJudah. Visionaries (HTn) include Heman (1 Chr 25:5); Gad (1 Chr 21:9; 29:29; 2 Chr 29:25); Iddo (2 Chr 9:29; 12:15);Jehu the son of Hanani (2 Chr 19:2 above); Asaph (2 Chr 29:30); andjeduthun (2 Chr 35:15). Cf. the plural reference to visionaries in 2 Chr 33:18-19 at the time of Manasseh. Japhet, 734, quotes the rabbinic adage that for every prophet whose patronym is reported in the Bible, both he and his father were prophets.

239

on (]JJO) horses, who trust in (nt!D) chariots because

more difficult reading of the MT, retained in our transla¬

they are many and in horsemen because they are very

tion, as the more original reading. If Asa had relied on

strong, but do not look to (n^O) the Holy One of Israel or

Yahweh, he would not have had to hire Aramean help

seek (ttfTT) Yahweh” (Isa 31:1; cf. Hos 7:8-12; 14:3). This

but would in fact have conquered the Aramean Ben-

reason for judgment contradicts the evaluation of Asa in

hadad, and the costly wars, such as that recorded in

2 Chr 14:1 (2): “He did what was good and upright in the

chap. 18 between Ahab and Jehoshaphat on one side and

sight of Yahweh.” Cf. also 2 Chr 17:3: “Yahweh was with

the Arameans on the other, could have been avoided.

Jehoshaphat, because he walked in the earlier ways of his

Thus Asa could have triumphed over two enemies, Israel

father; he did not seek (Oil) the Baals.” The Chronicler

and Aram.25 David had triumphed over the Arameans

frequently sees foreign alliances as evidence of a lack of

in 1 Chr 19:6-19. Other prophets also indicated that

trust in Yahweh.23 Righteous kings achieve peace and rest

obedience to Yahweh would have led to greater military

(1 Chr 22:8-9, peace and quiet promised to Solomon;

gains (1 Sam 13:13; 1 Kgs 20:35-43; 2 Kgs 13:14-19; cf. Isa

1 Chr 22:18, the inhabitants of the land delivered into

10:20; 31:1).

the hand of David; 2 Chr 14:4-5 [5-6], rest under Asa;

■ 8 “Did not the Cushites and the Libyans have a huge army,

2 Chr 15:15, Yahweh gave Asa rest round about; 2 Chr

with exceedingly abundant chariots and cavalry ? When you

20:29-30, Yahweh gave Jehoshaphat rest round about)

relied on Yahweh, he gave them into your hand”: In this verse

while disobedient kings experience warfare and defeat

Hanani cites a precedent—the battle with Zerah the

(2 Chr 21:8-10, the revolt of Edom and Libnah in the

Cushite—in which Asa did rely on Yahweh and in which

days of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat; 2 Chr 24:23-24,

Yahweh handed the enemy over into his hand despite

the invasion of the Arameans during the reign of Joash;

the huge size of Zerah’s army, including chariots and

2 Chr 28:5-8, the victory of the Arameans and the north¬

cavalry. In the account of Zerah’s invasion, his army

ern kingdom over Ahaz, 2 Chr 28:17-18, the incursions of

numbered one million persons, while his chariots num¬

the Edomites and the Philistines because of the faith¬

bered a mere three hundred. No cavalry are mentioned

lessness of Ahaz; and 2 Chr 36:17-20, the attack of the

at all for Zerah (2 Chr 14:8 [9]). Shishak, however, had

Chaldeans in response to the sins of the final generation

brought twelve hundred chariots and sixty thousand

in Judah). Ironically, Asa had demonstrated such reli¬

cavalry (2 Chr 12:3). The Chronicler, therefore, seems to

ance on Yahweh during the skirmish with Zerah (14:10

have merged the two incidents, as he does also when he

[11]). Abijah and Judah subdued the Israelites because

mentions Cushites and Libyans, who are mentioned with

they relied on Yahweh the God of their ancestors (2 Chr

Shishak in 2 Chr 12:3, but Libyans are not mentioned in

13:18).

the account of the battle with Zerah. While Yahweh had

It is surprising that the announcement of judgment

defeated (rp]; 2 Chr 14:11 [12]) the Cushites, it is not

declares that the king of Aram had escaped Asa’s hands.

explicitly stated in that narrative that Yahweh had given

One might have expected Hanani to declare that reli¬

them into Asa’s hand, as in this verse.

ance on Yahweh might have led to the defeat of Baasha

■ 9 “For, as for Yahweh, his eyes roam throughout the entire

rather than to the mere withdrawal of Baasha’s army and

world to strengthen those whose heart is faithful to him. You

that is in fact what the Lucianic recension of LXX has:

have acted foolishly in this case. From now on you will have

“the army of the king of Israel has escaped from your

wars”: Hanani’s affirmation about Yahweh’s eyes roaming

hand.”24 But LXXLmust be seen as a correction, with the

throughout the entire world seems to be a direct allusion

23 Cf. the marriage alliance of Jehoshaphat with Ahab (2 Chr 18:1) and the resulting battle of Ahab and

24

Baasha had been achieved even if Asa himself had

Jehoshaphat with the Arameans and the judgment

not delivered a blow against him. If he had relied on Yahweh, Baasha might not have been able to make a

on this in 2 Chr 19:2; the alliance ofjehoshaphat with Ahaziah of Israel in a shipping venture (2 Chr

withdrawal without casualties. Cf. the vain flight of

20:35-36) and the judgment on this in 2 Chr 20:37; and the appeal of Ahaz to the Assyrians for help (2 Chr 28:16, 21).

240

See the textual notes. In any case, victory over

the Cushites in 2 Chr 14:12 (13). 25

See the mention of two enemies, Cushites and Liby¬ ans, in the next verse.

16:1-14

to/citation of Zech 4:10b: “These seven [lampstands]

will have wars. This is a bitter and ironic reversal of the

are the eyes ofYahweh which range26 through the entire

motifs of quietness, rest, and peace noted in 2 Chr 13:23

world.” This expression in Zechariah is connected with

(14:1) and subsequent verses, such as 14:5 (6).29 Asa him¬

the presence ofYahweh and the support he shows for

self faces only sickness and death, but wars are common

the building of the temple and the two leaders in that

in the following chapters (2 Chr 18:3; 22:5).

activity, Zerubbabel and Joshua. David L. Petersen sug¬

■ 10 Then Asa was provoked with the seer and put him in the

gests that the lampstand is a source of light analogous

stocks, in prison, for he was angry with him about this. And Asa

to Yahweh’s face, just as the lights themselves symbolize

inflicted cruelties on some of the people at that time: Instead of

Yahweh’s eyes.27 This reference to Zechariah plays a role

repenting for his false trust, Asa blamed the messenger

in the dating of the Chronicler, since the citation of this

and put him in the stocks. Jeremiah was also placed in

prophet presupposes that some time has passed since 520

the stocks because of his prophetic words (Jer 20:2, 3;

b.c.e.

for his words to be cited as authoritative. The effect

29:26), and it is even possible that the manner of Asa’s

of these eyes and the divine presence throughout the

oppression of Hanani is borrowed from that account.30

world that they imply strengthens (pTFinn1?) those28 whose

In distinction to Jeremiah, however, is the addition of

(riDSilQil

heart is faithful (D^E?) to Yahweh, and their protection

the word “house”

is maintained regardless of whether the threat comes

and me to translate “in stocks, in prison.” Asa’s oppres¬

from the south (Zerah in chap. 14) or the north (Baasha

sion of the people followed, although the Chronicler

and Ben-hadad in chap. 16). The heart of Asa had been

does not explain why the first misdeed led to the second.

faithful (D^O) “all his days,” according to 2 Chr 15:17.

The word translated “inflicted cruelties” (pn) is used in

ITO), which has led the NRSV

Now in his last years, when he could have reaped the

contexts of social justice (1 Sam 12:3-4; Amos 4:1), but it

military consequences of such integrity, he had relied on

is also used of the crushing blow that the upper millstone

human help rather than on Yahweh. The charge that Asa

had when it fell on Abimelech (Judg 9:53). Note how the

has acted foolishly (rfoCG) recalls David’s confession that

unit on Hanani ends as it began with the words “at that

he has acted foolishly (TfoOl) by taking a census (1 Chr

time.” This is the earliest report of royal persecution of

21:8) and Samuel’s denunciation of Saul for acting fool¬

a prophet, but it was followed by many more cruelties,

ishly (rfoO]) by carrying out a sacrifice without his pres¬

including death and imprisonment visited on those who

ence, an error that resulted in the announcement of the

delivered the prophetic word.31 Asa had responded quite

end of Saul’s kingdom (1 Sam 13:13-14). From now on,

positively to the admonition of Azariah in 2 Chr 15:8-19.

as the announcement of judgment here makes clear, Asa

26

O’QCD'ffiiO. This polel participle is masculine plural, whereas in 2 Chr 16:9 it is feminine plural. The masculine plural form shows up in a late third/early

29

fourth century c.e. synagogue inscription from En-Gedi. See Marilyn Joyce Chiat, Handbook of Syna¬

30

gogue Architecture (BJS 29; Chico, Calif.: Scholars

27

28

Press, 1982) 225. Knoppers (13A, 68 n. 41) believes that the Chronicler and Zechariah may be drawing on a popular phrase for their own purposes. Petersen, Haggai and Zechariah 1-8, 228. Note that it says, “These seven are the eyes ofYahweh” and not “These are the seven eyes ofYahweh.” For this construction in which the demonstrative pronoun is not expressed, see GKC 155n (d). A similar affirmation about Yahweh’s eyes appears in Prov 15:3: “The eyes ofYahweh are in every place, keeping watch on the evil and the good.” Contrast the heart of Ahaz and of the people in Isa 7:2,

31

which shakes as the trees of the forest shake before the wind. 2 Chr 17:5 (6): “There was no war with him in these years since Yahweh had given him rest.” See also Ahab’s response to Micaiah in 2 Chr 18:26//1 Kgs 22:27. Cf. 2 Chr 18:25-26 (Micaiah); 24:20-22 (Zechariah); Jer 20:1-2; 26:11, 20-23 (Jeremiah and Uriah); Matt 5:11-12 (Jesus refers to the persecution of the prophets); Matt 14:3-4//Mark 6:17-18 (Herod imprisons John the Baptist); Matt 23:29-37 (//Luke 11:47-50; Jesus refers to the shedding of the blood of the prophets); Mark 6:17-18; John 16:2 (Jesus refers to martyrdom); Acts 7:51-60 (Stephen refers to the persecution of the prophets); Acts 12:1-5 (Herod’s persecution of the church); Acts 16:2326 (Paul and Silas imprisoned and put in stocks); 2 Cor 11:23-31 (Paul refers to his own sufferings);

241

16:11-14 Sickness and Death of Asa

chronological interpretation of the events of Asa’s reign,

■ 11 The acts of Asa, the first and the last, behold they are

the Chronicler puts Asa’s illness in his thirty-ninth year.

written in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel: This

In the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:23 this was put indefinitely

regnal formula I'eflects characteristic changes made by

“at the time of his old age.” The Chronicler’s change

the Chronicler (e.g., “the first and the last”32). It replaces

indicates that this is a consequence of his behavior

“and the rest of the acts of Asa and all his might, and

toward Hanani36 and not just part of the aging pro¬

everything he did, and the cities which he built” from

cess.37 The Lucianic reading in 1 Kgs 15:23, if it is an

the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:23. It also makes a strong affirma¬

old variant, may have suggested this interpretation to

tive statement that demands acceptance, whereas the

the Chronicler.38 If he had been faithful, he would not

rhetorical question in 1 Kgs 15:23—“are they not writ¬

have contracted this disease but would have died like

ten”—could theoretically be answered in the negative.33

David in a good old age (1 Chr 29:28). The foot disease

This source reference is the first time the Chronicler has

was recorded already in the Vorlage, although here in

referred to the book of the kings of Judah and Israel34

Chronicles its severity39 is noted, possibly hinting that it

and the first source reference not to have a prophetic fig¬

was the cause of his death.40 Ironically, since Asa him¬

ure associated with the source document. Rudolph (248)

self had ordered the people to seek Yahweh (2 Chr 14:3

says that the Chronicler names here for the first time the

[4]),41 and in spite of the implicit call to repentance in

title of the elaborated version of the canonical book of

his illness, Asa did not seek Yahweh but only physicians,

Kings from which he took much additional information.

even in his illness.42 The word “even” or “also” (02) may

As I showed in the Introduction to the first volume of

link back to vv. 7-10, where Asa was accused of self-

this commentary, that is a misreading of this source cita¬

reliance in his seeking a treaty with Ben-hadad. Yahweh

tion.35 This source reference probably refers only to the

is credited with the ability to heal in Chronicles and in

books of 1 and 2 Kings themselves.

the Old Testament in general (Exod 15:26; 2 Chr 7:14;43

■ 12 In the thirty-ninth year of his reign Asa was diseased

30:2044; and the healing miracles of Elijah and Elisha).45

in his feet, and his disease became severe. Even in his illness

Although we in modern times would favor a foreign

he did not seek Yahweh, but only physicians: Continuing his

policy that relied on treaties, the Chronicler saw such a

Rev 18:24 (a reference to the blood of prophets and saints). See also Odil Hannes Steck, Israel und das Gewaltsame Geschick der Propheten (WMANT 23; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1967). 32

1 Chr 29:29, David; 2 Chr 9:29, Solomon; 12:15, Rehoboam; 20:34, Jehoshaphat; 25:26, Amaziah; 26:22, Uzziah; 28:26, Ahaz.

33

Mitchell, “Biblical Genres,” 37.

34

Cf. 2 Chr 25:26, Amaziah; 28:26, Ahaz; 32:32, Hezekiah. This has replaced “the book of the chronicles

35 36

illness he humbled himself and the wrath ofYahweh

38

LXXLadds: eiroLpaep Aaa top nopppop kocl “(in his old age) Asa did evil and (became sick).” 39

of the kings ofjudah” from the Vorlage. See also the

40

books of the kings of Israel and Judah: 2 Chr 27:7, Jotham; 35:27, Josiah; 36:8, Jehoiakim.

29:3, 25), and Asa is not elsewhere accused of 7>DQ. Japhet (738) however, notes that there is no explicit punishment for seeking doctors.

41

Early in his reign he himself had sought Yahweh:

Klein, 1 Chronicles, 41, paragraph 3. Note the later remark in this verse “even in his

42

De Vries (304) raises the possibility that refers to something more serious than physicians

2 Chr 14:5-6 (6-7); 15:2, 12.

called forth a different kind of behavior. Uzziah is afflicted with leprosy because of his

(cf. the Rephaim, chthonic deities in the Ugaritic literature), implying that Asa used a medium, as Saul did in 1 Samuel 28.

improper use of incense (2 Chr 26:16-23). In 1 Cor 11:30 some became sick and died because they did not discern “the body.” Yahweh smote Jehoram with

43

2 Chr 7:14: “I will heal their land.”

44

2 Chr 30:20: “Yahweh heard Hezekiah and healed

45

For the generally favorable attitude toward physi-

an incurable bowel disease from which he died a miserable death (2 Chr 21:18-19). After Hezekiah’s

242

ilbDO1? “ID. Johnstone (2:74) sees here a possible pun on the root bDD (“to be unfaithful”), but nbi?ob is a standard idiom in Chronicles (1 Chr 14:2; 22:5;

illness,” which indicates that his illness should have 37

did not come against the inhabitants of Jerusalem during his lifetime (2 Chr 32:24-26). Before 67xoveaev, the LXX’s translation for nbn,

the people.”

16:1-14

policy as an expression of self-reliance, and although we

and expressed in a somewhat different manner: “He was

would commend the use of physicians through whose

buried with his fathers in the city of David his father.”

ministrations healing might be accomplished, the

Chronicles agrees on the location of the grave in the city

Chronicler saw Asa’s resorting to them as an expression

of David but also notes that Asa had dug out the grave.

of a lack of faith.

As in other cases, the Chronicler omits that he was bur¬

The nature of Asa’s illness is by no means clear. Some

ied “with his fathers.”52 Chronicles also describes the way

have seen in this foot disease evidence for dropsy (Myers,

he was laid in the grave, namely, on a bier that was full of

2:95), senile gangrene, or peripheral obstructive vascular

spices and various kinds of ointments.53 The exceedingly

disease with ensuing gangrene. Others, building on the

great fire was apparently a sign of honor. The Chronicler

fact that “feet” in Hebrew can be a euphemism for geni¬

recognized that for thirty-five years Asa had been a good

tals, have speculated that Asa had contracted a venereal

king.54 In 2 Chr 21:19, with the burial of Jehoram, we are

disease. The Talmud considered it to be gout. Finally, some have seen irony in the fact that the Ara¬

told, “His people made no fire in his honor, like the fires made for his fathers,” and in v. 20, “He departed with no

maic word for doctor is N’DN, which could be a pun on

one’s regret.” The fire was not for the purposes of crema¬

the name Asa NOK.46 Similarly, many have seen a play on

tion.55 A passage from Jeremiah suggests that spices may

words in the name Jehoshaphat (Yahweh has judged) and

have been the material that was burned: “And as spices

the fact that he is credited with a judicial reform.

were burned (mS“)2?031) for your ancestors, the earlier

■ 13 Asa slept with his fathers and died in the forty-first year of

kings who preceded you (Zedekiah), so they shall burn

his reign: The Chronicler added to the Vorlage everything

spices (ISlSO’) for you and lament for you, saying, Alas,

after the word “and.” He decided to include the length

my lord!”’ (Jer 34:5).56

of Asa’s reign here since he had left it out by his omis¬ sion of 1 Kgs 15:10. The Chronicler puts the length of

Conclusion

a king’s reign at the end for Rehoboam (2 Chr 12:13),47 Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 20:31),48Jehoram (2 Chr 21:20);49

The Chronicler begins this final chapter on Asa by

andjotham (2 Chr 27:8).50

reporting Baasha’s encroachment on Judean territory

■ 14 They buried him in his grave which he had dug for

and his controlling the traffic within five and one-half

himself in the city of David. They placed him on a bier that was

miles of Jerusalem. In response, Asa sent a monetary

full of51 various kinds of spices that had been prepared by the

payment to Ben-hadad to convince him to break off his

perfumer’s art, and they kindled for him an exceedingly great

treaty with the northern kingdom. Ben-hadad accepted

fire:T\\e Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:24a/3 is significantly shorter

this offer and invaded the northern parts of Israel.

cians in the Old Testament world, see Gen 50:2 (Joseph commanded the physicians to embalm his father); Jer 8:22 (a reference to physicians in Gilead), the healing work of Isaiah in 2 Kgs 20:7

51

54

Japhet (739) construes Asa as the subject of this piel perfect verb and concludes that Asa had made preparations for his burial before his death. She asks whether the reference to spices could be a midrashic interpretation of Asa’s name, which in Aramaic means “myrtle.” Cf. the construal of his name as meaning “doctor” above. Cf. 2 Chr 12:16//1 Kgs 14:31; 2 Chr 2L20//2 Kgs 8:24. The high number of textual notes on this verse indicates that the precise meaning of the Hebrew here is difficult. See the positive statements about Asa in 2 Chr 20:32

55 56

and 21:12. Curtis and Madsen, 390. In neither case is the word “spices” expressed.

and Isa 38:22. See also Sir 38:1: “Honor physicians for their services for the Lord created them.” See A. Shinan and Y. Zakovitch, “Midrash on Scripture and Midrash within Scripture” Scripta

52

47

Hierosolymitana 31 (1986): 272. The length of Rehoboam’s reign in Kings appears at

53

48

the beginning of his reign (1 Kgs 14:21-22). The length of Jehoshaphat’s reign in Kings appears

46

49

50

at the beginning of his reign in 1 Kgs 22:42. The length of the reign of Jehoram also appears at the beginning of his reign in 2 Chr 21:5//2 Kgs 8:17. The length of the reign of Amon also appears at the beginning of his reign in 2 Chr 27:l//2 Kgs 15:32.

243

Baasha was forced to face political reality and retreated

but only physicians. At his death he was nevertheless hon¬

from his southern expansion. Asa took the building

ored by having his bier filled with abundant spices and by

materials left by Baasha and built the cities of Geba and

a great fire in his honor. In the book of Kings, the brief account of Asa judges

Mizpah, thus pushing the border slightly to the north. The Chronicler’s description of this battle is much like

Asa positively except for the retention of the high places.

that in the Vorlage except that he dates it to the thirty-

In the much longer account of Asa in Chronicles, the

sixth year of Asa, thus after the thirty-five years of peace,

king is also evaluated positively, except for his final

and he adds to it the prophetic comments of a seer

years, when he made a treaty, disregarded the mes¬

Hanani, who criticizes the king for relying on the king

sage of a prophet and mistreated him, and sought the

of Aram and not on Yahweh. Relying on Yahweh would

help of physicians instead of Yahweh when faced with a

have led to a much greater victory, even to the defeat of

serious illness. There is a double account of his reform

Aram itself. Asa’s self-reliant acts are deemed foolish. In

(2 Chr 14:2-8 [3-9] and 15:8-15), and he is even said to

response to this admonition, Asa put Hanani in stocks or

have gotten rid of the high places in Judah and Benja¬

in prison and inflicted cruelties on some of the common

min—but not in Israel. Asa, like a number of other kings

people.

in Chronicles, has two periods in his reign, the first of

Three years later Asa contracted a severe disease of

which is positive and the second negative.57 The Chroni¬

his feet, apparently in consequence of this oppression of

cler is intent to show the positive and negative effects of

seer and people, but even then he did not seek Yahweh

the king’s behavior also by his chronological notices.

57

Cf. Joash, 2 Chronicles 23-24; Amaziah, 2 Chron¬ icles 25; and Uzziah, 2 Chronicles 26. Per contra Manasseh, who starts badly and then repents.

244

17:1-19 Early Successes of Jehoshaphat

17 1/

7/

10/

Translation Jehoshaphat his son reigned in his [Asa's] stead. He strengthened himself over Israel. 2/ He put an armed force in all the fortified cities of Judah and put garrisons in the land of Judah1 and in the cities of Ephraim that his father Asa had captured. 3/ Yahweh was with Jehoshaphat because he walked in the earlier ways of his father2 and did not seek the Baals,3 4/ but the God of his father4 he sought, and he walked in his commandments5 and not in the practices of Israel. 5/ Yahweh established the kingdom in his hand, and ail Judah brought tribute to Jehoshaphat, with the result that he had riches and honor in abundance. 6/ His heart was exalted in the ways of Yahweh, and he again removed the high places and the asherim from Judah. In the third year of his reign he sent his officials Ben-hail,6 Obadiah,7 Zechariah, Nethaniel, and Micaiah to teach in the cities of Judah. 8/ With them were the Levites8 Shemaiah, Nethaniah, Zebadiah,9 Asahel, and Shemiramoth,10 Jonathan, Adonijah, and Tobiah,11 and with them Elishama and Jehoram the priests. 9/ They taught in Judah and with them was the book of the law of Yahweh. They went around in all the cities of Judah and taught the people. The fear of Yahweh came on all the king¬ doms of the lands that were round about Judah, and they did not fight Jehoshaphat. 11/ Some of the Philistines brought to Jehoshaphat presents and silver as trib¬ ute;12 even the Arabs13 brought him flocks: seven thousand seven hundred rams and seven thousand seven hundred male goats. 12/ Jehoshaphat was constantly growing even greater. He built fortresses in Judah and storage cities. 13/ He carried out14 great works in the cities of Judah. He had soldiers, mighty warriors, in Jerusalem. 14/ This was their officer corps with regard to their fathers houses: of Judah, the commanders of thousands: Adnah the commander, and with him three hundred thousand mighty warriors. 15/ At his side was Jehohanan the commander, and with him were two hundred and eighty thousand. 16/ At his side was Amasiah the son of Zichri, who volunteered for Yahweh, and with him were two hundred thousand mighty warriors.15 17/ And from Benjamin: Eliada a mighty war¬ rior, and with him were two hundred thou¬ sand armed with bows and round shields. 18/ And at his side Jehozabad, and with him were one hundred and eighty thousand armed for war. 19/ These were in the service of the king, besides those whom the king had put16 in the fortified cities throughout the land of Judah.

1

pmrr

into; LXX ep 7raomg ratg itoXeoiP Iov8a = “in all the cities of Judah.” LXX may represent an attempt to coordinate this reading with the follow¬ ing prepositional phrase “in the cities of Ephraim.”

2

TOR, with a few Hebrew mss LXX; MT V3R TT1 “David his father.” BHS proposes that TH results from dittography (after 0113). The Chronicler did not divide the life of David into good and bad periods. The NIVsticks with the MT but suggests an improbable translation: “The LORD was with Jehoshaphat because in his early years he walked in the ways his father David had followed.” Lowery

{ReformingKings, 103) thinks that the adjective “ear¬ lier” may be a gloss and so retains the word David. 3

□,17U31?; ra etdaXa “idols.” Similarly, Tg: RmitfCD. See

4

TOR O^R1?; LXX Kvptop top fteov rod irarpog

5

TTVK031; LXX ev ralg evToXalq tov narpog avrov

2 Chr 28:2 D’ViO1? LXX rolg eiddXoLg avrup. auTOV “Yahweh the God of his father.”

= “in the commandments of his father.” In the MT the pronominal adjective “his” has the God of his father as its antecedent. 6

5T7 p1?; LXX Kai Tovg vLovg tup 8vpocotup “and the sons of the mighty” = ‘TTI ’33^1. Cf. Syr Arab. Myers (2:96) follows the LXX. This alternate read¬ ing recognizes only four names of laypeople. Cf. 1 Chr 5:18 “mighty men”; 2 Chr 28:6 “valiant war¬ riors.”

7

m3l/?1; LXX Syr Arab omit the conjunction. See

8

D’t>n. Striibind (Josaphat, 135) thinks that this word

the previous note. is secondary. I have followed Rudolph (250) in deleting the second occurrence of this word later in this verse. See the last textual note in this verse. 9

lil'IDTl; a few Hebrew mss Syr Tg Arab IH’lDtl “and Zechariah.” But this name is mentioned among the lay teachers in v. 7. bet and medial kap and dale! and

res are easily confused. 10

mOTOCI, with Q; K mOOQEji.The Q spelling of this name appears also at 1 Chr 15:18, 20; 16:5, where he is a Levite.

11

1iT3im; lacking in LXX. MT adds HOTR 301 “and Tob and Adonijah,” which are absent from LXXBmln Syr Arab. BHS suggests deleting these two names as a dittography. They are a repetitious conflation of the two previous names Adonijah and Tobiah. The MT also adds □’1Lin “the Levites,” which I have deleted with Rudolph (250) as a duplication of this word earlier in the verse.

12

ROD; one Hebrew ms LXX R0D1. Rudolph (250) argues that ROD cannot mean tribute (see the previ¬ ous word nmo [“presents”] and the use of HOD in v. 5). Rudolph translates it as “a load (of silver),” but the word order seems to prohibit this translation.

245

13

D'3-UJn, with

one Hebrew ms; MT D’tC’mOT. Cf. □’K’DQ earlier and later in the verse. PI’PI; a few Hebrew mss Him. The latter is a correc¬ tion. Rudolph (250) defends the third masculine singular verb despite the preceding feminine noun

14

15

7’n ’TOU, with Sebir and many Hebrew

16

‘rn im "[‘non ]H]

mss;

-\m "Q^D; lost in two Hebrew homoioteleuton.

mss

MT by

and adjective.

Structure

The account ofjehoshaphat in Kings appears in 1 Kgs 15:24b; 22:l-36a, 40-51 (50); and 2 Kgs 3:4-27. The

The Chronicler’s account of Jehoshaphat, at 102 verses,

Chronicler includes the materials from chaps. 15 and

is longer than the account for any other king of the

22 but omits 1 Kgs 15:25—21:29 (accounts of northern

divided monarchy, with the exception of Hezekiah, at

kings and Elijah stories) and 2 Kgs 1:1—3:27. His section

117 verses.1 The length and the content of the account

V (the war with Moab, Ammon, and the Meunites) has

demonstrate the high importance the Chronicler placed

replaced the war in 2 Kgs 3:4-27.

on Jehoshaphat.

The Chronicler has created an account with inter¬

I. 17:1-19 Early successes ofjehoshaphat (1 Kgs 15:24b)

tic reform (17:1-19) followed by an unsuccessful and

A. vv. 1-6 Righteous conduct of the king, military

theologically inappropriate war (18:1—19:3); ajudicial

and cultic innovations, prosperity2

reform (19:4-11) followed by a successful and theologi¬

B. w. 7-9 Teaching the book of the law of Yahweh

cally approved war (20:1-30). While a number of schol¬

C. vv. 10-19 The political and military status of

ars have identified the teaching of the law (17:7-9) as a

Jehoshaphat3

doublet of the judicial reform (19:4-11),8 these accounts

II. 18:1-34 The war ofjehoshaphat and Ahab with the III.

woven and alternating themes: early success and cul¬

differ significantly in content and serve two quite differ¬

Arameans (1 Kgs 22:l-35)4

ent purposes—the teaching of the law and the reform of

19:1-3 The rebuke ofjehoshaphat by Jehu ben

the judiciary.9

Hanani IV.

Rudolph (249) held that vv. lb-2 came from a source

19:4-11 Judicial reform5

V. 20:1-30 War with Moab, Ammon, and the Meunites6 VI. 20:31—21:1 Final activities ofjehoshaphat and his

while vv. 3-6 were written by the Chronicler himself. He construed “Israel” in v. lb as a reference to the southern kingdom, as in 2 Chr 21:2, 4, with Ephraim referring to

death (1 Kgs 22:41-51 [50])7 1

The length of other representative kings: Rehoboam, 58 verses; Abijah, 23 verses; Asa, 47 verses; Joram, 20 verses; Ahaziah, 9 verses; Athaliah,

Chronicler wanted to show how such wrath could be avoided. 7

19 verses; Joash, 27 verses; Amaziah, 28 verses; and 2

work in one unit (introductory formulae in 2 Chr 20:31-33//l Kgs 22:41-44 and concluding formulae

Uzziah, 23 verses. Evaluations ofjehoshaphat appear in 2 Chr 17:3-4; 20:32-33; 21:12b-13a; and 22:9. In the latter verse

in 2 Chr 20:34; 21:1//1 Kgs 22:46 [45], 51 [50]) and does not separate it into its constituent parts as was done for Abijah in 2 Chr 13:1-3, 22; Joash in 2 Chr

he is given unqualified approval. Per contra 2 Chr 20:33//l Kgs 22:43-44 (22:43) where one learns

24:1-2, 27; Amaziah in 2 Chr 25:1-2, 28, and other kings.

that the high places were not removed. 3

Verses 10-11: homage and tribute by foreigners; vv. 12-13: building projects; vv. 14-19: reform of army.

4

1 Kings 22:36-40 describes the death of Ahab.

5 6

Perhaps 19:4a should go with previous section. Jehoshaphat, who acts without an alliance and

8

246

Curtis and Madsen, 393; Albright, “Judicial Reform ofjehoshaphat,” 82. Albright believed that 2 Chr 17:7-9 may well be a misunderstood doublet of the tradition ofjudicial reform. Dillard (134) mentions the possibility of a duplicate account but finally

with perfect dependence on God, wins a great victory, whereas 2 Kgs 3:27 shows how wrath came upon Israel when Jehoshaphat attacked Moab. The

The Chronicler keeps the Deuteronomistic frame¬

understands the presentation as two different stages in Jehoshaphat’s reforms. 9

See Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary.”

17:1-19

the northern kingdom in v. 2.10 In v. 4 the northern king¬

1. Both reigns can be outlined as follows: (a) reforms,

dom is called Ephraim and in vv. 5-6 the southern king¬

building programs, and armies (2 Chr 14:2-8 and 17:1-

dom is called Judah. As we will argue in the commentary,

19); (b) first battle report (2 Chr 14:8-14 [9-15] and 18:1-

the reference to Ephraim in v. 2 merely reflects the usage

19:3); (c) reform (2 Chr 15:1-19; 19:4-11); (d) second

of 2 Chr 15:8, where Asa is said to have captured cities in

battle report (2 Chr 16:1-9 and 20:1-30); (e) transgres¬

the hill country of Ephraim and does not justify identify¬

sion and death (2 Chr 16:10-14 and 20:31—21:1).

ing an extrabiblical source used by the Chronicler.11

2. Both kings removed high places (2 Chr 14:2-5 and

The teaching mission of the royal officials, Levites, and

17:6) and are said not to have done so (2 Chr 15:17 and

priests has been taken as another indication of a source

20:33).

available to the Chronicler. In my own words, “If w. 7-9

3. Both kings enjoy the rewards of piety in building

reflect a historical event from the time of Jehoshaphat,

programs (2 Chr 14:7 and 17:2, 12); peace (2 Chr 14:1

some non-Pentateuchal law code is meant; if vv. 7-9 are

and 17:10); large armies (2 Chr 14:8 and 17:12-19); God

completely the creation of the Chronicler, the book of

was with both kings (2 Chr 15:9 and 17:3); and the fear

the law is the Pentateuch.”12 Myers (2:99-100) wrote,

of Yahweh was upon the nations during their reigns

“ [The book of the Torah] may have been a royal law code

(2 Chr 14:17 and 17:10 and 20:29).

along the lines of the Code of Hammurabi and other

4. Prophets indict both kings because of their reli¬

royal edicts.” As Knoppers has written, “2 Chronicles

ance on foreign alliances (2 Chr 16:7-9 and 19:1-3; cf.

17 is unique in reporting a royal mandate for dissemi¬

20:35-37). Two prophetic figures serve during each king:

nating torah. The view that a source underlies 2 Chr

Azariah and Hanani for Asa, and Jehu the son of Hanani

17:7-9—describingjehoshaphat’s enforcement of a royal

and Eliezer for Jehoshaphat.

law code or his own edict—is therefore misguided.”13

Asa’s account was given a strong chronological struc¬

Jehoshaphat promulgates Yahweh’s law, not his own royal

ture with theological significance. The chronological

code. The officials, Levites, and priests play significant

notes in Jehoshaphat are few and insignificant: 2 Chr

roles throughout the books of Chronicles. Kim Striibind

17:7 dates the teaching mission to Jehoshaphat’s third

holds that the best evidence for a source in this chapter

year; 18:2 puts the battle of Jehoshaphat and Ahab

is the list of names in vv. 7-8,14 but surely the Chronicler

against the Arameans “after some years”; 20:1, 35 date

was capable of supplying a plausible list of names for the

events “after this” (p ’intf); no date is given for the

account he was constructing to emphasize the positive

judicial reform in 2 Chr 19:4-11. Chapter 17 shows a number of similarities between

efforts of Jehoshaphat to educate for orthodox practice. For questions of historicity in the rest ofjehoshaphat’s

sections A, B, and C: the mention ofjehoshaphat’s

account, see the discussion of the separate chapters.

army and fortifications in v. 2 is developed in vv. 12b-19;

Dillard (129-30) notes a number of similarities

Jehoshaphat’s wealth and honor in v. 5 are echoed in vv.

between the accounts of Asa and Jehoshaphat, of which

10-12a; his religious reforms in vv. 3, 6 are elaborated in

we accept the following:15

w. 7-9.

fO

Since the cities captured by Asa in 2 Chr 16:6 lay in the tribal territory of Benjamin, Ephraim may here refer to the northern kingdom. Rudolph (249) said that this did not agree with the regular usage in Chronicles, and so he assigned vv. lb-2 to a source used by the Chronicler. Williamson (Israel, 105), however, believes that Ephraim in v. 2 refers to the

14 15

Striibind, Josaphat, 139. For reasons noted above we do not believe that 2 Chr 17:7-9 and 19:4-11 are doublets (his second point of comparison). His sixth point of compari¬ son is in the alleged paronomasia of their names. De Vries (308-9) points out a number of differ¬ ences between the reigns of Asa and Jehoshaphat.

tribal territory and not the northern kingdom. 11 12 13

Cf. Mosis, Untersuchungen, 177 n. 22. Klein, “Account of Jehoshaphat,” 645. Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 63-64.

247

Detailed Commentary

in vv. 13-19. Solomon (2 Chr 8:5-6//l Kgs 9:17-18), Rehoboam (2 Chr 11:5-11), and Asa (2 Chr 14:5-6 [6-7])

17:1-19 Early Successes of Jehoshaphat (1 Kgs 15:24b)

had also built defense cities around the land. See also

17:1-6 Righteous Conduct of the King,

v. 12 below. The word translated “garrisons” (□’’IP^]; cf.

Military and Cultic Innovations, Prosperity

2 Sam 8:6)22 can also mean “prefects” or “officials.”23 It is

■ 1 Jehoshaphat his son reigned in his [Asa’s] stead. He

in these same fortified (mn^nn) cities that Jehoshaphat

[Jehoshaphat] strengthened himself over Israel: The verb pTn

later placed judges (2 Chr 19:5)24 and even deployed

in the hithpael is normally used of a king consolidating

his own sons there (2 Chr 21:3). The mention of cities

his power (2 Chr 1:1 [Solomon]; 12:13 [Rehoboam];

captured by Asa in Ephraim is apparently a reference

13:21 [Abijah]; 21:4 [Jehoram]; 27:6 [Jotham]; 32:5

back to 2 Chr 15:8.25 Elsewhere the Chronicler uses the

[Hezekiah]).16Japhet (745) points out that “Israel” here

“hill country of Ephraim” to refer to Mount Zemaraim in

could refer to either the people or the kingdom. Dillard

Benjamin (2 Chr 13:4) or to the northern boundary of

(131), Striibind, and Knoppers,17 translate this clause

Judah (2 Chr 19:4).26 Successful Judean kings in Chron¬

adversatively: “Jehoshaphat strengthened himself against

icles move into the north (2 Chr 13:19 [Abijah against

Israel (= the northern kingdom).18 ButJehoshaphat’s

Jeroboam I]; 31:1 [Hezekiah]; 34:6, 9 [Josiah]).

reign is marked by cooperation with, rather than hostil¬

■ 3 Yahweh was with Jehoshaphat because he walked in the

ity toward, the north (cf. 2 Chr 18:2-34 and 20:35-37;

earlier ways oj his father and did not seek the Baals: The

Rudolph, 249). Williamson (281) argues that linguis¬

“assistance formula” (Yahweh was with him) is also used

tic arguments favor the translation given above while

of David (1 Chr 11:9), Solomon (2 Chr 1:1), Abijah and

contextual considerations19 would favor the translation

Judah (2 Chr 13:12), and Asa (2 Chr 15:9). In this case

against Israel.20 The JPS translates “took firm hold of

the formula comes as a consequence of Jehoshaphat’s

Israel.”21

good behavior. Later Jehoshaphat assures the judges

■ 2 He put an armed force in all the fortified cities of Judah

that Yahweh is with them in pronouncing judgment

and put garrisons in the land of Judah and in the cities of

(2 Chr 19:6; 19:11), and the Levitejahaziel assures Israel

Ephraim that his father Asa had captured: The deployed

that Yahweh will be with them in battle (2 Chr 20:17).

armed force mentioned here is further elaborated

The Chronicler compares a king to one or more of his

16

17

18

19

20

The verb form is only used with in 2 Chr 1:1, referring to Solomon. In 2 Chr 12:13 it is followed by D (“in”), and in the other cases it is not followed

22

McCarter (II Samuel, 244) follows the singular of the LXX and translates “a prefect.”

by a preposition. Strubind, Josaphat, 142; Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat,” 505. Knoppers calls attention to his stationing of

23

HALOT, 716-17. Cf. 1 Kgs 4:5; 5:7, 16 (4:27, 30);

troops in the cities of Ephraim. Myers (2:96) translates vv. 1-2 together: “When Jehoshaphat his son became king in his place,

24

9:23. See also Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 505. In each of these cases the word is spelled □’3^3. Sennacherib attacked these fortified cities in the days of Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:1), and Manasseh put

he proceeded to fortify himself against Israel by stationing troops in all the fortified cities of Judah.”

commanders in them after his repentance (2 Chr 33:14). It is not clear whether there is any distinc¬

The references to Judah in vv. 2, 5, and 6 and to Israel in v. 4 would suggest that both terms retain

tion between these cities and those defined as TCJQ in 2 Chr 8:5; 11:5, 11, 23; 12:4; 14:6 (5); and 21:3. Cf. 7333 ’-1113 in 2 Chr 17:19.

their normal senses. Williamson, Israel, 105. He therefore excluded this verse from his attempt to discover the meaning of

25

(281), he concludes that the issue cannot satisfacto¬

26

Cf. also Asa’s rebuilding of Geba and Mizpah after

rily be resolved. For the understanding of Judah as Israel, see 2 Chr

Baasha’s incursion to Ramah (2 Chr 16:1-6). Abijah took three (Benjaminite) cities from the north

10:17; 11:3; 12:1, 6; 13:5; 19:8; 20:29; 23:2; 24:5, 6,

according to 2 Chr 13:19.

16; 28:23, 27; 29:24; 31:1, 6; 33:18.

248

McKenzie (“Kingjehoshaphat,” 301) mistakenly states that there is no record of such a conquest in Ephraim by Asa in either Kings or Chronicles.

the term “Israel” in Chronicles. In his commentary

21

Japhet (746) favors “garrisons” because of the refer¬ ence to “armed force” in the first half of the verse.

17:1-19

predecessors on several occasions.27 The “earlier ways” of

(2 Kgs 16:3).33Japhet lists variations for “walking in

Asa seems to refer to those activities narrated in 2 Chron¬

his commandments” such as “walking before Yahweh”

icles 14-15 and not to his alliance with the Aramean

(2 Chr 7:17); “walking in the ways ofYahweh” (2 Chr

king against Baasha in 2 Chronicles 16. In the sum¬

6:31); “walking in Yahweh’s law” (2 Chr 6:16); and

mary of Asa’s reign, the Chronicler had referred to “the

“ordering one’s ways before Yahweh” (2 Chr 27:6).34

acts of Asa, the first and the last” (2 Chr 16:11).28 King

■ 5 Yahweh established the kingdom in his hand, and all

Jehoshaphat is compared positively to Asa also in 2 Chr

Judah brought tribute to Jehoshaphat, with the result that he had

20:32//l Kgs 22:43 except that it is admitted there that

riches and honor in abundance: Jehoshaphat’s upright life is

the high places were not removed. Jehoshaphat’s obedi¬

rewarded by Yahweh confirming him on the throne, just

ent behavior is also defined negatively in his not seeking

as he had done for David (1 Chr 14:2) and by the people

the Baals. This is the first reference to the deity

in

offering (voluntary) tribute or gifts to him, just as the

Chronicles and one of five times in Chronicles that it

Philistines and Arabs would later in this chapter (v. 11).

appears in the plural.29 King Ahab and Queen Jezebel,

This is the only place in Chronicles where people bring

Jehoshaphat’s contemporaries in the north, are famous

tribute to their own king, unless the people who bring

for their dedication to Baal, including building a temple

presents to Hezekiah are also his own subjects (2 Chr

for him, and their resorting to Baal’s prophets (1 Kgs

32:23). It was the good-for-nothings who refused to bring

16:31-32; 18:19). Hence Jehoshaphat is implicitly con¬

tribute to Saul (1 Sam 10:27). David had confessed that

trasted with Ahab. “Seeking” is here used in the sense of

riches and honor come from Yahweh (1 Chr 29:12),

being faithful, as frequently in Chronicles; in 2 Chr 18:4

and when he died he was full of days, riches, and honor

it is used in the sense of making an inquiry of a prophet.

(1 Chr 29:18). Riches and honor were among the bene¬

Jehu compliments Jehoshaphat for dedicating his heart

factions bestowed on Solomon by Yahweh (2 Chr 1:12).

to seek God (2 Chr 19:3), and Jehoshaphat determined

Only Hezekiah among the southern kings is credited

to seek or inquire of Yahweh in 2 Chr 20:3.30

in Chronicles with riches and honor (2 Chr 32:27).35 A

■ 4 but the God of his father he sought, and he walked in his

repetition of Jehoshaphat’s riches and honor begins the

commandments and not in the practices of Israel: Elsewhere Jehoshaphat is said to seek God (2 Chr 19:3) or Yahweh

next unit at 2 Chr 18:1. ■ 6 His heart was exalted in the ways of Yahweh, and he again

(2 Chr 20:3). This is the first direct comparison of the

removed the high places and the asherim from Judah: For one’s

behavior of a Judean king with the Israelite kings. In

heart to be exalted is normally a negative category, the

Kings this comparison is first made with the southern

opposite of humbling oneself (cf. Uzziah in 2 Chr 26:16

kingjehoram, who was married to Athaliah (2 Kgs

and Hezekiah in 2 Chr 32:25-26).36 Rehoboam (2 Chr

8:18)31, and then with Ahaziah (2 Kgs 8:27)32 and Ahaz

12:1), Uzziah (2 Chr 26:16), and even Hezekiah (2 Chr

27

28

The wicked Jehoram is compared to the pious Jehoshaphat and Asa (2 Chr 21:12); Hezekiah and Josiah are compared to David (2 Chr 29:2; 34:2). As observed in the textual notes to this verse, MT compares Jehoshaphat’s behavior to his father (= ancestor; great-great-great grandfather) David, but David’s reign in Chronicles is not divided into earlier faithful and later unfaithful segments. See the summary of his reign in 1 Chr 29:29 (from first to last). For the comparison of Hezekiah and Josiah

29

with David, see 2 Chr 29:2 and 34:2. For bin, see 2 Chr 23T7//2 Kgs 11:18; 2 Chr 24:7; 28:2; 33:3//2 Kgs 21:2 (in Kings the noun is in the singular); 34:4. The last four references are in the

30 31 32 33

34 35 36

Twice Judah is credited with seeking (t0p3) Yahweh (2 Chr 20:4). He walked in the way of the kings of Israel. He walked in the way of the house of Ahab. He walked in the way of the kings of Israel. Jehoshaphat’s righteous behavior is contrasted with that ofjehoram (2 Chr 21:12-13) and Ahaziah (2 Chr 22:9). Japhet, Ideology, 200-201. Cf. the fame (DEi) of Uzziah in 2 Chr 26:8, 15 and of Solomon in 2 Chr 9:13-27. It has negative connotations also in Ezek 28:2, 5, 17; Ps 131:1; Prov 18:12.

plural, as in 2 Chr 17:3. Baal is used as a proper name in 1 Chr 5:5 (Baal the son of Reiah) and 8:30//9:36 (Baal the son ofjeiel).

249

32:25) succumbed to the temptation of pride.37 Here

priests.40 The relatively early date for this teaching initia¬

the exaltation of Jehoshaphat’s heart is clearly a posi¬

tive is no doubt to be construed as part of Jehoshaphat’s

tive characteristic—-Jehoshaphat was proud in the ways

fidelity.41 Jehoshaphat’s positive teaching is the flip side

ofYahweh!—and it has the consequence that he again

of his getting rid of the high places in the previous verse.

removed the high places and the asherim, just as Asa had

None of these laypeople is known elsewhere, and we can

done earlier (2 Chr 14:2, 4 [3, 5]). The high places and

either conclude with Striibind that the Chronicler got

asherim may have been restored because of Asa’s late-

the names from a source or that he chose names that he

life failings, or they merely required periodic removal.

found somehow appropriate for this context.42 Interest¬

Later the Chronicler, following his Vorlage (2 Chr

ingly, a prophet named Micaiah, one of the officials

20:33//l Kgs 22:44 [43]), will state that the high places

mentioned in this verse, plays a central role in the fol¬

were not removed during the reign of Jehoshaphat (cf.

lowing chapter. “Ben-hail” is an unusual name and may

2 Chr 15:17//1 Kgs 15:14).38 Kings are given credit for

justify following the alternate reading in the LXX, “sons

removing the high places, but the people who use them

of the mighty,” alongside their description as officials.43

are blamed for this practice. The introduction of high

Some have seen in the listing of laypeople before Levites

places is reported in 1 Kgs 11:7-8 (Solomon); 1 Kgs 12:31

and priests an indication that the Chronicler got these

(Jeroboam); and 1 Kgs 14:23 (Abijam). 17:7-9 Teaching the Book of the Law of Yahweh

names from a source44 though this is now questioned by Knoppers.45 We might note instead the ascending order:

■ 7 In the third year of his reign he sent his officials Ben-hail,

laypeople, followed by Levites, and then priests. In the

Obadiah, Zechariah, Nethaniel, and Micaiah to teach in the

decree of Artaxerxes, the Persian king instructed Ezra to

cities of Judah: In the third year of his reign, the only

teach the people and to appoint judges, which is remark¬

definite date in the whole Jehoshaphat account,39 the

ably similar to what happens here under Jehoshaphat’s

king established a commission to teach, consisting of

direction (2 Chr 17:7-9; 19:4-11; cf. Ezra 7:25).46 Perhaps

five laypeople (or four if the LXX is followed; see the

a postexilic custom is here given authorization by one of

textual notes), eight Levites, and two priests. Officials

the Chronicler’s favorite kings.47 From the eighth century

and Levites also serve as teachers in Ezra 7:25 and Neh

on it was the duty of the priests to teach the torah, at

8:7, suggesting that the Chronicler may be incorporat¬

least in the northern kingdom (Hos 4:6).48 The teaching

ing a postexilic practice into the ninth-century reign of

responsibilities of Levites are confirmed by Deut 33:10,

Jehoshaphat. Instruction is normally the province of the

2 Chr 35:3, and Neh 8:7-8.

37

Cf. the warnings against pride in Deut 8:11-18.

38

Elmslie, 236-37; idem, (715 3:488) concluded that the Chronicler originally included only the state¬ ments about the removal of the high places and that

the previous two years as co-regent during his father’s illness. Thiele (Mysterious Numbers, 96-97) favors such a co-regency. 42

the contradictory materials were introduced by a later editor (an overzealous scribe), who inserted material from the Vorlage. 39

Cf. “at the end of some years” in 2 Chr 18:2, which replaces “in the third year” in the Vorlage at 1 Kgs

43 44

22:2. The Chronicler’s assignment of the teaching mission to the third year forced him to make the 40

date in 2 Chr 18:2 ambiguous. Lev 10:11; Deut 31:9-13; Jer 18:18; Ezek 7:26; Hag See Cogan, “Chronicler’s Use of Chronology,” 207, who interprets the reference to three years as the completion of a short span of time. Williamson (282) suggests that his third regnal year may have been his first year as sole ruler, since he had served

250

Cf. 1 Chr 26:7, 9, 30, 32; 2 Chr 26:17; 28:6. Myers, 2:99; Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung, 198. Williamson (282) also finds unusual the listing of Levites before priests.

45 46

Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 64 n. 22. McKenzie (“Kingjehoshaphat,” 303) mentions the

47

itinerant judging of Samuel in 1 Sam 7:16, although there is no mention there of teaching. Seejaphet, 749.

2:11. See McKenzie, “Kingjehoshaphat,” 303. 41

Curtis and Madsen (393) believed that the names were later than the ninth century, but current understanding of the Israelite onomasticon makes that conclusion unwarranted.

48

Cf. Lev 10:11; Jer 18:18; Ezek 7:26; Hag 2:11; Mai 2:7; 2 Chr 15:3.

17:1-19

■ 8 With them were the Levites Shemaiah, Nethaniah,

the king here is not promoting his own royal code, but

Zebadiah, Asahel, and Shemiramoth, Jonathan, Adonijah,

divine law. The activity of this peripatetic teaching group

and Tobiah; and with them Elishama and Jehoram the priests:

is similar to the travels of Samuel the itinerant judge

Eight Levites (see the textual notes for the additional two

(1 Sam 7:16).Japhet (750) notes the centralized educa¬

names in the MT) and two priests were also part of this

tion presupposed in Neh 8:8, 12, 13, 18, which also may

teaching delegation.49

have been a one-time event. She also notes that this

■ 9 They taught in Judah and with them was the book of the

teaching exercise has no connection to holidays (such as

law of Yahweh. They went around in all the cities of Judah

Deut 27:1-10; Neh 8:1-8, 13-18; 9:3) or to family circles

and taught the people: “The book of the law of Yahweh” is

(Prov. 4:3-9; Exod 13:8, 14; Deut 6:20). Was the Chroni¬

probably a reference to the Pentateuch,50 and not some

cler advocating for a general change in the way people

royal law code.51 In 2 Chr 34:14, we are told in addition

were instructed in the Torah, or did he compose this

that the book of the law of Yahweh was given through

account only to demonstrate the piety of Jehoshaphat?

Moses. The book of Nehemiah refers to the book of the

17:10-19 The Political and Military Status

law of God (Neh 8:18) or the book of the law of Yahweh their God (Neh 9:3),52 both presumably references to

of Jehoshaphat ■ 10 The fear of Yahweh came on all the kingdoms of the

the Pentateuch. According to modern understandings

lands that were round about Judah, and they did not fight

of the composition history of the Pentateuch, this is, of

Jehoshaphat: The term “fear of Yahweh”/“fear of God” is

course, an anachronism for the time of Jehoshaphat, but

found in Chronicles only in passages composed by the

the Chronicler clearly had a precritical view of the date

Chronicler (1 Chr 14:17;53 2 Chr 14:13 [14]; 20:29). In

of the Pentateuch. In an attempt to resolve this historical

the second and third of these passages, the fear comes

problem, Myers (2:99) notes that, while some scholars

as the result of successful military campaigns by Asa and

think this is a reference to the Book of the Covenant, he

Jehoshaphat, bringing periods of peace to both kings.

thinks it was a royal law code along the lines of Ham¬

Peace is a sign of divine favor in Chronicles (2 Chr 13:23

murabi and other royal edicts. But Knoppers notes that

[14:1]; 2 Chr 15:19; cf.l Chr 22:954). Peace and rest

49

De Vries (311) deletes the names of the priests and Levites in this verse, and the words “and they taught in Judah” at the start of v. 9. He notes that the names are not prefaced with a lamed and he consid¬

50

ers the clause at the start of v. 9 superfluous. Striibind (Josaphat, 146) believes that this shows Deuteronomic language and conceptions, with little influence of P. Cf. von Rad, Geschichtsbild, 41-63. He also thinks that the terms used in 2 Chr 19:10 presuppose the entire Pentateuch. McKenzie (“King Jehoshaphat,” 302) identifies this book of the law

51

52

as a “retro-projection” of the scroll found during the reign ofjosiah (2 Chr 35:14-15//2 Kgs 22:8). Shaver (Torah, 75 n. 5) provides a list of similar expressions: the book of Moses (2 Chr 25:4; 35:12; Ezra 6:18; Neh 13:1), the law of Moses (2 Chr 23:18; 30:16), the book of the law of Moses (Neh 8:1), the law of God (Neh 8:8), the law ofYahweh (2 Chr 17:9; 34:14; Neh 9:3), the book of the law of God (Neh 8:18), the book of the law (2 Chr 34:15; Neh 8:3), the book (2 Chr 34:15, 16, 21, 24; Neh 8:5, 8). There are also seven cases where the Chronicler uses the expression 31HIO (according to what is writ¬ ten) to describe adherence to the law: 2 Chr 23:18;

53 54

25:4; 30:5, 18; 31:3; 35:12, 26, but only in 2 Chr 30:5, 18 is this used without one of the above refer¬ ences to the law book. This expression appears also in Ezra 3:2, 4; 6:18 (Aramaic); Neh 8:15; 10:35, 37. Per contra Myers, 2:99-100, who compares it to the Code of Hammurabi and other royal edicts. Allen (547) also believes that this referred originally to a royal law code but that the Chronicler adapted it anachronistically into a concern for the Torah or Pentateuch. For the book of the law, see Josh 8:34; 2 Kgs 22:8, 11; 2 Chr 34:15; for the book of the law of Moses, see Josh 8:31; 23:6; 2 Kgs 14:6; Neh 8:1; for the book of the law of God, see Josh 24:26. Related expressions are “the law ofYahweh your God” (1 Chr 22:12), “the law ofYahweh” (2 Chr 12:1; Ezra 7:10), and the law of God (Neh 10:29 [28]). The text here is ambiguous, referring either to the fear of David or the fear ofYahweh. 1 Chr 22:9: “See, a son shall be born for you. He will be a person of rest, and I will provide him rest from all his enemies round about, for Solomon will be his name, and peace and quietness I will give to Israel in his days.”

251

are related concepts in Chronicles (2 Chr 14:5-6 [6-7];

■ 12 Jehoshaphat was constantly growing even greater. He

20:30).55 Herejehoshaphat’s piety leads to excellent

built fortresses in Judah and storage cities: The expression

relations with other nations, just as it had led to strong

“was constantly growing even greater” is used elsewhere

support from his own people in v. 5. Jehoshaphat made

in the Bible only of the “IU] Samuel (1 Sam 2:26).58 The

peace with the northern kingdom through a marriage

military preparations first mentioned in v. 2 are made

contract (2 Chr 18:1), but hostilities with Aram persist in

concrete in this verse with the references to fortresses

chap. 18 and with Ammon and its allies in chap. 20.

(mi]T’3)and storage cities (DIDOD). Rehoboam built

■ 11 Some of the Philistines brought to Jehoshaphat presents

similar cities of defense (2 Chr 11:5-12), as did Asa

and silver as tribute; even the Arabs brought him flocks: seven

(2 Chr 14:5 [6]). LaterJotham built forts (ffiTY’3)59 and

thousand seven hundred rams and seven thousand seven

towers (□'‘TTIO; 2 Chr 27:4). Solomon built store cities in

hundred male goats: The Chronicler provides two concrete

Hamath (2 Chr 8:4; cf. v. 6) and Hezekiah built store¬

examples of peace/good relations with neighboring

houses for the yield of grain (2 Chr 32:28). Frank M.

states. They are the first foreign nations to give tribute

Cross, Jr., and J. T. Milik suggested that fortresses inves¬

since Solomon (2 Chr 9:14, 24, 28), and only Uzziah

tigated by them in the Buqe'ah, and dating no earlier

shares that distinction with Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 26:8).

than the ninth century, are among the fortresses and

The Philistines were troublesome to Israel during the

store cities built by Jehoshaphat.60

reigns of Saul and David, but hostilities with them are

■ 13 He carried out great works in the cities of Judah. He had

not mentioned during the reign of Solomon56 or during

soldiers, mighty warriors, in Jerusalem: The first sentence

the reigns of subsequent southern kings until now. Two

may only summarize what was said in the previous verse;

skirmishes of the northern kingdom with the Philistine

the second sentence expands what was said in v. 2. It

city of Gibbethon are mentioned in 1 Kgs 15:27 (Baasha)

is the second of four notices about the makeup of the

and 1 Kgs 16:15, 17 (Omri). It is reasonable to think,

Judean army in 2 Chronicles (cf. 2 Chr 14:7; 25:5; 26:11-

therefore, that the status quo achieved by David con¬

15). Williamson (284) finds confusion in the following

tinued for the next century. The first explicit Philistine

verses between the standing and the conscript armies.

hostilities against Judah according to the Chronicler take

Evidence for a standing army includes the notice in v.

place during the reign of Jehoram, Jehoshaphat’s son

19 that these soldiers were in the service of the king, the

(2 Chr 21:16-17). The Arabs, who had brought tribute

personal names of the commanders, and their being

to Solomon in 2 Chr 9:14, are identified as neighbors of

stationed in Jerusalem. Evidence for a conscript army

the Cushites in 2 Chr 21:16. According to 2 Chr 14:8-14

is found in their arrangement by fathers’ houses, the

(9-15) Asa had inflicted a decisive defeat on Zerah the

divisions based on tribal membership, and the huge

Cushite. The peace with Philistines and Arabs achieved

numbers. Japhet (752) understands the troops in vv.

during the reign of Jehoshaphat marks a distinct contrast

13-19 to be a conscript army (in the service of the king),

with their hostilities during the reign of his son. The Phi¬

while those he placed in the fortified cities would be the

listines were located to the west of Judah, and the Arabs

professional forces (v. 2). This verse mentions Judah first,

to the south. Jehoshaphat had encounters with Israel and

but ends with a reference to Jerusalem. In v. 19 there is

Aram to the north and northeast in 2 Chronicles 18, and

an allusion to Jerusalem (“these served the king”), but

with Moab, Ammon, and Edom in the east (2 Chronicles

the verse ends with all Judah. Clearly ancientjerusalem

20).57 The numbers of animals brought as tribute by the

itself could not house an army this size. A contrast is

Arabs represent stereotypically high amounts.

made between the public works carried out throughout

55

See Braun, “Solomon, the Chosen Temple-Builder,” 582-86.

58

56

The Philistines formed one border of Solomon’s

59

This word occurs in the plural only in 2 Chr 17:12 and 27:4.

57

realm (1 Kgs 5:1 [4:21]). McKenzie (304-5) notes that the Chronicler has

60

Frank M. Cross, Jr., and J. T. Milik, "Explorations in

rounded out geographically the nations with whom Jehoshaphat had had dealings.

252

The expression

is only used by the

Chronicler (see 2 Chr 16:12 and 26:8).

the Judaean Buqeah," BASOR 142 (1956) 5-17.

17:1-19

Jehoshaphat’s realm and the army itself, which was sta¬

tribes ofjudah and Benjamin.63Japhet (752) suggests

tioned in Jerusalem.

that the first person in each tribal group (here Adnah64)

■ 14 This was their officer corps61 with regard to their fathers

exercised authority over the other commanders in his

houses: of fudah, the commanders of thousands: Adnah the

tribe (here Jehohanan and Amasiah). The numbers of

commander, and with him three hundred thousand mighty

troops in vv. 14-18 are highly exaggerated to emphasize

warriors: While Junge dated the list of troops in 2 Chr

the greatness and success of Jehoshaphat (cf. 2 Chr 13:3;

14:8; 17:14-19; 25:5; and 26:11-15 to the time ofjosiah,

14:7 [8]; 25:5; 26:11-15).65 The numbers are listed in

and Welten concluded that the lists were fictional and

descending order, from 300,000 in this verse to 180,000

reflected the makeup of Hellenistic armies,62 William¬

in v. 18. Jehoshaphat’s army totaled 1,160,000 soldiers.66

son (261-63, 284) identified them as containing “older

Hence, his army was even larger than that of Zerah the

material” but acknowledged that we lack the ability to

Ethiopian. Only David’s army is larger (1 Chr 21:5).67

check their accuracy or assign them to a specific time

Jehoshaphat’s army was even twice the size of Asa’s, who

period. The antecedent of “their” is “soldiers, mighty

had 300,000 from Judah and 200,000 from Benjamin

warriors” from the previous verse. The commanders

(2 Chr 14:7 [8]),68 and, as in the case of Asa, it is num¬

of the tribe of Judah are called “commanders of thou¬

bered according to these two tribes. As I argued in “How

sands,” but that designation is not repeated for Benja¬

Many in a Thousand?” these large numbers and many

min. Evidence for these verses dealing with a conscript

others in Chronicles are simply exaggerations.69 The only

army has been found in their division by fathers’ houses

other Adnah mentioned in the Bible is a member of the

and by the itemization of the troops according to the

tribe of Manasseh who deserted to David at Ziklag (1 Chr

61

62 63

64

65

DmpB. HALOT, 958: list of personnel. Welten (Geschichte, 83) suggests “Amtsordung.” Rudolph (250) opts for “Kommando-behorde” or (252) “Aufsichtsbehorde.” Junge, Der Wiederaufbau des Heerwesens, 37-45; Welten, Geschichte, 79-114. Welten (Geschichte, 86) observes that the primary criterion that Junge used to separate these para¬ graphs on the army from the Chronicler was their statistical style, without edifying elements. Yet the

66

whole use of these materials is edifying, to show the results of Jehoshaphat’s pious behavior. Welten

67

concludes, therefore, that the Chronicler did not

68

have an ancient source for this material. An Adnah is mentioned in 1 Chr 12:21 (20). McKenzie (“King Jehoshaphat,” 304) points out that the names of the commanders are found primarily in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. Myers (2:98) interprets sp$ as a reference to military units and sets the size of the army at 1,160 units. See also J. Barton Payne, “The Validity of the Numbers in Chronicles,” BSac 136 (1979) 109-28, 206-20; J. W. Wenham, “Large Numbers in the Old Testament,” TynBul 18 (1967) 19-53; idem, “The Large Numbers in the Bible,” JBQ21 (1993) 16-20; and George E. Mendenhall, “The Census Lists of Numbers 1 and 26,” JBL 77 (1958) 52-66. Dillard (135) suggested that if an ^58 numbered 50 to 100 men, Jehoshaphat’s army would still be somewhere between 58,000 and 116,000—still too large for

69

Iron Age Jerusalem. Mendenhall suggested that an ^5^ might contain as few as five to fourteen men. Dillard further argues that all of the soldiers may not have been in Jerusalem at one time, but were there on a rotating basis (cf. 1 Chr 27:1-15, where 288,000 troops were divided into monthly units of 24,000) or that each division was represented by a much smaller number of troops. This number is in addition to those stationed throughout Judah mentioned in v. 19 (cf. v. 2). For discussion of this number, see Klein, 1 Chroni¬ cles, 421. The first two numbers for Jehoshaphat are also 300,000 and 280,000. Dillard (135) notes that the number assigned to Jehoshaphat is roughly triple that assigned to Abijah (400,000). Cf. Asa (580,000); Amaziah (300,000, but the king thinks his army is too small and so hires mercenaries from Israel); and Uzziah (307,500, not including the 2,600 heads of ancestral houses who served as officers). As I have written in “Account of Jehoshaphat,” 646: “The size of this army serves only to indi¬ cate Jehoshaphat’s high standing before God; it offers no realistic picture of the army deployed by Jehoshaphat. When Jehoshaphat and Ahab attack Ramoth-gilead in chap. 18, the only part of the battle we see is the Syrian encirclement of Jehoshaphat and his divine protection. The role of Jehoshaphat’s army is virtually nonexistent. In the

253

12:21 [20]). Adnah andjehohanan in the next verse are

war” (KIlU ’^n), see 1 Chr 12:25 (24). Thisjehozabad is

called commanders, but leaders in subsequent verses are

otherwise unknown.71

called one “who volunteered for Yahweh” and a “mighty

■ 19 These were in the service of the king, besides those whom the king had put in the fortified cities throughout the land of

warrior.” ■ 15 At his side was Jehohanan the commander, and with

Judah: “Those who were in the service of the king”

him were two hundred and eighty thousand: In 2 Chr 23:1,

(“[‘lEH nN D’mtOQD) seems to provide further informa¬

Ishmael the son of Jehohanan, a commander of the hun¬

tion about the “officer corps,” mentioned in v. 14./2 These

dreds, is involved in the assassination of Athaliah. “By his

officers and their men, who are stationed in Jerusalem

side” suggests that Jehohanan was subject to Adnah. ■ 16 At his side was Amasiah the son of Zichri, ivho volun¬

(2 Chr 17:13), are contrasted with the armed force that Jehoshaphat had put in all the cities of Judah (2 Chr

teered for Yahweh, and with him were two hundred thousand

17:2). Rudolph (252-53) notes that, while the officers

mighty warriors: While Amasiah is otherwise unknown,

and men in vv. 14-18 seem to be from the Heerbann (con¬

a number of commentators have focused on his epi¬

script army), the connection with Jerusalem suggests that

thet—the one who volunteered for Yahweh—as a sign

they are a standing army. He concludes that the Chroni¬

that this information was taken from a source. But □T] in

cler has expressed himself unclearly and conjectures that

the hithpael is a form known and used by the Chronicler

what he really wanted to say was that in Jerusalem there

(1 Chr 29:5, 6, 9, 14, 17), and so this seems to be very

was a garrison of standing troops and that the office

slim evidence to support that conclusion.70 Williamson

corps of the Heerbann was in Jerusalem, also in times of

(284) claims, partly on the basis of the confusion he

peace.

finds in vv. 13-19, that “inherited material underlies this paragraph.”

Conclusion

■ 17 And from Benjamin: Eliada a mighty warrior, and with him were two hundred thousand armed with bows and round

The long account of Jehoshaphat begins with a notice

shields: This contingent from Benjamin is the only one

about Jehoshaphat’s strength, evidenced by his station¬

assigned particular weapons. One thinks immediately of

ing troops throughout Judah. His strength correlates

the Benjaminite contingent in Asa’s army: “from Ben¬

well with his piety, patterned after the earlier part of his

jamin bearing round shields and drawing bows” (2 Chr

father Asa’s reign and evidenced by his removal of high

14:7 [8]). In short, the same weapons are assigned to

places and asherim. The contribution of tribute from

Benjamin in both passages. Benjaminites are identified

the Judeans establishes him as a wealthy, divinely blessed

as archers also in 1 Chr 8:40 and 12:2. The only other

king (vv. 1-6).

Israelite with the name Eliada is one of David’s sons born

His piety is seen also in his appointing a commission

in Jerusalem (1 Chr 3:8//2 Sam 5:16).

in his third year, composed of laypeople, Levites, and

■ 18 And at his side fehozabad, and with him were one

priests, to teach the Torah throughout the territory of

hundred and eighty thousand armed for war: For “armed for

Judah (vv. 7-9).

campaign against a three-nation coalition reported in 2 Chronicles 20, the battle is ‘fought’ with Jehoshaphat’s prayer, Jahaziel’s prophetic speech, and the singers’ praises.” 70

the other hand, interprets this notice as meaning

cles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, the root 31] in the hith¬

soldiers and militia. Japhet (752) also interprets this as the conscript army.

view that this epithet gives an air of verisimilitude to the whole list (“Account of Jehoshaphat,” 646).

254

72 See also Rudolph (251), who notes the title “com¬ manders of thousands” in v. 14. De Vries (311), on

So also Welten, Geschichte, 84. Cf. Curtis and Madsen, 31, where th-is word is #70 in their discus¬ sion of peculiarities of diction. Outside of Chroni¬ pael occurs only in Judg 5:2, 9. I retract my earlier

71

in 2 Chr 24:26//2 Kgs 12:21 ajehozabad was one of the assassins ofjoash.

In 1 Chr 26:4 ajehozabad is the son of Obed-edom;

that the militia had been called up for full-time duty. De Vries distinguishes between professional

17:1-19

The final part of the chapter elaborates themes intro¬

Zerah the Ethiopian and twice as big as that of his pious

duced in vv. 1-6. The fear of Yahweh brought about an

predecessor Asa. This army represents tribes of both

era of peace, and the tribute from Philistines and Arabs

Benjamin andjudah.

in v. 11 forms a balance with the tribute of the Judeans in

Only v. la was taken from the Vorlage, but now the

v. 5. Like other pious and successful kings, Jehoshaphat

Chronicler returns in the next chapter to his Vorlage and

builds fortresses and store cities in Judah. Despite the

the longest excerpt dealing with the northern kingdom

peace established by the fear of Yahweh, Jehoshaphat

anywhere in Chronicles.

has an army of gargantuan size, bigger even than that of

255

18:1 — 19:3 The War of Ahab and Jehoshaphat at Ramoth-gilead Translation Although Jehoshaphat had riches and honor in abundance, he allied himself by marriage to Ahab.1 2/ After some years he went down to Ahab at Samaria, and Ahab butchered for him and the troops who were with him sheep and cattle in abundance. He also incited him to go up2 to Ramoth-gilead. Ahab the king of Israel said3 to Jehoshaphat king of Judah, "Will you go with me4 to Ramoth-gilead?" He replied to him,5 "As you act, so shall I; as your army acts, so shall my army act;6 and we will be with you7 in war." 4/ Jehoshaphat added, "Seek the word of8 Yahweh today." 5/ The king of Israel gathered together four hun¬ dred prophets and asked them, "Should we go up9 against Ramoth-gilead for war, or should I desist?" They replied, "Go up, and may God10 give them into the hand of the king." 6/ Jehoshaphat interjected, "Is there not another prophet of Yahweh from whom we can seek an answer?" 7/ The king of Israel replied to Jehoshaphat, "There is still one man through whom one can inquire of Yahweh, but I hate him for he does not prophesy good concerning me but always bad. He is Micaiah the son of Imlah."11 Jehoshaphat responded, "Let not the king say such a thing." 8/ Then the king of Israel12 called an official and said, "Bring quickly Micaiah13 the son of Imlah." The king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king of Judah were sitting, each on his throne, clothed in royal garments. They were sit¬ ting by the threshing floor at the entrance of the gate of Samaria while all the prophets were prophesying before them. 10/ Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah made for himself iron horns and said, "Thus says Yahweh, 'With these you will gore the Arameans until they are destroyed.'" 11/ All the prophets prophesied thus: "Go up to Ramoth-gilead and triumph, and may Yahweh give them into the hand of the king." The messenger who had gone to call Micaiah spoke to him as follows: "Look, the words of14 the prophets are unani¬ mously in favor of the king. So let your word be like one of theirs and speak favorably." 13/ Micaiah replied, "As Yahweh lives, whatever my God says to me,15 that I will speak." 14/ When he came to the king, the king said to him, "Micaiah,16 should we go17 to Ramothgilead for war or should I desist18?" He replied,19 "Go up and succeed,20 and may they be given into your hand."21 15/ The king said to him, "How many times must I make you swear that you will not speak

256

1

2 3

4

5 6

7 8

9

~S;n^b; LXX ev OLKta Axocdp “with the house of Ahab.” In readings discussed in nn. 6, 18, 19, 27, 34, 40, 41, and 47, the Chronicler presupposes a text of Kings different from Kings MT. LXX adds per’ avrov “with him.” 1*7n riNnti; nDK’1; 1 Kgs 22:3 pTo "1DNVI. The omission in Chronicles of the next seventeen words from 1 Kgs 22:3-4 would have been facilitated by homoioteleuton in a text like 1 Kgs 22:4 LXX kul elnev /SomAeug laparjX (1 Kgs 22:4 MT DDR'-!; note also that the next word is 7>K): DHinVI ‘T7DU -jbn to nntc nnpo cronn ivb: non id1? ’D “[*70 “IDN'l “to his servants, ‘Do you know that Ramoth-gilead belongs to us, yet we are doing noth¬ ing to take it out of the hand of the king of Aram?’ And the king of Israel said.” 1 Kgs 22:4 adds norta1? “for war.” Chr MT non^DD “for war” and LXX eig TroXepou at the end of the verse have the same concept. See the commentary. 1*7. 1 Kgs 22:4 MT *7tn{0’ p“70 “to the king of Israel;” lacking in Kgs LXX. ’DU pDUDI; cf. 1 Kgs 22:4 LXXL. Chr LXX cog 6 Acrog pov Kai 6 Aaog aou. “as my people [army] acts, so shall your people [army] act.” Cf. 1 Kgs 22:4 MT pouD ’DUD. “[OUT; LXX omits the conjunction. IDT; cf. 1 Kgs 22:5 MT. The word is lacking in Chr LXX (“seek Yahweh today”) and in 1 Kgs 22:5 LXX. See v. 7 “Inquire of Yahweh.” ~p:n. Chr LXX 1 Kgs 22:6 p^Kn “Should I go up?” Rudolph, 252: The Chronicler wants to include Jehoshaphat. Cf. 2 Chr 18:14//1 Kgs 22:15 where both texts have “we.”

10

DYlTW; 1 Kgs 22:6 T1K. According to Kennicott, twenty medieval manuscripts of 1 Kgs 22:6 read mn\

11

K^D’; 1 King 22:8 rfPD'. The Chronicler may have been following an alternate text of Kings, since his spelling is found in many Kings manuscripts.

12

btOtlT p'roi. LXX 6 /SaatAeug “the king.” See the second last Hebrew word (p*7Dn) in the previous verse.

13

TPD’D with many Hebrew

mss,

Q, and 1 Kgs 22:9;

K TID'D. 14

nm. LXX eXaXrjaav = TQ7 “said.” 1 Kgs 22:13

15

LXX AocAovolv. Dillard (137, 139) adopts this read¬ ing: “(the prophets) are speaking.” ,17K, with Chr LXX Vg and 1 Kgs 22:14 MT LXX.

16

Lost by haplography in MT after VT’D’D; MT TID'D “Micah.”

17

p'PTt; LXX singular (“Should I go”), probably an

“my God.”

assimilation to the form in v. 5 LXX. 1 Kgs 22:15 MT plural, LXX singular. 18

VinK; cf. 1 Kgs 22:5 LXX. 1 Kgs 22:15 MT Lnni “Should we desist?”

18:1-19:3

28/

to me anything but truth in the name of Yahweh?" 16/ He replied, "I saw all Israel scattered on the mountains, like sheep who22 had no shepherd. And Yahweh said, 'They have no master.23 Let each person return to his house in peace.'" 17/ The king of Israel said to Jehoshaphat, "Did I not tell you that he would not prophesy good about me, but only bad?"24 18/ Then he (Micaiah) said, "Therefore,25 hear26 the word of Yahweh. I saw Yahweh sitting on his throne, and all the host of heaven was standing on his right and on his left. 19/ Yahweh said, 'Who will deceive Ahab the king of Israel27 so that he will go up and fall at Ramoth-gilead?' One said this28 and another said that. 20/ Then the spirit29 came forth and stood before Yahweh and said, 'I will deceive him.' And Yahweh said to him, 'How?' 21/ He replied, 'I will go out and be a false spirit in the mouth of all his prophets.' And he said, 'You will deceive him and you will succeed. Go out and do it.' 22/ Now, behold, Yahweh has put a false spirit in the mouth of all30 these prophets of yours. Yahweh has decreed against you disaster." 23/ Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah drew near to Micaiah and slapped him on the cheek and said, "By what way did the spirit of Yah¬ weh pass from me to speak to you?"31 24/ Micaiah answered, "You will see on that day when you go to hide in an inner¬ most chamber." 25/ The king of Israel said, "Arrest Micaiah and turn him over to Amon the governor of the city and to Joash the son of the king. 26/ Say,32 'Thus says the king. Put this fellow in prison and feed him scant33 bread and scant water until I return34 in peace.'" 27/ Micaiah said, "If you actually return in peace, Yahweh has not spoken through me." He said,35 "Hear, you peoples, all of you." The king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king of Judah went up to Ramoth-gilead. 29/ The king of Israel said to Jehoshaphat, "I will disguise myself36 and go into the battle, but you wear your royal robes."37 So the king of Israel disguised himself, and they went38 into the battle. 30/ The king of Aram had ordered the command¬ ers of his chariotry, "Do not fight with the small or great39 but against the king of Israel alone." 31/ When the commanders of the chariotry saw Jehoshaphat, they said, "It is the king of Israel!" They sur¬ rounded40 him to fight, but Jehoshaphat cried out and Yahweh helped him41 and God enticed them42 away from him. 32/ When the commanders of the chariots saw that he was not the king of Israel,

19

1DK1; 1 Kgs 22:15 LXX Kal elirev. 1 Kgs 22:15 MT

20

ItT^m t>S; Chr LXX Syr Arab, and 1 Kgs 22:15

21

D3T3; Syr Arab "|T3.“into your (singular) hand.”

22

Dnb, with many Hebrew mss and 1 Kgs 22:17; Chr

23

□TIN, plural. The noun is also plural in 1 Kgs 22:17.

tTk inai.

read both verbs as singular.

1 Kgs 15:15

1’3.“into the hand of the king.”

MT ]i-Ti7 (third person feminine plural).

24

in, with LXX and

25

p7; Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 22:19 LXX ot)x ovraq =

26

1UQC plural; Tg and 1 Kgs 22:19 UDtli singular.

27

^KI&P -[bn; cf. 1 Kgs 22:20 LXX. Lacking in Kgs MT.

1 Kgs 22:18; MT

in1?.

p

28

PIT. Chr MT adds ION, which is lacking in Chr LXX Vg and 1 Kgs 22:20. BHS (Rudolph, 254) suggests deleting it. Note the same form occurs three words ahead.

29

min. Targum: “And the spirit of Naboth who was from Jezreel.” Naboth was executed in 1 Kgs 21:13.

30

To, with many Hebrew mss LXXALolhers Syr Vg and 1 Kgs 22:23. Lacking in Chr MT. Rudolph (255) advises against including it.

31

Tiaa mm rni 1315. LXX7tvevpa Trap' epov irvevpa

■npoq

06

iruevpa Kvpiov -jrap'epov.According to

Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:39), a copyist made several attempts to write this clause correctly and the result¬ ing muddle caused the copyist to omit TtapyjX'dev “did (the spirit) pass.” 32

DniDtfT second masculine plural; Chr LXX and

33

frf? On1?. A few Hebrew mss 1U □n'p from Isa 30:20

34

’3125; cf. 1 Kgs 22:27 LXX tov einaTpeipai pe. Kgs

35

1081; lacking in LXX.

36

tosnnn, an infinitive absolute, which

1 Kgs 22:27 niDRl second masculine singular. IK on1? “the bread of adversity.”

MT ’K3 “I come.” the versions

construe correctly as having a first person subject. Cf. 1 Kgs

22:30 MT.

Kgs LXX ouvnaXtyopai. Chr

LXX KOLTaKaXuipov pe “Disguise me,” possibly a corruption of Kgs LXX (so BHS). 37

"[’in; Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 22:30 LXX tov ipaTLO-

pov pov “my royal robe.” Cf. Josephus Ant. 8.412. Dillard, 139: “This may reflect an effort on the part of the Bas [Kings LXX] translator to enhance the story by heightening Ahab’s efforts to evade Micaiah’s prophecy and by explaining the assault on Jehoshaphat.” Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:156: “This is not necessarily a deliberate heightening of Ahab’s deception .. . but simply a misunderstand¬ ing: after mention of Ahab’s disguising himself it was not expected that Jehoshaphat would wear his own clothes.”

257

19:1/

they turned away from following him. 33/ Someone drew a bow at random43 and struck the king of Israel between the scale armor and the breastplate and he said to the chariot driver, "Turn around44 and take me out of the camp45 for I am wounded." 34/ The battle grew hot on that day, and the king of Israel was propped up46 in the chariot facing the Arameans until eve¬ ning,47 and he died at sunset.48 Jehoshaphat the king of Judah returned to his house, to Jerusalem, in peace.49 2/ Jehu the son of Hanani the visionary50 came out to meet him, and he said to the king51 Jehoshaphat, "Should you help the wicked,52 and love those who hate53 Yahweh? On account of this, wrath from Yahweh is54 upon you. 3/ But good things were found in you for you banished the Asheroth from the land55 and you set your heart to seek God."56

38

l&O’l. Many Hebrew mss, the versions, and 1 Kgs 22:30 Kim “and he went.” The form arose by metathesis.

39

40

41

42

43

ntfl, with many Hebrew mss, the versions and 1 Kgs 22:31. Chr MT^Hin PIN, lacking the conjunc¬

tion. "DO1! MT, with Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 22:32 LXX Kal eKVK\ui(ja.v. Kgs MT T1CH “So they turned.” Japhet (768) prefers the reading in Chronicles and notes that “HO is never used with ‘PU, but she fails to note that this preferable reading is already attested in the Kings textual tradition.

nw mm.

1 Kgs 22:32 LXXLmt Kvpioq eauaeu avTOv; this clause and the next have no equivalent in Kings MT. Allen (553 n. 264) thinks that the Lucianic reading in Kings has been assimilated to the LXX of Chronicles. I think it more likely that the Chronicler was basing himself on an alternate text of Kings. See the commentary. DITCH; LXX Kal aireaTpeipev avTovq = DTOT “and he turned them away.” Cf. Syr Tg Vg. Rudolph (255) thinks that the reading in MT is original. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:123) believes that the translator toned down the verb to remove the suggestion of divine deceit. ion1? “ in his innocence.” Cf. 2 Sam 15:11 “Two hun¬ dred men from Jerusalem went with Absalom; they were invited guests, and they went in their inno¬ cence (DQnT1), knowing nothing of the matter.” Chr LXX and 1 Kgs 22:34 LXX evarox^q = “with good aim.”

44

"JT “[SH, with Q; literally “change your hand.” To turn around a chariot by moving to one side the hand that holds the reins (HALOT, 253). K’J’T “your hands.”

45

mnn; also LXX 6K

46

lKgs 22:34 MT. Chr LXX Vg 1 Kgs 22:34 noAepov = HOrfenn “from the war.”

tov

1DIJQ, with 1 Kgs 22:35 and Chr LXX. Chr MT TDin hiphil, arose by an incorrect insertion of a vowel letter. See Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:79. Rudolph (254-55) reads TOOT “he kept himself upright.”

47

DDOT 7U D“)K PC)]; Chr LXX reverses the order of these two phrases eaq eairepaq e£ evavrlaq Lvpiaq “until evening facing Syria.” 1 Kgs 22:35 MT omits the second phrase, but a somewhat longer version of it occurs in Kings LXX a7r6 npal ecog

48

eairepaq "from morning until evening.” COOT RID nOT HOT. 1 Kgs 22:35 min HOT “and he died in the evening.” The Chronicler got the designation for the time of day from 1 Kgs 22:36 COOT tOO “about sunset.” Chronicles otherwise omits 1 Kgs 22:36-40.

258

49

DI^OT; lacking in Chr LXX.

50

ntnn; LXX 6

irpo(pr\Tr\q “the prophet.”

18:1-19:3

51

“[‘PQn 1?K. LXX aura /SaatAeug “to him, ‘King [vocative].’” Many Greek mss read/SaatAeu, which is apparently a miswriting of /SaoxAet.

52

53

“ITU1? UO"l1?n. For this use of the infinitive, see GKC §114r. LXX eases the construction by replacing the infinitive with a finite verb florjfieiq: ei apapwAa5 av fiorjftelq “Were you helping a sinner?” ,83to7'l; the singular passive interpretation in LXX is caused by haplography of the final yod in its Hebrew

54

55 56

Vorlage: rj pioovfxevo) vito Kvpiov (fiXid^eig “or are you acting as a friend to one hated by the Lord?” The verb needs to be supplied by the translator. The NRSVputs it in the past tense, and the REB in the future tense. pan ]Q. LXX d7ro rrjg yrjg IouSa “from the land ofjudah.” D’rfrKn. LXX tov Kvpiov “Yahweh.”

Structure

attention.4 McKenzie concludes that Chronicles uses 1 Kings 22 in its latest textual version. The Chronicler

The Chronicler included 1 Kgs 22:l-35a, with a few

omitted 1 Kgs 22:365-40, which reports the aftermath of

significant changes, in his account, but reworked its

the death of Ahab and gives the concluding summary of

introduction in 18:1-2 and gave it a new conclusion in

his reign. These verses pertain to the northern king¬

19:l-3.The story in Kings focuses on the death of Ahab in

dom, whose history the Chronicler includes only when it

fulfillment of prophecy1 whereas the Chronicler’s version

involves Judah.

emphasizes the actions and reactions of Jehoshaphat to

In Kings the battle at Ramoth-gilead is the third in a

the battle undertaken with Ahab. Near the end of the

series of three skirmishes of the northern kingdom with

pericope we read: “On account of this, wrath from Yah¬

the Arameans (see 1 Kgs 20:1-12 and 23-34), but the first

weh is upon you” (2 Chr 19:2).2 This is the only lengthy narrative about the northern

two do not involve Judah and therefore are not included in Chronicles. Ahab is the center of attention in 1 Kings

kingdom from the book of Kings that is also included

22, where his condemnation by the prophet Micaiah

in Chronicles. Steven L. McKenzie argues persuasively

leads to his death in fulfillment of earlier prophecies by

that this narrative was borrowed from Kings rather than

an anonymous prophet in 1 Kgs 20:42 and by Elijah in

from a shared source used by both Kings and Chronicles

1 Kgs 21:20-22 (these verses are not included in Chroni¬

as argued by A. Graeme Auld.3 The story is set in the

cles). Ahab plays a major role also in Chronicles since the

north and takes place primarily in the northern king’s

text is so similar to that in Kings, but the new introduc¬

royal court. Auld believes that Jehoshaphat was the focus

tion and conclusion in Chronicles shift the focus to the

of the original story, but in Kings this event takes place

moral failures of Jehoshaphat in this incident.

before the introductory formulae for Jehoshaphat in

Because Ahab6 and to an extent Jehoshaphat are so

1 Kgs 22:41-45 (41-44) (cf. 2 Chr 20:31—21:1), again

infrequently mentioned by name in 1 Kings 22 and for a

making Jehoshaphat something less than the center of

number of other reasons, several scholars have proposed

1

2

The Chronicler omits the bloody details of Ahab’s death in 1 Kgs 22:35b-38, which interprets Ahab’s death as the fulfillment of the word of Yahweh. Jehoshaphat’s good deeds mitigated the dam¬ age (2 Chr 17:6; 19:3). See Klein, “Account of

3

Jehoshaphat,” 649. McKenzie, “King jehoshaphat,” 305-8. See Auld, Kings without Privilege; and idem, “Prophets Shared—but Recycled,” in The Future of the Deuteronomistic History (ed. Thomas Romer; BETL 147; Leuven: Peeters/Leuven University Press, 2000)

LXX places Jehoshaphat’s introductory formula at 1 Kgs 16:28adSee, however, the commentary on v. 34, and the last textual note to that verse, demonstrating that the Chronicler knew these verses. In 1 Kgs 22:1-35 Ahab is mentioned only in v. 20. Jehoshaphat is more frequently mentioned (w. 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10, 18, 29, 30, 32). The use of singular verbs and pronouns in 1 Kgs 22:1, 3, 6, 9, 11-13, 15 (LXX), 19-28 do not seem to presuppose Jehoshaphat’s presence (see McKenzie, “KingJehoshaphat,” 305).

19-28.

259

that this incident originally dealt with other kings,7 but

III.

18:9-11 Zedekiah’s sign act in favor of the war

the attribution of the names of Ahab andjehoshaphat has recently been defended in his commentary on Kings

(1 Kgs 22:10-12) IV.

18:12-27 Micaiah’s confrontation with Ahab (1 Kgs

by Marvin A. Sweeney.8 In any case the Chronicler knew

22:13-28)

the account only in its form in the Deuteronomistic His¬

A. 18:12-13 Conversation of Micaiah with Ahab’s

tory, where Ahab andjehoshaphat were identified as the

messenger (1 Kgs 22:13-14)

kings involved.

B. 18:14-16 Micaiah delivers his oracle to Ahab (1 Kgs 22:15-17)

Simon J. De Vries and Ernst Wiirthwein have sought to find distinct literary layers behind the present text of

C. 18:17-22 Micaiah identifies the spirit empowering

1 Kings 22.9 De Vries identifies Narrative A,10 which he

Ahab’s prophets as a lying spirit (1 Kgs 22:18-23)

calls a superseding oracle narrative (dating to the end

D. 18:23-27-Zedekiah challenges Micaiah, who is

of the ninth century), and Narrative B,11 which he calls

then imprisoned by Ahab (1 Kgs 22:24-28)

a word controversy narrative (dating to about 700). In a

V. 18:28-34 Judah and Israel fight against the Arame-

different literary-critical dissection, Wurthwein proposed

ans at Ramoth-gilead; Ahab is killed (1 Kgs 22:29-

three layers within the story about Micaiah: (a) a conflict

35a)

between a group preaching salvation and an individual

VI. 19:1-3Jehu the son of Hanani’s oracle against Jehoshaphat

preaching judgment (vv. 5-9, 13-17 [18?], 26-28); (b) Zedekiah’s opposition to Micaiah on behalf of the court

Detailed Commentary

prophets (vv. 10-12, 24-25); and (c) the identification of a lying spirit standing behind the false prophets (vv. 19-22). He assigned w. 2b-4 and 29-37 to saga. Neither

18:1-2 Introduction to the narration

of these proposals about the history behind 1 Kings 22 is

■ 1 Although Jehoshaphat had riches and honor in abun¬

completely convincing to me, and they are irrelevant to

dance, he allied himself by ma rriage to Ahab: According to

a discussion of what the Chronicler did with the (nearly)

2 Chr 17:5, Jehoshaphat had great riches and honor

final form of 1 Kings 22.

because Yahweh had established his kingdom and his

The following outline will be followed for the text in Chronicles:

subjects had brought him tribute. The Chronicler now notes that the marriage alliance with Ahab, involving

I. 18:1-2 Introduction to the narration (1 Kgs 22:2) II. 18:3-8 Ahab’s prophets endorse the proposed

Jehoshaphat’s son Jehoram and Ahab’s daughter or sis¬ ter12 Athaliah (2 Chr 21:6; 22:2, 10-12), was wrong theo¬

war with Aram, andjehoshaphat asks for another

logically and unnecessary economically.13 The Chronicler

prophet (1 Kgs 22:4-9)

may have based his idea of a marriage alliance on 1 Kgs

In Chronicles, Ahab is mentioned by name already

8

Sweeney, / & IIKings, 255-57.

in the first verse. Miller and Hayes (History of Ancient Israel and Judah,

9

De Vries, 1 Kings, 259-72; and idem, Prophet against Prophet: The Role of the Micaiah Narrative (1 Kings 22) in the Development of Early Prophetic Tradition (Grand

288, 345-46) argue that the northern king was probablyJehoahaz. Cf. J. M. Miller, “The Elisha

Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978); Ernst Wurthwein, “Zur Komposition von I Reg 22, 1-38,” in Das feme und

Cycle and the Accounts of the Omride Wars,” JBL 85 (1966) 441-54; and idem, “The Rest of the Acts of Jehoahaz,” ZAW80 (1968) 337-42. Pitard (Ancient Damascus, 114-25) identifies the northern king as

nahe Wort: Festschrift Leonhard Rost (ed. Fritz Maass; 10

part of the Jehu dynasty. De Vries (1 Kings, 269) identifies the northern and southern kings in his

260

BZAW 105; Berlin: Topelmann, 1967), 245-54. 1 Kgs 22:2b-4a, 5-9, 15-18, 26-28a, 29-35ba, 36-37. Verses 4b, 19aaN, 20a/3, 28b, 35bj3, and 38 are attributed to a redactor.

Narrative A as Joram the son of Ahab and Ahaziah

11

1 Kgs 22:10-14, 19aaD-25.

the son ofjehoshaphat. Cf. C. F. Whitley, “The Deuteronomic Presentation of the House of Omri,” VT

12

She is called the daughter of Ahab in 2 Kgs 8:18,

2 (1952) 137-52, who identified the northern king with Jehoash.

13

but the daughter of Omri in 2 Kgs 8:26. So also Knoppers, “Alliances as a Topos,” 614. Other alliances criticized by the Chronicler include 2 Chr

18:1-19:3

22:44 (Jehoshaphat also made peace with the king of

and in Deut 13:7 to describe a temptation to idolatry (see

Israel) and 2 Kgs 8:27 (Ahaziah as an indaw of Ahab).

also 2 Chr 32:11, 1516 and v. 31 later in this chapter, where

The verbal root jlT! (ally by marriage) is used in Kings

God is the subject of the verb) ,17 Ahab may be incit-

to describe Solomon’s alliance with Pharaoh that led to

ingjehoshaphat to apostasy.18 Ramoth-gilead is usually

his marriage with Pharaoh’s daughter (1 Kgs 3:1) and as

identified with Tel Ramith (MR 244210) or Tell el Husn

a noun to indicate the status of Jehoshaphat’s grandson

(MR 232210), a distance of about fifty to sixty miles from

Ahaziah (an indaw of Ahab) in 2 Kgs 8:27. Jehoshaphat

Samaria.

comes off as the weaker of the two kings in Kings (1 Kgs 22:2), but in Chronicles he appears as an equal or even

18:3-8 Ahab's Prophets Endorse the Proposed War

superior partner, who had already demonstrated his

and Jehoshaphat Asks for Another Prophet

strength over, or against,14 Israel (2 Chr 17:1). According

■ 3 Ahab the king of Israel said to Jehoshaphat king ofJudah,

to Chronicles, the successful and secure Jehoshaphat had

“Willyou go with me to Ramoth-gilead?”He replied to him,

no need for such a treaty with Ahab.

“As you act, so shall I; as your army acts, so shall my army

■ 2 After some years he went down to Ahab at Samaria, and

act; and we will be with you in war”: Both kings are named

Ahab butchered for him and the troops who were with him

and given their full titles in Chronicles whereas in Kings

sheep and cattle in abundance. He also incited him to go up to

(1 Kgs 22:3-4) Ahab is mentioned only by title and

Ramoth-gilead: This incident is given an indefinite chrono¬

Jehoshaphat only by name. Ahab’s invitation to ajoint

logical location, whereas in 1 Kgs 22:1 it took place after

military venture is without motivation or rationale in

a three-year peace. Cogan suggests that the Chronicler

Chronicles. In 1 Kgs 22:3 Ahab explains to his servants

may have wanted to place this incident at the end of

that Ramoth-gilead legally belongs to Israel. Moses had

Jehoshaphat’s reign and blame senility for Jehoshaphat’s

set it aside for the tribe of Gad as a city of refuge (Num

behavior in this incident.15 The journey from Jerusalem-

35:6-15, P; cf. Josh 20:8; 21:38; 1 Chr 6:65 [80]), and

(MR 172131) to Samaria (MR 168187), a distance of about

Ramoth-gilead was the home of the governor of Gilead

thirty-five miles, would normally not be described by us

and Bashan during the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 4:7-19).

as “going down.” This way of putting it may result from

Ramoth-gilead may have been lost during one of the mil¬

the usual notion that one “went up” to Jerusalem. Since

itary campaigns by Ben-hadad (1 Kings 20). The absence

troops (DU) were already with Jehoshaphat, the proposal

of this rationale in Chronicles makes Jehoshaphat look

for a military venture would not have come as a complete

gullible and on shaky moral grounds. It is not clear

surprise. In 1 Kgs 22:2 Jehoshaphat goes to the king of

whether the Chronicler omitted this information inten¬

Israel for no apparent reason, but in 2 Chr 18:2 this trip

tionally or whether it was absent from his Vorlage because

is part of the marriage agreement. The interpretation of

of loss by homoioteleuton in a text similar to that presup¬

the verb 113T as “butchered” instead of “sacrificed” shows

posed by Kings LXX in 1 Kgs 22:3-4.19 Jehoshaphat’s reply to Ahab is slightly reworded from

Ahab’s generous hospitality, perhaps designed to make Jehoshaphat agreeable to his proposed war. The verb “incited” (mo) puts a negative spin on

the corresponding passage in 1 Kgs 22:4. Chronicles adds a clause, “We will be with you in war,” thus agreeing

Ahab’s invitation. The same verb was used in 1 Chr 21:1

closely with the question as Ahab had posed it: “Will you

to describe Satan’s tempting David to carry out a census

go with me?”

16:1-4, Asa’s alliance with Ben-hadad; 2 Chr 20:3537, Jehoshaphat’s alliance with Ahaziah; 2 Chr 25:68, Amaziah’s hiring of soldiers from Israel; 2 Chr 28:16-23, the ties of Ahaz with the king of Assyria. McKenzie (“KingJehoshaphat,” 306) points out that Jehoshaphat’s wealth and honor led to wrong¬

16

Sennacherib accuses Hezekiah of misleading the

17

people. Cf. the use of the synonym nns in vv. 19-21//1 Kgs

18 19

Ackroyd, 144. See the textual notes.

22:20-22.

ful pride and his marriage alliance with Ahab. 14 15

See the commentary on 2 Chr 17:1. Cogan, “Chronicler’s Use of Chronology,” 207.

261

■ 4 Jehoshaphat added, “Seek the word of Yahweh today”:

■ 6 Jehoshaphat interjected, “Is there not another prophet of

Verses 4-8 constitute a type scene, called a prophetic

Yahweh from whom we can seek an answer? ’’/Jehoshaphat

inquiry about holy war (cf.Judg 4:12-16; 1 Kgs 20:26-30).

demands to hear from another prophet ofYahweh even

Jehoshaphat urges Ahab to get divine authorization for

though he later ignores Micaiah’s warning and joins

this holy war. Similarly, David sought divine authoriza¬

Ahab in his futile battle against Aram. His question,

tion for warfare when he fought the Philistines (2 Sam

however, strongly intimates that the four hundred proph¬

5:19). Prophetic call narratives indicate that the prophets

ets heard from so far are not neutral witnesses. It was at

were seen as agents of war against the nations (Exod

Jehoshaphat’s initiative in the first place that a decision

3:9-11; Jer 1:10; Ezek 3:4-7).20 When Elijah ascended into

had been made to inquire if Yahweh favored this war

heaven, Elisha cried out, “Father, father! The chariots of

(v. 4).

Israel and its horsemen!” (1 Kgs 2:12). As John Bright

■ 7 The king of Israel replied to Jehoshaphat, “There is still one

once remarked about the similar saying describing Eli¬

man through whom one can inquire of Yahweh, but I hate him

sha, “The man was worth divisions.”21

for he does not prophesy good concerning me but always bad. He

■ 5 The king of Israel gathered together four hundred proph¬

is Micaiah the son of Imlah. ’’Jehoshaphat responded, “Let not

ets and asked them, “Should we go up against Ramoth-gilead

the king say such a thing”: Jehoshaphat’s desire to seek a

for war, or should I desist?” They replied, “Go up, and may

second prophetic opinion indicates that he suspects that

God give them into the hand of the king”: The Chronicler

the answer of the previous four hundred prophets was

changed “about four hundred prophets” (1 Kgs 22:6) to

given under royal pressure, although that is not explicitly

exactly that amount, and he also changed the pronoun

stated. Ahab states his own suspicion, that Micaiah is

in Ahab’s first question to the plural.22 According to

biased against him, and his strong aversion to Micaiah is

1 Kgs 18:4, 13, Obadiah had hidden a hundred prophets

expressed with the word “hate” (ty&). The Chronicler’s

ofYahweh from Jezebel’s attempt to kill them. The con¬

only other uses of this verb are 2 Chr 1:11 //1 Kgs 3:11,

trast between the fidelity of an individual like Micaiah

referring to the enemies of Solomon, and 2 Chr 19:3 at

and the disobedience of the masses, such as these four

the end of this pericope. Micaiah’s name (UTO'O) is quite

hundred prophets who endorse the king’s proposal, per¬

similar to Micah’s (PD’O; see v. 27). Nothing is known

vades this chapter and is a consistent theme throughout

about his father, Imlah. Jehoshaphat objects to the king’s

the Old Testament.23

assessment of Micaiah, and so Ahab sends for him.

The prophets’ answer to the king’s question follows the pattern set in 2 Sam 5:19.24 The Chronicler’s shift

The text, already in 1 Kings 22, suggests that Micaiah and Ahab have had numerous confrontations in the

from ,]_T8 (1 Kgs 22:6) to DYl^Kn (“God”) may suggest

past, and that Micaiah often opposed the king’s wishes.

that these prophets did not really speak for Yahweh,

Jehoshaphat’s admonition not to prejudge Micaiah seems

but if so, the Chronicler was not always consistent (see

at first to be negated by v. 17. By the end of the chapter,

v. 11).25

however, Micaiah is fully vindicated.

20

Dillard (141) also calls attention to the war oracles announced by the prophets: 1 Kgs 12:21-24//2 Chr 11:1-4; 1 Kgs 20:13, 28; 2 Kgs 3:11-19; 6:12-22; 7:1-7; 13:14-20; Isa 7:3-25; Jeremiah 21; 2 Chr 20:14-19.

21

22

23

John Bright, The Kingdom of God: The Biblical Concept and Its Meaning for the Church (Nashville: Abingdon,

24

2 Sam 5:19: “Yahweh said to David, ‘Go up; for I will

25

certainly give the Philistines into your hand.’” Japhet (Ideology, 20-23) notes that there are eight occurrences of ’HR in the Vodageused by Chron¬

1953) 55. See also v. 14 in the repetition of this question to

icles, seven of which appear in 2 Sam 7:18-29. All of them are replaced by some other divine name,

Micaiah. In the latter passage, the Vorlage in 1 Kgs

and Japhet attributes this to a feeling that use of

22:15 has the plural pronoun as the subject of the

this name in the Chronicler’s day would have been

second question. 2 Chr 36:16; 2 Kgs 17:13-15; Neh 9:26; Jer 25:4;

deemed improper. She notes the frequent replace¬ ment for this name in lQIsaa.

26:4-5, 28; 29:24-32. See Dillard, 141; and James Crenshaw, Prophetic Conflict: Its Effect upon Israelite

262

Religion (BZAW 124; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1971) 24-36.

18:1-19:3

■ 8 Then the king of Israel called an official and said, “Bring

the Arameans until they are destroyed.’”: Zedekiah’s name

quickly Micaiah the son if Imlah”: The messenger ("[K^Ort;

(“Yahweh is righteous”) and his use of the Yahwistic

see v. 12) sent to fetch Micaiah is a trusted palace official,

messenger formula indicate his claim to speak on behalf

probably castrated because of the noun that is used here

of Yahweh. Like other prophets, he uses a symbolic

(one;

action to underscore his message.32 Horns of iron are

see 1 Chr 28:1).26

mentioned only here and in 1 Kgs 22:11. While Zedekiah 18:9-11 Zedekiah's Sign Act in Favor of the War

emerges as a concrete individual out of the four hundred

■ 9 The king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king offudah were

prophets, his main role will be his conversation with

sitting, each on his throne, clothed in royal garments. They

Micaiah in vv. 23-24.

were sitting by the threshing floor27 at the entrance of the gate of

■ 11 All the prophets prophesied thus: “Go up to Ramoth-

Samaria while all the prophets were prophesying before them:

gilead and triumph, and may Yahweh give them into the hand

This interlude takes place while the messenger is on his

of the king”: The prophets, stirred up by Zedekiah, repeat

way to get Micaiah, and it increases the reader’s suspense

their original message from v. 5. They now pray that

as Micaiah’s arrival is awaited. The enthronement of the

Yahweh, and not just God, will give the Arameans into

two kings by the threshing floor at the gate of Samaria28

the hand of the king.

is in ironic contrast to the enthronement of Yahweh in v. 18 and to the frenzied activity of the prophets here;

18:12-27 Micaiah's Confrontation with Ahab

their royal garments worn at the safe haven of Samaria

18:12-13 Conversation of Micaiah with Ahab's

are in contrast to the disguise that Ahab dons in v.

Messenger

29. “Prophesying” (hithpael, see vv. 7, 17) may indicate

■ 12 The messenger who had gone to call Micaiah spoke to him

ecstatic behavior (1 Sam 19:20-24; 1 Kgs 18:29) and/or

as follows: “Look, the words of the prophets are unanimously

repetitions of their previous oracle authorizing Ahab’s

in favor of the king. So let your word be like one of theirs and

war plans (see v. 11). The threshing floor would provide

speak favorably”: Ahab had earlier expressed his view that

an open space before the city gate and may have been

Micaiah was biased, and now the king’s messenger urges

considered a sacred space where prophesying would be

Micaiah to adhere to the royal party line.

appropriate (1 Chr 21:15, 18, 21, 22, 28; 2 Chr 3:1).29

■ 13 Micaiah replied, “As Yahweh lives, whatever my God says

Gwilym H. Jones, on the other hand, points to Gen

to me, that I will speak”: Micaiah adamantly refuses to be

50:10; Judg 6:37-40; and 2 Sam 6:6, where ]“13 may refer

pressured, swearing by Yahweh’s life33 (this expression

to an empty space, with a rock or earth floor, that was

occurs some forty-three times in the Old Testament and

not used specifically for an agricultural purpose.30 He

twice in the Lachish letters), identifying Yahweh as his

concludes that this refers to an open public place at the

God (“whatever my God34 says to me”—does this imply

gate of the city rather than a threshing floor.

that Yahweh is not the God of the four hundred proph¬

■ 10 Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah31 made for himself iron

ets?), and promising to speak whatever Yahweh tells him.

horns and said, “Thus says Yahweh, ‘With these you will gore 26 27

28

Contra B. Kedar-Kopfstein, “O’lO”, TDOT 10:349. The Targum adds: “one inquiring from the proph¬ ets of falsehood and the other seeking instruction from before the Lord and praying.” Sidney Smith (“The Threshing Floor at the City

31

32

of Legal Symbolic Acts in the Old Testament (ConBOT 34; Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International,

Gate,” PEQ78 [1946] 5-14) marshals evidence that there was a threshing floor at some city gates. This

29

30

Is there any significance that this name H3U33 has the same root as the word “Canaan” ]133D? A Benjaminite has this name in 1 Chr 7:10. The Targum identifies Zedekiah as a prophet of falsehood. See Ake Viberg, Symbols of Law: A Contextual Analysis

setting may have been chosen for a kind of legal trial between the court prophets and Micaiah.

33

G. Munderlein (“p3,” TDOT3:64) argues that this incident in 1 Kings 22//2 Chronicles 18 is in no sense an event connected with a cubic site.

34

1992); and Block, Ezekiel 1-24, 164-67. Helmer Ringgren, “iTTI,” TDOT4:339: “The God so invoked becomes a witness to the oath and keeps watch over it.” “My God” has replaced

miT

in the Vorlage.

Jones, 1 and 2 Kings, 365.

263

18:17-22 Micaiah Identifies the Spirit

18:14-16 Micaiah Delivers His Oracle to Ahab ■ 14 When he came to the king, the king said to him,

Empowering Ahab's Prophets as a Lying Spirit

“Micaiah, should we go to Ramoth-gilead for war or should I

■ 17 The king of Israel said to fehoshaphat, “Did I not tell

desist ? ” He replied, “Go up and succeed, and may they be given

you that he would not prophesy good about me, but only bad ?

into your hand”: The two parts of the king’s question have

Ahab tells Jehoshaphat, “I told you so,” referring to his

divergent pronouns: we and I. As shown in the textual

previously expressed opinion of Micaiah in v. 7.

notes, this difference depends on a non-MT reading in

■ 18 Then he (Micaiah) said, “Therefore, hear the word

Kings. Micaiah’s answer to Ahab echoes that of the four

of Yahweh. I saw Yahweh sitting on his throne, and all the

hundred prophets in v. 11 except that it does not attri¬

host of heaven was standing on his right and on his left”:

bute success in war explicitly to Yahweh’s assistance, as in

In v. 17, Ahab says to Jehoshaphat, “I told you so,” and

the Vorlage (1 Kgs 22:15),35 although one could infer that

this exchange prompts the further words of Micaiah in

the passive construction of “may they be given into your

v. 18, beginning with the “call-to-attention formula”—

hand” implies divine intervention. The Chronicler may

“Therefore, hear the word of Yahweh.” Micaiah’s vision

not have wanted to use the name Yahweh in a prophetic

of the meeting of the divine council is similar to that in

oracle that was a lie. The plural verb forms also address

the call of Isaiah (Isa 6:1-13): Yahweh enthroned, sur¬

both Ahab and Jehoshaphat.

rounded by members of the heavenly council. Yahweh

■ 15 The king said to him, “How many times must I make

sitting on his throne contrasts with the kings’ sitting on

you swear that you will not speak to me anything but truth in

their thrones in v. 9: divine king versus human kings.

the name of Yahweh?”: Ahab’s verbatim citation of 1 Kgs

■ 19 “Yahweh said, ‘Who will deceive Ahab the king of Israel

22:16 accuses Micaiah of lying in the name of Yahweh,

so that he will go up and fall at Ramoth-gilead ? ’ One said this

although Yahweh’s name was not invoked in the Chroni¬

and another said that”: Elsewhere in the Old Testament

cler’s rendition of Micaiah’s oracle. Was it Micaiah’s

false prophecy is said to come from other gods or from

gestures or tone of voice that aroused Ahab’s suspicion,

those who lie as they invoke the name of Yahweh (Deut

or was it the close similarity to the wording of the four

18:9-22; Jer 23:9-26, 32; 27-28; Ezek 13:8, 9, 19; Zech

hundred prophets? Jehoshaphat had doubted the words

10:2; 13:3). In this disturbing verse, Yahweh himself

of the four hundred prophets, and now Ahab doubts the

seeks a way to get Ahab to make a fatal mistake. Here

word of the alternate prophet about whom Jehoshaphat

the Chronicler accepts the view of his Vorlage, whereas in

had inquired. Ahab’s response may also indicate that

1 Chr 21:1 he ascribes David’s temptation to number the

Micaiah had previously given him oracles that were not

people to Satan rather than to Yahweh, as in his Vorlage.

true words of Yahweh.

Various members of the heavenly court make unspeci¬

■ 16 He replied, “I saw all Israel scattered on the mountains,

fied proposals. Yahweh is surrounded by advisors in the

like sheep who had no shepherd. And Yahweh said, ‘They

divine council, just as Ahab and Jehoshaphat had the

have no master. Let each person return to his house in peace’”:

prophets as counselors. Compare the antiphonal voices

Micaiah does not answer Ahab directly. The vision of

in Isa 6:3.

Micaiah is similar to the word of judgment by Nahum

■ 20-21 “Then the spirit came forth and stood before Yahweh

against the king of Assyria (Nah 3:18).36 The references

and said, 7 will deceive him. ’ And Yahweh said to him, ‘How ? ’

to the absence of a shepherd and master imply the

He replied, 7 will go out and be a false spirit in the mouth of

demise of Ahab. That fate can also be inferred from the

all his prophets. ’ And he said, ‘You will deceive him and you

wish that the sheep/Israel—and not the shepherd—

will succeed. Go out and do it

should return home in peace (see vv. 26-27). Kings

these verses is a personification of the spirit that pos¬

are often referred to as shepherds in Israel and in the

sesses other prophets.37 But now this spirit will deceive

ancient Near East in general.

the prophets of Ahab even though this spirit comes

35

1 Kgs 22:15: “Yahweh will deliver it into the hand of

36

the king.” Nah 3:18: ‘Your shepherds are asleep, O king of Assyria; your nobles slumber. Your people are

264

The spirit who speaks in

scattered on the mountains with no one to gather them.” 37

Num 11:14-17, 24b-30; 24:2-3; 1 Samuel 10, and the Elijah-Elisha traditions. See H.-J. Fabry, “mi,” TDOT

18:1-19:3

from Yahweh. Yahweh promises this spirit success and

king”: In a similar way, king Zedekiah threwjeremiah

urges him to carry out this assignment. Often the divine

into a cistern because he was discouraging the soldiers

council formed a heavenly army to fight in Israel’s battles

and the rest of the people, and he was handed over to

(Isa 13:1-13;Joel 4:9-12 [3:9-12]; 2 Kgs 6:15-19; 7:3).38

Malchiah, the king’s son (Jer 38:1-6; cf. Jer 36:26 and

Now the divine council seeks the death of Ahab and the

2 Chr 28:7). Asa had also put the seer Hanani in stocks

defeat of Israel’s army.

because of the rebuke he had offered the king (2 Chr

■ 22 “Now, behold, Yahweh has put a false spirit in the mouth

16:10). “The king’s son” in Jeremiah and here probably

of all these prophets of yours. Yahweh has decreed against you

refers to a royal appointee rather than a specific descen¬

disaster”: Ahab’s prophets do not follow foreign gods and

dant of the king.41 Other governors of the city mentioned

they are not knowingly deceitful, but they are deceit¬

in the Bible include Zebul (Judg 9:30); Joshua (2 Kgs

ful nevertheless, thanks to the lying spirit sent from

23:8); and Maaseiah (2 Chr 34:8). The job description

the heavenly council. In fact, Yahweh himself has sent

of this official is unknown, but Avigad has published a

out that lying spirit. The Hebrew word for disaster iHH

stamp seal that contains this exact title.42

matches Ahab’s complaint in v. 7 that Micaiah only

■ 26 “Say, ‘Thus says the king, Put this fellow in prison and

prophesies that which is bad (nin).

feed him scant bread and scant water until I return in peace’”:

18:23-27 Zedekiah Challenges Micaiah,

Ahab threatens Micaiah not only with imprisonment

Who Is Then Imprisoned by Ahab

but with starvation rations as well until he returns safely

■ 23 Zedekiah the son of Chenaanah drew near to Micaiah

(in peace) from the battle. This flies in the face of v. 16,

and slapped him on the cheek and said, “By what way did the

where Micaiah had promised a military disaster and

spirit of Yahweh pass from me to speak to you ?

expressed the wish that only the soldiers would return

Zedekiah,

who had emerged from the anonymity of the prophets

home “in peace.”

in v. 20 to perform a symbolic action, reenters the nar¬

■ 27 Micaiah said, “If you actually return in peace, Yahweh

rative to confront Micaiah, sparing Ahab that role for

has not spoken through me. ” He said, “Hear, you peoples, all of

now. Again he performs a symbolic action by slapping

you”: Micaiah responds that if Ahab does return home

Micaiah39 and asking sarcastically how this false spirit of

in peace, Micaiah himself is a false prophet. One of the

Yahweh had now gone from himself to speak through

criteria for identifying a false prophet is that the word

Micaiah.

of such a prophet does not come true (Deut 18:22).

■ 24 Micaiah answered, “You will see on that day when you

Micaiah’s words in this verse are taken from 1 Kgs 22:28,

go to hide in an innermost chamber”: Micaiah’s answer is

but the second sentence is not attested in Kings LXX

obscure or at least indirect. It apparently means that

except for Alexandrinus, one cursive manuscript, the

Zedekiah will have to acknowledge Micaiah’s authority

Arabic, and the Syro-Hexapla, where it is marked with

when in the future he has to hide out from (military)

an asterisk. This sentence is widely viewed as a late gloss

disaster.40

intended to associate the opening words of Micah (Mic

■ 25 The king of Israel said, “Arrest Micaiah and turn him

1:2: “Hear, you peoples, all of you”) with Micaiah. Note

over to Amon the governor of the city and to Joash the son of the

the spelling of Micaiah’s name as rD’Q in 2 Chr 18:14 MT

spirit. . . of YHWH is actually something quite dif¬

13:392-93. The Targum identifies this spirit as the 38 39

40

spirit of Naboth who was from Jezreel. See P. D. Miller, “The Divine Council and the Pro¬

41

phetic Call to War,” VT18 (1968) 100-107. 1 Esdras speaks of the power of women by noting that Apame, the king’s concubine, would take the crown from the king’s head, put it on her own, and slap the king with her left hand (1 Esdr 4:29-30). During his trial Jesus is slapped (Matt 26:67). Sweeney, I & IIKings, 260: “Micaiah’s response . . .

42

ferent.” Gershon Brin, “The Title p and Its Parallels,” AION29 (1965) 433-65. Miller and Hayes (History of Ancient Israel and Judah, 345) take Joash in 1 Kgs 22:26 as the son and presumptive successor of Jehoahaz, whom they identify as the leader of north Israel instead of Ahab. Avigad, Corpus, 171, #402.

is scathingly crude; what Zedekiah takes to be the

265

(see the textual notes). Since Micaiah’s second sentence

he went to visit the medium at Endor (1 Sam 28:8), as

is present in both Chronicles MT and LXX, we might

did the anonymous prophet who rebuked Ahab in 1 Kgs

speculate that the gloss was first made in Chronicles

20:38. Tamar dressed apparently as a prostitute before

and then added to Kings MT.43 In this context, the gloss

her sexual liaison with Judah (Gen 38:14), as did the

also invites peoples everywhere to attest to Micaiah’s

wife of Jeroboam when she went to consult the prophet

authenticity. Nothing further is reported about Micaiah.

Ahijah (1 Kgs 14:2), but neither of these accounts uses

Micaiah takes a wait-and-see attitude. Keith Bodner

the verb C7EH7.48 By giving orders to Jehoshaphat, Ahab

has argued that in 1 Kgs 12:28, this second sentence is

showed his political and military superiority. By taking

spoken by Ahab rather than Micaiah. In this view, Ahab

orders from Ahab, Jehoshaphat showed his theological

summons the nations present (Israel and Judah) to adju¬

weakness.

dicate the dispute between Ahab and Micaiah.44

■ 31 When the commanders of the chariotry saw Jehoshaphat, they said, “It is the king of Israel! ” They surrounded him to

18:28-34 Judah and Israel Fight against the Arameans

fight, but Jehoshaphat cried out and Yahweh helped him, and

at Ramoth-gilead; Ahab Is Killed

God enticed them away from him: The ruse involving the

■ 28 The king of Israel and Jehoshaphat the king ofJudah

disguise worked, at least at first. When the chariot com¬

went up to Ramoth-gilead: No event that took place in this

manders sawjehoshaphat’s royal dress, they concluded

fifty-to-sixty-mile journey is described.

mistakenly that he must be the king of Israel.

■ 29 The king of Israel said to Jehoshaphat, “I will disguise

In 1 Kgs 22:32, Jehoshaphat cried out, either to seek

myself and go into the battle, but you wear your royal robes.”

help from his men or to identify himself as the king of

So the king of Israel disguised himself, and they went into the

Judah and not the king of Israel. The chariot command¬

battle: Ahab attempted to escape the mortal threats

ers x ecognized their mistake and turned away from him

uttered by Micaiah by disguising himself. Bodner notes

(1 Kgs 22:33//2 Chr 18:33). In Chronicles, this same cry

that Ahab uses a disguise to dupe an opposing army

ofjehoshaphat is construed as a prayer (cf. 2 Chr 13:14;

and thwart an imprisoned prophet.45 Although it seems

14:10 [11]), which leads immediately to divine interven¬

highly unlikely that Jehoshaphat would wear Ahab’s gar¬

tion or retribution—Yahweh helped him and God enticed

ments (see the textual notes), he would be vulnerable by

the chariot commanders away from him. The Chronicler

being the only king identifiable by his own royal robes.46

had showed God’s responsiveness to Solomon’s prayer at

As we learn from the next verse, the king of Aram had

the dedication of the temple (2 Chr 6:34-35; 7:14) and to

ordered his chariot commanders (3D1H "HO)47 to avoid

prayers offered in the midst of battle (1 Chr 5:20; 2 Chr

contact with ordinary soldiers and to seek out the king

13:14-15; 14:10-11 [11-12]; 20:9; 32:20; cf. 33:12-13). This

of Israel only. Similarly, the king of Moab and seven hun¬

interpretation of Jehoshaphat’s cry seems to have arisen

dred swordsmen sought unsuccessfully to attack the king

already in the Kings textual tradition (1 Kgs 22:32), since

of Edom (2 Kgs 3:26). Saul also disguised himself when

the Lucianic LXX attests at least the first clause (see the

43

Japhet (766) argues that the Chronicler found this exhortation in his Vorlage. See also E. Ball, “A Note

47

is given as thirty-two, apparently a reference to the thirty-two governors (mns) that the king of Aram

on 1 Kgs xxii:28,”yTS 28 (1977) 90-94. Bodner (“1 Kings 22:28,” 534) suggests that the LXX transla¬ tors in Kings took this sentence to identify, mis¬

had appointed to replace the thirty-two kings who had been allied with him (1 Kgs 20:1, 24). The Chronicler omits this number, which would have no

takenly, Micaiah and Micah, and so omitted it. His argument that this sentence is present in Vulgate, Peshitta, and Targum is not persuasive, since these are all texts much later than the LXX and even the MT.

266

44

Bodner, “1 Kings 12:28,” 540.

45

Ibid., 541. See also Richard Coggins, “On Kings and

46

Disguises,” JSOT50 (1991) 55-62. Note that both kings were so dressed in v. 9.

In 1 Kgs 22:31, the number of these commanders

resonance since he also did not include 1 Kings 20 in his account. 48

See 2 Chr 35:22 for another use of DSn although the text there is uncertain.

18:1-19:3

textual notes). One could even argue thatTIT!) mm (“and

death replaces six in 1 Kings 22 (vv. 35-40). The Chroni¬

Yahweh helped him”) was original in Kings but was lost

cler moves Ahab’s death off center stage. In 1 Kings 22

by homoioarchton before the initial VPI in 1 Kgs 22:33.49

Ahab’s blood flowed into the chariot, and at sunset a

The second clause (“God enticed them away from him”),

cry went through the army: “Every man to his city, and

however, was probably added by the Chronicler, and it

every man to his country!” The flight of the soldiers

makes Yahweh use deceit in this cause. This questionable

from the battle fulfills Micaiah’s promise: the soldiers

divine behavior may have led to the variant reading in

return home in peace. They brought the dead Ahab to

the LXX, “and he turned them away” (see the textual

Samaria, where he was buried, but the dogs licked up his

notes), in an apparent effort to exonerate Yahweh of the

blood and the prostitutes washed themselves in it. The

charge of deceit (see also 1 Chr 21:1 where Satan rather

part with the dogs fulfills 1 Kgs 21:19, where Elijah told

than Yahweh is made the subject of this verb). This same

Ahab that dogs would lick up his blood, except that the

verb (mo) is used for Ahab’s persuasive efforts to get

promise indicated this would take place in Jezreel, not

Jehoshaphat to join his campaign against Ramoth-gilead

in Samaria. The part about the prostitutes is the Deuter-

(v. 2 above). Ahab the manipulator met his match’in Yah¬

onomistic Historian’s own bizarre addition. Verses 39-40

weh (Allen, 553). The Arameans did not just turn away

in 1 Kings 22 comprise a concluding formula for the

from Jehoshaphat of their own volition to go after Ahab'

reign of Ahab. The Chronicler omitted vv. 35b-40, but,

(1 Kgs 22:33). Rather, they were drawn away by a higher

contra Auld, these verses were not added to Kings second¬

power (2 Chr 18:31-32).

arily. Note that the Chronicler’s final word “at sunset”

■ 33 Someone50 drew a bow at random and struck the king

(Etottfn 81H PI^) seems to be based on a similar expres¬

of Israel between the scale armor and the breastplate and he

sion in 1 Kgs 22:36 E?QE)n N3D, a verse that the Chronicler

said to the chariot driver, “Turn around and take me out of the

otherwise omitted.

camp for I am wounded”: Though seemingly an accident, the fatal wounding of Ahab seems to be Micaiah’s word

19:1-3 Jehu the Son of Hanani's Oracle against Jehoshaphat

from Yahweh coming to fulfillment.51 “Scale armor”

■ 19:1 Jehoshaphat the king of Judah returned to his house,

(□,pmn; HALOT, 209) occurs only here in the Old

to Jerusalem, in peace: The first three verses of chap. 19

Testament. The LXX translates

are the Chronicler’s alternate ending to the story taken

(“breastplate”)

with the Greek word for breastplate $copa£. While the

from 1 Kings 22. Jehoshaphat’s safe return home fulfills

specifics are not as clear as one might like, clearly some

a word of Micaiah: “Let each person return to his house

vulnerable spot in Ahab’s armor is intended. The Tar-

in peace” (2 Chr 18:16//1 Kgs 22:17). Jehoshaphat’s sur¬

gum says that he was struck between the heart and the

vival is not explained in Kings. And Ahab’s death fulfills

lobe of the liver! The king orders his driver to take him

another of Micaiah’s words: “If you52 actually return

out of the battle.

in peace, Yahweh has not spoken through me” (2 Chr

■ 34 The battle grew hot on that day, and the king of Israel

18:27). Since Ahab did not return in peace, Micaiah had

was propped up in the chariot facing the Arameans until eve¬

uttered a true prophecy.

ning, and he died at sunset: Chronicles brings the death of

■ 2 Jehu the son of Hanani the visionary came out to meet

Ahab to a quick finish. According to this version, the bat¬

him, and he said to the king Jehoshaphat, “Should you help the

tle was fierce, but no indication is given of the outcome

wicked, and love those who hate Yahweh ? On account of this,

of the battle overall. Ahab remained the nominal head of

anger from Yahiueh is upon you”': Jehu the son of Hanani

the Israelite army, propped up in his chariot, presumably

first appears in 1 Kgs 16:1-4, where he announces

to keep up the morale of the soldiers. But when the day

judgment against Baasha (908-885) of the northern

died, so did Ahab. One verse in Chronicles about Ahab’s

kingdom (cf. also 1 Kgs 16:7, 12). The Chronicler now

49 50

If this is the case, the Kings tradition may once have contained the second clause as well. The Targum identifies this man as Naaman! Cf. 2 Kings 5.

51

See Coggins, “On Kings and Disguises,” 58 (n. 45

52

above). This is directed explicitly to Ahab, but implicitly to Jehoshaphat.

267

has him confront Jehoshaphat of Judah (870-845) and

those who hate Yahweh. As William L. Moran pointed

identifies him as a visionary (nin).53Jehu is here a literary

out, “love” can refer to the relationship between treaty

creation54 meant to express the Chronicler’s own point of

partners.58 Jehoshaphat joining Ahab in a joint mar¬

view. As Rosemarie Micheel points out, tradition offered

riage alliance or military adventure could be described

no name of a prophet from Judah in this time frame, and

as “love.” Ahab’s wickedness and hatred of Yahweh stem

the Chronicler may have thought that Micaiah was still in

from his refusal to listen to the clear word of Yahweh

prison.55 That is, the Chronicler has put this speech into

that his military adventure against Ramoth-gilead would

the mouth of Jehu. Similarly, Azariah the son of Oded

only lead to disaster, especially for himself. Not only did

met Asa when his army returned to Jerusalem (2 Chr

he undertake that war, but he tried to thwart Yahweh’s

14:14 [15]—15:1). Jehu’s father Hanani, a seer, con¬

word by putting on a disguise. Jehoshaphat, who had

fronted king Asa of Judah (2 Chr 16:7-10). Other “proph¬

been helped in his moment of mortal danger by Yahweh

ets” who appear in the Chronicler’s account of the reign

(2 Chr 18:31),59 should not in turn have helped someone

of Jehoshaphat include Micaiah (2 Chronicles 18), the

who is wicked. Jehu’s attitude toward the north matches

Levite Jahaziel who has no prophetic title (2 Chr 20:14-

the Chronicler’s own judgment as expressed in Abijah’s

17), and Eliezer who prophesies (lQ3m; 2 Chr 20:37), but

sermon in 2 Chr 13:4-12. The Chronicler is opposed

who also has no title. The Chronicler may have changed

to those who trust in military might (2 Chr 16:7-9 [the

the prophet Jehu ben Hanani into a seer, since he nor¬

prophecy of the seer Hanani]; 2 Chr 32:7-8 [Hezekiah’s

mally has only one prophet for every king.56

comments about Sennacherib’s army]). Jehu’s indictment

Jehu reflects on Jehoshaphat’s adventure with Ahab, including his marriage alliance with him, labeling King Ahab wicked (I?cn*?n) and among those who hate Yahweh. Jehu gives a reason for judgment and an announce¬

of Jehoshaphat may also include criticism of his marriage alliance with Ahab (2 Chr 18:1). Wrath (rpsp) appears seven times in Chronicles.60 In 1 Chr 19:10 Jehoshaphat tells the judges how to instruct

ment of judgment. His accusatory question is echoed by

the people lest wrath come on them and their kindred.

later prophetic figures (2 Chr 24:20 [Zechariah the son

Jehoshaphat’s judicial reform is in part an effort to

ofjehoiada] and 2 Chr 25:15 [an anonymous prophet

avert the deleterious effects of Yahweh’s wrath. William¬

during the reign of Amaziah]). According to 2 Chr 18:7,

son (279) argues that the Chronicler’s substitution of

Ahab hated Micaiah, and now Jehu concludes that Ahab

2 Chronicles 20 for 2 Kings 3 is the author’s attempt to

hated the one who had sent Micaiah. The Psalmist urges,

show how divine wrath, mentioned in 2 Kgs 3:27, can be

“You who love Yahweh, hate evil” (97:10), and another

avoided.61

Psalm asks rhetorically, “Do I not hate those who hate

■ 3 “But good things were found in you for you banished the

you, Yahweh . . . ? I hate them with perfect hatred” (Ps

asheroth from the land and you set your heart to seek God”:

139:21-22)?57Jehu also charges that Jehoshaphat loves

The Chronicler, speaking through Jehu, also mitigates

53

54

55 56 57

58

268

In 1 Kgs 16:7Jehu is called a prophet (N’3]) except for LXXB. Gad is called a visionary in Chronicles (1 Chr 29:29), while in 1 Sam 22:5 he is called a prophet. For the Chronicler, Nathan was the prophet during the reign of David. Beentjes (“Prophets,” 53) calls the majority of the prophets and inspired messengers in Chronicles “literary personages.” Micheel, Die Seher- und Propheteniiberlieferungen, 49. See ibid., 50. Yahweh appears as the object of hate also in Exod 20:5//Deut 5:9; Num 10:35; Deut 7:10; 32:41; Ps 68:2; 81:16; and 83:3. William L. Moran, ‘The Ancient Near Eastern Background of the Love of God in Deuteronomy,”

59

60 61

CBQ25 (1963) 77-87. See alsoj. A. Thompson, ’’Israel’s Haters,” VT29 (1979) 200-205; and H. Seebass, “Tradition und Interpretation bei Jehu ben Chanani und Ahia von Silo,” VT25 (1975) 175-90. See also divine help for various tribes and kings in 1 Chr 5:20 (Reubenites, Gadites, and half-tribe of Manasseh): 12:19 (20; David); 2 Chr 14:10 (11; Asa); 2 Chr 25:8 (Amaziah); 2 Chr 26:7, 15 (Uzziah); 2 Chr 32:8 (Hezekiah). 1 Chr 27:24; 2 Chr 19:2, 10; 24:18; 29:8; 32:25-26. See Williamson, 280, for his discussion of Eliezer’s prophecy in 2 Chr 20:37.

18:1-19:3

the punishment that will befall Jehoshaphat.62 He

supported the war, but Jehoshaphat asked if there was

mentions two of Jehoshaphat’s positive actions.63 First,

another Yahwistic prophet who could be consulted (v. 6).

Jehoshaphat had banished the asheroth from the land,

Ahab mentioned Micaiah and his prior difficult experi¬

as reported in 2 Chr 17:6.64 Second, Jehoshaphat had set

ences with him, but Jehoshaphat urged him not to pre¬

his heart to seek God, a characteristic formulation of

judge the situation (v. 7).

positive behavior by the Chronicler.65 According to 2 Chr

While Micaiah was being sought, a prophet Zedekiah

17:3-4 Jehoshaphat did not seek the Baals but sought

performed a symbolic action supporting the war effort,

the God of his father and walked in his commandments.

and his message was supported by the other prophets

Jehoshaphat had also insisted to Ahab that he seek pro¬

(vv. 9-11). A messenger urged Micaiah to conform his

phetic authorization for his war (2 Chr 18:4, 6; cf. v.7).

message to that of the other prophets, but Micaiah vowed

Additional good deeds byjehoshaphat come in his judi¬

to speak only what Yahweh revealed to him (w. 12-13).

cial reform (2 Chr 19:4-11) and in his acting (without an

At first Micaiah (insincerely) supported Ahab’s plan, but

alliance with Israel and in perfect dependence on God)

when rebuked by Ahab, he revealed what he had seen

against national enemies in 2 Chronicles 20.66 Some

in the divine council, namely, that all Israel would be

good in Judah at the time of Rehoboam also diminished

routed and lack a leader (vv. 14-16). Micaiah went on to

that king’s guilt (2 Chr 12:12; cf. 24:16, Joash; 31:20,

identify the basis of the message of the four hundred

Hezekiah). Some failures do not call the value of a whole

prophets: a false spirit had come from Yahweh and

king’s reign into question (cf. 2 Chr 16:14, reporting the

deceived them. Zedekiah derisively asked Micaiah how

high honors at the funeral of Asa).

God’s spirit had passed from Zedekiah to Micaiah, and Micaiah rebuked him with a somewhat ambiguous sen¬ tence (vv. 18-24).

Conclusion

Ahab ordered Micaiah arrested until he would come After the wealth, honor, riches, and piety of Jehoshaphat

back from the military campaign in peace, but Micaiah

in 2 Chronicles 17, this chapter describes his unneces¬

answered that if Ahab would return in peace, Yahweh

sary and inappropriate marriage alliance with Ahab (cf.

had not spoken through him (vv. 25-27). Ahab died on

2 Chr 21:6, Jehoram’s marriage to the daughter of Ahab;

the battlefield and Micaiah was vindicated. Ahab had

22:2, Ahaziah was the son of Athaliah). The Chronicler

tried to avoid the consequences of the prophetic oracle

has an ambivalent attitude toward Jehoshaphat. At a lav¬

by disguising himself, but the ruse was discovered and

ish banquet, Ahab incited Jehoshaphat to join him in a

the archers, perhaps with divine guidance, wounded

military campaign against Ramoth-gilead and perhaps

Ahab mortally (vv. 28-34). In an additional paragraph added to the Vorlage (19:1-

thereby to apostasy. Jehoshaphat readily agreed to the suggestion (v. 3) but

3), we learn that Jehoshaphat did return to Jerusalem

then insisted that Yahweh’s authorization be sought for

in peace. A visionary, Jehu the son of Hanani, severely

the war (v. 4). The four hundred false prophets strongly

criticized Jehoshaphat for helping the wicked and loving

62

For this characteristic feature of Chronicles, see

63

Japhet, Ideology, 176-91. McKenzie (“King Jehoshaphat”) frequently speaks

64

Jehoshaphat. There the noun is in the masculine plural rather

of the ambivalence of the Chronicler toward

65

66

21:12). In 2 Chr 22:9, Jehoshaphat sought Yahweh with his whole heart; 2 Chr 20:32//l Kgs 22:43, “He walked in the way of his father Asa, and he did not turn from it, by doing that which was right in the eyes ofYahweh.” Jehoshaphat’s approval is qualified in 2 Chr 20:33/1 Kgs 22:44 (43).

than the feminine plural. The expression “set the heart” is also frequently found in Chronicles: 1 Chr 29:18; 2 Chr 12:14; 20:33; and 30:19. Approval for Jehoshaphat is reported in Elijah’s letter tojoram: “You [Joram] did not walk in the (righteous) ways of Jehoshaphat and Asa” (2 Chr

269

those who hate Yahweh, clearly referring to his alliance

verbatim from 1 Kings 22, the reworked introduction in

with Ahab and the northern kingdom and their joint

2 Chr 18:1-2 and the supplementary paragraph in 2 Chr

military campaign. Jehoshaphat stood under judgment

19:1-3 identifyjehoshaphat’s failings and the resultant

for these offenses. But the penalty was mitigated because

punishment. This punishment is mitigated, however,

Jehoshaphat had banished the asheroth and had set his

and the next units in 2 Chr 19:4-11 and 2 Chr 20:1-30

heart to seek God. While most of this pericope is taken

describe additional faithful acts of Jehoshaphat.

270

19:4-11 Jehoshaphat's Judicial Reform

19

8/

Translation_ Jehoshaphat resided in Jerusalem, but he again went out1 among the people from Beersheba to the hill country of Ephraim and brought them back to Yahweh the God of their ancestors. 5/ He appointed judges in the land, in all the fortified cities of Judah, city by city. 6/ He said to the judges, "Look how you act, for you do not judge for humanity but for Yahweh. He will be with you2 in every matter3 of judg¬ ment. 7/ Now, let the fear of Yahweh be on you. Be careful and act for there is no injustice, respecting of persons, or taking a bribe with Yahweh our God." Also in Jerusalem Jehoshaphat appointed some of the Levites and the priests4 and heads of ancestral houses of Israel for the justice of Yahweh5 and for legal cases of the inhabitants of Jerusalem.6 9/ He commanded them, "Thus you shall act in the fear of Yahweh, in fidelity, and with a perfect heart. 10/ As for every7 case which comes to you from your fellow citizens who live in their cities, between one kind of homicide and another,8 between instruction or commandment, or stat¬ utes or ordinances, you shall warn them so that they not become guilty against Yahweh, lest wrath come against you and your fellow citizens. Thus you shall act and you shall not incur guilt. 11/ Amariah the chief priest will be over you in every matter concerning Yahweh, and Zebadiah9 the son of Ishmael, the leader of the house of Judah, will be over you in every matter of the king. The Levites who are present with you shall be your officials. Be strong and act, and may Yahweh be with the good."10

i 9

NiTI D2T1. These verbs link back to the earlier teach¬ ing mission in 2 Chr 17:7-9. MT DDQU1. The Chronicler’s language here is elliptical and does not justify Rudolph’s emenda¬ tion to D30U Kim (p. 256), citing VL and alleging a haplography of Kill after mm7. Driver (Introduc¬ tion, 537) and Kropat (Syntax, 63-64) note that the Chronicler often omits subjects, or even verbs, from his sentences.

3

“Q“Q; LXX A070L “(and with you are) words (of discernment

4

=

Trjq Kpioeug).”

□’rom nr^n ]0; LXX tup

Aevenup

Lepeup

Kai tup

“some of the priests and the Levites.”

LXX follows the normal order of these two ranks of clergy. Willi (Die Chronik als Auslegung) considers the Levites a secondary addition. See the commen¬ tary. 5

mm CDSCliQ1?. Dillard, 147: “to administer the law of Yahweh.”

5

□bEiTT mt-T mm^l; cf. Curtis and Madsen, 404; Rudolph, 256; and NEB. LXX Kai Kpipecp tovi; KaTOLKOVPTag ep 'IepovoaXrip. “and tojudge the inhabitants of Jerusalem.” Cf. VL Vg. Japhet (770) reconstructs the text similarly to my proposal except that the first word is kept in the singular. MT D’PttfIT IDEl’l mi1?' “and for legal cases [taking the noun collectively], and they returned to Jerusalem.” As Whitelam (Just King, 199) points out, there is no evidence that this court was ever peripatetic. Note the important suggestion of Dillard (146) who repoints the verb to Otf’l “and they lived [in Jerusalem]” and has it begin a new sentence. This solution is favored also by Wilson, “Israel’s Judicial System,” 244-45 n. 20. J. Heller (“Textkritisches zu 2 Chr 19:8,” VT24 [1974] 371-73) reviews various solutions to this textual problem and then proposes a reconstruction in two layers. The oldest layer read 13D’1 in the hiphil, “And they caused Jerusalem to repent,” which was later changed to the qal that we find in MT. See the commentary.

7

7D1; casus pendens. GKC 143d. LXX itag apr\p “any man.” This Greek is corrupted from the word

irdaap. The letters r/p arose via dittography before Kp'iOLP (iTP//KR). Cf. Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:40.

8

Olb D7 I’D. Throntveit, When Kings Speak, 48: “concerning murder or manslaughter.” See Exod 21:12-14; Deut 17:8-9 for distinctions drawn between various kinds of violent deaths,

9

inmnn; a few Hebrew mss Syr and Arab read lil’IDH

10

man OIL BHS (cf. Rudolph, 256) suggested insert¬

“Zechariah.” ing ’’toil “doers of” after DU “with those who do that which is good,” but this conjectural addition may not take adequate account of the Chronicler’s ellip¬ tical style.

271

Structure

distinction between priests and Levites, the role of the high priest as the highest legal authority, and the distinc¬

This short pericope, which has no Vorlage in Kings, has a

tion between matters of Yahweh and matters of the king

simple outline:

in the monarchical period; the alleged influence of Deut

I.

19:4 Introduction

16:18-20 and 17:8-13 on this passage; and the pervasive

II

19:5-7 Judges in the fortified cities

Chronistic language and style. Japhet argues that the

A. 19:5 Appointment of these judges

Chronicler’s use of his characteristic language and style

III.

B. 19:6-7 Jehoshaphat’s admonition to these judges

does not mean that the content was imaginative. She

19:8-11 The judiciary in Jerusalem'

wants to distinguish between Jehoshaphat’s speeches,

A. 19:8 Appointment of this judiciary

which are the Chronicler’s creation (vv. 6-7 and 9-11)

B. 19:9-11 Jehoshaphat’s admonition to the mem¬

and the narrative facts (primarily in vv. 5 and 8). Judicial

bers of this judiciary

reform may have been necessitated by the division of

There has been a lengthy and ongoing discussion of

the united kingdom, and the increased stability in the

the historicity of the incident described in this text.

relationship between Judah and Israel at the time of

Julius Wellhausen thought that it only represented

Jehoshaphat would have permitted Jehoshaphat to make

conditions of the Chronicler’s day and was a midrash

such changes. Earlier texts made a distinction between

on the root EDSCiJ, which is part of Jehoshaphat’s name

the treasures of the house ofYahweh and the treasures of

(Yahweh is judge).1 William F. Albright found a parallel

the king’s house (e.g., 1 Kgs 14:26; 15:18), analogous to

to this reform in Haremhab, a fourteenth-century b.c.e.

the distinction made in v. 11 between matters ofYahweh

Pharaoh in Egypt.2 Albright noted that Haremhab made

and matters of the king. The idiosyncratic features of this

a similar distinction between the affairs of God and the

reform mark it as distinct from the law in Deuteronomy

affairs of the king (v. 11), and he called attention to the

16-174 and the system of the Sanhedrin during the Sec¬

seemingly archaic office held by Zebadiah.3

ond Temple period. Japhet, therefore, believes that the

Japhet (771-72) calls attention to three common objections to the pericope’s historicity: the anachronistic

1 2

Chronicler had some sort of source for this event, though he amplified it with an introduction and the speeches of

Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 191. Albright, “Judicial Reform of Jehoshaphat,” 61-82. Myers (2:108) states that there can hardly be any doubt about this account’s historicity. Wilson (“Judi¬ cial Authority,” 61) assumes that it was the judicial

Jehoshaphat was the culmination of a significant process of development throughout the period of

reform of Jehoshaphat in the ninth century that put the legal system in Judah firmly under royal control. In “Israel’sjudicial System,” he concludes that there

cler. In any case, Whitelam totally discounts the

the monarchy. Where he errs is dating this judicial reform to the time of Jehoshaphat himself instead of attributing its origin to the hand of the Chroni¬ relevance of the Haremhab evidence. Rofe (Deuter¬ onomy, 112-13) is also critical of Albright’s proposal. He notes that the Egyptian Pharaoh appointed

is no compelling reason to question the general accuracy of the account in 2 Chr 19:4-11 (p. 245).

priests to the courts in all the cities of his kingdom,

Whitelam (Just King, 188) argued that the Deuteronomist knew of Jehoshaphat’s reform and included the legal basis for this reform in his own work (Deut 3

16:18-20; 17:8-13). Haremhab lived five centuries before Jehoshaphat, and the Chronicler wrote five centuries after Jehoshaphat. For further critique of Albright's proposal see Whitelam, Just King, 203-5. Whitelam argues that the decree of Haremhab was a conscious attempt to reverse the policies of the previous reign of Akhenaten. Haremhab used priests in the local courts, contrary to the account in Chronicles. Whitelam concludes that the judicial reform of

272

while 2 Chronicles 19 and Deuteronomy 16-17 know of priests only in the capital city. 4

In Deut 16:18 judges and officers are stipulated for “all your towns,” whereas Jehoshaphat has them only in the fortified cities. According to Deut 17:8-9, the Levitical priests and the judge who is in office serve as a court of appeals, whereas this court of Jehoshaphat consists of Levites, priests, and heads of ancestral houses.

19:4-11

Jehoshaphat and integrated it into the Chronicler’s view

He also notes that this pericope differs from the ear¬

of Jehoshaphat’s reign. Many scholars believe that the

lier traditions in Exodus and Deuteronomy in occa¬

provisions of Jehoshaphat’s judicial reform were modi¬

sion,7 structure,8 officials,9 function,10 and paraeneses.11

fied in the legislation of Deuteronomy. Keith Whitelam

While previous scholars, in arguing for the historicity of

believes that the Deuteronomistic Historian knew about

Jehoshaphat’s judicial reforms, have seen Exodus 18 and

Jehoshaphat’s reforms but predated them to Sinai/Horeb

Deuteronomy 1 and 16-17 as echoes or developments

(Deut 16:18-20; 17:8-13) to lend them more authority. As

from that ninth-century event, Knoppers argues that the

a result, this historian made no mention of this reform in

Chronicler is dependent on these pentateuchal passages

1 Kgs 22:41-50. Rolf Knierim proposed thatExod 18:13-

and uses them selectively and creatively to make his own

27 echoed Jehoshaphat’s reform and was an etiological

proposal about how judges could establish justice in the

legend intended to legitimize Jehoshaphat’s innovations.5

community. The Chronicler’s judicial proposals do not

In a very persuasive article, Gary Knoppers thor¬

mirror historical actions from the ninth century or the

oughly undercut the historical character of the account

way things were done under postexilic, Achaemenid rule.

of Jehoshaphat’s judicial reform.6 He calls attention to

Rather, they represent the Chronicler’s own ideology. I

fourteen characteristic Chronistic expressions in the

demur from Knoppers’s conclusions only in doubting

Chronicler’s version of this reform (see the following

that the Chronicler sees an ongoing role for a king like

commentary and the first textual note to v. 6 for evi¬

Jehoshaphat in the postexilic community.12

dence for this conclusion) and demonstrates that the

Evidence for the historicity of this pericope, there¬

Chronistic language is much more pervasive, in both

fore, is very weak, and the long debate over historicity

narrative and speeches, than is commonly recognized.

has obscured the way in which this pericope portrays

5

Knierim, “Exodus 18 und die Neuordnung der

Chronicler’s information. Rudolph (256) thought

mosaischen Gerichtsbarkeit,” ZAW73 (1961)

that “the leader of the house of Judah” was a title

155-67.

inherited from the tribal league, but this title

6

Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary.”

appears in no other biblical book. See Knoppers,

7

Moses initiates a reform because the administration of justice has become too time-consuming for one

8

“Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 75-76. 10

person (Exod 18:13-18); no such issues of workload

separately in other passages. 2 Chronicles 19:10

play a role with Jehoshaphat. Moses is a one-person

combines elements from Deut 17:8 (between one

court of appeals for important or difficult matters

kind of homicide and another) and Exod 18:20 (a

(Exod 18:23, 26). Jehoshaphat himself plays no

paraenetic function of the high court; “you shall

direct role in the judicial procedures.

warn them so that they not become guilty against

In Exodus 13 and Deuteronomy 16 the people

Yahweh” [2 Chr 19:10]). Knoppers (“Jehoshaphat’s

nominate or appoint judges; in 2 Chr 19:5, 8, King

Judiciary,” 76) points out that int with a double

Jehoshaphat makes the appointments. The high

accusative appears only in Exod 18:20 and 2 Chr 19:10.

court is staffed in Deut 17:9 by Levitical priests (D’lbn

D’jrDn)

and the judge (BStD'n). According

11

According to Knoppers (“Jehoshaphat’sJudiciary,”

to 2 Chr 19:8, the personnel consists of Levites,

78), the doctrine of retribution plays a greater role

priests, and heads of ancestral houses. See also the

in Chronicles than in the earlier passages.

ancillary role of Levites (v. 11) and the roles of the

9

The Jerusalem judiciary combines elements found

12

Bernard M. Levinson (Hermeneutics of Legal Innova¬

chief priest and the leader of the house of Judah,

tion, 126 n. 73), however, sees the monarch’s right

also in v. 11.

to judicial appointment being restored to the king

The titles of Jehoshaphat’s officials appear

in Chronicles, under the influence of Achaemenid

elsewhere in Chronicles and already exercise a

models of royal authority. He believes that right was

number of functions in the monarchy. Previously,

denied the king in the Deuteronomic reform. Rofe

scholars had appealed to the appearance of these

(.Deuteronomy, 113) classifies 2 Chronicles 19 as a

titles in earlier books to prove the reliability of the

halakhic story, seeking to describe how earlier gen¬

Chronicler’s account. Since the heads of ancestral

erations already scrupulously observed the laws of

houses appear only in Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah,

the Pentateuch. He sees similar stories in Josh 11:16-

and P, they provide evidence for the lateness of the

23, the conclusion of the conquest of the land and

273

Jehoshaphat as responding in an appropriate way to the

Yahweh the God of their ancestors (2 Chr 15:8-15),

military defeat in 2 Chronicles 18 and the rebuke of the

Jehoshaphat also carried out a reform that continued

prophet Jehu the son of Hanani in 2 Chr 19:1-3. This

or renewed the reform efforts he had made in 2 Chr

context led the Chronicler to have Jehoshaphat respond

17:7-9. It is not explicitly stated what is meant by bringing

with a judicial reform.

people back to Yahweh the God of their fathers. Possibili¬

Verses 6-11 are a speech by Jehoshaphat, classified as

ties range from restoring the worship of Yahweh instead

an oration by Throntveit.13 Verses 6-7 are addressed to

of the worship of other deities, such as Baal and Asherah,

the judges in the fortified cities, and vv. 9-11 to the judi¬

to restoring a purified form ofYahwism. In 2 Chr 19:3

cial officials in Jerusalem.

Jehoshaphat had already been credited with ridding the land of the asheroth. The title “Yahweh the God of their

Detailed Commentary

ancestors” appears twenty-seven times in Chronicles, three times in Ezra, and only sixteen times elsewhere in

19:4 Introduction

the Old Testament.15

■ 4 Jehoshaphat resided in Jerusalem, but he again went out among the people from Beersheba to the hill country of Ephraim

19:5-7 Judges in the Fortified Cities 19:5 Appointment of These Judges

and brought them back to Yahweh the God of their ancestors: By taking up residence again in Jerusalem14 Jehoshaphat

■ 5 He appointed judges in the land, in all the fortified cities

forgoes additional visits to north Israel after the unfaith¬

of Judah, city by city: The hiphil of "fftU here and in v. 8,

ful actions and disastrous results in the previous chapter.

and generally in Chronicles, means “appoint” whereas

The Chronicler typically cites geographical references

in earlier sources it means “station.”16 Unlike in Deut

from south to north—from Beersheba to the hill country

1:13 and 16:17, the judges are appointed by the king and

of Ephraim (see 1 Chr 21:2 [against the Vorlage in 2 Sam

not by the people. In Exod 18:25, Moses himself chose

24:2] and 2 Chr 30:5; cf. 1 Chr 13:5). The expansion of

the people who were to judge. Jehoshaphat located the

Judah to include the hill country of Ephraim (Josh 17:15;

judges in all the fortified cities of Judah where he had

Judg 7:24; 17:8; 18:2, 13; 19:1, 18) reflects the tradition

stationed military forces (2 Chr 17:2).17 This conformity

that Asa had expanded the territory of Judah (see 2 Chr

with the immediate context in Chronicles is not evidence

17:2). Beersheba (MR 134072) is the traditional southern

that this action is older than Deut 16:18, where the

border of Judah, roughly forty-three and one-half miles

judges are placed in all of the towns.18 The Chronicler

southwest of Jerusalem (MR 172131). Like his father Asa, who had put away idols, repaired the altar, and led the people to make a covenant with the setting aside of the cities of refuge (Joshua 20)

11:15, 22; 20:21; 24:13; 25:5, 14; 30:5; 31:2; 33:8;

and the Levitical cities (Josh 21:1-40). In Chronicles

35:2. This usage is found also in Ezra, Nehemiah,

he points to the setting aside of the Levitical cities

and Daniel. See Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’s Judi¬

(1 Chr 6:39-66 [54-81]), the Levites’ transporting of the ark (1 Chronicles 16), and David’s burning

274

2 Chr 32:l//2 Kgs 18:13//Isa 36:1; and 2 Chr 33:14.

point, see Klein, 1 Chronicles, 342.

Knoppers (“Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 69) notes that

Throntveit, When Kings Speak, 49.

14

Knoppers (“Jehoshaphat,” 514 n. 39) calls attention

16

The expression “fortified cities” occurs also in

of the Philistine gods (1 Chr 14:12). On the latter

13

15

ciary,” 69 and n. 37. 17

elsewhere this expression occurs only in Zeph 1:16. 18

Whitelam {Just King, 192) notes, on the basis of

to similar uses of the verb 3ET in Exod 2:15 (Moses

Deut 1:13, that the royal judges were appointed

in Midian); Judg 9:21 (Jotham after he had fled

in all the local communities throughout Judah,

from his brother Abimelech); 1 Sam 19:2; 23:14;

and notjust in the fortified cities. He believes that

27:3 (David in his conflicts with Saul); 1 Kgs 12:2

this represents a subsequent generalization of the

(Jeroboam I in Egypt, following the vocalization of

reform ofjehoshaphat. G. C. Machholz (“Justizor-

MT).

ganisation,” 333-39) thought this was a subsequent

Japhet, Ideology, 14-19.

adaptation of the original judicial administration.

1 Chr 6:16; 15:16; 16:17; 17:14; 22:2; 2 Chr 8:14; 9:8;

Wilson (“Israel’s Judicial System,” 246) proposes

19:4-11

typically repeats a noun, such as city (Tin TU*P), to show

in Moses’ admonition of the judges about their own

distribution.19

behavior. Dillard (149) suggests that the frequent biblical

19:6-7 Jehoshaphat's Admonition

polemic against bribery24 attests to the extent and per¬

of These Judges

sistence of the practice. One might add, in antiquity and

■ 6 “Look how you act, for you do not judge for humanity but

also today. As Wilson concludes, “It is not clear whether

for Yahweh. He will be with you in every matter of judgment”:

these justices were supposed to hear all local cases or

Jehoshaphat’s advice here is similar to that of Moses in

whether they heard only cases referred from the village

Deut 1:17: “You must not show partiality in judging; hear

courts. However, because the text does not mention

out the low and the high alike. You shall not be intimi¬

other loyal tribunals, it is probable that the royal judges

dated by anyone, for the judgment is God’s. Any case that

were the court of first instance.”25

is too hard for you, bring to me, and I will hear it.” Note especially

tDDOQil "D (“for the judgment is God’s”)

19:8-11 The Judiciary in Jerusalem 19:8 Appointment of This Judiciary

in that verse. ■ 7 “Now, let the fear of Yahweh be on you. Be careful and act

■ 8 Also in Jerusalem Jehoshaphat appointed some of the

for there is no injustice, respecting of persons, or taking a bribe

Levites and the priests and heads of ancestral houses of Israel

with Yahweh our God”: The judges’ righteous behavior is

for the justice of Yahweh and for legal cases of the inhabitants

motivated by the fear (“HID) of Yahweh, a common locu¬

of Jerusalem:Jehoshaphat also set up a court of reference

tion in Chronicles.20 Human justice is grounded in divine

in Jerusalem, where the local judges could appeal for

justice. The only other use of “injustice” or “perversion of

guidance in difficult cases. This resembles the advice

justice” (rfTlD) in Chronicles comes in 1 Chr 17:9, where

ofjethro to Moses in Exod 18:2226 (cf. Deut 1:1727) and

it refers to “wicked people,” that is, the various enemies

the arrangement Moses suggests in Deut 16:8-9, where

who oppressed Israel during the period of the judges,21

difficult judicial decisions were referred to the Leviti-

who will not wear them out anymore. Zephaniah also

cal priests and the judge at the central sanctuary. The

asserts that Yahweh does no injustice (3:5,

judicial role of the clergy may have originated from their

HCIP N1?).

The closest parallel to Yahweh showing no respecting

use of lots for divination (1 Sam 14:36-45; 2 Sam 21:1).

of persons or taking of a bribe appears in Deut 10:17,22

Jehoshaphat appoints two types of clergy to this court

but highly similar vocabulary appears in Deut 16:1923

(Levites and priests),28 as well as laity from the ancestral

Jabin of Canaan, the Midianites, and the Philistines

that the laws dealing with the judiciary in Deuter¬

and Ammonites.

onomy (Deut 16:18-20; 17:8-13) are best understood as attempts to reform the sort of hierarchical legal

22

system attributed to Jehoshaphat. This line of rea¬

and Lord of lords, the great God, mighty and awe¬

soning is moot if Deuteronomy 1 is older than 2 Chr

inspiring, who shows no partiality and does not take a bribe.”

19:5 and/or if the judicial reform ofjehoshaphat is not historical. 19

23

1 Chr 26:13; 28:14 (twice); 2 Chr 8:14; 11:12; 28:25;

not show partiality; and you must not take a bribe, for a bribe blinds the eyes of the wise and undercuts the words of the innocent.”

appears outside of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and 24

Exod 23:6-8; Deut 1:17; 16:18-20; 1 Sam 8:3; Ps

2 Chr 14:13; 17:10; and 20:29 (fear of God). Cf.

15:5; Prov 17:23; Isa 1:21-23; 5:22-23; Mic 3:11; 7:3;

1 Chr 14:17, “his fear,” referring either to the fear of

Zech 7:9-10.

Yahweh or the fear of David. See Klein, 1 Chronicles,

25

Wilson, “Israel’s Judicial System,” 244.

343. Knoppers (“Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 69 n.

26

Exod 18:22: “Let them bring every important case

Chronicles only in 1 Sam 11:7 (he has 11:17) and

27

See the citation in the commentary on v. 6.

Job 13:11.

28

Wellhausen (Prolegomena, 191) concluded that

to you, but decide every minor case themselves.”

41) notes that this expression is found outside of

21

Deut 16:19: “You must not pervertjustice; you must

31:19; 32:28; 34:13; 35:15. This feature rarely

Esther. See Polzin, Late Biblical Hebrew, 47-54. 20

Deut 10:17: “For Yahweh your God is God of gods

See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 379, where I identified these

the references to the priests and the Levites were

enemies as Aram-naharaim, the king of Moab, King

anachronistic reflections of the Chronicler’s own

275

houses of Israel. Knoppers points out that these “clan

other times in Chronicles (1 Chr 9:26, 31; 2 Chr 31:12,

chiefs” (‘Wlfo1'? JTQKn ’twnoi; heads of ancestral houses)

15; 34:12) and a total of five other times in the rest of

occur only in Chronicles,29 Ezra (seven times), Nehe-

the Bible. A “perfect heart” appears seven other times in

miah (seven times), and P (seven times).30 Williamson

Chronicles (1 Chr 28:9; 20:9, 19; 2 Chr 15:17; 16:9; 19:9;

(290) had argued that such clan chiefs supported the

25:2) and is an expression that the Chronicler presum¬

historicity of the account, and he noted that the nam¬

ably adopted from the Deuteronomic/Deuteronomistic

ing of Levites before priests is not typical of Chronicles

movement (e.g., 1 Kgs 8:61; 11:4; 15:3, 14; 2 Kgs 20:3).33

and suggested that the Chronicler was drawing from

■ 10 “As for every case which comes to you from your fellow

a source.31 But was the Chronicler so rigid to list Lev¬

citizens who live in their cities, between one kind of homicide

ites before priests all the time? The LXX reverses the

and another, between instruction or commandment, or statutes

order of these clergy here, making this judgment about

or ordinances, you shall warn them so that they not become

the order Levites and priests precarious (see the tex¬

guilty against Yahweh, lest wrath come against you and your fel¬

tual notes). The last phrase “and for legal cases of the

low citizens. ” Thus you shall act and you shall not incur guilt:

inhabitants of Jerusalem” implies that this court of refer¬

This verse makes clear that the judiciary in Jerusalem is

ence also served as a regular tribunal for Jerusalemites,

to offer legal advice to the various provincial courts in

analogous to the role of the judges in the fortified cities,

difficult cases rather than serve as a court of appeals for

as in vv. 5-7 above. As demonstrated in the textual notes,

individuals.34 In both function and vocabulary, this verse

however, this reconstruction is not certain. The reading

resembles the similar provisions in Deut 17:8-9, where

in the MT seems clearly wrong (“Who are these people

difficult decisions are referred to the central sanctuary

who returned to Jerusalem?”), but the reading favored

and to the Levitical priests and judges who serve there.

by some, “and they lived in Jerusalem,” would mean

Deuteronomy emphasizes that this court must be obeyed.

that these Levites and priests were actually residents of

The Levitical priests presumably would render their deci¬

Jerusalem, whereas normally these clergy lived elsewhere

sion based on inquiry ofYahweh. Hence, to ignore their

and only came to Jerusalem when they were on duty. If

rulings would be a direct affront to Yahweh. The homi¬

the latter reading is chosen, the two duties of the Jeru¬

cide decisions might deal with the distinction between

salem judges would be for the general administration

murder and manslaughter or other acts of violence.

of the judgment ofYahweh and for adjudication of legal

The other words in their assignment refer to various

disputes.

legal provisions: min (instruction), mUQ (command¬ 19:9-11 Jehoshaphat's Admonition

ment), D’pn (statutes), and n'tDSdft (ordinances) that

to the Members of This Judiciary

might reveal unclear issues or contradictions. Jethro had

■ 9 He commanded them, “Thus you shall act in the fear of

suggested to Moses that difficult decisions be referred

Yahweh, in fidelity, and with a perfect heart Je hosh ap h a t

to Moses (Exod 18:22, 26). While Jehoshaphat revised

urges the judges to act32 with threefold characteristics

the judicial system, according to the Chronicler, the

and this command is similar to the admonition in v. 7.

king himself plays no direct role in its operations. This

The word “fear” (HKT) is different from the word for

differs from a number of earlier traditions. In 1 Sam 8:5

fear used in v. 7 (TIS). “In fidelity” (HjIQBQ) appears five

the people ask Samuel for a king to judge them like the

time. According to the Chronicler, David had

30

Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’sjudiciary,” 69.

already appointed officials and judges from the

31

So also Willi, Die Chronik als Auslegung, 198.

Levites (1 Chr 23:4; 26:29). As McKenzie (293)

32

This mandate is echoed at the end of v. 11: “Be

33

See Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic

34

Whitelam,/wit King, 200.

remarks, Jehoshaphat might be seen as renewing or reinvigorating the system put in place by David

strong and act.”

School, 335 (#10).

(1 Chr 26:29-32) or even by Moses (Deut 16:18-20; 17:8-13). 29

1 Chr 7:11; 8:6, 10, 13, 28; 9:9, 33, 34; 15:12; 23:9, 24; 24:6, 31; 26:21, 26, 32; 27:1; 2 Chr 1:2; 23:2; 26:12.

276

19:4-11

nations. David is said to have administered justice and

of the king. The Levites who are present with you shall be your

equity for all his people (2 Sam 8:15). Solomon decided

officials. Be strong and act, and may Yahweh be with the good”:

the legal dispute between the two prostitutes (1 Kgs

The expression “chief priest” diKlil ]PD occurs elsewhere

3:16-28; cf. Ps 72:12-14). As stated above, I doubt that the

only in 2 Chr 24:6 (only OtOn, replacing jPOn in 2 Kgs

Chronicler foresaw a time when a king would set up a

12:8 [7]); 2 Chr 24:11 (where it replaces ‘7171117 ]ron in

judiciary like that of Jehoshaphat. The Jerusalem court played an educational role by

2 Kgs 12:11 [10]); 2 Chr 26:20 (no Vorlage)-,36 and 2 Kg 25:18//Jer 52:24.37 Deborah W. Rooke suggests a transla¬

its warnings. Similarly, Jethro instructed Moses to teach

tion “the head’s priest,” that is, the king’s priest.38 The

the people the statutes (□,pn) and instructions (mm)

judiciary in Jerusalem dealt with both religious and

and make known to them the way they are to go and the

secular issues.39 Whitelam concludes that this distinction

things they are to do (Exod 18:20; cf. Deut 1:18; 17:10-11).

of legal cases and the division of authority did not come

According to the Chronicler’s doctrine of retribution, dis¬

from the time of Jehoshaphat but appears to reflect the

obedience to this court would lead to guilt, as would the

time of Zerubbabel and Joshua.40 A. Phillips dates this to

court’s failure to carry out the instructions of Jehoshaphat.

the Persian period.41 It is not clear whether there were to

If the court failed to warn or the people failed to heed

be separate judiciaries for each concern, or whether the

their warnings, wrath (p^p) would come against the

same judiciary was presided over by a different official

judiciary or the people.35 In 2 Chr 19:2, wrath had come

for each kind of case. This Amariah is not mentioned

against Jehoshaphat for aiding the wicked and loving

elsewhere, although I suggested in my commentary on

those who hate Yahweh. Wrath had come on Israel in its

1 Chr 5:27-41 (6:1-15) that he, Jehoiada (2 Chronicles

war against Moab in 2 Kgs 3:27, and Williamson (279)

24), and Azariah (2 Chr 26:17, 20) may have been lost by

has proposed that one reason for the Chronicler's writing

homoioteleuton from the original high priestly geneal¬

2 Chronicles 20 in place of the account in 2 Kings 3 is that

ogy.42 The name Amariah is mentioned fourteen times

Israel’s victory under the leadership of Jehoshaphat was a

in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, but only in Zeph 1:1

way of avoiding the consequences of this wrath.

outside these books. Zebadiah the son oflshmael is also

■ 11

otherwise unknown. The name Zebadiah appears seven

“Amaria h the chief priest will be over you in every mat¬

ter concerning Yahweh, and Zebadiah the son oflshmael, the

times in Chronicles, and twice in Ezra—and nowhere

leader of the house of Judah, will be over you in every matter

else.43 His title, “leader of the house ofjudah” (TUPl

35

See 1 Chr 27:24; 2 Chr 19:2; 24:18; 29:8; 32:25, 26.

Descriptive of the Priest and High Priest,” JBL 70

Knoppers (“Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 70) points out

36

37

(1951) 217-27.

that this is a favorite expression of the Chronicler

38

Rooke, “Kingship as Priesthood,” 195-96.

but is not unique to his writing. For the warning

39

For matter of Yahweh/God, matter of the king, see

function of the judges, cf. Ezek 3:16-21.

only 1 Chr 26:32: "|707 “DTI

For Elton ]i"Di7 in 2 Chr 31:10 (no Vorlage), see the

everything pertaining to God and to the king”).

137 7:>7 (“for

commentary at that verse. The form occurs also

An Aramaic version appears in Ezra 7:26: ’7 RTI7

in Ezra 7:5, where Japhet (“Common Authorship,”

fcO70 ’7 KP71 '[77^ (“the law of your God and the

343-44) suggests a translation “the first priest.”

law of the king”). McKenzie (294) observes that

The form E1K7 |737 appears in 1 Chr 27:5, which I

the division of cases might better be described as

emended to Ei^77 ]PDn. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 498.

cubic and noncultic, and even the latter would be described as religious by most people today.

See the more familiar term 71717 ]7D in Lev 21:10; Num 35:25, 28; Josh 20:6; 21:1; 22:13; 2 Kgs 12:11

40

Whitelam, Just King, 202.

(10; where it is replaced by C7N77 )i"D in 2 Chr

41

A. Phillips, Ancient Israel’s Criminal Law: A New Approach to the Decalogue (Oxford: Blackwell, 1970)

24:11); 22:4, 8 (the title is missing in 2 Chr 34:15);

23. Cf. Klein, “Jehoshaphat,” 651.

23:4 (verse not included in Chronicles); Zech 3:1,

8;

6:11; Hag 1:1, 12, 14; 2:2, 4; Nell 3:1, 20. The only

appearance of this title in Chronicles, 2 Chr 34:9,

42

Klein, 1 Chronicles, 181.

43

The shorter form, Zabad, appears five times in

is taken from the Vorlage in 2 Kgs 22:4. See Japhet,

Chronicles and three times in Ezra—and nowhere

“Common Authorship,” 343-44; andj. Baily, “The

else.

Usage in the Post-Restoration Period of Terms

277

Local judges were established in all the fortified cities

min1 ITU1?), has been taken by Rudolph (257) as a sign of the antiquity and/or historicity of this passage, but this

of the land, who were responsible finally to Yahweh for

title is never used in any other biblical book,44 and the

their decisions, and who were to be accompanied in their

distinction between matters of the king and matters of

work by Yahweh’s presence. Jehoshaphat admonished

Yahweh reflects a postexilic context.45 The Chronicler’s

these judges to act as Yahweh acts as judge—no injustice,

reason for picking a name like Zebadiah the son of Ish-

no respecting of persons, and no taking of bribes. Levites and priests and responsible laypeople would

mael is unknown to us. The Levitical officials (□,“OT)46 no doubt would take

serve as a court of reference for difficult cases in Jeru¬

care of administrative matters relating to the judiciary at

salem and possibly attend to the judicial concerns of

Jerusalem.47 Japhet (776) raises the possibility that this

the citizens of Jerusalem. (Or this court would reside in

may have been the sole function of the Levites, with the

Jerusalem). The clergy would apparently seek Yahweh’s

priests and the leaders of the ancestral houses perform¬

direction in these cases, while the court in general would

ing the judicial duties in the strict sense of the word,48

adjudicate between various kinds of laws that might apply

but it is possible that Levites served in two capacities.

in difficult cases, including different kinds of homicide.

The formula of encouragement “be strong and act”

Jehoshaphat admonishes this court also to act with integ¬

(IfoJJl Ip in)

rity and to issue warnings lest Yahweh’s wrath afflict the

occurs only in 1 Chr 28:10, 20; 2 Chr 25:8;

and Ezra 10:4 (cf. 1 Chr 22:13: /OKI

pin).

members of the court or any of the citizens. The Chroni¬ cler’s proposal recognizes an appropriate distinction between religious questions in the strict sense and those

Conclusion

legal questions appropriate to the king or to the state. In our understanding, this pericope serves two functions

The chief priest would preside in the former case and the

in Chronicles. First, the Chronicler has Jehoshaphat

leader of the house of Judah in the latter case. The Chronicler has the king in the preexilic period

making an appropriate response to the rebuke he had received from Jehu the son of Hanani in 2 Chr 19:1-3 by

establish these institutions, but notably the king plays no

carrying out a judicial reform. Second, the Chronicler

role in the functioning of these institutions, as of course

sets forth an ideal picture of the way judicial matters have

he would not in the postexilic period, when Israel had no

been handled by one of his favorite kings in the past and

formal head of state. One could speculate that the name

therefore how they might be handled in the future in

ofjehoshaphat (“Yahweh is a judge” or “Yahweh judges”)

the postexilic community. I do not believe this pericope

may have played a role in assigning the appointment of

reports an actual historical event that took place during

these two institutions to this particular king.

the reign of Jehoshaphat.

44

Knoppers, “Jehoshaphat’s Judiciary,” 75.

45

Blenkinsopp, Ezra-Nehemiah, 151, referring to Ezra

etc., and officials, without a specific function being

7:26. Wilson (“Israel’s Judicial System,” 247-48)

assigned to them; 16:18, Moses appoints the people

46

Deut 1:15, commanders of thousands, hundreds,

points out that legal reforms were taking place in

to appoint judges and officials to render just deci¬

the ancient Near East in the period just before the

sions; 29:9 (10), the leaders of your tribes, your

Chronicler. Japhet (773) finds a similar distinction,

elders, and your officials; Josh 8:33, their elders

however, in the treasures of the house of Yahweh

and officers and their judges; 23:2, their elders

and the king’s house in 1 Kgs 14:26; 15:18, though

and heads, their judges and their officers; 24:1, the

that does not appear to be a real parallel.

elders, the heads, the judges, and the officers of

See 1 Chr 23:4 (where they are grouped with

Israel. See Whitelam,/wst King, 198.

judges); 26:29 (again grouped withjudges); 27:1 (military context); 2 Chr 26:11 (military context); 34:13 (grouped with scribes and gatekeepers).

278

47

48

Cf. Wilson, “Israel’s Judicial System,” 245.

20:1-37 Jehoshaphat's War against an Eastern

20

5/

13/

Coalition; His Alliance with Ahaziah and His Death Translation Some time afterwards the Moabites and the Ammonites, together with some of the Meunim,1 came against Jehoshaphat for war. 2/ Messengers2 came and told Jehoshaphat, "A great multitude is com¬ ing against you from across the sea, from Edom.3 They are already at Hazazontamar—that is, En-gedi." 3/ Jehoshaphat was afraid and set his face to seek Yahweh, and he proclaimed a fast for all Judah. 4/ Judah came together to seek help from Yahweh;4 indeed, from all the cities of Judah they came to seek Yahweh. Jehoshaphat stood up in the assembly of Judah and Jerusalem5 in the house of Yahweh before the new court. 6/ He said, "Yahweh the God of our ancestors, are you not God in the heavens?6 Do you not rule over all the kingdoms of the nations?7 In your hand is power and might, and no one is able to withstand you.8 7/ Did you not, O our God, dispossess the inhabit¬ ants of this land before your people9 Israel, and give it forever to the descendants of Abraham, your friend?10 8/ They have lived in it and have built in it11 a sanc¬ tuary for your name, saying, 9/ 'If disaster comes upon us, sword, flood,12 pestilence, or famine, we will stand before this house and before you, for your name is13 in this house, and we will cry to you in our distress, and you will hear and save.' 10/ And now, see the Ammonites and Moab, and Mount Seir, whom you did not allow Israel to enter when they came out from the land of Egypt, but Israel14 turned aside from them and did not destroy them. 11/ See they are repaying15 us16 by coming to drive us out from your possession17 that you have given to us to possess. 12/ Our God,18 will you not bring judgment on them? For we are powerless before this great multitude that is coming against us, and we do not know what we should do, but our eyes are on you." All Judah was standing before Yahweh, including their families,19 their wives, and their children.20 14/ Then the spirit of Yahweh came on Jahaziel, the son of Zechariah, the son of Benaiah, the son of Jeiel, the son of Mattaniah, the Levite, from the sons of Asaph, in the middle of the assembly. 15/ He said, "Pay atten¬ tion, all Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem and king Jehoshaphat. Thus says Yahweh to you,21 'Do not be afraid or be dismayed on account of this great multitude; for the battle is not yours but God's. 16/ Tomorrow go down against them; they will come up at the ascent of Ziz.22 You will find them at the end of the

\

□’muono; lxx e« rtiv Meivalwv. mt D’murra “some of the Ammonites.” But the Ammonites have already been mentioned in this verse. The MT reading results from assimilation to the preceding |1DU 'Dl. The Targum reads: “Edomites who had allied themselves to the Ammonites.”

2

The subject of this sentence is not identified explic¬

3

D“IND, with one Hebrew ms VL; this reading presup¬

itly.

poses a 7 instead of the “1 in MT D“1ND “from Aram.” See Mount Seir in v. 10. Syr Arab DIN □’ “the Red Sea.” Rainey (Carta’s Atlas, 203) argues for the reten¬ tion of Aram, which had, in his view, incited the Ammonites and Moabites to launch this invasion. See also Rainey, “Mesha’s Attempt to Invade,” 175. Cf. Williamson, 294. 4

mrrn tip±>. The word “help” or something similar is implied by the Hebrew construction. Cf. the various direct objects for DpD in Ezek 7:26 (“a vision”); Isa 1:12 (“this”); Dan 1:8 (“the palace master”). LXX eKprjTfjaaL tov Kvpiov “to seek out the Lord.” D^DITI; a few Hebrew mss LXX Tg □EDIT’D “in Jerusalem.” Rudolph (258) notes that “in Jerusa¬ lem” would be a superfluous comment since the temple was in Jerusalem. This variant reading may have been precipitated by the preposition on TripD earlier or JTDD later in the verse. An assembly in Jerusalem is mentioned in 2 Chr 30:3, 13.

5

□’ODD; LXX ev ovpavu avu. The rhetorical ques¬ tions in vv. 6-7 are to be understood as expressions of absolute confidence. GKC §150e.

7

D’lUn; one Hebrew ms p“lNi7 “the earth.” Apparently this reading arose by attraction to the common expression “heaven and earth” (Deut 4:39). In the following verses Yahweh’s rule over the nations is demonstrated.

8

“[DU. Rudolph, 258: the form is dependent on the infinitive.

g

“[DU; missing in LXXB, AaoO aov lost after irpoOWTTOV.

10

JDHN qal active participle; LXX r171 “great.” J773; LXX ev Talc; obolg “in the ways” = ’0773. 73DD. The suffix is feminine because “[77 in this verse is understood as feminine. In 1 Kgs 22:43 “[77 is understood as masculine, and the correspond¬ ing form is TOD. Did the Chronicler also make this change to avoid making the antecedent of TOD Asa? The NRSVand other English versions translate more freely: “the high places were not removed.” 7^117 (hophalperfect third feminine singular); LXX dg xareypaif/ev “who wrote” (the book of the kings of Israel). Cf.Judg 6:18; Nah 2:8. 7717’ “Jl7Q; lacking in LXX. 737711. Unusual Aramaic form of hithpael. GKC §54a, n. 2. mfilil1? il’t2i77 1117. The ascription of evil is applied to Ahaziah, as in my translation, by RSV, NRSV, NIV, KJV, NAB, NLT; it is ascribed to Jehoshaphat by NEB, REB, NJB,JPS, and NAS.JPS: “Afterward, Kingjehoshaphat of Judah entered into a partner¬ ship with King Ahaziah of Israel, thereby acting wickedly.” NEB: “He [Jehoshaphat] did wrong in going with him.” Note that the northern king Ahab

46

is identified as wicked in 2 Chr 19:2. 12137; LXX Syr singular subject.

281

47

rrm, with BHS. LXXrain/lwn pi "[ban pi “and between the king and the people.” Kgs LXXBAnuArab ed;Kat apa peoop tov jSaoxAecog Kal ai>d peoop tov Aaov; lacking in LXXNrenArab‘coddEthl°p,c Barre (Political Persuasion, 96 n. 94) states that 2 Kgs 11:17b is lacking in LXX. He adds: Chronicles may have omitted it because it was irrelevant to the postexilic political situation. See the commentary. pKH 313 bO, with LXX naq 6 A aoq Trjq yrjq. MT DI3H bz> “all the people.” See vv. 13, 20, 21. □,lLm, with a few Hebrew mss LXX Syr Vg. MT lacks conjunc¬ tion. See the same problem in 2 Chr 5:5. Insert □’tm DTPOn mpbnQ ns TO2T. Lost by homoioteleuton according to Curtis and Madsen, 433; and Rudolph, 272. Cf. LXX Kal aveoTpoev Taq etprjpepiaq tup iepup Kal tup AevetTUP “and reestablished the daily divisions of the priests and Levites.” Cf. the similar phraseology in 2 Chr 8:14, and note the parallel wording of 2 Chr 23:19a. Cf. Allen, Greek Chronicles, 2:140.

49

50 51

mm1?, with many Hebrew mss.

Cf. LXX Vg. MT miT. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:105) thinks that the b may have been lost because of the word miT three words earlier. ITT, with LXX Vg and 2 Kgs 11:19. MT TTH “and he brought down.” Note that the following verbs are all plural. jT^iJn. 2 Kgs 11:19 D'HTH “(the gate of) the runners.” Chr LXX eourepaq “innermost.” Rudolph (272) thought that the Chronicler chose this neutral designation because it was higher up in the wall than the horse gate. This has nothing to

52

do with the upper gate of the temple in 2 Chr 27:3. ’□’©IT. Cf. 2 Kgs 11:19 LXX Kal eKadioap avrop “and they seated him.” Kgs MT DtP “and he took his seat (on the throne of the kings).”

But numerous changes were introduced into the account by the Chronicler that indicate that this deposing of

The Chronicler drew extensively on the Vorlage from

Athaliah and installing of Joash were not just carried off

2 Kgs 11:1-20 in this chapter, and there is no reason to

by Jehoiada and a group of professional soldiers. Instead,

posit his access to extrabiblical sources (for possible

we find repeated references to all the assembly (2 Chr

exceptions,1 see the verse-by-verse commentary below).2

23:3), all the people (2 Chr 23:5, 6, 10; 2 Chr 23:16,

1

2

320

Jehoshabeath as the wife ofjehoiada in 2 Chr 22:11;

any case the Chronicler knew a text of Kings that

the five names of the captains of hundreds in 2 Chr

included these verses. For the secondary character

23:1.

of vv. 13-18, see Mettinger, King and Messiah, 143.

Some scholars have argued that 2 Kgs 11:13-18 is secondary. I do not find the case convincing, but in

22:10-23:21

17//2 Kgs 11:17, 183, the people 23:12 [twice],416//2 Kgs

dom belonging to the house of Judah: Jehu’s revolution in

11:13, 17; 2 Chr 23: 20), and all the people of the land

the north had led to the deaths of the northern king

(23:13, 20, 21), all of which stress popular support for

Jehoram, Athaliah’s son Ahaziah, the king of Judah

these actions.5 Second, since much of the action takes

(2 Chr 22:9),8 and the officials ofjudah and Ahaziah’s

place in the temple and its immediate environs, the lead¬

relatives (2 Chr 22:8).9 A raiding band that had come

ing participants are identified as priests and Levites, the

with the Arabs had earlier killed Ahaziah’s older broth¬

only ones allowed to be present there (2 Chr 23:6). The

ers before he came to the throne (2 Chr 22:1).10 Since

word “Levites” occurs seven times in this pericope,6 but

Ahaziah had come to the throne at twenty-two years of

they are not even mentioned in the Vorlage in Kings.7 The

age (2 Chr 22:2) and ruled for only one year, one would

Chronicler uses this narrative to rule on who can have

assume that the number of royal seed with any kind of

access to the temple (v. 6) and who had authority over

claim to the throne would be relatively small, although

the temple and its services (vv. 18-19). This pericope may

Ahaziah may have had many wives. The six brothers

be outlined as follows:

whom Jehoram had killed when he came to the throne

I. 22:10-12 Athaliah destroys potential rivals, but Joash is rescued (2 Kgs 11:1-3) II. 23:1-11 Joash is installed as king. After careful preparations byjehoiada (vv. 1-7; 2 Kgs 11:4-8),

(2 Chr 21:4) may also have sired sons before their deaths. Theoretically any of these could stand in the way of Athaliah becoming queen. The Chronicler added to the Vorlage the words “belonging to the house ofjudah,”

Joash is anointed as king (vv. 8-11; 2 Kgs 11:9-12).

modifying the heirs of the kingdom, indicating that

III.

23:12-15 Athaliah is executed (2 Kgs 11:13-16)

Athaliah did not attack any rivals left from the Omride

IV.

23:16-19 The covenant and subsequent reform

dynasty in the north, where Jehu was firmly in control in

(2 Kgs 11:17-18)

any case.11

V. 23:20-21 Joash is placed on the throne and order is restored (2 Kgs 11:19-20)

■ 11 But Jehoshabeath the daughter of the king took Joash the son of Ahaziah and stole him from the midst of the sons of the king who were about to be killed, and she put him and his wet

Detailed Commentary

nurse in a bedroom, and Jehoshabeath, the daughter of the king Jehoram and wife of fehoiada the priest, hid him, for she was the

22:10-12 Athaliah Destroys Potential Rivals,

sister of Ahaziah, from Athaliah so that she did not put him to

but Joash Is Rescued

death: Here the Chronicler made a number of changes

■ 10 When Athaliah the mother of Ahaziah saw that her

from the Vorlage in 2 Kgs 11:2. He added a P to the name

son was dead, she rose and destroyed all the heirs of the king¬

of Jehoshabeath (2 Kings inEPiT Jehosheba), perhaps to

3

Kings has respectively “the people” and “all the

4

people of the land.” In the first reference, Chr □’HPil DtH; Kgs

□’inn DUn. See

5

the textual notes. Note that Chronicles has five additional references

6

to the assembly or the people. “Priests” occurs four times (vv. 4, 6, 18 [twice]),

7

none of which is in the Kings Vorlage. In fact the word “Levites” occurs only in 1 Kgs 8:4 and 12:31 in the entire book of 1 and 2 Kings. “Lev¬

8

ites” occurs ninety-five times in Chronicles. Athaliah is identified as Ahaziah’s mother in 2 Chr 22:2. In 2 Chr 21:6 an unnamed woman, the daugh¬

9 10

ter of Ahab, is identified as Jehoram’s wife. In 2 Kgs 10:13-14 these relatives number forty-two. Chronicles omits Jehu’s murder of seventy sons of

11

Ahab (2 Kgs 10:1-10) and all who were left to Ahab at Samaria (2 Kgs 10:15-17). Athaliah was probably the daughter of Omri (2 Chr 22:2//2 Kgs 8:26), although 2 Chr 2L6//2 Kgs 8:18 describe her as the daughter of Ahab. Athaliah’s son Ahaziah came to the throne at twenty-two in about 842 b.c.e. Assuming that Athaliah was at least fifteen when she bore Ahaziah, this would put her birth at about 879. Omri became king in 876. Of course, Ahab, could have been born eighteen years before his father became king, and he could have been the father of Athaliah three years before Omri became king. If Ahab was born in 894, he would have died about the age of forty-four in 850 H. J. Katzenstein (“Who Were the Parents of Athaliah?” IEJ 5 [1955] 194-97) concluded

b.c.e.

321

give the name a grammatically feminine form.12 In both

was hidden byjehoshabeath, and so he still required a

Kings and Chronicles Jehoshabeath is identified as the

wet nurse.17Jehoshabeath must have been at least a teen¬

daughter of kingjehoram and the sister of king Ahaziah,

ager in the Chronicler’s reckoning since she was married

though these genealogical links appear later in the verse

and had the ability to hide Joash, her nephew, from the

in Chronicles, and then in an awkward position.13 There

fatal plans of Athaliah. Joash was one among multiple

is no indication that Athaliah was Jehoshabeath’s mother,

sons of the late king Ahaziah who were slated for execu¬

so she was probably only the half-sister of Ahaziah (but

tion. Johnstone (2:122) points out the parallels between

see the citation below from Johnstone). The Chronicler

the story of Joash and the infancy of Moses: “In both

adds that she was the wife of the priest Jehoiada, and this

cases there is a systematic attempt to slaughter all the

addition may have been made to justify or explain her

relevant male children; in both there is a royal princess,

presence with Joash in the temple and her easy access

the ruler’s own daughter,18 who frustrates the design of

to the palace.14 Joash was the son of Ahaziah, and as

the royal parent; in both there is the hiding of the child

we will learn from 2 Chr 24:l//2 Kgs 12:2, his mother

and the procuring of a wet nurse.”

was Zibiah of Beer-sheba.15 It is Jehoshabeath who hides

■ 12 And he was with them in the house of God, hiding for

Joash rather than “they” in the Vorlage, but this change is

six years, while Athaliah was ruling as queen over the land:

due to an alternate text of Kings preserved in Kgs LXX

If the reading “with them” is correct (see the textual

(see the textual notes). The Chronicler also added the word “she put”

(]nm)

before “him and his wet nurse in

notes), Joash was cared for byjehoshabeath, her husband Jehoiada, and for at least part of the time by an unidenti¬

a bedroom.”16 Ironically, Joash will also be assassinated

fied wet nurse. Since the temple precincts were inacces¬

in his bedroom (2 Chr 24:25) so that “his bed” forms an

sible to laypeople, who made up the vast majority of the

inclusio around the account of his life. The Chronicler

population, Jehoshabeath had chosen a good hiding

changes the passive voice “he was not put to death” from

place for Joash. Chronicles reads “house of God” instead

2 Kgs 11:2 into the active voice “she [Athaliah] did not

of “house ofYahweh” in 2 Kgs 11:3, butYahweh is not

kill him.” Women play important public roles in this

supported strongly in Kgs LXX so that the Chronicler

chapter: Athaliah, the last remaining figure from the

may only have added the noun God rather than used it to

dynasty of Omri, is a brutal claimant to the throne, and

replace Yahweh.19 Neither Kings nor Chronicles provides

Jehoshabeath is the daring Davidic descendant whose

an accession formula for Athaliah, implying the illegiti¬

courageous action saved the Davidic dynasty from extinc¬

mate character of her reign. Since her son King Ahaziah

tion. Since Joash was seven at his accession (2 Chr 24:1),

had been killed at twenty-three, Athaliah’s age might be

he would have been about one year old at the time he

estimated at forty or more. Neither account provides any

that Athaliah was Omri’s daughter, and that she

as historical or based on good tradition. It is not clear to me how such a memory could have been

12

was called the daughter of Ahab because she was brought up as an orphan in Ahab’s house. See Kings LXXB niTl'TI). To stand

the God of Israel so that his fierce wrath may turn away from

before him to serve him seems to be a general reference

us”: The expression “it is in my heart” (’lib DU) had been

to the role of the clergy. To be his ministers and to make

used by David and Solomon in regard to the building of

offerings (or: burn incense) refers to the Levites and the

the temple (1 Chr 22:7; 28:2; 2 Chr 6:7). Hezekiah’s plan

priests respectively. In any case, the Chronicler no doubt

to make a covenant is idiomatic and refers to a pledge to

understood the exhortation of Hezekiah as applying to

absolute loyalty since no actual covenant occurs in the

the Levites of his own day.

Hezekiah account.37 In Ezra 10:3-5, making a covenant is

■ 12 Then the Levites arose, Mahath son ofAmasai, and Joel

equated with swearing (IOZ?) to do something. Rudolph

son of Azariah, of the sons of the Kohathites; and of the sons

(293) argues that one cannot make a covenant with an

of Merari, Kish son of Abdi, and Azariah son of Jehallelel;

angry God. In 2 Chr 34:31, Josiah made a covenant to

and of the Gershonites, Joah son of Zimmah, and Eden son of

keep the words of the covenant.

Joah: The emphasis is on the Levites in the narrow sense

■ 11 “My sons, now, do not be negligent, for Yahweh has cho¬

of the word in vv. 12-19 (cf. w. 5, 34). In w. 12-14 two

sen you to stand before him to minister to him and to be minis¬

members are cited for each of seven Levitical families:

ters for him and to make offerings”: Hezekiah concludes his

Kohath,43 Merari, Gershon, Elizaphan, Asaph, Heman,

36 37

Cf. also the use of similar vocabulary in Deut 28:25, 41; Jer 15:4; 19:8; 25:9; 34:17; Ezek 23:46; Mic 6:16. Japhet, Ideology, 101-3. Peteresen {Late Israelite Prophecy, 95 n. 115) points out that in 2 Chr 15:12; 23:16; and 34:31, Asa, Jehoiada, and Josiah make covenants as part of a program to cleanse the cult

38 39

from foreign influence. 7m in the hiphil.

42

Cf. 1 Chr 15:2, which reports how Yahweh had cho¬ sen the Levites to carry the ark and to minister to

43

him. In 1 Chr 23:13 Yahweh “set apart” the priests 40 41

alone” Incense is mentioned also in v. 7. Petersen {Late Israelite Prophecy, 80) believes that v. 11 clearly suggests that the Levites are to be

given the right to burn the censer incense and that Chronicles therefore contravenes the priestly regulations. But this is contrary to the explicit testi¬ mony of the Chronicler’s beliefs in 2 Chr 26:16-21. Petersen errs in not recognizing the presence of the priests in the speech of Hezekiah. The Levites were chosen to carry the ark according to 1 Chr 15:2. Kohath’s sons were Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel. Aaron was a son of Amram. Gershon was originally the oldest son of Levi (Gen 46:11; Exod 6:16; Num 3:17). In the book of Numbers the Koha¬ thites were in charge of the most holy things in the tabernacle (Num 4:4) while the Gershonites had lesser duties (Num 4:24-28). The lesser importance

417

andjeduthun. The latter three families are musicians;44

Jeuel: Not attested elsewhere among the Levites

the first three are the standard divisions of the Levitical

Zechariah son of Jonathan son of Shemaiah son of Mat¬ taniah, a priest (Neh 12:35)

families.45 Rudolph (295) notes that the musicians here are counted among the Levites.46 Elizaphan, the fourth

Zechariah, second to Asaph the chief (1 Chr 16:5)

family mentioned, brings the total number of families

Zechariah son ofjehoiada the priest (2 Chr 24:20)

to seven and provides a link to the time of David (1 Chr

Mattaniah son of Mica son of Zichri son of Asaph (1 Chr

15:8; McKenzie, 342). Many of the names and specific

9:15)

Levitical families are mentioned elsewhere.

Mattaniah (1 Chr 25:16)

Mahath son of Amasai, of the sons of Kohath, is men¬

■ 14 And of the sons of Heman, fehuel and Shimei. And of the

tioned in 1 Chr 6:20 (35), and a Mahath also shows

sons of Jeduthun Shemaiah and Uzziel:

up in 2 Chr 31:13.

Jeiel is a gatekeeper (1 Chr 15:18), a lyre player (1 Chr

Joel son of Azariah, of the sons of Kohath (1 Chr 6:21

15:21; 16:5 twice: Jeiel andjehiel), the great-grand¬ father of Jahaziel on whom the spirit of Yahweh

[36]) Kish son of Abdi, of the sons of Merari (1 Chr 6:29 [44])

came (2 Chr 20:14), and a chief of the Levites (2 Chr

Azariah son of Jehallel: Not attested in other Levitical

35:9).

lists. Azariah is a very common name, and Jehallel

Shimei, of the sons of Heman (this name occurs forty-

appears also in 1 Chr 4:16 among the descendants of

nine times in the Old Testament and the Apocry¬

Judah.

pha); cf. 2 Chr 31:13, as part of the Hezekiah story

Joah son of Zimmah, of the sons of Gershom (1 Chr

Shemaiah of the sons of Jeduthun: Not attested else¬ where among the Levites

6:5-6 [20-21]) Eden (]"tr) son ofjoah of the Gershonites might be

Uzziel of the sons of Jeduthun: Not attested elsewhere

compared to Iddo (VTJJ) son ofjoah, of the sons of Gershom (1 Chr 6:6 [21]). Cf. also the Levite Eden in 2 Chr 31:15.

among the Levites ■ 15 They gathered their brothers and sanctified themselves and went in, as the king commanded by the words of Yahweh, to

While many of these names are the same as Levites

purify the house of Yahweh: The leaders itemized in vv. 12-14

mentioned at the time of David, identity cannot be

gathered their fellow Levites and sanctified themselves

intended two and one-half centuries later (Johnstone,

before entering the temple. This was in conformity with

2:192).

Hezekiah’s instructions in v. 5, which are now identified

■ 13 And of the sons of Elizaphan, Shimri and feuel; and of

as having divine origin—they are the words of Yahweh.

the sons of Asaph, Zechariah and Mattaniah: Again we list

This seems to be an extension of the tradition that the

people with the same names attested elsewhere in the

plans for the tabernacle (Exod 25:9, 40), the temple

Bible.

of David and Solomon (1 Chr 28:11-19), and Ezekiel’s

Elizaphan (]S2T*?K) son of Uzziel,47 head of the ancestral

vision of the future temple (Ezekiel 40-48) were all

house of the Kohathites (Num 3:30) Shimri son of Hosah of the Merarites (1 Chr 26:10)

directly revealed by the deity. In Deut 12:2-4, Moses had given orders that the worship places of the pre-Israelite

of the Gershonites is reflected in his third position

46

in this listing.The same order of Kohath, Merari, Gershom, and Elizaphan is contained in 1 Chr 44

15:5-8. Asaph, Heman, andjeduthun form Stage III A. in Gese’s list. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 348-49; and

45

1 Chr 16:4-7, 38-42; 2 Chr 5:12; 35:15. For the order Kohath, Merari, Gershon, and Eliza¬ phan, see 1 Chr 15:5-8. By the time of the Chroni¬ cler, the Kohath line may have gained the highest status of these four groups.

418

The singers were not yet considered Levites in Ezra 2:41//Neh 7:44. They were first counted as Levites in Neh 1L3-19//1 Chr 9:1-18.

47

According to Exod 6:18, Kohath had four sons: Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel. Mishael and Elizaphan (]BUbK), sons of Uzziel, were authorized by Moses to bury Nadab and Abihu (Lev 10:4-5). Elizaphan is mentioned also in Exod 6:22 as the third son of Uzziel. Sons of Elizaphan at the time of David helped carry the ark (1 Chr 15:8).

29:1-36

inhabitants of the land must be completely destroyed,

or their dust was thrown on the graves of the common

and the condition of the temple before this reform of

people (2 Kgs 23:4, 6, 12; these verses are not included

Hezekiah may be equated with those shrines (Dillard,

in Chronicles). Williamson (355) notes that the Kidron

235). The priests and Levites also sanctified themselves

was already unclean because it was a general burial site.

at the Passover before bringing in the burnt offerings to

A number of ancient tombs have been discovered on the

the house ofYahweh (2 Chr 30:15). According to Ezek

eastern slope of the Wadi Kidron.51 Jeremiah announced

44:25-27, priests who had become unclean by defilement

the coming transformation of all the valley land, the

with a corpse needed to sanctify themselves for fourteen

corpses, and the ashes, up to the Wadi Kidron, into sites

days, while for laity this only required seven days.48 The

that would be sacred to Yahweh (Jer 31:40). The Wadi

verb “purify” (TIB) is used three times in this chapter

Kidron and its eastern slopes were also the location for

(vv. 15, 16, 18), once in 2 Chr 30:18 (a reference to the

high places for other gods in the time of Solomon (1 Kgs

many people who had not purified themselves before

11:7).

the Passover), three times in 2 Chr 34:3, 5, 8 (describing

■ 17 They began to sanctify on the first day of the first month,

various aspects ofjosiah’s reform), and nowhere else in

and on the eighth day of the month they came to the vestibule of

Chronicles.

Yahweh, and they sanctified the house of Yahweh for eight days,

■ 16 The priests went in to the inner part of the house of Yah-

and on the sixteenth day of the first month they completed the

weh to purify it, and they brought out all the unclean things they

work: The clergy began their work of sanctifying (CHp*?)

found in the temple of Yahweh to the court of the house of Yah-

the temple on the very day that Hezekiah opened the

weh, and the Levites received them to bring them out to the Wadi

doors of the temple and gave them their orders (w.

Kidron: Only the priests were allowed to enter the temple

3-11). After initial preparations outside of the temple, in

(cf. 2 Chr 5:7). The priests went into the inner part

its courts, the workers came to the vestibule (either this

(nft'jD^) of the house ofYahweh, perhaps the holy place,

stands for the vestibule itself or the word “vestibule” may

here also called the temple ofYahweh

(mrr ‘PD’H),49 and

be a circumlocution for the temple [v. 7]), on the eighth

brought out unclean things (ilNOCD, a collective noun),

day and worked inside the temple for an additional eight

which had earlier been described with the word “filth”

days, until the sixteenth day. As the next chapter will

(v. 5). They transferred these items to the Levites in the

show, this first month is the month Nisan, on whose four¬

courtyard of the house ofYahweh,50 since the Levites

teenth day the Passover was to be celebrated.52 Hence the

were not permitted to enter the temple itself. The Levites

first month was after the New Year after Hezekiah’s inau¬

then carried them to the Kidron Valley for disposal. Asa

guration. This work of sanctifying the temple could have

had burned the image for Asherah, which his mother

been completed faster if more priests had been involved

had made, in the Wadi Kidron (2 Chr 15:16//1 Kgs

(2 Chr 30:3). But the “filth” of sixteen years of the reign

15:13). During Hezekiah’s Passover reform the altars for

of Ahaz is wiped out in sixteen days! Ezekiel quotes a

burning incense were thrown into the Kidron (2 Chr

divine oracle that mandates that he is to sacrifice a young

30:14). In Josiah’s reform, illegitimate cult objects were

bull to purify (HKCDm) the sanctuary on the first day of

burned in the Kidron, and their ashes taken to Bethel,

the first month (Ezek 45:18).53

48

49

Leviticus 21:1-3 admonishes priests not to defile themselves with a corpse except with their closest

50

relatives. According to Lev 21:11, the high priest was forbidden to have any contact with the dead, even with his father or mother. Cf. Num 19:11-22.

51 52

In 1 Chr 28:11, the Chronicler refers to the temple’s “inner rooms” (D’Q’ian mm). The “holy place” is called “the temple” (“PD’H) in 2 Chr 4:8, 22. It seems unlikely that the priests would have entered the most holy place (1 Kgs 7:50), otherwise called the I’m (2 Chr 4:20; 5:7, 9) or “the innermost part of the house” (’Ensn fl’Dil “[TQ; 1 Kgs 6:27).

This was the place where Zechariah the son of Jehoiada was stoned to death (2 Chr 24:21). See Ralph K. Hawkins, “Kidron Valley,” NIDB 3:497. Japhet (922-23) believes that the first month of v. 3 is in the first year of Hezekiah’s reign, whereas the first month in v. 17 is the first month of the calendar year. If she is right, Hezekiah’s zeal for the temple begins on his first day in office in v. 3, but somewhat

53

later, on New Year’s day in v. 17. Block (Ezekiel 25-48, 664) interprets this ritual as a one-time event, not an annual purificatory rite. Japhet (923) refers to 2 Macc 2:12: “Likewise

419

■ 18 They went inside to Hezekiah the king and said, “We

mentioned in v. 18 and items such as the incense altar

have purified the whole house of Yahweh, the altar of burnt

and the golden lampstands. Further purification of these

offering and all its utensils, and the table of the rows of bread

utensils comes in the purification sacrifice of vv. 21-24.

and all its utensils": The clergy, that is, the leaders of the

Ahaz had discarded or repudiated (rt]T) these utensils.

Levitical families mentioned in vv. 12-14, report to the

The verb TOT is used in 1 Chr 28:9 for Yahweh’s threat

king the successful completion of the purification of

to abandon Solomon forever, and in 2 Chr 11:14 for

the sanctuary. The altar of burnt offering is mentioned

Jeroboam preventing the Levites from serving as priests

separately since it stood outside the temple proper. The

of Yahweh. The verb “restored” is based on the root ]1D.

dedication of this altar also had a special ceremony in 2 Chr 7:1-3, when fire came down and consumed the

29:20-30 Sacrifices after the Purification of the Temple

first sacrifices in Solomon’s temple.54 Special attention

■ 20 Then Hezekiah the king rose early and gathered the offi¬

is given to the table for the rows of bread33 though no

cials of the city, and he went up to the house of Yahweh: Heze¬

explicit mention is made of the altar of incense or the

kiah’s prompt response to the clergy’s report is indicated

ten golden lampstands (2 Chr 4:7), which were also

by the verb “rose early” (CDD'l).57 His promptness in

in the holy place. This altar and these lampstands are

attending to cultic affairs is mentioned also in vv. 3 and

included implicitly in the utensils mentioned in v. 19.

17. This is the only place where city officials in the plural

Ahaz had gathered together the utensils of the temple

(Tin T0)

and cut them in pieces (2 Chr 28:24) in his faithlessness

in the singular occur in Judg 9:30 (Zebul the ruler of

are mentioned. References to a city official

(2 Chr 28:19, 22). The utensils/vessels used in Solomon’s

the city); 2 Chr 18:25//1 Kgs 22:26 (Amon the governor

temple (2 Chr 4:19-22; cf. 1 Chr 28:14-17) were said to

of the city); and 2 Chr 34:8//2 Kgs 23:8 (Maaseiah the

have survived the destruction of Jerusalem and been

governor of the city). Three verses later, in v. 23, we read

brought to Babylon (2 Chr 36:18; 2 Kgs 25:14-15; Ezra

about the sin offering being performed before the king

1:7-11; Dan 5:2-3, 23). When the exiles returned to the

and the assembly. Perhaps the city officials represent the

land, they brought temple vessels with them.56

assembly as a whole. In 1 Chr 28:1, David assembled all

■ 19 “And all the u tensils that King Ahaz had discarded

the leaders of Israel—the leaders of the tribes, the lead¬

during his reign because of his unfaithfulness, we have restored

ers of the divisions that served the king, the commanders

and consecrated. See, they are in front of the altar of Yahweh":

of the thousands, the commanders of the hundreds, the

This is the first explicit mention of Ahaz in this chap¬

stewards of all the property and cattle of the king and

ter, though he is included in the fathers mentioned in

his sons, together with the eunuchs and the mighty war¬

v. 6 and there are other allusions to his reign in w. 7-8.

riors—and all the men of substance. Similarly, Solomon

The utensils mentioned in this verse may include those

assembled all Israel, the commanders of the thousands

Solomon also kept the eight days.” Japhet believes that this refers to Solomon’s eight-day celebration at the dedication of the temple (1 Kgs 8:65-66; 2 Chr 7:9). In 2 Macc 10:6, the restoration of the temple after the desecration by Antiochus Epiphanes took eight days of celebration, following the example of the Feast of Tabernacles. Both of these texts refer to

54 55

we are told that the sons of the Kohathites were responsible for the rows of bread. 56 57

Ackroyd, “Temple Vessels,” 166-81. I treat vv. 20-24 and 25-30 as a somewhat repetitious unity, with the second paragraph highlighting the

celebrations at the dedication of the temple or at its restoration, and not to the length of time necessary

role of the Levitical musicians. Cf. Williamson, 356. Von Rad (Geschichtsbild, 104) and Willi (Die Chronik

for its purification. Cf. also the seven-day ceremony for the altar of

als Auslegung, 200) are among many scholars who have tried to identify expansions to an original

burnt offering in Ezek 43:18-27.

narrative. Von Rad identified vv. 25-30 as second¬

In 2 Chr 4:8, 19, Solomon had made ten tables for the rows of bread, and “golden tables and the rows

ary, since all the essentials about the completion of

of bread for each table” are mentioned in 1 Chr 28:16. But in 1 Kgs 7:48 and 2 Chr 13:1 only one table is mentioned, and there was only one table for

420

the bread of the Presence in the tabernacle (Exod 25:23-30; 37:10; 40:22). See also 1 Chr 9:32, where

sacrifices have been said by v. 24, and v. 30 arrives at a happy point that was already reached in v. 24. Willi identified w. 25-30 and 34-35a as secondary.

29:1-36

and of the hundreds, the judges, and all the leaders of

assigned sacrificial duties. Similar commands are listed

all Israel, the heads of families (2 Chr 1:2). In calling

in vv. 27, 30, 31.

together a large assembly, Hezekiah is acting like the

■ 22 They slaughtered the bulls, and the priests received the

kings of the united monarchy. From here on out the king

blood and sprinkled the altar, and they slaughtered the rams and

does not act alone (see vv. 29, 30).

sprinkled blood on the altar, and they slaughtered the lambs and

■ 21 They brought seven bulls, seven rams, seven lambs, and

sprinkled blood on the altar: Priests slaughtered the purifica¬

seven male goats as a purification sacrifice for the royal palace

tion sacrifice but probably not the burnt offering. Burnt

and for the sanctuary and for Judah. He commanded the sons of

offerings were slaughtered by the layperson who brought

Aaron, the priests, to offer them up on the altar of Yahweh: Two

the offering (Lev 1:5, 11) or, as in Ezekiel, by the Levites

types of offerings are presented in this verse: seven bulls,

(44:11). The text in this verse is ambiguous about who

rams, and lambs for the burnt offering (see v. 27),58 and

slaughtered the various animals, but it may have been the

seven goats for a purification sacrifice (rMDn*?). “Royal

king and officials of v. 20 or laypeople in general.61 This

palace,” or “kingdom,” here may refer to the govern¬

applies also to the rams and the lambs. The priests also

ment or the royal house. Rudolph (296) favors the royal

sprinkled the blood atjosiah’s Passover (2 Chr 35:11).

house, since Judah is mentioned later in the sentence.

■ 23 Then they brought near the goats for the purification sac¬

All three of these institutions—royal house, the sanctu¬

rifice before the king and the assembly, and they laid their hands

ary (including its personnel), and Judah—had been

on them: By laying their hands on the goats, the king and

involved in the apostasy of Ahaz. At the dedication of

the assembly62 identified themselves with the victims.

the altar for the tabernacle, the same offerings and the

In Lev 4:15 the elders of the congregation (mUH ’]pT)

same animals were used, but in that case each numbered

were instructed to lay their hands on the head of the

twelve (or multiples of twelve), symbolizing all the tribes

bull for the purification sacrifice.63 The purpose of the

of Israel, and that ceremony lasted for twelve days.59 At

purification sacrifice was to remove the impurity that

the dedication of the altar in Ezekiel’s vision (43:18-27),

had been imposed on the sanctuary by the inadvertent

similar animals are offered as both burnt offerings and

violation of prohibitions or by sins of omission. Such

purification sacrifices, and the ceremony lasts for one

violations included defilement of holy days, such as the

week. Purification sacrifices in Ezekiel are made for the

Day of Atonement (Lev 23:29-30), contamination of

cleansing of the altar and the sanctuary and the purifica¬

sacred objects by eating from sacrifices while in a state

tion of priests (Ezek 43:18-27; 44:27; 45:1-3, 18-20). The

of uncleanness (Lev 7:20-21), prohibited ritual acts (Lev

prince (N’toTI) would also provide a bull for a purification

17:3-4, 8-9), and illicit sex (Lev 18:29). The pollution

sacrifice at Passover (45:21-22). Bringing of animals to

caused by the sins of Ahaz was quite intentional; hence

the altar (Num 18:17) and sprinkling blood (Lev 17:6)

the Chronicler is expanding dramatically the scope of

are activities assigned to the priests. The purification sac¬

the pollution involved in the purification sacrifice. Purifi¬

rifice is mentioned in Chronicles only in this chapter.60

cation sacrifices for the priest are mandated in Lev 4:4-12

Hezekiah commanded the priests to carry through their

and for the whole congregation in Lev 4:13-21. The puri-

58 59

See the textual notes, where Rudolph wanted to include an explicit reference to the burnt offering. Num 7:87-88: “All the livestock for the burnt offer¬ ing twelve bulls, twelve rams, twelve male lambs a

61

year old with their grain offering; and twelve male goats for a sin offering; and all the livestock for the sacrifice of well-being twenty-four bulls, the rams

62

sixty, the male goats sixty, the male lambs a year old sixty.” Cf. also Num 28:11-15, 19-22, 27-30; 29:2-5, 60

8-11, 12-37. See Ezra 6:17, where a purification sacrifice of twelve male goats is made at the dedication of the

63

exiles offered twelve bulls, ninety-six rams, and seventy-seven lambs as a burnt offering and twelve male goats as a purification sacrifice. Rudolph (297) argues that since the Levites are not mentioned here, it was probably lay offerers. Japhet (926) also opts for laity. The assembly is mentioned also in vv. 28, 31, 32, and all the people are mentioned in v. 36. See also “all who were present” in v. 29. See the provisions for the ruler in Lev 4:24.

temple. In Ezra 8:35, Ezra’s group of returning

421

fication sacrifice mandated for the cleansing of the altar

sinner’s own life. As Allen (609) notes, “a propitiatory

(Lev 4:30) seems most relevant to the present context. In

value for these atoning sacrifices can hardly be avoided.”

Lev 16:21, at the Day of Atonement, Aaron is instructed

■ 25 He stationed the Levites at the house of Yahweh with cym¬

to lay his hands on the head of the live goat and confess

bals, harps, and lyres according to the commandment of David

over it all the iniquities (HDIi?) of the people of Israel, and

and Gad the visionary of the king and Nathan the prophet, for

all their transgressions or rebellions (QTUBJS), and all

the commandment was70 from the hand of Yahweh by the hand

their sins (DflKCDn), putting them on the head of the goat,

of his prophets: Hezekiah stationed the Levitical musicians

and sending it away into the wilderness.64

with their usual musical instruments71 as part of the

■ 24 The priests slaughtered them and made a purification

sacrificial ritual, thus reinstating them according to the

sacrifice with their blood at the altar to atone for all Israel, for

pattern initiated by David. Hezekiah’s authority is backed

the king had designated the burnt offering and the purification

by that of King David72 and by the two most prominent

sacrifice for all Israel: Priests were mandated to slaughter

prophetic figures during the reign of David, Gad the

the animals for the purification sacrifice (Lev 9:15;

visionary (1 Chr 21:9, 11, 13, 18; 29:29) and Nathan

16:15).65 Rudolph (294) suggested that “all Israel” in this

the prophet (see 1 Chr 17:1-3, 15; 29:29; 2 Chr 9:29).

verse really means Judah, but Williamson argued that

These two figures represent a more ultimate authority,

“all Israel” includes both Judah and the former north¬

for they were the vehicles of Yahweh’s own mandate.

ern kingdom after the latter’s fall to the Assyrians.66 In

Gad and Nathan are connected to the musicians only

a sense, this is a correction of v. 21, where the purifica¬

here in Chronicles, but the musicians were also con¬

tion sacrifice was only for Judah. This inclusive view of

nected to prophecy in 1 Chr 25:1 and 2 Chr 20:14. Japhet

Israel is typical of the Chronicler’s work. In purification

(926) notes that the Chronicler has combined here two

sacrifices, the blood was drained from the animals, most

expressions of divine inspiration: “the hand ofYahweh”

of it was poured at the base of the altar, and a little of it

(Ezek 1:3; 3:11; 8:1) and “(as Yahweh has spoken) by the

was smeared on the altar (Lev 4:30). Making atonement

hand of a prophet” (Exod 9:35; 35:29, both referring

(“ISD^) for all Israel has been expressed only once previ¬

to Moses). The Chronicler has David receiving divine

ously in Chronicles (1 Chr 6:34 [49]), performed there

revelation in 1 Chr 22:8; 28:4-7, 19. The reference to

in accordance with all that Moses had commanded.67

the commandment (m^QH) of David and the prophets

See also 2 Chr 30:1868 and Neh 10:34 (33).69 Atonement

indicates that legislation did not cease with Moses (cf.

implies paying a ransom, substituting the animal for the

1 Chr 28:19).73 Solomon’s appointing of the divisions of

64

See Rene Peter, “L’imposition des mains dans

65

L’Ancient Testament,” VT27 (1977) 48-55. In both cases the priest’s role is indicated by Aaron functioning in this role. McKenzie (342) finds the purification sacrifices reminiscent of the Day of

71

All three instruments were used in the ark narra¬ tive (1 Chronicles 13-16), David’s appointment of Levitical musicians (1 Chr 25:1), and when the ark

Atonement. Petersen {Late Israelite Prophecy, 83) detects in v. 24 a move away from lay slaughter to slaughter by priests, but misses the point that this

was brought into Solomon’s temple (2 Chr 5:12). See also the presence of these musical instruments

verse deals with purification offerings rather than burnt offerings.

at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem in Nehemiah (Neh 12:27). Kleinig {Lord’s Song, 82) states

66

Williamson, Israel, 126-30.

67

See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 207-8.

that cymbals were used not to beat out the rhythm but to announce the beginning of the song. The

2 Chr 30:18: “For a majority of the people, many

harps and lyres were always played together in the

from Ephraim, Manasseh, Issachar, and Zebu-

temple, with the lyres carrying the melody, and the harps gave out a lower, accompanying sound.

68

69

422

70

to donate for various things, including the sin offer¬ ings “to make atonement for Israel.” Japhet (912) prefers “is” instead of “was.”

lun had not purified themselves, yet they ate the Passover not as it had been prescribed. Therefore

72

Hezekiah had interceded for them, saying, ‘Yahweh who is good will provide atonement for all those

Note that the name David occurs four times in vv. 25-30.

73

who set their heart to seek God Yahweh.’”

Two things seem clearly intended by this verse: the plan for the temple and its furnishings was

In Neh 10:34 (33), the people obligate themselves

contained in a written document, and this plan had

29:1-36

priests, the musicians, and the gatekeepers in 2 Chr 8:14

participation of “all the assembly” (*?npn ‘701). While ^ilp

was also done according to the ordinance (C3B2fa) of his

is fairly common throughout Chronicles, it appears four¬

father David.

teen times in the first three chapters dealing with Heze¬

■ 26 The Levites stood with the instruments of David and the

kiah (2 Chronicles 29-31), indicating the widespread

priests with the trumpets: David referred to the instruments

backing for Hezekiah’s reforms.77 This sacrifice may be

he had made for praise (1 Chr 23:5; cf. 2 Chr 7:6 and

the first of the twice-daily burnt offerings that the Torah

Neh 12:36; see also v. 27 below).74 Priests are regularly

requires (Num 28:3).

associated with trumpets (1 Chr 15:24; 16:6; 2 Chr 5:12-

■ 29 When they had finished the burnt offering, the king and

13; 13:12, 14; Ezra 3:10; Neh 12:35, 41).

all who were present with him bowed and prostrated themselves:

■ 27 Then Hezekiah commanded to offer up the burnt offer¬

The ceremony is not over until the king and his atten¬

ing on the altar, and at the time the burnt offering began, the

dants bow and prostrate themselves. The combination of

song of Yahweh also began, with the trumpets, accompanied by

the verbs “bowed and prostrated themselves” occurs else¬

the instruments of David king of Israel,: With this verse the

where only in 2 Chr 7:3, where fire came down and the

actual burnt offering sacrifices begin. The various parts

glory of Yahweh was on the temple at the first sacrifice in

of the ritual for burnt offerings are described in Lev 1:3-

the temple. Kleinig suggests that the Chronicler may be

13. Simultaneously with the sacrifice, the musical accom¬

implying that Yahweh appeared to the people in Heze¬

paniment also began. David’s association with musical

kiah ’s time after the presentation of the burnt offerings

instruments is noted also in 1 Chr 23:4-5; 2 Chr 7:6. The

just as he had at the first sacrifice.78

connection of music with burnt offerings is attested also

■ 30 King Hezekiah and the officials commanded the Levites

in 1 Chr 23:30-31 and 2 Chr 8:12-14; 23:18.

to praise Yahweh in the words of David and Asaph the vision¬

■ 2875 as all the assembly was prostrating itself, the song was

ary. They sang praises rapturously and fell down and prostrated

resounding, and the trumpeters (were playing on) the trumpets;

themselves: The king and his officials instructed the Levites

all this continued until the burnt offering was finished: The

to praise Yahweh, presumably with Davidic psalms and the

syntax of the first clauses before the semicolon is diffi¬

Psalms of Asaph (Psalms 50; 73-83). Asaph is identified

cult, but I take them as circumstantial, listing the various

as a visionary (ilTn). In 1 Chr 25:1, David set aside Asaph,

components of the ritual.76 English translations vary

Heman, and Jeduthun to “prophesy” with their musical

between “worshiped” (KJV, NRSV) and “prostrated them¬

instruments.79 David is mentioned four times in vv. 25-30.

selves” (NAB,JPS; cf. NIV) for D’lnDOQ. This verb appears

While Hezekiah is in many senses a second Solomon, he

also in vv. 29, 30, where it is accompanied by verbs mean¬

is also the first king of a reunited Israel, harking back

ing “they bowed down” and “they fell down” (linD and

therefore to both kings in the united monarchy (see also

Hp’l; cf. 2 Chr 32:12). Definite acts of prostration appear

the comparison with David in v. 2). Joy (“rapturously”; see

in w. 29 and 30, but the notice about prostration here

the textual notes) is a hallmark of worship in Chronicles.80

indicates merely that it took place in connection with

The Levites, who could not prostrate themselves while

the music, without indicating when it took place. The

they were playing their musical instruments, fell down and

complete commitment of the people is expressed by the

prostrated themselves when the song was over.

divine authorship even if it was mediated through 74

David. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 527. Amos criticizes the idle rich who, like David, impro-

75

vise on instruments of music (6:5). Note that this verse continues a sentence begun in

76 77

v. 27. Cf. 2 Chr 7:6 and Kleinig, Lord’s Song, 121. 2 Chr 29:23, 28, 31, 32; 2 Chr 30:2, 4, 13, 17, 23, 24

78 79

Kleinig, Lord’s Song, 122. See also 2 Chr 20:14; 34:12-13//2 Kgs 23:2; 2 Chr

(twice), 25 (twice), 31:18.

80

35:15 (the king’s visionary Jeduthun). The rel¬ evance of the second-to-last passage is uncertain. See v. 36. Cf. nnD03 “with (great) joy” in 1 Chr 15:25 and 29:17, 22; 2 Chr 20:27; 23:18; 30:21. See the thorough study of John C. Endres, “Joyful Wor¬ ship in Second Temple Judaism,” in L. M. Luker, ed., Passion, Vitality, and Foment: The Dynamics of Second Temple Judaism (Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2001) 155-88.

423

29:31-36 Sacrifices Brought by the People

sacrifice.85 This is the first reference to thank offerings

■ 31 Hezekiah answered and said to the people, “Now conse¬

(nmn)

crate yourselves to Yahweh. Draw near and bring the commu¬

egory of offerings of well-being (v. 35; cf. 2 Chr 33:16).8'

nion sacrifices and thank offerings to the house of Yahweh, and

■ 32 The number of burnt offerings that the assembly brought

the assembly brought communion sacrifices and thank offerings,

were seventy bulls, one hundred rams, two hundred lambs; all

and all who were of a willing heart [brought] burnt offerings”:

these were for a burnt offering for Yahweh: The size of the

Now the people are instructed to offer sacrifices, and

lay contribution may be more than it first appears, since

this is the only occasion in Chronicles where the people

those who offered received no benefit from this sacrifice;

show active participation in making such sacrifices.81 The

everything offered was totally burned up on the altar.

emendation mentioned in the textual notes, changing

Even so, the total number of animals that were contrib¬

the verb “consecrate” from a perfect to an imperative,

uted is 370. Burnt offerings are mentioned or implied in

and adopted in our translation, suggests that the follow¬

vv. 7, 18, 21, 24, 27, 32, 34, 35.

ing activities will be the way the people will consecrate

■ 33 The consecrated offerings were six hundred bulls and

in Chronicles.86 Thank offerings are a subcat¬

themselves. The MT indicates that the people have

three thousand sheep: The communion sacrifices and thank

already consecrated themselves, although it is not clear

offerings of v. 31 have now been designated as “conse¬

how that would have taken place. Generosity in sacrific¬

crated offerings” (□’’EnpiTl) because they can be eaten

ing is a sign of inward dedication. See 1 Chr 29:5: “Who

only in the environs of the temple.88 The numbers of

then will offer themselves willingly, consecrating them¬

sacrificed animals are even more extravagant so that the

selves (IT

total number of animals offered is 3,970.89 Since those

filling their hand) today to Yahweh?”82

The idiom “to fill the hand” often refers to priestly ordi¬

who offered these animals also got to eat them ceremoni¬

nation (2 Chr 13:9), but here, as in 1 Chr 29:5, it is used

ally, the larger numbers do not indicate a greater amount

in a wider sense of deep dedication by non-priests.83 The

of dedication.

people are invited to contribute communion sacrifices

■ 34 But the priests were too few and were not able to skin

and thank offerings,84 and in both cases the ones making

all the burnt offerings. So their brothers the Levit.es supported

the sacrifice eat it ceremoniously. The people outdid the

them until the work was completed and until [other] priests had

king’s request, since all who were of a willing heart also

consecrated themselves, for the Levites were more upright of heart

brought burnt offerings, which were burned entirely

in consecrating themselves than the priests: The Chronicler,

on the altar, leaving no benefit for the ones making the

as usual, has high praise for the Levites (in the narrow

81

2 Chr 1:6: Solomon offered a thousand burnt offerings at Gibeon; and 7:5: Solomon offered twenty-two thousand oxen and one hundred twenty thousand sheep at the dedication of the temple. Cf. Exod 36:6-7; 1 Chr 29:6-9; 2 Chr 7:7.

82

83 84

The expression of a willing heart in 2 Chr 29:31 is echoed by the use of this root seven times in 1 Chronicles 29. See also Exod 32:29, where it refers to Levites. Allen (610) suggests that sacrifices and thank offer¬ ings are an idiom meaning “thanksgiving sacri¬

85

fices.” See also the people’s generous contributions to the tabernacle (Exod 35:21-29) and at the proposal to build the temple in 1 Chr 29:5-9.

86

Cf. 2 Chr 33:16 and Ps 50:14, 23; 56:13 (12); 107:22; 116:17; Jer 17:26; 33:11; Amos 4:5; Jonah 2:10; 3

424

87

Macc 1:9. For the laws on these sacrifices, see Lev 7:11-18.

88

See 2 Chr 31:12; 35:13; and Neh 10:34 (33).

Petersen {Late Israelite Prophecy, 84) believes that the assembly brings a thanksgiving offering and a freewill offering, which are two of the three types of peace offerings in Lev 7:12, but the freewill offering is explicitly identified as a burnt offering in v. 31. Petersen also criticizes Rudolph for subsuming the consecrated offe’Hngs, peace offerings, and thanks¬ giving offerings under the rubric of burnt offering. Rudolph (297), however, identifies the communion sacrifices ofv. 31 with the consecrated offerings ofv. 33 and with the peace offerings of v. 35, but not with the burnt offerings. 89 In 2 Chr 30:24, Hezekiah contributed one thousand bulls and seven thousand sheep to be offered, and the officials gave the assembly one thousand bulls and ten thousand sheep.

29:1-36

sense of the term referring to clergy of a second rank).

Hezekiah and the people in the reestablished cult and

The quickness of Hezekiah’s proposed reform actions

probably urges similar joy in the Chronicler’s audience

did not permit the consecration of an adequate number

over the cult that was being observed in Jerusalem.

of priests to skin the animals, a duty normally carried

Similarly, Solomon had sent the people home joyful

out by the persons who were making the sacrifice (Lev

and in good spirits after the dedication of the temple

1:5-6). At the time of the Chronicler, however, this duty

(2 Chr 7:10). Note also the joy at the end of the Passover

fell to the priests. An adequate number of priests had

celebration in 2 Chr 30:25-26. This verse also attributes

not responded to the imperative of v. 5. So the Levites

the initiative in the matter to Yahweh. The sanctification

stepped in to fill the gap until a sufficient number of

of the temple had taken place in a mere sixteen days, and

priests had consecrated themselves. This is not a nega¬

that had been followed immediately by burnt offerings,

tive view of priesthood but an ad hoc measure needed

purification sacrifices, and various other sacrifices. The

because of the demands of this particular enterprise.

rapid sequence of these events meant that Yahweh had

Other ad hoc adjustments take place during the reign of

said a gracious yes to Hezekiah’s undertakings.

Hezekiah, in regard to the Passover in chap. 30 and the need for Hezekiah to provide special chambers to accom¬

Conclusion

modate the people’s contribution to the clergy’s portion (2 Chr 31:1).The Levites did the skinning of animals also

This is the first of three chapters spelling out the reforms

in 2 Chr 35:11, with no suggestion that this is an emer¬

undertaken by King Hezekiah. Hezekiah started his

gency measure. Japhet notes that v. 34 is parenthetical,

reform on the first day of his first full year as king and

since v. 35 follows directly on v. 33.

addressed first of all the impurity of the temple. In an

■ 35 In addition to the many burnt offerings, there was the

address to the Levites, including both priests and Levites

fat of the sacrifices of well-being and the drink offerings for the

in the narrower sense, Hezekiah rehearsed previous

burnt offerings. So the service of the house of Yahweh was estab¬

acts of unfaithfulness, with the errors of his father

lished: The fat of the sacrifices of well-being was the only

Ahaz clearly in mind (w. 5-11). The various cultic sins,

part of those sacrifices that was burned on the altar (Lev

outlined in vv. 6-7, had resulted in divine wrath and the

3:3-4, 9-11, 14-16): “All fat belongs to Yahweh. It shall be

devastation of Judah and Jerusalem, with much loss of

a perpetual statute throughout your generations . . . you

life and many taken into captivity (vv. 8-9). Hezekiah

must not eat any fat or any blood” (Lev 3:16-17; cf. vv.

announced his plan to make a covenant with Yahweh

3-4, 9-11, 14-15). Drink offerings of wine accompanied

so that the divine wrath would abate (v. 10). While the

burnt offerings (Exod 29:40; Num 15:1-15; 1 Chr 9:29;

completion of that covenant is not reported, it probably

Ezra 7:17). Some other parts of the animals were donated

should be thought to include the reform activities in this

to the priests, and the rest of the animal was eaten by the

chapter and the following two chapters. The Levites in

worshipers themselves (Lev 7:15-17, 29-36). The final sen¬

the wider sense are commanded to remove the “filth”

tence of this verse has two parallels in Chronicles: 2 Chr

from the temple and then sanctify it for renewed service.

8:16: “Thus all the work of Solomon was accomplished

Members of seven groups of Levites take up the task,

from the day of laying the foundation of the house of

four groups of generic Levites descending from Kohath,

Yahweh until its completion”; and 2 Chr 35:16: “So the

Merari, Gershon, and Elizaphan, and musicians descend¬

service of Yahweh was prepared on that day” [atjosiah’s

ing from Asaph, Heman, andjeduthun (vv. 12-14). The

Passover]. The first of these references fits in well with the emphasis on Hezekiah as a second Solomon.90 ■ 36 Hezekiah and all the people rejoiced over what God

impurities removed from the temple were discarded in •the Wadi Kidron, and the priests and Levites completed their work by the sixteenth day of the first month (w.

had reestablished for the people, for the thing had come to pass

15-17). They reported this purification to the king and

suddenly: This concluding verse underlines the joy of

also announced that they had restored and consecrated

90

Williamson, “Temple,” 29.

425

the utensils Ahaz had discarded during his reign (vv.

of sacrifices and the small number of priests; the Levites

18-19).

assisted the priests in skinning the sacrificial animals.

The king and officials of the city proceeded to offer

The worship of the house of Yahweh had been success¬

up burnt offerings and purification sacrifices for the

fully restored. The quick success of this reform effort

royal palace, the temple, and for Judah. The priests

filled the people with joy (vv. 31-36).

carried out the required blood rites for the burnt offer¬

Hezekiah restored the temple and its functions in

ings and then offered up the goats for the purification

Chronicles as a kind of second Solomon, or even a sec¬

offering. The sacrifices brought about atonement for all

ond David, ruling after the fall of the northern kingdom,

Israel (vv. 20-24). The burnt offerings were accompanied

and he will attempt to include parts of the north in

by music rendered by the Levitical singers, following the

temple worship (see the next chapter). The fidelity of the

directions of David, Gad the visionary, and Nathan the

clergy creates a model for the clergy of the Chronicler’s

prophet. The singers’ repertoire drew from the psalms

own day, and the Chronicler spells out the roles of priests

of David and Asaph. The king and all who were present

and Levites, with the Levites assisting the priests when

prostrated themselves at the conclusion of these sacri¬

their numbers are too small for the tasks involved. This

fices (vv. 25-30).

contribution of the Levites in the past provides a prec¬

The chapter concludes with the joyful offering of sacrifices of thanksgiving. Because of the large number

426

edent for the expanded role of the Levites in the Chroni¬ cler’s own day.

30:1-27 The Passover of Hezekiah Translation 1/

6/

10/

14/

Hezekiah sent to all Israel and Judah, and also wrote letters to Ephraim and Manasseh to come to the house of Yahweh in Jerusalem to carry out a Passover for Yahweh the God of Israel. 2/ The king, his officials, and all the assembly had taken counsel in Jerusalem to carry out the Passover in the second month. 3/ For they were not able to do it1 at that time because the priests had not sanctified themselves in great numbers2 and the people had not gathered together in Jerusalem. 4/ This plan had seemed correct in the eyes of the king and in the eyes of all3 the assem¬ bly. 5/ So they formulated a decree to be proclaimed throughout all Israel, from Beer-sheba to Dan, to come to celebrate a Passover to Yahweh the God of Israel in Jerusalem, but they had not done it often4 as prescribed. Runners went with letters from the king and his officials throughout all Israel and Judah and according to the command¬ ment5 of the king, saying,6 "Israelites, return to Yahweh7 the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, so that he may return again to the remnant that is left for you8 from the hand of the kings9 of Assyria. 7/ Do not be like your fathers or your brothers who acted unfaithfully toward Yahweh the God of their ancestors, and he handed them over to desolation, just as you see. 8/ Now do not stiffen your neck10 like your ancestors.11 Extend your hand to Yahweh12 and come to his sanctuary, which he has sanctified forever. Serve Yahweh your God so that the anger of his wrath may turn from you. 9/ For when you return to Yahweh,your kinsmen and your children will find 13 mercy before their captors to return to this land, for gracious and merci¬ ful is Yahweh your God, and he will not turn14 his face15 away from you if you return to him." And the runners passed on from city to city in the land of Ephraim and Manasseh and up to Zebulun,16 but they were laughing at them 17 and mocking them. 11/ Only some people from Asher, Manasseh,18 and Zebulun humbled themselves and came to Jeru¬ salem. 12/ Moreover, the hand of God19 was on Judah to give them one heart to do the commandment of the king and the offi¬ cials according to the word of20 Yahweh. 13/ Many people came together in Jeru¬ salem to keep the festival of Unleavened Bread in the second month, an exceedingly great21 assembly. They rose up and removed the altars that were in Jerusalem, and they removed all the altars for offering incense,22 and they

1

2 3 4

5 6

7 8 9

10 11 12

13

14

111337; BHS (cf. Rudolph, 300) suggests inserting ini)1? or 11133 “at its [appropriate] time,” a word that is thought to have been lost by haplography. Dillard (239) denies a need for this addition and finds here an allusion to the chronology in chap. 29, where the purification of the temple had not been completed until the sixteenth day of the first month. ’737. HALOT, 219: a combination of’7 ,110 ,7. *73; lacking in LXX. 133 37*7 8*7. HALOT (1174) defines OO1! as “plenti¬ fully.” BDB, 914: “in respect to abundance, abun¬ dantly.” JPS: “not often did they act in accord with what was written.” Similarly, Japhet, 941. The word 377 is lacking in Cairo Genizah manuscripts. Tg: “Because the greater part of the assembly had not kept the Passover in Nisan at its proper time.” 1113Q31; many Hebrew mss 013001; one Hebrew ms LXX Vg 171300. 73^*7 “[‘lOil. BHS (cf. Rudolph, 300) suggests insert¬ ing "[bon ora btoer on rim or something simi¬ lar “speak to the Israelites in the name of the king.” This clause was lost by homoioteleuton according to Rudolph, but the intervening “ION1? makes that unlikely. Rudolph argued that the speech of the messengers in vv. 6b-9 is only to the northern kingdom and not to both kingdoms, as v. 6a would imply. mrT; lacking in LXX. 00*7; missing in LXX. ’3*70; LXX Syr Vg singular. Rudolph (300) retains the plural. Cf. Tg. Note the plural form “the kings of Assyria” in Isa 37:11, 18. 33273; LXX rag napblaq vpav “(do not harden) your hearts.” 23'ni3tO; lacking in LXX. □DTTQtO may have been lost by homoioteleuton after 33273. 773’17 1' 7717; lacking in Syr. LXX dore 8o%av KvpLui tui &eui “give glory to the Lord God.” LXX may have read 7133 instead of 7’. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:52) interprets LXX as a paraphrase. ITT, with BHS. Cf. LXX eaoVTai. The Hebrew word may have been lost by haplography after 717’ earlier in the verse. My translation is interpretive. Cf. NRSV. 7'0'. Japhet (934) emends to 7170’ (“hide”) in the hiphil, which she finds to be the more usual expression. I do not find the verb in MT impossible, however, even if it is nowhere else used of Yahweh

15

turning away his face. 172, with the versions. MT 372 (absolute masculine

16

plural). |7*7>3T 731. Rudolph (302; BHS) proposed 7377 i737 “and up to the region of Dan.” Curtis and Mad¬ sen (473) comment on Zebulun: “Thus not to the extreme northern border, unto Dan, as might have

427

21/

23/

threw them into the Kidron valley. 15/ They slaughtered the Passover lamb on the four¬ teenth day of the second month, and the Levitical priests23 were ashamed and had sanctified themselves and had brought the burnt offerings into the house of Yahweh. 16/ They stood in their places according to their custom, according to the Torah of Moses the man of God. The priests24 sprinkled the blood received from the hand of the Levites. 17/ Since there were many in the assembly who had not sanctified themselves, the Levites were in charge of slaughtering the Passover lambs for all who were not clean, to make it holy for Yahweh. 18/ For a majority of the people, many25 from Ephraim, Manasseh, Issachar, and Zebulun, had not purified themselves, yet they ate the Passover not as it had been prescribed. Therefore Hezekiah had interceded for them, saying, "May Yahweh who is good26 provide atonement for all27 19/ those who set their heart to seek the God Yahweh28 the God of their ancestors, though not according to the purity required for the sanctuary." 20/ Yahweh listened to Hezekiah and healed the people. The Israelites who were present in Jerusa¬ lem observed the festival of Unleavened Bread for seven days with great joy, and the Levites and the priests29 praised Yahweh day by day, accompanied by loud instruments30 of Yahweh. 22/ Hezekiah spoke tenderly to all the Levites who had showed themselves well skilled for Yah¬ weh. They completed31 the seven days of the festival,32 sacrificing sacrifices of well¬ being, and confessing Yahweh the God of their fathers. All the assembly agreed together33 to do seven additional days, and they observed those seven days with joy.34 24/ For Heze¬ kiah the king of Judah had contributed to the assembly35 one thousand bulls and seven thousand sheep. And the officials contributed to the assembly36 one thou¬ sand bulls and ten thousand sheep, and the priests consecrated themselves37 in great numbers. 25/ And all the assembly of Judah, and the priests and the Levites, and all the assembly that came from Israel, and the sojourners who came from the land of Israel, and those who dwelled in Judah rejoiced. 26/ Great joy was in Jerusalem, for since the days of Solomon the son of David king of Israel there had not been [anything]38 like this in Jerusalem. 27/ The Levitical priests39 rose and blessed the people, and Yahweh heard their voice,40 and their prayer came to his holy habita¬ tion in heaven.

428

been expected.” There are also references to Zebu¬ 17 18

19 20

lun in vv. 11, 18. D’pTJtDD. The hiphil of this verb is used only here. Hebrew mss piel. 3BJ3331; cf. LXX nai am Mavaoar). MT 37331. A 0 has been lost by haplography. See the other two words in the series. LXX Kvpiov “Yahweh.” 3333, with a few Hebrew mss Syr Tg; MT 3333 “in

23

the word of.” 3K3 31 *73p, MT -mo 33*7 *73p. The *7 on 33*7 should be deleted as a dittography after *73p. rrhCSpQn (pielparticiple). Ehrlich proposed rrncpsn (feminine plural noun). See Rudolph, 302. LXX ev olq eftvpiitioav Tolg \pevbeotv “with which they had burned incense to the false gods.” 33*73 EI33331. MT 33*731 333331 “and the priests and

24

the Levites.” See v. 27. 33333. A few Hebrew mss LXX Vg add “and” before

21 22

26 27

this word. n37; omitted by LXX. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:146) takes it as a misplaced gloss assimilating this verse to v. 17. 3133 313’. Literally: “the good Yahweh.” Verses 18 and 19 are one sentence. Ignore the sop

28

pasuq. 3131 C'3*7K3; LXX Kvpiov “Yahweh.”

25

29 30

333331 33*73. LXX nai oL Lepelq Kai oi Aeveirai “the priests and the Levites.” 13 ’*733. BHS notes the proposal 13 *733 “with all their strength” (cf. 1 Chr 13:8) by Curtis and Madsen (477), but that makes the preceding or following 313,l7 superfluous. Moses Buttenwieser (“31 IT’1? 13 '*733 2 Chronicles 30:21: A Perfect Text,” JBL 45 [1926] 156-58) retains the MT, parses'*73

31

as an ellipsis for TtD '*73 (= song), and interprets 313’*7 13 as the first words of a song. 1*733, with LXX VL Kai ovvereXoav. So BHS and Rudolph, 303. MT 1*73K3 “they ate,” but then one has to add the words “the food of” (or something similar) before “the festival.” Cf. Curtis and Madsen, 476. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:99) thinks that the

32

MT has been influenced by v. 18. 33133 DK; LXX rrjv kopTpv tuv d&pwv “the feast of Unleavened Bread.”

33

1U313. Literally: “took counsel.”

34

3333; some Hebrew

35

8:12; 12:27. *73p*7 3'33 3313’ “[*7Q 13’pl3 ’3. LXX OTL 'E^eKiaq

36

anrip^aTO tu Iovda rrj e/c/tArjata. “For Hezekiah set apart for Judah, even for the congregation.” *73p*7; LXX rw Aaa> “to the people.”

37

3333 ltinpm. LXX Kai ra dyia tuv iepewv “and

mss

33333 “with joy.” Cf. Neh

the priests’ holy things.” Allen (Greek Chronicles,

30:1-27

2:106) posits the Vorlage of LXX as ’2np m tT is the sign for the direct object in Aramaic. 38

lO; “Anything” has been added to smooth out the syntax. A few Hebrew mss add iin’n. LXX and VL add eopTT) (there had not been such) a feast. D-frn D’]rDn; Some Hebrew mss LXXAal VL Syr Tg Vg Arab C’jHDH “the priests and the Levites.”

39

40

Rudolph (303) argues against the addition of the conjunction since the right to give the blessing is assigned only to the priests (Num 6:22; Lev 9:22). Cf. Curtis and Madsen, 477. mrr Cf. Syr Arab. MT nVipn uneh “their voice was heard.”

Structure

account of Hezekiah’s reign in 2 Kings, and they often assume that the Chronicler attributed a Passover to

The chapter may be outlined as follows: I. 30:1-5. Decision by the king, his officials and all the

IV.

similar stature with Josiah, who did celebrate a Passover

assembly to invite all Israel and Judah to a Passover

according to 2 Kgs 23:21-23, an account that has been

in Jerusalem

extensively elaborated in 2 Chr 35:1-19.3 A centralized

II. 30:6-9. The king’s invitation to the Israelites to III.

Hezekiah, whom he favored, in order to make him of

Passover, connected to Unleavened Bread, is mandated

repent and to come to the sanctuary in Jerusalem

by Deut 16:1-8, which, according to many scholars, was

30:10-13. The mixed response in the north and a

part of the Book of the Law first discovered by Josiah

very positive response in Judah

and edited/written during his reign, more than a half

30:14-20. The Passover celebrated, also by those

century after Hezekiah.

who had not purified themselves V. 30:21-22. Israelites celebrate Unleavened Bread VI. 30:23-27. The festival extended for an additional seven days amid great joy None of the material in this chapter came from the Vorlage in 2 Kings. The Passover celebrated by Hezekiah

Chronological problems also call this Passover into question. If Hezekiah came to the throne during the final years of the northern kingdom, when Hoshea was still on the throne,4 he could not have invited citizens of the north to participate in cultic rites of the southern kingdom during his first year. In addition, the informa¬

has a number of unusual traits, among which are that it

tion in v. 26, that since the days of Solomon there had

is a centralized festival,1 people from the former north¬

not been such joy like this in Jerusalem, has been taken

ern kingdom participate in it, it is held in the second

to contradict 2 Chr 35:18, and its observation about

rather than the first month of the year, and some partici¬

Josiah’s Passover: “No Passover like it had been kept in

pants had not fully purified themselves before the Pass-

Israel since the days of the prophet Samuel.” This evalu¬

over began. This has led to an extensive and inconclusive

ative sentence in turn is based on 2 Kgs 23:22: “No such

debate about the historicity of this Passover, which has

Passover had been kept since the days of the judges who

sometimes led to inattention to what the Chronicler was

judged Israel.”

trying to say with this account.2 That message will be the

Each of these arguments can be challenged. The

focus of the discussion in the “Detailed Commentary”

silence about Hezekiah’s Passover in 2 Kings could have

and it will be summarized in the “Conclusion.”

several causes and does not necessarily prove that this

Arguments against the historicity of Hezekiah’s Passover begin with the silence about this festival in the

Passover was unknown or did not occur. Advocates of its historicity further argue that if the Chronicler were

1

According to Exod 12:3-4, Passover was to be celebrated in one’s home.

2

For an extensive discussion of the problem, see

ern kingdom, and Samaria fell in Hezekiah’s sixth

Eves, Role of Passover.

year (2 Kgs 18:10).

3

4

According to 2 Kgs 18:1, Hezekiah became king in the third year of Hoshea, the last king of the north-

Curtis and Madsen (471) call Hezekiah’s Passover a purely imaginative occurrence, suggested by the Passover under Josiah.

429

inventing this festival during the reign of Hezekiah, it

30:13, 21, without referring to the Passover itself.8 Heze¬

is difficult to imagine why he would give it the unusual

kiah’s Passover was kept in the second month rather than

features of being dated to the second month and having

the first. Unclean people partook of Hezekiah’s Passover

a number of people participate in it who were not puri¬

with royal permission and requiring royal intercession.

fied.5 Japhet (935) who favors the chapter’s basic historic¬

Hezekiah’s Passover stressed joy and the use of musical

ity, admits that the celebration could not have occurred

instruments and lasted for an additional, second week.

during Hezekiah’s first year when the north was still an

In the account of Hezekiah’s Passover the destruction

independent country. She concludes (936), correctly in

of offensive cultic materials is the result of the Passover

my opinion, that the chronology of Hezekiah’s reign in

celebration, whereas in Josiah’s reform the Passover

Chronicles is theologically dictated, because the Chroni¬

comes last (2 Kgs 23:2-23), after the reform (2 Kgs 23:4-

cler wanted Hezekiah to initiate a reform as soon as he

20). There is no concern with the cooking method of the

came to power. An early draft of Deuteronomy and/

sacrificial animals for Hezekiah, but with Josiah the ani¬

or a move toward centralization of the cult could have

mals are “cooked with fire” (2 Chr 35:17), an attempt to

precededJosiah’s reign. Chronicles seems to assume that

reconcile prescriptions in D and P. In Josiah’s Passover,

the northern kingdom had fallen by the time of Heze¬

the Levites slaughter the animals for all the worshipers

kiah’s accession to the throne; if that accession was as

and not just for those who are ritually unclean. In my

late as 715, the existence of the northern kingdom would

judgment, most of these differences can be traced to the

not have deterred Hezekiah from inviting northerners to

Chronicler’s theological agenda. The Chronicler used this chapter to draw a number

participate.6 The unique thing about Hezekiah’s Passover according to the Chronicler is that there had not been

of parallels to Solomon’s prayer at the dedication of the

such joy in Jerusalem since the days of Solomon, not that

temple, and the second week added to the festival of

it was the first centralized Passover. While I suspect that

Unleavened Bread echoes the second week of the tem¬

the debate on the historicity of this chapter will con¬

ple’s dedicatory festival held under Solomon. Even those

tinue, I believe that the eviderice against its historicity is

who argue for the historicity of this chapter concede that

stronger than the evidence for it. But no final decision

the present account is cast completely in the Chronicler’s

is possible, and issues of historicity will not play a major

style and language.

role in the following commentary. In a number of ways Hezekiah’s Passover differs from

An intermediate position is adopted by Welch,9 Herbert Haag,10 and Williamson (363-65). While

that ofjosiah. While the observance of Passover was the

Haag’s opinion is based on an unconvincing literary-

result of Josiah’s unilateral decision in Kings, the Pass-

critical analysis of the chapter,11 Williamson picks up

over of Hezekiah in Chronicles was a unanimous deci¬

his idea that the festival held by Hezekiah was originally

sion by Hezekiah, his officials, and the entire assembly.

only Unleavened Bread (vv. 13, 21-22). In his view, this

Josiah’s Passover makes no mention of Unleavened Bread

removes the contradiction with 2 Chr 35:18, since Heze¬

in 2 Kgs 23:21-23 and only once in 2 Chr 35:17/ but the

kiah’s festival originally had nothing to do with Passover,

festival of Unleavened Bread is twice mentioned, in 2 Chr

and the joy and uniqueness of the Hezekiah event refer

See especially Moriarty, “Chronicler’s Account of Hezekiah.” Moriarty proposes that the Deuteron-

8

The Passover is mentioned in 2 Chr 30:1, 2, 5, 15, 17, and 18.

omistic Historian omitted Hezekiah’s Passover

9

Welch (Work, 108-13) assigns vv. 13, 14, 15b, 16,

because it did not have the “amphictyonic” char¬ acteristics thatjosiah’s did, but the existence of an amphictyony has been seriously called into question

10

Haag, “Das Mazzenfest,” 87-94.

in more recent discussions. See Thiele (Mysterious Numbers, 217), who dates

11

Haag detected four stages in the development of chap. 30. There was an original account of

Hezekiah to 716/715-687/686.

430

21ff. to the festival of Unleavened Bread and vv. 12, 15a, 17-20 to Passover.

This verse mentions both the Passover and the

Hezekiah observing the festival of Unleavened Bread; this account was expanded by the Chroni¬

festival of Unleavened Bread.

cler; a later reviser added the celebration of

30:1-27

primarily to the reuniting of the people. I think this

in the Passover itself in Hezekiah were apparently sheep

hypothesis makes too much of the mention of Unleav¬

or goats, but not bulls, in accord with Exod 12:3-4, 21, 32

ened Bread without a mention of Passover. Asjaphet

(P). Unclean people ate the Passover with the knowledge

(9.48) has pointed out, 2 Chronicles 30 makes Passover

of Hezekiah, seemingly in opposition to biblical law. The

and Unleavened Bread a combined festival more than

second week of celebration is also unusual and seems to

anywhere else in the Bible, so that the mention of one

echo the two-week celebration at the dedication of the

part of the festival implicitly includes mention of the

temple. The Unleavened Bread festival also shows heavy

other.

dependence on P.15

Hezekiah’s Passover shows influences of both the Deuteronomic and Priestly schools, but primarily Priestly

Detailed Commentary

traits.12 Several items, however, in this Passover lack bibli¬ cal, legal precedent. The principal Deuteronomic idea is

30:1-5. Decision to Invite All Israel and Judah

that the Passover is to be kept in Jerusalem (Deut 16:2,

to a Passover in Jerusalem

5-6) ;13 hence, the Passover was not a family celebration

■ 1 Hezekiah sent to all Israel and Judah, and also wrote let¬

based on Exod 12:1-20 (P). Hezekiah’s Passover took

ters to Ephraim and Manasseh to come to the house of Yahweh

place at an unusual date, perhaps dependent on an inter¬

in Jerusalem to carry out a Passover for Yahweh the God of

pretation of Num 9:6-11; the usual date for Passover in

Israel: This verse serves as a summary of the actions in

P was the fourteenth day of the first month (Exod 12:6;

vv. 1-5. The Chronicler presupposes that Hezekiah came

Lev 23:5; Num 9:2-3; 28:16; Ezek 45:21). The verb used

to power after the fall of the northern kingdom (see

for killing the Passover animal is ton® (cf. Exod 12:21 [J]

vv. 6, 9) despite the evidence offered by 2 Kgs 18:9-10.16

or Exod 12:6 [P]); in Deut 16:2, 5 the verb for this action

That Hezekiah backed up his oral message with written

is

mi.

Sojourners (OH3; v. 25) participated in Hezekiah’s

letters seems to reflect a customary royal communication

Passover (cf. Exod 12:48-49 and Num 9:14, both P). The

practice in the Persian era (see Esth 1:22; 3:13; 8:8-10;

Levites performed the Passover sacrifice for those who

2 Chr 36:22//Ezra 1:1). Even the use of the word miHK

were ritually unclean, although there is no pentateuchal,

(“letters”) appears only in v. 6 and in the postexilic

legal basis for this.14 This duty was normally performed

books of Nehemiah and Esther.17 Hezekiah’s message

by heads of families (Exod 12:6; Deut 16:2, in the latter

went to both kingdoms, Judah in the south and Ephraim

case as part of a centralized Passover). The animals used

and Manasseh18 in the north. “All Israel” can stand for

Passover based on Josiah’s Passover; and a final editor attempted to harmonize the tensions in the account. See Eves, Role of Passover, 14-19. See the discussion in Eves, Role of Passover, chap. 5. For the relationship ofjosiah’s Passover in Chron¬

See Eves, Role of Passover, 252. According to these verses, Hezekiah’s fourth year was the seventh year of the northern king Hoshea, and it was the sixth year of Hezekiah when the northern kingdom fell to the Assyrians (2 Kgs

13

icles to Deuteronomic and Priestly regulations, see the commentary on 2 Chronicles 35. The place that Yahweh your God will choose as a

18:10). Japhet (936), who accepts the historicity of much of this chapter, agrees that the Chronicler errs in putting Passover in Hezekiah’s first year. She

14

dwelling for his name. In Josiah’s Passover the Levites sacrificed the Pass-

notes: “The Chronicler was here carried away by his wish to attribute all the aspects of Hezekiah’s reli¬

over for everyone. See 2 Chr 35:11. This may imply that this had now become the normal practice. This change in practice may be implied by Josiah’s speech to the Levites in 2 Chr 35:3. The Levites

gious reform to the king’s first year, and exceeded the evidence of his sources.” Sennacherib’s attack in 701 b.c.e. is located by 2 Kgs 18:13 in Hezekiah’s fourteenth year, suggesting that he came to power

also killed (12112)) the Passover lamb in Ezra 6:20. The Passovers of Hezekiah andjosiah are linked to the purification or reform of the temple, and Ezra’s

17

in 715 b.c.e. Galil (Chronology of the Kings, 147), how¬ ever, dates Hezekiah to 726-697/696. Neh 2:7, 8, 9; 6:5, 17, 19; Esth 9:26, 29. See Fish-

18

bane, Biblical Interpretation, 158. These two tribes are mentioned again in v. 10, with

12

15 16

Passover comes at the dedication of the Second Temple.

431

the former northern kingdom,19 but the word “Israel”

self states that the usual date was impossible because the

also has a comprehensive sense that includes all of the

priests had not sanctified themselves in great numbers

land and its people (Williamson, 365). The invitation to

and the people had not gathered together in Jerusalem

a centralized celebration of Passover in Jerusalem seems

(v. 3). One could note that the sanctifying of the temple

to presuppose the legislation in Deut 16:5-6, normally

was not completed until the sixteenth day of the month

dated to the reign of Josiah, which mandates an obser¬

(2 Chr 29:17), though the Chronicler does not explicitly

vance of Passover at the place that Yahweh will choose,

make that connection. Readers of both 2 Chronicles 29

namely, the temple in Jerusalem.20 The date of this leg¬

and 30, however, would surely come to the conclusion

islation alone, therefore, makes the historical character

that the lack of readiness by the priests and the failure of

of a centralized observance of Passover in the reign of

the people to assemble were based on that information.

Hezekiah dubious, unless one argues that an earlier date

Scholars have frequently pointed to the law in Num 9:6-

for the legislation in Deuteronomy 16 is not entirely out

13, which states that if a person is unclean because con¬

of the question. Previously Passover had been observed

tact with a corpse has made him or her ritually unclean,

in the home (Exod 12:3-4). Yahweh’s epithet as the “God

or if a person has been on a journey during Passover,

of Israel” is not insignificant in view of the inclusive

the Passover may be delayed until the second month.21

nature of this observance.

Neither of those exceptions applies explicitly here,22 nor

■ 2 The king, his officials, and all the assembly had taken

does the Chronicler appeal explicitly to this law. This

counsel in Jerusalem to carry out the Passover in the second

pentateuchal law also deals only with Passover and not

month: Verse 2 describes the decision-making process,

also with Unleavened Bread. If this law is relevant here,

v. 3 the rationale for postponing Passover to the sec¬

it is important to note that it is applied to the whole

ond month, v. 4 the agreement that had been achieved

community here and not to an individual who is ritually

between king and people, and v. 5 the proclamation that

unclean. Chronicles does not speak of a second Pass-

resulted from this process. The king, his associates, and

over, but a postponement of the main celebration to the

the entire assembly had consulted together, just as David

second month. Shemaryahu Talmon suggested that the

had addressed the whole assembly when the decision was

northern kingdom had a different cubic calendar since

made to bring the ark to Jerusalem (1 Chr 13:2).

the time of Jeroboam I that was one month behind the

The startling new fact is that this Passover is to be held

calendar in the south (1 Kgs 12:32-33), and that Heze¬

in the second month, since the biblical legislation unani¬

kiah gave up the Judean calendar in favor of an Israelite

mously puts Passover on the fourteenth day of the first

one. According to Talmon, when Hezekiah first invited

month (Exod 12:2-6; Lev 23:5; Num 9:2-3; 28:16; Ezek

northerners to come to a Passover in Judah in the first

45:21; cf. Josh 5:10-11). A variety of explanations has

month, he was laughed to scorn, since the north held

been offered for this unusual date. The Chronicler him¬

Passover in the second month. In his second invitation,

Zebulun, and in v. 11 Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun appear. In v. 18 we find Ephraim, Manasseh, Issachar, and Zebulun. Ephraim and Manasseh also

20 21

Michael Fishbane (“Revelation and Tradition:

represent the northern tribes in 2 Chr 31:1. Naphtali appears in 2 Chr 34:6. Only the Transjordanian

Aspects of Inner-biblical Exegesis,” JBL 99 [1980] 344-47) points out that in Numbers 9 the ruling

tribes (Reuben, Gad, and half of Manasseh) go unmentioned in the Chronicler’s account of Heze¬

comes via divine revelation, whereas that is not

kiah and Josiah. Japhet (142, 1024) believes that the

in Numbers 9 and 2 Chronicles 30 involved ritual defilement and distance from a legitimate shrine.

claimed in 2 Chronicles 30. He notes that the issues

omission of the Transjordanian tribes in 2 Chr 34:6 may represent the long period of Assyrian domi¬

Fishbane suggests that the Chronicler did not make the connection with Numbers 9 explicit since he

nation and deportation under Tiglath-pileser III. See 1 Chr 5:26 (an exile from which there was no reprieve) and 2 Kgs 15:29. 19 Japhet (Ideology, 276) points to 2 Chr 11:13; 13:4, 15; and 30:6. She considers 1 Chr 9:1 a sixth possibility.

432

See also Lev 23:5-8; Num 28:16-25; and Ezek 45:2124.

did not want to suggest that the Torah of Moses was 22

insufficient when faced with new exigencies. See von Rad, Geschichtsbild, 53.

30:1-27

Hezekiah adopted the northern calendar and invited

■ 3 For they were not able to do it at that time because the

the northerners to a Passover celebration in the second

priests had not sanctified themselves in great numbers and the

month.23 Talmon’s reconstruction conflicts with the

people had not gathered together in Jerusalem: Despite all the

account in 2 Chronicles, where the decision to hold the

scholarly speculation about the reason for the postpone¬

Passover in the second month was unanimous from the

ment until the second month, the Chronicler offers his

start. It also seems unlikely to me that Hezekiah would

own reasons for the delay. In the sacrifices discussed in

adopt a northern cultic calendar or that the Chronicler

2 Chr 29:31-36 we learned that the priests were too few

would endorse such a procedure, given Abijah’s speech

and were not able to skin all the enormous number of

to the north in 2 Chr 13:4-12. Japhet (939) suggests that

burnt offerings (v. 34), and that the Levites were more

an emergency situation, such as a military campaign,

upright of heart in consecrating themselves than the

required the delay, although this of course is pure

priests. The Chronicler’s suggestion here that the priests

guesswork. If the centralized Passover took place after

had not sanctified themselves in great numbers seems

the fall of the north, Hezekiah’s interest in inviting the

to build on this incident from the previous chapter. The

north would make more sense especially if Assyria was

Chronicler’s comments do not explain why the people

preoccupied with other parts of its empire at that time

had not gathered together in Jerusalem. The clause “they

(Williamson, 361). Some scholars infer from Hezekiah

were not able to do it at that time” (niH

naming his son and heir Manasseh that he had a special

K’nn) is very similar to Num 9:6: “they were not able to

interest in the north. I think Judson R. Shaver is correct

do the Passover on that day” (DV3 nOSH n&V1? fo’ 8*71

that “the Chronicler found room to interpret for his own

Kinn).The principal reason for this in Numbers was that

day the spirit of Num. 9:6-ll.”24 Fishbane observed that

people were unclean through touching a corpse.

the ruling in Numbers applied both to the time of the

■ 4 This plan had seemed correct in the eyes of the king and

wilderness and “in your future generations” (Num 9:10).

in the eyes of all the assembly: The unanimity of the com¬

In both Numbers and 2 Chronicles 30, the inability to

munity in calling for this centralized Passover is again

keep Passover at the proper time involved impurity and

stressed. One should compare 1 Chr 13:4, where the

distance—either on a journey in Numbers or not yet

proposal to bring the ark to Jerusalem seemed correct

"fo’

assembled in Jerusalem in 2 Chr 30:3. Fishbane therefore

(“12)’) to all the people.

found an “analogical relationship” between the two texts.

■ 5 So they formulated a decree to be proclaimed throughout all

Provisions for sacrifices when one is distant from Jeru¬

Israel, from Beer-sheba to Dan, to come to celebrate a Passover

salem is legislated also in Deut 14:24-26.25 In Chronicles

to Yahweh the God of Israel in Jerusalem, but they had not done

an exegetical shift is made from certain individuals who

it often as prescribed: Verse 5 basically repeats, after the

were unclean to the priests as a whole being insufficiently

flashback in vv. 2-4, what was said in v. 1. The king and

purified and the people as a whole not being gathered in

the assembly formulated the decree that was carried

Jerusalem.

throughout the land. The people have a role both in

23 Talmon, “Cult and Calendar Reform”; and idem, “Calendar-Reckoning,” esp. 58-62. Jeroboam had his fall festival on the fifteenth day of the eighth month (1 Kgs 12:32-33). This corresponds to the feast of Booths on the fifteenth day of the seventh month in Judah. Japhet (939) points out that there is no explicit support for an alternate calendar in the north. See Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation, 155; and Moriarty, “The Chronicler’s Account of Hezekiah,” 405. J. B. Segal (“Intercalation and the Hebrew Calendar,” VT7 [1957] 257) understood

24 25

Shaver, Torah, 112. See the discussion in Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation, 154-59. A person who was distant from Jerusalem could sell his animal designated for a sacrifice and use the money to buy a substitute animal when that person had arrived at the central sanctuary. Contrary to Numbers 9, there is no divine oracle in 2 Chronicles 30, but the king consults with the laity in v. 4. This lay decision seems more likely to Fish¬ bane in the period of the Chronicler than during the eighth-century reign of Hezekiah.

the one-month delay as due to the use of an interca¬ lary month.

433

making decisions and in carrying them out. The extent

ment of the king, saying, “Israelites, return to Yahweh the God

of the land—from Beersheba to Dan (cf. 1 Chr 21:2) —

of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel, so that he may return again to

resembles the extent of Solomon’s kingdom.26 A number

the remnant that is left for you from the hand of the kings of

of parallels are drawn in this chapter between Hezekiah

Assyria”: While vv. 2, 4, and 5 have stressed the strong

and Solomon. Hezekiah held a two-week observance of

participation of the people in this project, it is the king

Passover and Unleavened Bread, just as Solomon pre¬

himself and his officials who order the runners on their

sided over a two-week celebration at the dedication of

way, and the message to the Israelites in both Judah and

the temple. The promises of divine mercy that Hezekiah

Israel comes directly from the king.28 He urges them to

made to those he invited to the festival in Jerusalem

repent or turn to Yahweh, who is here identified as the

(v. 9) remind us of the words of Solomon at the dedica¬

God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel. This title is used in

tion of the temple (2 Chr 6:24-25, 36-39). Both Solomon

only two other places in the Old Testament: by Elijah in

and Hezekiah prayed for their people and their prayers

1 Kgs 18:36 and by David in 1 Chr 29:18.29 The Israelites

were answered (2 Chr 6; 7:1-3, 12; 30:18-19, 25). Joy and

are being addressed by the God of Israel. The exhorta¬

praise characterized the festivals of Solomon and Heze¬

tion itself resembles Zech 1:3: “Return to me—it’s an

kiah (2 Chr 5:11-13; 7:1-3; 30:21-24). A great number of

oracle of Yahweh of hosts—and I will return to you.”30

sacrifices were made on both occasions (2 Chr 5:6 [the

The root HI0 appears later in this verse to describe

sheep and oxen were uncountable]; 7:1, 4-5 [142,000];

Yahweh returning again to the remnant. In v. 8, DIE?

30:15-16, 22, 24 [19,000]).27 The last clause in this verse

describes how Yahweh’s anger will turn away. Three times

is difficult to translate. The translation I have chosen

in v. 9 HIE) denotes repentance, at both the beginning and

follows/.PSandJaphet (941) and takes HI1? in the sense

the ending of the verse, but this verb is also used in the

of “often.” This translation concedes that the centralized

middle of v. 9 to refer to their future return to the land.

Passover was more or less an innovation under Hezekiah.

The Chronicler tacitly acknowledges that the northern

Many translators render this clause as follows: “for they

kingdom is no more when he refers to the remnant that

had not kept it in great numbers as prescribed” (NRSV).

is left from the hand of the kings of Assyria. Here and

But centralization rather than crowd size seems to be the

in two other places, the Chronicler refers to the kings

main issue in the chapter. In any case, Hezekiah’s intent

of Assyria in the plural when no specific king is named

to keep the Passover as prescribed (literally: written) falls

(2 Chr 28:16 and 32:4).31 The kings that damaged and

short, as we shall see in v. 18. “As prescribed” would seem

finally defeated the north included Tiglath-pileser III,

to be a reference to the Pentateuch.

Shalmaneser V, and Sargon II. The remnant of Israel, but not the word ilCD'^S,32 also appears in 2 Chr 34:9 (m^Ei;

30:6-9. The King's Invitation to Repent and to Come

cf. 2 Chr 36:20) and 2 Chr 34:21 (“IKtim).

to the Sanctuary in Jerusalem

■ 7 “Do not be like your fathers or your brothers who acted

■ 6 Runners went with letters from the king and his officials

unfaithfully towa rd Yahweh the God of their ancestors, and he

throughout all Israel and Judah and according to the command¬

handed them over to desolation, just as you see”: The king’s

26

South to north directions are also given in 1 Chr

Cf. Exod 3:15, 16; 4:5. The Chronicler always uses Israel as the name of the third patriarch except in 1 Chr 16:13, 17.

13:5 and 2 Chr 19:4. Cf. Neh 11:30 “from Beersheba to the valley of Hinnom.” 27

See Graham, “Worship in 2 Chronicles 30:1—31:1,” 132-33.

28

Von Rad (“Levitical Sermon,” 279) believed that

Jeremiah. Cf. the negative pair of verbs in 2 Chr

the dispatching of such messengers to carry on religious instruction was the setting in life for the

24:20: “Because you have forsaken Yahweh, he has forsaken you.”

Levitical sermons. 29

434

30

An exhortation in Mai 3:7 is very similar. The verb DIE? in the sense of “repent” is very common in

31

In 2 Chr 28:21 the Chronicler refers to the king

See Exod 3:6: “the God of your father, the God of

of Assyria, but Tillegath-pilneser (Tiglath-pileser)

Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob.”

had been named in the previous verse. The kings of

30:1-27

letter itself does not mention the Passover and only

neck is an idiom used frequently in Deuteronomy (Deut

mentions the temple in Jerusalem in v. 9. The admoni¬

9:6, 13; 10:16; 31:27). In 2 Chr 29:6, Hezekiah accused

tion not to be like the fathers (see also v. 8) also appears

the ancestors of turning their backs (necks) to Yahweh.

in Zech 1:4 and may be a citation of this passage,33 but

The opposite of stiffening one’s neck is extending one’s

the comparison with the brothers does not occur there.

hand to Yahweh (cf. 2 Kgs 10:15; 1 Chr 29:10; Ezra 10:19;

Brothers and descendants are mentioned in v. 9 below.

Lam 5:6; Ezek 17:18). HALOT (387) compares this

The term “fathers” refers to the generation of Ahaz,

gesture to giving a handshake. The letter urges people

while the word “brothers” implies the guilt of the north¬

to come to Yahweh’s sanctuary in Jerusalem, presumably

ern kingdom. In the Chronicler’s understanding of the

in this context, for celebrating Passover, but the Chroni¬

doctrine of retribution, each generation is accountable

cler’s audience would find in it a contemporary meaning

for its own behavior, and therefore there is no necessity

inviting them to support the Second Temple. The north

for the present generation to continue the behavior of its

had long abandoned this sanctuary, and Judah had

ancestors. The unfaithful actions

also done this under Ahaz. Yahweh has sanctified this

of these fathers

(and brothers) point back to 2 Chr 28:19, 22, where Ahaz

sanctuary forever, but it is this sanctified sanctuary that

is accused of unfaithfulness. Abandoning the appropri¬

the priests and people will later pollute (2 Chr 36:14).

ate cultic worship of Yahweh—whether by Ahaz34 or by

Serving Yahweh by coming to his sanctuary will lead to

the north—leads inevitably to Yahweh’s punishing both

the removal ofYahweh’s fierce wrath (pN

kingdoms. Yahweh also made Judah and Jerusalem a

■ 9 “For when you return to Yahweh, your kinsmen and your

desolation (HQO^) in 2 Chr 29:8.35 Jeremiah (18:16; 19:8;

children will find mercy before their captors to return to this

jinn).37

25:9, 18; 29:18) also concludes that the sins of the people

land, for gracious and merciful is Yahweh your God, and he

have made their land a horror (HQO) and a thing to be

will not turn his face away from you if you return to him”: The

hissed at forever (np7S2).36 Hezekiah’s letter presupposes

repentance of the people in Israel and Judah will lead to

that its readers were eyewitnesses to the devastation that

mercy for their kinsmen, that is, their contemporaries,

has come on both kingdoms (see also 2 Chr 29:8). The

and their descendants, including perhaps the people

Chronicler may also be referring to the reduced condi¬

who experienced the Babylonian exile. This mercy in

tion of the land that was typical of his own era and is

turn will permit them to return to the land, a promise

urging his audience to draw appropriate conclusions

that had been fulfilled from the viewpoint of the Chroni¬

from that.

cler’s audience. The mercy of the captors reflects in turn

■ 8 “Now do not stiffen your neck like your ancestors. Extend

the gracious and merciful character of Yahweh,38 who

your hand to Yahweh and come to his sanctuary, which he has

will not turn away39 his face from those who return to

sanctified forever. Serve Yahweh your God so that the anger of

him. Solomon had prayed that repentance would lead to

his wrath may turn from you”: Having pointed out the les¬

God hearing the people’s plea, forgiving their transgres¬

sons of the past, Hezekiah now urges Judah and Israel

sions, and granting them compassion in the sight of their

not to repeat their stubborn behavior. Stiffening the

captors (2 Chr 6:38-39//l Kgs 8:48-50). The word “their

Assyria are also mentioned in 2 Kgs 29:11, 17//lsa 32 33

34

35

37:11, 18. This word is used of the surviving remnant of Judah

36

in 2 Kgs 19:30//Isa 37:31. So Williamson, 367. W. A. M. Beuken (HaggaiSacharja 1-8 [Assen: Van Gorcurn, 1967] 92), however, wants to rule out the possibility of direct

37 38

literary dependence. 2 Chr 28:24; 29:6-7. Cf. 2 Chr 36:14, where the priests and the people polluted (tSOCD) the house of

39

Yahweh in Jerusalem. There I translated that noun as (an object of) aston¬

ishment. These are the only times the noun HOO is used in Chronicles. The root of the latter noun is used also in 2 Chr 29:8. For this expression, see 2 Chr 28:11, 13; 29:10. These two epithets ofYahweh appear in Neh 9:17, 31; Ps 111:4; 112:4; 145:8;Joel 2:13;Jonah 4:2. Cf. Exod 34:6. TO1 is from the root 710 rather than 310, which has been so common in these verses. See the proposed emendation byjaphet in the textual notes.

435

captors”

(□n,32j)

appears also in 1 Kgs 8:5040 and may

Solomon in 2 Chr 7:14. Their coming to Jerusalem is an

even be a play on words with 3123 in this verse. Solomon’s

explicit acceptance of Hezekiah’s invitation to come to

prayer in 2 Chronicles 6//1 Kings 8 had not mentioned

the sanctuary (v. 8). Japhet (946) believes that the varied

return to the land, perhaps reflecting the limited hopes

response on the part of the north is based on historical

of the Deuteronomistic Historian. But the Chronicler

facts and may have stemmed from spiritual, political, and

added that hope here, that had now been fulfilled. While

practical causes.

Hezekiah’s call for repentance was successful here, the

■ 12 Moreover, the hand of God was on Judah to give them

persistent sending of prophets with the same message in

one heart to do the commandment of the king and the officials

the time of Zedekiah was not (2 Chr 36:15-16).

according to the word ofYahweh: If the majority in the north laughed and mocked, and some humbled themselves and

30:10-13. The Mixed Response in the North and a Very Posi¬

came to Jerusalem, the response in Judah was exuberant

tive Response in Judah

and united ("IFIK 31? “one heart”). Similarly, the warriors

■ 10 And the runners passed on from city to city in the land

from all the tribes were united (0^23 33^3 “with full

of Ephraim and Manasseh and up to Zebulun, but they were

intent”) to make David king (1 Chr 12:39 [38]). David

laughing at them and mocking them: The Chronicler reports

had prayed that Yahweh would give Solomon such a

the response to the messengers, first in the north in

single mind (0*723 33*7) to obey Yahweh’s laws and build

vv. 10-11 and only then in Judah (v. 12). Ephraim and

the temple (1 Chr 29:19). God’s power (or hand, T) was

Manasseh are the main tribes of the northern kingdom,

behind this completely positive response. Having “one

but the lists of negative responses also includes the tribe

heart” is consistently viewed as a divine gift in the Bible

of Zebulun, which bordered on Manasseh. These tribes

(Jer 32:39; Ezek 11:19).44 David decided to fall into the

are representative of the northern kingdom but not

hand ofYahweh when faced with multiple bad options

exhaustive, as the mention of Asher in the next verse

after his census (1 Chr 21:13). The king’s invitation is

makes clear. The generous invitation of Hezekiah was

here considered his commandment, and indeed that

continually rejected (note the force of the participles).

commandment is identified with the word ofYahweh.

The northerners laughed at, rather than with, them.41

Hezekiah’s command to sanctify or purify the house of

The verb 2V1? in the hiphil is used elsewhere with a sense

Yahweh had also been identified with the words ofYah¬

of jeering or deriding.42 It is echoed at the end of the

weh (2 Chr 29:15).

book in the people’s response to the messengers of God

■ 13 Many people came together in Jerusalem to keep the

at the time of Zedekiah (2 Chr 36:16). The two verbs

festival of Unleavened Bread in the second month, an exceed¬

here form a hendiadys.43

ingly great assembly: This verse continues to underscore

■ 11 Only some people from Asher, Manasseh, and Zebulun

the positive response to the invitation from the king and

humbled themselves and came to Jerusalem: The response

his officials, since the assembly that came together in

among the northern tribes turned out to be mixed,

Jerusalem was exceedingly great. This is the first men¬

since some people from Asher (located west of Zebulun),

tion in this chapter of Unleavened Bread, an inclusive

Manasseh, and Zebulun humbled themselves. Hum¬

term that represents both Passover and the seven days of

bling oneself is the first step of repentance, according to

Unleavened Bread.45 The Chronicler’s account of Josiah’s

40

This part of the verse is not included in Chronicles.

41

The only other uses of the root plttO in Chronicles (1 Chr 13:8; 15:29, referring to David’s dancing before the ark) are positive, and they are in the piel

Cf. Acts 4:32 “Now the whole group of those who believed were of one heart and soul (Kapbict Kdl pox')) pia)."

rather than the hiphil.

Mark 14:12 refers to the first day of Unleavened Bread when the Passover lamb was sacrificed. See

42

Job 21:3; Ps 22:8 (7); Neh 2:19 (the mocking of Sanballat, Tobiah, and Geshem); 3:33 (the mocking

also Matt 26:17 and Luke 22:1. The two festivals are mentioned sequentially in Lev 23:5-6 and Num

of the Jews by Sanballat).

28:16-17. Williamson (364) proposed that the

43

Japhet (947) points out that the two verbs in the qal are sometimes used in poetic parallelism (Jer 20:7;

Chronicler was working on the basis of an earlier

Ps 59:9 [8]; Prov 1:26).

436

44

45

tradition that told of a celebration of the feast of Unleavened Bread alone.

30:1-27

Passover also mentions Unleavened Bread (2 Chr 35:17;

to the laity, or this could be a use of the “Semitic pas¬

cf. Ezra 6:19-22).

sive,” leaving the antecedent unidentified. Laypeople did slaughter the Passover lamb in Exod 12:6 and Deut 16:6.

30:14-20. The Passover Celebrated, Also by Those

This is the third time that the second month has been

Who Had Not Purified Themselves

referred to, evidence that the Chronicler is struggling to

■ 14 They rose up and removed the altars that were in Jerusa¬

explain this unusual time for Passover. The second half

lem, and they removed all the altars for offering incense, and

of the verse needs to be translated by the pluperfect,

they threw them into the Kidron valley: Although the temple

referring to action that had already taken place (Wil¬

itself had been purified or sanctified in chap. 29, the

liamson, 369). One reason given for the delay of the

assembly46 now removed the altars that Ahaz had made

Passover in v. 3 was that the priests had not sanctified

in every corner of Jerusalem (2 Chr 28:24). This second

themselves in sufficient numbers. But now the Levitical

stage of the reform will be followed by a third stage in

priests49 were ashamed and had sanctified themselves by

2 Chr 31:1. The Chronicler reports that they removed

bringing their own burnt offerings into the house of Yah¬

the altars from Jerusalem,47 whereas 2 Kgs 16:10-16

weh. In Ezek 44:25-27, a priest who had become unclean

spoke only of one Syrian-styled altar from Damascus that

by contact with a dead relative was barred for seven days

Ahaz had set up in the; temple. In 2 Chr 28:24, however,

and then he needed to offer a purification sacrifice.50

the Chronicler had mentioned that Ahaz had made for

Similarly, in Lev 4:3-12 an anointed priest who sins is to

himself altars in every corner of Jerusalem. The “altars

bring a purification sacrifice. These examples, however,

for offering incense” is a unique use of the piel participle

do not offer a clear parallel to the use of a burnt offering

feminine plural of the root htDp. This suggests that the

here.51

Chronicler may have seen in the verbs ICDp1! in 2 Chr 28:4

■ 16 They stood in their places according to their custom,

and "ICDp^ in 2 Chr 28:25 a reference to burning incense

according to the Torah of Moses the man of God. The priests

and not just to sacrificing. This is clearer in 2 Chr 28:4,

sprinkled the blood received from the hand of the Levites: The

where the verb ~iCDp"1") is preceded by Finn (“and he sacri¬

Levitical priests (or the priests and the Levites) took

ficed”). As in 2 Chr 29:16, the contaminated items were

their usual places (“according to their custom”).52 The

discarded in the Kidron valley.

reference to the Pentateuch (“according to the Torah of

■ 15 They slaughtered48 the Passover lamb on the fourteenth

Moses”; cf. 2 Chr 23:1853) does not refer to a specific pas¬

day of the second month, and the Levitical priests were ashamed

sage, and Williamson (369-70) concludes that this refers

and had sanctified themselves and had-brought the burnt offer¬

to priestly parts of the Pentateuch, which assume the

ings into the house of Yahweh: The preceding context in vv.

prominence of cultic officials on occasions like these.54

13-14 suggests that the initial “they” in this verse refers

Japhet (950) detects two innovations in this verse. While

46

47

48

In 2 Chr 29:16 it was only the priests and Levites who brought the unclean things out of the temple,

51

and in 2 Chr 31:1 it is all Israel that destroyed the inappropriate worship sites from all Judah, Benja¬

52

min, Ephraim, and Manasseh. Note the reference to altars that Hezekiah had removed in the speech of the Rabshakeh (2 Chr 32:12; cf. 2 Kgs 18:22//Isa 36:7) and the destruc¬

53

12. This may refer to the customary way in which the Levites are to assist the priests (Num 3:6). The Torah of Moses appears also in Ezra 3:2. The expression “the book of Moses” appears in 2 Chr 25:4; 35:12; Ezra 6:18; Neh 13:1. For a complete list of more or less synonymous references see the com¬

54

mentary at 2 Chr 17:9. Shaver (Torah, 114) notes that the Hebrew Bible has no instructions for Levitical or priestly participation

tion of altars throughout the land in 2 Chr 31:1. an©. Cf. 2 Chr 30:17; 35:1, 6, 11; Ezra 6:20. This verb for the Passover sacrifice is used in Exod 12:6 and 21. In Deut 16:2, 5 the verb used for killing the Passover sacrifice is FQT.

49 50

Verses 15-16 draw on information found in Exodus

in the Passover sacrifice, and so the Chronicler is supplementing the Torah at this point.

See the textual notes. Burnt offerings made at the ordination of the priests in Exodus 29 and Leviticus 8 do not seem relevant here.

437

it is well attested that the priests sprinkled the blood

(Num 9:6-10). In general, people were forbidden to eat

on the altar for burnt offerings and for offerings of

sacrifices of well-being when they were unclean (Lev

well-being (Lev 1:5, 11; 3:2, 8, 13), that is not how the

7:19-21). At Hezekiah’s Passover, however, those who

blood was treated in the Passover account in Exod 12:8,

were unclean went ahead with Passover and ate it in an

21-22, where it was spread on the doorposts.55 Second,

unclean condition. The Levites, however, slaughtered the

the Chronicler also has the Levites carrying the blood

animals for them. Hezekiah had prayed for these people,

from the persons sacrificing to the priests who did the

assuring them that Yahweh would provide atonement

sprinkling. It is not clear in 2 Chr 29:22 and 35:11 from

(“IED'1) for all those who set their heart to seek God.57

whom the priests received the blood (cf. also Lev 3:2).

Yahweh is frequently called “good” in the Bible.58 Wil¬

These changes raise some questions about the Chroni¬

liamson (370) points out that all four steps of repentance

cler’s claim in this verse that they did this “according to

described in Solomon’s temple prayer in 2 Chr 7:14 are

their custom, according to the Torah of Moses the man

followed in this chapter. In vv. 6-9, the people turned

of God.”

from their evil ways, and in v. 11 they humbled them¬

■ 17 Since there were many in the assembly who had not

selves. In this verse Hezekiah prays on their behalf and

sanctified themselves, the Levites were in charge of slaughter¬

wishes for Yahweh’s atonement59 for those who “set their

ing the Passover lambs for all who were not clean, to make it

heart to seek Yahweh” (iTliT tOTT?). In Solomon’s prayer

holy for Yahweh: As indicated in the commentary on v. 15,

Yahweh uses a parallel expression: “those who seek

laypeople, normally family members, were responsible

my face” (’B HDpS1*); 2 Chr 7:14). In v. 9 Hezekiah had

for sacrificing the Passover lambs. But the uncleanness

assured the people that Yahweh is gracious and merci¬

of many participants (see v. 18) required in this case that

ful and will not turn his face from people who return to

the Levites step in for them in performing the sacrifice.

him. Hezekiah here acts alone, whereas in v. 2 he acted

This action made the sacrifice holy for Yahweh. The role

with his officials and all the assembly. Hezekiah concedes

of the Levites in sacrificing is attributed to the word of

that the majority of the people had violated the require¬

Yahw'eh by Moses in 2 Chr 35:5-6. But the widespread

ments of purity (ETlpH mHCDD “according to the purity

uncleanness and the emergency role of the Levites pro¬

of the sanctuary”). Leviticus provides a law dealing with

vide jarring elements at Hezekiah’s Passover.

uncleanness and the tabernacle: “You shall keep the

■ 18-19 For a majority of the people, many from Ephraim,

people of Israel separate from their uncleanness (onKQCDO),

Manasseh, Issachar, and Zebulun, had not purified themselves,

so that they do not die in their uncleanness (□nKQC33) by

yet they ate the Passover not as it had been prescribed. Therefore

defiling (D8QEQ) my tabernacle” (Lev 15:31). Each of the

Hezekiah had interceded for them, saying, “May Yahweh who is

italicized words is formed from the root KOCD rather than

good provide atonement for all those who set their heart to seek

“into.

the God Yahweh the God of their ancestors, though not according

prayer are able to prevail against strictly ritual consid¬

The intent of the worshiper’s heart and intercessory

to the purity required for the sanctuary”: For whatever reason,

erations. Hezekiah had not let those who were unclean

perhaps because they had been on a journey to Jerusa¬

slaughter the Passover lambs, but he did allow them to

lem and lacked sufficient time,56 a majority of the people

eat the Passover.

from the north had not purified themselves. When

■ 20 Yahweh listened to Hezekiah and. healed the people: In

people had been unclean in the time of Moses because

2 Chr 7:15, Solomon promised that Yahweh would hear

they had touched a corpse, they came to Moses for direc¬

the various aspects of repentance, forgive those who had

tion and Passover was postponed for them by one month

offended, and heal the land. The first and third of those

438

55

See alsojaphet, Ideology, 240-41. The priests also

56

sprinkled blood atjosiah’s Passover (2 Chr 35:11). According to Exod 12:3, preparations for the Passover began four days before the sacrifice itself.

57

The attitude of the heart is more important than

58

the letter of the law. See BDB, 374, meaning 9b.

59

Seejaphet (953), who points out that transgression of cultic impurity cannot be pardoned, as the NRSV, RSV, and NEB translate the word 7ED\

30:1-27

responses are echoed here, with healing also expressing

■ 22 Hezekiah spoke tenderly to all the Levites who had showed

in this context forgiveness. Solomon had also prayed in

themselves well skilled for Yahweh. They completed the seven

2 Chr 6:19 that Yahweh would hear his own prayer, and

days of the festival, sacrificing sacrifices of well-being, and con¬

at the end of this chapter (v. 27) Yahweh hears the prayer

fessing Yahweh the God of their fathers: The Chronicler again

of the Levitical priests. Yahweh’s healing the people

shows his partisanship for the Levites (cf. 2 Chr 29:34)62

prevented any untoward consequences of their eating in

as Hezekiah speaks tenderly (2*7 *71) . . . “QTI) to them.

an unclean condition. Possible consequences could have

Joseph spoke tenderly to his brothers (DD1? *72 "DTI; Gen

included being cut off from their kin (Lev 7:19-21) or

50:21), and a command is issued in Isa 40:2 to speak ten¬

suffering under the covenantal curses (Deut 28:15-68;

derly to Jerusalem (□LPlT 2^ *72 TO-!). What Hezekiah

Lev 15:31; 26:14-39). God alone is responsible for their

actually told the Levites is not disclosed. Presumably they

healing.60 Yahweh’s healing of the people also seems to

had carried out their cultic duties well during Passover

provide general approval for Hezekiah’s Passover even at

and Unleavened Bread—they had showed themselves

its unconventional time.

well skilled for Yahweh.63 The word “they” in the second sentence surely refers to all the participants in this cel¬

30:21-22. Israelites Celebrate Unleavened Bread

ebration,64 who completed the festival in seven days (cf.

■ 21 The Israelites who were present in Jerusalem observed the

2 Chr 31:1). Sacrifices of well-being are not mentioned

feast of Unleavened Bread for seven days with great joy, and the

elsewhere in connection with Unleavened Bread,65 but

Levites and the priests praised Yahweh day by day, accompanied

they are mentioned at Solomon’s dedication of the tem¬

by loud instruments of Yahweh: Great joy marked this obser¬

ple (1 Kgs 8:62), though that expression is not retained

vance of Unleavened Bread (cf. also vv. 23, 25, 26). This

in 2 Chr 7:5.66 It is unclear whether they gave thanks to

is the only time that the Bible associates joy with this

Yahweh (cf. NRSV; BDB, 392) or confessed [their faith]67

festival, except for Ezra 6:22, where Yahweh had turned

to Yahweh (cf. /PS, HALOT). The verb IIT in the hithpael

the heart of the king of “Assyria” so that he helped them

occurs only eleven times. The title “the God of their

with the temple. Joy is associated with the feasts of Weeks

fathers” occurs also in vv. 7 and 19.

(Deut 16:10-11) and Booths (Deut 16:13-14). All who are present are placed under the umbrella term “Isra¬

30:23-27. The Festival Extended for an Additional Seven

elites,” regardless of whether they come from Judah or

Days amid Great Joy

the north. The seven days of the festival are prescribed

■ 23 All the assembly agreed together to do seven additional

in Exod 23:15; Lev 23:6-8; and Deut 16:8.61 The laws in

days, and they observed those seven days with joy: The assem¬

Num 28:16-25 also stipulate a seven-day festival after

bly was so enthusiastic about this festival that they

Passover and outline the various sacrifices that are to

decided to continue it for another week. This calls to

take place at that festival.

mind immediately the two-week festival at the dedica-

60

61 62

63

Cf. 2 Kgs 20:1-9 and Isaiah 38, where Hezekiah is healed of his illness. Contrast 2 Chr 16:12, where Asa in his illness did not seek Yahweh but physi¬

64

cians. See also the joy of all the tribes at the coronation of

65

David (1 Chr 12:41 [40]). Japhet (954) takes Levites in the broad sense here, including the priests (cf. 2 Chr 29:5). Priests and Levites are mentioned together in w. 15, 16, 21, and 25. Verse 25 may refer to the Levitical priests. Cf. 2 Kgs 18:7 (Hezekiah) and 1 Chr 22:12 and 2 Chr 2:12 (Solomon). Johnstone (2:204) suggests two alternate translations: “they had imparted good

understanding ofYahweh” or “they had sung psalms with good understanding to Yahweh.” So Japhet, 954. Johnstone (2:205) understands it to refer to the Levites. A variety of other sacrifices are mentioned in con¬ nection with Unleavened Bread in Num 28:24-25

66

and Ezek 45:22-24. See □,0i70n '37n “the fat of the offerings of well¬

67

being” in 2 Chr 7:7. Surely they did not confess their sins! As Johnstone (2:205) points out, this would be a duty of the priests.

439

tion of the temple (2 Chr 7:8-9), continuing the theme

brought to Israel during the Assyrian domination were

of Hezekiah as a second Solomon. Solomon’s festival,

among these sojourners, and that Samaritans or proto-

however, was part of the feast of Booths, or Tabernacles,

Samaritans cannot be found lurking in the Chronicler’s

rather than Passover.68

references to sojourners who came from the land of

■ 24 For Hezekiah the king of Judah had contributed to the

Israel.71 The Chronicler counts the residents of the north

assembly one thousand bulls and seven thousand sheep. And the

as most assuredly Israelite if they turn wholeheartedly to

officials contributed to the assembly one thousand bulls and ten

Yahweh. Williamson (371) proposes that by the time of

thousand sheep, and the priests consecrated themselves in great

the Chronicler the sojourners would include those later

numbers: Both Hezekiah and his officials (see vv. 2, 6, 12)

known as proselytes.72 The expression “the land of Israel”

contributed69 generously to the animals for the festival

occurs four times in Chronicles, each time linked with

sacrifices. The total of 19,000 animals is probably not to

“sojourners.” In 1 Chr 22:2; 2 Chr 2:16 (17), dealing with

be taken literally but as an indication of their generos¬

the time of David and Solomon, it refers to sojourners

ity.70 Solomon sacrificed 22,000 bulls and 120,000 sheep

in the land of Israel. In 2 Chr 34:7, during the reign of

at the dedication of the temple (2 Chr 7:5). While Heze¬

Josiah, the term is used in connection with his destruc¬

kiah did not fully meet that standard, his contribution

tion of cultic paraphernalia not only in the former north¬

was quite significant and makes him resemble Solomon.

ern kingdom but also throughout the whole country.73

Josiah and his officials contributed 41,400 animals at his

The sojourners from the land of Israel in this verse may

Passover (2 Chr 35:7-9). The priests consecrated them¬

be from the territory of the northern kingdom, but Willi

selves in enough numbers to carry out all these sacrifices

has also argued that this “land of Israel” is in any case

(per contra 2 Chr 29:34).

bigger than the postexilic province of Yehud and encom¬

■ 25 And all the assembly of Judah, and the priests and the

passes other regions.74 Those who dwelled in the land of

Levites, and all the assembly that came from Israel, and the

Judah may also be “sojourners.”75 Japhet (956) believes

sojourners who came from the land of Israel, and those who

that the terms “sojourners” and “those who dwelled” may

dwelled in Judah rejoiced: The Chronicler gives a full and

reflect the priestly hendiadys HETim “13 (Lev 25:35, 47;

inclusive description of the participants in this festival.

Num 35:15). The Chronicler once again emphasizes the

They included the assembly of Judah and the assembly of

joy, and therefore the enthusiasm, of the participants. In

the former northern kingdom (here identified as Israel),

the time of Hezekiah, the Assyrians had imported a num¬

also including the clergy, both priests and Levites.

ber of foreigners into the land (2 Kgs 17:24.).

Sojourners (□’“13) were entitled to participate in the Pass-

■ 26 Great joy was in Jerusalem, for since the days of Solomon

over, provided that they were circumcised (Exod 12:48-

the son of David king of Israel there had not been [anything]

49; cf. Num 9:14). Cogan thinks that the foreigners

like this in Jerusalem: The Chronicler makes an important

68

And all the Israelites assembled before the king at

69

the festival in the seventh month (2 Chr 5:3). The verb in both cases is the hiphil of DTI. Cf. 2 Chr 35:7-9. Johnstone (2:205) notes that this is the root

72

aus der Sichte der Ausgrabungen intjudischen Viertel der Altstadt von Jerusalem,” BN 15 [1981]

from which the noun “offering” (nOTTI) is derived 70 71

40-43) pointed to excavations by Nahman Avigad in the Jewish Quarter of the Old City of Jerusalem

in 2 Chr 31:10, 12, 14. Cf. Exod 29:27; Lev 7:32, 34. Japhet (955), however, holds it to be a not impos¬ sible number in the Second Commonwealth.

that showed expansion of the city under Hezekiah as possible evidence for refugees coming from

Mordechai Cogan, “For We, Like You, Worship

the northern kingdom. It seems more likely to me

Your God: Three Biblical Portrayals of Samaritan Origins,” VT38 (1988) 291 n 16. The other two

that this verse refers to sojourners from Israel who

2 Kgs 17:24-33 and Ezra 4:1-5. While the latter two passages are hostile to those living in Samaria, for

73

responded to Hezekiah’s message rather than the refugees who had fled after the fall of the north. Williamson, Israel, 128.

74

Willi,

quite different reasons, the Chronicler was pre¬

75

Cf. Japhet, Ideology, 328-34.

passages referred to in the title of this article are

pared to assimilate non-Israelites into the worship of the God of Israel.

440

W. Meier (“*.. . Fremdlinge, die aus Israel gekommen waren . . .’: Eine Notiz in 2 Chronik 30, 25f

pt7b) and

described as the recipient of the commands thatYahweh

ministry alongside the priests, and the gatekeepers were

had given to him. Because of the tension in the charac¬

positioned for the several gates. Similarly, Jehoiada, dur¬

terization of Moses in these two verses, the Chronicler

ing the reign of Joash, assigned the care of the temple to

omitted them both.8 Louis Jonker takes 2 Chr 31:2-19 as

the priests and the Levites whom David had organized

an extended allusion to and substitution for the omit¬

to be in charge of the house ofYahweh and stationed the

ted Nehushtan.9 He argues that the eighteen verses in

gatekeepers at the gates of the temple (2 Chr 23:18-19).

Chronicles detailing worship in accord with the Torah

David appointed appropriate clergy after the transfer

are a substitute for the disappearing Nehushtan. I grant

of the ark to Jerusalem (1 Chr 16:37-43; 28:21). While

that these verses lay out a positive vision of the Jerusalem

David is not explicitly mentioned here, his precedent is

cult after the purification of Jerusalem, Judah, and the

listed four times in 2 Chr 29:25-30. The double mention

north in 2 Chr 29:6-7, 16-19, and 31:2, but I do not think

of the priests and the Levites, which at first seems redun¬

Jonker has made a convincing case that these efforts are

dant, alerts the reader that burnt offerings and offer¬

a substitution for the reference to the breaking up of

ings of well-being are the responsibilities of the priests,

Nehushtan itself.10

and, sequentially, serving

When all of these reforming acts, and the preceding

1 Chr 15:2; 16:4, 37),

thanking (min^l; 1 Chr 16:4, 41; 2 Chr 30:22), and prais¬

temple purification and centralized Passover, had been

ing (^rf?; 1 Chr 16:4; 2 Chr 8:14) are the work of the

completed, all returned to their homes.11

Levitical singers, and gatekeeping is the responsibility of the Levitical gatekeepers. The conjectures of Rudolph

31:2 Hezekiah Reappoints the Priests and the Levites

and Japhet, recorded in the textual notes to this verse,

■ 2 Hezekiah appointed the divisions of the priests and the

attempt to correct the impression that thanking and

Levites, by their divisions, each according to their service as

praising were done in the gates. My translation, following

priests and Levites, for burnt offerings and for offerings of well¬

Dillard, like Japhet’s conjecture, leaves the word “serve”

being, to serve, to give thanks,12 and to praise inside the gates of

as the responsibility of the Levites. The expression “the

the camps ofYahweh: The Chronicler has Hezekiah reestab¬

camps ofYahweh” seems to be a figurative expression for

lish the divisions of the priests and the Levites that had

the temple and invokes wilderness traditions. See 1 Chr

apparently been disrupted by the apostasies of Ahaz.13

9:19: “Shallum . . . and his kindred . . . were . . . guard-

8

9 10

Jerusalem, as blameless in a time when the postexilic re-establishment of this centre was high on the agenda.” Rather, I believe that those reforms in Jerusalem had already been carried out in 2 Chroni¬ cles 29 and 30 and were now being extended to the rest of the land. Hence, the Chronicler did not pretend that Jerusalem itself had not been in need of reform. In short, the prehistory of the Jerusalem cult center is not “whitewashed,” as Jonker would

Ziemer, “Die Reform Hiskias,” 136. The only other mention of Moses in the Chronicler’s Hezekiah account is in 2 Chr 30:16, where the Levites are said to have stood in their places according to the Torah of Moses. The verb “to burn incense” (1t3p) sometimes has positive and sometimes negative con¬ notations in Chronicles, andjonker (“Disappearing Nehushtan,” 133) may be right that the Chronicler took the reference to “burning incense” to Nehush¬ tan as a negative use of this verb in 2 Kgs 18:4. Jonker, “Disappearing Nehushtan,” 120-21. Jonker also argues that the shifting of these reform activities to Judah and the north (“Disappearing Nehushtan,” 120) presents a picture ofjerusalem itself that was not in need of reform. On p. 130, he remarks: “With this change [the deliberate reloca¬ tion of the reformation measures from Jerusalem in Kings to the cities of Judah in Chronicles] the

11

have it (p. 130). For the expression “to his possession in their

12

towns,” see 1 Chr 9:2. mnnbl. Willi (“Evokation und Bekenntnis,” 357-59) favors a translation such as: “to confess (their

13

faith).” As Rudolph (306) points out, Welch (Work of the Chronicler, 114) construed these as new creations rather than restorations.

Chronicler succeeded in presenting the cult centre,

447

ians of the thresholds of the tent, as their ancestors had

was a royal chapel, it strikes me as quite likely that the

been in control of the camp of Yahweh.”

kings did in fact contribute animals for sacrificing. ■ 4 He said to the people who were living in Jerusalem to give the share to the priests and the Levites so that they might be

31:3-10 Hezekiah's Generosity and the People's Contribution to the Priests and the Levites

strong in the service of the house of Yahweh: While the king

■ 3 The share of the king from his possessions was for burnt

was responsible for supplying sacrificial animals, Heze¬

offerings, burnt offerings of the morning and the evening,

kiah instructed the people to provide income for the

and burnt offerings for the Sabbaths, the new moons, and

priests and the Levites. Japhet (964) has proposed that

the appointed feasts, as it is written in the Torah of Yahweh:

the relative clause “who were living in Jerusalem” is a

“Share” is a better translation for n]014 (HALOT, 603)

gloss, since one would assume that this obligation (fDO)

than “contribution” (NRSV, possibly based on the emen¬

pertained to all the people, but as we pointed out in the

dation discussed in the textual notes), although “share”

textual notes, v. 4 refers to those living in Jerusalem and

here refers to the appropriate amount that Hezekiah

v. 5 to the wider population. The first fruits of grain,

contributed toward the sacrifices. Hezekiah provided

wine, and oil were assigned to the priests, as well as the

animals for the daily and occasional offerings, just as

first of the fleece of the sheep (Num 18:4; cf. w. 12-13).

Solomon had done (2 Chr 8:12-13).15 The reference to

The tithe, however, was destined for the Levites: “To the

the Pentateuch (Torah of Yahweh) involves the types of

Levites I have given every tithe in Israel for a possession

sacrifices that are required, not the fact that the king

in return for the service they perform, the service in the

supplied the animals (cf. 2 Chr 2:3 [4] and Numbers

tent of meeting” (Num 18:21). The Deuteronomist urges

28-2916). Similarly, David appointed religious officials to

the people not to neglect the Levites. Every third year

minister before the ark and the tabernacle, at Jerusalem

the tithe was stored in the towns and given to Levites,

and Gibeon respectively (1 Chr 16:37-40). In Ezekiel’s

resident aliens, orphans, and widows (Deut 14:27-29).

vision of the future temple, the “prince” provides sin

It is clear from postexilic texts that this obligation was

offerings, grain offerings, and offerings of well-being

frequently neglected. In the Firm Agreement of Nehe-

(Ezek 45:17).17 Rudolph (306-7) argues that Ezekiel

miah 10, the people vow to bring the wood offering, first

is not the source of the idea of the king contributing

fruits, the firstborn of their sons and livestock, and tithes

animals for sacrifice but notes that the Persian kings

from the soil for the Levites. The Levites in turn were

contributed in a similar way (Ezra 6:9: “Whatever is

to give a tithe of their tithe to the priests (Neh 10:35-39

needed—young bulls, rams, or sheep for burnt offer¬

[34-38]).18 But Neh 13:10-13 reports that Levites had not

ings to the God of heaven, wheat, salt, wine, or oil, as the

received their portions so that the Levites and singers

priests in Jerusalem require—let that be given to them

had gone back to the fields, much to the consternation of

day by day without fail”; cf. Ezra 7:21-22). According to

Nehemiah. Malachi accuses the people of robbing God in

Numbers 7, the leaders of the people contributed various

their tithes and offerings. Yahweh challenges the people

items for sacrificing. Since the temple in preexilic times

to meet these obligations and see if he will not open the

14

The word is used in the singular only in vv. 3 and 4;

the land shall join with the prince in making this

15

for the plural, see v. 19. The offerings listed there include Sabbaths, new

offering. See also v. 22 (“the prince shall provide for himself and all the people of the land a young bull

moons, and the three annual festivals—Unleav¬ ened Bread, Weeks, and Booths. These offerings

for a sin offering”) and 46:2 (“the priests shall offer

were according to the commandments of Moses

(ntoo msDD). 16

448

Nehemiah, all Israel gave the daily portions for the

This passage lists the same sacrifices and in the

singers and the gatekeepers. They set apart that

same order as 2 Chr 31:3. See Shaver {Torah,

which was for the Levites, and the Levites set aside that which was for the Aaronides.”

92-93), who points out that the Chronicler is here referring to a late addition to the priestly writing. 17

his burnt offering and his offerings of well-being”). 18 Cf. Neh 12:47: “In the days of Zerubbabel and

Ezekiel 45:16, however, states that all the people of

31:1-21

windows of heaven and pour down on them an overflow¬

Opin’) Hezekiah TTpirP.

by fire to Yahweh. Fruit honey is formed by a kind of fer¬

ing blessing (3:8-10). The verb “to be strong”

mentation, and Jacob Milgrom argues that fermentation

could be seen as a pun on the name

is considered analogous to decay and corruption and it

The verb “to be strong” is also used of Solomon in his

is for this reason that fruit honey is prohibited on the

persistence in keeping Yahweh’s commandments (1 Chr

altar. The tithe of the increase of the field (mt) rwon)

28:7).The subject of the verb “to be strong” is the priests

would seem to be the same as “the tithe of the yield of

and the Levites, and Williamson (374) construes their

your seed” (Jini nt^ori; Deut 14:22).23 The generosity of

being strong as referring either to their temple duties or

the Israelites toward the central sanctuary and its clergy

to their study of Torah19 (cf. Psalms 1 and 119; Mai 2:6-7).

suggests that the Chronicler had Deut 12:5-6 in mind.

Strength in temple duties is behind the reading in the

David and Solomon provided generously for the temple

LXX, which we have adopted in the translation (see the

from their own wealth (1 Chr 29:1-5; 2 Chr 9:10-11). In

textual notes); this reading sees regular support for the

1 Chr 29:6-9 various classes of people give generously,

clergy as freeing them for the service of the temple.

and similar generosity is shown by those who put gifts

■ 5 As soon as the word spread, the Israelites gave in abun¬

into the chest at the time ofjoash (2 Chr 24:8-14).

dance of the first fruits of grain, wine, oil, and honey, and all

■ 6 And as for the Israelites and Judeans who lived in the

the increase of the field, and they brought the tithe of everything

cities of Judah, they also brought in the tithe of cattle and

in abundance: The word “spread” QHB) is only used here

sheep, and the tithe of all the increase of the field, and the holy

in this sense in the Old Testament. Normally it refers to

offerings, which had been dedicated to Yahweh their God.

making a split or breach. HALOT (972) suggests “break

They brought these in and put them in many heaps: I follow a

out,” referring to exceptional political developments.

number of commentators who consider the words “and

The mention of Israelites in this verse refers to the total

Judeans” a mistaken gloss.24 The Israelites here, then,

population, not just those who lived in Judah.20 They

would refer to people who lived close enough to Jerusa¬

gave generously of grain, wine, and oil, which were

lem to bring their tithes to the temple. Those who lived

destined for the priests (Num 18:12), while the tithe was

at a distance were permitted to turn their tithe into

meant for the Levites (Num 18:21).21 In Deuteronomy

money and bring that to the temple (Deut 14:24-25).

it was forbidden to eat the tithe of grain, wine, and oil

Tithes of cattle and sheep are mentioned in Lev 27:32-

within your towns (Deut 12:17). Honey is not mentioned

33, but are not mentioned in JE, P, D, or Neh 10:38-39

elsewhere among first fruits, but in Lev 2:11-1222 there is

(37-38); 12:44; 13:5, 12. There are references to such

a law forbidding turning honey into smoke as an offering

tithes in Jub. 13:25-26; 32:15; Tob 1:6, and Qumran.25

19 20

21

22

See the readings in LXX and MT respectively. See Williamson, Israel, 129-30. Rudolph (304) and Myers (2:182) think that the term “Israelites” here, as in v. 4, refers to those dwelling in Jerusalem. Nehemiah 13:12 refers to the tithe of grain, wine, and oil, which had not been given to the Levites (see Neh 13:10). Milgrom (Leviticus 1-16, 189-91) insists that the word refers to fruit honey and concludes that there is no evidence that Israel practiced beekeeping during the biblical period. Kenneth T. Litwak (“Honey,” NIDB 2:884) states that honey in the ancient Near East or Bible refers to either fruit

23

honey or grape honey. This tithe was to be eaten at the central sanctuary, according to Deuteronomy, although if the distance was too great it could be sold and the money used to buy foodstuffs at the place that Yahweh will choose (Deut 14:23-26). The Deuteronomist advises not to

24

25

neglect the Levites who are resident in your towns (Deut 14:27). Benzinger, 125; Curtis and Madsen, 479; Rudolph, 304; Williamson, 375; Allen, 632 n. 334. Dillard (250) andjaphet (964) retain the word. Japhet refers to 1 Chr 9:3; 2 Chr 10:17; and 11:16-17. See Milgrom (Leviticus 23-27, 2398-99), who observes that Jacob’s tithe in Gen 28:22 must have included cattle. Cf. also the royal tithe in 1 Sam 8:15-17. Milgrom, however, believes that this tithe may have been practiced voluntarily by the wellto-do but never became a universal mandatory obligation. He thinks that 2 Chr 31:6a is probably an interpolation and cannot be used as evidence for the practice of the animal tithe. Wellhausen {Prolegomena, 157) noted that the tithe of cattle does not appear in P in Numbers 18, nor even in Neh 10:38-39 (37-38).

449

By crediting these tithes to the reign of Hezekiah, the

The people also gave generously for the temple in 1 Chr

Chronicler is trying to underline the king’s fidelity to

29:6-9, 16-1728 and for its repair at the time ofjoash

even a requirement attested only in H. As observed in the

in 2 Chr 24:8-14. Hezekiah was joined in these actions

textual notes, the tithe of the holy offerings (MT) makes

by his officials. The king and his officials together had

no sense, since the “holy offerings” were already dedi¬

contributed thousands of animals for sacrificing in 2 Chr

cated to Yahweh in their entirety. Our translation omits

30:24. Hezekiah had given a command for the people to

"IDiJQl (“and the tithe of”) before “the holy offerings” as

support the clergy with the share due them (v. 4), and

a mistaken doublet. In this case the Israelites brought in

in this verse Hezekiah and his officials observe how that

the holy offerings rather than the tithe of the holy offer¬

command had been carried out.

ings (see v. 12). “Heaps”

(mOTS?) occurs in vv. 6, 7, 8, and

■ 9-10 Hezekiah questioned the priests and the Levites about

9, and nowhere else in Chronicles. Such heaps, of course,

the heaps. Azariah the chief priest, from the house of Zadok, said

would not apply to the tithe of animals.

to him, “Since we began to bring in the offering to the house of

■ 7 In the third month they began to pile up the heaps, and

Yahweh we have had enough to eat and have plenty to spare, for

they finished them in the seventh month: The third month is

Yahweh had blessed his people, and this supply was left over’:

the end of the grain harvest, and the seventh month is

Azariah the son of Johanan appears as name 15 in the

the end of the vine and fruit harvest. Exodus 23:16 men¬

list of high priests in 1 Chr 5:29-41 (6:3-15).29 He is the

tions the feast of harvest (THpil

3m), which elsewhere

third Azariah in that list,30 and the (great) grandson of

is called the Feast of Weeks (niQC? 3m),26 and the fall

Azariah II, who served as high priest during the reign

festival known as the Feast of Ingathering (pOKH 3m) (see

of Uzziah (2 Chr 26:17, 20).31 The spelling of the words

also Exod 34:22), otherwise known as the Feast of Booths

chief priest in Hebrew, ONTH )nDil, appears elsewhere

or Tabernacles (niDDil 3FI).27 These two feasts or festivals

only in Ezra 7:5,32 but the spelling

seem to be referred to by the contributions of the third

times (2 Kgs 25:18//Jer 52:24; 2 Chr 19:11; 24:11; and

|rD appears five

and seventh months.

26:20.33 Eater in this chapter, Azariah is called the chief

■ 8 Hezekiah and the officials came and saw the heaps and

officer of the house of God (D’H^Kn ITU *T33; v. 13). This

they blessed Yahweh and his people Israel: Hezekiah’s bless¬

is the only time in Chronicles that an individual high

ing of the people links him to David and Solomon. In

priest is said to be of the house of Zadok, but Azariah I,

1 Chr 16:2, David blessed the people in the name of

who served during the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 4:2), is

Yahweh, and in 2 Chr 6:3 King Solomon turned around

called the son of Zadok there. Azariah the chief priest

and blessed the assembly. Hezekiah and the people

draws out in this verse the positive implications of the

blessed Yahweh for the prosperity he had given to the

doctrine of retribution: “Since we began to bring in the

people, and they blessed the people for their generosity.

offering

26

27

(nOTTl) to the house ofYahweh we have had

Exod 34:22; cf. Lev 23:16-17 (fifty days after the Sabbath following Passover); Num 28:26; Deut

(2 Chr 26:17, 20). In the chart in Klein, 1 Chronicles, 178, the first column should list the biblical refer¬ ence for Uriah as 2 Kgs 16:10, 11, 15, 16, and “2 Chr

16:10. Lev 23:34 (the feast is dated to the fifteenth day of

28

the seventh month); Deut 16:13. Cf. also the abundant giving at the time of the con¬ struction of the tabernacle in Exod 36:2-7.

29

Klein, 1 Chronicles, 178. It is unnecessary, therefore,

31:10, 13—Hezekiah” should be moved down one box opposite the name Azariah. 31

practice of naming a child after his grandfather. This may well be true unless Uriah is to be inserted between Johanan and Azariah III. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 178.

to follow Japhet (966) and consider him a “liter¬ ary figure,” or that his name was a common one in the house of Zadok. In the MT, the clause “it was

32

he who served as priest in the temple that Solo¬ mon built in Jerusalem” modifies Azariah II, but it 1 Chr 5:35-36 (6:9-10).

450

The other two are Azariah I, during the reign of Solomon (1 Kgs 4:2) and Azariah II under Uzziah

Rooke (“Kingship as Priesthood,” 195) thinks that Azariah functions here as “head of the priesthood.” Cf. 2 Chr 24:6, where Jehoiada is called t7N“in (“the head”).

should be moved to Azariah I the son of Ahimaaz in 30

Williamson (375) appeals to papponomy, the

33

Zadok in 1 Chr 29:22 is simply called priest ]i"D, and Jehoiada in 2 Chr 24:6 is simply called the head

efton.

31:1-21

enough to eat and plenty to spare.” It is noteworthy that

shorter Hebrew text (see the textual notes), this word

here the high priest and the king work together, as the

may have been added here to harmonize this verse with

king’s secretary and the officer of the chief priest did in

v. 6.35Japhet (967) suggests that “contributions” (nonnn)

2 Chr 24:11, 12, 14. This is the Chronicler’s understand¬

may have referred to first fruits, whereas holy offer¬

ing of an ideal sharing of power. The Hebrew word for

ings (D’SHpiTl) may have included items not previously

supply (jion) was used in 1 Chr 29:16 to describe the

specified, such as firstborns (Num 18:15-17), vows (Lev

abundance that had been spent in building the temple.

27:2-13), and dedicated and devoted things (Din; Num 18:14; Lev 27:14-25). The people’s faithfulness HTlQtO in

31:11-13 Preparations for Storing the Contributions

bringing in the various kinds of gifts for the temple and

■ 11 Then Hezekiah commanded them to prepare store cham¬

the clergy may have been noted by the Chronicler as an

bers in the house of Yahweh, and they prepared them: It is likely

admonition and encouragement for his own audience

that, from the Chronicler’s point of view, Hezekiah was

(cf. also v. 15, 18, where faithfulness in distribution is

restoring the store chambers (ITDO1?) rather than creat¬

noted).36 Nothing is known of Conaniah37 and Shimei,

ing them for the first time. See 1 Chr 9:26: chambers

but they, together with the Levites mentioned in v. 13,

and treasuries; 9:33, chambers; 23:28, chambers; 28:12,

form a group of twelve. Similarly, there were twelve musi¬

chambers and treasuries.34 David had provided for such

cians assigned to the ark, namely, Asaph, Zechariah,

storerooms and appointed the Levites to care for them.

eight Levites, and two priests (1 Chr 16:5-6).38 “Second

Such store chambers would make possible a steady supply

in command” (n]0Q) is a frequent title in the Bible in a

of resources for the clergy. Verses 11-13 deal with storage,

variety of settings.39

and vv. 14-19 with distribution. At the time of Nehemiah,

■ 13 Jehiel, Azaziah, Nahath, Asahel, Jerimoth, Jozabad, Eliel,

efforts were made to create regular contributions and

Ismachiah, Mahath, and Benaiah were supervisors subject

storage of goods (Neh 12:44; cf. Neh 10:37-39 [38-40]).

to Conaniah and his brother Shimei by appointment of King

While the Levites collected tithes in the provinces (Neh

Hezekiah and of Azariah, the chief officer of the house of God:

10:37 [38]), here in Chronicles the process is more cen¬

The ten initial names, presumably all Levites, plus their

tralized and probably represents a development during

supervisors, lead to a total of twelve (see discussion of

the Second Temple period. Verse 11 is a good example of

previous verse). None of the names can be identified.40

the giving of a command and its fulfillment.

Hezekiah and Azariah again work closely together. The

■ 12 They brought in the contributions, the tithes, and the

latter’s title here, “chief officer of the house of God,”

holy offerings faithfully. The chief officer in charge of them

is used of Azariah also in 1 Chr 9:11.41 In 2 Chr 35:8,

was Conaniah the Levite and his brother Shimei as second in

Hilkiah, Zechariah, and Jehiel are called chief officers of

command: Contributions (noun) have been mentioned

the house of God. In 2 Chr 24:11, supervision of monies

in v. 10; tithes (“I2M3) have been mentioned in w. 5 and

is entrusted to the scribe of the king and the TpS (“offi¬

6; and holy offerings D’CnpITI in v. 6. If the omission of

cial”) of the chief priest.

“the holy offerings” in LXX represents an originally 34

See also the mention of treasuries in 1 Chr 26:20,

40

22. 35 36

So Rudolph, 305; and Dillard, 248. For other uses of the term “faithfulness,” see 1 Chr 9:22, 26, 31 (dealing with gatekeepers); 2 Chr 19:9

Mahath; unique to Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah are Jehiel and Jozabad; unique to Genesis and Chron¬ icles is Nahath, and unique to Samuel, Chronicles,

(address to judges); 2 Chr 31:15; and 2 Chr 34:12 37 38 39

(temple repairs). The name Conaniah appears also in 2 Chr 35:9. Cf. the twenty-four priestly courses in 1 Chr 24:1-19. 2 Kgs 25:17: the second priest, Zephaniah; 2 Chr 28:7: Elkanah, next in authority to the king; Neh 11:9: Hassenuah, second in charge of the city; and

Ismachiah appears only here in the Old Testament, and Benaiah appears forty-four times. Unique to Chronicles are Azaziah, Jerimoth, Eliel, and

41

and Ezra is Asahel. This is Azariah IV (high priest #21) in my recon¬ struction. See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 178, 180. The name given for this official in Neh 11:11 is Seraiah (high priest #22 in my reconstruction).

Neh 11:7: Babbukiah, second among his associates.

451

31:14-19 Preparations for Distributing the Contributions42

were on duty at the temple in Jerusalem, namely, “all

■ 14 Kore the son of Imnah the Levite, the gatekeeper of the

who entered the house of Yahweh as the duty of each

east gate, was over the voluntary offerings for God and had the

day required” (see discussion of v. 16). The six Levites

assignment to distribute the contribution assigned to Yahweh

named in this verse served alongside the priests, accord¬

and the most holy offerings: This verse is a heading for what

ing to an emendation adopted in my translation (see

follows in vv. 15-19. In 1 Chr 9:18 the king’s gate on the

the textual notes). The text does not explicitly say what

east side probably refers to the entrance by which the

the affiliation of the six names is, but they are probably

king entered the sanctuary (cf. Ezek 46:11-18; 2 Kgs

Levites, since the administration of the treasuries was

16:18).43 Six Levites were assigned to this gate every day,

the responsibility of the Levites (1 Chr 26:20-26). In

while only four were assigned to the north and south

Neh 13:13, Nehemiah appointed as treasurers over the

gates (1 Chr 26:17). Kore, otherwise unknown, is both

storehouses Shelemaiah the priest, Zadok the scribe, and

Levite and gatekeeper according to this verse.44 Shele-

Pedaiah of the Levites, with Hanan a singer serving as

miah was assigned to this gate in 1 Chr 26:14'. Meshele-

their assistant. The terms “old and young alike” are an

miah the son of Kore was among the gatekeeprs (1 Chr

inclusive reference to the officiating priests (cf. 1 Chr

26:1, 2, 9), and Shelemiah, a variant spelling of the name

25:8: “young and old alike,” referring to Levitical singers;

Meshelemiah, is called the chief of the gatekeepers in

1 Chr 26:13: “young or old,” referring to the age of the

1 Chr 9:17-19.45Japhet (969) notes that the voluntary

fathers’ houses or possibly to their size46). The reference

offerings for God (□‘7tl?Kn £1073) are peculiar to this text

to their “divisions” apparently refers to descendants of

and presumably include both the contribution assigned

named ancestors (see 1 Chr 23:6; 24:1, etc.).

to Yahweh and the most holy offerings. While the most holy things

(□,CTlp7 ’EHpl)

and the contribution assigned

■ 16 (except those enrolled [by genealogy], males from three years old and upwards) to all who entered the house of Yahweh

to Yahweh (miT nOTT)) are designated for the priests in

as the duty of each day required for their service according to

Num 18:9, 11, both are distributed to priests and Levites

their offices, by their divisions:Japhet (970) follows Rudolph

in this chapter. The differences in terminology between

(309) in considering the first seven Hebrew words of this

V.

12

(D’enpm /Ifewnm ,nnnnn;

“the contributions, the

verse (from “except” through “upwards”) as a parenthe¬

tithe, and the holy offerings”) and this verse (JTQ73

sis, although Rudolph also includes the last two Hebrew

CTB-rpn ’EHpl ,717’ nainn

words of v. 15 ()C2pD *71733; “young and old alike”) as part

“the voluntary offer¬

ings, the contribution assigned to Yahweh, and the most

of the parenthesis. The parenthesis indicates that the

holy offerings”) lends some support to Japhet’s argument

distribution goes to all male priests, from three years old

(961) that vv. 14-19 are from an actual document from

and up, and not just to those who were currently serv¬

the Second Temple period that has been backdated to

ing the temple in Jerusalem. Three years, in antiquity,

the reign of Hezekiah.

was the age of weaning. This distribution of gifts differs

■ 15 And by his side Eden, Miniamin, Jeshua, Shemaiah,

significantly from the regulations in the Pentateuch.

Amariah, and Shecaniah faithfully assisted him, alongside the

In Num 18:6-10 (cf. Ezek 46:20), grain offerings, sin

priests, to distribute the portions to their kindred, by divisions,

offerings, and guilt offerings are to be eaten within the

old and young alike: The six names at the beginning of

temple precincts by the priests, but all other gifts may

this verse were faithful assistants to Kore, and their first

be eaten also by female members of the priestly families,

assignment was to distribute portions to the priests who

indeed, by the entire households, including slaves (Num

42

Allen (624) believes vv. 14-19 were from a docu¬ ment dealing primarily with the priests and that

45

the Chronicler has added references to the Levites somewhat awkwardly. The awkwardness of the phrasing, however, need not lead to that judgment. 43 44

See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 276. In 1 Chr 9:19, Shallum son of Kore was among the guardians of the thresholds of the tent.

452

In Numbers 3 the two most prestigious leaders, Aaron and Moses, are placed on the east side of the tabernacle. Merari is in the north, Kohath in the south, and Gershon in the west.

46

See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 491 n. 38.

31:1-21

18:11-13; Lev 22:11-13). This verse, however, excludes

than by named individuals. The household is compre¬

women from partaking in the holy offerings. Japhet

hensively described with some duplication, namely, their

believes this tendency to keep women away from all

little children (DDCD ‘PIQ) duplicates their sons and their

sacred objects is also found in the Dead Sea Scrolls.47

daughters.55 The “whole multitude” gives an inclusive

■ 17 This is the registration of the priests according to their

dimension to the households. Again the fidelity of the

ancestral houses. The registration of the Levites, from twenty

Levites is noted by the Chronicler. The Pentateuch does

years old and upwards, was by their offices, by their divisions:

not attribute holiness to the Levites, but this is frequently

Williamson, 376: “Since the priests were organized by

affirmed in Chronicles (1 Chr 15:14; 2Chr 29:5, 12-15,

families, their enrollment was according to their fathers’

34) and represents their higher status in this book.56

houses.”48 Purity of descent was rigidly adhered to for the

■ 19 As for the descendants of Aaron, the priests, who were in

priests but not for the Levites (Lev 21:7-9, 13-15; Ezek

the fields of common land belonging to their towns, there were

44:22; Ezra 2:62-63). After v. l7ao: (ending with “accord¬

people designated by name in each city who were to distribute

ing to their ancestral houses”), the topic changes to the

portions to every male among the priests and to everyone among

Levites. This might have been a better place to make the

the Levites who was registered by genealogy: While the previ¬

verse division. In v. 17ajSb and in v. 18 the text deals with

ous verses dealt with the clergy in Jerusalem, this verse

Levites who are currently serving in the temple. In 2 Chr

focuses on the priests and Levites living throughout

8:14, the Chronicler refers to the offices (miDOQ) of the

the country. The “fields of common land” (2TU0

Levites for praising and serving alongside the priests.

are frequently mentioned in the list of Levitical cities

Priests also had “offices,” as we can see from v. 16 and

(1 Chr 6:39-66 [54-81]), but here the reference seems

2 Chr 35:2.49 Levites were enrolled at twenty during the

to be inclusive: the cities and the common land around

reign of Hezekiah (see also 1 Chr 23:24, 27; Ezra 3:8).

them. The priests here are specifically identified as

The beginning age of the Levites in 1 Chr 23:350 and

sons of Aaron. The support goes to every male among

Num 4:351 is given as thirty; in Num 8:24 it is given as

the priestly families (see v. 16) and to those among the

twenty-five.52 The Levites were enrolled by their offices or

Levites who are registered.57 Those responsible for this

functions and by their divisions (nirmp^nOIl). Note the

distribution were those named in vv. 14-15.

use of this word in vv. 15 and 16.53 ■ 18 They were registered by genealogy with all their little chil¬

31:20-21 Positive Evaluation of Hezekiah

dren, [their wives, their sons, and their daughters], the whole

■ 20 Hezekiah did this throughout all Judah, and he did that

multitude; for they were faithful in keeping themselves holy:

which was good and right and faithful before Yahweh his God:

The enrollment of the Levites54 is by households rather

This verse and the next give a very positive evaluation

47

during the days of the wicked kings” (see Berger,

Japhet, “Distribution of Priestly Gifts,” 19. See also her interpretation of 2 Chr 8:11 cited in my com¬ 53

48

mentary above. He proposes that this changed after the Chroni¬ cler’s time with the introduction of the twenty-four

54

49

priestly courses. 2 Chr 35:2: “He appointed the priests to their offices (DmiDtOn bv) and strengthened them for the service of the house of Yahweh.”

50 51 52

See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 448. In Num 4:35-36, 39-40, 43-44, 47-48, their period of 55 service extended from thirty to fifty years of age. 56 Kimhi commented on the difference between twenty and twenty-five: “[Hezekiah] called on them before they came of age so that they would become adept and well trained in the service of the Lord, since everything had been forgotten when the service of the House of the Lord was discontinued

57 '

Kimhi, 267). The word occurs thirty-one times in Chronicles; twenty-two times in 1 Chronicles and nine times in 2 Chronicles. The TVRSTrelates this verse to the priests (“The priests were enrolled with all their little children”). Williamson (377) thinks that this verse deals with both priests and Levites, citing the mention of the whole multitude. See the textual notes, where the possibility is raised that all words within the brackets are secondary. See Japhet, “Distribution of the Priestly Gifts,” 17. Williamson (377) believes that the reference to the Levites is either an addition by the Chronicler to material he has inherited or a later misplaced cor¬ rective gloss.

453

of Hezekiah’s reign on the basis of the chapters dealing

and would not serve him.” Other positive terms describ¬

with his reforms (chaps. 29-31). These verses serve the

ing Hezekiah are “seeking his God” (C£Tn),65 and “acting

same function as 2 Kgs 18:5-6,58 but the language is that

with all his heart.” The Deuteronomistic History uses the

of the Chronicler. No mention is made here of his efforts

latter expression for David (1 Kgs 14:8; not included in

to include the north in his reforms, and the reforms are

Chronicles) andjosiah (2 Kgs 23:25). The Chronicler

covered by the word “this.” The Chronicler had noted

does not include this expression for Josiah at this point,

in 2 Chr 29:2, based on 2 Kgs 18:3, that Hezekiah did

but does include it in 2 Chr 34:31//2 Kgs 23:3. The

what was right in the sight of Yahweh, just as his ancestor

Chronicler also uses it for Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 22:9; not

David had done. Asa also did what was good and right

included in the Vorlagein 2 Kgs 9:27).

in the eyes of Yahweh his God (2 Chr 14:1).59 While the Conclusion

word “faithful” is questionable because of its absence from the LXX, it serves as a link to 2 Chr 32:1, “After all these things and these acts of faithfulness.” The verb

This chapter brings the account of Hezekiah’s cul-

is used twice in this verse, and this verb and its related

tic reforms in his first year to its conclusion. Verse

noun n&ro are also used twice in v. 21.60

1 describes the additional reforms that followed the

■ 21 And every work which he began in the service of the

completion of the Passover of Hezekiah. In addition to

house of God, and in accordance with the Torah and the com¬

the reforms in Judah taken from 2 Kings, the Chronicler

mandment, to seek his God, he did with all his heart, and he

extends these reforms into Ephraim and Manasseh, part

prospered: “Work” in the service of the house of God

of the former northern kingdom.

refers to the previous three chapters of reforms. These

Hezekiah’s reappointment of the priests and the

are identified as in compliance with the Pentateuch

Levites is described in v. 2. The Chronicler reports such

(Torah) and God’s commandment or commandments.61

an appointment on several occasions, first by David and

These reforms were done with all Hezekiah’s heart. The

Solomon in the united kingdom, and now by Hezekiah,

Chronicler concludes with “he prospered,” a standard

a second David and second Solomon, and the first king

expression of retribution for pious kings (see 2 Chr 7:1162

since them, in the Chronicler’s view, who exercised a

and 32:3063). The use of this term was probably triggered

measure of control over the north.

by 2 Kgs 18:7: “Yahweh was with him; wherever he went, he prospered.64 He rebelled against the king of Assyria

58 59

Hezekiah provided materials for various sacrifices, perhaps providing motivation for similar generosity by

Kings noted that there was no one like him among all the kings ofjudah, either before or after him. The Vorlage in 1 Kgs 15:14 reads: “And Asa did what

Solomon to do in the house ofYahweh and in his own house he accomplished successfully.” 63

was upright in the eyes of Yahweh like David his father.” 60

See also 1 Chr 22:11, 13 (Solomon); 29:23 (Solo¬ mon); 2 Chr 13:12 (north cannot succeed); 14:6 (7 [Judah prospers during reign of Asa]); 18:11, 14;

Jonker (“Disappearing Nehushtan,” 121) proposes that the words “and he did that which was good and right and faithful before Yahweh his God. And every

20:20 (Jehoshaphat to inhabitants ofjudah and Jerusalem); 24:20 (transgression of commandments

work which he began in the service of the house

means that one cannot prosper). Cf. 2 Chr 26:5:

of God, and in accordance with the Torah and the commandment, to seek his God, he did with all his

God made Uzziah prosper (the use of the verb in the hiphil). See also Ps 1:3.

heart” are an allusion to “And he kept his com¬ mandments which Yahweh commanded Moses” in

64

2 Kgs 18:6b. Jonker also believes that the word “to

that rrb^n (“he prospered”) in 2 Chr 31:21 reminds one of 7’DtD1 (“he was successful” in 2 Kgs 18:7). 61

See the textual notes.

62

2 Chr 7:11: “All that had come into the heart of

Cf. also 2 Chr 7:11: “So Solomon finished the house ofYahweh and the house of the king; all that had come into the heart of Solomon to do in the house

seek” (his God; ETnb) in 2 Chr 31:21 echoes “he held firmly” (to Yahweh; p31) in 2 Kgs 18:6, and

454

2 Chr 32:30: “Hezekiah prospered in all his works.”

ofYahweh and in his own house he accomplished successfully (n’bun).” This verb is not included in the Vorlage in 1 Kgs 9:1. 65

See 1 Chr 10:13-14, of David.

31:1-21

the people in the Chronicler’s own time. Hezekiah also

clergy serving in Jerusalem as well as to clergy living in

instructed the people to provide support for the priests

the countryside. The priestly distributions were made to

and the Levites via first fruits, tithes, and holy offerings.

all males three years old and older and to those priests

The contemporary high priest Azariah assured the king

sex ving in Jerusalem. Levites received similar distribu¬

that the contributions of the people had been rewarded

tions, but enrollment was limited to those twenty years

with prosperity, with more than enough to live on

old and older, and the distributions took into consider¬

(vv. 3-10).

ation entire families. Many details of the distribution

Hezekiah made provisions for chambers in the temple to store the various contributions, and he appointed two

system are lacking in clarity, The Chronicler praised Hezekiah for doing that which

supervising Levites and ten assistant Levites to admin¬

was good and right and faithful in his attention to the

ister the storing and subsequent distribution of goods

cult. Hezekiah was at once dedicated to the temple and

(vv. 11-13). Hezekiah also appointed a Levite and his

living up to the expectations of the Torah. He sought

assistants to distribute the contributions to both priests

God, with all his heart, and—therefore—prospered

and Levites (vv. 14-19). These distributions were made to

(vv. 20-21).

455

32:1-33 Hezekiah Survives the Attack by Sennacherib; Hezekiah's Final Years and His Death Translation After these deeds and these acts of faithful¬ ness,1 Sennacherib the king of Assyria came and invaded Judah and encamped against the fortified cities, and he intended to conquer them for himself. When Hezekiah saw that Sennacherib had invaded, and that his face was set for war against Jerusalem, 3/ he took counsel with his officials and his warriors to shut up the waters of the springs that were outside the city; and they provided help for him. 4/ A large number of people gath¬ ered together,2 and they shut up all the springs3 and the wadi that flowed in the middle of the land,4 saying, "Why should the kings of Assyria come and find5 water in abundance?" 5/ Hezekiah strengthened himself6 and built the whole wall that was broken down, and raised towers on it,7 and outside of it he built another wall;8 he also strengthened the Millo in the city of David, and made weapons and shields in abundance. 6/ He appointed military offi¬ cials over the people, and he assembled them to himself in the square at the gate of the city,9 and encouraged them with these words: 7/ "Be strong and of good courage. Do not be afraid or dismayed before the king of Assyria and before the whole host that is with him; for there is with us one who is greater than the one with him. 8/ With him is an arm of flesh, but with us is Yahweh our God to help us and to fight our battles." The people were encouraged by the words of Hezekiah king of Judah. After this (while Sennacherib king of Assyria was at10 Lachish with all his forces)11 he sent his servants to Jerusalem to Hezekiah king of Judah and to all Judah that was in Jerusalem, saying: 10/ "Thus says Sennacherib the king of Assyria12: On what are you trusting, while living in Jerusalem under siege13? 11/ Is not Heze¬ kiah deceiving you, handing you over to die by famine and thirst, saying 'Yahweh our God will deliver you from the hand of the king of Assyria'? 12/ Did not this same Hezekiah remove his high places and his altars14 and command Judah and Jerusa¬ lem, saying, 'Before one altar15 you shall worship, and on it you shall make offer¬ ings'? 13/ Do you not know what I and my predecessors did to all the peoples of the lands? Were the gods of the nations of the lands16 at all able to deliver their land17 from my hand? 14/ Who among all the gods of these nations that my predeces¬ sors put under the ban was able to deliver his people from my hand, that your God should be able to deliver you from my

456

1

2

3 4

5

6

ifwn

rmm □nmn.

Rudolph (308) notes thatn^n

modifies both nouns. These words could also be translated “these faithful deeds” (hendiadys). niphal. LXX (owriyayev) interprets the verb as third masculine singular and in the active voice “he gathered (a large number of people).” mrron by>; LXX ra vdara tuv irpywv “the waters of the springs.” Cf. v. 3. "[TO; LXX Sta rrjg iroAewg “through the city.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:211) finds in the LXX assimilation to 2 Kgs 20:20, which reads “and he brought the waters into the city”—or, possibly, a cor¬ rection for the difficult word “land.” Rudolph (308) translates “im Erdboden” (“in the ground”) and construes this as a reference to the Siloam tunnel. 2 Chronicles 32:30 states that Hezekiah directed the waters of Gihon to the west side of the city. -\rm 1KO\ LXX Syr Arab put the noun and verbs in the singular. Cf. the plural references to the kings of Assyria in 2 Chr 28:16; 30:6; Neh 9:32. pmm. LXX connects this verb KaTLayvor/ “(may the king of Assur not come and find much water) and be revived” to v. 4. A reviser of LXX added Kai KarLoxvaev E^eniac, “and Hezekiah strengthened” at the beginning of v. 5. Note the addition of the name Hezekiah in my translation to clarify that it was not Sennacherib who strengthened himself. See Allen, Greek Chronicles, 1:164; and Dillard, 254. Goettsberger (358) proposed Ip Tim “and they strengthened themselves,” with the antecedent of “they” being the kings of Assyria.

7

m^ua n,L?r, with Tg Vg. mt m^-imn by “on the towers” = incorrect word division. LXX Kai iwpyovg “and towers.” No translation is provided for (“raised”). Note that LXX Vg lack the definite article on “towers,” as in the reconstructed reading.

8

mn« nain. mt rrm rrainn. The initial n on the first noun is a dittography from the end of the previous word rmfTI. Some Hebrew Mssmnan naTTH “the

9

other wall” (a grammatical correction). T’Dil. LXX rrjg tpdpayyog “the ravine (gate).” Dillard (254) proposes that the LXX may have been assimilated to 2 Chr 26:9 mil “at the Valley Gate.”

10 11

by. Because of this parenthetical expression, the LXX adds a second Kai direareiAeu “and he sent.”

12

7TOS -fpn mmo. 2 Kgs 18:19//Isa 36:4 ‘TTOn “the great king.” Chronicles LXX 6 jSomAeug Aoovpiwv (“the king of the Assyrians”) lacks the name Sennacherib.

13

TCSDD. Perhaps this should be translated “in dis-

32:1-33

20/

24/

27/

hand? 15/ And now, do not let Hezekiah deceive you or mislead you like this, and do not believe him, for no god18 of any nation or kingdom is able to deliver his people from my hand and from the hand of my predecessors. How much less will your gods deliver19 you from my hand." 16/ His servants spoke more against Yahweh God and against Hezekiah his ser¬ vant. 17/ He also wrote letters to throw contempt on Yahweh the God of Israel and to speak against him, saying, "Just as the gods of the nations of the lands20 did not deliver their people from my hand, so the God of Hezekiah will not deliver his people from my hand." 18/ They shouted21 with a loud voice in the language of Judah against the people of Jerusalem who were on the wall, to frighten and terrify them so that they might capture the city. 19/ They spoke22 concerning the God of Jerusalem as if he were like the gods of the people of the land, the product23 of human hands. Then Hezekiah the king and Isaiah the son of Amoz the prophet prayed because of this, and they cried to heaven. 21/ And Yahweh sent an angel who made all the mighty warriors and commanders and officers in the camp of the king of Assyria disappear.24 So he returned in disgrace to his land. When he went into the house of his god, some of his very own sons25 felled him there26 with a sword. 22/ Yahweh saved Hezekiah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem from the hand of Sennacherib king of Assyria and from the hand of all his army;27 he gave them rest28 on every side. 23/ Many brought gifts to Yahweh in Jerusalem and precious things to Hezekiah king of Judah, so that he was exalted29 in the eyes of all the nations from that time on. In those days, Hezekiah became deathly ill. He prayed to Yahweh, and he answered him30 and gave to him a sign. 25/ But Hezekiah did not respond according to the benefit done to him, for his heart was proud. Therefore wrath came upon him and upon Judah and Jerusalem. 26/ Then Hezekiah humbled himself when his heart had been proud,31 he and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and the wrath of Yahweh did not come on them in the days of Heze¬ kiah. Hezekiah had very great riches and honor, and he made for himself treasuries for silver, for gold, for precious stones, for spices, for shields,32 and for all kinds of costly objects; 28/ storehouses also for the produce of grain, wine, and oil, and

tress,” since Sennacherib did not bring his army to Jerusalem in Chronicles. 14

15

16 17 18 19

20 21

22 23 24

25

26 27

28

29 30

31

The LXX reverses the order of “his high places and his altars” ra dvotaoTripia avrov Kai ra v\pr)\a avrov. 7I7N rniO; LXX rov dvoLaorripLov rovrov “this altar.” This may be an assimilation to 2 Kgs 18:22 LXX, or Chr LXX may preserve the original read¬ ing of Chronicles (= 2 Kgs 18:22//Isa 36:7), which has been changed in Chr MT. mjnun. LXX ndoiqq rrjq yrjq “of all the earth.” □HHS; LXX rov Aaov avrtiv “their people” (=? DDU). TO; Many mss editions ITI^K To. LXX 6 $eoq. some Hebrew mss Versions T>’3r singular. This may be a theological correction, since Sennacherib implies that Israel has more than one God. Cf. v. 17b, where the same verb is in the singular. nunNH; LXX rrjq yrjq = pan. IKIp’l; a few Hebrew mss LXX Vg singular. In MT the implied subject is the servants from v. 16. See also the next note. VQT"I; LXX Vg singular “he spoke.” nt2U0; one Hebrew ms LXX Tg 'C7U0 “products.” TDVI; see HALOT, 469. LXX e^erpuj/ev “destroyed.” 2 Kgs 19:35//Isa 37:36 use a form of HD] (“struck down”) instead of TD. Did the Chronicler misread rD'l (Isa 37:36) as Him? 2 Kgs 19:35 fl. VUD ’K’2’01 Q; BDB, 425: “some of those who came forth from his loins.” KIR’lTOl. The parallel texts (2 Kgs 19:37//Isa 37:38) identify the assassins as Adrammelek and Sharezer, and Isa 37:38 further adds V33 “his sons.” QD; lacking in LXX. Vm *73, following BHS. MT b'D. The final 1 may have been lost by haplography, and then the whole noun was lost by homoioteleuton. A few Hebrew mss VD’IN To “all his enemies.” Hezekiah’s victory over other enemies may have included his battle against the Philistines reported in 2 Kgs 18:8. DnT> nn, with LXX Kai Karerravaev avrovq. Cf. Vg praestitit eis quietem. This provides another parallel to David and Solomon. Cf. 2 Chr 14:6; 15:15; 20:30. See 2 Chr 14:1 (the land had rest for ten years dur¬ ing the reign of Asa). MT □’T’rm “and he provided for them.” KIOTO; hithpael. For the form, see GKC §54c. Two Hebrew mss KIOTO niphal. I1? “lOK’!. BHS suggests inserting 03nK KSOD “I will give you healing.” Cf. 2 Kgs 20:5 “[T KSO '3371 “Behold, I will heal you.” This would have been lost by homoioarchton before |H3 nsiftl “and gave to him a sign.” 70333; LXX a7ro tov v\povq Trjq Kapdiaq avrov “from the exaltation of his heart.”

457

31/

32/

stalls for all kinds of animals, and stalls for the flocks.33 29/ He also provided herds34 for himself, and flocks of sheep and cattle in great number, for God gave to him very many possessions. 30/ This same Hezekiah closed the upper outlet of the waters of Gihon, and directed them35 down to the west side36 of the city of David. And Hezekiah prospered in all of his works. So also in the matter of the envoys of the official of37 Babylon, who had been sent38 to him to inquire about the sign that had been done in the land, when God aban¬ doned him to test him to know all that was in his heart. And the rest of the acts of Hezekiah, and his loyal deeds, behold they are written in the vision of Isaiah the son of Amoz the prophet in39 the book of the kings of Judah and Israel. 33/ Hezekiah slept with his ancestors, and they buried him on the ascent40 to the graves of the descendants of David, and all Judah and the inhabit¬ ants of Jerusalem did him honor at his death. His son Manasseh succeeded him.

32

cf. Solomon: 2 Chr 9:16; 12:9. Chr LXX

Ked

d'nXo'dr)Kaq “and armories.” Vg et armorum univeri generis. Someone has proposed D'lUQ^l “excellent 33

34

35 36 37

38

39 40

things, gifts.” Cf. 2 Chr 21:3; 32:23. □'mu*? nrm LXX (Vg) Kal pavbpaq eig ra ■KolpvLOt “and folds for the flock.” Cf. Japhet, 975. MT runs1 *? D’TTiTI “and flocks for the stalls.” BHS suggests deleting these two words and then reading D’TWI instead of D’liM for the first word in v. 29. See the next note. BHS; MT CHUl “cities.” Dillard (254) retains MT and notes: “1 Chr 27:25-31 and 2 Chr 26:9-10 imply the creation of settlements consisting of royal estates maintaining crown property.” mtD’l Q, K CnOT. Q shows elision of the initial ’ of

Emin, with

the root. See GKC §69u. rniUQ. Syra (codex Ambrosianus) rndnh3 = nmtQ “east side.” 7t0. MT ’"Ifo “officials.” Cf. 2 Kgs 20:12//Isa 39:1, where King Merodach-baladan sent envoys with let¬ ters □'“ISC. Some Hebrew mss Tg add “5o “the king of” after “IS. □,n‘?C2ipn (pual). Cf. LXX Tg Vg. Or □,n7© CH qal passive participle (Ehrlich). MTD’nVtOQil (piel): “(envoys whom the officials of Babylon) sent.” See the previous note, where “officials” was changed to “official.” bV; LXX Tg Vg Arab add “and” before “in.” One might have expected a 3 prefixed to “ISO “the book.” il5000. JPS “on the upper part (of the tombs of the sons of David).”

Structure

including letters insulting Yahweh and shouting to the people ofjerusalem on the city wall (v. 9: 2 Kgs

This chapter may be outlined as follows:

18:l7//Isa 36:2; v. 10: 2 Kgs 18:19-20//Isa 36:4-5;

I. 32:1 Introduction to Sennacherib’s campaign

v. 12: 2 Kgs 18:22//Isa 36:7; v. 14: 2 Kgs 18:35//Isa

(2 Kgs 18:13//Isa 36T)1

36:20; v. 15: 2 Kgs 18:29//Isa 36:14; v. 18: cf. 2 Kgs

II. 32:2-8 Hezekiah’s preparations for the Assyrian attack (military preparations vv. 2-6; Hezekiah’s

18:26-36//Isa 36:11-21) IV.

address to the people before the battle vv. 7-8)

Yahweh’s deliverance (cf. 2 Kgs 19:4, 14-20//Isa

III. 32:9-19 The delegation sent by Sennacherib. Verse 9 describes the delegation; vv. 10-15 give the speech of the servants of Sennacherib, quoting Sennach¬ erib directly; vv. 16-19 contain additional commu¬ nications by the Assyrians to Hezekiah and Judah,

1

458

32:20-21 The prayer of Hezekiah and Isaiah; 37:4, 14-21)

V.

32:22-23 Yahweh saves Hezekiah and Jerusalem, and Hezekiah is exalted in the eyes of all the nations.

VI. 32:24-26 Hezekiah’s illness and its aftermath (v. 24: 2 Kgs 20:l-2//Isa 38:1-2)

Many of the proposed correlations with the Vorlage in this chapter are only approximations.

32:1-33

VII. 32:27-30 Various notations about Hezekiah

tribute exacted by Sennacherib, which Hezekiah took

VIII. 32:31 The envoys from Babylon (2 Kgs 20:12-19//

from the temple. The materials in 2 Chr 32:9-19 about

IX.

Isa 39:1-8)

the emissaries sent by Sennacherib are a drastically

32:32-33 Conclusion of Hezekiah’s reign (2 Kgs

shortened and rearranged version of the similar mate¬

20:20-21)

rials in 2 Kings 18-19//Isaiah 36-37 (this editing is

The Chronicler’s account of the invasion of Sennacherib

discussed in the “Detailed Commentary”). The role of

in 701

Hezekiah’s officials and the mediatorial role of Isaiah

b.c.e.

(vv. 1-23) is based in large part on 2 Kings

18-19//Isaiah 36-37, although that account is summa¬

are eliminated. The only completely new material is

rized, drastically shortened, and in part rearranged.2

in vv. 2-8 (Hezekiah’s preparations for the attack) and

That account is customarily divided into the following

vv. 22-23 (Yahweh saved Hezekiah and Jerusalem, and

sections:

Hezekiah is exalted in the eyes of all the nations). The

Account A: 2 Kgs 18:13-16//Isa 36:1:3 Hezekiah con¬

speech of Hezekiah in vv. 7-8 is a composition of the

fesses that he has done wrong and pays heavy tribute to

Chronicler stressing the basic theology of holy war. The

Sennacherib

results and consequences of the battle in vv. 22-23 are

Account B1: 2 Kgs 18:17—19:9a, 36-37//Isa 36:2—

theological conclusions that the Chronicler drew from

37:9a, 37-38: A delegation sent by Sennacherib insists

the account of Sennacherib’s campaign. The prepara¬

on the futility of resisting Sennacherib and confronts

tions for this war that Hezekiah undertakes indicate that

both Hezekiah’s representatives and Judean citizens with

Yahweh expects even faithful people like Hezekiah to

threats. These events are reported to Hezekiah, who asks

take concrete preparatory actions even if the deciding

Isaiah to pray for the remnant that is left. Isaiah reports

factor in this or any war is Yahweh’s role in it. It is uncer¬

an oracle from Yahweh that Sennacherib will return to

tain whether the descriptions of the preparations in vv.

his own land and fall by the sword. Sennacherib returns

3-6 were taken from a nonbiblical source, and this issue

to Assyria and is assassinated in the temple of Nisroch by

will be discussed in the “Detailed Commentary.” Brevard

his sons Adrammelech and Sharezer. Account B2: 2 Kgs 19:9b-35//Isa 37:9b-36: Sennach¬ erib sends a letter to Hezekiah warning of the futility of

Childs has noted a number of innovations by the Chroni¬ cler that show how he read and at times harmonized the text of the Vorlage. Childs also notes how the Chronicler

resisting the Assyrian king. Hezekiah takes the letter to

brings to the text a set of categories that do not stem

the temple and prays to Yahweh. Isaiah assures him that

from the text itself: “Right from the start it is clear that

his prayer had been heard and delivers an oracle of Yah¬

the Chronicler is concerned to fashion his sources in

weh against Sennacherib. Isaiah assures Hezekiah that

such a way that Hezekiah appears in the most favourable

Sennacherib will not attack Jerusalem and that Yahweh

light.”4 Childs’s other observations will be reviewed in the

will defend the city for his own sake and for the sake of

“Detailed Commentary.”

David. At night the angel of Yahweh kills 185,000 Assyr¬

The accounts of Hezekiah’s illness (vv. 24-26) and the visits of the Babylonian envoys (v. 31) are taken from the

ians. When Sennacherib invades in 2 Chronicles 32, he

Vorlage, but again drastically shortened and interpreted

does so for no apparent reason, let alone in a puni¬

in line with the Chronicler’s theology. The various

tive capacity because of the rebellion of a vassal or as

notations about Hezekiah in vv. 27-30 are quite general

a the consequence of Hezekiah’s sin. The Chronicler

and comport with the Chronicler’s views on retribu¬

omits 2 Kgs 18:7, which speaks of Hezekiah’s rebellion

tion, namely, that pious kings are rewarded with wealth

against Sennacherib, and 2 Kgs 18:14-16, which speaks

and honor. The brief description of Hezekiah’s actions

of Hezekiah’s confession of sin and of the enormous

with regard to Jerusalem’s water system in v. 30 (see also

2 For study of these chapters, see Childs, Isaiah and the 3 Assyrian Crisis; Clements, Isaiah and the Deliverance of Jerusalem; Gallagher, Sennacherib’s Campaign; and Grabbe, ‘Like a Bird in a Cage. ’

4

The reason why 2 Kgs 18:14-16 is not included in Isaiah 36 is unclear. See Childs, Isaiah and the Assyr¬ ian Crisis, 69-70 and esp. n. 1. Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis, 110.

459

vv. 3-4) is generally thought to reflect accurate informa¬

them. In Sennacherib’s own account, he claimed to have

tion from the time of Hezekiah although it is unknown

besieged and conquered forty-six of Hezekiah’s fortified

whether the source of this information was oral or

walled cities (COS 2:303). While the attack on Jerusa¬

written.

lem is the climax of the campaign in 2 Kings 18-19, it stands at the beginning of the account in Chronicles. Detailed Commentary

The Chronicler does not include 2 Kgs 18:14-16, where Hezekiah confessed his sin to Sennacherib and promised

32:1 Introduction to Sennacherib's Campaign

to pay any tribute that the Assyrian king might impose.

■ 1 After these things and these acts of faithfulness, Sennach¬

That tribute turned out to be three hundred talents of

erib the king of Assyria came and invaded Judah and encamped

silver and thirty talents of gold and was paid for with

against the fortified cities, and he intended to conquer them for

resources from the temple and the palace. Confession

himself: The Chronicler makes no mention of the four¬

of sin and paying tribute to an Assyrian king would not

teenth year of the reign of Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:13//Isa

correspond to the complete trust in Yahweh that Heze¬

36:1), but locates the attack of Sennacherib instead in

kiah shows in this account. The ambivalent outcome8

the wake of Hezekiah’s reforms or acts of faithfulness,

of Sennacherib’s campaign in 2 Kings 18-19 and Isaiah

which have been recounted in 2 Chronicles 29-31.5 See

36-37 is replaced in 2 Chronicles 32 by a battle that was a

also the mention of Hezekiah’s faithfulness in 2 Chr

complete victory for Judah and demonstrated Hezekiah’s

31:20 in the immediately preceding context. In the Vor-

faithfulness.

lage in 2 Kgs 18:13, the previous paragraph, 2 Kgs 18:912, had described Shalmaneser’s capture of Samaria.

32:2-8 Hezekiah's Preparations for the Assyrian Attack

Sennacherib’s attack in Chronicles is not in response

■ 2-3 When Hezekiah saw that Sennacherib had invaded, and

to Hezekiah’s rebellion against him (2 Kgs 18:7),6 let

that his face was set for war against Jerusalem, he took counsel

alone divine retribution for sinning. Similarly, Zerah’s

with his officials and his warriors to shut up the waters of the

invasion during the reign of Asa is also not in response

springs that were outside the city; and they provided help for him:

to the king’s sin (2 Chr 14:8-14 [9-15]). In fact, there

These are the first two of seven straight verses that show

is no explicit reason given for Sennacherib’s military

no direct contact with a Vorlage from 2 Kings or Isaiah.

maneuver in Chronicles except his desire for conquest.

These verses describe Hezekiah’s preparations for Sen¬

In 2 Chr 12:2-4, by way of contrast, Shishak came up

nacherib’s attack. There is a rough parallel to these verses

against Jerusalem because the people had been unfaith¬

in the account of preparations in Isa 22:8-11, although

ful to Yahweh, and he conquered the fortified cities up to

there Hezekiah is criticized for these preparations since

Jerusalem. The Vorlage of 2 Chronicles 32 mentioned that

“he did not look to him who did it, or have regard to him

Sennacherib seized or took the fortified cities ofjudah

who planned it long ago.” According to Isaiah, Hezekiah

(2 Kgs 18:13//Isa 36:4),7 but the Chronicler says that

looked to the weapons (pE)j) of the House of the Forest9

conquering these cities was only Sennacherib’s intent

and noted that there were many breaches in the [wall of

(□rpn^ “lftN’1) and that he had only encamped against

the] city of David (see v. 5 below). Hezekiah collected the

The laconic . . . □’“□“in ’TIN (“after these things”), with which this verse begins, reminds

8

fessed his sin and promised to pay tribute, the angel ofYahweh killed 185,000 Assyrians, and Sennach¬ erib went home only to be assassinated by two of

some commentators of the beginning of the Akedah account in Gen 22:1, □’“□"IP! TIN TH. This might suggest that the attack of Sennacherib was a test of Hezekiah.

his sons (2 Kgs 19:35-37//Isa 37:36-38). Previously Isaiah had promised that Sennacherib would hear a rumor and return to his own land, where he would die by the sword (2 Kgs 19:7//Isa 37:7).

2 Kgs 18:7: “He rebelled against the king of Assyria and would not serve him.” In the positive portion of the reign of Manasseh, the Chronicler reports that the king built an outer wall for the city of David (2 Chr 33:14), possibly to be understood as destroyed by Sennacherib.

460

While according to 2 Kgs 18:14-16 Hezekiah con¬

9

Also known as the House of the Forest of Lebanon (1 Kgs 7:2; 10:17, 21).

32:1-33

waters of the lower pool and broke down houses to fortify

and drank foreign waters, I dried up with the sole of my

the wall. He also made a reservoir between the two walls

foot all the streams (’“IN’) of Egypt.” On kings (plural) of

for the water of the old pool.

Assyria, see also 2 Chr 28:16 and 30:6.12

Hezekiah does not pray in 2 Chronicles 32 until v. 20, whereas Jehoshaphat prayed immediately when faced

■ 5 Hezekiah strengthened himself and built the whole wall that was broken down, and raised towers on it, and outside of

with an attack from the east (2 Chr 20:6-12). Like previ¬

it he built another wall; he also strengthened the Millo in the

ous kings, Hezekiah took counsel with his advisors and

city of David, and made weapons and shields in abundance:

military leaders (see David in 1 Chr 13:1; Rehoboam in

A king strengthening himself (hithpael) is generally a

2 Chr 10:6, 8; Jehoshaphat in 2 Chr 20:21; and Amaziah

positive expression in Chronicles (2 Chr 1:1 [Solomon];

in 2 Chr 25:17). By shutting up the waters that were

12:13 [Rehoboam];13 13:21 [Abijah]; 17:1 [Jehoshaphat];

outside the city,10 he deprived the Assyrians of drinking

21:4 [Jehoram]14; and 27:6 [Jotham]). Attention to

water even as he made preparations for satisfying the

the city walls by Hezekiah is noted also in Isa 22:8-11,

need for water among the Jerusalemites. His advisors

although there it is criticized for demonstrating lack of

and, presumably, the people in general supported Heze¬

faith in Yahweh. The Millo is mentioned in Chronicles

kiah’s efforts. Asa and Jehoshaphat also took defensive

only here and in 1 Chr 11:8 (David) although the book

measures and conscripted troops with divine approval

of Kings also documents Solomon’s work on the Millo.15

(2 Chr 14:5-7 [6-8]; 17:12-19), although, as here, these

Again Hezekiah appears as a second David and/or Solo¬

played no role in the subsequent wars.

mon. The two uses of the verb pTFI (Hezekiah strength¬

■ 4 A large number of people gathered together, and they shut

ened himself and he also strengthened the Millo) may be

up all the springs and the wadi that flowed in the middle of the

taken as puns on the name Hezekiah (TPpTlT). The mili¬

land, saying, “Why should the kings of Assyria come and find

tary preparations of Hezekiah show some tension with

water in abundance”: This verse continues the prepara¬

vv. 7-8, where Hezekiah indicates that victory in battle is

tions begun in the previous verse. The large assembled

solely dependent on Yahweh’s role in the fighting.

crowd shows the support from the people enjoyed by

■ 6 He appointed military officials over the people, and he

Hezekiah. Is the stream that flowed through the midst

assembled them to himself in the square of the gate of the city,

of the land the Jordan? Or does this refer to the water

and encouraged them with these words: Hezekiah organized

that flowed through Hezekiah’s Tunnel? The generalities

the military. Similar reports are given for Jehoshaphat

of vv. 3-4 make it impossible to reconstruct Hezekiah’s

(2 Chr 17:13-19), Amaziah (2 Chr 25:5), and Uzziah

efforts in great detail. Williamson (379-80) andjaphet

(2 Chr 26:11-13). No names of the military officials are

(977-78) think that vv. 3-6 come from a source available

given or numbers of the troops. The square of the gate

to the Chronicler, while Welten believes that the Chroni¬

of the city may be identical with the square on the east

cler reconstructed the parts of vv. 3-4 dealing with the

(2 Chr 29:4). In Hebrew, the words “encouraged them”

supply of water on the basis of the source behind 2 Chr

are literally “he spoke to their heart” (CH3b bl) “□Tl).

32:30a.11 The rhetorical question with which v. 4 ends

■ 7 “Be strong and of good courage. Do not be afraid or

shows what the purpose of these water changes was.

dismayed before the king of Assyria and before the whole host

Sennacherib himself refers to his own efforts to change

that is with him; for there is with us one who is greater than the

water resources in 2 Kgs 19:24//Isa 37:25: “I dug wells

one with him”: The first three imperatives in Hezekiah’s

10

Cf. Isa 8:6: “the waters of Shiloah that flow freely.”

13

See also v. 30. Welten, Geschichte, 30, 39, 48. Willi (Die Chronik als Auslegung, 164) notes that the Chronicler typologizes both Egypt and Assyria. Rehoboam plays an ambivalent role in Chronicles.

14

The account of Jehoram is quite negative.

15

According to 1 Kgs 11:27, Solomon had built the Millo and closed up the gap in the wall of the city

11 12

of his father David. Cf. 2 Sam 5:9 (David built the city from the Millo inward); 1 Kgs 9:15 (Solomon used forced labor to build the Millo), 24 (another reference to Solomon building the Millo); 2 Kgs 12:20 (the servants ofjoash killed him in the house of Millo).

461

exhortation (IKTH S>K 11S0K1 IpTFI) are also found in Deut

impotent god of the Assyrians. Jeremiah had a similar

31:6, Moses’ admonition to the people.16 The third and

negative view of “flesh”: “Cursed are those who trust in

fourth imperatives (UTin SKI IKITl Sk) are found in

mere mortals (CIK) and make flesh (102) their arm” (1HT;

2 Chr 20:15, 17, Jahaziel’s admonition to the people: “Pay

Jer 17:5). Likewise Isaiah: “The Egyptians are human

attention, all Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem and

(□IK) and not God, and their horses are flesh (103) and

king Jehoshaphat, Thus says Yahweh to you, ‘Do not be

not spirit” (Isa 31:3), and Isaiah criticizes severely those

afraid or be dismayed on account of this great multitude;

who lack faith: “They do not look to the Holy One of

for the battle is not yours but God’s. . . . Do not fear or

Israel or consult Yahweh” (Isa 31:1). Hezekiah insists that

be dismayed; tomorrow go out before them, and Yahweh

Yahweh is “with us.” Azariah had assured Asa that Yah¬

will be with you’” (2 Chr 20:15, 17).17Joshua’s admoni¬

weh will be “with you if you are with him” (2 Chr 15:2),

tion to the people in josh 10:25 uses all four imperatives,

and Jehoshaphat had encouraged people by declaring

although the second pair there is listed before the first

“Yahweh will be with you” (2 Chr 20:17). This image of

pair.18 The four imperatives used by Yahweh in the com¬

Hezekiah contrasts sharply with some features of the king

missioning of Joshua are formed from the roots pTll (“be

in 2 Kings 19, where Hezekiah informs Isaiah that “this

strong”), f*QK (“be courageous”), flU (do not “be fright¬

is a day of distress, rebuke, and contempt, for children

ened”), and nnn (do not “be dismayed”), although in this

are coming to the mouth of the womb, but there is no

case the imperatives are in the singular (Josh 1:9). While

strength to give birth” (2 Kgs 19:3).19 Hezekiah’s idea that

Hezekiah has made many defensive and other prepara¬

it is Yahweh who fights Israel’s battles is quite similar to

tions, he urges the people not to be afraid because he

the words of Jahaziel: “You should not fight this battle.

trusts that Yahweh is greater than whatever god is with

Take your positions, stand still, and see the victory of

Assyria. Yahweh is the source of all strength, and yet peo¬

Yahweh on your behalf” (2 Chr 20:17). The final sentence

ple are expected to take essential military steps. Moses

of this verse could also be translated: “The people sup¬

had predicted that Israel would fall to the Amalekites

ported themselves (IDQD'l) on the words of Hezekiah king

because Yahweh was not with them (Num 14:43). Deuter¬

of Judah.” The same verb is used elsewhere in the Vorlage

onomy urged: “It is Yahweh your God who goes with you,

to denote false trust: “See, you are relying now on Egypt,

to fight for you against your enemies, to give you victory”

that broken reed of a staff, which will pierce the hand of

(20:4). Yahweh had reassured Gideon: “I will be with

anyone who leans ("[QD1) on it” (2 Kgs 18:21//Isa 36:6).

you, and you shall strike down the Midianites, every one

Relying on Egypt would have contradicted the Chroni¬

of them” (Judg 6:12-16). See also the Immanuel (God is

cler’s idea that Hezekiah was relying solely upon Yahweh.

with us) passages in Isa 7:14; 8:8, 10. The Kings account of Hezekiah had also affirmed that Yahweh was with

32:9-19 The Delegation Sent by Sennacherib

Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:7). Elisha reassured his fear-filled

■ 9 After this (while Sennacherib king of Assyria was at

servant (mt7D), who saw his city surrounded by military

Lachish with all his forces) he sent his servants to Jerusalem to

power: “Do not be afraid, for there are more with us than

Hezekiah king ofJudah and to all Judah that was in Jerusalem,

there are with them” (2 Kgs 6:16).

saying: The Chronicler has considerably recast 2 Kgs

■ 8 “With him is an arm of flesh, but with us is Yahweh our

18:17//Isa 36:2 and begins with “After this,” which he

God to help us and to fight our battles”: The people were

had used also in v. 1 The emissaries sent by Sennach¬

encouraged by the words of Hezekiah king of Judah:

erib are merely called “his servants” and are not given

This verse continues the comparison of Yahweh with the

the specific official titles of 2 Kgs 18:l7//Isa 36:220: the

16

In Deut 31:8, the third and fourth imperatives are used, but with the negative particle Kb, instead of

19

Sk. 17 18

In both verses the Hebrew is innn StO IKTn Sk.

ipm innn Ski IKTn Sk “Do not be afraid or dismayed, be strong and courageous.” Cf. 2 Kgs 6:16 K7Ti Sk “do not be afraid.”

462

It also contrasts sharply with Hezekiah’s confession of sin against Sennacherib and his paying of tribute in 2 Kgs 18:14-17.

20

Isaiah 36:2 mentions only the Rabshakeh.

32:1-33

Tartan, the Rabsaris, and the Rabshakeh. The latter offi¬

(2 Kgs 18:21, 24//Isa 36:6, 9). Similarly, there is no

cial becomes the speaker on Sennacherib’s behalf in the

evidence of a covenant with death (= Egypt) as Isaiah

Vorlage (2 Kgs 18:19-25, 28-35//Isa 36:4-10, 13-20), and

had charged (Isa 28:15, 18), nor is Hezekiah warned

the others are not mentioned again in the account.21 The

about trusting in his own strength (2 Kgs 18:20, 23, 24).

Chronicler may have dropped these terms since he did

As Ben Zvi has pointed out, Sennacherib is a villain in

not understand them or thought them unnecessary to

the story, and his speech leads to his defeat and death.

the account. Nor did the Chronicler mention the three

Sennacherib’s speech also portrays Hezekiah as a person

officials who represented Hezekiah and Judah, namely,

who trusts in Yahweh and not in his own military power

Eliakim, Shebnah, andjoah (2 Kgs 18:18//Isa 36:3).

(w. 10-11), who centralizes the cult (w. 12-13), and who

In the Vorlage the emissaries came with a great army

certainly does not think that Yahweh is like other gods

("nz> ‘TTD; 2 Kgs 18:l7//Isa 36:2),22 while in Chronicles

(vv. 14-15).25

all of Sennacherib’s “forces” (in^OTO b^l) stayed with

■ 11 “Is not Hezekiah deceiving you, handing you over to

him at Lachish, some twenty-eight miles to the south¬

die by famine and thirst, saying ‘Yahweh our God will deliver

west. The siege of Lachish is more explicit in Chronicles

you from the hand of the king of Assyria’?”: This verse is

than it is in the Vorlage. The Chronicler may have kept

similar to several verses in the Vorlage but not exactly

the Assyrian army at Lachish because of his understand¬

identical with any of them. The charge in the Vorlage

ing of the divine oracle in 2 Kgs 19:32//Isa 37:33: “He

that Hezekiah was deceiving the people comes in 2 Kgs

shall not come into this city, shoot an arrow there, come

18:32,26 where the Rabshakeh urges: “Do not listen to

before it with a shield, or cast up a siege ramp against

Hezekiah because he would deceive you, saying, ‘Yah¬

it.”23 The Chronicler has Sennacherib send the emissar¬

weh will deliver us.’” The verbs to deceive

ies to Hezekiah and to all Judah, thus harmonizing 2 Kgs

deliver (*?2i3) are the same in both verses. The charge

18:18, where the message is directed to Hezekiah, and

that Hezekiah’s policies will lead to death by famine and

2 Kgs 18:26, where the Rabshakeh harangues the people

thirst seems to be based on 2 Kgs 18:27//Isa 36:12, where

(mo)

and to

of Judah sitting on the wall.24

the Rabshakeh tells Hezekiah’s representatives crudely

■ 10 “Thus says Sennacherib the king of Assyria: On what

that the people sitting on the wall are destined, because

are you trusting, while living in Jerusalem under siege?”: In

of the impending siege, to eat their own excrement and

this verse the Chronicler abbreviates the Vorlage in 2 Kgs

drink their own urine.

18:19-25//Isa 36:4-10 and has the servants of Sennach¬

■ 12 “Did not this same Hezekiah remove his high places and

erib accuse the people and not Hezekiah himself. The

his altars and command Judah and Jerusalem, saying, ‘Before

Rabshakeh claims that Hezekiah’s confidence is based

one altar you shall worship, and on it you shall make offer¬

on mere words and accuses Hezekiah of rebelling against

ings’?”: The servants of the Assyrian king question the

Sennacherib (2 Kgs 18:19-20//Isa 36:4-5). The nature of

ability of Yahweh to deliver, since Hezekiah has removed

the people’s false trust is spelled out in vv. 11-15. Sen¬

Yahweh’s high places and his altars and commanded

nacherib is not given the title contained in the Vorlage

Judah and Jerusalem to worship only at one altar in Jeru¬

“the great king,” which represents authentic Assyrian

salem. What the Assyrians see as Yahweh’s weakness, the

vocabulary (sarru rabu). Theological concerns may have

reader of Chronicles recognizes as signs of Hezekiah’s

prevented the Chronicler from utilizing that title. In

faithfulness to Yahweh, which was thoroughly rehearsed

recasting the speech of the Rabshakeh, the Chronicler

in chaps. 29-31. This verse is based largely on 2 Kgs

omits the charge that Hezekiah was relying on Egypt

18:22//Isa 36:7. The Assyrians considered Hezekiah’s

21

The official called the Rabsaris occurs in Jer 39:3, 13, when Judah fell to the Babylonians.

22

The next mention of this army is in 2 Kgs 19:35// Isa 37:36, where the soldiers are killed by the angel

24 25

out the main Assyrian army. Perhaps TI303 should be translated in v. 10 as “in distress.” Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis, 108-9. Ben Zvi, “When the Foreign Monarch Speaks,”

ofYahweh. While the next verse indicates that Jerusalem was under siege, that would be very difficult to do with¬

26

219-20. Isaiah 36:17 lacks most of 2 Kgs 18:32.

23

463

actions an insult to the Israelite deity, but from the

cler not want to put the divine name in the mouth of

Chronicler’s point of view Hezekiah championed the

the Assyrians? He also substitutes “you” (plural) as the

very temple in Jerusalem that is the main theme of his

object for the word “deliver” instead of “Jerusalem” in the

long work. Instead of Yahweh being insulted, the reader

Vorlage.

would conclude, Hezekiah would be extremely pleasing

■ 15 “And now, do let Hezekiah deceive you or mislead you

to Israel’s God. The Chronicler argues that the move

like this, and do not believe him, for no god of any nation or

toward centralization began with Hezekiah even though

kingdom is able to deliver his people from my hand and from the

2 Kings lauds Josiah especially for this reform. The

hand of my predecessors. How much less will your gods deliver

Chronicler (or even a later hand; see the textual notes)

you from my hand”: The servants’ transition to the con¬

substituted “one altar” for “this altar” in the Vorlage. This

clusion of their argument is signaled by the words “and

makes clear that centralization was the goal of Heze¬

now.” Already in v. 11 they had argued that Hezekiah

kiah’s reforms, and it also may reflect a clarification of

was deceiving them with the claim that Yahweh would

Hezekiah’s actions. After all, what would the Assyrians

deliver them from the king of Assyria. After sowing seeds

mean by “this altar”?

of doubt, they now directly contradict his claims: Do not

■ 13 “Do you not know what I and my predecessors did to

believe him! In 2 Kgs 18:31//Isa 36:16, the Rabshakeh

all the peoples of the lands ? Were the gods of the nations of the

had ordered his audience not to listen to Hezekiah.

lands at all able to deliver their land from my hand?”: In 2 Kgs

Speaking in the name of Sennacherib, the servants in

18:35//Isa 36:20, Sennacherib claimed that the gods of

2 Chronicles 32 go on to claim that no god is able to

the lands had not delivered their land from his hand,

deliver his people from the king of Assyria or from his

while in 2 Kgs 19:ll-12//Isa 37:11-12 the author lists a

predecessors. Adding insult to injury, they treat Israel

number of nations that Sennacherib’s predecessors had

as another polytheistic society: How much less will your

destroyed. Thus, in this verse the Chronicler combines

gods deliver you from my [Sennacherib’s] hand. This

both of those claims by asking what he and his predeces¬

verse is parallel in part to 2 Kgs 18:29//Isa 36:14, where

sors have done to the peoples of the lands.27 The Chroni¬

Sennacherib had claimed that Hezekiah was unable

cler records the charge that the gods of the nations were

to deliver the people. From the Chronicler’s point of

not able to deliver their lands, and in v. 15 he records the

view Sennacherib’s appeal to his defeat of foreign gods

charges that neither the gods of the nations nor “your

may have seemed irrelevant, since he has not yet faced

gods,” implying that Judah was polytheistic, were able to

Yahweh.

deliver them from Sennacherib or his predecessors. The

■ 16 His servants spoke more against Yahweh God and

Rabshakeh had claimed only that Hezekiah was unable

against Hezekiah his servant: The Chronicler frankly

to save Jerusalem (2 Kgs 18:29//Isa 36:14). He did not

admits that he is abbreviating the Vorlage and that the

use the verb “to be able” (‘?D1) either for the gods of the

servants of Sennacherib, presumably still speaking in the

nations or for Yahweh (2 Kgs 18:33-35). The Chronicler

king’s name, had multiplied their attacks on Yahweh and

does not name any specific nations (2 Kgs 18:34; 19:12//

Hezekiah. The title “Yahweh God” may be a pointed cor¬

Isa 36:19; 37:12).

rection to the servants’ reference to Israel’s God in the

■ 14 “Who among all the gods of these nations that my pre¬

plural. Like the kings and rulers mentioned in Ps 2:2, the

decessors put under the ban was able to deliver his people from

servants spoke against Yahweh and his anointed king. In

my hand, that your God should be able to deliver you from my

their opinion, Yahweh was unable to help, and Hezekiah

hand?”: This verse is roughly equivalent to 2 Kgs 18:35//

had erred in claiming that Yahweh was able.

Isa 36:20. The Chronicler adds “whom my fathers put

■ 17 He also wrote letters to throw contempt on Yahweh the

under the ban” and adds the verb “to be able” (see

God of Israel and to speak against him, saying, “Just as the gods

above). He substitutes the word “nations” for “lands” and

of the nations of the lands did not deliver their people from my

“his people” for “their land.” “Your God” replaces the

hand, so the God of Hezekiah will not deliver his people from

divine name Yahweh from the Vorlage. Did the Chroni¬

my hand”: In the Vorlage, Sennacherib sent letters via

27

464

Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis, 108-9.

32:1-33

messengers to Hezekiah in the so-called B2 account, the

tells Hezekiah’s representatives that the people on the

second Assyrian delegation (2 Kgs 19:14//Isa 37:14), and

wall and Hezekiah’s representatives were destined to eat

these letters have been integrated into the Chronicler’s

their own excrement and drink their own urine. Nor¬

account between the speech based on account B1 in vv.

mally, in biblical accounts of holy war, Yahweh terrifies

10-15 and the shouting to those on the walls in v. 18.28 For

the enemies of Israel (2 Chr 13:13-17: God defeated

“the gods of the nations,” see v. 13 and 2 Kgs 18:33 and

Jeroboam in Abijah’s northern campaign; 2 Chr 14:14:

19:12. The verb “to throw contempt” (rprf?) is found in

the fear of Yahweh defeats the Ethiopian invaders; 2 Chr

2 Kgs 19:4, 16, 22, 23//Isa 37:4, 17, 23, 24. The narrator

20:22: Yahweh set an ambush against the Ammonites,

indicates that this disrespect was shown to Yahweh the

Moab, and Mount Seir).

God of Israel and no doubt contributed decisively to his

■ 19 They spoke concerning the God of Jerusalem as if he were

defeat from a theological perspective. The letters repeat

like the gods of the people of the land, the product of human

the previous charge that Israel’s God, here referred to as

hands: The “God of Jerusalem” is the fourth title for

the God of Hezekiah, would not deliver his people from

Israel’s God in vv. 16-19,29 and it is one of two times that

the hand of Sennacherib.

Israel’s God is so designated in the Bible.30 The narra¬

■ 18 They shouted with a loud voice in the language of

tor’s criticism of the Assyrian messengers is that they

Judah against the people of Jerusalem who were on the wall,

compared Yahweh to the gods of the nations, who could

to frighten and terrify them so that they might capture the city:

do nothing and were the product of human hands (see

This incident in the Vorlage occupied many verses (2 Kgs

also v. 17).31 In Hezekiah’s prayer in 2 Kgs 19:18//Isa

18:26-36//Isa 36:11-21). There Hezekiah’s representa¬

37:19, Hezekiah charged that the gods of the nations

tives asked the Rabshakeh to speak in Aramaic so that

were not really gods but only a work of human hands,

the people on the wall watching this exchange would

wood and stone.

not understand. The Rabshakeh indicated that his appeal would be to the wider populace, who would suffer

32:20-21 The Prayer of Hezekiah and Isaiah;

famine and thirst if Sennacherib would attack, and then

Yahweh's Deliverance

appealed to the people injudahite (Hebrew). There is

■ 20 Then Hezekiah the king and Isaiah the son of Amoz the

no indication in Chronicles that Sennacherib was able

prophet prayed because of this, and they cried to heaven: The

to weaken the confidence of the people. 2 Kings 18:29//

joint prayer of Hezekiah and the prophet Isaiah replaces

Isa 36:14 were already covered by 2 Chr 32:15, but then

Hezekiah’s request for Isaiah to pray on behalf of the

the king promised that if they would make a separate

remnant (2 Kgs 19:4//Isa 37:4), Hezekiah’s own prayer

peace with him they would prosper (2 Kgs 18:31-32//

in 2 Kgs 19:14-19//Isa 37:14-20), Isaiah’s assurance to

Isa 36:16-17). The final three verses of his appeal to the

Hezekiah that his prayer has been heard (2 Kgs 19:20//

people on the wall repeated the failure of the gods of the

Isa 37:21), and the lengthy oracle Yahweh delivered to

nations and indicated that Yahweh would experience the

Hezekiah through Isaiah (2 Kgs 19:21-34//Isa 37:22-35).

same failure (2 Kgs 18:33-35//Isa 36:18-20). The shout

Childs points out that the Chronicler has harmonized:

to the people on the wall in Chronicles lacks specific

instead of the request for Isaiah to pray and Hezekiah’s

content but was only meant to frighten and terrify them

lengthy prayer in 2 Kgs 19:14-19//Isa 37:14-20, both the

so that they would not defend the city. Such a threat is

king and the prophet pray.32 Here Hezekiah and Isaiah

implicit in 2 Kgs 18:27//Isa 36:12, where the Rabshakeh

demonstrated confidence rather than despair. They

28 29

Ibid., 109. See “Yahweh God” in v. 16, “Yahweh the God of Israel” and “the God of Hezekiah” in v. 17.

30

The other is in Ezra 7:19 (Aramaic). The Targum translated 2 Chr 32:19 as follows: “And they spoke about the Lord, the God whose Shekinah dwells in

31

Cf. 1 Chr 16:26: “For all the gods of the peoples are idols (D'b’b^), but Yahweh made the heavens.”

32

Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis, 108.

Jerusalem, in the same ways as they spoke about the idols of the peoples of the land, the works of the hands of the son of man.”

465

prayed and cried to heaven. At the dedication of the

not protect him from the members of his own family,

temple, Yahweh had assured Solomon that if the people

whereas Sennacherib had claimed that Yahweh, the God

would humble themselves, pray, seek Yahweh’s face, and

of Hezekiah, would not be able to deliver his people from

turn from their wicked ways, Yahweh would hear from

Sennacherib’s hand (v. 17). And yet Sennacherib had

heaven, forgive their sin, and heal their land (2 Chr

dared to mock the god of Israel. The Chronicler does not

7:14). Only the prayer of Hezekiah and the defense of

mention that the assassins escaped to the land of Ararat

the land are relevant to this passage, since Hezekiah is

and that Esarhaddon succeeded Sennacherib.

not accused of any sin. In 2 Kgs 19:14, Hezekiah prayed from the temple, but not here in v. 20. In Solomon’s

32:22-23 Yahweh Saves Hezekiah and Jerusalem,

prayer itself, the king indicated that prayer even from

and Hezekiah Is Exalted in the Eyes of All the Nations

exile toward the land, the city, and temple would be

■ 22 Yahweh saved Hezekiah and the inhabitants of Jerusa¬

heard from heaven (2 Chr 6:36-42).

lem from the hand of Sennacherib king of Assyria and from the

■ 21 And Yahweh sent an angel who made all the mighty

hand of all his army; he gave them rest on every side: Verses

warriors and commanders and officers in the camp of the king

22-23 are verses added by the Chronicler that sum up the

of Assyria disappear. So he returned in disgrace to his land.

account. Yahweh had earlier saved David from the hand

When he went into the house of his god, some of his very own

of the Philistines (1 Chr 11:14) and had given David

sons felled him there with a sword: Verse 21 is based on 2 Kgs

victory (or salvation; iintin) wherever he went (1 Chr

19:35-37//Isa 37:36-38, but with a number of changes

18:6, 13). Yahweh gave Hezekiah rest, as he had done for

and abbreviations. The Chronicler apparently locates

previous kings such as Solomon (1 Chr 22:17-18; 23:25,

the defeat of the Assyrian army at Lachish, since accord¬

mentioned in David’s farewell addresses), Asa (2 Chr

ing to v. 9 that was where all the forces of Sennacherib

14:5-6 [6-7]; 15:15), andjehoshaphat (2 Chr 20:30).

were while only a group of envoys went to Jerusalem.33 In

David himself did not achieve rest. The fate of Hezekiah

the Vorlage (2 Kgs 18:17//Isa 36:2), the Rabshakeh had

is exactly the opposite of that of Sennacherib.

come to Jerusalem with a large army. Whereas in the

■ 23 Many brought gifts to Yahweh in ferusalem and precious

Vorlage the angel of Yahweh went out, here Yahweh sends

things to Hezekiah king of Judah, so that he was exalted in the

the angel (cf. 1 Chr 21:1534), and there is no mention

eyes of all the nations from that time on: In addition to his

here of the number of people—185,000—who died in

miraculous deliverance, Hezekiah gains a new imperial

this attack, nor that this happened in one night (2 Kgs

status, since many nations bring him tribute.37 Gifts (or

19:35//Isa 37:36).35 The verb “cut off” ("IPD) is also dif¬

tribute) were brought to David by the Moabites (1 Chr

ferent from the Vorlage (!1D3; see the textual notes). The

18:2) and Arameans (1 Chr 18:6), to Solomon by all

Chronicler adds that Sennacherib returned “in disgrace”

the kings of the earth (2 Chr 9:23-24), to Jehoshaphat

to his land.36 God’s enemies are regularly put to shame

by all Judah (2 Chr 17:5) and the Philistines and Arabs

in the Bible (Pss 31:18 [17]; 83:17-18 [16-17]; 97:7).

(2 Chr 17:11), and to Uzziah by the Ammonites (2 Chr

While the Vorlage indicates that Sennacherib lived for

26:8). David’s fame had gone out into all lands, as had

an unspecified time in Nineveh, neither the Vorlage nor

fear of him (1 Chr 14:17; cf. 2 Chr 17:10; 20:29). In

Chronicles makes clear that Sennacherib’s assassination

1 Chr 16:29//Ps 106:8, David urges Israel to bring a gift

took place twenty years later. Chronicles omits the infor¬

(nrm) when coming into Yahweh’s presence, and Oman

mation in the Vorlage that Sennacherib’s god was Nisroch

presents wheat as a ilTOQ (1 Chr 21:23; cf. 1 Chr 23:29;

and that it was his sons Adrammelech and Sharezer

2 Chr 7:7).

who killed him. In any case, Sennacherib’s god could

33 34

35

Ibid., 109. In the Vorlage of this passage, 2 Sam 24:16, the angel again acts more independently by putting out its

36

hand toward Jerusalem. Japhet (Ideology, 139) comments: “[The Chronicler]

37

Lowery, Reforming Kings, 161.

has eliminated the autonomous, demonic quality of

466

the angel’s activity. Now the angel is YHWH’s mes¬ senger, carrying out God’s mission of salvation.” Note the alliteration: TODS DtlTl (“So he returned in disgrace”).

32:1-33

32:24-26 Hezekiah's Illness and Its Aftermath

12:1), who abandoned the Torah ofYahweh, and for

■ 24 In those days, Hezekiah became deathly ill. He prayed to

Uzziah, who offered inappropriate incense in the temple

Yahweh, and he answered him and gave to him a sign: The

(2 Chr 26:16-19). Williamson (386) proposes that the

Chronicler presents a radically shortened version of

mention ofjudah and Jerusalem here and the inhabit¬

Hezekiah’s illness recorded in the Vorlage (2 Kgs 20:1-

ants of Jerusalem in the next verse was the Chronicler’s

ll//Isa 38:l-2238). This is the second time Hezekiah

way of encouraging his readers to apply the lesson of this

has prayed in this chapter (see v. 20 and the discussion

incident to themselves.

there of 2 Chr 7:14). The Chronicler omits the exchange

■ 26 Then Hezekiah humbled himself when his heart had been

with Isaiah, who announced to Hezekiah that he would

proud, he and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and the wrath of

die; the words of Hezekiah’s prayer for healing; Isa¬

Yahweh did not come on them in the days of Hezekiah: Heze¬

iah’s promise of an additional fifteen years of life; and

kiah initiated repentance by humbling himself, as did

the sign connected to the sun dial. Verse 24a (through

Manasseh in the following chapter (2 Chr 33:12, 19).

“deathly ill”) is taken from 2 Kgs 20:1//Isa 38:1 and the

This is another example of Hezekiah’s following the

report of Hezekiah’s prayer from 2 Kgs 20:2//Isa 38:2.

tenets of 2 Chr 7:14, where humbling oneself, praying,

The prayer itself is not given in Chronicles (see 2 Kgs

seeking Yahweh’s face, and turning will result in God’s

20:3//Isa 38:3). Many commentators have been dissatis¬

hearing from heaven. Only a few from the northern

fied with the laconic “and he answered him” and have

tribes humbled themselves and came to Hezekiah’s

suggested the replacement of “lON’l with “IfliTI (“he hear¬

Passover (2 Chr 30:11). Also in the days of Rehoboam

kened to him”), based on the LXX, or have added words

the officials of Israel and the king humbled themselves,

“[*7 runt* t*3“IQ (“I will give to you healing”), a conjecture

which led to Yahweh’s decision not to destroy them or to

based on 2 Kgs 20:5: “*7 t*EJ“l ,]]il (“Behold I will heal

pour out his wrath (HOP!) by the hand of Shishak (2 Chr

you”; see the textual notes). The Chronicler does make

12:6-7). Manasseh’s son Amon refused to humble him¬

mention of a sign, though he uses a different word HD1Q

self (2 Chr 33:23), but his grandson Josiah did (2 Chr

instead of mt* from the Vorlage (2 Kgs 20:8-9//Isa 38:22,

34:27). By humbling himself Hezekiah demonstrates that

7).39 The omission of Isaiah’s role was probably inten¬

his pride was only a momentary thing. The wrath ofYah¬

tional, reflecting the Chronicler’s viewpoint that Yahweh

weh did not come in the days of Hezekiah as it would a

communicated with Hezekiah directly, with no need for

century later.41 The Chronicler may have been dependent

a prophet as an intermediary.

on 2 Kgs 20:19//Isa 39:8 for his words about wrath being

■ 25 But Hezekiah did not respond according to the benefit

avoided in the days of Hezekiah. There Hezekiah had

done to him, for his heart was proud. Therefore wrath came

asked, “Will there not be peace and security in my days?”

upon him and upon fudah and ferusalem: The Chroni¬

In any case, Yahweh shows himself faithful in response to

cler attributes Hezekiah’s illness to his pride, an item

Hezekiah’s repentance.

not mentioned in the Vorlage but fully in line with the Chronicler’s view of divine retribution: disease is a

32:27-30 Various Notations about Hezekiah

punishment for sin.40 The benefit to him was evidently

■ 27-29 Hezekiah had very great riches and honor, and he

his deliverance from the Assyrian attack, and Hezekiah

made for himself treasuries for silver, for gold, for precious

in his pride had not rendered appropriate thanksgiving.

stones, for spices, for shields, and for all kinds of costly objects;

Pride was mentioned previously for Rehoboam (2 Chr

storehouses also for the produce of grain, wine, and oil, and

38

The text of Isaiah has an additional song attributed to Hezekiah in vv. 9-20.

39 40

See also v. 31 below. Williamson (386) argues that the judgment on Hezekiah is based on Isaiah’s response to the recep¬ tion given by Hezekiah to the Babylonian envoys (2 Kgs 20:14-18//Isa 39:3-7), and that Hezekiah’s inappropriate reception of the Babylonian envoys is

explained as due to pride brought on by Hezekiah’s recovery from his illness. But Hezekiah’s pride resulted from his escape from Sennacherib’s inva¬ sion, and his and the people’s humbling themselves in v. 26 brings the negative effect of his pride to an end. 41 This is the last time, however, that the word r|2p is used in Chronicles!

467

stalls for all kinds of animals, and stalls for the flocks. He

David. And Hezekiah prospered in all of his works: This verse

also provided herds for himself, and flocks of sheep and cattle

apparently describes the Siloam Tunnel, which brought

in great number, for God gave to him very many possessions:

water from the Gihon spring to a pool near the southern

Between his account of Hezekiah’s illness (vv. 24-26)

end of the City of David. This tunnel is also referred to in

and the Babylonian visit (v. 31), the Chronicler describes

2 Kgs 20:20 (and how he made the pool [rD~on] and the

the great wealth of Hezekiah and his attention to water

conduit [n^ynil] and brought the water into the city),43

problems (vv. 27-30). The Chronicler may have deduced

in the summary of Hezekiah’s reign. The vocabulary in

Hezekiah’s wealth from the list of valuable things Heze¬

both verses is quite different, however, and v. 30 is not

kiah showed to his Babylonian visitors (2 Kgs 20:13//

part of the concluding summary for Hezekiah’s reign.

Isa 39:2), but Andrew G. Vaughn has also demonstrated

Many scholars, including Welten,44 conclude that the

archaeologically that Hezekiah undertook a general

information in this verse comes from a source avail¬

program of economic buildup that make the assertions

able to the Chronicler. The verb OHO “closed” is used in

about him in these verses plausible.42 Vaughn’s exhaus¬

Chronicles only in this verse and in 2 Chr 32:3-4. This is

tive study of the Imlk jars, for example, concluded that

the second occasion on which the Chronicler notes that

large numbers of them were stored at central locations,

Hezekiah prospered (see also 2 Chr 31:21). The previ¬

again making plausible the note in these verses about

ous use of the verb honored his religious reforms; the

storehouses. Hezekiah had riches and honor, as did

use in this verse honors his governmental and military

several of his ancestors: David (1 Chr 29:12, 28), Solo¬

activities. In prospering, Hezekiah echoes the success of

mon (2 Chr 1:11-12; 2 Chr 9:22), andjehoshaphat (2 Chr

Solomon (1 Chr 29:23; cf. 2 Chr 9:9, 15, 16, 24).45 The

17:5; 18:1). Precious stones were given and used for the

word

temple by David (1 Chr 9:28) and Solomon (2 Chr 3:6),

Tunnel inscription: “Then the water flowed from the

respectively. Precious stones and spices were brought for

spring

(“outlet”) also appears in line 5 of the Siloam to the pool [i"D"nn].”46

Solomon by the queen of Sheba (2 Chr 9:1, 9-10, 24). Solomon had made three hundred golden shields, clearly

32:31 The Envoys from Babylon

not intended for military use (2 Chr 9:16), which were

■ 31 So also in the matter of the envoys of the official of

taken by Shishak (2 Chr 12:9) and replaced with bronze

Babylon, who had been sent to him to inquire about the sign

shields by Rehoboam (2 Chr 12:10). Manufacture of

that had been done in the land, when God abandoned him to

shields and stalls mark Hezekiah as a second Solomon,

test him to know all that was in his heart: The Chronicler

and most of the items in these verses establish Hezekiah

sums up in one verse this incident, which occupies eight

as a second Solomon and/or a second David.

verses in the Vorlage (2 Kgs 20:12-19//Isa 39:1-8). In that

■ 30 This same Hezekiah closed the upper outlet of the waters

account Merodach-baladan47 sent emissaries and a gift

of Gihon, and directed them down to the west side of the city of

to Hezekiah when he heard that Hezekiah was ill, but he

42

Vaughn, Chronicler’s Account of Hezekiah, 172.

verse refers to the Siloam Tunnel, although he finds

43

The book of Isaiah refers to the conduit of the upper pool (nrrbun ro-ort nbun) on the road to the

it impossible on the basis of archaeological and extrabiblical data to attribute the tunnel securely to Hezekiah.

Fuller’s Field in the time of Ahaz (Isa 7:3). Accord¬ ing to 2 Kgs 18:17//Isa 36:2, the delegation sent by

45

Sennacherib met Hezekiah’s representatives at the conduit of the upper pool (nD’bun HDIDH nbiJOD) on the road to the Fuller’s Field. Isaiah notes that Hezekiah collected the waters of the lower pool and made a reservoir between the two walls for the water of the old pool (Isa 22:9). It is difficult to integrate these references into a complete account of Hezekiah’s renovations of the water supply. 44

468

Welten, Geschichte, 30, 39, 48. Vaughn (Chronicler’s Account of Hezekiah, 173-74) also believes that this

The book of Kings (2 Kgs 18:7) also affirms that Hezekiah prospered, but it uses a different verb

(7'dc’). 46

COS 2:146.

47

Spelled

-|7N“Q (Berodach-baladan) in 2 Kgs

20:12 MT. A member of a Chaldean tribe, Mardukapla-iddina II, he seized the throne of Babylon in 722 and again in 703. He was overthrown by Sargon II and Sennacherib; he fled to Elam, where he died in 694 b.c.e.

32:1-33

also came to survey Hezekiah’s wealth. Hezekiah showed

the reference to Hezekiah’s making the pool and the

these emissaries his royal treasures. Soon afterward the

conduit (see our discussion of v. 30 above). It substi¬

prophet Isaiah delivered an oracle that indicated that all

tutes the word “loyal deeds” (THOm) for “all his might”

the treasures that had been stored up would be carried

(innnn iTO'l).51 These loyal deeds may refer to the reforms

into Babylon. Isaiah also predicted that the Babylonians

initiated in chaps. 29-31 (cf. 2 Kgs 18:3-6). Josiah is also

would take Hezekiah’s descendants (sons) and install

hailed for his loyal deeds (2 Chr 35:26),52 and Nehe-

them as eunuchs in the palace of the king of Babylon.

miah asks his God to not wipe out his loyal deeds (Neh

Hezekiah declared this word of Yahweh good, but said

13:14). According to the Vorlage of Chronicles, these

to himself, “Will there not be peace and security in my

acts were written in “the book of the chronicles of the

days?” If the emissaries of Merodach-baladan were seek¬

kings of Judah.” Chronicles rephrases that and identi¬

ing to forge an anti-Assyrian alliance, this incident may

fies this source with the vision of Isaiah the son of Amoz

have preceded Sennacherib’s invasion chronologically.

CpOK p liTUET pro).53 Chronicles identifies the sources

The Chronicler does not name the Babylonian official

for the reign of Solomon as the history of the prophet

and makes no direct connection to Hezekiah’s illness.

Nathan, the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite, and the

There is no mention of political intrigue or of judgment

visions of the seer Iddo (2 Chr 9:29). The “vision of

against Hezekiah. The Chronicler indicates that Heze¬

Isaiah the son of Amoz” is taken from Isa 1:1, but it is

kiah prospered in this incident, indicating that Hezekiah

clear that the Chronicler does not identify this “source”

passed the test.48 The emissaries came to inquire about

with the book of Isaiah, since he also calls it the book of

the sign (v. 24) that had been given when God aban¬

the kings ofjudah and Israel (cf. 2 Chr 16:11, the source

doned him in order to test him to know everything in his

reference for Asa’s reign).

heart.49 What God had learned was that Hezekiah’s heart

■ 33 Hezekiah slept with his ancestors, and they buried him

was proud (v. 25). But Hezekiah and the inhabitants of

on the ascent to the graves of the descendants of David, and

Jerusalem humbled themselves and did not experience

all Judah and the inhabitants ofJerusalem did him honor at

the effects of God’s wrath. The sign about which they

his death. His son Manasseh succeeded him: The first clause

had heard was presumably the declination of the sun

and the last sentence are taken from the Vorlage in 2 Kgs

reported in 2 Kgs 20:10-ll//Isa 39:7-8.50

20:21.54 The graves of David are mentioned in Neh 3:16. It is unclear what is meant by “ascent.” It has been

32:32-33 Conclusion of Hezekiah's Reign

taken as a topographical feature, the upper tier of a two

■ 32 And the rest of the acts of Hezekiah, and his loyal deeds,

tiered tomb, or as an indication of distinction (Dillard,

behold they are written in the vision of Isaiah the son of Amoz

260). Williamson (388) suggested that this referred to a

the prophet in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel: This

privileged place among the graves of the descendants of

summary verse is based on 2 Kgs 20:20, although it omits

David.55 Hezekiah is the only king about whom it is said

48

49

A. Shinan and Y. Zakovitch (“Midrash on Scripture and Midrash within Scripture,” Scripta Hierosolymitana 31 [1986] 268-69) believe that Hezekiah failed

52

The Vorlage in 2 Kgs 23:28 has “and all he did.” Cf. also the ambivalent expression in 2 Chr 6:42 I’ll ’"lOnb (“your surpassing loyalties to David”).

the test. Cf. Deut 8:2: “Remember the long way that Yahweh your God has led you these forty years in the wilder¬

53

This is also the caption cited at the beginning of the book of Isaiah: pDK p mW jlTTI (“the vision of Isaiah the son of Amoz”). The Chronicler may have been thinking of Isaiah’s account of Sennacherib’s attack, the illness of Hezekiah, and the delegation from Merodach-Baladan recounted in Isaiah 36-39.

ness, in order to humble you, testing you to know 50

what was in your heart.” Dillard (260) finds an analogy in the magi who came inquiring about the star that they had seen in

51

the east (Matt 2:1-2). See 1 Kgs 15:23, where “all his might” is used of Asa (the expression “and his might” is not included in 2 Chr 16:1), and 2 Kgs 10:34, where it used refer¬

54 55

No account of Hezekiah’s burial is given in Kings. Similarly, Kimhi quotes the sages, who say that Hezekiah is buried with the choicest members of the family, namely, David and Solomon. See Berger, Kimhi, 271.

ring to Jehu.

469

they did him honor at his death. With Jehoiakim, on the

taken by Hezekiah are construed as if Hezekiah were

other hand, Jeremiah threatened that there would be

diminishing the status of Yahweh. Sennacherib and his

no lamenting for him (Jer 22:18). They buried Asa with

ancestors have defeated many nations, who were not

various kinds of spices and lighted a fire for him (2 Chr

aided by their deities, and so there is no reason, from the

16:14; cf. Jer 34:5), but Asa had carved out his own tomb

Assyrian point of view, to think that Yahweh could prevail

for himself. Hezekiah receives the most elaborate burial

against Sennacherib and the Assyrians. The Assyrians

of any of the kings, an indication of how highly the

spoke ill of both Yahweh and Hezekiah. Letters sent by

Chronicler evaluated him. We have noted his depiction

Sennacherib repeat his claims about the inability of the

as a second David or second Solomon and clearly the

gods of the nations, and of the expected inability of Yah¬

greatest Judean king, in the Chronicler’s opinion, after

weh to render aid. Shouts by the Assyrians were meant

these two.

to terrify the Judeans. The outrageous argument of the Assyrians culminates in their comparison of Yahweh with Conclusion

the do-nothing idols of the nations. Hezekiah and Isaiah prayed, which apparently convinced Yahweh to send an

This chapter continues the overwhelmingly positive

angel, who decimated the Assyrian army. In response

picture of Hezekiah in 2 Chronicles. He is the best king

to Sennacherib’s attack, Yahweh saved Hezekiah and

since the time of the united monarchy, and in many ways

the inhabitants ofjerusalem and gave them rest. Many

he acts like a second David or a second Solomon.

nations therefore brought Hezekiah tribute, with the

About two-thirds of the chapter deals with the inva¬

result that he was exalted in the eyes of the nations. That

sion of Sennacherib, which is neither a reaction to a

is, Yahweh’s victory elicited positive responses from the

rebellion by Hezekiah nor a punishment for Hezekiah’s

nations whose gods had not been able to rescue them

or Judah’s sin. Rather, Sennacherib invades despite the

from Sennacherib as Yahweh had (vv. 9-23).

faithfulness of Hezekiah (v. I).56 Sennacherib gains

The Chronicler reports Hezekiah’s illness briefly and

almost nothing by the invasion. He only intends to

finds its cause in Hezekiah’s inadequate response to

capture fortified cities but does not in fact capture them.

the benefits given him in the victory over the Assyrians.

There is no tribute taken by Sennacherib from Hezekiah,

Hezekiah and the inhabitants ofjerusalem humbled

no prisoners of war, and no real attack on Jerusalem.

themselves; Hezekiah was cured; and the consequences

Instead, an angel sent by Yahweh attacks the Assyrians,

of the wrath of Yahweh were avoided in the days of Heze¬

and Sennacherib returns home in disgrace. Although he

kiah (vv. 24-26). Honor and riches accrued to Hezekiah,

mocked Yahweh as unable to help Judah, Sennacherib is

which made it necessary for him to erect buildings to

assassinated in the temple of his own god and by mem¬

house his great wealth (vv. 27-30).

bers of his own family.

The incident about the envoys from Babylon found

Hezekiah made appropriate military preparations for

in the Vorlage is repeated very briefly. These envoys had

the impending war with Sennacherib, and then delivered

heard about the sign that had been done in the land and

a sermon to his army to remind them that their confi¬

came to inquire about it. This was a test to see what was

dence should rest on Yahweh who is greater than any of

in the heart of Hezekiah, and he apparently satisfactorily

the Assyrian gods and who fights Judah’s battles for them

passed the test (v. 31).

(vv. 2-8).

The Chronicler linked the sources about the reign of

Servants sent by Sennacherib to Jerusalem attempted to discredit Hezekiah and Yahweh. The reform measures

56

470

Compare his acts of piety in v. 32.

Hezekiah to the prophet Isaiah (v. 32). Hezekiah died peacefully and was given a distinguished burial (v. 33).

33 1/

2/

10/ 11/

14/

15/

33:1-20 The Reign of Manasseh; 33:21-25 The Reign of Amon Translation Manasseh was twelve years old when he became king, and he reigned fifty-five1 years in Jerusalem. He did that which was evil in the eyes of Yahweh according to the abominable practices2 of the nations whom Yahweh had dispossessed before the Israel¬ ites. 3/ He rebuilt3 the high places that Hezekiah his father had torn down;4 he erected altars5 for the Baals and made sacred poles6 and worshiped the whole host of heaven and served them. 4/ He built7 altars in the house of Yahweh, of which Yahweh had said, "In Jerusalem shall my name be forever."8 5/ He built altars for the whole host of heaven in the two courts of the house of Yahweh. 6/ He made his sons9 pass through the fire in the valley of the son of Hinnom,10 practiced soothsaying and augury11 and sorcery,12 and dealt with mediums and wizards. He did much evil in the eyes of Yahweh, provoking him to anger. 7/ He placed the carved image of the idol that he had made in the house of God, of which God had said to David and to Solomon his son, "In this house and in Jerusalem, which I have chosen from all the tribes of Israel, I shall place my name forever,13 8/ and I will never again cause the feet of Israel to turn aside14 from the land that I appointed15 for your ances¬ tors,16 if only they will be careful to do all17 that I have commanded them—all the law, the statutes, and ordinances given by Moses." 9/ Manasseh misled Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem so that they did more evil than the nations whom Yah¬ weh had destroyed before the Israelites. Yahweh spoke to Manasseh and to his people, but they did not pay heed.18 19Yahweh brought against them the officers of the army of the king of Assyria, who took Manasseh captive in hooks,20 bound him with fetters, and brought him to Babylon. 12/ While he was in distress, he entreated the favor of Yahweh his God and humbled himself greatly before the God of his ancestors. 13/ He prayed to him, and he granted his prayer,21 heard his plea, and returned him to Jerusalem to his kingdom. Then Manasseh recognized that Yahweh is God. Afterwards, he built an outer wall for the city of David west22 of the Gihon, in the valley, reaching the entrance at the Fish Gate; he carried it around23 Ophel, and raised it to a very great height. He also put commanders of the army in all the fortified cities in Judah. He took away the foreign gods and the idol

1

2 3 4

5

OTTI; a translation is lacking in LXXAal (haplography because of the preceding “fifty.”) In readings discussed in nn. 4, 9, and 17, Chronicles presup¬ poses a text of Kings other than Kings MT. rvninrD. LXX a7ro t5>v (38eAvyixdTO)v. Initial 3 was misread as Q. p’l 300. Literally: “He turned and built.” fra; Chr LXX KCtTeoirocoev and 2 Kgs 21:3 LXX. Kings MT ION piel. fTO in Chr presupposes a reading in Kgs different than Kgs MT. mrara; cf. 2 Kgs 21:4 MT, LXX. Chr LXX OTqXag = 17320 “standing stones.” 2 Kgs 3:2 Jehoram removed the pillar (11320; LXX plural) of Baal that his father Ahab had made; 2 Kgs 10:26, 27 destruction of the pillar/pillars (n320, 711320) of Baal in Jehu revolution. Chr LXX may have been influenced by 2 Chr 31:1 where all Israel broke down the pillars (1113201). Cf. 2 Kgs 12:10 (9) MTnoran “the altar.” Kgs LXXAa/i/xaal8i7 = 170200 “the pillars.”

6

7

8

9

10 11 12 13 14

15

Chronicles uses this word only once in the singular (2 Chr 15:16). The feminine plural occurs also in 2 Chr 19:3. nm. The verb is perfect with a 1, instead of the expected waw consecutive with the imperfect. Cf. 2 Kgs 23:4, 5, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15 and GKC §112pp. This verse is lacking in 2 Kgs 21:4 VL. Schenker (“Text History of 1-2 Kings,” 7-15) argues that this VL reading is original and that this verse was introduced by Chronicles and only later copied into a manuscript of Kings. He admits, however, that this verse could be lacking because of homoioarchton in Greek. 100. Syr singular with 2 Kgs 21:6 MT 00. Kings LXX rovg viovg; Cf. the same issue in 2 Chr 28:3 100//2 Kgs 16:3 00. 2 Kgs 16:3 LXXLroug viovg avTOU. Schenker (“Text History of 1-2 Kings,” 8) takes 2 Kgs 21:6 MT as a correction, since one of the sons of Manasseh, Amon, followed him on the throne. ran P 00; LXX ev ye /3ave kvvop. = D3! 00 00. Oral. HALOT, 690: “give omens” or “foretell.” C]0D1. HALOT, 503: “practice sorcery.” This verb was added from Deut 18:10. See the commentary. cblV1?, with a few Hebrew mss LXX, Syr, Tg, and Vg; MT 01*7U1?. TOlY?; Chr LXX aaAevocti “to shake (Israel’s foot).” Does this represent 100*7 “to cause to wander” in the Vorlagein 2 Kgs 21:8, and does Chr MT result from a secondary correction? THOUl. LXX eduKa “gave.” Cf. Syr Vg 2 Kgs 21:8 Tira. Dillard (264) thinks that Chr LXX is influ¬ enced by Kgs LXX. Or does Chr LXX preserve the original reading in Chronicles, which has been

16

changed in Chr MT? □0,n0K‘7; LXX Toig iraTpaoLV avrav “for their

471

18/

21/

24/

from the house of Yahweh, and all the altars that he had built on the mountain of the house of Yahweh and in Jerusalem, and threw them24 outside the city. 16/ He also restored25 the altar of Yahweh and sacrificed on it sacrifices of well-being and of thanksgiving; and he commanded Judah to serve Yahweh the God of Israel. 17/ But the people were still sacrificing on the high places, but only to Yahweh their God. And the rest of the acts of Manasseh, his prayer to his God, and the words of the seers who spoke to him in the name of Yahweh the God of Israel, behold they are in the records of the kings of Israel.26 19/ His prayer, and how God received his entreaty,27 all his sin and his faithless¬ ness, and the places on which he built high places and set up the sacred poles and the carved images, before he humbled himself,28 behold these are written in the records of the seers.29 20/ Manasseh slept with his ancestors and they buried him in the garden of his house.30 His son Amon ruled in his place. Amon was twenty-two years old when he became king, and he reigned two years in Jerusalem. 22/ He did that which was evil in the eyes of Yahweh just as Manasseh his father had done. Amon sacrificed to all the carved images that Manasseh his father had made, and served them. 23/ But he did not humble himself before Yahweh, as his father Manasseh had humbled himself, but this Amon incurred much guilt.31 His servants conspired against him and killed him32 in his house. 25/ But the people of the land struck down all those who had conspired against king Amon, and the people of the land made Josiah his son king in his place.33

17 18

ancestors.” Cf. Syr Vg 2 Kgs 21:8 = □nV'DS‘7 “to their fathers.” Dillard (264) again thinks that Chr LXX has been influenced by Kgs LXX. Or does Chr LXX preserve the original reading in Chronicles? *73 DN; 2 Kgs 21:8 LXX rtavra. Kgs MT ‘PDD. According to Dillard (264), a translation of all of 2 Chr 33:10-17 is contained in one twelfth-century

23

cursive of Kgs LXX, an intrusion into Kgs LXX from Chronicles. Cf. Lemke, Synoptic Studies, 220. .RSVadds “Therefore”; Japhet (1000) adds “So.” D’lTQ. Syr bhywhy = “alive.” ini?’!; a few Hebrew mss Tg “IITH niphal. Rudolph, 316: “And a break through took place for him [in the sky].” HDIUD; LXX ccko At/3og “from the southwest.” LXXAal Kara vorov “south” or “southwest.” 0QD1. LXX KvaXoftev, Vg per circuitum = T301 “round

24

about.” lacking in LXX.

19 20 21

22

25

p’] K. LXX Karupdwoev Vg; p’l Q “and he built.” Many Hebrew mss Syr Tg Arab. Japhet (1000) reads ]T1 with Q.

26

VtOfcT a^D ’"ana; LXX em \6yav. Since LXX omits a translation for “the kings of Israel,” the words in Chronicles LXX become the words of his prayer {'Kpooevxrjs avrov). W. M. Schniedewind (“The Source Citations of Manasseh: King Manasseh in History and Homily,” VT41 [1991] 456 n. 22) concludes that the LXX translator reworded the source citation so that it referred to the apoc¬ ryphal Prayer of Manasseh. It seems quite likely, however, that the Prayer of Manasseh was not extant when the LXX translation was made. Dillard (264) states incorrectly that the LXX lacks a translation for “the acts [words] of the kings of Israel.” Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:55) notes that the LXX omits a translation for “the kings of Israel” and the conjunc¬ tion that begins the next verse.

27

I1? "inam. LXX Kal errqKovoev avrov “and how he listened to him.”

28

aan ’IS1?; LXX npd rod eiaorpeif/aL “before he repented.”

29

nQ'THl; with one Hebrew

ms

□’tin. LXX rwv opwvruv.

Others read l’Tin “his seers.” Syr (d)hnn nby7 “of Hanan the prophet.” MT ’Tin would be an otherwise unknown prophet Hozai. 30

in’D

]D; LXX ev rtapabeiow oikov avrov. Cf. 2 Kgs 21:18 and Syr. Chr MT Tia “in his house.” ]1Q was

omitted by homoioarchton. Dillard (264) states that Chr LXX may show influence from Kings LXX, but Kings LXX has KrjTiu and not rtapabeiaw. 31

HOtDK naiil. Japhet, 1000: “Amon was exceedingly guilty.”

32

Um’O’l; LXX Kal eitara^av “struck him down.” Cf. "D’1 at the beginning of the next verse.

472

33:1-20

33

BHS: The equivalent of 2 Kgs 21:25-26 was lost in Chronicles because of homoioteleuton . . . VTin

rnnn: “Now the rest of the acts of Amon that he did, are they not written in the book of the chronicles of the kings ofjudah? He was buried in his tomb

in the garden of Uzza; then his son Josiah became king in his place.” Was the Vorlage defective, or were these verses lost very early in the transmission of Chronicles?

Structure

the Chronicler is reworking this Vorlage. Verses 11-17, however, are completely new material. The division of

This chapter may be outlined as follows: I. 33:1 Introduction to the reign of Manasseh (2 Kgs

21:1)

Manasseh’s reign into a negative period followed by a positive period should be compared to the opposite phe¬ nomenon with Asa (2 Chronicles 14-16), Joash (2 Chron¬

II. 33:2-9 Evil deeds of Manasseh (2 Kgs 21:2-9)

icles 23-24), Amaziah (2 Chronicles 25), and Uzziah

III.

33:10 The message ofYahweh to Manasseh and to

(2 Chronicles 26) in which a positive period is followed

the people (cf. 2 Kgs 21:10-15)

by a negative period.2 The reforms initiated by Manasseh

IV.

33:11-13 The exile of Manasseh to Babylon and his

lead to a toned-down version of Josiah and his reform in

return

2 Chronicles.

V. 33:14 The building projects of Manasseh VI.

33:15-17 The religious reforms of Manasseh

VII. 33:18-20 Source references, death and burial of Manasseh (cf. 2 Kgs 21:17-18) VIII. 33:21 Introduction to the reign of Amon (2 Kgs IX.

There is general agreement that in the new verses (vv. 11-17) one can detect the vocabulary and the theological themes of the Chronicler. The wicked king Manasseh, who ignored Yahweh’s message to him, suffers the con¬ sequences in military defeat, capture, and exile. In his

21:19)

time of distress and exile, Manasseh acts appropriately

33:22-23 The evil deeds of Amon (cf. 2 Kgs 21:20-

by humbling himself, praying, and seeking the favor of

22) X. 33:24-25 The assassination of Amon (2 Kgs 21:23-

Yahweh. His pious repentance is rewarded by his return to Jerusalem, whereupon he engages in a building pro¬ gram, reorganizes the country militarily, and reforms

24) The Chronicler’s presentation of the reign of Manasseh

the cult, including his own former cubic practices. Some

(697/696-642/641) has been one of the most contro¬

would date the building projects and the military reor¬

versial parts of his work. In vv. 1-9 he follows closely the

ganization historically to the time before Manasseh was

text of the Vorlage, and v. 10 can be seen as a summary of

taken to Babylon, and they interpret them as signs of his

2 Kgs 21:10-15. The Chronicler omits 2 Kgs 21:16, with

rebellion against Assyria.3 4

its accounts of Manasseh’s violence against unnamed

But what has engaged and divided students of Chron¬

Judeans.1 While there are significant differences between

icles since at least the time of Karl Heinrich Graf1 and

w. 18-20 and 2 Kgs 21:17-18, it can be clearly seen that

Julius Wellhausen,5 is whether the Chronicler invented

1

The scarcity of prophets in the early seventh cen¬ tury may be the result of Manasseh’s persecutions of the prophets. See E. L. Ehrlich, “Der Aufenhalt

2 3 4

5

des Konigs Manasse in Babylon,” TZ21 (1965) 283. See Abadie, “From the Impious Manasseh,” 95. See Bustenay Oded, “Judah and the Exile,” in Hayes and Miller, Israelite and Judaean History, 456. Karl Heinrich Graf, “Die Gefangenschaft und Bekehrung Manasse’s, 2 Chr. 33,” ThStKr2>2 (1859) 467-94. Wellhausen (Prolegomena, 207) writes: “Manasseh’s

temporary deposition is entirely on the same plane with Nebuchadnezzar’s temporary grass-eating. The unhistorical character of the intermezzo (the motives of which are perfectly transparent) follows not only from the silence of the Book of Kings (a circumstance of no small importance indeed), but also, for example, from Jer. xv.4; for when it is there said that all Judah and Jerusalem are to be given up to destruction because of Manasseh, it is not presupposed that his guilt has been already borne and atoned for by himself.”

473

this incident or whether he has incorporated a historical

of Manasseh’s captivity and repentance and hence the

memory, which he knew from oral tradition or had found

Chronicler’s source for this incident may be Dtr l.11 2. The silence about the captivity and repentance

in a source.6 Most defenders of historicity argue that Manasseh rebelled against his Assyrian overlord, or was

of Manasseh in the book of Kings and the completely

suspected of doing so, but they claim historicity only for

negative portrayal of Manasseh there throw doubt on the

Manasseh’s exile to Babylon and subsequent release, and

Chronicler’s account. In Jer 15:4, a divine oracle threat¬

understand the narrative about Manasseh’s repentance

ens punishment against Judah because of what King

as coming from the Chronicler’s own theological inter¬

Manasseh had done in Jerusalem, and Jeremiah proph¬

pretation.7 After nearly a century and a half of debate, no

esied after the conclusion of the reign of Manasseh.12

consensus has been found. The following paragraphs will

Kings is older than Chronicles, which suggests that it

review the main issues in the debate.

might have more accurate information, but Kings also is

1. Manasseh ruled longer than any king of Judah,

written with a strong theological agenda. The agenda of

even longer than David and Solomon, the rulers of the

Kings and Chronicles is different, but both works have

united monarchy. The story of Manasseh’s punishment

agendas. Critics of historicity argue that if the Deuteron-

and subsequent repentance offers a rationale for why

omistic Historian had known about Manasseh’s exile, he

he was granted a long life in harmony with the doctrine

would gladly have included it to show Manasseh’s punish¬

of retribution.8 At the same time this story explains why

ment, and defenders of historicity counter that mention

the misdeeds described in vv. 2-9 brought about divine

of Manasseh’s exile and restoration would have reduced

punishment through the agency of the army of the king

the impact of Manasseh’s evil deeds. The Deuteron-

of Assyria. Defenders of the historicity of the account

omistic History, at least in its final form, argued that

have argued that Chronicles does not explicitly correlate

Manasseh’s sins necessitated the exile of Judah itself even

Manasseh’s long life with the piety in the second half of

despite the piety of Manasseh’s grandson losiah (2 Kgs

his reign.9 Japhet (1003) has turned the argument about

21:11-12; 23:26; 24:3-4).

retribution on its head by stating that the relatively mild

3. There is no record of the exiling and restoration

punishment of a temporary exile, instead of something

of Manasseh in Assyrian records. On the two occasions

harsher, like death or permanent exile, shows the his¬

when he is mentioned in the Assyrian royal annals,

toricity of the event. Brian Kelly claims that there is no

Manasseh is viewed as a loyal Assyrian vassal. During

indication that Manasseh’s imprisonment was punish¬

the reign of Esarhaddon (681-669), Manasseh is among

ment for his guilt,10 but this ignores the fact that it was

twenty-two vassal kings who were required by Esarhad¬

Yahweh who brought the officers of the army of the king

don to bring, with exertion and difficulty, building

of Assyria against him (2 Chr 33:11). From the point of

materials to Nineveh for the construction of Esarhad-

view of the Chronicler, this was not just another Assyrian

don’s palace. Manasseh is listed second in the list, just

invasion. At one time McKenzie surmised that, since Dtr

behind Baal of Tyre (ANET, 291). During the reign of

2 blames Manasseh for Judah’s fall, he omitted the story

Ashurbanipal (669-ca. 627), Manasseh is listed, again

6

For the history of research, particularly in the nineteenth century, see Graham, Utilization of

work in CBQ49 (1987) 478-79. McKenzie’s view was built in part on J. Rosenbaum, “Hezekiah’s Reform

1 and 2 Chronicles, 131 (Graf), 156, 162, 166-67, 189,

and the Deuteronomistic Tradition,” HTR 72 (1979) 23-43. In his commentary, published twenty years

213-14, 226, 230-32, and passim; and Peltonen, His¬ tory Debated. De Vries (400) ascribes these verses to the author’s imagination; Japhet (1009) sees them as an authentic historical tradition. 7 8

474

So Japhet, 1003. So Rudolph, 318; Myers, 2:199.

9

Mosis, Untersuchungen, 194.

10

Kelly, “Manasseh,” 138.

11

McKenzie, Chronicler’s Use, 163. See my review of this

later, McKenzie (352-57) does not mention this hypothesis. 12 No earlier reform under Manasseh is taken into account in Zephaniah 1:4-10; 3:1-7. See also the earlier quotation from Wellhausen.

33:1-20

right after Baal of Tyre, as among a number of vassal

is, these occasions make the treatment of Manasseh in

kings who paid tribute to Ashurbanipal and assisted him

2 Chr 33:11-13 plausible historically.15 They include the

in his attack against Egypt in 668 or 667. But the Assyr¬

following:

ian records that have survived are by no means complete,

a. We have already referred to Esarhaddon’s require¬

and Manasseh would not have been of great significance

ment that twenty-two western kings take building materi¬

to the Assyrians, therefore limiting the value in this

als to Nineveh for the Assyrian king’s new palace. Since

debate of their portrayal of and their relative silence

the Assyrian document is silent about the king of Sidon,

about Manasseh.

this probably took place after the conquest of Sidon and

4. Several scholars have attempted to find data in

the execution of its king, Abdimilkutte, ca. 676 b.c.e. As

the biblical record that would have led the Chronicler

we saw above, Manasseh seems to be loyal to the Assyr¬

to describe the fate of Manasseh in this way. Some have

ians in this account and Esarhaddon does not mention

suggested that the Chronicler’s account of Manasseh’s

Manasseh among Sidon’s allies.16 Hence, this is enforced

exile is a historical midrash on 2 Kgs 20:18 and its threats

payment of tribute, not exile, and the destination is

against Hezekiah:13 “Some of your own sons who are

Assyria, not Babylon.

born to you shall be taken away; they shall be eunuchs

b. The Babylonian Chronicles describe a defeat of an

in the palace of the king of Babylon.” But the Chronicler

Assyrian army in Egypt in 674.17 The Assyrian Annals

does not make the claim that this word has been fulfilled

state that Baal of Tyre entered into an alliance with

and in fact did not include this verse from the Vorlage in

Tirhakah and revolted against Assyria (ANET, 292b).

his own account of Hezekiah. There is no evidence that

Other states in Syria and Palestine may have joined in

Manasseh served in the Assyrian palace or that he was

this revolt, but there is no explicit evidence for this. In

made a eunuch. Others see Manasseh’s exile and return

671 Esarhaddon attacked Tyre and began a siege against

as a typological event, foreshadowing what will happen to

it. Esarhaddon went on to Egypt, where he won a great

the whole people: King Nebuchadnezzar bound Jehoia-

victory, persuading Baal of Tyre to surrender to him.18

kim with fetters to take him to Babylon (2 Chr 36:6), and

Cogan argues that these circumstances account for the

Yahweh brought up the king of the Chaldeans (2 Chr

“capture” of Manasseh, who may have joined an anti-

36:15-17). Percy S. F. van Keulen noted the close linguis¬

Assyrian coalition. He believes that it was on this occa¬

tic identity of 2 Chr 33:11b and 36:6b.H Nebuchadnezzar

sion that Esarhaddon settled refugees in Samaria, as

also bound Zedekiah with fetters of bronze and carried

reported in Ezra 4:2.19 c. Esarhaddon died on his way to attack Egypt again

him to Babylon (2 Kgs 25:7). 5. The defenders of historicity have proposed at least

in 669. It is conceivable that he sent a detachment of

eight occasions on which Manasseh might have revolted

troops to Judah to discipline Manasseh. Since Esarhad¬

against Assyrian suzerainty and been carted off to Meso¬

don died on this campaign, however, would any kings in

potamia by either Esarhaddon or Ashurbanipal. That

the west have been taken captive? Although Esarhaddon

13 Oded (“Judah and the Exile,” in Hayes and Miller, Israelite and Judaean History, 454) cites this opinion but concludes that “it is difficult to assume that the author of Chronicles created a totally imaginary episode with no historical kernel.” Miller and Hayes (.History of Ancient Israel and Judah, 437) conclude: “The Chronicler’s account may be based on an inherited tradition that told of Manasseh’s conver¬ sion and even contained his presumed prayer of repentance. . . . Such a tradition reflects what may have been a common Near Eastern folklore motif of the bad king who changes his course of action after some intervening event.” Thus, they find a histori¬ cal kernel in that part of the story which almost

14

15

everyone agrees was the Chronicler’s theological contribution. Van Keulen, Manasseh, 221. 2 Chr 33:11b: “bound him [Manasseh] in fetters, and brought him to Babylon.” 2 Chr 36:6b: “and he bound him [Jehoiakim] in fetters to take him to Babylon.” See the discussion of these events in Kelly, “Manasseh,” 141-43; and van Keulen, Manasseh,

16

215-20. See van Keulen, Manasseh, 215-16; ANET, 291.

17 18

Van Keulen, Manasseh, 216. See van Keulen, Manasseh, 216 n. 34 and works cited

19

there. Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 67-70.

475

f. Psammetichus I (664-610), with the help of Gyges,

was present in Babylon on at least three occasions, there is no likely reason for Manasseh to be taken there rather

king of Lydia, rebelled against Assyria in 655

than to Nineveh.20

constant threat from Assyria might have led the pharaoh

d. Ashurbanipal undertook his first campaign to Egypt in 667

b.c.e.

and made the twenty kings from the

seashore accompany him. Manasseh appears after Baal

b.c.e.

The

to authorize Manasseh to improve his fortifications and redeploy his troops (2 Chr 33:11-14) so that Judah could serve as a buffer state between Egypt and Assyria. g. A number of scholars have focused on the rebellion

of Tyre in the second position. If Manasseh had been taken captive earlier by Esarhaddon (see a, b, and c,

of the king of Babylon, Shamash-shum-ukin, Ashurba-

above), he was restored to the throne by this time.21 Les¬

nipal’s older brother, against Assyria from 652 to 648

ter L. Grabbe notes that some of Ashurbanipal’s allies22

b.c.e.

planned to revolt during this campaign, and he removed

Shamash-shum-ukin died in the fire that destroyed Baby¬

all of them from office and took them alive to Nineveh.

lon, Ashurbanipal punished dissident rebels in the east

as the occasion for Manasseh’s capture.25 After

However, Ashurbanipal had mercy on Necho I (672-

and Arabs, Moab, Ammon, and Ushu near Tyre in the

664), granted him life, and made a treaty with him. If

west 645,26 although with no mention of Judah.27 Many

Manasseh had joined in the revolt, he too may have been

scholars assume that Manasseh backed Shamash-shum-

restored to the throne after appropriate punishment.23 e. When Baal of Tyre revolted again, Ashurbanipal

ukin or was suspected of doing so.28 Cogan notes that Ashurbanipal’s campaign to the west was concerned with

launched his “third campaign” against him (ANET,

maintaining control over the Arabian trade routes and

295b-296a). Baal of Tyre was forced to bring his daugh¬

was limited to territories east of the Jordan.29 The advan¬

ter and his nieces before Ashurbanipal, but the king of

tage of taking this incident as the context for Manasseh’s

Assyria had mercy on him and returned his son to him.

captivity is that it might explain why Manasseh was taken

H. Jacob Katzenstein associates Manasseh’s capture with

to Babylon, but the army that raided peoples in the west

this campaign, but in van Keulen’s opinion there are no particular reasons to do so.24 20

21 22

23

Babylon seems very unlikely to me as a place of exile despite the view of van Keulen (Manasseh, 217), who argues that Babylon might have served as a center of Assyrian administration or even as a residence for the king of Assyria. Van Keulen, Manasseh, 217. Ashurbanipal himself says that “all the kings whom I appointed broke the oaths (sworn) to me, forgot that I had treated them mildly and conceived an

also proposes (p. 285) that, since a regent was not appointed, Manasseh’s captivity was relatively short, from 648 to 646. 26

Kelly, “Manasseh,” 141; ANET, 297-300.

27

Assyrian records claim that Egypt and Syria-Palestine were involved in this revolt, but this is doubtful.

evil (plot)” (ANET, 294). Grabbe, Ancient Israel, 203-4; ANET, 294-95. At the end, however, Grabbe considers Manasseh’s exile historically unlikely. Grabbe mistakenly identifies the Pharaoh as Necho II, but he ruled from 610 to

See Ahlstrom, Ancient Palestine, 732-33; and Spieckermann (Juda unter Assur, 56-37), who argues that only Babylon, Elam, and the Arabs in the west were 28

involved in the revolt against Assyria. But Marvin A. Sweeney (“King Manasseh of Judah

595, long after the death of Ashurbanipal.

and the Problem of Theodicy in the Deuteronomis-

24

Katzenstein, History of Tyre, 292, but on pp. 281-82 he links Manasseh’s captivity to the events of 652-648.

tic History,” in Grabbe, Good Kings and Bad Kings, 272) believes that Manasseh remained true to

25

Curtis and Madsen, 498-99; Rudolph, 316-17; Bright, History, 311-13; McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians, 25-26; Anson F. Rainey, “The Chronicler and His Sources—Historical and Geo¬ graphical,” in Graham, Hoglund, and McKenzie, Chronicler as Historian, 54;Japhet, 1009. Ehrlich (“Der Aufenthalt des Konigs Manasse in Babylon,”

476

283-84 [n. 1 above]) argues that rebellion would have been impossible under Esarhaddon since the army of Assyria was never far from Palestine. He

Assyria throughout his reign and may well have won greater freedom of action in the aftermath of the failed Babylonian revolt. 29

Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 69.

33:1-20

actually returned to Assyria.30 According to Ezra 4:10,31

7. There are precedents for relatively lenient treatment

Ashurbanipal (Osnappar) settled various peoples from

by the Assyrians of rebellious kings. Ashurbanipal rein¬

Mesopotamia in Samaria, and some think that this hap¬

stated Necho I as pharaoh after he had been taken cap¬

pened after his defeat of Babylon in 648

b.c.e.32

h. Several scholars have found the background for 2 Chr 33:11-13 in a peaceful visit that Manasseh made to Nineveh, either in connection with the contribution of building materials noted above (item a; Galling, 168) or

tive to Nineveh (ANET, 295), and the Assyrian king was also lenient toward Baal of Tyre {ANET, 296).37 See also Sargon’s treatment of Ullusunu king of the Mannaeans.38 All are agreed that there is no direct Assyrian evi¬ dence to back up 2 Chr 33:11-13, and most believe that

at a gathering of vassals to ensure the succession from

Manasseh’s acts of repentance are the Chronicler’s theo¬

Esarhaddon to Ashurbanipal in 672 (Myers, 2:198-99;

logical interpretation of whatever historical event may lie

Williamson, 392).33 Not only does this proposal not

behind 2 Chr 33:11-13. The long quest to find indirect

explain the reference to Babylon in the biblical text,

evidence for this event in Assyrian sources aims to make

but it also does not explain why the Chronicler took

it plausible that Manasseh was taken captive because of

Manasseh’s presence in Mesopotamia as the result of

rebellion against Assyria, and that he then was reinstated

hostile Assyrian behavior.

after his imprisonment, perhaps to shore up Assyrian

6. The fact that Manasseh was taken to Babylon rather than Nineveh is puzzling. This is probably not a

interests in Palestine and/or over against Egypt. In my judgment this limited goal of showing the plausibility of

geographical blunder by the Chronicler, since the Bible

2 Chr 33:11-13 is somewhat successful, but that is about

is quite clear about the distinction between Assyria and

all one can say on the basis of the data now available.39

Babylon, and Nineveh is often identified as the capital of Assyria (e.g., 2 Kgs 19:36//Isa 37:37).34 The association

Detailed Commentary

of this event with the later Babylonian exile may have led to Manasseh’s being given this as a destination.35 Babylon

33:1 Introduction to the Reign of Manasseh

as the site of Manasseh’s captivity has contributed to the

■ 1 Manasseh was twelve years old when he became king, and

popularity of associating this incident with the rebellion

he reigned fifty-five years in Jerusalem: Manasseh was born

of Shamash-shum-ukin. McKay concluded that soon after

when his father Hezekiah was forty-two (2 Kgs 18:2) and

648, Manasseh may have been taken to Babylon because

ruled longer than any other king in Judah or Israel. Asa

of his friendship with the Arabs and the Phoenicians who

ruled forty-one years (2 Chr 16:13//1 Kgs 15:10); Joash

were in rebellion against Assyria.36

ruled forty years (2 Chr 24:l//2 Kgs 12:2); and Uzziah

30

31

32

See the discussion of this revolt byj. A. Brinkman in J. Boardman et al., eds., The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 3, part 2, The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires and Other States of the Near East from the Eighth to the Sixth Centuries B.C. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 53-60. Cf. v. 2, where the adversaries of Judah and Ben¬ jamin claim that they had been worshiping the Israelite God since the time of the Assyrian king Esarhaddon, who had brought them to Palestine. Kelly, Retribution, 142. Their displacement to Pales¬ tine may indicate that that area was subdued and intentionally resettled at that time. T. C. Mitchell, “Israel and Judah from the Coming of Assyrian Domination until the Fall of Samaria, and the Struggle for Independence in Judah (c. 750-700 B.C.),” 382-83. He refers to this passage and dates

33

34 35 36 37 38 39

Iraq 20 (1958) 4. Williamson (392-93) suggests that here and elsewhere the Chronicler may have picked up a local or trivial incident and magnified it. Dillard (265) suggests that Babylon is a generalized reference to Mesopotamia. See Mosis, Untersuchungen, 38, 193; and Ackroyd, “Chronicler as Exegete,” 13. McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians, 26. ANET, 296: “I had mercy on him and returned to him the son, the offspring of his loins.” Van Keulen, Manasseh, 215 n. 29; and Spieckermann, Judah unter Assur, 331. Van Keulen (Manasseh, 222) concludes: “2 Chron. 33:11 does not reflect historically trustworthy information.” Similarly, Abadie, “From the Impious Manasseh,” 98; cf. North, “Does Archaeology Prove Chronicles’ Sources?” 383-86.

it to 648 but does not mention Manasseh. D. J. Wiseman, “The Vassal-treaties of Esarhaddon,”

477

ruled fifty-two years (2 Chr 26:3//2 Kgs 15:2). Galil sets

background and were hence omitted,44 but it seems

Manasseh’s dates at 697/696-642/641.40 Manasseh was

more likely that the Chronicler just changed his pattern

portrayed in 2 Kings 21 as the worst of all of the kings of

of birth and death notices from here to the end of the

Judah, and the blessing of a very long reign would seem

book. In the subsequent death notices, the Chronicler

to contradict the law of individual retribution, which is

does not use the expressions “with his fathers” or “in the

followed quite consistently in Chronicles. Many scholars

city of David.” The Chronicler omits the mother of Asa

believe that Manasseh’s conversion after being taken to

in 2 Chr 14:1 (cf. 1 Kgs 15:9-10),45 but includes her name

Babylon and reform were introduced by the Chronicler

in 2 Chr 15:16//1 Kgs 15:13. Williamson’s claim (390)

to show the theological reason for his long reign, but

that Asa’s mother’s name was omitted by the Chronicler

Mosis points out that the Chronicler makes no direct

because of her introduction of foreign cults is contra¬

mention of this and thinks that Manasseh’s long life

dicted by the naming of Asa’s mother in 2 Chr 15:16.

did not trouble the Chronicler.41 But the Chronicler saw David’s long life as a sign of his honor (1 Chr 29:28), and

33:2-9 Evil Deeds of Manasseh

he also gave an extraordinarily long life of 130 years to

■ 2 He did that which was evil in the eyes of Yahweh accord¬

Jehoiada the high priest during the reign of Joash (2 Chr

ing to the abominable practices of the nations whom Yahweh

24:15-16). The Chronicler omits the name of Manasseh’s

had dispossessed before the Israelites: The abominable

mother Hephzibah (2 Kgs 21:1),42 and he also omits the

practices (ITOUTI) of the nations are referred to also

names of the mothers of Amon (Meshullemeth daughter

in v. 9//2 Kgs 21:9, 11, although there Manasseh’s acts

of Haruz ofjotbah, 2 Kgs 21:18), Josiah (Jedidah, daugh¬

are deemed more evil than the abominable practices

ter of Adaiah of Bozkath, 2 Kgs 22:1), and Josiah’s four

of the nations. In Kings, Judah and the inhabitants of

successors (the mother of Jehoahaz was Hamutal daugh¬

Jerusalem are explicitly identified as fellow sinners with

ter of Jeremiah of Libnah [2 Kgs 23:31]; the mother of

Manasseh.46 Verses 2 and 9 form an inclusio around the

Jehoiakim was Zebidah daughter of Pedaiah of Rumah

list of Manasseh’s misdeeds. In Deut 18:9, 12, reference

[2 Kgs 23:36]; the mother ofjehoiachin was Nehushta

is made to the abominable practices of the nations that

daughter of Elnathan of Jerusalem [2 Kgs 24:8]; and the

preceded Israel in the land, practices that led Yahweh to

mother of Zedekiah was Hamutal daughter of Jeremiah

drive them out of the land. By implication here, Judah

of Libnah [2 Kgs 24:18]).43 McKay argued that the moth¬

deserved the same fate as the Canaanites.47 In Kings, the

ers of Manasseh and Amon were of Edomite or Arabian

sins of Manasseh provide the rationale for the exile,48 but

40

Galil, Chronology of the Kings, 147. Thiele (Mysterious

ing for Rehoboam and Asa because the Chronicler

Numbers, 217) assigns him a co-regency with Hezekiah from 697/696 to 687/686 and dates his reign

omits the entire introductory formula (2 Chr 12:13; 16:13).

itself to 687/686-643/642. William F. Albright (“The Chronology of the Divided Monarchy of

41 42

Israel,” BASOR 100 [1945] 22) arbitrarily shortens his reign to forty-five years. Mosis, Untersuchungen, 194.

44

McKay, Religion in fudah under the Assyrians, 24.

45

The Chronicler omitted the synchronism with the north in 1 Kgs 15:9 and the length of his reign and

46

Francesca Stavrakopoulou (“The Blackballing of Manasseh,” in Grabbe, Good Kings and Bad Kings,

the name of Asa’s mother in 1 Kgs 15:10.

No genealogical affiliation is given for Hephzibah. All the other queen mothers are identified by the

248-63) suggests that the biblical portrait of Manasseh as a villain was originally prompted by

name of a parent, their ethnic or geographic origin, or both. See Japhet, 1004. The only other use of this

43

associated with the northern kingdom, Manasseh is singled out as a religious deviant. This seems quite

McKenzie (Chronicler’s Use, 174-76) finds here evi¬

unlikely to me. Others have claimed that Hezekiah

dence for a change in the Chronicler’s sources. The

gave him the name Manasseh to curry favor with the inhabitants of the former northern kingdom.

mothers’ names are missing for Joram (2 Chr 21:5) and Ahaz (2 Chr 28:1) because they were not given in the Kings Vorlage. The mothers’ names are miss¬

478

nothing more than his name. In sharing a name

name in the Hebrew Bible is for Jerusalem in Isa 62:4.

47

Note the reference to Manasseh doing more wicked things than the Amorites in 2 Kgs 21:11. Walking

33:1-20

in Chronicles Manasseh’s repentance leads to a different

[Jehoram] walked in the way of the kings of Israel, just

rationale for the exile in 2 Chronicles 36. Ahaz’s prac¬

as the house of Ahab had done, for the daughter of Ahab

tices of child sacrifices were identified with the abomi¬

[Athaliah] was his wife”; and 2 Chr 22:3: “He [Ahaziah]

nable practices of the nations who were driven from the

too walked in the ways of the house of Ahab, for his

land (2 Chr 28:3//2 Kgs 16:3; cf. 2 Chr 34:33 and 36:8,

mother [Athaliah] was his counselor in making him act

14). In Kings the people were also accused of abomi¬

wickedly.” Intermarriage with the house of Omri is cited

nable practices at the time of Rehoboam (1 Kgs 14:24).

also in 2 Chr 18:1. The Chronicler may have omitted the

According to Cogan and McKay, the Assyrians did not

comparison with Ahab here because he did not include a

impose on vassal states the obligation to worship Assyr¬

full account of the reign of Ahab or because his account

ian gods.49

of Manasseh is much more positive than that in 2 Kings

■ 3 He rebuilt the high places that Hezekiah his father had

21. For the Chronicler, the worst king ofjudah was Ahaz.

torn down; he erected altars for the Baals and made sacred

Worshiping the host of heaven (the sun, the moon,

poles and worshiped the whole host of heaven and served them:

and the stars) is a Deuteronomic/Deuteronomistic con¬

The Chronicler follows 2 Kgs 21:3 in recounting the

cern. Israel is forbidden to bow down (worship) and serve

sins of Manasseh but makes a number of changes. The

them (Deut 4:19; 17:3), and this sin is one of the issues

verb used for tearing down the high places (|TI]) is the

cited in the sermon on the fall of the northern kingdom

same one that is used for Hezekiah’s actions against the

(2 Kgs 17:16).52 In his reform, Josiah brought out from

high places in 2 Chr 31:1.50 The verb “DK in the piel is

the temple of Yahweh the vessels made for Baal, for

used in 2 Kgs 21:3 (which is the Vorlage of 2 Chr 33:3),

Asherah, and for all the host of heaven (2 Kgs 23:4-5).53

but the verb ]TU seems to be presupposed by Kgs LXX

Thanks to the studies of Cogan and McKay, these wor¬

(see the textual notes). The Chronicler has Manasseh

ship practices are seen as referring to indigenous Syro-

making altars for the Baals rather than for the Baal, as

Palestinian cults, not religious practices forcibly imposed

in 2 Kgs 21:3. The Chronicler may thereby be general¬

on Israel by the Assyrians. Assyrian practices were only

izing Manasseh’s sin or intensifying it. Similarly, he uses

imposed on countries that had become provinces.

the plural for standing poles/asherahs (nV)0N), which

■ 4 He built altars in the house of Yahweh, of which Yahweh

were probably images of the goddess Asherah, whereas

had said, “In Jerusalem shall my name be forever: ” This verse

2 Kgs 21:3 MT reads n~l2)K (singular). But on this charge

is virtually identical to 2 Kgs 21:4. The Chronicler adds

about the sacred poles he drops the comparison with

the word “forever,” and “shall my name be” replaces “I

Ahab, who had also made such a sacred pole, accord¬

will put my name.” The quotation of Yahweh seems to

ing to 2 Kgs 21:3. In fact, Ahab and Manasseh are the

derive from Deut 12:4-5, and the clear implication is that

only two kings who erected an altar for Baal and made

these altars were dedicated to other deities.54

a sacred pole.51 The Chronicler does not have a narra¬

■ 5 He built altars for the whole host of heaven in the two

tive account about the northern king Ahab except in the

courts of the house of Yahweh: This verse is exactly identi¬

joint battle that he and Jehoshaphat fought (2 Chronicles

cal to 2 Kgs 21:5. The reference to the two courts of the

18//1 Kings 22). The Chronicler does retain com¬

house of Yahweh is not completely clear, although the

parison with the sins of Ahab in his statements on the

reference to the “middle court” in 2 Kgs 20:4 implies that

Judean kingsJehoram and Ahaziah. See 2 Chr 21:6: “He

there were at least two courts in the preexilic temple.

in the customs of the nations led to the exile of the northern kingdom, according to 2 Kgs 17:8, 16-20. 48 49

50

51

According to 1 Kgs 16:32, Ahab erected an altar for Baal in the temple of Baal, and according to 2 Kgs 16:33 Ahab also made a sacred pole (niCtSH).

52

See also 2 Kgs 23:4-7, 10-12; Zeph 1:5; Jer 8:2; Ezek 8:16. 2 Chronicles 34:4 reports that they tore down the altars of the Baals and thatjosiah demolished the

In addition to 2 Kings 21, see 2 Kgs 25:26 and 24:3-4. Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 60-61; McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians, 67. Contrast Spieckermann,Juda unter Assur, 307-72. The Vorlage in 2 Kgs 18:4 uses the verb “110 in the hiphil. In 2 Chr 31:1, the Chronicler significantly

53

54

incense altars and broke down the sacred poles. See Schenker, "Text History of 1-2 Kings,” 8.

recast his Vorlage.

479

Josiah pulled down the altars on the roof of the upper

seems to refer to a magician (cf. Akkadian kassapu;

chamber of Ahaz and the altars that Manasseh had made

HALOT, 503). A woman who engages in this practice

in the two courts of the house of Yahweh (2 Kgs 23:12;

is liable to capital punishment (Exod 22:17 [18]).58

this verse is not included in Chronicles).

Consulting a medium is a crime committed by King

■ 6 He made his sons pass through the fire in the valley of the

Saul (1 Chr 10:13, alluding to 1 Samuel 28). Mediums

son of Hinnom, practiced soothsaying and augury and sorcery,

and wizards (,]in,l 3’K) are mentioned together in Lev

and dealt with mediums and wizards. He did much evil in the

19:31; 20:6, 27; and Deut 18:11; Isa 8:19; 19:3. Saul had

eyes of Yahweh, provoking him to anger: The Chronicler adds

banished mediums and wizards from the land (1 Sam

the reference to the valley of the son of Hinnom, as in

28:3, 6). Josiah banished mediums, wizards, and other

2 Chr 28:3, where Ahaz is accused of the same practice

abominations from the land (2 Kgs 23:24; not included

(cf.Jer 7:31-32; 19:2, 6; 32:35). He replaced “his son” in

in Chronicles). Ahaz had provoked Yahweh to anger

the Kings MT Vorlage with “his sons,” perhaps because

by making high places to make offerings to other gods

he was dependent on a non-MT text of Kings (see the

(2 Chr 28:25, without a Vorlage in 2 Kings).

textual notes). See, however, the use of plurals with the

■ 7 He placed the carved image of the idol that he had made

Baals and sacred poles in v. 3. Because of the other verbs

in the house of God, of which God had said to David and to

in this verse, Dillard (268) argued that child sacrifice

Solomon his son, “In this house and in Jerusalem, which I

was a divinatory practice (see his comments on 28:1-4),

have chosen from all the tribes of Israel, I shall place my name

and Nelson agrees that the context in Deut 18:10 sug¬

forever”: The Chronicler incorporates 2 Kgs 21:7 with very

gests a divinatory practice rather than a sacrifice to turn

few changes.59 Kings indicates that Manasseh had placed

away God’s wrath or as part of the cult of the dead.55 The

a carved image of (the goddess) Asherah in the temple.

verb “practiced sorcery” (pEDI) is added to the charges

Chronicles replaces Asherah with *70011 (“the idol”),

contained in 2 Kgs 21:6, drawing from Deut 18:10, where

a word used only three times outside of this chapter

soothsaying, augury, and sorcery are used in that order

(see v. 15 below). In Ezekiel’s second vision, he saw the

in one verse,56 as well as a prohibition against making

image of jealousy that provokes to jealousy in the temple

one’s son or daughter pass through the fire. In the previ¬

(mpan ntwpn *700; Ezek 8:3; cf. v. 5),60 and the Chronicler

ous verse, Deut 18:9, these practices are identified as the

may be dependent on Ezekiel for this term here. Block

“abominable acts” (rQJhn) of the pre-Israelite nations.

believes the word is a loanword from Phoenician.61 The

Instead of these practices, Israel is urged to listen to

Chronicler, following the Vorlage, sees this act as a viola¬

the prophets (Deut 18:15-22). Nelson suggests that)]^

tion of an oracle of God to David and Solomon, saying

(soothsaying) refers to someone who observes clouds

that God would put his name in the Jerusalem temple

or other meteorological phenomena,57 but an Arabic

forever (see v. 4 above). This exact oracle to David and

cognate implies one who causes something to make an

Solomon is not preserved elsewhere in the Bible, but see

appearance, perhaps a necromancer. The verb translated

1 Kgs 6:11-13,62 not included in Chronicles.

“augury” (Oil]) may refer to reading the surface of oil or

■ 8 “and I will never again cause the feet of Israel to turn aside

water in a cup (Gen 44:5, 15). The last word, “sorcery,” 55

Nelson, Deuteronomy, 233. He notes the divinatory context for this practice in 2 Kgs 17:17; 21:6.

56

Deuteronomy also uses the expression □100p OOp (“practices divination”).

57

Nelson, Deuteronomy, 233.

58

2 Kings 9:22 refers to the sorceries (ITStZDl) ofjezebel.

59

Chronicles adds the word “God” after the word “house.”

60

See also Deut 4:16: PQp] IS IDT ITOn *7130 *73 HOOn (“in the form of any figure—the likeness of male or female”).

480

61

Block, Ezekiel 1-24, 281 n. 41. Japhet (1007) dis¬ cusses Kuntillet'Ajrud here and indicates that the references there to Yahweh and his Asherah may point to the background of Manasseh’s cult.

62

Yahweh promises that, if Solomon will keep all his commandments, he will establish his promise with Solomon, which he had made with David, and dwell among the Israelites.

33:1-20

from the land that I appointed for your ancestors, if only they

charge at the beginning, in v. 2. But now both Kings

will be careful to do all that I have commanded them—all the

and Chronicles charge that the sins of the people are

law, the statutes, and ordinances given by Moses”: The MT has

even worse than those of the nations, confirming that

three differences from 2 Kgs 21:8: to cause ... to turn

they should experience the same fate as the pre-Israelite

aside ("Ton1? forTOT*?, “to cause to wander”), appointed

nations. Kings maintains that verdict to the end of the

(THODn for Tin], “I gave”), and for your ancestors,

book, but Chronicles cancels it, at least temporarily,

(DD-matf? for cmn^, “for their fathers”). The Kings

because of the conversion of Manasseh that follows.

readings, however, are attested in Chronicles LXX (see the textual notes). In the first of these changes, Chroni¬

33:10 The Message of Yahweh to Manasseh

cles MT has substituted a more common word

and to the People

for

a more rare word TTF1?; in the second case, Chronicles

■ 10 Yahweh spoke to Manasseh and to his people, but they

replaces “gave” (Tin]) with “appointed” (TnQUPl); in

did not pay heed: The first two words, “Yahweh spoke,”

the third case, the Chronicler makes the antecedent

are taken from 2 Kgs 21:10, and the second clause is

of the ancestors David and Solomon instead of Israel. If

a rephrasing of “they did not listen” from 2 Kgs 21:9.

Chronicles MT is original, Chronicles LXX or its Vorlage

Yahweh’s speech is understood apparently as coming

has been harmonized with 2 Kgs 21:8.63 The promise

through seers (see vv. 18-19 below). But the Chroni¬

made to David and Solomon is made conditional in this

cler does not cite the actual words of “his servants the

verse. Israel will abide in the land forever if they keep the

prophets” in 2 Kgs 21:10-16, which stated that Manasseh’s

commandments of Yahweh given through Moses. If Israel

sins were more wicked than those of the Amorites and

does not keep the commandments, exile will be its lot. At

that his misleading of Judah to sin would bring upon

the end of the verse the Chronicler expands “all the law”

Jerusalem and Judah the fate of Samaria and the same

(iTlinn ^H1?) by adding “the statutes, and the ordinances”

punishment as the house of Ahab. Exile would be their

maEKtom D,pnm,64 and by changing “which my servant

fate because they have provoked Yahweh to anger since

Moses commanded them” (HOQ THU CDR m2£ “®K) to

the time of the exodus. The sin of the people in Kings

“given by Moses’ (HOQ TH).

is cumulative, whereas in Chronicles people are typi¬

■ 9 Manasseh misled Judah and the inhabitants ofJerusalem

cally punished in their own lifetime for their misdeeds.

so that they did more evil than the nations whom Yahweh had

2 Kings 21:16 adds another charge, that Manasseh had

destroyed before the Israelites: The Chronicler changes the

shed much innocent blood in Jerusalem (cf. Deut 19:10,

text of 2 Kgs 21:9 in two main ways. First, he delays the

13; 21:8-9). If the Chronicler had included this verse, it

notice that the people did not listen to the next verse

would have been more difficult for him to rehabilitate

and expresses it with a different verb (3E?p, “did not pay

Manasseh.

heed,” instead of UQttf). Second, he specifies that it was Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem that Manasseh

33:11-13 The exile of Manasseh to Babylon and His Return

misled and not just “them.” Jehoram also had misled the

■ 11 Yahweh brought against them the officers of the army of

inhabitants ofjerusalem and Judah, using a different

the king of Assyria, who took Manasseh captive in hooks, bound him with fetters, and brought him to Babylon: From v. 11

verb (2 Chr 21:11, 13 ITT in the hiphil).65 The comparison with the nations at the end of the indictment in both Kings and Chronicles echoes the

63

through v. 17 the Chronicler introduces new material that radically changes his depiction of Manasseh. Yahweh

Of course Chronicles LXX or its Vorlage may preserve the original reading in Chronicles, and Chronicles MT may be a secondary textual developmerit.

64

65

Cf. 2 Chr 28:19: “Yahweh had brought Judah low because of Ahaz the king of Israel for he made Judah act without restraint and he proved himself utterly unfaithful toward Yahweh.”

These three terms never occur together elsewhere. Statutes and ordinances are used with !T)2SD (“com¬ mandment”) in 2 Chr 19:10. Statutes and ordi¬ nances are used together in 1 Chr 22:13.

481

is designated as the ultimate cause of the Assyrian attack

time of distress (2 Chr 28:22). David, however, decided

on Manasseh by unnamed officers of the Assyrian army.

to fall into the hand of Yahweh in his distress (1 Chr

The Assyrian king also is not designated by name; hence,

21:13), and the prophetic figure Azariah reminded Israel

this attack cannot be dated. The effect of the attack on

that when they turned to Yahweh in their distress he

the people and the land is not specified, but the attack is

was found by them (2 Chr 15:4; cf. Neh 9:27).67 HALOT

clearly in retribution for Manasseh’s misdeeds. Exile is

(317) suggests a meaning of “appeased” or “flattered” for

experienced by Manasseh alone. The use of hooks by his

“entreated the favor of” (’B fltf rf?n) and suggests a literal

captors is the only time the noun mn is used in this sense

meaning of “soften by caressing.”68 Manasseh also hum¬

in the Bible (HALOT, 296). These hooks would be used

bled himself, a standard word for repentance in Chron¬

in the nose or cheek, as confirmed by an Assyrian pic¬

icles, but here strengthened by the word greatly (“INQ).

ture, where Esarhaddon holds Tirhakah and Baal of Tyre

The title “God of his ancestors” is used in Chronicles only

with ropes affixed to their lips (ANEP, 154, #447). The

here, in 2 Chr 21:10, and in 2 Chr 28:25. In 2 Chr 21:10,

closely related noun

fin {HALOT, 304) is used to describe

Jehoram forsook Yahweh the God of his ancestors, and

how an unnamed Judean king, probablyjehoahaz was

in 2 Chr 28:25 we read that Ahaz had provoked to anger

brought to Egypt (Ezek 19:4). Another unnamed king,

Yahweh the God of his ancestors.69

possiblyjehoiachin or Zedekiah, was put into a cage with

■ 13 He prayed to him, and he granted his prayer, heard his

hooks (DTirQ) and brought to Babylon (Ezek 19:9). The

plea, and returned him to Jerusalem to his kingdom. Then

mention of Babylon rather than Nineveh as the place

Manasseh recognized that Yahweh is God: Manasseh’s

of captivity may be a result of an attempt to connect

entreating the favor of Yahweh, humbling himself, and

Manasseh’s exile typologically with that of Judah later

praying, followed by the granting of his prayer, follow

(see the discussion under “Structure”). Yahweh threat¬

closely the outline described by Yahweh in response

ened to put a hook

(Tin, “my hook”) in Sennacherib’s

nose and a bit in his mouth and send him back to Assyria

to Solomon: “If my people over whom my name is called humble themselves, and pray70 and seek my face

(2 Kgs 19:28), and Manasseh, the faithless king ofjudah,

('33 lOpB’1), and turn from their evil ways, then I will

now experiences similar treatment. The Assyrian officers

hear from heaven and I will forgive their sin and heal

also bound Manasseh in fetters (□TKOnn) to Babylon, a

their land” (2 Chr 7:14). Just as Yahweh had brought

fate that awaitedJehoiakim (2 Chr 36:6-7). Jehoiachin

against Manasseh the commanders of the army of the

would also be later brought to Babylon (2 Chr 36:10).

king of Assyria, he is now the one who restored Manasseh

See the discussion of the historicity of this event under

to his kingdom. The king of Assyria remains nameless

“Structure” for further reflection on Babylon as the place

and finally powerless. The recognition formula (“Then

of Manasseh’s captivity.

Manasseh recognized that Yahweh is God”) is frequent

■ 12 While he was in distress, he entreated the favor of Yahweh

in Ezekiel. The implication of this statement is surely that

his God and humbled himself greatly before the God of his ances¬

Yahweh alone is God, marking a break with the various

tors^: Manasseh’s repentance at a time of distress con¬

deities Manasseh had worshiped, as described in vv. 3-5.71

trasts with Ahaz, who became even more unfaithful in his 66

The Targum reads: “Then the Chaldeans made a bronze mule and bored many small holes in it. They shut him up inside it and lit a fire all around it.

12:6, 12), Hezekiah (2 Chr 32:26), andjosiah (2 Chr 34:19-21, 27). 68

When he was in distress, he sought (help) from all his idols which he had made, but there was no help forthcoming, for there is no profit in them. Then he changed his mind and prayed before the Lord his

Relating to Prayer,” VT6 [1956] 239-40), who also discusses several other possibilities. 69

70

77s in the hithpael in both 2 Chr 7:14 and 2 Chr 33:13.

71

See Deut 4:35, 39; 1 Kgs 8:60; 2 Kgs 18:39. All of

come out from it. 67

482

Other kings who repented were Rehoboam (2 Chr

In 2 Kgs 21:22, it is used of Amon, who abandoned Yahweh the God of his ancestors and did not walk in the way of Yahweh. This verse is not included in Chronicles.

God, and humbled himself greatly before the Lord, the God of his fathers.” In v. 13 God’s answer to his prayer shattered the mule so that Manasseh could

See D. R. Ap-Thomas (“Notes on Some Terms

33:1-20

33:14 The Building Projects of Manasseh

Tower of the Hundred.75 Welten emends the text from

■ 14 Afterwards he built an outer wall for the city of David

‘pnn ■pm1? nznuo TH -rsh (“for the city of David west of

west of the Gihon, in the valley, reaching the entrance at the Fish

the Gihon in the [Kidron] valley”) to read “IT1? fQTQO

Gate; he carried it around Ophel, and raised it to a very great

*?nn pm1? TTT (“from the west side of the city of David

height. He also put commanders of the army in all the fortified

to the Gihon in the [Kidron] valley”).76 He also argues

cities in Judah: The Chronicler puts this building activ¬

that the references to Ophel in passages such as Mic 4:8;

ity after Manasseh’s repentance. In this chronological

Neh 3:26-27; 11:21; and 2 Chr 27:3 refer not to the piece

location, it could indicate an expansion of the city due

of land between the city of David and the Temple Mount

to population growth, a fortification of the city after the

but to the entire area of the Temple Mount, including

Assyrian attack, or establishing Jerusalem as a buffer

the temple itself, its accessory buildings, and the houses

against Egypt. In Chronicles faithful kings carry out

of the cult personnel. Hence, the wall began on the west

building projects. Manasseh’s efforts continue those of

side of the city of David, moved up the Kidron valley on

his father Hezekiah to fortifyjerusalem.72 Cogan thinks

the east, curved around the Temple Mount, and rejoined

that these measures were directed at the increasingly

the western wall at the southern end of the city of David.

hostile position of Psammetichus I (664-610) in Egypt.73

Welten understands this as a repair made to the previ¬

Theologically, it represents the blessings that come to

ous wall, making it stronger and higher, but he does not

faithful kings (cf. 2 Chr 11:5-12) and the healing of the

believe that this represents historical data from the time

land that follows repentance (cf. 2 Chr 7:14). If histori¬

of Manasseh. Several archaeologists have tried to identify

cally this came earlier in Manasseh’s reign, it could mark

Manasseh’s wall in Jerusalem.77

rebuilding after Sennacherib’s attack on Hezekiah or even preparation for a revolt against Assyria or as part of

33:15-17 The Religious Reforms of Manasseh

an anti-Assyrian coalition. Either chronological location

■ 15 He took away the foreign gods and the idol from the house

would be congruent with Manasseh’s putting command¬

of Yahweh, and all the altars that he had built on the moun¬

ers in all the fortified cities of Judah.74 This is the first

tain of the house of Yahweh and in Jerusalem, and threw them

mention of the Fish Gate in the Bible, but there are also

outside the city: Manasseh’s building project is followed

references to it in Zeph 1:10-11 and Neh 3:3; 12:38-39;

by cultic reforms that reflect his recognition (v. 13) that

13:26. In Nehemiah it is in the northern wall around the

Yahweh alone was God.78 The only other references to

Temple Mount, west of the Tower of Hananel and the

foreign gods appear in Gen 35:2, 4; Deut 31:16; Josh

these passages express the idea that Yahweh is God, and there is no other besides him. 72

76 77

Japhet, 1003. See Isa 22:9: “You [plural] saw that there were many breaches in the city of David, and you collected the waters of the lower pool”; and 2 Chr 32:5: “Hezekiah strengthened himself and built the whole wall that was broken down, and raised towers on it, and outside of it he built another wall, he also strengthened the Millo in the

73 74

city of David, and made weapons and shields in abundance.” Cogan, Imperialism and Religion, 70. Gosta W. Ahlstrom {Royal Administration and

Manasseh,” /E/24 [1974] 21-26) argues that the great expansion of Jerusalem in the late eighth cen¬ tury stemmed from refugees after the fall of north

National Religion in Ancient Palestine [Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East 1; Leiden: Brill, 1982] 78) surmises that this reorganization of the military is related to Manasseh’s recovering of some cities that had been lost to Sennacherib in the 75

attack of 701. Dale C. Liid, “Fish Gate,” ABD 2:797-98.

Welten, Geschichte, 75-78. SeeJ. Simons, “The Wall of Manasseh and the ‘Mishneh’ of Jerusalem,” OtStl (1950) 179-200. D. Bahat (“The Wall of Manasseh injerusalem,” /E/31 [1981] 235-36) identifies Kathleen Kenyon’s wall NA with the wall of Manasseh. Kenyon herself dated it to Hezekiah or one of his predecessors or successors {Digging Up Jerusalem, 83, fig. 15, and 150-51). Bahat notes that it is west of the Gihon and on the lower part of the slope. Hence, it could be considered in the valley. M. Broshi (“The Expan¬ sion of Jerusalem in the Reigns of Hezekiah and

Israel and refugees from the lands that were given to the Philistine city-states by Sennacherib. 78

Reforms were also undertaken by Asa (2 Chr 14:2-4 [3-5]; 15:8, 16), Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 17:6; 19:3-4), Joash (2 Chr 23:16-20; 24:4-14), Hezekiah (2 Chr

483

24:20, 23;Judg 10:16; 1 Sam 7:3; andjer 5:19. These

gave thanks to Yahweh (2 Chr 30:22). Just as Manasseh

foreign gods presumably include the Baals and the host

had misled Judah and the inhabitants ofjerusalem to do

of heaven (vv. 3, 5). The sacred poles or asheroth (v. 3)

more evil than the nations Yahweh had destroyed (v. 9),

also probably fall in this category. The idol (*?Q0n) he

the king now commands Judah to serve Yahweh the God

took away is the same as the carved image of the idol in

of Israel. Hezekiah had also said, “You have now conse¬

v. 7. The altars in the house of Yahweh were mentioned

crated yourselves to Yahweh.”

in v. 4 (cf. the altars to the Baals in v. 3), although the

■ 17 But the people were still sacrificing on the high places,

altars removed were on the mountain of the house of

but only to Yahweh their God: At two places the Chronicler

Yahweh and in Jerusalem, and presumably not in the

repeats the statement from the book of Kings that the

temple itself. In Kings Josiah brought out of the temple

high places were not taken away (2 Chr 15:17//1 Kgs

the vessels made for Baal, Asherah, and the whole host of

15:14 in the reign of Asa; 2 Chr 20:33//l Kgs 22:43-

heaven and burned them outside Jerusalem in the fields

44 [43] in the reign of Jehoshaphat), but in both cases

of the Kidron and carried their ashes to Bethel (2 Kgs

earlier verses in the account say that the high places

23:4-6; cf. the shortened version of this in 2 Chr 34:4).

were removed (2 Chr 14:2, 4 [3, 5] and 17:6). In four

McKay argues that the religious activities of Manasseh

other cases where Kings says that the high places were

showed Phoenician and Arabian influence. When the

removed, this notice is not included in Chronicles (2 Kgs

Assyrians responded to his rebellion against Assyria in a

12:3-4, Joash; 14:3-4, Amaziah; 15:3-4, Uzziah; and

coalition with these peoples, the Assyrians would insist

15:34-35, Jotham). Hezekiah is credited with remov¬

that these religious activities be shut down. Nothing

ing the high places in 2 Chr 31:1 and 32:12. Josiah will

is mentioned in these reforms about the altars for the

remove the high places left by Manasseh in his eighth

Baals,79 the sacred poles,80 child sacrifice in the valley of

year (2 Chr 34:3). According to 2 Kgs 23:4-6, 12, Josiah

Ben Hinnom, or illicit ways of divination.

was the one who got rid of inappropriate worship.

■ 16 He also restored the altar of Yahweh and sacrificed on it

According to 2 Kgs 23:26 and 24:3 (cf. Jer 15:4), the sins

sacrifices of well-being and of thanksgiving; and he commanded

of Manasseh continued to have an effect after his reign.

Judah to serve Yahweh the God of Israel: There is no indica¬

Three kings in Chronicles worship in idolatrous ways at

tion earlier in this chapter that Manasseh had discon¬

high places: Jehoram (2 Chr 21:11), Ahaz (2 Chr 28:4,

tinued sacrificing at the altar of Yahweh, although that

25//2 Kgs 16:4), and Manasseh (2 Chr 33:3//2 Kgs 21:3).

may be the way the Chronicler understood the charges

Verse 17, of course, is an addition by the Chronicler that

against Manasseh he had inherited in vv. 3-9. According

links to 2 Chr 34:3, where Josiah destroys the high places

to the Chronicler, Ahaz had closed the temple itself and

in the twelfth year of his reign.81 According to v. 3 in

made alternate altars in every corner of Jerusalem (2 Chr

this chapter, Manasseh had built high places which his

28:24). Manasseh’s sacrifices of thanksgiving echo those

father Hezekiah had torn down. Now he lets them stand,

of Hezekiah in 2 Chr 29:31. At Hezekiah’s Passover, the

though they no longer serve idolatrous purposes.82

people had sacrificed offerings of well-being, and they

29:3—31:21), and Josiah (2 Chr 34:3-7, 8-14, 16-17, 31-33; 35:1-19). See Klaas A. D. Smelik, Converting

abolition of the high places as the focus of Josiah’s reform, which has been showcased by scholarly

the Past: Studies in Ancient Israelite & Moabite Histori¬ ography (OtSt 28; Leiden: Brill, 1992) 180.

research since the time of de Wette, was conceived for the first time by the Chronicler, in his record of

79

Cf. 2 Chr 34:6 under Josiah.

Manasseh’s reign.” But Manasseh did not abolish the

80

See 2 Chr 14:2 (3), Asa; 17:6; 19:3, Jehoshaphat; 34:4, 7,Josiah.

high places. Japhet also cites in the same paragraph

81

Destruction of the high places plays a much larger role in the Kings account of Josiah (2 Kgs 23:5, 8, 13, 15, 20).

82

Japhet’s comment (1011) is difficult to justify: “The emphasis on the centralization of the cult and the

484

2 Kgs 15:17 and 20:33, but in both cases she is actu¬ ally referring to verses from Chronicles.

33:1-20

33:18-20 Source References, Death and Burial of Manasseh

the Chronicler added these two items as he revised 2 Kgs

I 32 And the rest of the acts of Manasseh, his prayer to his

21:17. Schniedewind believes that v. 19 was the Chroni¬

God, and the words of the seers who spoke to him in the name

cler’s own composition, and he takes Hozai (instead of

of Yahweh the God of Israel, behold they are in the records of the

“the seers”) as a proper name (p. 459; see the textual

kings of Israel: This verse is an expanded and modified

notes). He thinks that the seers who spoke to Manasseh

form of 2 Kgs 21:17. Instead of “and all which he did and

in v. 18 were a response to his prayer. I believe that their

his sin which he sinned,” the Chronicler refers to his

speech refers to what is said in v. 10: Yahweh spoke to

prayer to his God, that later inspired the composition

Manasseh and to his people, but they did not pay heed.

of the pseudonymous Prayer of Manasseh,83 in which

■ 19 His prayer, and how God received his entreaty, all his

Manasseh confesses his sin: “I am weighted down with

sin and his faithlessness, and the places on which he built high

many an iron fetter, so that I am rejected because of my

places and set up the sacred poles and the carved images, before

sins, and I have no relief, for I have provoked your wrath

he humbled himself, behold these are written in the records of the

and have done what is evil in your sight, setting up abom¬

seers: This verse would seem to be a gloss on the previous

inations and multiplying offenses” (v. 10). Manasseh’s

verse, although it is possible that the Chronicler himself

prayer was offered in vv. 12-13 and will be referred to

thought that this further explanation was necessary. The

again in v. 19. The summary of Manasseh’s reign also

use of slightly different terminology for the various sins

refers to the words of the seers who spoke to him in the

might favor ascribing this verse to a secondary addition.

name of Yahweh the God of Israel. This construes v. 10 as

The expression “his prayer, and how God received his

a divine oracle delivered by prophetic figures. The words

entreaty” refers back once more to vv. 12-13, but now it

ofYahweh in 2 Kgs 21:10-15 were also understood as spo¬

uses the same verb that was used there for the divine

ken by “his servants the prophets.” The source reference

answer "iniri (“and how God received his entreaty”). “His

from 2 Kgs 21:17 is also recast. Instead of “are they not

sin” picks up a word that had been omitted in the previ¬

written in the Book of the Annals (D’Q’il ’“DT “ISO bv) of

ous verse from the Vorlage in 2 Kgs 21:17, whereas “his

the Kings of Judah,” Chronicles reads “behold they are

faithlessness” uses the noun

in the records ('“Cn)84 of the kings of Israel. “Israel” here

edly used by the Chronicler ever since his evaluation of

which has been repeat¬

designates Judah, since the northern kingdom no longer

Saul’s reign in 1 Chr 10:13 (cf. 1 Chr 9:1, where Judah’s

exists.85 Judah was a representative of that inclusive Israel

unfaithfulness that led to the exile is mentioned). Three

that is constantly held before the reader by the Chroni¬

other sins are also passed in review: the high places

cler. William M. Schniedewind proposes that v. 18b, from

Manasseh had built (v. 3), the sacred poles/asherim

“his prayer to his God” onward, came from a source

he had stationed (v. 3, where he made [ilC-TU] them and

available to the Chronicler. This special source referred

where the verse uses the feminine instead of the mas¬

to Manasseh’s prayer and the words of the seers, who

culine plural form), and the images (D’^OSm), which

are not mentioned in the narrative itself. On this special

recall the carved image of the idol (^OOH ‘POS) of v. 7.

source the Chronicler based his homiletical reworking

These sins, we are reminded, all took place only before

of the Deuteronomistic History.86 Schniedewind thinks

Manasseh humbled himself (v. 12). Information about

that in this source “to his god” may have been meant to

these items (perhaps only about the sins?) can be found

read “to his gods. “It seems much more likely to me that

in the annals of the seers,87 apparently an understanding

83

This prayer is considered canonical only in the East¬ ern Orthodox Church and survives only in Chris¬

erations are concerned, so that the only point of including both for this period must be to stress that

tian sources. The date of composition is uncertain. See Rodney Werline, “Manasseh, Prayer of,” NIDB

both former kingdoms are now reunited under the single Davidic ruler.” W. M. Schniedewind, “The Source Citations of Manasseh: King Manasseh in History and Homily,”

84

3:786-87. ,-Q7 is translated as “words” in 2 Chr 20:34, where it

85

refers to the words of Jehu son of Hanani. Williamson (Israel, 128) remarks: “Israel and Judah

86

87

VT41 (1991) 456-58. The MT reads Hozai; see the textual notes.

are anachronistic names as far as political consid¬

485

of the biblical book of Kings as coming from prophetic

his ancestors, and his son Manasseh succeeded him”).

sources.

As we have seen, Chronicles recasts that verse in 2 Chr

■ 20 Manasseh slept with his ancestors and they buried

32:33: “and they buried him on the ascent to the tombs

him in the garden of his house. His son Amon ruled in his

of the descendants of David,” which may imply a burial in

place: Whether we are correct in reconstructing the

the city of David. Manasseh and Amon were both buried

text according to the LXX or sticking with the MT (see

in the garden of Uzza (2 Kgs 21:18, 26), while Josiah was

the textual notes), Manasseh is not buried in the royal

buried in his own grave (2 Kgs 23:30) or in the graves of

tombs, and this may show some ambivalence toward

his ancestors (2 Chr 35:24). For the rest of the kings after

Manasseh by the Chronicler.88 Note that Manasseh did

Josiah, no death—and therefore no burial—is reported

not destroy the high places, and the sins of v. 6 were not

in Chronicles.94

reversed. The Chronicler also omits from 2 Kgs 21:18 the words “in the garden of Uzza,” which follow “in the

33:21 Introduction to the Reign of Amon

garden of his house.” McKay proposed that Uzza was

■ 21 Amon was twenty-two years old when he became king,

an Arabian astral deity (ADUzza) whose cult had been

and he reigned two years in Jerusalem: As with Manasseh,

introduced by Manasseh’s wife Meshullemeth daughter

there is no mention of the queen mother Meshullemeth

of Haruz fromjotbah (2 Kgs 21:19).89Jotbathah was one

the daughter of Haruz fromjotbah (2 Kgs 21:19). Since

of the places where the Israelites camped in the wilder¬

Josiah assumed the throne at eight, he was born when his

ness (Num 33:33-34; Deut 10:7). McKay identifies Haruz

father Amon was sixteen. The name Amon is sometimes

as an Arabian name. The Chronicler probably omitted

interpreted to be the name of the Egyptian god Amon,

the name of this garden, therefore, since it was inap¬

but others parse it as “faithful.”95

propriate after Manasseh’s repentance. Others identify Uzza (KTU) as a shortened form of Uzziah (ITU?),90 and

33:22-23 The Evil Deeds of Amon

this leper king’s private garden had been put into service

■ 22 He did that which was evil in the eyes of Yahweh just

as a graveyard. Benjamin Mazar identified the name

as Manasseh his father had done. Amon sacrificed to all the

with the man Uzzah (KTU), who touched the ark in 2 Sam

carved images that Manasseh his father had made, and served

6:6, and he located the garden of Uzza at the cemetery

them: The first sentence is exactly the same as 2 Kgs

discovered in the village of Siloam east of the city of

21:20, though it ignores the fact that Manasseh had

David.91 It is also possible, of course, that the Chronicler

repented and had become a reformer in the earlier part

omitted this reference to the garden of Uzza because

of this chapter (vv. 11-17). The carved images to whom

he did not understand it. Manasseh is the fifth king of

Amon sacrificed were those that Manasseh had set up

Judah who is not buried in the royal tombs; see Jehoram

before he had humbled himself (v. 19), and which he

(2 Chr 21:20), Ahaziah (2 Chr 22:9),92Joash (2 Chr

had taken away in his reform (v. 15). It is these very

24:25), and Ahaz (2 Chr 28:27).93 The burial notice for

idols that Amon’s son Josiah will destroy (2 Chr 34:3,

Hezekiah is absent in 2 Kgs 20:21 (“Hezekiah slept with

4, 7). The Chronicler rewrote 2 Kgs 21:21, which states

88

For the burial of Amon, see v. 25 below.

also Dominic Rudman, “A Note on the Personal

89

McKay, Religion in Judah under the Assyrians, 24-25.

90

S. Yeivin, “The Sepulchers of the Kings of the House of David,” JNES 7 (1948) 34-35.

Name Amon (2 Kings 21,19-26//2 Chr 33,21-25),” Bib 81 (2000) 403-5. Rudman notes that Amon was born in 664 or 663, and this was about the same

91

See Benjamin Mazar, The Mountain of the Lord (Gar¬ den City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1975) 187.

92 93

486

The text implies that he was buried in Samaria. Uzziah was buried near the burial field that

time as Ashurbanipal’s second and brutal campaign against Egypt. Hence, Manasseh flattered the Assyrian king by naming his son after the site of

belonged to the kings (2 Chr 26:23).

Ashurbanipal’s latest triumph. This would provide additional evidence that Manasseh was also loyal to

94

Note the dishonorable burial that Jeremiah (Jer

Assyria. Rudman argues that Manasseh had little choice, since he inherited a state comprising little

95

22:19) predicted forJehoiakim. Heather R. McMurray, “Amon,” NIDB 1:133. See

more than Jerusalem and its immediate environs.

33:21-25

that Amon walked in all the way his father had walked

idea of landowning, politically influential artistocracy

since Manasseh’s conduct after his exile was faithful.

or Davidic-loyalist, militaristic laymen is inherent in the

The Chronicler never uses the word for idols (□’’‘Tl^ri)

term.100 He names his interpretation the “idiomatic inter¬

attested in 2 Kgs 21:21 and frequently elsewhere in

pretation” and thinks that the term refers to everyone

Kings.96 In both Kings and Chronicles Amon served

in a particular locality who is relevant to a particular set

these idols.

of circumstances, but with the deliberate intent not to

■ 23 But he did not humble himself before Yahweh, as his

define too precisely who is in this group. It is used when

father Manasseh had humbled himself but this Amon incurred

the author has no real interest in or other means of iden¬

much guilt: While 2 Kgs 21:22 states that Amon forsook

tifying the subject.

the God of his ancestors and did not walk in the way of

Chronicles has no equivalent for 2 Kgs 21:25-26: “The

Yahweh, the Chronicler contrasts Amon with his repen¬

rest of the acts of Amon, which he did, are they not writ¬

tant father. He did not humble himself as his father had

ten in the book of the annals of the kings of Judah. And

done and incurred much guilt (cf. 1 Chr 21:3, Joab’s

they buried him101 in his grave in the garden of Uzza.

rebuke of David; 2 Chr 24:18, the apostasy ofjoash;

And Josiah his son ruled in his place.” Japhet (1014)

28:10, 13, the apostasy of Ahaz).

believes that these verses were omitted intentionally. The shortness of the account of Amon, his wicked behavior,

33:24-25 The Assassination of Amon

and his manner of dying seemed appropriate to the

■ 24 His servants conspired against him and killed him in

Chronicler. Other scholars, since at least Benzinger

his house: Neither Kings (2 Kgs 21:23) nor Chronicles

(129; cf. Rudolph, 316), have noted that the last three

explains why the king’s own people assassinated him.

words in w. 24 and 26 are identical, creating the perfect

Modern historians have speculated that it was for his pro-

opportunity for a loss by homoioteleuton. This loss could

Assyrian policies or that the assassination was performed

have occurred in the Chronicler’s Vorlage or in an early

by factions who were in favor of Hezekiah’s reform,97 but

copy of Chronicles from which all subsequent texts have

Japhet (1014) wisely points out that there is very little

descended.

evidence to go on.98 ■ 25 But the people of the land struck down all those who

Conclusion

had conspired against king Amon, and the people of the land made Josiah his son king in his place: One coup was met by

In the book of Kings, Manasseh is the most wicked of

a counter coup, led by “the people of the land.”99 In a

the southern kings, a southern Ahab, and his misdeeds

recent article, John Tracy Thames, Jr., concluded that no

necessitated the judgment of exile despite the outstand-

96 97

and Judah during the Reign of Manasseh. Vol. 1, in Proceedings of the Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies (Jerusalem), 103-6, calls attention to the struggles between the Jerusalem priesthood and those who favored Manasseh’s religious policies. 98

and Tradition: Selected Essays [Copenhagen: G. E. C. Gads, 1983] 129-37) ascribes the assassination to internal differences of a religious nature, that is,

1 Kgs 15:12; 21:26; 2 Kgs 17:12; 21:11; 23:24. None of these passages has a parallel in Chronicles. Oded, “Judah and the Exile,” 456. E. Nielsen, Political Conditions and Cultural Developments in Israel

Heather R. McMurray, “Amon,” NIDB 1:133. See A. Malamat (“The Historical Background of the Assassination of Amon, King ofjudah,” IEJ3 [1953] 26-29), who believes that Amon’s murder may have been instigated by Egypt, as Assyrian power was in decline. E. Nielsen (“Political Conditions and Cultural Developments in Israel and Judah during the Reign of Manessah [sic],” in idem, Law, History,

99

parties loyal to Hezekiah’s reform opposed the foreign influences in the ruling circles. For the people of the land, see the discussion at 2 Chr 23:13. See also the summary discussions in Dillard, 270; and Oded, “Judah and the Exile,”

457-58. 100 John Tracy Thames, Jr., “A New Discussion of the Meaning of the Phrase cam halares in the Hebrew 101

Bible,”/BL 130 (2011) 109-25. rnp’1, following the LXX. The NRSV (“He was buried”) construes “Dp’-] as a niphaleven though in the MT it is pointed as a qal. This verb is also followed by the sign of the definite direct object, favoring the vocalization reflected in the LXX.

487

ing qualities of his grandson Josiah. This is attested not

In the final verses on Manasseh (w. 18-20), the

only in 2 Kgs 21:1-18 but also in subsequent references to

Chronicler is once again dependent on 2 Kings (21:17-

Manasseh in 2 Kgs 23:26 and 24:3.

18), although he modifies that account to harmonize

The Chronicler follows the Vorlage in 2 Kings quite closely in vv. 1-9, and v. 10 summarizes 2 Kgs 21:10-15, but the Chronicler omits 2 Kgs 21:16 altogether and adds

with his quite different depiction of Manasseh. The Chronicler’s portrayal of Amon is one of unre¬ lieved evil, modified primarily to take account of the fact

a new narrative in vv. 11-17, in which Manasseh is cap¬

that Amon did not consistently repeat all the evils of his

tured by Assyrian forces, atYahweh’s initiative, and taken

father’s life since Manasseh had repented in mid-career.

as a prisoner to Babylon. While in Babylonian prison,

In the Chronicler’s telling, Manasseh illustrates the

Manasseh repented, humbled himself, and prayed, and

truth of Yahweh’s response to Solomon’s prayer: If people

his prayer was heard. Manasseh confessed thatYahweh

humble themselves, pray, seek God’s face, and turn

was his God, and when he returned to Jerusalem, again

from their evil ways, their prayer will be heard, their sin

on Yahweh’s initiative, he instituted building projects,

forgiven, and their land healed. Manasseh serves as an

military measures, and above all extensive cubic reforms.

example not only of what can happen to an individual

Manasseh is the only Judean king to have a bad period

sinner but of what could happen to the whole people

followed by a good period, and Ahaz, not Manasseh, is

who, in due time, will also be taken as prisoners to Baby¬

the worst king of Judah, in the Chronicler’s opinion.

lon.

MarkJ. Boda notes that Manasseh is a model of the kind of response to divine discipline that can bring an end to exile and prompt renewed blessing.102

102 Boda, “Identity and Empire,” 267. I am less con¬ vinced by his idea (p. 268) that Manasseh is a model of royal exile and restoration, since repentance and restoration would not seem to be the issue for Davidic heirs alive in the Chronicler’s time.

488

34:1-33 Josiah's Reforms and the Discovery of the Book of the Torah Translation Josiah was eight years old when he became king, and he ruled thirty-one years in Jerusalem. 2/ He did what was right in the eyes of Yahweh and walked in the ways of David his ancestor; he did not turn aside to the right or to the left. 3/ In the eighth year1 of his reign, while he was still a youth, he began to seek the God of David his ancestor, and in the twelfth year of his reign he began to purge Judah and Jerusalem of high places, sacred poles, and carved and cast images. 4/ They tore down in his presence the altars of the Baals, and he demolished the chapels that stood above them. He shattered the sacred poles and the carved and cast images; he made dust of them and scat¬ tered it over the graves where were buried those who had sacrificed2 to them. 5/ He also burned the bones of the priests on their altars3 and purged Judah and Jeru¬ salem. 6/ And in the cities of Manasseh, Ephraim, and Simeon, and as far as Naphtali, he removed their temples4 all around, 7/ he broke down the altars, beat the sacred poles and the images into powder,6 and demolished all the chapels in all the land of Israel. Then he returned to Jerusa¬ lem. 8/ In the eighteenth year of his reign, after purging the land and the temple,6 he sent Shaphan son of Azaliah, Maaseiah the governor of the city, and Joah son of Jehoahaz, the recorder, to repair the house of Yahweh his God. 9/ They came to Hilkiah the high priest and gave him7 the money that was brought to the house of God, which the Levites, the keepers of the threshold, had collected from Manasseh and Ephraim and from all the rest of Israel and from all Judah and Benjamin and from the inhabitants8 of Jerusalem. 10/ They delivered it to the workers9 who had oversight in the house of Yahweh, and the workers,10 who were working in the house of Yahweh, gave it for repair¬ ing and restoring the house. 11/ They gave it to the carpenters and the build¬ ers to buy quarried stone and timbers for binders, and for constructing the beams of the buildings that the kings of Judah had allowed to go to ruin. 12/ The people did the work honestly. Over them were appointed the Levites Jahath and Obadiah, of the sons of Merari, along with Zechariah and Meshullam, of the sons of the Kohathites, to have oversight. Other Levites, all skilled with instruments of music, 13/ were over11 the burden bear¬ ers and directed all12 who were doing13 the work in every kind of service, and some of the Levites were scribes, and

1

2

3 4

5

6

7

8

B’32j. The abnormal plural is the result of assimila¬ tion to the phrase B’3C 731QB |3 “eight years old” in v. 1. Jonker (Reflections of King Josiah, 18) notes that this is the only place in the Old Testament where this construction occurs. In a reading discussed in n. 36, Chronicles presupposes a reading in Kings other than Kings MT. BTOTil B’73p -\m B’73pn, with BHS and Rudolph, 381; MT D’mtn B’73pn. The words B’73p 7E5K were lost by homoioteleuton. Barrick {King and the Cem¬ eteries, 21-22) translates: “he scattered before the graves [the remains of] those who had sacrificed to them.” trnrntD, with Q LXXl Tg; K B’BirQTD “altars”= scribal error. Note the double plural. DiTTO 733. This conjectural reading has been endorsed by I. Seeligman, “Indications of Editorial Alteration,” VT11 (1961) 202;Japhet, 1016; and Dillard, 275. NEB: “he burnt down their houses.” Leningradensis DHTD m3; KMSSBmB3 m3 “he chose/inspected their temples (?).” QDiTrpprp “with their swords.” Another proposal □iT!H3m3 “in their ruins.” BHS suggests DiTtTmiTn “in their squares” (cf. Syr Arab). None of these alternate readings is appropriate in this context. For the interchange of TOPI and 733, see 2 Chr 17:6 “he removed (7’07) the high places” and 19:3 “you destroyed (7733) the sacred poles.” pim hiphil perfect third masculine singular or pm1? hiphil infinitive construct from pp7 (see BHS; Rudolph, 320; and Curtis and Madsen, 505). MT pill1?, which is anomalous. mm pan 773*? 71*733. Cf. LXXANalore ovpereAeaev rr)p yrjp Kal top oLkop (Rudolph, 320; BHS). The MT lacks 71*?33, which was lost after the preced¬ ing word Cf. DeVries, 407. Eslinger (“Josiah and the Torah Book,” 48-49 n. 23) points out, how¬ ever, that in the preceding vv. 3-7 there has been no purging of the temple, although there was such a purging in 2 Kgs 23:4. In his somewhat paraphras¬ tic translation of the MT (“in order to continue purging the land and the house”), Eslinger suggests that the repairing of the house ofYahweh was the natural continuation of the purging of the land and was synonymous with the purging of the temple. 13117. BHS records a proposal: 1377 “they have emp¬ tied out” or “they have melted down”; cf. v. 19. The Vorlagein 2 Kgs 22:4 reads 377 “and have him count the entire sum” from 307. ’337, with K, some Hebrew mss, and Versions; many Hebrew mss support Q13257 “and they returned.” Cf. v. 7b. The Qere suggests that the Levites had toured the country, collecting the funds. Cf. the fund-raising by the Levites under Joash in 2 Chr

489

officials, and gatekeepers. 14/ While they were bringing out the money that had been brought to the house of Yahweh, the priest Hilkiah found14 the book of the Torah of Yahweh given through Moses. 15/ Hilkiah answered and said to Shaphan the scribe, "I have found the book of the Torah in the house of Yahweh"; Hilkiah gave the book to Shaphan. 16/ Shaphan brought the book15 to the king, and also reported to the king, "All that was com¬ mitted into the hand of your servants they are doing. 17/ They have emptied out16 the money that was found in the house of Yahweh and have delivered it into the hand of the overseers and into the hand of the workers." 18/ The secretary Shaphan informed the king, "The priest Hilkiah has given me a book." Shaphan then read from it17 aloud to the king. 19/ When the king heard the words of the Torah, he tore his clothes. 20/ Then the king com¬ manded Hilkiah, Ahikam son of Shaphan, Abdon son of Micaiah,18 the secretary Shaphan, and the king's servant Asaiah: 21/ "Go, inquire of Yahweh for me and for those who are left in Israel and in Judah, concerning the words of the book that has been found; for the wrath of Yahweh that is poured out19 on us is great, because our ancestors did not keep20 the word of Yahweh, to act according to everything that is written in this book." 22/ So Hilkiah and those whom the king had sent21 went to the prophet Huldah, the wife of Shallum son of Tokhath22 son of Hasrah,23 keeper24 of the wardrobe25 (who lived in Jerusalem in the Second Quarter), and spoke to her accordingly. 23/ She said to them, "Thus says Yahweh God of Israel: 'Tell the man who sent you to me, 24/ Thus says Yahweh: I will indeed bring disaster on this place and on its inhabit¬ ants all the curses that are written in the book26 that they read27 before the king of Judah. 25/ Because they have forsaken me and have made offerings28 to other gods, so that they have provoked me to anger with all the works of their hands, my wrath will be poured out29 on this place and will not be quenched. 26/ But as to the king of Judah, who sent you to inquire of Yahweh,30 the God of Israel: Thus says Yahweh, the God of Israel: Regard¬ ing the words31 which you have heard, 27/ because your heart was penitent and you humbled yourself before God,32 when you heard his words33 against this place and its inhabitants, and you have humbled yourself before me34 and you have torn your garments and wept before me, I also

490

24:5-6. Benjamin and the inhabitants ofjerusalem 9

10

are linked together in v. 32. ’totf by with many Hebrew mss LXX; MT 103 T by, singular. ’013. Japhet, 1016: '0130 “(they gave it) to the work¬ ers.” Cf. 2 Kgs 22:5; likewise Chr LXX Syr. Rudolph, 322: By inserting 1XH at the beginning of v. 11 the Chronicler makes it clear that the “workers” ofv. 10b are identical with the “workers” in v. 10a and are to be distinguished from the carpenters and builders in v. 11. In Kings, the “workers” in 2 Kgs 22:5b (the Vorlageof 2 Chr 34:10b) are identical to those in 2 Kgs 22:6a (the carpenters, builders, and

11

masons). by; following the emendation proposed in BHS. MT 031. Japhet (1016) mistakenly changes by tobyi.

12

030 DT1K3D1; LXXL/cat 67rtararat eiri tuxvtwv. Chr

15

LXX itself lacks eTUOTaraL due to homoioarchton before enL. 'toy; see the first textual note in v. 10. MT 103 singu¬ lar. K3Q. BHS (cf. Rudolph, 323) hesitantly suggests reading K20 (hiphil participle of KIT; cf. Tg) “brought out.” This seems unlikely since 2 Kgs 22:8 has Hilkiah say ’JINKO “I have found.” 1201 ns “the book.” 2 Kgs 22:9 1201 “the secretary/

16

scribe.” The vocalization in Chronicles also requires the sign of the definite direct object. ■DTT1. See HALOT, 732-33; Japhet, 1017. Kgs LXX

13 14

and Chr LXX exui'evoea1 “they have melted down.” NEB: “They have melted down the silver.” See the proposed conjectural emendation in v. 9, n. 7. This verb is translated conventionally as “they have emptied out.”

17 18

13 top’!. Kgs MT UtOpI “read it.” Kgs LXX and Chr LXX KaL ai'eyvw avro. rra’D P jVT33, with LXX A/38w via Metxata. MT 10’D p ]1133. 2 Kgs 22:12 MT 1’0'D p 11303 “Achbor the son of Micaiah.” Cf.Jer 26:22 and 36:12, Elnathan son of Achbor. Japhet (1016) thinks we should probably read Achbor. While Achbor is likely the original name, there is no evidence that this spelling of the name ever appeared in Chron¬ icles. If the LXX transliteration can be trusted, “Micaiah” is probably the original spelling of the name also in Chronicles.

19

10113; for this meaning of the niphal of pm, see HALOT, 732. Chr LXX €KK€KavTaL “(for the wrath of Yahweh) kindled (against us is great).” 2 Kgs 22:13 (the Vorlage) MTiniS3; Kgs LXX €KK€xviJL6i>r) “blazed out.” Either the MT was changed in Chron¬ icles, and Chr LXX retains the original reading of Chronicles, or Chr LXX has been assimilated to Kgs LXX (so Allen, Greek Chronicles, 1:212). Cf. 2 Chr 34:25 prim; LXX e^eKavdrj “was blazed”//2 Kgs

34:1-33

have heard; it is an oracle of Yahweh. 28/ I will gather you to your ancestors and you will be gathered to your graves35 in peace; your eyes will not see all the disaster that I am bringing on this place and its inhabitants.'"36 They took the message back to the king. 29/ Then the king sent and gathered all the elders of Judah and Jerusalem. 30/ The king went up to the house of Yahweh, with all the people of Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the priests and the Levites, all the people both great and small, and he read in their hearing all the words of the book of the covenant that had been found in the house of Yahweh. 31/ The king stood in his place37 and made a covenant before Yahweh to follow Yahweh and to keep his commandments, his decrees, and his stat¬ utes, with all his heart and all his soul, to perform the stipulations of the covenant that were written in this book. 32/ Then he made all who were present in Jerusalem pledge themselves to the covenant.38 And the inhabitants of Jerusalem acted according to the covenant of God, the God of their ancestors. 33/ Josiah took away all the abominations from all the lands that belonged to the Israelites and made all who were present in Israel worship39 Yahweh their God. All his days they did not turn away from following Yahweh the God of their ancestors.

24

22:17 nrcijl LXX eKKavdpoeraL “will be blazed out.” nntB; LXX r\KOvaav Syr tunD. Cf. 2 Kgs 22:13 MT 115QD Kgs LXX pKOvaav. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 1:179, 212) argues that Chr LXX was assimilated to Kgs LXX. It is also possible that Chr LXX retains the original reading in Chronicles, and that Chr MT was subsequently changed. -[“XTI “IDKt; MT '[‘pan -®K1. There is clearly an ellipsis in the MT. BHS proposes inserting “I0K (cf. LXX Kai oh; eirrev 6 f3aoL\evq), whose loss could be more easily explained by haplography, but the meaning is not as apposite. Japhet (1016) proposes the insertion of It1?© or iTfif. One Hebrew ms inserts iTK, and one Hebrew ms Syr Vg insert HpC. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:138) favors insertion of IQS. Cf. Curtis and Madsen, 510. nnpn Q. LXXLSyr 2 Kgs 22:14 mpn. Chr Knnpin (metathesis of p and 1 from the Vorlage and the addi¬ tion of a final n). mon. A few Hebrew mss Syrwmon. LXXB XeXXrjq; 2 Kgs 22:14 MT and SyrAomri; many Hebrew mss in Kings ornn. Allen {Greek Chronicles, 1:212) suggests that the final sigma in Greek shows assimilation to the Vorlage in Kings MT. PD1D. LXX construes this participle with Huldah as

25

D’inn, literally, “clothes.” LXX evroXaq

20

21

22

93

its subject.

26

“com¬ mandments,” a corruption of oroXaq. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:13-14) suggests an assimilation in Chr LXX to 2 Chr 34:31 t’ntUO ntf/rag evroXaq avrov. laon by matron nt^n bo n«. 2 Kgs 22:16 bo n« taon ’tan “all the words of the book.” Chr LXX rovq iravraq Xoyovq rovq yeypappevovq ev rTov. The words are lacking in 2 Kgs 22:20 MT. Chronicles uses the alternate Hebrew text that lies behind these LXX MSS.

37

in Jerusalem) and in Benjamin.” BHS suggests the emendation we are proposing or adding this word to the MT reading. Dillard (274-75) retains the MT but adds “to it” in his translation, an implicit refer¬ ence to the word “covenant” in v. 31. 73U’l. A few Hebrew mss “Qin. MT contains a cognate accusative later in the verse TQIlh. Rudolph (326) replaces I1K TQU7 with nTQB. The mistake arose by the incorrect addition of a b prefix (dittography).

nor bV; LXX em tov otvXov. 2 Kgs 23:3 TIDiin bs

Structure

nearly half his reign? In 2 Kings, Josiah’s initial plans to repair the temple at first neglected the need for reform

The Chronicler’s interpretation of Josiah in this chapter

of that temple and implied Josiah’s satisfaction with the

seems to be based exclusively on 2 Kings 22 and 23, but

status quo. Yet there is lavish praise for Josiah in 2 Kgs

it contains a number of changes that reflect the Chroni¬

22:2 and 23:25. The high priest Hilkiah found the book

cler’s theological point of view. The Deuteronomistic

of the Torah, which led to the reform, within a temple

account of Josiah consists of the following parts: 2 Kgs

filled with illicit cultic material. We do not know when

22:1-2, introduction; 2 Kgs 22:3-10, discovery of the

Hilkiah began his service as high priest, but it may have

book of the Torah; 2 Kgs 22:11-20, consultation with the

overlapped the reigns of Manasseh and Amon. So even

prophet Huldah; 2 Kgs 23:1-3, covenant renewal; 2 Kgs

the high priest may have served in a corrupted temple.

23:4-14, reforms in the south; 2 Kgs 23:15-20, reforms

These theological observations led to a number of

in the north; 2 Kgs 23:21-23, centralized Passover; 2 Kgs

changes in Chronicles. In the Chronicler’s account,

23:24-27, additional reforms, evaluation ofjosiah, and

Josiah did not wait until his eighteenth year to begin his

Yahweh’s persistent anger; 2 Kgs 23:28-30, Josiah’s death

reform but began to seek Yahweh in his eighth year and

and burial. All the events from 2 Kgs 22:3 to 23:23 take

by his twelfth year undertook extensive reforms. Josiah’s

place in Josiah’s eighteenth year. The reform in the book

reform pertained to issues throughout the land and not

of Kings happens as a result of the finding of the book of

just to the reform of the temple. He purged Jerusalem

the Torah.

and Judah (2 Chr 34:3-5) and the former northern

Japhet (1019-20) has pointed to a number of theo¬

kingdom (2 Chr 34:6-7. The material for these verses

logical problems that the account in Kings posed for the

came from 2 Kgs 23:4-20, highly rewritten.2 They are

Chronicler. Evil had persisted through the long reign of

placed now prior to the finding of the book and not after

Manasseh,1 the short reign of Amon, and the first seven¬

the covenant renewal, as in Kings. The purification of

teen years of the reign ofjosiah. Amon’s sins led to his

the temple itself had taken place already in the Chroni¬

early demise. Why, then, was Josiah spared for so long,

cler’s account of the reign of Manasseh (2 Chr 33:15-16).

since he did not take action against cultic corruption for

Josiah’s reform efforts stemmed from the king’s own

1

As we saw in 2 Chronicles 33, however, the Chroni¬ cler reported repentance by Manasseh in the middle of his reign, which led to reforms and build¬ ing projects.

492

The Chronicler omits the destruction of Solomon’s idolatrous cultic sites (2 Kgs 23:13), since in his account of Solomon’s reign they were never built.

34:1-33

piety (v. 3) and not from the finding of the book. The

bell, and Mark A. O’Brien7 are representative of these

finding of the book was a reward for his reform efforts,

efforts, although they are not in complete agreement

not the cause of them. While the Chronicler retained

on the original oracle and its subsequent development.

high praise forjosiah in v. 2 (cf. 2 Kgs 22:2), he omitted

Much depends on whether there was a preexilic version

the lavish praise of 2 Kgs 23:25, which states that there

of the Deuteronomistic History. My comments will detail

was no king like Josiah who turned to Yahweh, nor was

only how this final form of 2 Kgs 22:14-20 was changed

there any subsequent king who lived up to his standard.

by the Chronicler.

In his account of the repair of the temple in vv. 8-13, the Chronicler builds on 2 Kgs 22:3-7. The most sig¬

The covenant that Josiah enacted in vv. 29-32 shows characteristic changes over against its Vorlage in 2 Kgs

nificant changes are the large role given to the Levites,

23:1-3. The Chronicler gives the Levites a role in this

and the collection of money also from the people of

ceremony, and Josiah is given a stronger role, particularly

the former northern kingdom. Numerous minor differ¬

in v. 32, which is an addition to the Vorlage. As David A.

ences will be discussed in the detailed commentary. The

Glatt-Gilad has pointed out, after the oracle of Huldah,

Chronicler’s account of the discovery of the book of the

Josiah brought all the people into obedience to Yahweh,

Torah in vv. 14-21 is based on 2 Kgs 22:8-13. Verse 14 is

whereas his earlier reforms were primarily his personal

an addition to the Vorlage that narrates the discovery of

initiative.8 Glatt-Gilad also observes that a prophetic ora¬

the book. As we will argue, the book that was discovered,

cle during two earlier reforms, namely, those of Asa and

according to the Chronicler, was the complete Penta¬

Jehoshaphat, stimulated a second, heightened reform.

teuch (cf. 2 Chr 17:9) and not a precanonical form of the

Asa’s initial reform in 2 Chr 14:1-4 was followed by the

book of Deuteronomy. Alarmed by this discovery, Josiah

oracle of Azariah the son of Oded in 2 Chr 15:1-7, and

sent a delegation to inquire of the prophet Huldah about

then a second stage of the reform took place in 2 Chr

the words of the book.

15:8-19.9 Similarly, Jehoshaphat initiated an early reform

The inquiry of Huldah and the oracles she delivers

in which the Levites and other royal officials taught the

in Chronicles (w. 22-28) are based on the final form of

book of the Torah in the cities of Judah (2 Chr 17:7-9).

2 Kgs 22:14-20. Commentators on the book of Kings have

But then Jehoshaphat faltered and made an illegitimate

sensed that Huldah’s oracles went through an extensive

alliance with Ahab (2 Chronicles 18). Jehu the son of

redactional process, and that her promise that Josiah

Hanani rebuked the king for this while leaving open the

would be gathered to his ancestors in peace had to be

opportunity for Jehoshaphat to redeem himself (2 Chr

changed once Josiah met a violent and early death. The

19:2-3). Jehoshaphat responded by reforming the whole

proposals by Richard D. Nelson,3 Gary N. Knoppers,4

judicial system and creating a court of appeals in Jeru¬

Marvin Sweeney,5 Thomas C. Romer,6 Antony F. Camp¬

salem (2 Chr 19:4-11).10 All three of these kings ended

3

4

Richard D. Nelson, The Double Redaction of the Deu¬ teronomistic History (JSOTSup 18; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1981) 76-85. Knoppers [Two Nations under God, 2:152-57) dates

7

Huldah’s first oracle (22:16aa-18bo:) to an exilic reviser. The preexilic, Deuteronomistic version of Huldah’s oracle confirmed Judah’s danger but encouragedjosiah to make amends. The reviser asserted that Josiah did not and could not reverse 5

6

the sins of the past. Sweeney (I & IIKings, 445-46) believes that the original oracle spoke of Josiah dying in peace but that it was reworked to account for the destruction of Jerusalem and the early death of Josiah. Thomas C. Romer (The So-Called Deuteronomistic History: A Sociological, Historical, and Literary Introduc¬ tion [London: T&T Clark, 2005]) believes that the

report of the discovery of the book (2 Kgs 22:8, 10, 11, 13*, 16-18, 19*, 20*; 23:1-3) is a later insertion from a postexilic redactor. Campbell and O’Brien, Unfolding the Deuteronomistic History, 458-61. In their reconstruction, vv. 15aa, 15b, 18b, and 20b are assigned to the Josianic edi¬ tion of Dtr. Verses 15a/3, 19-20a are assigned to the royal revision of Dtr, and vv. 16-18a to the somewhat later national revision. In the earliest version of Dtr, Huldah only endorses the words of the book that

8

had been found. Glatt-Gilad, “Role of Huldah’s Prophecy,” 23. The only communal participation in the earlier phase of the reform comes with the plural verb in v. 4, but no specific subject for that verb is supplied.

9 10

See ibid., 26-27. Ibid., 27-28.

493

their reigns on a negative note when they showed a lack

discovering what in 2 Kings 22-23 came from a source

of complete trust in Yahweh in their foreign policy and

and what from the Deuteronomistic redactor(s), the

were rebuked by prophetic figures (2 Chr 16:7-9; 20:37;

Chronicler had before him that account in its final form,

35:21-22). In 2 Chronicles 34, the king reacted to Hul-

except for minor textual variations.

dah’s prophecy by making a covenant in vv. 31-32, which enjoined the people to obedience. Then in v. 33, the final

It is appropriate to give the outline for the entire reign of Josiah at this time.

verse in this chapter, he removed all the abominations from the lands belonging to the Israelites and made all who were present in Jerusalem serve Yahweh their God.

2 Chronicles 34 I. 34:1-2 Introduction to the reign ofjosiah (2 Kgs

22:1-2)

Thus, the second phase ofjosiah’s reform has strong participation by the entire people. The Chronicler does

II. 34:3-7Josiah’s seeking ofYahweh in his eighth year,

not have the elaborate reform narrative that follows the

and the purification of the entire land from foreign

covenant ceremony in 2 Kgs 23:4-20, 24. In the second half of v. 33, an addition to the Vorlage, the Chronicler

cults in Josiah’s twelfth year. Cf. 2 Kgs 23:4-20, 24n III.

notes that the people did not turn away from Yahweh throughout the reign of Josiah.

ofjosiah’s reign (2 Kgs 22:3-7) IV.

The Chronicler’s dependence on 2 Kings 22-23, the absence of any indication of the use of another source, and the theological emphases of his account cast doubt on its contribution to our historical understanding of the

34:8-13 Repair of the temple in the eighteenth year 34:14-21 Discovery of the book of the Torah (2 Kgs 22:8-13)12

V. 34:22-28 Inquiry of Huldah (2 Kgs 22:14-20) VI.

34:29-32 Renewal of the covenant (2 Kgs 23:l-3)13

VII. 34:33 Elimination of foreign cults (cf. 2 Kgs 23:4-

reign of Josiah. While some scholars have concluded that

20, 24), and the faithfulness of the people through¬

the repair of the temple in the book of Kings implies that

out the reign ofjosiah

the reform had started before the eighteenth year of the king, the two earlier dates supplied by the Chronicler in v. 3 do not allow a reconstruction of the historical chro¬

2 Chronicles 35 I.

nology (see commentary on v. 3).

35:1-19 The Passover ofjosiah A. 35:1 Initial summary (2 Kgs 23:21a)

In Chronicles the elimination of foreign cults is

B. 35:2-9 Preparations for the Passover

significantly shortened (2 Kgs 34:3b-7, 33a//2 Kgs 23:4-

i. 35:2-6 Organizing the officials. Josiah’s

20, 24), whereas the account of the Passover in 2 Kgs

address to the Levites in vv. 3-6 provides the

23:21-23 is considerably expanded (2 Chr 35:1-19; see

legal basis for their role

the commentary on that chapter). The notices in 2 Kgs

ii. 35:7-9 Provision of sacrificial animals

23:26-27 and 24:3-4 that because of the sins of Manasseh

C. 35:10-16 The celebration of the Passover

the judgment ofYahweh cannot be avoided are omitted

i. 35:10-13 Sacrificing animals for the Passover

by the Chronicler. In his view of retribution, a person is

ii. 35:14-16 Providing for officials after the

rewarded or punished for behavior within that person’s

main celebration

lifetime, and, besides, Manasseh changed in the second

D. 35:17-19 Conclusion of the Passover and evalua¬

half of his reign. The Chronicler’s account ofjosiah’s death is considerably longer and quite different, as we

tion (2 Kgs 23:22-23) II.

will see in the commentary on 2 Chr 35:20-25. While an

35:20-25 The death ofjosiah and subsequent mourning (2 Kgs 23:29-30a)

enormous amount of scholarly energy has been spent in

11

In Chronicles, cultic reform precedes the finding of the book of the Torah, whereas in Kings cultic

12

reform follows the finding of the book. Note that the Chronicler also records additional reforms in v. 33.

494

In Chronicles, the discovery of the book of the Torah is a reward for Josiah’s earlier reform efforts, whereas in Kings it initiates the reform.

13

In both Kings and Chronicles, the renewal of the covenant is a response to Huldah’s oracles.

34:1-33

III.

35:26-27 Conclusion ofjosiah’s reign (2 Kgs 23:28, 30b)

34:3-7 Josiah's Seeking of Yahweh in His Eighth year, and the Purification of the Entire Land from Foreign Cults in Josiah's Twelfth Year

Detailed Commentary

■ 3 In the eighth year of his reign, while he was still a youth, he began to seek the God of David his ancestor, and in the twelfth

34:1-2 Introduction to the Reign of Josiah

year of his reign he began to purge18 Judah and Jerusalem of

■ 1 Josiah was eight years old when he became king, and he

high places, sacred poles, and carved and cast images: In Kings

ruled thirty-one years in Jerusalem: This text is virtually

the reform efforts of Josiah begin in his eighteenth year

identical to 2 Kgs 22:1 except that it leaves out the name

(2 Kgs 22:3), but the Chronicler indicates that already

ofjosiah’s mother, as has been the custom in Chronicles

in Josiah’s eighth year of rule, when he was sixteen, he

since the time of Hezekiah. Josiah’s accession at a very

began to seek the God of David his ancestor (“seek¬

early age suggests that he had an older regent during

ing God” was last used in 2 Chr 31:21, of Hezekiah).19

his early years as king, but neither Kings nor Chronicles

This change in Josiah’s piety did not lead to concrete

states that explicitly. Joash began his reign when he was

action, as it did when Josiah reached his majority in the

one year younger than Josiah, at seven (2 Chr 24:l//2

twelfth year of his reign when he was twenty years old.

Kgs 11:21). Josiah’s dates are 640/639-609.14

The significance of the age of twenty is indicated in the

■ 2 He did what was right in the eyes of Yahweh and walked in

following passages. In Num 1:3 those who are twenty

the ways of David his ancestor; he did not turn aside to the right

and upward are eligible to go to war (Num 1:3, 18, 20),

or to the left: Comparison of the behavior of a king directly

and the census was taken of those who were twenty and

with David occurs only with Hezekiah and Josiah in

upward (Num 26:2). Levites were enrolled at age twenty

Chronicles. But the evaluation of Josiah as walking in the

(1 Chr 23:24, 27; 2 Chr 31:17); David did not count those

ways15 of David his ancestor and turning aside neither to

under twenty (1 Chr 27:23); and Amaziah mustered for

the right nor to the left draws on Deut 5:32 and related

the army those who were twenty and over (2 Chr 25:5). Other positively evaluated kings acted exemplarily

passages,16 and in this respect surpasses the Chronicler’s evaluation of Hezekiah. This may be because of Hezeki¬

early on. Jehoshaphat, early in his reign, in his third

ah’s sinful pride (2 Chr 32:25-26).17 Because of this high

year, sent officials to teach (2 Chr 17:7), and Hezekiah

evaluation, the Chronicler could not wait till the king’s

opened the temple in his first year (2 Chr 29:3). The

eighteenth year for Josiah to inaugurate reform. Kings

Chronicler may want to imply that as soon as Josiah was

has at one point an even higher evaluation of Josiah:

ruling on his own, he began his reform efforts. Such

“Before him there was no king like him, who turned to

activity early in a king’s reign is a sign of the Chronicler’s

Yahweh with all his heart, with all his soul, and with all

approval.20 The attempt by Frank Moore Cross and David

his might, according to all the law of Moses; nor did any

Noel Freedman to correlate the eighth and twelfth years

like him arise after him” (2 Kgs 23:25).

of Josiah with events in the Assyrian empire has proven

14

Galil, Chronology of the Kings, 147. Thiele (Mysterious Numbers, 217) sets Josiah’s dates as 641/640-609.

15

2 Kgs 22:2 reads “in every way of David his ances¬

16

tor.” Deut 2:27; 17:11, 20; 28:14;Josh 1:7; 23:26; 1 Sam

17

But the reign of Josiah does come to a very unsat¬

18

isfactory end. See 2 Chr 35:21, where Josiah is admonished to cease opposing God. “intD; cf. also in v. 5. Neither verse has a Vorlage in

19

Kings. For a thorough study of “youth” (“IU3), see Leeb,

6:12.

Away from the Father’s House. W. Boyd Barrick

(“Dynastic Politics, Priestly Succession, and Josiah’s

Eighth Year,” ZAW112 [2000] 564-82) links the change in Josiah’s eighth year, when he was sixteen years old, to the ascension of Hilkiah to the high priest’s office. Hilkiah would have been, in his judg¬ ment, a suitable teaching priest (cf. Joash [2 Chr 24:2] and Uzziah [2 Chr 26:5]). See also Barrick, King and the Cemeteries, 155-56. 20 See Cogan, “Chronicler’s Use of Chronology,” 203-5. Cogan detects a similar early dating of the reconstruction of Babylon in an inscription of Esarhaddon. Per contra, Jack Lundbom (“The Lawbook

of the Josianic Reform,” CBQ 38 [1976] 293-302), who takes Josiah’s early reform efforts as histori¬ cally reliable and argues that they were based on

495

unsuccessful.21 As Williamson (397-98) points out, the

23:5, 8, 9, 13, 15, 19, and 20. But this is the only mention

Assyrian chronology is uncertain, and the proposed cor¬

of high places during the reign of Josiah, and they go

relation between Josiah’s actions and Assyrian decline

unmentioned in the rest of the remaining chapters in

assumes that political revolt against Assyria was primary

2 Chronicles.24 In the Chronicler’s account, these would

in Josiah’s reform. While building activities in Kings

be the high places that Manasseh had rebuilt (2 Chr

before the finding of the book of the Torah may indicate

33:3) and at which people continued to worship—but

that the reform may have been under way when the book

only worshiping Yahweh their God (2 Chr 33:17). Accord¬

was found, Williamson (398) seems right in insisting

ing to 2 Kgs 23:8-9, Josiah defiled the high places from

that it is illegitimate to use the Chronicler’s account as

Geba (MR 174158) to Beer-sheba (MR 134172), although

a more authentic record of Josiah’s reign than in Kings.

the priests at these high places appear to be Yahwistic.

The early start of Josiah’s reforms is underscored by the

The Chronicler’s report ofjosiah’s attack on sacred

double use of the verb “began” in v. 3. In the Chronicler’s

poles (asherim) depends on 2 Kgs 23:6.25 Carved images

scheme, Josiah purified Judah and Jerusalem (vv. 3-5)

(D’^’DS) are indicted in the sermon on the fall of the

before moving on to purify the former northern king¬

northern kingdom in 2 Kgs 17:41, and Manasseh is said

dom (vv. 6-7).22 The Chronicler does not tell us what led

to have built high places and set up sacred poles and

to these changes in Josiah’s behavior. Joash had changed

carved images before he humbled himself (2 Chr 33:19).

for the worse after the death of Jehoiada and even gave

Amon sacrificed to all the carved images that his father

orders that Jehoiada’s son Zechariah be stoned to death

had made (2 Chr 33:22). Carved images are mentioned

(2 Chr 24:2, 14, 17-22), and Uzziah had sought God only

also in vv. 4 and 7 of 2 Chronicles 34. Ahaz had made

in the days of Zechariah and entered the temple to make

cast images (ITDOft) for the Baals (2 Chr 28:2), and they

an offering on the altar of incense, which led to his being

are mentioned in the Deuteronomistic sermon on the

afflicted with a repulsive scaly skin disease or leprosy

fall of the northern kingdom (2 Kgs 17:16).26 They are

(2 Chr 26:5, 16-21). In Chronicles Josiah does little with

mentioned again in v. 4. Asa had previously removed

the temple itself, in contrast to 2 Kgs 23:4-7, since those

the foreign altars, high places, pillars, sacred poles, and

reform activities have been transferred to Manasseh

chapels27 (2 Chr 14:2-4 [3-5]).Jehoshaphat removed the

in 2 Chr 33:15-16. In v. 8, we read ofjosiah’s purging

high places and sacred poles (2 Chr 17:6), and Hezekiah

(intD^) of the land and the temple (an addition to the

had abolished pillars, sacred poles, high places, and

Vorlagein 2 Kgs 22:3), and in 2 Chr 35:20 Necho’s attack

altars (2 Chr 31:1).

takes place after Josiah had set the temple in order.

■ 4 They tore down in his presence the altars of the Baals,

Josiah’s attack on high places23 seems to depend on 2 Kgs

and he demolished the chapels that stood above them. He shat-

Deuteronomy 5-26, 28, a document he dates to the

24

time of Hezekiah. In his judgment, it was not the scroll discovered in the temple. That document, in his argument, turns out to be Deuteronomy 32. 21

22

places were probably not part of the religious land¬ scape during the Second Temple period. Everything

Frank Moore Cross and David Noel Freedman, “Josiah’s Revolt against Assyria,” JNES 12 (1953)

that the Chronicler says about high places seems to have been gained from Kings or other biblical refer¬ ences. The Chronicler may not have known what high places actually looked like.

56-58. The outline of reforms in 2 Kings 23 is as follows: cleansing of the temple (vv. 4-7); destruction of high places in Jerusalem and Judah (vv. 8-14); and

25

Note that Asa (2 Chr 15:17//1 Kgs 15:14, but see

26

2 Chr 14:1), Jehoshaphat (2 Chr 20:33//l Kgs 22:44, but see 2 Chr 17:6), and Manasseh (2 Chr

the burial ground of the common people. Cf. also 1 Kgs 14:9, where Jeroboam I is criticized for making cast images.

27

See the commentary on 2 Chr 14:4 (5).

33:17) are given only qualified approval because their opposition to the high places did not lead them to eradicate them.

496

There Josiah brought out the image of Asherah from the house ofYahweh, burned it in the Kidron valley, pounded it to dust, and threw its dust over

desecration of sanctuaries in the former northern kingdom (vv. 15-20). 23

High places are mentioned nineteen times in Chronicles, but forty-one times in Kings. High

34:1-33

tered the sacred poles and the carved and cast images; he made

Moses took the calf that had been made, burned it with

dust of them and scattered it over the graves ivhere were buried

fire, ground it to powder (pi 1CDK 1U ]nCDl), scattered

those who had sacrificed to them: Verses 4-7 summarize and

it on the water, and made the Israelites drink it (Exod

shorten the account of Josiah’s reform in 2 Kgs 23:4-

32:20). The Chronicler has this dust sprinkled not on

20. Manasseh had erected altars for the Baals early in his reign (2 Chr 33:3), and Ahaz had made cast images (nma) for the Baals (2 Chr 28:2). Amon had sacri¬

the graves of the common people (C3i7 ’33, 2 Kgs 23:6) but on the graves of those who were sacrificing to these

ficed to all the carved images (□’‘p’OETt) that Manasseh

and specific.

his father had made (2 Chr 33:22; cf. 33:19). When

■ 5 He also burned the bones of the priests on their altars

Athaliah had been overthrown, all the people broke

and purged Judah and Jerusalem: The Chronicler does not

carved and cast images. The retribution is immediate

in pieces Baal’s altars and images (D^H; 2 Chr 23:17).

mention that Josiah slaughtered the priests of the high

Jehoshaphat’s faithfulness is shown in his not seeking the

places (2 Kgs 23:20), although he does follow that verse

Baals (2 Chr 17:3). The verb “tore down” (isn3’1) is linked

in stating that Josiah burned the bones of the priests

to 2 Kgs 23:7, where it refers to the tearing down of the

on their altars. In 2 Kgs 23:5, Josiah did away with the

houses of the D'01p.28 Note that the Baal altars were

idol-priests (□'’1331) whom the kings of Judah had

destroyed with Josiah in attendance. In Kings, Josiah

installed on the high places in the cities of Judah and

was physically present only in 2 Kgs 23:16-18, which

surrounding Jerusalem and those who burned incense to

takes place north of the border at Bethel in Benjamin.

the Baal, the sun and the moon, the constellations and

Our translation of the word □,3Qnm29 here and in v. 7 as

the whole host of heaven. Dillard (278) proposes that

“chapels” instead of “incense altars” relieves a problem

the Chronicler implies that the priests were slaughtered,

in this verse.30 Chapels could tower over the altars of

but it could be that the Chronicler intentionally omit¬

Baals, but that location is hard to correlate with incense

ted this attack on priests. The Chronicler also omits the

altars. Block argues on the basis of Palmyrene inscrip¬

destruction of the altars of Ahaz and Manasseh (2 Kgs

tions that the word ]0I7 should be translated “chapel.”

23:12) presumably because Hezekiah and Manasseh had

Ezekiel speaks of smashing and hewing down the □’3317 of

already attended to them. He follows his usual custom

the mountains of Israel, referring to the destruction of

and omits the attack on the shrines of the male votaries

chapels, which housed pagan deities and in which their

(□’Enpn TQ, 2 Kgs 23:7).32 Since the Chronicler omits

rituals were performed. These chapels were demolished

Solomon’s syncretistic practices from 1 Kings 11, he also

or cut to pieces (IH3 in the piel). The Chronicler may

omits Solomon’s high places built there and dedicated

have understood some kind of relationship between high

to Astarte, Chemosh, and Milcom (2 Kgs 23:13). In

places and chapels, but he did not equate them. The

2 Kgs 23:16, Josiah disinterred bones and burned them

second sentence in this verse is a reworking of 2 Kgs 23:6.

on the altar, following the word of Yahweh that the man

The verb “made dust of them” (phill) is a revision of

of God had proclaimed (2 Kgs 23:16; cf. 1 Kgs 13:32).33

pTl (2 Kgs 23:6), where it refers to the fate of

Similarly, Chronicles omits the report of how the temple

the Asherah that was taken from the temple. This verb

vessels for Baal, Asherah, and the host of heaven were

is used again in v 7.31 Grinding to dust recalls the way

removed from the temple and burned outside Jerusalem

28

their rituals were performed. See D. R. Hillers, “Palmyrene Aramaic Inscriptions and the Old Tes¬ tament, especially Amos 2:8,” ZAH8 (1995) 57-58.

The Chronicler omits this noun consistently. Cf. P. E. Dion, “Did Cultic Prostitution Fall into Oblivion during the Postexilic Era? Some Evidence from Chronicles and the Septuagint,” CBQ_A?> (1981)

29

41-48. Cf. 2 Chr 14:4 (5); Lev 26:30; Isa 17:8; 27:9; Ezek

30

6:4, 6. Block, Ezekiel 1-24, 225-226. Ezekiel speaks of smashing and hewing down the D’3Qn of the mountains of Israel, referring to the destruction of

31

32

33

Asa had cut down the abominable image his mother had made for Asherah, crushed it (pTl), and burned it at the Wadi Kidron (2 Chr 15:16). See comment at 2 Chr 14:2-4 (3-5); and Dion, “Did Cultic Prostitution Fall into Oblivion in the Postexilic Era?” (n. 28 above). 1 Kings 13:1-32 is not included in Chronicles.

chapels which housed pagan deities and in which

497

Nadav Na’aman has cast doubt on the extent of the

in the Kidron, with their ashes carried to Bethel (2 Kgs 23:4). Verse 5 may conflate information from 2 Kgs

expansion of Judah’s territory under Josiah.40 He dates

23:16, which speaks about bones from tombs at Bethel,

the city lists of Judah and Benjamin in Joshua to the

and 2 Kgs 23:20, which reports Josiah’s slaughter of all

reign of Josiah and believes that they provide the best evi¬

the priests of the high places, though in Kings both of

dence of the extent ofjosiah’s reign in the north, which

these events take place in the former northern kingdom,

included at least Bethel (MR 172148) and Ophrah (MR

whereas the activities in this verse took place in Judah

178151) and possibly part, but not all, of the Assyrian

and Jerusalem.34

province of Samaria.41 Na’aman concludes: “There is no

■ 6-7 And in the cities of Manasseh, Ephraim, and Simeon,

basis for the hypothesis that either Galilee or the Jezreel

and as far as Naphtali, he removed their temples all around,

Valley was also included within the boundaries of his

7/ he broke down the altars, beat the sacred poles and the

kingdom.”42 In Na’aman’s view, Assyrian domination of

images into poiuder, and demolished all the chapels in all the

Palestine continued until at least the death of Ashurbani-

land of Israel. Then he returned to Jerusalem: These two

pal in 631 and probably continued until the outbreak of

verses have Josiah extending his reform throughout the

the civil war in 623.43 There was not a vacuum of power

former northern kingdom.35 In 2 Kings, Josiah carries

in Palestine, since Assyrian suzerainty was soon followed

out reforms in Bethel (2 Kgs 23:15-18) and in the cities

by Egyptian rule, to which Judah was at least formally

of Samaria (2 Kgs 23:19-20), both in the former north¬

subordinate. Judah’s expansion to the west was blocked

ern kingdom.36 The tribes of Manasseh and Ephraim

by the kingdom of Ekron, which became a major pro¬

figure prominently in the reforms and Passover celebra¬

ducer of olive oil after the Assyrian attack on Lachish

tion of Hezekiah (2 Chr 30:1, 10, 11, 18; 31:1). The tribe

and Jerusalem in 701. Na’aman believes that the Hebrew

of Simeon is only mentioned here after the fall of the

ostracon found at Mesad Hashavyahu is not evidence for

north,37 and Naphtali too appears here only as part of

Josiah’s territorial expansion. Instead, he believes that

Judah’s northern expansion after the fall of the northern

this was an Egyptian outpost that employed mercenar¬

kingdom. Naphtali, with Dan, is the farthest tribal ter¬

ies from Asia Minor, Phoenicia, and Judah. In any case,

ritory in the north.38 Simeon, on the other hand, is the

there is no reference to the Transjordanian tribes, which

farthest tribe to the south (1 Chr 4:28-43; Josh 19:1-9).

in the Chronicler’s view had been exiled during the

The mention of these two tribes suggest that Josiah filled

reign of Pul/Tilgath-pilneser (1 Chr 5:26).44 If the destruction of their temples (v. 6) is a legiti¬

out his territory as in the united monarchy, with Naphtali the most northern tribe and Simeon the most southern.39

mate reconstruction of a corrupt text (see the textual

This, however, seems quite unlikely historically.

notes), Josiah would seem to be following the mandates

34

Rudolph (319) states thatv. 5a is understandable

35

only from 2 Kgs 23:14, 16, 20. See also v. 9 (Manasseh, Ephraim, and the remnant

mentary on this verse. Rainey {Carta’s Atlas, 257) identifies Simeon as a northern place-name (Tel Shimron, on the northwest side of the Jezreel Val¬

of Israel); v. 21 (those who are left in Israel and Judah); v. 33 (territory that belonged to the people

ley). Cf. McKenzie (360-61), who identifies the site as Khirbet Simoniain.

36

of Israel, and made all who were present in Israel serve Yahweh their God).

38

Does this mean thatjosiah’s reform exceeded that of Hezekiah?

Spieckermann (Juda writer Assur, 112-14, 150-52)

39 40

See Japhet, 1024; and Williamson, Israel, 104 n. 2. Na’aman, “Josiah and the Kingdom of Judah,” in Grabbe, Good Kings and Bad Kings, 189-245.

41

Na’aman discounts 2 Kgs 23:19-20, which claims

argues vigorously against the historicity of 2 Kgs 23:15-20. See also G. Ogden, “The Northern Extent 37

ofjosiah’s Reforms,” AusBR26 (1978) 26-33. In 2 Chr 15:9, Asa gathered all Judah and Ben¬

that Josiah destroyed the shrines of the high places that were in the cities of Samaria.

jamin, and those from Ephraim, Manasseh, and Simeon who were residing as aliens with them. The association of Simeon with the north may show

42 43

Na’aman, “Josiah and the Kingdom of Judah,” 219. Ibid., 214.

influence from Genesis 34, where the tribes of

44

See the discussion in Klein, 1 Chronicles, 170-71.

Simeon and Levi attack Shechem. See the com¬

498

34:1-33

of Deuteronomy. The expression “the land of Israel”

reform in Chronicles.47 The eighteenth year in Chron¬

appears elsewhere only in the time of David (1 Chr

icles is the third such date in the reign of Josiah (see v.

22:2), Solomon (2 Chr 2:16 [17]), and Hezekiah (2 Chr

3, where Josiah’s piety changed at age sixteen and his

30:25).45 This may be taken to refer to the land of the

reforms began at age twenty).48 The Chronicler’s word¬

old northern kingdom, but more likely it refers to the

ing clarifies or even corrects the wording in 2 Kgs 22:3,

whole country of Israel, however that might be defined.46

which could imply that this happened when Josiah was

The further destruction of altars, sacred poles, carved

eighteen years old.49 The eighteenth year is echoed in

images, and chapels in v. 7 follows Josiah’s reform pat¬

2 Chr 35:19, where we are told thatjosiah celebrated the

tern in the south (vv. 3-4). But according to the Vorlage in

Passover in his eighteenth year. As Ehud Ben Zvi notes,

2 Kgs 23:15, Josiah destroyed the altar at Bethel and the

“[This date] creates an envelope with 2 Chr 35:19 that

Asherah (sacred pole), and in 2 Kgs 23:19 he removed

encapsulates the narrative movement from the decision

the high places from the cities of Samaria. In noting

to begin to repair the temple to the conclusion of the cel¬

that Josiah returned to Jerusalem, the Chronicler picks

ebration of the Passover.”50 The phrase “after purging the

up the last half of 2 Kgs 23:20, suggesting that he did

land and the temple” has been added to the Vorlage by

not have an alternate source than 2 Kings for Josiah’s

the Chronicler. The purging of the land had taken place

northern endeavors. Josiah’s return to Jerusalem also

in w. 3-5 (Judah and Jerusalem) and vv. 6-7 (sites in the

implies his personal involvement in the northern reform.

former northern kingdom). No purging of the temple

In distinction to Kings, the elimination of the foreign

itself has been mentioned so far in the account of Josiah

cults in Judah and Jerusalem and in Samaria took place

in Chronicles.51 Whereas in 2 Kgs 22:3-7 Hilkiah and the

in a similar manner.

others were sent to supervise the emptying of the collec¬ tion that had been gathered from the people (cf. 2 Kgs

34:8-13 Repair of the Temple in the Eighteenth Year

12:11, in the time ofjoash), in Chronicles they are sent to

of Josiah's Reign

get the repairs themselves under way. Shaphan appears

■ 8 In the eighteenth year of his reign, after purging the land

five times in this chapter and five times in the Kings Vor¬

and the temple, he sent Shaphan son of Azaliah, Maaseiah

lage (2 Chr 34:8, 15, 16, 18, 20//2 Kgs 22:3, 8, 9, 10, 12).52

the governor of the city, and Joah son of Jehoahaz, the recorder,

In vv. 15, 18, and 20, he is called “the scribe” (roughly,

to repair the house of Yahweh his God: With this verse the

secretary of state).53 His father’s name, Azaliah, is listed

Chronicler returns to a closer connection to the Vorlage

only in this verse and in its Vorlage in 2 Kgs 22:3 and is

in 2 Kgs 22:3. The repair of the temple is part of the

otherwise unknown. In the latter passage the name of

45

Cf. “from all the lands that belonged to the Israel¬

46 47 48

ites” in 2 Chr 34:33. Williamson, Israel, 138; Willi, “ bmfo’ pN,” 393. Williamson, 399-400; Bae, Vereinte Suche, 34. Williamson, 399; and Mosis, Untersuchungen,

49

50 51 52

196-97. Similarly, 2 Chr 35:19 dates the Passover to the eighteenth year of the reign of Josiah, while 2 Kgs 22:23 dates the Passover to the eighteenth year of Kingjosiah. Ben Zvi, “Josiah’s Account in Chronicles,” 92. But see the account of Manasseh in 2 Chr 33:15-16. In v. 20 there is also a man named Ahikam the son of Shaphan (cf. 2 Kgs 22:12). See also 2 Kgs 25:22; Jer 26:24; 39:14; 40:5, 9, 11; 41:2; 43:6. His position in this verse before Shaphan the scribe suggests to some scholars that this may be a different Shaphan.

2 Chr 34:22, the long list of officials, including Shaphan from 2 Kgs 22:14, has been reduced to Hilkiah. Elasah the son of Shaphan is mentioned in Jer 29:3, and this may be Shaphan the scribe. Shaphan is the father of Gemariah according to Jer 36:10-12. Jaazaniah the son of Shaphan appears in Ezek 8:11. Jospeh R. Cathey (“Shaphan," NIDB 5:213-14) identifies the Shaphan in Ezekiel as a dif¬ ferent individual. Block (Ezekiel 1-24) identifies him as a fourth son of Shaphan, who has departed from the beliefs of his father and brothers. See James M. Kennedy, “Shaphan,” ABD 5:1159. 53 In v. 16 the word has been pointed as “the book” in Chronicles MT, but as “the scribe” in 2 Kgs 22:9. See the textual notes. The word “the scribe” from 2 Kgs 22:3 is not included in 2 Chr 34:8.

So Cogan and Tadmor, IIKings, 282. But he could just as well be the son of the same Shaphan. In

499

his grandfather, Meshullam, is also supplied. Maaseiah

priests in 1 Chr 5:39 (6:13).61 The MT replaces 2 Kgs

the governor of the city54 and Joah the son of Joahaz,

22:4 Dm (“and have him count out the entire sum”) with

the recorder (TOTQn),55 are both added to the Vorlage

um (“and they gave”).62 The Vorlage in Kings stated that

of 2 Kgs 22:3 by the Chronicler.56 Williamson (400)

the keepers of the threshold had collected the money,63

suggests that they once appeared in the book of Kings

but these keepers of the threshold are now identified also

but were accidentally lost.57 A governor of the city by

as Levites (cf. 1 Chr 9:19-22; 2 Chr 23:4). In 2 Chr 24:6,

the name of Amon is mentioned in 1 Kgs 22:26//2 Chr

under Joash, the Levites were expected to bring in the

18:25 (during the reigns of Ahab andjehoshaphat),

tax levied by Moses on the congregation of Israel. And

and in 2 Kgs 10:5 a governor of the city is among those

instead of the generic “people” from whom the money

who sent a message to the northern king Jehu. A certain

was collected in 2 Kgs 22:4, probably from those who had

Joshua was also the governor of the city during the reign

brought their donation to the temple, the money was

of Josiah, according to 2 Kgs 23:8.58 According to the

gathered from Manasseh, Ephraim, and the rest of Israel

Chronicler, this delegation is to strengthen/repair (pin1?)

and from all Judah, Benjamin, and the inhabitants of

the house,59 whereas in 2 Kgs 22:3 they are only sent to

Jerusalem. The Chronicler stresses that these funds came

the house, but the intention to repair is mentioned later

from all parts of “Israel.” This is the only time in Chron¬

in 2 Kgs 22:5. The Chronicler turns this incident into a

icles that “the rest of Israel” is used to designate the

narrative, whereas in 2 Kgs 22:4 the king commands that

survivors of the northern kingdom.64 Joash had ordered

the delegation go up to Hilkiah.

the Levites to gather money from all Israel to repair the

■ 9 They came to Hilkiah the high priest and gave him the

house of their God, but they did not act quickly (2 Kgs

money that was brought to the house of God,60 which the Levites,

24:5). Because of the Levites’ failure there, a chest was

the keepers of the threshold, had collected from Manasseh and

set out into which the leaders and all the people depos¬

Ephraim and from all the rest of Israel and from all Judah and

ited their tax (2 Kgs 24:6-10). But now, in the reign of

Benjamin and from the inhabitants ofJerusalem: The Chroni¬

Josiah, the Levites made a journey throughout the land

cler has transformed the command to go up from 2 Kgs

to collect the money.

22:4 into a report of the arrival of the king’s delegation.

■ 10 They delivered it to the workers who had oversight in the

Hilkiah is not further introduced here or in the Vorlage at

house of Yahweh, and the workers, who were working in the

2 Kgs 22:4. He does appear in the genealogy of the high

house of Yahweh, gave it for repairing and restoring the house:

54

See N. Avigad, “The Governor of the City,” IEJ 26

59

55

(1976) 178-82. For this exact form, see 2 Sam 20:24; 1 Kgs 4:3;

60

and 2 Kgs 18:18, 37//Isa 36:3, 22. See also 2 Sam 8:16//1 Chr 18:15, where the word appears without the definite article. See Mettinger, Solomonic State

61

Officials, 51-62.

63

56

Joah the son of Asaph is the recorder in 2 Kgs 18:18; cf. vv. 26 and 37.

57

Perhaps a scribe’s eyes skipped from the end of “IBOn (“the scribe”) to the end of TOtOn (“the

58

See Klein, 1 Chronicles, 178, table 6, where he appears in lists A, C, D, E, and F. See the textual notes. Japhet (1027) suggests that the keepers of the threshold were probably priests. See 2 Kgs 12:10 (9) the priests who guarded the threshold. Cf. 2 Kgs 23:4; 25:18//Jer 52:24; Jer 35:4.

recorder”) and left out everything in between. But

Williamson, Israel, 126. The only other uses of m^tD (“rest”) are in 1 Chr 4:43, where it refers to the

the word “scribe” does not appear in this verse in Chronicles. If this longer text is, nevertheless,

remnant of the Amalekites; in 1 Chr 12:39 (38), all the rest of Israel were of a single mind to make

accepted as original in Kings, nbll in 2 Kgs 22:4 would have to be emended to 1^0.

who survived the sword. Japhet (1027) believes that

This verse was not incorporated into Chronicles. Goettsberger (374) makes Joshua the predecessor of Maaseiah. But if 2 Kgs 22:3 had once mentioned Maaseiah (see the previous note), would not Joshua in 2 Kgs 23:8 have been his successor?

500

62

The repairs to the temple are part ofjosiah’s reform, as in the case of Hezekiah. Verse 14: house ofYahweh.

64

David king; and in 2 Chr 36:20, it refers to those this is not a reference to the north but that it refers in addition to those tribes that are mentioned as the rest of Israel, as in 1 Chr 12:39 (38). In v. 21 the related term “180317 refers to those in both kingdoms who are left after the fall of Samaria.

34:1-33

The interpretation of this verse is difficult because of

directed all who were doing the work in every kind of service,

textual uncertainty (see the textual notes). According to

and some of the Levites were scribes, and officials, and gatekeep¬

the MT, the two references to “the workers” refer to the

ers: According to 2 Kgs 22:7, the money given to the work¬

same group of people, understood by the Chronicler to

ers was not to be audited because they were dealing hon¬

be Levites. According to 2 Kgs 22:5 and Chr LXX Syr,

estly. The Chronicler acknowledges that the work itself

the first reference to “the workers” refers to supervisors

was done with honesty, but notes that the workers were

and the second to those who were actually carrying

under Levitical supervision, as was probably the case in

out the work. I favor the first alternative because of the

the Chronicler’s time. The Levitical families are normally

Chronicler’s addition of 13TH at the beginning of v. 11.

given in the order Gershon, Kohath, and Merari, but in

In this understanding, v. 11 is in apposition to v. 10. The

2 Chr 29:12 they are listed as sons of the Kohathites, sons

Chronicler construes the verbs as part of a narrative,

of Merari, and Gershonites. For some unknown reason,

whereas in 2 Kgs 22:5 they are jussives. The Chronicler

the family of Gershon is omitted in v. 12, perhaps acci¬

changes slightly the second- and third-last words of

dentally, and the other two families are listed in reverse

the verse. 2 Kings 22:5 reads pin pm1? (“to restore the

order. The namejahath occurs only in Chronicles (1 Chr

breach of”),65 whereas Chronicles reads pTlf?! pTQ1? (“for

4:2 twice, where he is a descendant ofjudah; 6:5, 28 [20,

repairing and restoring [the house]).”

43], where he is a descendant of Gershom; 23:10, 11,

■ 11 They gave it to the carpenters and the builders to buy

where he is a descendant of Gershon; and 24:22, where

quarried stone and timbers for binders, and for constructing the

he is reckoned among the Izharites). Obadiah, Zecha¬

beams of the buildings that the kings of Judah had allowed to

riah, and Meshullam are common names. The unusual

go to ruin: In my understanding, the initial “they” refers

mention of the musical skills of the Levitical supervisors

to the supervising Levites from the previous verse. They

at the end of v. 12 has caused a great deal of discussion.

handed on the money to the carpenters and builders,

Japhet (1016) identifies “all skilled with instruments of

omitting □'HTIi?1 (“masons” or “bricklayers”) from 2 Kgs

music” as a gloss meant to complete the list of scribes,

22:6. The Chronicler reverses the order of “quarried

officials, and gatekeepers at the end of v. 13.68 Curtis and

stone”

Madsen (507) considered all four activities as a possible

) and “timbers” (D’^DI) from the Vorlage

and defines further the purpose of the timbers. They

gloss. Rudolph (323) noted that music was well attested

were to be used for binders (joists?) and for roof beams.

during construction projects in the ancient Near East,

The Chronicler also changes “house” = temple from

which makes good sense with burden bearers and other

2 Kgs 22:6 to “houses” or “buildings”66 and makes the

repetitive activities, where a musical beat is established.

charge that the kings of Judah, presumably Manasseh

That function of the music, however, is not mentioned

and Amon,67 had allowed them to go to ruin. Japhet

here. Dillard (280) and Williamson (400) note that the

(1028) surmises that the kings are not mentioned by

Levites were in charge of other construction projects

name because of the change in Manasseh’s behavior

(2 Chronicles 24 and 29; cf. 1 Chronicles 26; William¬

mid-career.

son also makes reference to v. 9). Burden bearers were

■ 12-13 The people did the work honestly. Over them were

mentioned during Solomon’s construction of the temple

appointed the Levites fahath and Obadiah, of the sons of

(2 Chr 2:1, 17 [2, 18]). Such functions as scribes, officals

Merari, along with Zechariah and Meshullam, of the sons of

(□’“ltDIO; 1 Chr 26:29), and gatekeepers (1 Chr 26:19) are

the Kohathites, to have oversight. Other Levites, all skilled with

natural during a building project. Note the reference to

instruments of music, 13/ were over the burden bearers and

Shaphan the scribe in vv. 15, 18, 20.

65

Kings LXX transliterates the second word to (3e8eK.

67

The damage caused by Ahaz had been repaired by

66

See also LXX in 2 Kgs 22:6. Bae (Vereinte Suche, 34) suggests that this refers to the entire temple complex (1 Chr 28:11 □5'ltfn

68

NEB: “The Levites were all skilled musicians, and

TTQ nKl (“the vestibule and its rooms”); 1 Chr 29:4 DTQn JTITp “the walls of the chambers of the

Hezekiah (2 Chr 29:19). some of them were secretaries, clerks, or door¬ keepers.”

house.”

501

34:14-21 Discovery of the Book of the Torah

Chronicler, the book that was found was the complete

■ 14 While they were bringing out the money that had been

Pentateuch and not a precanonical form of the book

brought to the house of Yahweh, the priest Hilkiah found

of Deuteronomy. Japhet (1030) argues that the shorter

the book of the Torah of Yahweh given through Moses: This

text in Chronicles (lacking “and he read it”) is more

verse serves as a transition to the text of the Vorlage

original since this reading of the book in 2 Kgs 22:8 has

(v. 15//2 Kgs 22:8), although vv. 14-21 are fuller than

no consequences. She believes that Shaphan received

2 Kgs 22:8-13. Hilkiah’s finding of the book of the

the book from Hilkiah but read it for the first time only

Torah69 of Yahweh might be seen as positive retribution

when he met with Josiah. It seems more likely to me that

for the reforms and repairs that have already taken place

the Chronicler intentionally omitted this clause/word

(Williamson, 401; Dillard, 280; cf. Von Rad, Geschichts-

(Titopri).74

bild, 14), and it conveyed divine approval for the proj¬

■ 16 Shaphan brought the book to the king, and also reported

ect.70 While “this book” in 2 Kgs 22:8 is usually taken to

to the king, “All that was committed into the hand of your ser¬

be a precanonical form of the book of Deuteronomy,71

vants they are doing”: The quotation ascribed to Shaphan

the Chronicler probably understood it as the complete

is an addition by the Chronicler. According to 2 Chr

Pentateuch, given through Moses.72 Note that Shaphan

34:l7//2 Kgs 22:9, only one of the tasks has been done,

does not read the whole book in 2 Chr 34:15, as he does

the distribution of the money. But Shaphan insists they

in 2 Kgs 22:8. When Shaphan appeared before the king,

are all being done.

he read from it (2 Chr 34:18), instead of “he read it” in

■ 17 “They have emptied out the money that was found in

2 Kgs 22:10.73 Japhet (1029) proposes that, since the book

the house of Yahweh and have delivered it into the hand of the

was found while the money was being brought out, the

overseers and into the hand of the workers”: Since “your ser¬

book was found not in the house of Yahweh but in some

vants” were mentioned in the additional clause added by

place where the Levites had gone to collect the money.

the Chronicler in v. 16, this word ("[’"DU) is not repeated

This seems unlikely in view of v. 15, where Hilkiah asserts

here (see 2 Kgs 22:9). The antecedent of “they” in any

he found the book in the house of Yahweh.

case is “your servants.” The translation “melted down”

■ 15 Hilkiah answered and said to Shaphan the scribe, “I

presupposes a time prior to the issuing of coins. Precious

have found the book of the Torah in the house of Yahweh”;

metals were melted down into ingots that could be easily

Hilkiah gave the book to Shaphan: While there are many

transferred for payment.75 Verse 17b, “and have delivered

differences between this verse and 2 Kgs 22:8 (e.g.,

it into the hand of the overseers and into the hand of the

“Hilkiah answered and said” versus “Hilkiah said”), the

workers,” differs slightly from 2 Kgs 22:9, “and have deliv¬

most significant difference is that the Chronicler omits

ered it into the hand of the workers who were appointed

“And he [Shaphan] read it.” As noted above, this has

over the house of Yahweh.”

led a number of commentators to conclude that, for the

69

Note the slight variations in the titles for this

(“the book of the Torah”) appears in Deut 31:26;

book in 2 Chr 34:15//2 Kgs 22:8, “the book of the Torah”; 2 Chr 34:19, “the words of the

Josh 1:8; 2 Kgs 22:8, 11; 2 Chr 34:15; Neh 8:3. For miT min 330 (“the book of the Torah ofYahweh”),

Torah”//2 Kgs 22:11, “the words of the book of the

see 2 Chr 17:9; 34:14. Moses appears in this chapter only in v. 14.

Torah”; and 2 Chr 34:30//2 Kgs 23:2, “all the words of the book of the covenant”; 2 Chr 34:31//2 Kgs 23:3, “the words of the covenant that were written

73

curses that are written in the book (v. 24) rather than all the words of the book (2 Kgs 22:16) leads

in this book”; 2 Chr 35:12 (no // in Kings), “as is written in the book of Moses.” 70 71

in the same direction. Dillard (281) raises an objec¬ tion to this interpretation, claiming that fol¬

Ben Zvi, “Josiah’s Account in Chronicles,” 95. Dillard (280) lists seven reasons for the identifica¬

lowed by the direct object and by 3 are synonymous. Cf. Ackroyd, 202.

tion of this book with Deuteronomy in 2 Kings. 72

Japhet (1020) points out that in 2 Kings 22-23 the book is never ascribed to Moses or defined as the Torah ofYahweh. The expression iTTinn “ISO

502

Japhet (1030) argues that the reference to all the

74

Kings LXX also attests this reading (/cat aveyva> avro).

75

Sweeney, I & II Kings, 444.

34:1-33

■ 18 The secretary Shaphan informed the king, “The priest

Josiah understood that the wrath of Yahweh was about to

Hilkiah has given me a book. ” Shaphan then read from it

come upon Judah and Jerusalem.78

aloud to the king: If the translation “from it” is correct

■ 20-21 Then the king commanded Hilkiah, Ahikam son of

(12 Klp’l), it would support those who argue that this

Shaphan, Abdon son of Micaiah, the secretary Shaphan, and the

book for the Chronicler was the entire Pentateuch.

king’s servant Asaiah: 21/ “Go, inquire of Yahweh for me and for

In 2 Kgs 22:10, we are told that Shaphan “read it”

those who are left in Israel and in Judah, concerning the words

(]S2j VWIp1')).76 See also v. 24//2 Kgs 22:16, where Yahweh

of the book that has been found; for the wrath of Yahweh that is

threatens to bring upon this place and its inhabitants all

poured out on us is great, because our ancestors did not keep the

the curses that are written in the book, not all the words

word of Yahweh, to act according to everything that is written in

that are in the book.77

this book”: Josiah sent a delegation of five that included the

■ 19 When the king heard the words of the Torah, he tore his

high priest Hilkiah, the secretary Shaphan and his son

clothes: The only difference from 2 Kgs 22:9 is the name

Ahikam,79 Abdon son of Micaiah,80 otherwise unknown,

of the book in Kings: “the words of the book of the

and the “king’s servant”81 Asaiah to make an inquiry of

Torah.” In Kings, the response of Josiah is understand¬

Yahweh.82 The selection of such a high-powered group

able, since he had not yet begun his reforms. In Chron¬

indicates with what seriousness Josiah took this inquiry.

icles, however, it is difficult, since reforms of the abuses

Their inquiry is to be for the king himself and those who

that called forth the wrath of Yahweh had already been

are left in Israel and Judah. In 2 Kgs 22:13, this inquiry

undertaken (2 Chr 34:3-7). This difficulty has been cre¬

is to be for the king himself, the people, and all Judah.

ated by the Chronicler’s revised chronology, which dated

While it is not clear how the people and all Judah relate

the reforms to the twelfth year of the reign of Josiah,

to each other, the Chronicler has added a concern for the

before the finding of the book of the Torah. Ben Zvi

remnant in north Israel. It is not so much that Josiah was

points out that this tearing of his clothes indicates that

double-checking the validity of the book but interceding

76

See Elmslie, 334. Dillard (281), citingjer 36:6 (in this verse Kip is followed by 77303, “from the scroll,” and by the direct object HUT ’737 PtS, “the words ofYahweh”), 8 (’737 7302, “from the scroll the words of”), 10 (’737 I7K 7303, “from the scroll the words of”), 13 (7303, “the scroll”). The first three references are against Dillard in my judg¬ ment. See also Deut 17:19,13 N7p7 (“[the king] shall read in it”); Hab 2:2,13 tS71p (“[so that a run¬ ner] may read it”); Neh 8:3,13 tS7p’l (“He read from

80

81

it”), 8, O’rfran 77173 7303 ItOp’l (“So they read from the book, the Torah of God”); 18, 7303 tOp’l O’nhKn min (“he read from the book of the Torah of God”); 9:3, D7’77k 717’ min 7303 l«7p’l (“They read from the book of the Torah ofYahweh their God”). The evidence is not conclusive, but leans 77

against the translation suggested by Dillard. See also 2 Chr 34:29, where the king heard all the words of the Torah, whereas in 2 Kgs 22:11 he heard

78 79

all the words of the book of the Torah. Ben Zvi, “Josiah’s Account in Chronicles,” 96. This is the only mention of Ahikam in Chronicles. Ahikam the son of Shaphan supported Jeremiah (Jer 26:24). The governor Gedaliah appointed by the Babylonians was the son of Ahikam the son

82

41:2; 43:6). In Jer 40:6, 7, 14, 16; 41:6, 10, 16, 18, Gedaliah is referred to as the son of Ahikam with no mention of Shaphan. See also n. 52. See the textual notes. Achbor, the reading in 2 Kgs 22:12, is mentioned as the father of Elnathan in Jer 26:22 and 36:12, although it is not clear whether this is the same Achbor. The “servant of the king” was a relatively high office. Nebuzaradan, the captain of the bodyguard, was “servant of the king of Babylon” (2 Kgs 25:8). Perhaps the most famous “servant of the king” is Ebed-melech the Ethiopian, who befriendedjeremiah, although in this case Ebed-melech may be his name rather than a title (Jer 38:7, 8, 10, 11, 12). Several stamp seals have appeared with this office mentioned on them. See Avigad, Corpus, #2-10. Cf. the inquiry proposed byjehoshaphat to Ahab, which led to the summoning of Micaiah (2 Chron¬ icles 18//1 Kings 22), or the inquiry requested of Jeremiah by king Zedekiah (Jer 21:2), or the inquiry of (request for?) Samuel to pray for the people (1 Sam 12:19), used with 733, as here, only in Jer 21:2. Japhet (1032) believes that this admonition to Hilkiah and his colleagues refers to both inquiry of Yahweh and prayer for Josiah and the people.

of Shaphan (2 Kgs 25:22; cf. Jer 39:14; 40:5, 9, 11;

503

for himself and the people with the hope that Yahweh

used in the temple or the royal court. The Second

might turn from his punishment (cf. Jer 21:2).83 The

Quarter may be the new section of Jerusalem that was

wrath that is poured out/kindled (see the textual notes)

enclosed by the building of a wall by Hezekiah in the

results from the ancestors who did not keep the word of

eighth century (cf. Zeph 1:10).86

Yahweh to act according to everything written in fiv) this

■ 23-24 She said to them, “Thus says Yahweh God of Israel:

book. In 2 Kgs 22:13, the wrath is due to the ancestors

‘Tell the man who sent you to me, 24/ Thus says Yahweh: I will

not listening to the words of the book to act according

indeed bring disaster on this place and on its inhabitants, all

to everything that is written about us. The Chronicler

the curses that are written in the booh that they read before the

has here adopted the Deuteronomistic conception of

king of Judah”’: Huldah’s speech uses a double messenger

retribution, whereas generally he believes that a person is

formula. The first introduces a command to the group

rewarded or punished during his own lifetime.

that came with Hilkiah, and the second is an announce¬ ment of judgment that they are to bring to Josiah.87 The

34:22-28 Inquiry of Huldah

only difference between v. 23 and its Vorlage in 2 Kgs

■ 22 So Hilkiah and those whom the king had sent went to

22:15 is the second word Dil^, which replaces DiT7fc (both

the prophet Huldah, the wife of Shallum son of Tokhath son

mean “to them”). The disaster planned for Jerusalem

of Hasrah, keeper of the wardrobe (who lived in Jerusalem

and its inhabitants is identified as the curses that are

in the Second Quarter), and spoke to her accordingly: The

written in the book, presumably such passages as Deut

Chronicler summarizes the entourage that accompanied

27:9-26; 28:15-68; 29:19 (20)-28 (29); and 30:18. If the

Hilkiah without mentioning again all the names from

Chronicler understood the book to include the whole

the Vorlage (2 Kgs 22:14; cf. v. 20 above). Other female

Pentateuch, we might add Lev 26:14-39. The Chronicler

prophets are known in the Old Testament, including

also clarifies that the book had been read before Josiah

Miriam (Exod 15:20), Deborah (Judg 4:4), Noadiah

and not by the king himself. This also harmonizes with

(Neh 6:14), and the wife of Isaiah (Isa 8:3). No emphasis

v. 26//2 Kgs 22:18, which indicates that the words of the

is placed on the fact that Huldah was a woman, allow¬

book were heard by the king. Huldah does not call for

ing the possibility that the author did not think this was

repentance or suggest that Josiah and the people should

something unusual. The names of her father-in-law and

correct their ways.

grandfather-in-law are spelled slightly differently from

■ 25 ‘“Because they have forsaken me and have made offer¬

2 Kgs 22:14 (see the textual notes). Hasrah (mon) may

ings to other gods, so that they have provoked me to anger with

be the preferred spelling of the name, and in 1 Esdr

all the works of their hands, my wrath will be poured out on

5:3184 he is identified as the progenitor of a family that

this place and will not be quenched’”: In both 2 Kgs 22:17

returned from Babylon with Zerubbabel.85 The occupa¬

and this verse in Chronicles, Yahweh’s charge could be

tion of Huldah’s husband is not completely clear, but in

taken as an indictment of the generation contemporary

2 Kgs 10:22 an anonymous figure with the same title is

with Josiah, although v. 21//2 Kgs 22:17 includes their

requested to bring out the vestments for all the worship¬

ancestors in this indictment. The expression “other gods”

ers of Baal. He may have been in charge of the clothes

appears also in 2 Chr 7:19, 22//1 Kgs 9:6, 9; and 2 Chr

83

Ristau (“Reading and Rereadingjosiah,” 226) notes that the expression “those who remain in Israel and

85

See Pauline A. Viviano, “Harhas,” ABD 3:59; and

in Judah” echoes the reference in v. 9 to “the rest of

86

See Gary A. Herion, “Second Quarter,” ABD 5:1065;

Michael David McGehee, “Hasrah,” ABD 3:76-77.

Israel.” The verbal root has exilic connotations. Ristau speaks of a pall that hangs over the Josiah account and notes the absence of the word “joy” and of blessings to king and people in the Chroni¬ cler’s Josiah account. 84

Aoapa. There is no corresponding word in Ezra 2:49. Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 272) says that it may be a doublet of the following Aoava.

504

and Jessica Tinklenberg Devega, “Second Quarter,” NIDB 5:147. 87

Other prophetic announcements occur in 2 Chr 12:5; 16:7-10; 18:16; 19:2-3; 20:12-17; 21:12-15; and 25:15-16.

34:1-33

28:25 (without Vorlage). The “work of their hands” refers

are taken from 2 Kgs 22:19,91 with slight variations. The

to idols they have created for themselves (cf. Isa 2:8;

third action may result from a conflation of the reading

17:8). It can also refer more generally to human behav¬

found in the MT “you humbled yourself before God”

ior, both good (Isa 65:22) and bad (Jer 25:14; 32:30;

and the alternate reading reflected in the LXX “you

Lam 3:64) (Acts 7:41; Rev 9:20). Huldah’s indictment,

humbled yourself before me” (see the textual notes).

taken over from Kings, ignores the reforms Josiah had

This conflation may explain why Chronicles omits

instituted in vv. 3-7. Josiah had already acknowledged in

r\L?L?pL?'\ FIOtEp mTtb (“that they should become a desola¬

v. 21 that the wrath of Yahweh has been poured out. As

tion and a curse”). The verse concludes with Yahweh

Ehud Ben Zvi has pointed out, “A divine decision to pun¬

“hearing” these actions of the king. Although Josiah

ish later does not preclude the guilt of the later genera¬

humbled himself when he heard the words of the book,

tion.”88 Ben Zvi also notes: “The main announcement of

in the Chronicler’s account he had already suppressed

destruction occurs duringjosiah’s days, just when monar¬

idolatry in vv. 3-7.

chic Judah is at one of its peaks.”89

■ 28 ‘“I will gather you to your ancestors and you will be gath¬

■ 26-27 “‘But as to the king of Judah, who sent you to inquire

ered to your graves in peace; your eyes will not see all the disaster

of Yahweh, the God of Israel: Thus says Yahweh, the God of

that I am bringing on this place and its inhabitants.’” They took

Israel: Regarding the words which you have heard, 27/ because

the message back to the king: Huldah delivers a devastating

your heart was penitent and you humbled yourself before God,

response to Josiah’s inquiry. The disaster that is due to

when you heard his words against this place and its inhabit¬

befall Jerusalem and its inhabitants is unavoidable. The

ants, and you have humbled yourself before me and you have

implied message is that nothing can be done to avoid

torn your garments and wept before me, I also have heard; it

this catastrophe, and Huldah in fact suggests no action

is an oracle of Yahweh’”: Josiah had instructed Hilkiah

for Josiah. Huldah makes two specific promises to Josiah:

and his colleagues in v. 21 (//2 Kgs 22:13) to inquire of

he will die in peace and he will not be an eyewitness to

Yahweh. The response that the entourage is instructed

the catastrophe that Jerusalem and its inhabitants will

to give to that request begins again with the messenger

experience. The first of these promises was not fulfilled

formula and relates particularly to the words that had

because ofjosiah’s failure to obey the word of God that

been read before the king. Five actions of the king are

came to him through Necho (cf. 2 Chr 35:20-24//2 Kgs

cited: his heart had been penitent ("[33*7 "p)90; he had

23:29-30).92 Students of Huldah’s oracle in Kings see in

humbled himself before God; he had humbled himself

Josiah’s not dying in peace evidence for a failed proph¬

“before me” [God]; he had torn his clothes; and he had

ecy and hence include it among the authentic words of

cried “before me” [God]. The first two and the last two

Huldah.93 As we will see, the Chronicler offers a signifi-

88

Ben Zvi, “Josiah’s Account in Chronicles,” 104.

delayed the end of his dynasty (1 Kgs 21:27-28) but

89 90

Ibid., 105. BDB, 940: “be softened, penitent.” Cf. 1 Chr 22:5;

did not avert his own violent death (2 Kgs 22:3435). Cf. 2 Chr 32:26, where Hezekiah humbles himself so that the wrath of Yahweh did not come

29:1, ~n “111] (“young and inexperienced”), dealing with Solomon’s vulnerability; 2 Chr 13:7, Rehoboam was nab “|TI “115] (“young and weak of heart”). 91

92

Already in Kings, Huldah added the note about crying, which was not reported earlier in 2 Kgs 22T1//2 Chr 34:19. Was an old and reliable oracle prior to 609 b.c.e. later supplemented with a vaticinium ex eventu?See J. Priest, “Huldah’s Oracle,” VT30 (1980) 366-68. Dillard (282) proposes that the compilers of Kings and Chronicles understood that the first half of Huldah’s prophecy was defined by the second; that

during his lifetime. 93 Josephus Ant. 10.60-61: “He [God] would put off these calamities for a time, but after his death would send down on the multitude the sufferings He had decreed against them.” Josephus thus avoids any contradiction. The promise was not that Josiah would die in peace, but that the calamity would come after his death. See Steve Delamarter, “The Death of Josiah in Scripture and Tradition: Wres¬ tling with the Problem of Evil?” VT54 (2004) 45.

is, going to his grave in peace means not seeing the destruction of Jerusalem. The repentance of Ahab

505

cant theological rationale for the violent death of Josiah

David, Gad the king’s seer, and the prophet Nathan).

(2 Chr 35:20-25). Shortly after the conclusion ofjosiah’s

The Levites may continue the role of cultic prophets in

reign in 2 Chr 35:27, the divine judgment begins to

preexilic times, or Levitical preaching and teaching are

take place, with the burning of the temple coming only

a continuation of an earlier prophetic function. Second,

nineteen verses later (2 Chr 36:19), but nowhere is Josiah

“all the people both great and small”97 replaces “all the

himself blamed for the destruction of Jerusalem and

people both small and great.” Finally, the book that had

Judah.

been discovered is now called the book of the covenant,

34:29-32 Renewal of the Covenant

Torah.

■ 29 Then the king sent and gathered all the elders of Judah

■ 31 The king stood in his place and made a covenant before

and Jerusalem: Except for minor variations, the Chroni¬

Yahweh to follow Yahweh and to keep his commandments, his

cler took this verse from 2 Kgs 23:1. Elders are infre¬

decrees, and his statutes, ivith all his heart and all his soul, to

quently mentioned in Chronicles.94 Even though Huldah

perform the stipulations of the covenant that were written in this

had suggested no actions, Josiah takes action anyway.

book: Standing in his place (MT) or by the pillar (LXX;

The relationship between this gathering of the elders

see the textual notes) Josiah made a covenant before,

as in the Vorlage in 2 Kgs 23:3,98 and not the book of the

and the groups mentioned in the next verse that went

that is, in the presence of, Yahweh. Yahweh himself is not

up to the temple is unclear. The making of a covenant in

a party to this covenant. Similarly, David and Jonathan

w. 29-32 in Chronicles is the immediate response to the

made a covenant before Yahweh in 1 Sam 23:18. David

oracles of Huldah,95 and it is followed by a brief mention

also made a covenant before Yahweh with the elders of

of further reforms in v. 33. Then comes the lengthy Pass-

Israel, which led to his anointing as king (2 Sam 5:3).

over account in 2 Chronicles 35. In Kings, the prophecy

In Jeremiah, Yahweh himself refers to a covenant made

of Huldah is also followed by the making of a covenant,

before him that would set slaves free (Jer 34:15, 18). The

but then come extensive descriptions of reforms in the

vocabulary in the rest of the verse is very close to the Vor¬

south (2 Kgs 23:4-14) and reforms in the north (2 Kgs

lage in 2 Kgs 23:3. Commandments (TTVIISQ) and statutes

23:15-20), and only then a brief description of the cen¬

(rpm) are characteristic vocabulary of Deuteronomy,

tralized Passover (2 Kgs 23:21-23).

as is doing something “with all one’s heart and soul.”99

■ 30 The king went up to the house ofYahweh, with all the

The word “decrees” (TTTnih) occurs only three times in

people of Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the priests

Deuteronomy. Deuteronomy 6:17 is the only verse in Deu¬

and the Levites, all the people both great and small, and he read

teronomy that uses all three nouns together: “You must

in their hearing all the words of the book of the covenant that

diligently keep the commandments ofYahweh your God,

had been found in the house ofYahweh: This verse is taken

and his decrees, and his statutes that he has commanded

from 2 Kgs 23:2 with a few changes. Instead of the priests

you.” In Kings this surely involved vowing to follow the

and the Levites, 2 Kgs 23:2 reads the priests and the

book of Deuteronomy. Here it may refer to a commit¬

prophets.96 We have seen the prophetic function of the

ment to the entire Pentateuch.

Levites in 1 Chr 25:1-8; 2 Chr 20:14 (the spirit ofYahweh

■ 32 Then he made all who were present in Jerusalem pledge

came onjahaziel a Levite); 2 Chr 29:25 (Levites were

themselves to the covenant. And the inhabitants of Jerusalem

stationed in the temple following the commandment of

acted according to the covenant of God, the God of their ances-

94

95 96 97

1 Chr 11:3: “the elders of Israel”//2 Sam 5:3; 1 Chr 15:25: “the elders of Israel”//2 Sam 6:12 (but no mention of elders there); 1 Chr 21:16: “David and

98

the elders” (without Vorlage)', 2 Chr 5:2, 4: “the elders of Israel”//1 Kgs 8:1, 3.

99

See Eslinger, “Josiah and the Torah Book,” 59. Cf. Jer 4:9; 13:13; 26:16; 29:1; 32:32. See 2 Chr 35:18 for the inclusive character of those who observed the Passover.

506

See Exod 24:7. In the brief account of the Passover in 2 Kgs 23:21 there is a mention of “this book of the covenant” (not included in 2 Chr 35:1). Deut 10:12; 11:13; 30:10;Josh 22:5; 1 Kgs 2:4. For “with all his heart,” see also 1 Kgs 14:8; 2 Kgs 10:31; 2 Kgs 23:25; 2 Chr 22:9; and 2 Chr 31:21.

34:1-33

tors: The Chronicler expands the Vorlage in this verse and

with the reforms of the twelfth year of his reign. He

the next. The Vorlage of v. 32 (2 Kgs 23:3b) itself read:

purged Judah and Jerusalem (vv. 3-5) and large parts of

“And all the people joined in the covenant” (“TDin; 2 Kgs

the former northern kingdom (vv. 6-7), before returning

23:3b). The Chronicler uses the hiphil of

to Jerusalem.

(“Then he

made . . . pledge themselves to”) instead of the qal. In

In his eighteenth year, he launched a program to

Chronicles, King Josiah is directly responsible for the

repair or restore the temple. This was financed by funds

reform of the land, the temple, and the people.100 In

collected by the Levites from portions of the former

Kings, all the people pledged themselves to the covenant.

northern kingdom, Judah and Benjamin, and Jerusalem

For our substitution of rP“Q3 for MT’s p’m, see the

(v. 8). Josiah’s efforts with regard to the temple are con¬

textual notes. For the emphasis in this verse on all who

trasted with those of his predecessors, who had let the

were present in Jerusalem, see the earlier reference to

temple fall into decay.

“this place and its inhabitants” in the oracle of Huldah in v. 24.

As Josiah’s staff was expending the building funds that had been collected, the high priest Hilkiah announced that he had discovered the book of the

34:33 Elimination of Foreign Cults, and the Faithfulness

Torah, given through Moses, probably something close

of the People throughout the Reign of Josiah

to the present shape of the Pentateuch (v. 14). The

■ 33 Josiah took away all the abominations from all the lands

major portion of the reforms had preceded the find¬

that belonged to the Israelites and made all who were present

ing of the book, and in fact the discovery of the book

in Israel worship Yahweh their God. All his days they did not

could be viewed in part as a reward for Josiah’s efforts.

turn away from following Yahweh the God of their ancestors:

When Josiah heard the words of this book read to him,

This verse is both an addition by the Chronicler and

he recognized at once that the ancestors had not kept

a brief summary of 2 Kgs 23:4-20. “Abominations” are

the word of Yahweh, as it was described in this book, and

first mentioned in Chronicles during the reign of Ahaz

he went into mourning (vv. 19-21). Josiah immediately

(2 Chr 28:3), appear again during the evil first period

dispatched a high-powered delegation to intercede with

of Manasseh (2 Chr 33:2), and show up later during the

the prophet Huldah on his own behalf and on behalf of

reigns ofjehoiakim (2 Chr 36:8) and Zedekiah (2 Chr

all the people (v. 21). Huldah’s oracle from Yahweh announced a judg¬

36:14). According to the Chronicler, the territory that belonged to Josiah exceeded the land of Judah. In 2 Chr

ment against the temple and the people that could not

34:3-7, both kingdoms had been purified. Josiah made

be avoided because of the worship of other gods and

all who were present in Israel serve Yahweh, just as in v.

idolatry (vv. 24-25). Huldah recognized that the king had

32 he made all who were in Jerusalem pledge themselves

been penitent and had humbled itself, actions that have

to the covenant. The people did not depart from Yahweh

been observed also by Yahweh (vv. 26-27). As for Josiah,

during the reign of Josiah, but, as we will see, the king

he is given a double promise: that he will die in peace

himself made a serious mistake at the end of his reign.101

and that he will not be an eyewitness to the destruction destined for the temple and for the people (v. 28). The second of these comes true, but the first is negated by

Conclusion

Josiah’s behavior toward the end of his life. The king responded to Huldah’s oracles by read¬

In this chapter Josiah behaves in an exemplary fashion, beginning in the eighth year of his reign and cresting

ing the book of the covenant to all the people, and he

100 Eslinger, “Josiah and the Torah Book,” 55. 101 Bae {Vereinte Suche, 36) notes that Rudolph (323), Myers (2:208), andjaphet (1037) see v. 33 as action resulting from the conclusion of the covenant, whereas Curtis and Madsen (511) and Becker (2 Chronik, 119) see it as a continuation of the reform begun in year 12 (v. 3b). De Vries (407)

maintains that the mention of the purification of the land and temple in v. 8 v. 33b. Williamson (401-2) ing recounted in this verse obedience to the demands

forms an inclusio with notes that the bless¬ is a reward for Josiah s of the book (see the

promises of Huldah in vv. 26-28).

507

enlisted the people in a covenant to do the words of

23:4-20). All the days ofjosiah the people remained true

the covenant that were written in the book (w. 30-32).

to Yahweh (v. 33), as will be illustrated by the Passover

He followed this by removing the abominations from

recounted in 2 Chr 35:1-19. Josiah’s own life is to take a

the lands, a very condensed notice of the very detailed

sudden turn for the worse toward the end of his life.

reforms that followed Huldah’s oracles in 2 Kings (2 Kgs

508

35:1-27 The Passover of Josiah and the Death of Josiah Translation 1/

2/

7/

10/

Josiah kept a Passover1 in Jerusalem2 for Yahweh;3 he slaughtered4 the Passover lamb on the fourteenth5 of the first month. He appointed the priests to their offices and strengthened them for the service6 of the house of Yahweh. 3/ He said to the Levites who instructed7 all Israel8 and who were holy9 to Yahweh, "Since the holy ark10 has been brought11 into the house which Solomon the son of David, the king of Israel,12 built,13 there is no need for you to carry it14 on your shoulders. Now serve Yahweh your God and15 his people Israel. 4/ Get ready16 by your ancestral houses and17 by your divisions, according to the written direction18 of David the king of Israel and as accomplished by19 Solo¬ mon his son. 5/ Stand in the sanctuary20 according to the groupings of the fathers' houses21 of your brothers22 the laypeople23 and by ancestral house divisions of the Levites.24 6/ Slaughter the Passover lamb and the holy things; and make prepara¬ tions25 for your brothers, acting26 accord¬ ing to the word of Yahweh by the hand of Moses." Josiah donated to the sons of the people27 small cattle —lambs and kids28 —all for the Passover offerings for all who were present to the number of29 thirty thou¬ sand—and30 three thousand bulls; these were from the possessions of the king. 8/ His officials31 contributed voluntarily32 for the people, the priests and the Levites. Hilkiah,33 Zechariah, and Jehiel, the chief officers of the house of God, gave34 to the priests for Passover offerings two thousand six hundred sheep35 and three hundred bulls. 9/ Conaniah,36 together with his brothers37 Shemaiah and Nethanel, and Hashabiah, Jeiel,38 and Jozabad,39 the chiefs of the Levites,40 contributed to the Levites for the Passover offerings five thousand sheep41 and42 seven43 hundred bulls. When the service had been prepared for, the priests stood in their place,44 and the Levites in their divisions according to the command of the king.45 11/ They slaugh¬ tered the Passover lamb, and the priests sprinkled the blood from their hand,46 while the Levites flayed the animal. 12/ They set aside47 the burnt offerings so that they might give them48 according to the groupings of the ancestral houses of the laity,49 to offer to Yahweh as it is writ¬ ten in the book of Moses, and so also with the bulls.50 13/ They cooked the Passover lamb with fire according to the ordinance; and they boiled the holy offerings in

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

nOS. LXX and 1 Esdr 1:1 “the Passover.” Note that this noun appears with the definite article in the second half of this verse also in MT. 1 Esdr 1:1-55 contains an independent Greek translation of 2 Chr 35:1—36:21. For a brief introduction to 1 Esdras, see Klein, 1 Chronicles, 28. □TohTO; lacking in LXX. 1 Esdr 1:1 reverses the order of “the Passover” and “in Jerusalem,” perhaps indicating that dToTYO is secondary. 1 Esdr Lira Kvpia avrov = Y’nT’K1?. LXX rS> KvpLa $6(3 avrov conflates ITHT1? and VTlTt*. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:102) claims that was added to Chr LXX Vorlage because of iTliT ’nTfc* in 2 Chr 34:31 and then 1 was added by dittography. CDnCD’l; LXXdjp'c2 1 Esdr 1:1 Kal e$UCT6 “he sacrificed.” Cf. Syr. MT ltDnEi’l “they slaughtered.” The MT is a correction by someone who thought that Josiah should not be performing a sacrifice. The MT is supported by Vaticanus and related manuscripts in both LXX and 1 Esdras. See Talshir, Text Critical Commentary, 3. “itZW1 nimtO. 1 Esdr 1:1 777 reooapeoKaLbeKdrij r\pepa “on the fourteenth day.” Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 3) says the word “day” may stem from the translator or the Hebrew Vorlage. Addition of “day” is supported by a few minuscules in Chr LXX, Arab, Vg. mini* optm; 1 Esdr 1:2 earoXiopevovq (D’tznTo) “clothed in their vestments.” Cf. 1 Esdr 7:9 = Ezra 6:18, where 1 Esdras again introduces vestments without a corresponding word in the MT. DTDDH Q and in many Hebrew mss; □OOCi7 K. LXX rolq bwarolq “who were powerful,” which Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:32) suggests is a corruption of rolq avverolq “the intelligent” (cf. 1 Chr 15:22; 27:32). 1 Esdr 1:3 iepobovXoiq (DTrun), which may in turn be a corruption of D’JVUn “who were given.” Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 8) proposes the latter as the original reading. Cf. Num 18:6: “your brethren the Levites. . . . They are a gift dedicated (□’Tiro) to Yahweh.” Two Hebrew mss □’OlOn “those

8 9

who were ready.” Twito’ To1?. 1 Esdr 1:3 lacks “all.” D’Efnpn (cf. 2 Chr 23:6). LXX rov ayia(T&r\vai avrovq “that they should be sanctified.” 1 Esdr 1:3 aycdoat earovq (TOIpPil orlttflpn) “that they should sanctify themselves.” Cf. Syr >tqdsw. Vg sanctificabatur. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:78) reconstructs LXX as n?npn rather than Benzinger’s □C7’7pni?. Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 9) thinks that the two Greek versions may be based on an imperative

10

in Hebrew rather than an infinitive. Ehpn [ON n«; so LXX. 1 Esdr 1:3 rrjq ayiaq KifiuTOV rov Kvpiov “the holy ark of the Lord” represents a conflation of MT and a hypothetical

509

14/

17/

20/

pots, in caldrons, and in pans,51 and they brought them quickly52 to all the people. Afterwards they made preparations53 for themselves and for the priests,54 because the priests the sons of Aaron55 were involved in sacrificing the burnt offer¬ ing and the fat parts56 until night; so the Levites made preparations for themselves and for the priests57 the sons of Aaron. 15/ The singers, the descendants of Asaph, were in their place according to the command of David, and Asaph, and Heman,58 and Jeduthun,59 the visionary of the king.60 The gatekeepers61 were at each gate; they had no need to interrupt their service for their brothers the Levites made preparations for them. 16/ So all the service of Yahweh was prepared62 on that day, to keep the Passover and to offer up the burnt offerings on the altar of Yah¬ weh, according to the command of King Josiah. The Israelites who were present kept the Passover at that time63 and the festival of Unleavened Bread seven days. 18/ No Passover like this had been held in Israel since the days of Samuel the prophet; all the kings64 of Israel had not conducted such a Passover as the one held by Josiah,65 and by the priests, the Levites, and by all Judah and Israel66 that were present,67 and by the inhabitants of Jeru¬ salem.68 19/ In the eighteenth year of the reign of Josiah, this Passover was held.69 After all this, when Josiah had set the temple in order,70 Necho71 the king of Egypt came up to fight72 at Carchemish on the Euphrates, and Josiah went out to confront/meet him. 21/ He73 sent messengers to him, saying, "What have I to do with you, king of Judah? I am not coming against you74 today,75 but against the house with which I am at war,76 and God has commanded me to hurry.77 Cease opposing God who is with me78 lest he destroy you.79 22/ But Josiah would not turn his face away from him,80 but he disguised himself81 in order to do battle with him. He did not listen to the words of Necho82 from the mouth83 of God, but came to do battle84 in the plain of Megiddo.85 23/ The archers shot86 at King Josiah, and the king said to his atten¬ dants, "Take me away87 for I am severely wounded."88 24/ His attendants took him out of the chariot89 and made him ride90 in his second chariot, and they brought him to Jerusalem where he died.91 He was buried in the graves of his ances¬ tors.92 And all93 Judah and Jerusalem94 mourned for Josiah. 25/ Jeremiah95

510

DYI^R piK I7K. Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 10) suggests that a double construct is possible. 11

1317], following Rudolph (326), who understands the form as the Semitic passive (“they have brought” = “it has been brought”) and construes the clause of which it is a part as a protasis. LXX Kal e$r)Kav “and they put” (131731). Because of this construction LXX adds Kal ehrev 6 BaoiAevq “and the king said” at the beginning of the next verse. 1 Esdr 1:3 ev rr) deaei “when depositing.” MT13J7 “put,” which Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 9) labels senseless. For Kimhi’s interpretation of MT, see Berger, Kimhi, 275-76.

12 13

‘PK-®' 1 Esdr 1:3 6 ^aatXevq “the king.” HID. LXX adds Kal eiitev 6 fiaaiAevq “and the king said.” See n. 11.

14

MT lacks an explicit direct object. LXX ovdev\ 1 Esdr 1:4 avrpv. 1 Esdr 1:4 adds depatrevere (11170) “minister to.” linn K. LXX Kal eTOLpaadpre. Cf. VL Vg. 13'3m Q Syr Tg Arab 1 Esdr 1:4 Kal eroLpdoaTe “and pre¬ pare.” Rudolph (326) believes that Qis influenced by v. 6b. Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 11) thinks

15 16

17 18 19

K is the more appropriate reading. LXX 1 Esdr 1:4; the conjunction is lacking in MT. 31733, with a few Hebrew mss LXX Syr Vg 1 Esdr 1:4; mt nron. T31; LXX Kal bid x^^poq flaoiAeuc; (cf. 1 Esdr 1:4L); 1 Esdr 1:4 Kal Kara tx)v peyaXeiorpra (7’31) “and as befits the grandeur.” See Talshir, Text Critical Commentary, 11-12. The Chronicler meant to say: “as prescribed in the writing of King David of Israel and as accomplished by his son Solomon.” MT 3H3Q31; two Hebrew mss Syr Vg 3H3D31.

20

Cnp3; LXX ev tu olku 1 Esdr 1:5 ev tu lepti. Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 13) believes that

21

LXX and 1 Esdr represent a Hebrew reading n'33. EsdrasBL = ev tu> ayi. 171383 n'3 LXX oIkwv traTpiwv vpuv Syr

22

AevLTUV “the paternal groupings of you, the Lev¬ ites.” Hence 1 Esdr 1:5 adds “the Levites.” □3,ns‘7. 1 Esdr 1:5 epitpoadev tuv dbeAn ’33; 1 Esdr 1:5 viohv lapapX (‘w©’ ’33) “the sons of Israel.” D'l1?1? 38 rP3 nppm. These words are difficult to translate. The entire verse seems to say that for each group of the ancestral houses of the laity there will be a corresponding group of ancestral houses of the Levites. 1 Esdr 1:5 omits these four words, but adds the word “Levites” to the expression “fathers houses” earlier in the verse (see n. 21). 1 Esdr 1:6 adds ev ra^et= ncnOUft “in proper order” or “at

35:1-27

26/

uttered a lament for Josiah, and all the male and female singers96 have spoken about Josiah97 in their laments until today.98 They made these99 into a custom in Israel,100 and they are written in the Laments.101 The rest102 of the acts of Josiah,103 and his loyal deeds104 in accordance with what is written105 in the Torah of Yahweh, 27/ and his acts,106 earlier and later, behold they107 are written in the book of the kings of Israel and Judah.

posts,” and this phrase apparently belongs to the previous verse, where it should modify OTavreg-. “standing at your posts (or in order) in the sanctu¬ ary.” See Talshir, Text Critical Commentary, 12-14. The word Pp5n occurs only here and means “part” or “division.” See HALOT, 324. Rudolph (328; cf. BHS) emends the words cited at the beginning of this note conjecturally: PjD^n COT ’331? DB m ‘m‘7'1 D’l’pb DK P’D “and for every lay family a family of the 25

26 27

28

29

30 31

Levites corresponds.” ■non D’Gnpm, with 1 Esdr 1:6 Kai rag dvoiag eroLpdoare. Cf. LXX (except for mss Bb) Kai ra ayta eroLpdoare. MT '"Dm uzhpnm “Sanctify yourselves and make preparations.” Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 15) observes: “Having the Levites sanctify themselves now seems oddly out of place, when they have already been commanded to slaughter the Pascal sacrifice.” PTOD1?; 1 Esdr 1:6 Kal iroLr)oaTe to ndoxu (nODH PK TOUT) “and keep the Passover.” CDP mb. 1 Esdr 1:7 ra) Aaai ra evpedevTi (KHOm DUb) “to the people who were present.” 1 Esdras combines DDP mb “to the sons of the people” and BK03P b~b “to all who were present” from MT (see n. 29). Note that LXX, 1 Esdras, and Syr place verbs at the beginning of the verse in w. 7-8, contrary to MT. Is this a translational differ¬ ence, or does it result from a different Vorlage? nny mi D’taD ]RX. 1 Esdr 1:7 apvav Kai ep'apwv “lambs and kids,” omitting a translation for “small cattle.” Cf. jK3£ . . . D’PS in 2 Chr 30:24 (Hezekiah’s Passover). PDODb bDb D'rtOSb VdH; lacking in 1 Esdr 1:7. Note that B3£D3n bDb in 1 Esdras is mentioned in n. 27 above. Omission of “all for the Passover offer¬ ings” follows the interpretation in 1 Esdras (based on Deut 16:2) that both small cattle and bulls were part of the Passover offering. Omission of “to the number of” may reflect the translator’s style. Note that in 1 Esdras the actual number comes immedi¬ ately after the mention of the animals themselves, obviating the need for a translation ofPSOOb. Omitted in 1 Esdr 1:7. It also omits “and” before the bulls at the end of 2 Chr 35:8 and 9 in 1 Esdr 1:8-9. mtol. Verse 7 states what the king contributed, and v. 8a what his officials contributed. 1 Esdr 1:7 ravra eK tuv (5(xoi\lkuv combines the king and his officials: TP01 "[ban D1DPQ “these (were given) from the royal possessions.” 1 Esdras thus combines the first two groups of donors and translates the verb for giving or contributing in the passive voice.

32

ID'Pn . . . mu 1 Esdr 1:8 edodrj Kaf enayyeXiap = PDP3b up;. Note the word order of the verbs; that is, they are at beginning of clause (see also LXX and Syr). 1 Esdras also uses a different verb for

511

giving, though one cannot rule out possible incon¬ sistencies in his treatment of the verbs (Talshir, Text Critical Commentary, 20). All this is complicated by his combining of the first two giving categories. BHS suggests that LXX dtTppxaPTO = nDTb. This verb actually stands for IDTH . . . Hence LXX also 33

34 35

puts a verb at the beginning of the sentence. Cf. Syr Vg. MT lacks conjunction. The waw was lost by haplography after IDTH. LXX ebumev XeXKeiaq. 1 Esdr 1:8 Kal ebwKep XeXKeiaq. Tpbn pi. Note that both LXX and 1 Esdras have an extra verb here formed from p. DID. LXX translates this verb here and at the begin¬ ning of the clause. See the previous note. jKD withl Esdr 1:8 Ttpo^aTa. LXX 7rpo/3ara Kal appovq Kal epupouq “sheep, and lambs, and kids.”

37

38 39 40

irnTDl K; VTDDI Q. Cf. 2 Ghr 31:12 1TD1D K; IffDUD Q. 1 Esdr 1:9 Kat lexoplaq (ITjDD). The same variant occurs in LXX mss BSc2. Kal xofGt’laq Nbehe , Arab. In 1 Chr 15:27 TDD1, LXX adds Kal Bapalaq (IH'jDl), which shows instability of the name’s form in the Vorlage (Talshir, Text Critical

47

48 49

50

51

SP ITGSDn LXX ttjp evToXpv TavTrjp. DTD nnn. LXX to alpa 6K xetpoq avTWP = □nn DTD. MT DTD. DTI was lost in MT by homoio¬ teleuton from this alternate Vorlage. VL word order = €K xc^poq avrap to alpa. Cf. Tg Vg. ITOn. LXX Kal TjTolpaaaP. Allen {Greek Chronicles, 2:152) retroverts LXX as TD’l. This is an easier reading and so secondary. DJTlb. BHS lists a proposed change to DDHDb “for the priests.” DiJH DDb; 1 Esdr 1:10 epitpoo'&ep too Xaov (DOT mb).'Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 25) notes that these variants are well in keeping with the text’s overall meaning. “Ipab; 1 Esdr 1:10 to TtpwLPOV (“ipDb ) “in the morn¬ ing.” Cf. some Hebrew mss LXX Tg Syr. A similar mistake is made in LXX in 1 Sam 11:5. mnbmi. 1 Esdr 1:11 peT evubiaq “with a pleasing odor.” LXX evobwfir). The translators derived the word from the root nbn and then evobta was mis¬ spelled evccbla. Vg cum benevolentia.

52 53 54

mm. LXX Kal ebpapop = mm. Dan. LXX eTOLpdaat = ]’Dn. MT third masculine plural; LXX infinitive construct. 1 Esdr 1:12 adds abeXtpolq avrap violq 'Aapup “their brothers the sons of Aaron.” Chronicles never refers to the sons of Aaron as “brothers.” See also next note.

Commentary, 21). TTTK. LXX abeXfpbq avtov. Syr 1 Esdr 1:9 6 abeX3 tT>3. LXX Kai avefir) etc'avrov. 7*73 l’T31. Allen (Greek Chronicles, 2:128) argues that the extra waw resulted from dittography of waw before the materials were added from Kings. l’T3 was at that time preceded by 1’7Tk. But that word is not attested in 1 Esdras according to the previous note. 10’T7T. LXX and 1 Esdr 1:38 Kai aitpyayev (avrov) “and took him away.” These translations presuppose a finite verb instead of the infinitive construct plus suffix in MT. 72SK373133. LXX omits. K’07. 1 Esdr 1:39 Aaf3av ... Kai aKevejKag. Possibly: 17K’0’1 . . . 7pT “took . . . and carried them away.” See Talshir, Text Critical Commentary, 70. TooT; omitted by 1 Esdr 1:39. Note that the word TOOO appears again at the end of this verse and at

Hebrew.

33 34

]’377’ is found in Kings LXX in 2 Kgs 24:6, 8, 15. 2 Chr 36:8, 9 Chr LXX lexoviaq (773’, the by-form of ]’3’17’). See the discussion of the kings’ names in 1 Esdras in the commentary on Jehoahaz at 2 Chr 36:1. 37 38

ITQUm. 1 Esdr 1:40 Kai rr)g avrov aKadapoiaq Kai bvooe(3etag. Is this a double translation, or did the Vorlage have an additional noun, such as 17^371? See Talshir, Text Critical Commentary, 71. 733 73K. Omitted in 1 Esdr 1:40. l’T3 KKD371. Omitted by Syr 1 Esdr 1:40 and 2 Kgs

7733, makingjehoiachin eight years old at his accession. The Vaticanus ms in both Chr LXX and 1 Esdr 1:41 agrees with Chr MT that the king was eight years old, and Talshir (Text Critical Commentary, 73) believes that these readings are inter¬ related and secondary. An attempt to add the word 7733 was

39

40 41

42

35

kings.” 2 Kgs 24:5 7717’ ’oToT D’0’7 ’737 “annals of the kings ofjudah.” 2 Chr 36:8 LXX is equivalent

532

□’0’ 77331 “and ten days.” Apparently the 7733 that was miss¬ ing in MT according to the previous note was added as a cor¬ rection marginally and entered after “three months” instead of after 7103. The changes described in this and the previous note apparently took place quite early in the transmission of Chronicles. Syr Arab read “100 (days)” instead of three months and ten days. See A. Green, “The Fate of Jehoiakim,” AUSS 20 (1982) 105. “[*707; omitted in 1 Esdr 1:43. Syr and Vg change the word order of “king” and “Nebuchadnezzar.” 717’ n’O n707 ,L10 03. 1 Esdr 1:43 dpa Tolg iepolg OKeveatv rov Kupiov (717’ n’0 ’To 03) “together with the sacred vessels of the Lord.” Cf. 1 Esdr 1:39. 1’7K. LXX dbeAipov tov narpoq avrov “the brother of his

Omitted in 1 Esdr 1:44. 2 Kgs 24:17 1717 “his uncle”; Kgs LXX

viov avrov “his son.” See the commentary. 43

0T3l7’0. Omitted in 1 Esdr 1:44.

44 45 46

1’7Tk. Omitted in 2 Kgs 24:19//Jer 52:2 and 1 Esdr 1:45. Syr and 1 Esdr 1:45 add the conjunction. 717’ ’SO «’037 17’D7’ 7STn. 1 Esdr 1:45 and mv ppdevTUV

Aoywv

vko lepepiov tov Kpo .

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