Domenico Scarlatti [1968 reprint ed.]


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Domenico Scarlatti by

Ralph Kirkpatrick A Famous

Harpsichordist's Study of the

Times, and Works of

Composers

One

Life,

of the Greatest

for His Instrument

mm i

i

m

MTS

1961

TfOMENICO SCARLATTI

Domenico

Scarlatti,

by Domingo Antonio de Velasco.

Alpiarga, Portugal, bequest of Jose Relvas

DOMENICO SCARLATTI BY K_sTalpn t^yl ir/cpatric/c

THOMAS

Y.

NEW YORK

CROWELL COMPANY •

ESTABLISHED

1834

Copyright, 1953, by Princeton University Press L. C.

Music

Card 68-29620

calligraphy by Gordon

Mapes

Printed in the United States of America Apollo Edition, 1968

1

PREFACE Few

composers of the stature of Domenico

neglected in the literature of music.

Long

Scarlatti

before

I

have been so was asked in

1940 to consider writing a book on him, I had become painfully aware of the inadequacy of the available texts and the absence of information fundamentally necessary to

me

as a

performer of his

works. I had begun collecting notes on his miscellaneous compositions

wherever

I

found them, and had enjoyed a

brief opportunity in

Venice in 1939 to gain some idea of the original texts of the sonatas. But I had no idea of the magnitude of the task which was to oc-

cupy a large part of 1

94

to

in part

my

time for the twelve years after

undertake a study of his

life

and works.

I

I

agreed

in

was motivated

by the challenge to fill a long-standing gap, but largely by pressing need for a well-established knowledge and under-

my own

standing of Scarlatti.

When

in 1941 I had no notion of being able to European source material. I conceived of the book as a mere compilation and reexamining of previously available biographical material, redeemed by its possible value as a study and interpretation of the music by an experienced harpsichord player. After preliminary cataloguing and orientation, including a study and I

began work

obtain access to

evaluation of all that had already been written, I fully realized

the paucity of factual and biographical information

Domenico that, apart

Scarlatti.

Inspired in part by SitwelPs

from the music

little

the only possible

itself,

concerning book,

way

I felt

of convey-

ing any notion of Scarlatti as a person, or of the nature of his

was

to

life,

attempt to draw a portrait in which the shadowy and almost

invisible figure of the principal

personage might be conjured up

background and by those personages known to have been associated with him. I wished this background and these personages by

his

to be seen as far as possible to be firmly attached to an

documented

facts.

To

this

through eighteenth-century eyes, and

underlying foundation of scrupulously

end

I

Portuguese, and Spanish history, and biographical

knowledge of

Scarlatti. •

v



Italian,

in investigating all possible

information concerning the personages

have been connected with

summer

spent a large part of the

of 1943 in acquiring the necessary general

Contemporary

I

knew

diaries

to

and

PREFACE memoirs, and

all

the available travel journals of eighteenth-century

me

with a mass of

and copied-out excerpts of which the amount

finally retained

visitors to Italy, Portugal,

notes

book represents only the merest

in this

The due

and Spain furnished fraction.

next years, apart from the frequent and long interruptions

activities,

performing

were occupied with the assimilation and organization of

and

my

not to mention struggles with

this material,

literary

my

time of

to the considerable extension at that

almost non-existent

summer

In the

historical techniques.

of 1946, how-

ever, I put together a draft of the biographical portion of the book,

based on the surprisingly large body of material it

about Scarlatti!

)

had been able European sources.

that I

try without access to

My

in the biographical portion of the book, not so

basic intentions, as in the

biography that

I

to unpublished sources.

London,

my

a vast

now found I

was able

by a summer passed

decision to

if still

transformed I

amount of it

to

make

unsatisfying

my

attitude

possible to

work

in Italy.

all

in

its

make from

in libraries

hither-

and archives

in

Venice, and

But most important of

all

a visit to Spain. This not only produced

amount of new toward

an interpreter of

Scarlatti.

In the meantime

I

material, but completely

Scarlatti's music.

date whatever small comprehension

as

much

original contribution to Scar-

Rome, Naples, Bologna, Parma, and

Paris,

to benefit

w?^

enough of

return to Europe in 1947 produced a drastic and decisive

change

latti's

(little

to accumulate in this coun-

had begun

may

I

From

feel I

that time

have acquired

1943 a chronological study of

in

the harpsichord sonatas, designed as a basis for the musical

portion of the book. This I completed during the

The summer

of 1948 in

Rome

summer

was spent largely

biographical portion of the book and in assimilating the terial I

and a

had acquired

in Italy

and

the remainder of that year I set up cars

1

947.

new ma-

brief return to Spain

Portugal that autumn added further material. For

visit to

Pullman

A

Spain.

of

in recasting the

between concerts, and

at

my

typewriter in hotels and

home

in

moments

that could

be spared from practicing and rehearsals, transcribing Portuguese

and Spanish documents, and making what was nearly the

final draft of Scarlatti's

I

then fondly believed

biography.

PREFACE The summer of 1949 was spent in Rome wrestling with the problems of writing and organization of the musical portion. Again, but not for the

last time,

I

went through the complete my notes and

chronological series of the sonatas, supplementing

my

clarifying

ideas as to the

method and terminology

of conveying

on paper their fundamental character and the underlying principles

and harmonic

of their formal

a

knowledge of music and

made

structure. I

musical portion that would prove, were

still

it

a performer's understanding of

protection at all against the ability to write

The

nonsense.

a draft of the

in existence, that

relationship of biographical

proved a troublesome problem, and

I

some

it is

no

really shocking

and musical portions

constantly fluctuated be-

tween an attempt to unite them and a decision to separate them. subsequently realized that verbal discussion of poetical

and imaginative

specific pieces

I

on a

level can be extraordinarily dangerous. Re-

peatedly I have realized that what I have written about a piece distorts or limits

what

as a

have often found myself batting the misleading

gram

I feel its

engaged

and incomplete

at

content to be. (I

an instrument in com-

indications of

my own

pro-

notes.)

summer

In the

problems of

performer

tacitly

what

of 1950, also spent in

Rome,

in connection with the musical portion, I

had written

in 1949,

and decided

I

resolved the

threw away most

to retain

my

initial

separation of biography and music. I realized that to a picture of a musical personality I could never bring verbal completeness,

even were

I

possessed of greater literary

ness to spend a further long portion of

my

skill,

life in

and of a willingpolishing and re-

vising, that in writing I could only discuss certain aspects of Scarlatti's

them

music,

This latti

tion,

and that only

as a musician could I

hope

to bring

together. is

and

why

I

consider this book not really a portrait of Scar-

his music, despite the illusory

appearance of

its

organiza-

but only a series of contributions to a portrait, a portrait that

can be completed only by the music

itself.

Just as the biographical

life by that and places, so the musical part, by ininterpretive comment, discussions of the special

portion attempts to outline the portrayal of Scarlatti's of surrounding personages

formative data, aspects of

harmony, form, and performance, attempts •

vii

'

to outline

PREFACE something which by

its

very nature will always be as absent from

the printed page as by historical accident are the direct emanations of Scarlatti's person.

For the materials of this book libraries and their staffs:

am

I

lowing

in

largely indebted to the fol-

New

Haven, Yale University

Library, Library of the Yale School of Music; Washington, Li-

brary of Congress; Cambridge, Harvard College Library ;

York,

New York

Museum, Library of the Royal Fitzwilliam Museum; Paris,

Hispanic Society; London, British College

Music;

of

New

Public Library, Frick Art Reference Library,

Cambridge,

Bibliotheque Nationale; Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana;

Parma, Biblioteca Palatina; Bologna, Biblioteca del Liceo Musi-

Rome,

cale;

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Archivio di S. Pietro,

Biblioteca Santa Cecilia, Biblioteca Angelica; Naples, Biblioteca del

Conservatorio di

Pietro a Maiella; Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional,

S.

Archivo Historico Nacional, Biblioteca de Palacio, Archivo de Palacio, Archivo de la Capilla Real, Archivo Historico de Proto-

cols, Biblioteca Municipal, Hemeroteca,

For valuable information and grateful to his death

and

my

material at

my work with

Bauer

my

in

preliminary work

now I

and the

Duke

Levi,

Servizio

office

entire unpublished

first

that

was

time. In

first

my

in

Virgilio Mortari, Ferruccio

Padre Arnaldo Furlotti, Ennio Francesco Malipiero, Dr. Ulderico Ro-

Conte A. E.

Doro

the

until

England by Vere PilkingDent; in France by Messrs.

have been helped

Frank Walker, Edward J. Adhemar and Heugel; in Italy by

landi,

am

researches I

Rome, who

much

appears in print for the

ton,

Porrini,

Lisbon,

unfailing interest and helpfulness;

Munich, who placed her

disposal, with the result that

discovered by her

Vignanelli,

my

for aid in

predecessors, to S. A. Luciani in

watched

to Luise

Museo Alba;

Torre do Tombo.

Biblioteca Nacional, Archivo da

Saffi,

Italiano

Microfilm,

Douglas

of the U.S. Cultural Attache;

in

Allanbrook, Spain by the

of San Lucar, Walter Starkie, Miss Margaret Cole, Miss

Leslie Frost, the

Marques del

Saltillo,

Mathilde Lopez Serrano,

Federico Navarro Franco, Jose Subira, Enrique Barrera, and the Scarlatti family, especially Julio Scarlatti,

Rosa and Luis Rallo;

in

Portugal by Santiago Kastner and by Mario de Sampayo Ribeiro, •

viii



PREFACE who

sent

me some

of Domenico's Portuguese vocal pieces and the

in Vienna by Beekman Cannon United States by friends too numerous to mention.

V;

portrait of Joao

For

illustrations in this

Scholz,

who procured

for

volume

I

me from

am

;

and

in the

especially indebted to Janos

Turin the entire

series of Juvar-

Domenico's operas, and who permitted me to pubthe Ghezzi drawing from his collection to John Thacher,

ra drawings for lish

;

who brought

me from Madrid

back for

a copy of Amiconi's en-

graving with the supposed Scarlatti portrait ; to John Havemeyer,

who photographed Winternitz

house for me;

Scarlatti's

photographs of

for

Italian

advice in pictorial matters was given Sachs,

Emanuel Valuable

and

by Agnes Mongan, Paul

Edgar Wind, Sanchez Canton, Hyatt Mayor, Albert M.

Friend, and

Valuable this

me

to

harpsichords.

Edward Croft-Murray.

aid, especially in connection

book, has been given

suggested that

I

write

me

with the historical part of

by Carleton Sprague Smith, who

first

by Manfred Bukofzer, Leo Schrade,

it;

Oliver Strunk, Arthur Mendel, and by

Eva

J.

O'Meara. All of

the aforementioned have been liberally helpful with criticism on various parts of the book as

For rigorous I

am

gradually took shape.

it

criticism, especially of the biographical chapters,

Miss O'Meara, John Bryson, Day friends, but most of

especially indebted to

Thorpe, Thornton Wilder, and many other all to

Beecher Hogan,

who

spent hours in detailed criticism and

to Nathan Hale, whose penetratcomments exerted a strong influence. For the musical chapters I have been fortunate enough to enjoy criticism and discussion, especially of the chapter on Scarlatti's harmony, or of elements in it, from Manfred Bukofzer, Roger Sessions, Darius Milhaud, Erich Itor Kahn, Quincy Porter, and

correction of eight chapters;

and

ing

Paul Hindemith. The chapter on performance strongly

reflects

the influence and ideas of Diran Alexanian, the one single musician of

my

acquaintance from

whom

I

have learned more than from

any other.

During the past ten years I have frequently enjoyed was as encouraging and as helpful as the many

that

direct con-

memorable were the three delightful and arduous summers I

tributions to the book. in this respect

hospitality

Often

I

received both. Especially



ix



PREFACE spent in

Rome

Academy. Also

with Laurance and Isabel Roberts, of the American I recall with vivid appreciation the fortnight dur-

ing the final preparation of the manuscript which I spent as the bedridden but pampered guest of Lois and Quincy Porter. Special thanks are due Albert Seay, who for nearly a year worked

with me on the checking of notes and the preparation of the manuscript, and who, with the occasional assistance of Mrs. Seay, prepared most of the final typewritten copy and the musical ex-

amples. Further thanks are due the Princeton University Press for its

profoundly satisfying handling of

To

those I have mentioned, and to

this book.

many more,

I

owe

gratitude

in perpetuity.

Guilford, Connecticut

June 1953

For the present reprinting some small but obvious misprints have been corrected. additions have been

made

in the

The

for the

most part

principal changes

Appendices and Catalogue

result of direct consultation of the

and as a

Munster and Vienna manu-

scripts.

Further indebtedness should here be recorded: to Alfred Kuhn,

who prepared

the index; to Dr.

graciously received

photographs ; and

me to

in

Wilhelm Wormann, who most

Munster and procured the necessary

Charles Buckley,

Amiconi portrait of Farinelli (Fig. 37). Guilford, Connecticut

May

1955

who

traced the missing

CONTENTS PREFACE

v

REFERENCE NOTE

chapter Naples tories



ment

*

i.

The Fledgling.

Birth



xix

The



Alessandro's Teaching



Domenico's First Operas



chapter

The

Conserva-

Voyage

First

Florence and Ferdinando de' Medici

ments



Domenico's First Employ-



Uncertainty

Political

3

Family

Scarlatti





Departure from Naples.

The Young Eagle.

ii.

Alessandro's Letter



Venice



2I

Music and Masquerades

The

Conservatories

First

Account of Domenico's Harpsichord Playing

ingrave

Rome

Cristofori's Instru-





Gasparini



The

Venetian Opera

Rose-



Friendship with Handel.



chapter Queen

in.

Roman

Patrimony.

35

Cardinal Ottoboni and her Circle Pasquini Corelli Arcadia Maria Casimira of Poland Capeci, Juvarra, and Domenico's Operas.

.

.

Cristina







chapter The











Church and Theater.

iv.

Vatican



S&

The Portuguese Embassy



Roman TheThe

and Domenico's Last Operas Emancipation Mythical London Voyage Departure.

aters







chapter

v.

Lisbon

Joao

Antonio riage







67

Lisbon Patriarchy.

Seixas

V •

Maria Barbara Don Domenico's MarAlessandro's Death •

Royal Chapel







Royal Weddings.

chapter Seville



The Spanish Scene. Felipe V and Isabel Farnese

8l

vi.

Maria Barbara



Aranjuez,

La •



Fernando and

Granja, Escorial xi





Madrid



CONTENTS Juvarra and the Royal Palace

Madrid Opera Gravicembalo latti







Essercizi fer Knighthood Death of Catalina Scar-

Scarlatti's



Scarlatti's Portrait



Arrival of Farinelli





Death of Felipe V.

chapter

vii.

The Reign of the Melomanes.

J

07

J

37

and Accession of Fernando and Maria Barbara Aranjuez Embarkations at Palace Opera Farinelli Scarlatti's Second Marriage and Harpsichord Sonatas Scarlatti











Family Letter





Amiconi's Portrait

Royal Chapel



Scarlatti's

End

Reputation out-

Testament Death of Maria Barbara, of Fernando VI Regime and Farinelli's Departure Posterity.

side Spain

Forebodings of the



and Death

New

Only Surviving

Scarlatti's



Soler





Scarlatti's







chapter

vin.

Royal Sonatas.

The Queen's and Other Manuscripts The Missing Autographs The Designation Sonata The Pairwise Ar•





rangement Chronology of the Sonatas Early Works, Back•



ground of Scarlatti's Keyboard Style The Earliest Pieces The Fugues Early Sonatas The Essercizi The Flamboyant Period and the Easy Pieces The Middle Period •













The Late

Sonatas.

chapter

ix. Scarlatti's

Harpsichord.

1

1S

and the Queen's Instruments -Conclusions as to Scarlatti's Harpsichord The Early Pianoforte Scarlatti's Organ Music Scarlatti's Harpsichord Playing Scarlatti's Keyboard Technique Harpsichord Sound as Bounded by the Organ, Guitar, and Orchestra Shadings of Harpsichord Sound Imitations of other Instruments Farinelli's

















The

Influence of the Spanish Guitar.

chapter

x. Scarlatti's

Consistency of Scarlatti's

20 7

Harmony.

Harmonic

Style



Basic Triads

and the Three-Chord Analysis Inversion and Fundamental Bass Remaining Elements of Harmonic Vo•





xii



CONTENTS Chords

cabulary, Peculiarities of Seventh

Movement

Diatonic tensities



of

Harmony



Cadential

vs.

Harmonic

In-



Vertical

Essential Peculiarities of Scarlatti's Treatment:

Dropping and Adding of

Voices, Transposition of Voices,

Harmonic Ellipse, Pedal Points both Real and Understood Harmonic Superposition Contractions and Exten•

sions





Longo's "Corrections" and

Scarlatti's Intentions

Equal Temperament and Key System Modulation

chapter

Temporary and



Structural Modulation.

The Anatomy of the

xi.

Rules for

Soler's





Scarlatti 251

Sonata.

The Varied Organism tion

Crux The Opening •

The Pre-Crux ther Closing

Restatement





of the Scarlatti Sonata

and Function of

Identification





The

its

Continuation





Defini-

Members, the

The

Transition



The Post-Crux The Closing The FurThe Final Closing The Excursion The Main Types of Form The Closed Sonata •

«











The Open Sonata



Forms

Exceptional



Tonal Structure



Treatment of Thematic Material, the Three Main Traditions



The

Interplay of Forces that Shape the Scarlatti

Sonata.

chapter xii. The Performance

of the Scarlatti 28 °

Sonatas. Attitude of the Performer tion

and Dynamics

Articulation,

and





Scarlatti's

Text

Tempo and Rhythm

Inflection







Registra-

Phrasing,

Expressive Range.

APPENDICES appendix

i.

The

Scarlatti Family.

A. Notes on the Scarlatti Family. B.

The

Scarlatti

Family Tree. xin



327

CONTENTS appendix

ii.

Documents, chronologically

ar-

ranged, concerning Domenico

and

Scarlatti

appendix

in.

his Offspring.

33 I

Documents concerning 3 60

Instruments. A. Cardinal Ottoboni's Instruments. B. Inventory of

C. Provisions

Queen Maria

of

Barbara's Instruments.

Testament

Farinelli's

concerning

Music and Instruments.

D.

Indications

for

Registration

in

Organ

Scarlatti's

Pieces.

appendix

iv.

Ornamentation

3 65

in Scarlatti.

The Appoggiatura The Short The Long Appoggiatura The Trill The Tied Trill The Trill with Termination The Upper Appoggiatura and Trill The Lower Appoggiatura and Trill The Rhythmic Values of the Trill The Tremulo The Remaining Ornaments not Indicated by Signs: The Mordent, The Turn, The Slide, The Acciaccatura, ArpeggiaSources of Information

Appoggiatura





















tion



Additions to Scarlatti's Text





Peculiarities of

Rhyth-

mic Notation.

appendix

v.

Keyboard Works.

399

A. Principal Manuscript Sources. B.

Note on Miscellaneous Manuscripts of Secondary

Importance. C. Eighteenth-Century Editions.

D. The Editions of Czerny, Longo, Gerstenberg, and Newton.

appendix

vi.

Vocal Music.

413

A. Operas.

and other Occasional

B. Oratorios, Serenades, •

xiv



Pieces.

CONTENTS C. Partial List of tributed to

Domenico

Chamber Cantatas and

Arias At-

Scarlatti.

D. Church Music.

appendix

vii.

Miscellaneous, Doubtful, and 425 Spurious Works.

A. Miscellaneous

Works

Attributed to Domenico Scar-

latti.

B. Spurious

Keyboard Works.

C. Spurious Vocal Works.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

4*9

NOTE ON CATALOGUE.

440

catalogue of sonatas and Table of Principal Sources in Approximately Chronological Order.

table of sonatas

in the

442

Order of Longo's 457

Edition.

THE SCARLATTI FAMILY TREE.

4^1

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS, JUNE

I

963.

+6 5

FURTHER ADDITIONS, APRIL 1 968.

*7 2

INDEX.

473

xv



REFERENCE NOTE The

numbering of the sonatas follows that of the Catalogue of

Sonatas at the end of the book. This Catalogue identifies the sonatas in terms of

My

Longo numbers and

of their principal sources.

bers.

K when it is them from those of another system. A following the catalogue converts Longo numbers into K numSonata numbers in Roman numerals in Chapter XI and in

italic

arabic throughout the rest of the

catalogue numbers are prefixed by the letter

necessary to distinguish table

{Sixty Sonatas

.

.

.

New

my

edition

York, G. Schirmer), designed

in part

examples for

to provide a series of additional musical

further supplemented by

my

book refer

to

this book,

and

recorded performance of these same

sonatas (Columbia).

The

examples

text of the musical

source cited in their captions.

is

Examples

taken from the primary

Appendix IV, however, and Parma manuscripts. the examples and in referin

are based on a collation of the Venice

Where

possible,

measure numbers

in

ences in the text correspond to those of Longo's edition.

When

chronology or

title

gives an obvious clue to the location

of a source reference in the Appendices or Catalogue, no source

reference

mention

is

given for material in the

in the

footnotes

may

text.

Books given abbreviated

be fully identified in the Bibli-

ography.

Documents are transcribed literally with respect to orthography and punctuation. Eighteenth-century capitalization in many cases is too ambiguous to be strictly followed. Quotations from English sources respect the orthography of the original, but the eighteenth-

century mannerism of setting proper names in

italics

or capitals

has been eliminated in the quotations from Blainville, Clarke, and

Mainwaring.

xvi

ILLUSTRATIONS Domenico

Frontispiece:

Scarlatti,

by Domingo Antonio de Velasco

Alpiarca, Portugal, bequest of Jose Relvas

(following page 323) 1.

Naples, by Antonio Jolli

2.

Alessandro

3.

Italian

by an unknown painter

4.

Francesco Gasparini, by Pier Leone Ghezzi

5.

Antonio Vivaldi, by Ghezzi

6.

Arcangelo Corelli, by Howard, engraved by Van der Gucht

7.

Cardinal Ottoboni, by Trevisano, engraved by Freij

8.

Filippo Juvarra, by Ghezzi

Drawings by Filippo Juvarra

9-14.

theater, 15. 1

Scarlatti,

Harpsichord

6.

for

The Piazza Navona, by Giuseppe

The Piazza San

17-20.

Queen Maria

presumably for operas by Domenico

Pietro,

Casimira's

Scarlatti

Vasi

by Vasi

Autographs of Domenico

Scarlatti

G

minor

21.

Autograph tenor part of the Miserere

22.

Ouverture of Tolomeo

23.

Et

24.

Joao V, by an unknown painter

25.

Maria Barbara de Braganza, by Domenico Dupra

26.

Fernando VI

27.

Felipe

28.

The Fountain

of the Tritons at Aranjuez, by Velazquez

29.

The

by MichelAnge Houasse

30.

Farinelli in a female role,

31.

Farinelli, by Jacopo Amiconi, engraved by

32.

Frontispiece of Scarlatti's Essercizi, designed by Amiconi

33.

Vignette from the

34.

Page from

35.

Domenico

incarnatus

V

from the Mass

as a boy,

in

G

in

minor

by Jean Ranc

and the Royal Family, by Van Loo

Escorial,

title

by Ghezzi

page of

Wagner

Scarlatti's Essercizi

Scarlatti's Essercizi

Scarlatti [?], lithograph



xvii

by Alfred Lemoine

ILLUSTRATIONS 36.

Domenico

Scarlatti

[?],

by Amiconi, engraved by Flipart

(Detail of Fig. 38) 37-

Farinelli at Aranjuez,

by Amiconi

38. Fernando VI, Maria Barbara, and the Spanish Court, by Amiconi, engraved by Flipart 39-

Autograph

40.

Scarlatti's

41-

Horn

42.

Guitar player, by

letter of Scarlatti

house [?] in Madrid

players, by

Ghezzi

Goya

43-

Sonata 208,

44-

Sonata 208, second half, in the

first

half, in the Venice manuscript

XVlll

Parma manuscript

T>

OMENICO SCA%LATTI

I

THE FLEDGLING



NAPLES BIRTH THE SCARLATTI FAMILY THE CONSERVATORIES ALESSANDRO's TEACHING DOMENICo's FIRST EMPLOYMENT PO•

*





LITICAL UNCERTAINTY



FIRST

VOYAGE

ROME

*

FLORENCE AND DOMENI-

USTOFORl's INSTRUMENTS •



DEPARTURE FROM NAPLES

n 1685 Naples was as populous, as noisy, and as it is now. Even then it was a little battered, and from the summit of the town its dirty as

crumbling medieval fortresses looked out over the harbor.

swarmed magnificence and

filth.

Up

the hill from the waterfront

jumble of splendor and squalor, of

a

Palaces with the stench of the gutter rising

to their

very cornices bounded broad sunlit squares or concealed the

narrow

alleys that

were then

as

much

out of bounds to the respecta-

ble rich as they were to the Allied soldiers of 1944.

The

inhabitants

of these dark alley dens on the Neapolitan hillside lived then, as street. The street was not only the thoroughand the promenade, but also the center of social life and natural functions. There naked babies played in the dunghills; their brothers and sisters chased dogs and mules; and their elders made love. In the narrower passages an occasional clatter of hooves drowned out the muffled sounds of bare human feet. In the streets that were

they live now, in the fare

broad enough could be heard the rattling of carriage wheels, the lashing of whips, and the soft belching cry of the Neapolitan carter to his horse or,

more probably,

as colorful as the piles of

a very Vesuvius of curses, as rich and

melons and peppers on the

street corners

and as odoriferous as the fish of the nearby market. Only slightly subdued at the hour of siesta, this racket gave place at night to guitars and strident Neapolitan voices raised in quarrel or in amorous lament. But even in the relative stillness of the early morning hours Naples scarcely afforded a sense of calm. All was potentially in motion, explosive, as was that quietly smoking cone to the left of the great bay.

Such respectability, cleanliness, or

dignity as appeared on the streets of Naples passed scarcely noticed

or became conspicuous only in the

pomp

of viceregal and church ly

THE FLEDGLING processions.

For the most part these

virtues concealed themselves

palace courtyards and behind the tightly closed shutters of

in

upper

floors.

Domenico

Scarlatti's

family probably enjoyed the respectability

of upper floors or of removal far back in the courtyard 1

Strada Toledo, but a confused to his cradle at

in noise

sisters in

If during his infancy there

and animation from the outer

must have been furnished by

and

from the

of sound must have penetrated

most hours of the day.

was anything lacking it

hum

the nursery. In his early

city,

and squealing brothers

his yelling

Domenico seldom can

life

have known solitude.

Domenico

was born on October 26, 1685. 2

Scarlatti

sixth of ten children

born to Alessandro

Scarlatti

He

and Antonia

Anzalone between 1679 and 1695. (They were married on April

12, 1678.)

Alessandro

had already asserted

Scarlatti, at the

his musical fecundity,

was the

in

Rome

age of twenty-five,

and was rapidly

ap-

proaching the height of his fame as an opera composer. Born in

Palermo on

May

early age by

2,

Queen

1660, discovered and launched in

Sweden,

Cristina of

whom

Rome

at

an

he had served

as

maestro di caf fella since 1680, 3 Alessandro had arrived in Naples only a few months before Domenico's birth to take up his

new

position as maestro di caffella to the Spanish Viceroy of Naples.

Domenico's baptismal record

by the highest Neapolitan his

own

life

testifies to his

of royal patronage.

family's endorsement

and prophetically foreshadows

nobility,

The

infant

Domenico, wrapped

in

the swaddling clothes of immemorial Mediterranean custom, "was

held at the holy font by Sig ra D. Eleanora del Carpio, Princess of Colobrano [the Vicereine of Naples],

and Sig r D. Domenico

Martio Carafa, Duke of Maddaloni." Domenico's elder brothers and illustrious godparents.

sisters,

Among them

born in Rome, had no

less

were Filippo Bernini the son

of the architect, Cardinal Pamphili, Flaminia Pamphili e Palla1 In February 1699, Alessandro Scarlatti was domiciled in the house of Baron Pannone in the Strada di Toledo, now the Via Roma. (Prota-Giurleo, pp. 8-10.) 2 Where not indicated by footnotes, all sources for biographical information concerning Domenico Scarlatti and the Scarlatti family may be traced to the documents listed, reproduced, or summarized in Appendices I and II. 3 Dent, pp. 25, 34} Tiby, p. 276; Fienga, in Revue Musicale, X.



4

'

THE FLEDGLING vicini,

and Queen Cristina

by their

4

Yet, though well insulated from the swarming Neapolitan

herself.

aristocratic connections

populace, the Scarlatti family, or rather the Scarlatti clan, had not

emerged from the

yet fully

obscurity of

sandro did not yet enjoy his

Domenico

won

also

in later life.

its Sicilian

of Cavalier e,

title

The

5

century or

origins. Ales-

an honor which

more

of aristo-

enjoyed by Domenico and his descendants had

cratic pretensions

not yet opened. All the Scarlattis, even Alessandro and Domenico

were dependent on the patronage of which they gained admission

at the height of their glory,

their superiors. Despite the ease with into the highest social

Domenico's Trapani.

and

they were hired musicians.

artistic circles,

Sicilian grandfather, Pietro Scarlatti,

On May

was born

in

5, 1658, he was married in Palermo to Eleonora

may have been

d'Amato. Possibly he himself

a musician, for five

of his six surviving children were musicians or associated with music.

We

know nothing about him

or his wife after the Scarlatti

household in Palermo was broken up in 1672. Nor do we know

when

the

first

settled in

Scarlattis

Tommaso, both

Francesco and

Rome

Naples. Domenico's uncles,

them

musicians,

had lived there

Melchiorra and Anna Maria, had

since infancy, but his aunts,

rived from

of

only a few years before.

6

ar-

Anna Maria was

a

singer.

Alessandro

Scarlatti's

own

establishment in Naples was for a

time slightly clouded by scandal. Unfavorable rumors appear to

have been

afloat at the

to the Viceroy

native

time he was appointed maestro di cappella

on February

Neapolitan

17, 1684,

over the heads of several

including

musicians,

the

eminent Francesco

Provenzale. At the same time, his brother Francesco Scarlatti was

given a post as

first violinist.

7

A

contemporary

diarist reports that:

"In the early part of November, the Viceroy discharged and graced the Secretary of Justice, the Governor of Pozzuoli

maintaining close and

whom

of

;

.

.

the

Major

Domo who

was

dis-

also

and a favorite Page, because they were

illicit

was called the

.

relations with several actresses, one

Scarlati,

and whose brother

4

this viceroy

Fienga, "La veritable patrie et la famille d'Alessandro Scarlatti," pp. 230-235. References to Alessandro Scarlatti as Caval'tere appear to date from 1716 and afterwards. (Dent, pp. 132-133.) See Chapter VII, note 85. 5

6 7

Prota-Giurleo, pp. Dent, p. 34.

9,

18, 21-225 Dent, p. 35.

*

5

'

THE FLEDGLING had appointed Maestro

Cappella at the Palace in competition

di

They had formed

with other native virtuosi.

a Triumvirate to

dispose as they pleased of offices and responsibilities, giving positions to those

who

offered and gave the best price, and performing

make money and to please their Whoring Actresses, all of this without the knowledge of the Viceroy, who when informed of everything, as was mentioned before, removed them from their positions and disgraced them. To other

illicit

actions in order to

the Scarlati and her companions he gave orders that they should leave this city or shut themselves up in a convent. In conformity

with this order, they retired to the convent of the Vicaria."

8

Burney some years

S.

Antoniello, near

actress

and opera singer," writes Dr.

later, "is a still

more uncommon phenomenon

"But a chaste

Great Britain." 9

in Italy, than in

This was not the only skeleton sandro's debut in

Rome

in the

family closet, for Ales-

1679 had been marked by a burst of 10 of his. But skeletons in Mediterranean

in

scandal concerning a sister

countries are neither closely concealed nor assiduously

and both of Domenico

Scarlatti's aunts

remembered,

appear to have attained

well-married respectability by the time he was growing up. In

1688 Melchiorra married Nicolo Pagano, a double-bass player the viceregal chapel. piccola, a

11

Anna Maria,

in

in

marrying Niccola Barba-

wealthy Neapolitan shipowner and occasional opera im-

presario, in

1699, found

it

advisable to be inaccurate about her

age and vague about her past. 12

Young Domenico

found himself

Scarlatti

growing family

clan,

known whether

his

now

in

the center of a

firmly established in Naples. It

is

not

Neapolitan family background extended back

beyond his father's first professional appearance in 1680, 13 or beyond the arrival in Naples of his uncles Francesco and Tommaso, then mere children. At the time the Palermo establishment was 8 Prota-Giurleo, pp. 7-8, from the diary of Domenico Conforto, Naples, Bibl. Naz. Walker (pp. 190-191) thinks the sister in question was Melchiorra, not Anna Maria, as hitherto supposed. 9 Burney, Memoirs of Metastasio, Vol. I, p. 101. 10 Ademollo, pp. 157-158; Dent, pp. 23-24. Neither of these reports specifi.

.

.

cally identifies the Scarlatti sister in question. 12 Prota-Giurleo, p. 18. ibid., pp. 8-10, 16. Alessandro's Gli Equivoci was performed in Naples in 1680. (Dent, p. 34; Croce, / Teatri di Na-poli, Anno XV, p. 179.) 11

13



6



THE FLEDGLING broken up in 1672 there

may have been

Scarlatti relatives already

living in Naples. Domenico's mother, Antonia Anzalone, although

the daughter of a native of

Rome, 14 bore

the same

name

as a

Neapolitan family in which musicians were as plentiful as in the

(During the

Scarlatti dynasty.

first

half of the seventeenth cen-

by the name of Anzalone were active 15 It is conceivable that Domenico's Neapolitan backin Naples.) ground and musical ancestry were more extended than at present tury, at least ten musicians

they are

We

known

to be.

have said that

as a child

Domenico can hardly have known

solitude.

Neither as an incipient musician can he have known

isolation.

He

cesco

was a

was surrounded by musical

violinist

and

a

relatives.

His uncle Fran-

composer of considerable accomplish16

Uncle Tommaso became a popular comic tenor on the Neapolitan of era bujja 17 stage. His aunt Anna Maria had been a singer, and Nicolo ment, although drearily unsuccessful in later

life.

Pagano, his uncle by marriage to Melchiorra

Almost

musician.

music.

Of

his

all

own

Scarlatti,

was a

of his father's generation was associated with

generation, his elder brother Pietro, like him-

become a composer, 18 and his sister Flaminia is known to have sung. But the entire family was dwarfed by the overwhelming musical activity of Alessandro Scarlatti himself. By the time Domenico was eleven years old, his father had composed some 19 sixty works for the stage, as well as innumerable serenades, cantatas, and church pieces. The house of a successful and prolific composer like Alessandro Scarlatti must certainly have swarmed with rehearsing singers and instrumentalists, consulting librettists and scene designers, and visiting poets and painters. Since his youth in Rome, Alessandro had been accustomed to the society of eminent and cultivated men. Among the visitors to the Scarlatti household was the great painter, Francesco Solimena. His grandiloquent frescoes, some now

self,

14

15

was

to

Fienga, "La veritable patrie et la famille d'Alessandro Scarlatti," p. 229. // Conservatorio dei Poverty p. 167, and // Conservatorio di

Giacomo,

M.

S.

delta Pieta dei Turc/iini, pp. 299, 311. Dent, p. 34. 17 Croce, "I Teatri di Napoli," Anno XV, p. 285; Prota-Giurleo, p. 23. 18 Florimo, Vol. IV, p. 22. The Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris has three can16

tas ascribed to Pietro 18 Lorenz, Vol. I, p.

(Vi 16.

THE FLEDGLING sadly cracked by bombings,

cover vast areas of Neapolitan

still

churches. Solimena, "being a lover of music, used frequently to

go

in the

evening to the house of Cavaliere Alessandro

an admirable musician

who

by few

will be excelled

Scarlatti,

in the

world

composing operas with expression and melody more transporting to the heart and moving to the passions. At Scarlatti's house then he took pleasure in hearing Flaminia, the daughter of that for

great virtuoso,

who sang

One however he

was

divinely. So cordial

and of

that he wished to paint a portrait of her

by

mented by it."

20

her father.

did make, showing her looking into a mirror, in

such a composition and so beautifully painted that of praise

their friendship

Scarlatti

all.

I

was once present when

several foreign experts

it

was the object

it

was much compli-

who never

tired of looking at

Flaminia's portrait has unfortunately disappeared. Flaminia

Scarlatti

seems never to have sung in public, but

at

home

she must

have performed many of the chamber cantatas of Alessandro Scar-

and perhaps some of Domenico's doubtful that young Mimo,

latti

It is

called, could ever

remember

music, or recollect the

first

earliest compositions.

Domenico was familiarly when he was not hearing

as

a time

occasion on which he himself began

There is no evidence to show that Alessandro Scarlatti launched Domenico on his musical profession with any of the elaborate care that Sebastian Bach devoted to the first instruction of Friedemann and Emmanuel. Most of Alessandro's surviving pedagogical work dates from later life, as does his reputo play or sing.

tation as a teacher.

The

family

life

of the Scarlattis must have been

very different from that of the Bachs.

J.

S.

Bach maintained

relatively steady routine of church duties, teaching

He

traveled

little

and lived

in relative quiet

anyone associated with the theater,

and

as

a

and performing.

and

security.

But

to

Alessandro was, regularity,

unknown. Alessandro was conbetween Naples and Rome, interviewing libretaccommodating his princely patrons, rehearsing and cajoling

quiet,

security are proverbially

stantly traveling tists,

opera singers. Hardly ever did a predictable month

lie

before him.

Probably Domenico learned the rudiments of music from some other 20

member

of the family or simply imitated

Prota-Giurleo, p. 32, quoted from ed architelti nafoletani y Vol. IV, p. 471.

De Dominici,

V'tte

what he heard de f fittort, scultori,

THE FLEDGLING around him. Even before he learned to read he was doubtless singing as a choirboy.

From some

source, however, he surely re-

ceived early instruction in singing, thoroughbass, keyboard playing,

and counterpoint. Later he was most forming

certainly put to

work

per-

musical tasks for his father, arranging and

all sorts of

copying music, tuning instruments, accompanying at rehearsals, participating in the innumerable duties in which a busy composer and conductor requires assistance. He must have absorbed much from the surrounding musical activity as naturally as he breathed.

There tion in

is

no record that Domenico ever received formal

instruc-

any of the conservatories. The conservatories of Naples

achieved their greatest fame in the generation after Domenico's, but contemporary accounts of these veritable music factories reflect

some of the

frenetic activity that

rounded Domenico

in his

on a smaller

scale

must have

sur-

youth. These institutions were crowded

and had not outlived their origin as charitable institutions. They were four in number the Poveri di Gesu Cristo, Santa Maria di Loreto, S. Onofrio, and Santa Maria della Pieta dei Turchini. Dr. Burney visited them many years later when they were in full swing. " October 31. [1770] This morning I went with young Oliver to his Conservatorio of St. Onofrio, and visited all the rooms where :

On

the boys practise, sleep, and eat.

the

first flight

trumpeter, screaming upon his instrument

till

of stairs was a

he was ready to

same

burst ; on the second was a French horn, bellowing in the

manner. In the cert, consisting

violins,

common

practising

room

there was a

of seven or eight harpsichords,

and several

voices, all

Dutch

more than

as

con-

many

performing different things, and

in

same rooms; but it being holiday time, many were absent who usually study and practise in this room. The jumbling them all together in this manner may be convenient for the house, and may teach the boys different keys: other boys

to attend to their

going forward

own

at the

were writing

may

parts with firmness, whatever else

same time;

by obliging them to play loud in

in the

it

in

may

likewise give

them

be

force,

order to hear themselves; but

the midst of such jargon, and continued dissonance,

it is

wholly

impossible to give any kind of polish or finishing to their per-

formance; hence the slovenly coarseness so remarkable public exhibitions;

and the

total

want of

taste, neatness,

in

their

and

ex-

THE FLEDGLING pression in all these

young musicians,

till

they have acquired them

elsewhere.

"The

beds, which are in the

same room, serve

harpsichords and other instruments.

who were

in

to

have a great deal

another room; and the

for seats to the

of thirty or forty boys

two that were playing

practising, I could discover but

the same piece: some of those

seemed

Out

who were practising on the violin of hand. The violoncellos practise and other wind

flutes, hautbois,

instru-

ments, in a third, except the trumpets and horns, which are obliged to fag, either

on the

stairs,

or on the top of the house.

"There are in this college sixteen young castrati, and these lye up stairs, by themselves, in warmer apartments than the other boys, for fear of colds, which might not only render their delicate voices unfit for exercise at present but hazard the entire loss of

them

for ever.

"The only

vacation in these schools, in the whole year,

is

in

autumn, and that for a few days only: during the winter, the boys

two hours before

rise

it

is

from which time they continue

light,

hour and a half at dinner excepted, till eight and this constant perseverance, for a number of with genius and good teaching, must produce great mu-

their exercise, an

o'clock at night; years,

sicians."

21

Most

of Alessandro's reputation as a teacher

founded on the

is

legendary fame of the school of Neapolitan composers that sprang

up early tells

in the eighteenth century.

With doubtful

accuracy Burney

us that: "About 1720, the scholars of Alexander Scarlatti and

Gaetano Greco, who presided over the conservatories of Naples, began to distinguish themselves j among these Leo, Porpora, Domenico Pergolesi,

Burney

may

Scarlatti, Vinci, Sarro,

be enumerated

Hasse, Feo, Abos,

and many other great and celebrated musicians.

also refers to

Geminiani

with Alessandro Scarlatti. 22 It

is

as

.

.

."

having studied counterpoint

questionable

how many

21

of these

Burney, The Present State of Music in France and Italy pp. 324-327. Burney, A General History of Music, Vol. II, pp. 914, 991. On November 4, 1770, Burney visited "Don Carlo Cotumacci, master to the Conservatorio of St. Onofrio, whom I heard play on the harpsichord and who gave me a great number of anecdotes concerning the music of old times. He was scholar to the Cavalier Scarlatti, in the year 1719; and shewed me the lessons he received from that great master, in his own hand writing. He also gave me a very particular account of Scarlatti and his family." {The Present State of Music in France ',

22

;

and

Italy, p. 334.) •

IO

'

THE FLEDGLING reputed disciples of Alessandro Scarlatti ever studied with him.

For a brief period, from February 13 to July 16, 1689, Alessandro was enrolled as a teacher in the Conservatory of S. M. di Loreto, 23 but he can hardly have been active there, for he was in Rome for 24 This appears to have been the entire exat least half that time. tent of Alessandro's official connection with any of the Neapolitan schools of music.

When

Alessandro did teach he was doubtless exacting enough

more than

with his pupils. Far

was to him

still

most rigorous

to his Neapolitan successors music

a science, a craft to be learned only through the

discipline.

No mere

ornament

language was his reference to music matics."

25

From him Domenico

doubtless

for the old church counterpoint which

deed up

to the

end of

in his usual flowery

"the daughter of mathe-

as

first

acquired that respect

he expressed

in

Severe though Alessandro

his life.

word and

may have

been, he was also capable of great devotion to his pupils. Hasse told

Burney "that the

first

time Scarlatti saw him, he luckily con-

ceived such an affection for him, that he ever after treated

with the kindness of a father."

There musical dents,

every reason to believe that Domenico

is

Scarlatti's early

although quieter than that of the conservatory

life,

was

at least

had reached

him

26

stu-

equally industrious. Certainly before Domenico

his early teens

and was beginning

to

compose, Ales-

sandro Scarlatti had given serious attention to his son's musical education.

The few

surviving records of Alessandro's relations

with his sons show an anxious and almost overwhelming solicitude. I

have alluded

to certain external aspects of

the stranger or the newcomer. It the background of

Naples and

to those

which are immediately apparent to

characteristics of Neapolitans

Domenico

would be

a mistake to interpret

Scarlatti's first

seventeen years en-

We

must not overlook the predominantly Roman culture of his parents, and we must remember that the Spanish domination of Naples in the seventeenth century brought

tirely in this

manner.

to the fore, at least for the inhabitant of Naples, the

of the Neapolitan tradition. 23 2

Giacomo,

//

Then

Conservatorio dei Poveri

.

*ibid., pp. 237-238. In a letter to Ferdinando de' Medici,

25

26

.

graver aspects

now, behind the ebullience

as .

e quello di

Loreto, pp. 202-204.

May 1, 1706. (Dent, p. 204.) Burney, The Present State of Music in Germany, Vol. I, pp. 343-344. •

II

*

THE FLEDGLING of the Neapolitan folk lay a gravity

whether

of intellect or of passion, that

whelming measure

to be

is

found

and an intense

seriousness,

resemble what in such over-

in Spain.

It is noteworthy that some of the greatest Italian philosophers, poets, and thinkers, from St. Thomas Aquinas down through San-

nazaro, Vico,

De

Sanctis,

The

Bay young man, and the of Naples.

the

and Croce originated near the shores of descriptions of

believe that for all his vigor

and

Scarlatti as a

capacity for high spirits he too

and decorum

possessed a dark-eyed Latin gravity

Mediterranean basin

Domenico

character of his early music prepare us to

as native to the

as its sunlit laughter.

Shortly before his sixteenth birthday, Domenico Scarlatti received his

employment

first

On

as a professional musician.

tember 13, 1 701, he was appointed organist and composer royal chapel.

27

The

royal palace of Naples,

despite

Sep-

in the

successive

remodelings, bombings, and occupation by troops, has not appreciably changed

its

character since the time of the Scarlattis. Its

red stucco mass, framed in gray stone, dominates a portion of the waterfront as

it

did then. But in the chapel, half burned out and

covered with a temporary roof elaborate baroque altar, with its

its

at the

time of

my

visit,

only the

precious lapis, agates, and marbles,

bronzes slightly twisted by bombs, survives from the days when

Domenico or

his father

conducted musical services from what was

doubtless a small portable organ.

Domenico in However, royal chapel,

his capacity as

just as it

1,

cession, with

the music furnished by

Domenico assumed

became

young

The

his official duties in the

Naples offered him and

clear that

father an uncertain future.

November

Of

composer, none seems to have survived.

1700, had precipitated the

War

of the Spanish Suc-

French Bourbons and Austrian Hapsburgs hotly

puting the Spanish crown and

its

his

death of Carlos II of Spain on

dominions, Naples

dis-

among them.

In the same month as Domenico's appointment to the royal chapel the Congiura di Macchia launched an attempt by a group of

noblemen

to assassinate the Viceroy as

he was going

to a nocturnal

rendezvous with one of the singers from the opera. 28 stigators 27

28

The

in-

were ruthlessly punished, but unrest and counterplotting

Prota-Giurleo, p. 33, from Arch. Stat. Nap. Mandatorum, Vol. 317, p. 4. Croce, "I Teatri di Napoli," Anno XV, p. 259^ •

12



THE FLEDGLING continued. For several years Alessandro Scarlatti had been dis-

contented with the Neapolitan court. There had been

difficulties

with rival musicians, and in 1688 he had been obliged for two 29 to yield his post in the viceregal chapel to Provenzale.

months

Irregularities in the payment of his stipend from the court had moreover brought Alessandro into such financial straits that he was obliged in February 1699 t0 submit a formal petition for payment of arrears. 30 Now he wanted if possible to leave Naples. Alessandro pinned his hopes for Domenico, as well as for himself,

on the eldest son of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Ferdinando

de' Medici, with years.

31

At

whom

he had been

in

correspondence for several

he had installed

his villa of Pratolino, outside Florence,

a theater, with scenery designed by one of the Bibbienas, for the

performance of operas. 32 There several works of Alessandro's had already been performed.

coming production of

With

the intention of supervising a forth-

his Flavio

Cuniberto™ and

at the

same time

of strengthening his relations with the Prince, Alessandro unsuccessfully applied

on January

1702, for ten months' leave of

2,

absence from Naples, with full pay, for

But he was not permitted

Domenico and

himself.

34

to depart until after the state visit of the

new Bourbon king of Spain, Felipe V, at whose court Domenico was later to spend many years. After Alessandro had provided two serenades and an opera for the festivities attendant upon the

Domenico were granted four make their delayed visit

King's sojourn in Naples, he and

months' leave on June to

Florence.

He

journey.

On

their

35

14, in

order to

This was presumably Domenico's

was now sixteen and a half years

way

to Florence,

extended

first

old.

Domenico and Alessandro doubtless

stopped in Rome, long enough perhaps for Domenico to make first

acquaintance with

29

Giacomo,

30

Dent,

p.

//

some of those

Comervatorio dei Poveri

.

.

.

associates

of

his

e quello di Loreto, pp.

his

father's 237-238.

69.

81 Dent quotes several passages from the correspondence now preserved in the Archivio Mediceo in Florence. 82 Conti, p. 106; Streatfeild, p. 27. The villa was demolished in 1822. (Lustig, Per la cronistoria dell'antico teatro mus'rcale. II Teatro della Villa Medicea di.

Pratolino.) 88 34

Dent, p. 72. Dent, p. 71, from Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dei

Lustig, ibid.

3 17, fol.

;

8ov.

**ibid. t Vol. 318, fol. 60. *

13

*

Viceri-,

Vol.

THE FLEDGLING whose friendship and patronage he was later to inherit. But in the oresence of his elders, Domenico was doubtless respectful, reserved, itself

and

even

The

shy. Probably his true character

to his family

initial

and

impact of

had

scarcely revealed

friends.

Rome

on Domenico was probably quite

undramatic. He must have been impressed by the grandeur of the recently completed works of the great baroque architects, and

by the lavishness of the palaces and churches tion, but

he probably found

Rome

still

under construc-

some

quieter, in

respects less

a capital, than Naples. Although the streets were overrun with

clergy and hangers-on of the church, there was hardly any inde-

pendent secular

some

life,

except of course for the flamboyant worldli-

Church scarcely bothered to However, strangers from all Germans, Englishparts of the world were to be seen in Rome men, Frenchmen, Negroes, and even Chinese. And Domenico must have felt the enormous power that symbolized itself, as if

ness that

of the princes of the

conceal under a cloak of hypocrisy.



at the

magnetic pole of the Catholic world,

in the

proud inscription

on the vanquished pagan obelisk that faced every believer who entered the Piazza San Pietro: "Ecce Crux Domini, fuggite, partes adversae ..."

But much of

Rome

minders of a greater

was shabby and

past.

full of silent, deserted re-

Cows wandered

yards covered the Palatine.

Many

in the

Forum and

vine-

of the patchwork churches of

the early Christians had not yet been clothed in the sumptuous

baroque that later gave them the appearance of archaic, austere saints'

images dressed up for

The wonder and

days in jewels and brocades.

feast

reverence that filled visitors from the North

upon encountering the remnants of classical civilization would hardly have been shared by Domenico Scarlatti, whose existence was already rooted in the plains of classic mythology and bathed in the seas of

Homeric legend. His

have extended beyond opera

During

classical

their visit to the court of Tuscany,

much time Domenico and Alessandro Pratolino.

in

may

not

it

is

not clear

how

spent in Florence or at

At the beginning of August the

performance

interests

librettos.

Scarlattis assisted at the

Florence of Alessandro's motets for the birthdays '

14

'

THE FLEDGLING Cosimo III and Prince Ferdinando. 36 Prince Ferdinando was 37 It would appear that a generally at Leghorn in the summer. cantata of Domenico's was written there a manuscript copy, in any of

;

case,

is

inscribed "fatta in Livorno."

38

Two

other cantatas,

now

in

Munster, are definitely dated July 1702. These are probably the earliest works of Domenico's now known to us. They give little intimation of his later style.

Prince Ferdinando was not only an accomplished amateur of

and painting, but

architecture, drawing,

also reputed to

is

have

played the harpsichord well. 39 Whether at his winter residence in the Palazzo Pitti in Florence, or in the spring and early at Pratolino,

autumn

he kept himself well supplied with harpsichords,

as

can be seen from surviving accounts submitted by his keeper of instruments. Since 1690, at least, this had been none other than

Bartolomeo

Cristofori, the reputed inventor of the pianoforte.

With him Domenico

doubtless came in some sort of contact.

1709 Cristofori had built his

Many fori's

first

"cembalo

40

By

col piano e forte."

41

years later, whether or not he had witnessed any of Cristo-

preliminary experiments, Domenico became well acquainted

with their results.

The

patroness of his later

Barbara of Spain, owned

was constructed

in

1

five

Queen Maria

42 73 1 by Ferrini, a pupil of Cristofori.

no way

as revolutionary as his

Like those which had been made

in Italy for centuries,

were

Cristofori's harpsichords

pianos.

life,

Florentine pianofortes, one of which

in

they were of cypress wood, with two or three registers, more often than not with only one keyboard, of boxwood, sometimes decorated with ivory. These harpsichords fitted into painted and

gilded outer cases that were often ornamented with elaborately

moulded

gesso.

Their

wiry tone had

rich

little

of the delicacy of

the Flemish-French Ruckers, or the mellowness of the later English

Kirkmans and Tschudis, but rather seemed

36 Alessandro at least. Secondo Libro di Toccate, 37

(Claudio

Sartori,

in

Alessandro

to retain Scarlatti,

some

Pr'imo

e

p. 136.)

Streatfeild, p. 28.

38

Parma, Biblioteca Palatina, Sezione Musicale. Source reference? for all manuscript and printed compositions by Domenico Scarlatti are to be found in Appendices V and VI. 19 Conti, pp. 41

Harding,

102, 104.

40

Casaglia, pp. 4-5.

The Piano-Forte, quoting Scipione Maffei

Letterati d'llalia, Vol. V, p. 42 See Chapter IX.

144.



15



in

the

Giornale dei

THE FLEDGLING of the pungency of the cedar

and cypress from which they were

made. Alessandro

Scarlatti's

Ferdinando were

hopes for steady employment by Prince

Although he composed an

to be disappointed.

opera for the theater at Pratolino every year until 1706, and during these years carried on an elaborate correspondence with the Prince, in which detailed directions for the performance of his

works were mixed with the most bombastic succeeded in gaining any certain

official

flattery,

he never

appointment. 43 In view of the un-

outcome of the dispute over Spanish and Austrian sov-

ereignty of Naples, Alessandro was apparently unwilling to return there, for he overstayed his four months' leave and finally

accepted a patently inferior position in

Rome

as assistant to

Antonio

Foggia, maestro di caffella at Santa Maria Maggiore, on December 31, 1703.

44

clared vacant.

45

On

October 25, 1704, his post

Naples was de-

in

However, Domenico braved the increasing instabilities of Naples and seems to have returned within the period of his leave, in other words by November 1702. During the following year his first two operas were produced in Naples: Ottavia Restitutio, al Trono; and 77 Giustino, performed on December 19, 1703, at the royal palace to celebrate the twentieth birthday of Felipe

The

had been performed

zi's arias

Little

Venice with music by Legrenzi in

in

in 1684.

47

Domenico retained

and composed new music for the is

Giustino

known about was

44 45

eight of Legren-

rest of the opera.

the production of Ottavia, but that of

distinctly

a

Scarlatti

family

probably three of Domenico's uncles had a hand 43

46

were prepared by the Abbate Giulio was a revision of a drama by Beregani

II Giustino

1683 an d in Naples

II

of Spain.

librettos for both operas

Convo. That of that

V

affair.

in

48 it.

Two, and

Tommaso

Dent, Chapters III, IV. Dent, p. 72, from the archives of Sta. Maria Maggiore. Dent, p. 73, from Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dei Vicere, Vol. 319,

fol. 20. 48

Information not otherwise accredited, concerning operas and their performances, is drawn from manuscript or printed music, or from the original

printed librettos. Indications of all such sources will be found in Appendix VI. 47 Beregani's drama was later set by Albinoni (Bologna, 171 1) ; Vivaldi (Rome,

1724); and, with modifications, by Handel (London, 1736). Wolff, Die Venezianische Ofer, p. 84. 48 Sartori, Gli Scarlatti a

Nafoli, pp. 374-379. •

16

'

THE FLEDGLING Scarlatti

sang the part of Amantio, and Nicola Barbapiccola, the

husband of Anna Maria was thrown over Scarlatti's

most family

was the impresario. (A cloud

Domenico's

A

unless

uncle,

Giuseppe in

that

Scarlatti,

prodigious

could have been his fourteen-year-old brother, was the

and

scene-painter in

Scarlatti,

performance however by Anna Maria

death, only five days before.)

probably it

this

technician.

Decidedly the young eagle was

still

the family nest.

The

surviving arias from both operas are on the whole rather

conventional, and suffer

from

and square-cut rhythms and

flat

phrase structure. Domenico's rather dry music seems hardly to

correspond with the grandiose opening scene of Ottavia, in which

Nero and Poppea

are witnessing the destruction of the statue of

Roman

capitol and its replacement by one of PopHis further music uses such stock-in-trade devices as majestic dotted rhythms "alia Francese," full strings in unison with the basses, duets for soprano and alto with much motion in thirds, and

Ottavia in the

pea.

the customary aria of tragic indignation for soprano with tremo-

lando strings. But a few Scarlattian vocal intervals and the rudi-

ments of internal pedal points show some connection with the style of his later operas.

The

librettos of these operas are

no

less

conventional than the

music. In opening the yellowed pages of the few copies surviving

from those which, according

to eighteenth-century custom,

were

distributed to opera-goers, along with candles to permit reading

them during the performance, one cannot help smiling at the recollection of Benedetto Marcello's comments on these literary fabrications. fact

They

are often no less flimsy than their scenery ; in

they often qualify as the accredited ancestors of the modern

cinema scenario. Conventional,

as

in

the prefatory remarks to

Ottavia, was the librettist's apology for haste

Marcello suggests useful to the

in his

Teatro alia

modern foet

Moda

and lack of time. most

that "it will be

to protest to the readers that

he has

composed the opera in younger years, and if he can add that he wrote it in a few days (although he may have worked on it for ." 49 years) this will be exactly in the manner of a true modern. Such remarks were generally accompanied, as in Ottavia by the .

49

Marcello,

p.

7.

.

THE FLEDGLING not always convincing assurance that although he

in-

dulges liberties of poetic sentiment he nevertheless lives in

ac-

librettist's

cordance with Christian morals.

Marcello singles out for special with which Ottavia

is

satire the

kind of dedication

prefaced (in this case to the "Signora D.

Catarina de Moscosa, Ossorio, Urtado de Mendoza, Sandoval, y Rocas, Contessa di San Stefano de Gormas, &c"). He says that the poet "in dedicating the libretto to some grand personage will see to

it

that he [or she, Marcello's

pronoun leaves the question open]

be rich rather than learned, will share a third of the dedication with

some good mediator, be

He

of the dedicatee.

it

then even the cook or the housemaster

quality of the titles with which he should adorn his frontispiece,

augmenting the

and the

exalt the family

Not

name on

the

He

will

said titles with &c. &c. &c. &c.

glories of the ancestors, using frequently

in the dedicatory epistle the

&c.

terms Liberality, Generous Nature,

finding in the personage motives for praise

happens), he will say that he

modesty, but that will spread the

Fame

is

silent in

(as often

order not to offend his

with her hundred Sonorous Trumpets

immortal name from one pole

will close finally

and

will seek in the first place the quantity

by saying that

in

to the other.

He

token of the most profound

veneration he kisses the leaps of the fleas on the feet of the dogs of his excel] ence."

50

But

in

no age

is

patronage necessarily gained by

sincerity!

In 1704 Domenico remodeled Pollaroli's Irene, contributing and one duet. This produc-

thirty-three out of the fifty-five arias tion also involved

Tommaso who was

Scarlatti, in the part of

Hali, and

Domeniseem rather forced and uninspired, though some of them present interesting features. There is a very florid aria for tenor, "Voler cedere il suo bene"; a soprano aria, "Chi tanto Palma Nicola Barbapiccola,

the impresario. In general,

co's airs

brama," with an obbligato part for violoncello; another dividere

il

mio

aria,

affetto," with the inscription in the first violin

"Vo*

and

"Per lei caro m'e ogni duol," has a bass marked "Violoncello, e Leuto soli," and another, "Dimmi se avra mai fin," is notable for changes of tempo from a sad adagio to a furious presto. The aria, "Si viva si muora,"

bass parts, "alia Francese." Still another aria,

18

THE FLEDGLING bears a curious resemblance to J. S. Bach's setting of the words,

"Ich hatte viel Bekummerniss," and another, "Perche sprezzar,"

makes use of the same rhythm

G

fugues in

as the subject of

dated compositions, he, Handel, and in the

one of Bach's organ

major. 51 In 1704, the year of Bach's earliest surviving

same

were

year,

least in their vocal compositions. It

Scarlatti,

who were

born

all

very close to one another,

stylistically

was

later that they

went

at

their

separate ways.

A

passage that

ventionality of

Domenico

its

music in Irene, despite the con-

set to

sentiment, leads us to

wonder

if its

motto had

not perhaps already acquired significance for the young Domenico.

"Ogni amante ha un bel momento Se nol coglie e per sua colpa"

(Every lover has Left unseized by

his special

moment

his fault only)

young Domenico already discovered this? We have no Domenico Scarlatti's private sentiments, other than those expressed in his music, remain completely unknown to

Had

the

way

of knowing.

us throughout his entire

life.

No

letters or anecdotes

have

sur-

vived to give us more than a pale indication of his personality,

and the years of

his

youth and early manhood pass with a par-

ticularly

mysterious anonymity.

tractions,

and involvements

Of Domenico's

adventures,

at-

in the forty-two years preceding his

know absolutely nothing. From Rome, meanwhile, Alessandro

marriage we tion in

Scarlatti

observed the

situa-

Naples with pessimism. Patronage by the Spanish viceroys

of Naples was

most uncertain

in

view of the imminent

possibility

of their being replaced by an Austrian government. If, on abandon-

ing his post as viceregal chapelmaster, Alessandro thought that

Domenico might obtain it despite his youth, he gave up all hopes when Gaetano Veneziano was appointed to the post on October 25, 1704.

52

Thenceforth Alessandro did

his best to place his sons

elsewhere. In February 1705 he succeeded through Cardinal Albani in having his eldest son Pietro appointed as chapelmaster in 51

52

319,

Bach, Werke, xv,

J. S.

Dent, fol.

p.

p. 172. 116, from Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dci Vicere, Vol.

20. •

19

'

THE FLEDGLING the cathedral at Urbino.

parental

of

authority,

Naples and sent him

53

In the Spring, exercising the full weight

Alessandro off

to

summoned Domenico from

Venice in the company of Nicolo

Grimaldi, one of the most accomplished castrato singers of his

and a celebrated interpreter of some of Alessandro's leading Domenico, who had not yet reached his twentieth birthday, was never again to return to Naples except as a visitor. 54 His time,

roles.

musical future lay elsewhere. 53

Ligi, pp. 133-134.

54

Cristoforo Caresana temporarily took over

Domenico

obtained permission to leave Naples in 1705. (Giacomo, OnofriO) p. 145.)

20

//

when he Conservatorio di Sant y

Scarlatti's post

II

THE YOUNG EAGLE



CONSERVATORIES GASPARINI THE VENETIAN OPERA FIRST ACCOUNT OF DOMENICO'S HARPSICHORD PLAYING ROSEINGRAVE FRIENDSHIP WITH HANDEL •





lessandro sent Domenico to Venice by way of Florence and gave him a letter for Ferdinando Medici.

,de'

"Royal Highness," he wrote,

"My Son Domenico brings himself humbly my heart to the feet of your Royal High-

with

and my debt of profound consideration and most humble obedience. I have detached him by force from Naples, where although there was room for his talent, his talent was not for such a place. I am removing him also from Rome, ness, in observation of his

Rome

because

has no shelter for Music, which here lives in beg-

mine

gary. This son of

must not remain

"On

is

an eagle whose wings are grown.

idle in the nest,

and

must not hinder

the occasion that the virtuoso, Nicolino of Naples,

through here on the way to Venice, with him, escorted only by his

much

I

since

I

own

he was able to be with

me

have thought ability.

He

to

He

his flight. is

passing

send him

has advanced

in a position to

enjoy the

honor of serving personally Your Highness, three years ago.

He

meet whatever opportunity may present become known, and which is awaited in vain in

goes, like a wayfarer, to itself for

Rome

him

today.

to I

intend, before he proceeds on his journey to seek

he show himself at the feet of Your Royal Highand execute the high and most revered orders of his most great and exalted Lord, most clement Patron and

his fortune, that

ness to take

and

my

Benefactor. It

world know us

is

his

as

and

This reflection consoles

happy outcome

him

to

my

glory, honor and advantage that the

most humble servants of Your Royal Highness.

my

spirit,

to the pilgrimage of

Providence and

immediately then

I

and makes me hope

my

son.

for every

Having recommended

divine" Protection, as the source of all

offer

my

most humble supplications •

21



good,

to the high

THE YOUNG EAGLE and most powerful patronage of Your Royal Highness, to whom I the humble servant bow with the most profound respect and obedience, as for all the course of

my

life.

Rome, May

Of Your Royal Highness

30,

1

705

the most humble, devoted and obliged servant

Alessandro Scarlatti" 1 Alessandro implies in his letter to Prince Ferdinando that he saw little possibility

Nor was he object of

of satisfactory patronage for

The

content there himself.

Domenico

in

Rome.

public theater, long the

numerous persecutions by the Pope, had

2 been almost entirely suppressed. With

the

for the

moment

exception

of

the

operas he was composing for Pratolino, Alessandro was confined

Rome

in

largely to church and chamber music, and he patently

considered clerical patronage inferior to that of royal highnesses.

He

cherished hopes for an appointment from the Prince not only

for himself but for Domenico as well.

But

in the event of these

hopes not materializing, as indeed they

did not, Alessandro considered Venice a most likely spot for the

young eagle

With

to spread his wings.

unlimited musical

its

activities

and

its

its

numerous opera houses,

extravagance,

it

offered the

broadest scope of any city in Italy.

When Domenico what seemed then

and Nicolino arrived as

now

hardly changed since their day.

and

palaces,

and the

intrusion of steamers its

theatrical

setting,

life

in

Venice they found

the carrousel of Europe. Venice has

of

Its light,

its

and motor

the color of

its

churches

waterways, despite the modern

boats, are all

much

the same. But

which often seems so unreal today, was

animated by a population clothed

in full

accordance with the color

and variety of the city itself. The grand final climax of Venetian splendor and gaiety was just preparing itself. The world of Canaand Guardi and Longhi, of Casanova and Goldoni was just into being. The Piazza San Marco served visitors and Venetians of all classes as a huge drawing room, with the Grand letto

coming

1

in

Florence, Archivio Mediceo, Filza 5891, No. 502. Reproduced Accademia Musicale Chigiana, Gli Scarlatti, pp. 51-52. 2 Ademollo, pp. 195, 207; Dent, p. 75. *

22

'

in

facsimile

THE YOUNG EAGLE Canal and the great lagoon as alleys as

its

backstairs. I

what can be seen

in

its

garden, or park, and the Venetian

have only once witnessed the rebirth of

every eighteenth-century Venetian painting.

This was a performance of a Goldoni comedy

The

in

one of the public

more from the surrounding town than the Venetian dialect of the actors from the chatter of the populace. Afterwards women in evening dress sauntered through the narrow alleys leading away from the square, suddenly bringing them to life with the color of their gowns in silk or brocade. There lacked only masks (never in Venice to be satisfactorily replaced by their lineal descendants the dark glasses) and male clothing more brilliant than squares.

painted back drops of the stage were hardly

distinguishable

dinner jackets.

In Domenico Scarlatti's time that

"Masquerades are more

Masks

in

it

was always remarked by

and Balls; and

ple

go

'tis

the favourite Pleasure both of the Grandees and the

alty.

in

This gives

to take the Air, as well as to Plays

rise to

Acquaintance under a

visitors

Fashion here than elsewhere. Peo-

Commonmany Adventures, and sometimes one makes Mask which would be impracticable perhaps,

were not such Disguises

in

Fashion." 3 History

is

silent

on Domenico

Scarlatti's adventures.

The of the

Venetians were steeped in music from the polite Accademie

noblemen and the

rich to the

popular songs of the gondoliers,

and the antiphonal chanting of Tasso and Ariosto by the men. 4 At

least four

were giving performances formances

was

to be

fisher-

opera houses, in addition to numerous theaters, in

1705.

5

Besides the numerous per-

and churches, convents and palaces, music Venice at all hours of the day, on the canals, in

in theaters

heard

in

the piazzas and alleyways.

A

traveler

who

few years before remarks on

visited Venice a

the "extraordinary fine Concerts of Musick, which the Gallants of the City have in Boats to Serenade the Ladies

much pleased with 3

4

and Nuns who are

these Diversions. ... the liberty of the Night,

P6llnitz, Vol. I, p. 4x1. Goethe, Italienische Reise, Vol.

I,

pp. 82-83

(October

7,

1786). Baretti,

An

Account of the Manners and Customs of Italy, Vol. II, pp. 153-154, gives an annotation by Giardini of the fishermen's tune; Burney, A General History of Music, Vol. II, pp. 452-453, one by Tartini. 5

Wiel, pp. 8-1

1.

'

23

'

THE YOUNG EAGLE and sweetness of the Air equally inspires with desire both Sexes to pass away en deshabille the Evenings upon the Water: everyone endeavours to avoid being known, so you find a mighty silence in the midst of this great concourse, fully and quietly enjoying the pleasure of the Musick, and the most agreeable Delights of the cool Breezes."

6

Baron Pollnitz writes that

".

.

Few

.

Nations observe the Ex-

ternals of Religion better than the Italians in general

whom

Venetians in particular, of

one half of their time

in

it

may

committing

and the

be said that they spend

Sin,

and the other half

in

begging God's Pardon." 7

The

externals of religion in Venice were copiously accompanied

with music, especially in the convent churches associated with conservatories or Osfedali.

(Characteristically enough, even the

opera houses in Venice bore the names of

saints, in

accordance with

Among

the parishes in which they were located.) 8

the Venetian

churches "frequented more to please the Ear, than for real De-

votion" the Baron Pollnitz gives Pieta which belongs to the

Love.

.

.

,"

Church of

place to "the

first

Nuns who know no

la

other Father but

more soberly described by Dr. Burney

as "a

kind of

Foundling Hospital for natural children, under the protection of several nobles, citizens

and merchants, who, though the revenue

very great, yet contribute annually to Pollnitz:

"The Concourse

and Holidays

is

of People to this

extraordinary. 'Tis the

is

support." 9 Says Baron

its

Church on Sundays

Rendezvous of

all

the

Coquettes in Venice, and such as are fond of Intrigues have here

Hands and Hearts

both their

full."

10

This statement has been

eloquently amplified by certain passages in Casanova's memoirs. 11

In an enthusiasm for the girls of the Pieta that does not exclude double-entendre, the President de Brosses exclaims: like

angels,

and play

violin,

bassoon j in short there

is

flute,

"They

sing

organ, hautboy, violoncello,

no instrument so large

as to frighten

6

Limojon de

7

Pollnitz, Vol.

8

Goethe, Italienische Reise, Vol. I, p. 73 (October 3, 1786). Pollnitz, Vol. I, pp. 414-41 5 j Burney, The Present State of Music in France

9

and 10 11

Italy, p.

St. I,

Didier, p.

The

First Part, pp. 71-72.

411.

139.

Pollnitz, Vol.

I, pp. 414-415. Casanova, Memoires (ed. Gamier), Vols.



24



II-III.

THE YOUNG EAGLE I swear to you that there is nothing so agreeable as to young and pretty nun, in white robes with a bouquet of pomegranate flowers behind her ear, conduct the orchestra and 12 beat time with all grace and precision imaginable." William Beck-

them. ...

see a

many

ford

years later describes the music at the Pieta with ex-

aggerated irony:

You know,

"The

suppose,

I

sight of the orchestra it

is

still

makes me

smile.

entirely of the feminine gender,

and

more common than to see a delicate white hand journeying across an enormous double-bass, or a pair of roseate that nothing

is

cheeks puffing, with

all their efforts, at a

French horn. Some that

grown old and Amazonian, who have abandoned

are

and

limping lady,

who had been

crossed in love,

mirable figure on the bassoon."

Domenico

Scarlatti

their fiddles

and one poor now makes an ad-

their lovers, take vigorously to the kettle-drum

;

13

must have much frequented the

Pieta.

An-

tonio Vivaldi was functioning there for the larger part of his career,

14

and there

in the years just before Sebastian

though Vivaldi's music style than in

Bach was

Domenico was hearing them. Al-

transcribing Vivaldi's concertos,

conspicuous imprint on Scarlatti's

left a less

on Bach's, reminiscences of

his concertos are to be

found

(See for example Sonata 37.) Domenico's principal reason for frequenting the Pieta however

some of

Scarlatti's early sonatas.

would have been the presence there as choirmaster of his father's 15 then at the height of friend and colleague, Francesco Gasparini, fame. In 1705 no fewer than five of his operas were produced

his at

the Teatro San Cassiano in Venice.

Ambleto by Zeno and set to

music ten years

later.

early

won

Born

Rome

One

of these was the

which Domenico himself was to

Pariati,

Gasparini had studied in

16

at

Camajore near Lucca

in 1668,

with Corelli and Pasquini, and had

the friendship of Alessandro Scarlatti.

17

Dr. Burney

reports:

"During the residence of

Scarlatti at Naples,

he had so high an

opinion of Francesco Gasparini, then a composer and a harpsichord 12

De

Brosses, Vol.

I,

p.

238.

"Beckford, The Travel-Diaries, Vol. 14

Pincherle, Antonio Vivaldi, Vol.

16

Celani, // frimo

ie

Wiel, pp. 8-10.

1T

Celani, // frimo

I,

pp.

108-109.

amore

pp. 1--27. di Pietro Metastasio, p. 243.

amore

di Pietro Metastasio, p. 243.

I,

.

25

.

THE YOUNG EAGLE master of great eminence at Rome, that he placed his son Domenico, while a youth, to study under him in that city. This testimony of confidence in his probity

and

abilities

gave birth

to a singular

correspondence between these two great musicians. Gasparini com-

posed a cantata

in a curious

such a master, and sent

"To

it

and

worthy the notice of

artful style,

as a present to Scarlatti.

this musical epistle Scarlatti not

replied by another cantata of a

more

still

.

.

.

only added an subtil

and

air,

.

artificial

.

.

but

kind,

This reply produced a remaking use of the same words. joinder from Gasparini, ... in which the modulation of the recitative is very learned and abstruse. "Scarlatti seemingly determined to have the last word in this cantata correspondence, sent him a second composition to the same words, in which the modulation is the most extraneous, and the notation the most equivocal and perplexing perhaps that were ever committed to paper." 18 (Burney has evidently telescoped several facts without regard .

to date.

The exchange

.

.

of cantatas took place

much

Unless Alessandro actually sent Domenico to the principal association with Gasparini

when

is

later, in 1712.

Rome

likely to

19

before 1701,

have taken

Domenico were both in Venice.) At the age of twenty, however, Domenico had long put behind him the need for technical instruction. More likely he received criticism on his compositions and served with Gasparini a kind of apprenticeship in theater and church music, which broadened and developed the training he had already been given by his father. place only

One

Gasparini and

of Gasparini's pupils in later years was Johann Joachim

Quantz, the

flute

player and teacher of Frederick the Great. In

his

autobiography Quantz recalls with affection the teaching of

this

"amiable and honorable

with him in

Rome

in offering to

in

724.

1

examine and

20

man" during

He

the six months he spent

also recalls Gasparini's generosity

criticize

any of

his compositions without

any recompense whatever: "An extraordinary example," he claims, "for an Italian " !

Among

ex-

Gasparini's pupils in Venice were

Benedetto Marcello and the great singer Faustina Bordoni, later 18 19

20

Burney, A General History of Music, Vol. Dent, pp. i4off.

Marpurg,

Historisch-kritische Beitrage, Vol. •

26

'

II, p.

I,

635.

pp. 223-225.

the wife of Hasse. in

Rome

in

21

THE YOUNG EAGLE A handsome sonnet was addressed to

1 719 by Metastasio, who almost married

Doubtless Domenico

Scarlatti also in later years in

Gasparini

his daughter.

Rome

22

enjoyed

company of his old friend and master. During the time when Domenico was in Venice, Gasparini was preparing a little manual of thoroughbass playing, UArmonico Pratico al Cimbalo. It was first published in 1708, went through several editions, and for half a century remained a model of pedagogical clarity. It is possible that Domenico may have discussed this work with Gasparini or that he may even have assisted in the

preparing it for the press. A few things in it, though common enough in Italian music of the time, remind us of Domenico. There is mention of certain liberties that may be taken with the resolutions

of

dissonances,

sevenths as

of

harpsichord

doublings,

of

"much used by modern composers." But

diminished

especially the

chapter on Acciaccature, widely imitated in later treatises, acquaints us with one of the

most striking

characteristics of

Domenico's

later

keyboard music. In his introduction to this book, Gasparini sums up his require-

ments for a good organist: "It is quite true that to become a real and practically experienced organist, it is necessary to make a parstudy of scores, and especially of the Toccatas, Fugues,

ticular

and of other excellent men to have from good and learned masters and finally, for accompanying, it is necessary not only to master all the good rules of counterpoint, but also good taste, naturalness and freedom Ricercares, etc. of Frescobaldi

;

instruction

;

[franchezza] to recognize immediately the quality of a composition, in

order to be able, besides playing in concert to accompany

the singer with justness [aggiustatezza] and discretion, to animate, satisfy

To

and support him rather than

to

confound him."

we can imagine Domenico Scarlatti reverently saying "Amen." Of especial interest to us is the mention of Frescobaldi. Despite differences of style, Frescobaldi is in many senses all

of this

a true spiritual ancestor of Scarlatti. Both

counterpoint j

both

maticism and with 21

22

Celani, // frimo ibid., p.

were

tireless

new harmonic amore

in

respected the ancient

experimenting

relationships

;

di P'tetro Metastasio, p. 243.

246. .

27

.

with

chro-

both had a passion

THE YOUNG EAGLE was tempered by an unfailing sense

for bizarre declamation that

of fundamental sobriety and justness in form.

In the autumn of

1

705 Domenico's distinguished traveling com-

panion Nicolo Grimaldi was appearing tioco.

23

Domenico, who on account of

in Gasparini's

opera An-

his friendship with Gasparini

and Nicolino, must have frequented the rehearsals, would have had an opportunity at this time to admire the acting for which Nicolino was renowned.

On

his first appearance in

years later Sir Richard Steele wrote of actor,

who, by the grace and propriety of

does honour to the

human

figure.

bears in an opera by his action, as

by

his voice.

he

sets,

sense of

it.

There

is

.

England three Tatler

his action

as,

finger contributes to the part

along with him in the

scarce a beautiful posture in an old statue

story give occasion for

He

it.

"an

and gesture,

.

man may go

in, as

manner

The

in

who sets off the character he much as he does the words of it

.

Every limb and every

insomuch that a deaf

he does not plant himself

in a

him

which

the different circumstances of the

performs the most ordinary action

suitable to the greatness of his character,

and shews

the prince even in the giving of a letter, or dispatching of a mes-

senger."

24

In contrast to Sir Richard Steele's report of Nicolino's dignity an account by Limojon de

St.

is

Didier of the Venetian audiences

before which he performed. Its apparent exaggerations are repeated

other contemporary

in

accounts.

Italian opera audiences in our

Indeed anyone familiar with

own time

will be prepared to believe

the extravagances of the eighteenth-century public.

"They

that

compose the Musick of the Opera, endeavour

conclude the Scenes of the Principal Actors with Airs that

and Elevate,

that so they

may

to

Charm

acquire the Applause of the Audi-

ence, which succeeds so well to their intentions, that one hears

nothing but a Thousand Benissimo's together

remarkable

as the pleasant Benedictions

;

yet nothing

of the Gondoliers in the Pit to the Women-Singers, to

them, Sia tu benedetta y benedetto

it

is

so

and the Ridiculous Wishes

who

cry aloud

fadre che te genet0. But

these Acclamations are not always within the bounds of Modesty, 23

24

Wiel, pp. 8-9. Quoted in Burney,

A General

History of Music, Vol. •

28



II,

pp. 661-662.

THE YOUNG EAGLE impudent Fellows say whatever they please as being the Assembly rather Laugh than Angry. "Some Gentlemen have shewn themselves so Transported and out of all bounds by the charming Voices of these Girls, as to bend for those

assur'd to

j

make

themselves out of their Boxes, crying, expressing after this

Two more

for

mi But to, mi But to,

car a!

manner the Raptures of Pleasure which these One pays Four Livers at the Door, a Chair in the Pitt, which amounts to Three

divine Voices cause to them.

and

Ah

.

.

.

and Six-Pence English, without reckoning the Opera-

Shillings

Book and the Wax-Candle, every one buys; for without them even those of the Country would hardly comprehend any thing of the History, or the subject matter of the Composition.

.

.

.

"Nevertheless," remarks our author, "all things pass with more

decency at the Opera than at the Comedy.

"The young

Nobility do not go so

."

.

to the

Comedy

to

Buffoonry of the Actors, as to play their own ridiculous

laugh

at the

Parts:

They commonly

where there

.

much

is

bring Courtesans with them to their Boxes,

such a confusion and sometimes such surprizing

Accidents, so contrary to the Rules of Decency, which are at least

due

one must indeed see these Transac-

in all Publick Places, that

tions before

versions

is

he can believe them.

Snuffs and ends of Candles, and clad, or with a

Feather

liberty

which they

ample of the Nobility, do's

The Gondoliers

height.

some

to

of their most ordinary Di-

if

they perceive any one decently

Hat, they are sure

in his

the best of their endeavours.

"The

One

not only to spit in the Pit, but likewise to pelt them with

.

.

finally raise the

according to the Ex-

do give

Confusion to

is it

py

utmost

would be tolerated

in

seldom that the whole House makes

such terrible Exclamations against the Actors, as to please, that

its

their impertinent Applauses

certain Actions of the Buffoons, that

no other Place ; neither

him with

.

in the Pit take,

chiefly

to ply

who

are not so hap-

they are forced to retire to be succeeded by

others j for the continual cry

is,

fuora buffoni.

.

.

." 25

"But," says

Dr. Burney, "in justice to the taste and discernment of the Italians, it

must be allowed, that when they do admire,

cellent

n

;

and then, they never 'damn with

Liiriojon de St. Didier,

The Third •

Part, pp. 63-67.

29

'

it is

something ex-

faint praise,' but express

THE YOUNG EAGLE rapture in a

manner

peculiar to themselves ; they

with pleasure too great for the aching sense."

seem

to agonize

26

Domenico Scarlatti never braved the operatic public, except some ten years later, in Rome. All his other productions were

twice,

private affairs. tiring,

of

him

He

seems

in daily life to

have been quiet and

re-

given even to avoiding attention, so few are the accounts left

by contemporaries. Probably he never performed on the

harpsichord in public ; even the most brilliant virtuoso pieces of his

were intended for private audiences. We do not know what kind of keyboard music Domenico was composing at the time of his stay in Venice, but his playing was already startling. The later years

we have

of his playing during his entire life, beyond from this time. Burney obtained one, possibly colored in retrospect, from Thomas Roseingrave, an eccentric Irish musician who was later the chief instigator of the Scarlatti cult that flourished in mid- and late-eighteenth-century England. The young Irishman, says Burney, "being regarded as a young man of uncommon dispositions for the study of his art, was honoured by the chapter of St. Patrick's with a pension, to enable him 27 to travel for improvement Being arrived at Venice in his way to Rome, as he himself told me, he was invited, as a stranger and a virtuoso, to an academia [sic] at the house of a nobleman, where, among others, he was requested to sit down to the harpsichord and favour the company with a toccata, as a specimen delta sua virtu. And, says he, 'finding myself rather better in courage and finger than usual, I exerted myself, my dear friend, and fancied, by the applause I received, that my performance had made some impression on the company.' After a cantata had been sung by a scholar of Fr. Gasparini, who was there to accompany her, a grave young man dressed in black and in a black wig, who had stood in one corner of the room, very quiet and attentive while Roseingrave

only accounts

brief mention, date

j

played, being asked to

sit

.

.

down

.

to the harpsichord,

26

when he began

Burney, The Present State of Music in France and Italy, p. 144. Burney, A General History of Music, Vol. II, pp. 703-704. Here Burney says: "and about the year 1710 he set off for Italy." Unless Domenico made later visits to Venice, this date is probably incorrect, because at that time he was already employed in Rome. We have no exact dates for Domenico's sojourn or sojourns in Venice, between May 30, 1705, the date of the letter Alessandro gave Domenico on his departure from Rome, and Lent of 1709, when Domenico was already maestro di caf fella to the Queen of Poland in Rome. 27

*

30

*

THE YOUNG EAGLE Rosy

he thought ten hundred d

Is had been at had heard such passages of execution and before. The performance so far surpassed his own, and every

to play

said,

the instrument ; he never effect

degree of perfection to which he thought arrive, that, if

he had been

have done the deed, he should have cut

to

enquiring the that

it

name

possible he should ever

off his

own

fingers.

Upon

of this extraordinary performer, he was told

was Domenico

sandro

it

any instrument with which

in sight of

Scarlatti,

son of the celebrated Cavalier Ales-

Roseingrave declared he did not touch an

Scarlatti.

strument himself for a month j after

this rencontre,

in-

however, he

became very intimate with the young Scarlatti, followed him to Rome and Naples, and hardly ever quitted him while he remained in Italy,

which was not

till

after the peace of Utrecht.

Roseingrave never forgot

this encounter,

and

it

.

.

," 28

was he who

supervised the production of Scarlatti's opera Narciso at the

market Theatre

in

London

in 1720,

Hay-

and who published English

editions of the harpsichord sonatas.



After becoming organist in St. George's church, Hanover Square, London, Roseingrave came to an unhappy end. "Having a few years after this election fixed his affections on a lady of no dovelike constancy," as Burney says, he "was rejected by her at the time he thought himself most secure of being united to her for ever. This disappointment was so severely felt by the unfortunate lover, as to occasion a temporary and whimsical insanity. He used to say that the lady's cruelty had so literally and completely broken his heart, that he heard the strings of it crack at the time he received his sentence; and on that account ever after called the disorder of his intellects his crepation, from the Italian verb crefare, to crack. After this misfortune poor Roseingrave was never able to bear any kind of noise, without great emotion. If, during his

performance on the organ

at church,

any one near him coughed,

sneezed, or blew his nose with violence, he would instantly quit the instrument and run out of church, seemingly in the greatest

pain and terror, crying out that

him and played on 28

By

it

was old scratch who tormented

his cremation.

at least, Roseingrave seems to have been spreading his England. (Walker, p. 19s.) Vocal works of "the famous Domenico Scarlatti" were performed in London on March 26, along with a cantata by Roseingrave. (The Daily Courant, March 25, 1718.)

In

1

7 14.

1

71 8

friend's reputation in

THE YOUNG EAGLE "About the year 1737, on account of his occasional insanity he at St. George's church by the late Mr. Keeble, who, during the life of Roseingrave, divided with him the salary. was superseded

I

prevailed on

.

him once

builder, but his nerves

an organ

to touch

at Byfield's the

.

.

organ-

were then so unstrung that he could execute

but few of the learned ideas which his mental disorder had left

him.

.

.

The

.

instrument on which he had exercised himself in the

most enthusiastic part of of

his life, bore

very

uncommon marks

of

and perseverance, for he had worn the ivory covering

diligence

of the keys quite through to the wood." 29

many

But the most important friendship that Domenico Scarlatti formed during these years was that with Handel, the "caro Sassone" who was sweeping all musical Italy before him. It will be recalled that Handel was exactly the same age. He had met Gian

Hamburg

Gastone, the brother of Ferdinando de' Medici in 1

703-1 704 and was persuaded by

Mainwaring, Handel's first visit to

first

Venice "he was

him

come

to

in

to Italy in 1706.

80

HandePs

biographer, tells us that on

discovered there at a Masquerade,

first

while he was playing on a harpsichord in his visor. Scarlatti hap-

pened

to be there,

and affirmed that

it

could be no one but the

famous Saxon, or the devil." 31 Mainwaring's story about "the famous Saxon, or the devil,"

is

with well-known musicians, and as

context

is

notably inaccurate.

probable, this meeting took place in Venice,

is

sometime during the winter of season.

32

Scarlatti

Mainwaring

tells

1

it

"When

he came

were Alessandro

707-1 708, probably in the Carnival

another story of a meeting between

Burney,

first

An

Streatfeild,

1

709,

when

into Italy, the masters in greatest esteem

Scarlatti, Gasparini,

A General

in

Rome.

he became acquainted with 80 Streatfeild, pp. 32 account of

If,

must have been

and Handel. This probably took place early

they were both in

29

a perennial legend in connection

its

and

Lotti.

The

Cardinal Ottoboni's.

at

History of Music, Vol.

II,

first

Here

of these also

he

pp. 705-706.

31

Mainwaring, pp. 51-52. Handel's movements in Italy may be summarized here from pp. 28-49: Florence, autumn of 1706; Rome before April 4, 1707; 24, 26.

departure for Venice after September 24, arrival before the end of November 1707} Rome before March 3, 1708; Naples, beginning of July Rome, spring of 1709; Venice by December 1709} Hannover in the spring of 1710. How 5

much

of this time Scarlatti spent in Handel's *

32

'

company

is

not definitely known.

THE YOUNG EAGLE became known

to

Dominico

now

Scarlatti,

living in Spain,

and

author of the celebrated lessons. As he was an exquisite player on the harpsichord, the Cardinal was resolved to bring

Handel together

for a trial of skill.

The

him and on the

issue of the trial

harpsichord hath been differently reported. It has been said that

some gave the preference to Scarlatti. However, when they came to the Organ there was not the least pretence for doubting to which of them it belonged. Scarlatti himself declared the superiority of his antagonist, and owned ingenuously, that till he had heard him upon this instrument, he had no conception of its powers. So greatly was he struck with his peculiar method of playing, that he followed him all over Italy, and was never so happy as when he was with him.

"Handel used often

to speak of this person with great satisfac-

and indeed there was reason for it for besides his great talents as an artist, he had the sweetest temper, and the genteelest behaviour. On the other hand, it was mentioned but lately by the two Plas [the famous Hautbois] who came from Madrid, that Scarlatti, as oft as he was admired for his great execution, would mention Handel, and cross himself in token of veneration. tion j

j

"Though no two persons ever respective instruments, yet difference in their latti

is

it

arrived at such perfection on their

remarkable that there was a

manner. The

seems to have consisted

total

characteristic excellence of Scar-

and delicacy

in a certain elegance

Handel had an uncommon brilliancy and command but what distinguished him from all other players who

of expression. of finger:

possessed these same qualities, was that amazing fulness, force, and

energy, which he joined with them." 33

Handel and Domenico's Later,

Scarlatti, as

earliest operas,

we have remarked were

in connection

remarkably close

when Domenico had developed remained

in his harpsichord pieces, little

ful

still

his in

own

more on account

of

with style.

individual style

common. Only

of pieces, obviously relatively early, are at all

of Handel, and then

in

common

a hand-

reminiscent

characteristics

than of any possible influence. (See Sonatas 35, 63, $5, for example.) But we have no way of dating Scarlatti's earliest pieces, consequently no definite knowledge of the 38

Mainwaring, pp. 59-62. ' '

33

way he was

actually

THE YOUNG EAGLE writing for the harpsichord during his residence in

manner

of the

in

which he and Handel

Italy,

may have exchanged

nor in-

fluence.

In the spring of 1708 Handel was in

Rome

composing

Resurrezione on a text by Carlo Sigismondo Capeci.

A

his

year later

La Consame librettist. By the autumn of 1 709, however, Handel went away to Venice and the North, never again to meet his friendly competitor. Domenico Scarlatti too had completed his Flegeljahre. Domenico was

also

verstone di Clodoveo

in

Rome, preparing

Re

his

oratorio,

di Francia, to a text by the

34

*

Ill



ROMAN PATRIMONY

QUEEN CRISTINA AND HER CIRCLE

CARDINAL OTTOBONI PASARCADIA MARIA CASIMIRA OF POLAND CORELLI CAPECI, JUVARRA, AND DOMENICO's OPERAS QUINI







•omen ico Scarlatti's entire years in Rome were Ipassed under the influence of a realmless sovereign whom he never knew but who left an enduring legacy to every branch of

and

letters

Queen

when she died

Cristina

of

in

Sweden,

patron, the sponsor of his earliest successes,

every important aspect of Domenico's

father's

his

and the

Roman

Roman

arts

1689. This was first

inspiration of

patrimony.

Her

and admirers were still numerous in the society frequented by Domenico, and his own first Roman patroness spent her entire friends

sojourn in

Rome

in unsuccessful

emulation of her brilliant prede-

cessor.

Cristina of

eight and,

Sweden abdicated her throne

much

at the

age of twenty-

to the consternation of the Protestants her father

Gustavus Adolphus had championed, formally announced her conversion to Catholicism. 1

To

the animated salons of the Palazzo

Queen had been established since 659/ flocked poets, scholars, diplomats, prelates, visiting men of letters, and the leaders of the Arcadian academy later initiated in her memory. Bernardo Pasquini furnished music for her for many 3 years, and Arcangelo Corelli dedicated to her his first book of trio sonatas. Into this illustrious company Alessandro Scarlatti was admitted before he was twenty, as chapelmaster to the Queen. 4 Riario in Trastevere, where the 1

Of

the great Pallas Nordica y that paragon of

Roman

bluestock-

and their unapproachable model ever since, a visiting traveler drew this portrait: "Her is above sixty Years of Age, of a very low Stature, extream fat, and thick. Her Complexion, Voice, and Countenance are very masculine: her Nose is great, her Eyes are large and blue, and her Eye-brows yellow. She has a double Chin strew'd with some long Hairs of Beard; and her under Lip ings

M

1

Bain, Chapters VI and VII.

2

Pincherle, Corelli, p. 15.

8

Cametti, Cristina di Svezia.

*

Dent, p. 25.

*

35

'

ROMAN TATRIMONY sticks

out a

Her Hair

little.

of a bright Chesnut colour, about a

is

bristl'd up, without any Headand obliging Manners. As for her

Hand-breadth long, powder'd and dress ; she has a smiling Air,

Habit, imagine a Man's Justaucor of black Sattin, reaching to the

Knee, and button'd quite down; a very short black Coat, which

Man's Shooe; a great Knot of black Ribbon instead of and a Girdle above the Justaucor, which keeps up her 5 Belly, and makes its Roundness fully appear." Queen Cristina was an ardent protectress of the theater. Her secretary, Count d'Alibert, was in charge of the principal public opera house in Rome, the Tor di Nona, which had been rebuilt on the banks of the Tiber in 1671, but which was to be demolished by discovers a a Cravat,

papal order in 1697.

6

The

Rome

theater in

pursued an uncertain

destiny, periodically subject to the attacks of prudish prelates.

Queen hated

the

clergy.

More

stuffiness

it

But

vigorously in the

than once she chose to ignore the clouds of scandal

around certain

that gathered

tervened in their behalf. first

and combatted

opera production

On

at the

theatrical personages,

and even

in-

the occasion of Alessandro Scarlatti's

Collegio Clementino in 1679 she lent

who was

her protection to the young composer

"in notable dis-

favor with the Court of the Vicar because of a clandestine marriage of his sister with a cleric. But the

Queen

sent her carriage to fetch

him, that he might play in the orchestra, even when the Cardinal Vicar was himself in attendance on her Majesty."

The music

of

Roman

operas, in this

7

and the next century, was

quite incidental to the success of the singers, the vanity of the librettist,

and the glory accruing

to the stage designers.

Lasses records the dazzling impression curious art,

and

Of era,

or musical

set forth

ing can be

more

Drammata,

Richard

made on him by "the

recited with such admirable

with such wonderful changes of Scenes, that nothsurprizing.

Here

I

have seen upon their Stages,

Rivers swelling, and Boats rowing upon them; Waters overflowing their Banks and Stage;

Men

flying in the Air, Serpents crawling

upon the Stage, Houses falling on the suddain, Temples and Boscos appearing, whole Towns, known Towns, starting up on the suddain with Men walking in the Streets; the Sun appearing and 5

Misson, Vol.

II,

Part

I,

p. 35.

•Ademollo, Chapter XV.

7

This portrait was drawn ca. 1688. Dent, pp. 23-24; Ademollo, pp. 157-158. •

36-

ROMAN TATRIMONY chasing away darkness, Sugar

heads like Hail, Rubans

Plumbs

flash in the

fall

upon the Spectators

Ladies faces like lightning,

with a Thousand such like representations." 8

The

public theaters of

Rome had

enjoyed a brief period of en-

couragement under Pope Clement IX, who had himself been a

XI, not entirely without provocation, did The charging of admission was forbidden; women were not allowed to appear on the stage; and opera singers were not permitted to sing in church. These measures were only moderately successful. When the grilles were removed from the boxes in one of the smaller theaters, the sources of scandal were not removed with them, but remained perfectly visible to the audience. Papa Minga or "he who says no," as Innocent XI was called in the dialect of his native Milan, attempted to extend to the uncertain domain of female clothing such reforms dramatist, but Innocent his best to discourage

as

them.

could be enforced only by sending the police to the laundries to

confiscate all dresses with short sleeves

Queen

and low

Thereupon

necks.

Cristina led her court in a call at the Vatican

gowned

in

utterly ridiculous parodies of the papal prescriptions for dress,

known

as Innocentianes.

9

But by the time of Domenico

Scarlatti's

was anything but puritanical and the

sojourn

restrictions

Roman

society

on public theaters

and opera performances had considerably relaxed, owing in part to the influence of his theatrically-minded royal and ecclesiastical patrons.

When Queen

Cristina died in 1689 she left behind her a circle

who kept her memory Her function as a center

of friends century.

and

arbiter of the arts

was taken

Rome for another half Roman society and a patron over by Cardinal Ottoboni. Her alive in

of

legacy of wit and belles-lettres was administered by the Arcadian

academy, founded the year after her death by the group that had frequented her salons at the Palazzo Riario.

Her

was Queen Maria Casimira of Poland, who was

royal successor as eager as she

was unsuited to carry on the tradition of the inimitable Alessandro Scarlatti was closely associated with tina's successors, as 8

Lasses, Part II, pp.

9

The information

in

all

of

Cristina.

Queen

Cris-

he had been with the Queen herself. These 152-153. this

paragraph

is

drawn from Ademollo, Chapters VIII

and XVII. *

37

*

ROMAN TATRIMONY Domenico

associations

inherited

when he supplanted

father

his

Rome.

in

Pietro Ottoboni, the son of a noble Venetian family, was cardinal on

November

made

a

1689, f° ur weeks after the accession to

7,

would be

the papacy of his cousin, Alexander VIII (1 689-1691). It

hard to find a more striking example of eighteenth-century urbanity than Ottoboni. So

many prebends and

clerical

sources of income

from church lands had been diverted in his direction during the VIII that he became immensely wealthy, though his extravagances continually placed him in debt. Installed after 1693 m tne Cancelleria Palace under the same roof short pontificate of Alexander

as his church of

San Lorenzo

in

The

Damaso, he kept a

many

entertained liberally, and gave

and Conca were paid

painters Trevisani

order to ensure the Cardinal

first

a regular salary in

choice of all their works. Arc-

angelo Corelli occupied an apartment in his palace. 10 that at the papal conclave of

The

story goes

69 1 the young Cardinal, bored with

1

own

the lengthy proceedings, employed his

him

lavish table,

private musical performances.

orchestra to play for

outside his cell, to the great disturbance and annoyance of

neighbor cardinals. According to Roman gossip of the time, he was by no means an earnest adherent of the clerical vows of celibacy. His mistresses were painted as saints, and in this guise their his

portraits

adorned

bedroom. 11 Montesquieu

his

sixty or seventy bastards.

12

Blainville describes

obliging, well-behaved to every body,

whom

he receives

... As to his

Mind

j

in the

is

it

him

him with

as:

"liberal,

affable to Strangers,

most complaisant Manner

at his

House.

may venture to say, it is as amiable as no Wonder if Cardinal Ottoboni has an

one

his Person,

so that

and very

credits

extraordinary Value and Affection for him." 13

At the time of

his death in

1

740 he was described by de Brosses mine, amateur des arts,

as "sans moeurs, sans credit, debauche,

grand musicien." 14

Simon

St.

calls

him "un panier

perce."

15

It is

true that his brilliance seems to have faded with his youth and his 10 11

Burney, A General History of Music, Vol. The information in this paragraph thus

qualified by footnote 10, 12 Montesquieu, Vol.

is

I,

14

De

15

Saint-Simon, Vol.

Brosses, Vol.

I,

438. with the exception derived from Ranft, Vol. II, pp. 268-271. II, p.

13 Blainville,

p. 701.

p. 489. See also p. 124.

XIX,

far,

p. 21.



38



Vol.

II, p.

394.

of

that

ROMAN TATRIMONY revenues, but then the French always spoke harshly of him.

however, knew him

Scarlattis,

he was a tion

is

man

The

at his best. All accounts indicate that

of extraordinarily cultivated taste, and this reputa-

substantiated by the

of artists

list

whom

he had under

his

Few eminent musicians who came to Rome seem to have escaped him. The Cardinal was closely associated with every patronage.

operatic undertaking in

Rome. At

at Santa

was

Maria Maggiore. appointment

latti his

serving as

at

the same time he was protector 16

and concerned with the music was he who procured Alessandro Scarthat church in 1703, and for him Alessandro

of the Papal Chapel (after 1700) It

maestro di caffella

in

1707.

17

The

terest in the theater did not stop with patronage,

18

More

own

rooms of the Cancel-

private theater, which he built into one of the leria.

Cardinal's in-

nor with his

than once he supplied composers with opera librettos

(Alessandro Scarlatti with

La

on one unfortunate occasion

Statira in 1690,

( 1

19

for example),

and

69 1 ) he wrote both text and music

Colombo a resounding failure. 20 "Never was there subject more ridiculous or worse conceived," exclaims a French spectator. for

,

"It concerned Christopher Columbus, who, in traversing the seas, falls passionately in

The weekly

love with his

recitals of

own

wife."

21

chamber music, or Accademie Poetko-

Musicali, at Cardinal Ottoboni's were famous all over Europe.

Here

Corelli led the performances of sonatas

and here many of Alessandro the

first

time.

"The

so excellent, that

and concerted music, 22

Scarlatti's cantatas

violoncello parts of

whoever was able

to

many

were sung for

of these cantatas were

do them

justice

was thought

a supernatural being. Geminiani used to relate that Franceschilli

[Franceschiello], a celebrated performer on the violoncello at the

beginning of

Rome

this century,

accompanied one of these cantatas

so admirably, while Scarlatti

the company, being

was

good Catholics and

living in a country

where

miraculous powers have not yet ceased, were firmly persuaded

was not Franceschelli 16 18

20

berg

[sic]

at

at the harpsichord, that

who had played

it

the violoncello, but

17 Dent, pp. 72, 74. Bolsena. Filiffo Juvarra, Volume Primo, p. 50.

Adami da

Ademollo, Chapter as

XX. Dent

(p.

19 Dent, p. 74. 74) gives the date as 1692, and Loevven-

1690.

21

Ademollo, pp. 179-180, quoting Coulanges, Memoires (Paris, 1820).

22

Streatfeild, p. 345 Pincherle, Corelli, p. 15. '

39

*

ROMAN TATRIMONY 23 an angel that had descended and assumed his shape." Doubtless

it

was an angel painted

Carlo Maratta.

in the silvery tones of

on

Blainville describes one of the Cardinal's concerts

1707: "His Eminence

.

.

in Rome, and amongst and young Paolucci, who

Performers Corelli,

Europe

so that every

j

and we

his Palace,

reckoned the

Wednesday he has an

very Day.

assisted there this

finest

other.

But the greatest Inconveniency

Visits,

is,

who come

is

thither

pestered with

on purpose

We

and

-,

were there is

likewise

visit

one an-

this

in all these Concerts

Swarms

to

Voice in

excellent Concert in

Custom when the Cardinals or Roman Princes that one

14,

famous Archangelo

others, the is

served with iced and other delicate Liquors the

May

keeps in his Pay, the best Musicians and

.

their

fill

and

of trifling little Abbes, Bellies

with

those

Liquors, and to carry off the Crystal Bottles, with the Napkins into the Bargain."

was

It

at

24

one of these Accademie that the famous contest be-

tween Domenico

The

Scarlatti

and Handel

instrument at which Handel

is

won

have taken

said to

place.

25

over Scarlatti

his victory

appears to have been the handsome one-manual choir organ with a

number

of stops, which

described in the inventory of the

is

Cardinal's instruments prepared after his death in

harpsichord at which Scarlatti held his

one of a dozen or so

own

1740.

26

The

Handel was These were of

against

in the Cardinal's possession.

the traditional Italian construction, either with two registers sound-

ing at normal pitch, or with a third register sounding an octave higher, the instruments themselves being placed in elaborately

decorated outer cases.

One

of these harpsichords with a case painted

by Gaspard Dughet Poussin probably resembled an instrument now in the

Metropolitan

Museum

of Art (Fig. 3). Another item in the

Ottoboni catalogue was "a harpsichord with full compass and three registers with a

spective

removable case with a folding

by Gio. Paolo Panini

chiaroscuro and gilded with festoons and cupids.

.

.

."

lid

[sic], said case

fine

gold, with

One wonders

if

23

Burney,

Blainville, Vol. II, p. 394.

25

Mainwaring, pp. 59-62. Cembali del Cardinale Ottoboni. Appendix

General History of Music, Vol.

26 Cametti, /



40



II, p.

legs

carved with

by any chance

24

A

painted in per-

painted outside in

629.

III

A.

it

was

ROMAN TATRIMONY who

Pannini

many

Handel and

Besides

Rome

painted the two views of

house in Madrid

may have performed

years later.

hung

that

the two Scarlattis another great musician

frequently on the Cardinal's instruments.

Bernardo Pasquini was now the beloved patriarch of Gasparini says of him: to study

in Scarlatti's

27

"Whoever

Roman

has had the fortune to

under the tutelage of the most famous

Sig.

music.

work or

Bernardo Pas-

Rome, or who at least has seen or heard him play, will have made the acquaintance of the truest, most beautiful and most quini in

noble style of playing and accompanying, so full will he have heard his

Harpsichord of a perfection of marvelous Harmony." 28 Do-

menico

Scarlatti

his earliest

had

days in

this

Rome

good fortune, and at the court of

so

had

Queen

his father

Cristina.

from

Some

of

the best musicians of the day were proud to call themselves Pas-

most notably Gasparini himself, as did also Giovanni and from beyond the Alps, Georg Muffat and J. P. Krieger. Pasquini was born in Tuscany in 1637, studied in Rome with Lorenzo Vittori, later with Marcantonio Cesti, served as maestro di caffella to Queen Cristina, and as organist to the City of Rome at the Ara Coeli from 1 664 and also at Santa Maria Mag29 giore. He died on November 21, 1710. Pasquini was a man of a singular charm that shines even through the dust of memoirs and epitaphs. Although his remarkably fresh keyboard music is genquini's pupils,

Maria

Casini,

erally cast in the

furnishes the

first

solemn forms of the seventeenth century, evidences in Italy of a

However, only Domenico's

earliest

new

it

gallantry of style.

keyboard music shows

his

relationship with Pasquini. Later he developed a completely dif-

and cultivated developments in form from those conceived by Pasquini. In Pasquini all

ferent technique of playing,

quite different is

dolcezza, all

is

ineffable blandness, as in the delicious Toccata

con lo Scherzo del Cuccu. There satire

and

is

humor, but not the mordant

brittle sparkle so typical of Scarlatti.

Pasquini shared Gasparini's reverence for Frescobaldi and for 27

Inventory of that portion of Domenico Scarlatti's estate which was allotted Maria, in September 1757. Appendix II.

to his daughter, 28

Gasparini, p. 60 (edition of 1745). The foregoing biographical information concerning Pasquini is drawn from Bonaventura, pp. 27, 31-33, 42-47, 64. Crescimbeni, Nolizie istoriche dr%U Arcadi morti, Vol. II, p. 330, includes a biography of Pasquini. 29

'

41

*

ROMAN PATRIMONY own

the music of an earlier day. Domenico's

lifelong respect for

sixteenth-century church music was founded ^m the impressions of his

youth and on the teachings of the elder

None

Gasparini, and Bernardo Pasquini.

doned

even

in theory,

if

Scarlatti,

Francesco

them had

yet aban-

they had in practice, the rigors of the old

Bernardo Pasquini

Italian counterpoint. his

of

direct

left

evidence of

devotion to Palestrina in a volume of his motets that he had

put into score

in

1690:

and does not

organist,

"Whoever pretends to be who does

milk of these divine compositions of Palestrina,

and always

is

not drink the

without doubt,

Bernardo

will be, a miserable wretch. Sentiment of

Pasquini, pitiful ignoramus."

The

a musician, or

taste the nectar,

30

greatest Italian musician

whom Domenico and

at Ottoboni's palace, after Pasquini

his

own

Scarlatti

father,

heard

was Arc-

angelo Corelli. Universally admired throughout Europe and even

beyond the

works have outlived those of most of

his

sea,

With

his

and concertos Corelli laid the very foundations of eighteenth-century chamber music. Unlike the contemporaries.

his sonatas

violinists of the next generation

he always subordinated virtuosity

of execution to purity of musical expression. In another of his flights of

enthusiasm, Gasparini calls him the "true Orpheus of

who

our time

with such

lates his Basses

lated that

with

.

and resolved and it

.

artifice, skill .

and grace moves and modu-

bindings and Dissonances so well regu-

interwoven with variety of Themes,

so well

can well be said that he has discovered the perfection of

Harmony." 31 later years Domenico

ravishing If in

most unheard of

licenses,

Scarlatti could

permit himself the

was because he had mastered the

it

teachings of Gasparini, Pasquini, Corelli, and his father, each of

whom composed

in his

own way with

the greatest refinement of

and the most completely disciplined command of every artifice known to music. Their example gave him the same power to tame style

the luxuriance of his fancy and to direct his wealth of sentiment as the paternal discipline of a

Salzburg

violinist

gave

to

Wolfgang

Mozart. In the academy of Arcadia Domenico Scarlatti found the literary legacy of that 30

Bonaventura,

Roman p. 32.

culture in which his father 31

had come

Gasparini, p. 44 (edition of 1745). •

42

'

to

ROMAN TATRIMONY maturity, and with which he had never lost contact. In Arcadian

groves the

memory

of

Queen

Cristina

was frequently and

cere-

moniously invoked. Assuming fanciful names (Ottoboni was known as Crateo and Queen Maria Casimira as Amirisca Telea), the nymphs and shepherds of Arcadia met in various Roman palaces,

which they called huts, and

in the

formal gardens that they desig-

nated as pastures. Instead of sheep they tended delicately per-

fumed memories

of

Greek and Roman

Laura, and of Sannazaro.

The

poets,

of Petrarch and

insigne of the society was a syrinx.

In 1726, through the munificence of Domenico Scarlatti's later V of Portugal, they opened their own Bosco Parhasio

patron Joao

on the slopes of the Gianiculum. 32 This Arcadian grove, one of the most enchanting of eighteenth-century gardens, with

amphitheater and intricately curving shaded paths,

still

its

tiny

exists as

an utterly captivating oasis where the sound of quietly trickling fountains drifts

is

still

hardly drowned out by the racket that often

up from the nearby teeming alleys of Trastevere.

Most

Roman society among which Domenico moved had found its way into Arcadia. 33

of the cultivated

and Alessandro

Scarlatti

The Arcadian shepherds Martelli, Rolli, Zeno, and

included the

many

poets

other opera

Capeci,

Frugoni,

librettists of the time.

Giambattista Vico was an Arcadian, and later so was Metastasio. Secretary to the

academy was Giovanni Mario Crescimbeni, whose

florid accounts of

Arcadian pastimes rival

nazaro and Sir Philip Sidney.

members

Among

in preciosity

even San-

the shepherds were two

of the Florentine Scarlatti family, the Abate Alessandro

and Canon Giulio Alessandro Scarlatti. 34 Despite the 35 efforts of Domenico's descendants, no kinship between the aristocratic Tuscan Scarlatti family and the relatively obscure Sicilian family of musicians seems to have been definitely established. Although Alessandro Scarlatti, Arcangelo Corelli, and Bernardo Scarlatti,

Pasquini had frequently participated in Arcadian "academies of

music" and were intimates of the principal shepherds, the original 32

V

A

marble tablet with an inscription commemorating this gift bottom of the garden. 33 Accounts of the Arcadia and its members may be found in Crescimbeni, Arcadia, and Notizie istoriche degli Arcadi morti; Carini; and also Vernon Lee. 34 Crescimbeni, Arcadia, pp. 350, 363, and Notizie istoriclu degli Arcadi

still

Morei,

p. 67.

faces the gate at the

V

morti, pp. 252-254. 35 See Chapter VII. •

43

*

ROMAN TATRIMONY had admitted only poets and noblemen. In

rules of the society

1706 a special revision was made in the constitution, and on April 26 the three musicians were received into Arcadia under the names ZQ TerfandrOy Arcomelo and Protico.

On

and Corelli offered to pronymphs and shepherds at the hut [i.e. palace] of Metauro [the Abate Rivera]. With flowery 37 reports that Arcomelo [Corelli] first led the praises Crescimbeni orchestra in one of the symphonies he had composed at the hut of the famed Crateo [the palace of Cardinal Ottoboni]. Then Terpandro [Scarlatti] drew from his "knapsack" some canzoni of Tirsi one occasion

Scarlatti, Pasquini,

vide an evening's entertainment for the

[Giambattista Zappi]. Tirsi protested that they were not worthy of

company, having been written only

so distinguished a to

to be set

music and that he was accustomed to improvise them hastily,

who was to set them, Terpandro would have observed while they were together in

generally at the very table of the composer as

the delicious Parthenopian countryside

pandro replied that

it

was

the

all

To

[Naples].

more admirable

this

Ter-

in Tirsi that

he

should possess the talent to improvise what others even with effort

could not produce at

all.

After cantatas had been performed to these same verses with Protico [Pasquini] and Terpandro alternating at the harpsichord,

and additional instrumental pieces had been played, Terpandro observed from his harpsichord that Tirsi appeared preoccupied. "If I guess, oh Tirsi, the reason of your deep thought, what will

you give me?"

Tirsi replied: "I will give

but on condition that you immediately

noble company."

The outcome was

you what

make

I

am

a present of

that Tirsi recited the

thinking, it

to this

new poem

he had inwardly been composing and Terpandro immediately it

to music

and had

it

sung.

The evening ended

Tirsi improvising so rapidly that hardly

set

with Terpandro and

had one

finished the last

line of a poem before the other had completed the music for it. Overwhelming Tirsi and Terpandro and his companions with applause, the company disbanded to prepare for an early departure

the next day for "Elysium." 86

Dent, p. 89; Bonaventura, pp. 30-31. This entire account is paraphrased from Crescimbeni, timo, Prosa IV and Prosa V. 87

*

44

'

U Arcadia,

Libro Set-

ROMAN TATRIMONY Domenico though

was never made a shepherd of Arcadia,

Scarlatti

music was performed

his

there..

Nor was Handel,

al-

al-

though a frequent guest. Yet most of the personages prominent during Domenico's Roman sojourn were Arcadians. At first the

names and sider,

attitudes of this

company seem

ridiculous to an out-

but as one unbinds the sheaves of pastoral poetry and rolls

over the tongue the mellifluous names of the shepherds, unconsciously

he begins to share the innocent pleasures of an Arcadian

pasture.

Domenico

most direct legacy from the world of his and from Queen Cristina, was the patronage of her not altogether successful imitator, Queen Maria Casimira of PoScarlatti's

father's youth,

land. In fact his connection with her seems to have been directly

passed on to

him by

his father.

Maria Casimira was not

a personage of

whom

have

historians

spoken with unmixed admiration. She seems to have possessed

even

in

her old age a somewhat troublesome disposition. Said to

have been extremely beautiful centered,

her youth, she was jealous,

in

and inordinately fond of petty

intrigue.

Born

in

self-

France

La Grange d'Arquien, she had first gone to maid of honor to Queen Maria Luisa Gonzaga. Her second husband was Jan Sobieski, with whom she quarreled passionately and incessantly. He became King of Poland in 1674.

in

1

641 as Marie

Poland

as a

Their eldest son, when he succeeded caution of exiling his in

to the throne, took the pre-

mother from Poland. She arrived

in

Rome

April 1699 eager to set up a court that would be as brilliant

as that of

Queen

Cristina.

As the widow

of a distinguished de-

fender of Christendom against the Turks, Maria Casimira obviously considered herself as

warmly

much

of an asset to the

Church and

who although

welcome as had been she was the daughter of a defender of Protestantism, was one of the Church's most conspicuous and most highly prized converts. Although Maria Casimira had little

as

Cristina,

entitled to

(or perhaps because)

of the dignity, less of the charm,

and none of the

intellect of

her

predecessor, she was well received, and on October 5, 1699, was

welcomed 88

The

into the Arcadian

information

in this

academy. 38

paragraph *

is

45

derived from Waliszewski. *

ROMAN PATRIMONY The Romans however were

quick to notice the difference be-

tween the two queens, and not long after Maria Casimira's arrival 39 a pasquinade was making the rounds.

"Sired by a Gallic cock, the simple hen Lived 'mongst the Poles, and thence a Queen

To Rome Her

Christian than Christine"

and ostentatious piety was punctuated by

of extravagance

life

more

she came,

petty quarrels with the clergy over questions of protocol and by

the scandals raised by her two sons.

40

They might have been

said

SPQR

was

to give foreign support to the current assertion that

an abbreviation not for Senatus fopulusque Romanus but for

Sanno futtare, queste Romane. 41

Domenico

Scarlatti appears to

have entered Maria Casimira's

service as a direct substitute for his father.

By

the

summer

of

1

708

Alessandro was serving as her maestro di caf fella, and producing a serenade,

La

Vittoria della

Fede, for performance

at the

Queen's

commemoration of Jan Sobieski's vic42 the siege of Vienna. But shortly thereafter

palace on September 12 in

tory over the

Turks

at

Alessandro decided to return to Naples in the service of Cardinal

Grimani, then viceroy for the Austrian rulers of Naples. (Cardinal

Grimani had written the sandro for

summoned

him a supernumerary

Naples,

43

Handel's Agriffina.) Alesfrom Urbino and obtained

post as organist in the royal chapel at

himself took a provisional position as deputy

on December January

libretto for

his eldest son Pietro

9,

Casimira to sojourn in

1,

first

organist

regained his old post as maestro di caf fella on 44

and turned over his position with Queen Maria Domenico, who remained with her for the rest of her

1709,

Rome.

When Domenico she was in her late

Scarlatti sixties.

entered Maria Casimira's service 45

More through

the attractions of ex-

travagance and prestige than through those of wit or amiability 39

Waliszewski, p. 273 [his spelling]:

"Naqui da un Gallo semplice Vissi tra

li

gallina,

Polastri, e poi regina,

Venni a Roma, Christiana

e

non Christina."

41 Montesquieu, Vol. I, p. 671. Waliszewski, Chapter XI. 43 42 Cametti, Carlo Sigismondo Ligi, p. 136; Prota-Giurleo, Cafeci. 44 Dent, pp. 113, 116. 45 By Lent of 1709, the time of the performance of CloJoveo.

40

46



p.

26.

ROMAN TATRIMONY she had collected around her the survivors of the old circle of Cristina, the

nymphs and shepherds

of Arcadia, and the frequenters

had leased a palace on the formed by the meet46 ing of the Via Gregoriana and the Via Sistina. It had been built of the Ottoboni salon. In 1702 she

Piazza della Trinita de Monti,

at the triangle

by the sixteenth-century painter Federigo Zuccari, who designed the strange grotesques that

manded

adorn

still

it.

The upper floors comRome, past San

a superb view across the rooftops of

dome

Carlo al Corso to the

of St. Peter's in the west. Since

Maria Casimira's day the palace has sheltered a variety of distinguished occupants, among them the antiquarian Winckelmann and the painters Reynolds and David. 47 It also served d'Annunzio as the scene for

some of the luxuriously perfumed episodes

in his

novel II Piacere.

In the same year that she had

moved

into the

Maria Casimira had petitioned the Pope

"decent comedies" performed in her house. theatrical

Palazzo Zuccari,

for permission to have 48

Her

performances began to realize themselves

ambitions for in

1704 when

she engaged as her secretary Carlo Sigismondo Capeci, poet and dramatist, onetime jurist

educated in since

and diplomat. 49 Born

Rome and Madrid,

he had been a

in

Rome

member

in 1652,

of Arcadia

1692 under the name of Metisto Olbiano. Capeci wrote the

librettos for all the

performances that thereafter took place

the Queen's Palace.

The

first

of these were

two or three singers and prologues

little

to ballets. In the

1708 Maria Casimira built a small private theater

in

serenades for

summer

in the

Zuccari, doubtless in imitation of Cardinal Ottoboni's.

of

Palazzo

The

first

opera produced in her newly constructed theater was Alessandro Scarlatti's // Figlio delle Selve,

performed on January

17, 1709.

This was based on an old and successful drama of Capeci's, remodeled on this occasion to serve as the introduction and accom-

paniment

to a ballet.

Either this production had been planned

before Domenico's appointment or there had not been time for

him

to

compose

a

new work. Subsequently Domenico annually

48 Waliszewski, ^ ibid., pp. 53-56. p. 274. "Korte, pp. 48-52. The remaining facts in this paragraph are drawn from Cametti, Carlo Sigismondo Capeci. The performance on January 17, 1709, appears to have been

48

directed by

Domenico,

since Alessandro



was already back

47

'

in

Naples.

ROMAN TATRIMONY composed an opera of his own on a the Queen remained in Rome.

When

libretto of Capeci's as

long as

perused for their subject matter these librettos make un-

satisfactory reading, but the

language has a

vitality, a suavity,

and

an expressiveness that seem immediately to invoke music. Addison

might have been describing Capeci's

librettos

when he commented "The Italian Poets,

a few years before on the texts of Italian opera:

Tongue, have a

besides the celebrated Smoothness of their

partic-

ular Advantage, above the Writers of other Nations, in the difference of their Poetical and Prose Language.

There are indeed

Sets of Phrases that in all Countries are peculiar to the Poets, but

among

the Italians there are not only Sentences, but a Multitude of

particular

Words

that never enter into

common

Discourse.

They

have such a different Turn and Polishing for Poetical Use, that they drop several of their Letters, and appear in another Form,

when they come

to be ranged in Verse. For this Reason the Italian Opera seldom sinks into a Poorness of Language, but, amidst all the Meanness and Familiarity of the Thoughts, has something beautiful and sonorous in the Expression. Without this natural Advantage of the Tongue, their present Poetry would appear wretchedly low and vulgar, notwithstanding the many strained

Allegories that are so

much

in use

among

the Writers of this

Nation." 50

Domenico

Scarlatti's first

composition for Maria Casimira was

La Conversione

di Clodoveo Re di Francia, probably performed during Lent of 1709. An example such as Addison might have had in mind of a commonplace and even ludicrous

an oratorio,

thought ennobled by the elegance of Capeci's language text for this little aria:

"Rasserenatevi

Care Pupille; Ch'io vado a spargere

Di sangue

i

fiumi

Perche compensino

De

vostri

Le vaghe

lumi stille.

Rasserenatevi. 50

Addison,

p. 66.

48

.

.

."

is

the

ROMAN PATRIMONY An

artist of

Domenico

much more

Scarlatti at this

conspicuous talent than either Capeci or

time was the architect and scene designer

of the Queen's theater, Filippo Juvarra.

51

His scenery lent

real

glory to Maria Casimira's opera productions, for the numerous sketches with which his surviving notebooks are filled

show an

He

was born

unparalleled grandeur and richness of imagination. at

Messina

in 1678,

and had been

in

Rome

for several years work-

ing with Carlo Fontana. Although his powers of fantasy were considered unusual, and his speed and expressiveness in drawing were

marveled

at,

he had not yet been entrusted with any permanent

constructions of his own.

But

like

every architect of the time he

was continually occupied with designs for fireworks, processions, triumphal arches, and

—above

all

—scenery

for the

1708 he entered the service of Cardinal Ottoboni,

In

theater.

who charged

him with designing furniture, gateways, trionfi, silverware, chanand decorations for celebrations and religious observances.

deliers,

Juvarra also designed for Ottoboni a small theater for the per-

formance of chamber operas. the

Queen

all trace

ings for Ottoboni's theater

The

its size.

Of

this theater as well as of that of

has disappeared, but some of Juvarra's drawstill

exist to give us

an indication of

stage was no larger than a very small room, but the

designs Juvarra

made

for

it

betray such a sense of space and such

an eloquence of perspective that

it is

difficult to

imagine them

re-

duced to the actual dimensions of Ottoboni's diminutive theater. Vast

baroque vaults rear themselves with

garden perspectives open up

fantastic

vistas of infinite distance ;

audacity j

and

ship-

wreck scenes and tempests strike awe into the beholder. Indeed

must have been a challenge for singers and

it

actors to maintain their

parts against competition as formidable as this.

The

theater of

Maria Casimira was probably even smaller than

Ottoboni's, for there was no available space at the Palazzo Zuccari to

compare with the vast reaches of the Cancelleria. There marked "Regina di Pol-

survive eleven of Juvarra's drawings Ionia."

52

These were undoubtedly designed for the operas of

61 The information in this paragraph is derived from Filiffo Juvarra, Volume Primo. 82 Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale, Ris. 59-4. (Figs. 9-14.) Two more are reproduced in Filiffo Juvarra, Volume Primo, Plates 221, 222.

*

49

*

ROMAN TATRIMONY Scarlatti

and Capeci. Some of them show that ideas already

de-

veloped for Ottoboni were transferred with slight modifications

Queen 's

to the

productions ; in fact on one of

name

written Ottoboni's

and

at the top,

at the

them Juvarra has

bottom, "Regina di

Pollonia." This sketch would appear to have been executed on the stage, since

it

bears numberings for the three sets of

that

flats

would have been used. (It might represent either the "Park, or open Garden" in Tetide in Sciro n, 7; or the "Grove near the Temple of Diana" in Ifigenia in Tauri, Act 1. See Fig. 11.) y

made for the Queen are less more lyric than the majority of the Ottoboni drawings. more with natural scenery than with architectural fanta-

In general, the surviving drawings grandiose,

They sy.

deal

A

confrontation of these drawings with the scene directions

of the original librettos does not permit of their identification be-

yond

a doubt, except for the three representing tents.

Encampment on

probably the "General in Aulide, Act

111

One

is

the beaches" of Ifigenia

and another undoubtedly represents Pavillion" from Act 1 of the

(Fig. 13)}

Agamemnon's

the "Countryside with

same opera. 53

La Silvia, a pastorale in three acts, and the first opera of his own that Domenico produced for the Queen, was performed on January 27, 1710. Capeci's dedication of the apologies for the haste of

its

The

with

mind Benedetto Marcello's

flattering epithets, calls again to

recommendations

libretto,

composition and discreet choice of

its its

ironic

to opera poets.

next year Domenico composed two operas for the Queen's

theater.

One was UOrlando

ing Carnival of 171

overo la Gelosa Pazzia, produced dur-

In his preface to the libretto Capeci men-

1.

tions his indebtedness to Ariosto tain modifications

he has made

and

to Boiardo

and

justifies cer-

in the story as necessary to establish

the "unities of time and action that are required

more

strictly in

the tragic than in the epic."

Domenico's Tolomeo ed Alessandro overo zata was

first

performed

la

Corona Disfrez-

Queen's palace on January

at the

19, 171 1.

Capeci designed the text as a rather far-fetched compliment to

Maria Casimira's 53

A

son, Prince Alessandro Sobieski,

variant of this

Plate 221, along with

quite

is reproduced in Fili-pfo Juvarra, Volume Primo, another variant inscribed with Ottoboni's name (Plate

last

still

who had

220). •

50

'

ROMAN TATRIMONY naturally seen himself obliged to yield the throne of Poland to his

A

elder brother.

distant

commentator might remark that

in the

opera Alessandro yields his throne to Tolomeo with what appears

more grace than

to be considerably

The drama

Sobieski. tions

and disguised

that displayed

by Alessandro

complicated tangle of impersona-

itself is a

identities that Capeci outlines as follows:

"Tolomeo banished by

mother Cleopatra dwells secretly in name of Osmino. Seleuce his wife, taken from him and sent by Cleopatra to Trifone tyrant of Syria suffers shipwreck and is believed by everyone to have been drowned in the sea. But actually rescuing herself and knowing that her husband is in Cyprus, disguised also in shepherd's garb under the pretended name of Delia, she betakes herself there in search of him. Alessandro likewise is sent by his mother to Cyprus with a powerful army to lay hands on Tolomeo, although he inwardly intends to save his brother and restore the crown to him. Reigning in Cyprus at the time is Araspe, who lives with his sister Cyprus

his

as a simple shepherd under the

Elisa in a delightful villa situated on the seacoast of that island.

He is

in love

Elisa

is

is

who

with the shepherdess Delia

in love with

also Dorisbe the

Osmino who

is

really

and

really Seleuce,

is

Tolomeo. Here

lastly

daughter of Isauro Prince of Tyre, formerly be-

loved by Araspe and then abandoned. She

gardener under the name of Clori.

is

Among

impersonating a female these six persons arise

various occurrences not contrary to historical truth."

The complete

score for the

inscriptions

"Dominicus Capece" and "Ad usu

probably that is

of Tolomeo turned up reRome. It bears the puzzling

first act

cently in an antiquarian bookshop in

this

C

S," indicating

was a copy prepared for Capeci's own

use.

This

the only full score, complete with recitatives, of an entire act

known

of any of Domenico's operas score calls for four sopranos,

continuo. earliest

The

third

two

to be

still

The

in existence.

contraltos, flute, oboe, strings,

movement

of the

example of Domenico's writing

and

Overture furnishes our

in the

to adopt in nearly all his harpsichord sonatas.

binary form he was

The

first

two

arias

worthy of Juvarra's scenery. Prince Alessandro Sobieski arranged another performance of

are in a fine grand tragic style quite

Tolomeo

for the

nymphs and shepherds

of Arcadia in a specially

constructed and covered outdoor theater. '

51

*

With sugared

praises

ROMAN PATRIMONY Crescimbeni reports this performance in his Arcadia: "Most beautiful

was the

more

theater, nor could

be desired better proportioned or

it

suitable to the occasion: agreeable the voices: pleasing the

action:

most charming the costumes and wrought on a wonderful

design: excellent the music: distinguished the orchestra, and above all

worthy of esteem was the poetic composition:

that everyone

deemed

this

genius which had contrived account of this opera there latti,

though

manner

in such

entertainment well worthy of the royal it.

.

," 54

not one

is

In

all of

Crescimbeni's long

word about Domenico

Scar-

he was conducting the performance

in all probability

from the harpsichord. Nor

.

is

he mentioned

in

volume of

the

complimentary verses that the Arcadians prepared afterwards for the Queen. Its seventeen sonnets and a madrigal by Renda, telli,

Mar-

Buonacorsi, and other Arcadians praise the Queen, Prince

Alessandro, Capeci the

Maria

Giusti,

curious that

librettist,

the two singers Paola Alari and

and other performers

in

this opera.

It

doubly

is

Domenico should have been ignored not only

composer of the music but

as the son of

as the

an esteemed Arcadian

shepherd.

Tetide in Sciro was performed on January 10, 171 2. In account-

made

ing for certain changes

made

in the story, Capeci explains that

come in search of Achilles not as a peddlar but as an ambassador from Agamemnon in order that he may be rendered a more decorous personage. Of Domenico's music Ulysses has been

to

for Tetide in Sciro ten pieces are in existence in vocal score, with

the orchestra represented only by the continue Noteworthy are

"Amando,

the two ensemble pieces, especially the delicious terzet

tacendo."

In this same year Capeci and Scarlatti celebrated the anniversary

Devoto

of Sobieski's liberation of Vienna with an Afplauso

Nome

di

Maria

tagonists,

Time, Sleep, and Eternity, dole out quite

magniloquent

at

Santissima. In this piece the three allegorical pro-

flattery to

Maria Casimira herself

much memory

as

as to the

of her husband. 54

Crescimbeni,

V Arcadia,

Libro Settimo, Prosa XIV.

The Queen annually

in-

vited the Arcadians to a performance (Morei, p. 238). So did Cardinal Ottoboni and Prince Ruspoli (Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, archives of the Arcadia, ms. of

Crescimbeni,

//

Secondo Volume del Racconto de •

52



fatti deg/i

Arcadi

.

.

.).

ROMAN PATRIMONY In latti

1

713 the tragedies of Euripides furnished Capeci and ScarOn January 11 Ifigenia in Aulide was

with a pair of operas.

produced, based on Scamacca's translation, and in February Ifigenia in Tauri, drawn, except for the interpolation of additional episodes,

from the version of Pier Jacopo Martelli. 55

The

Amor 1

opera commissioned by the

last

Queen from

d'urfombra e Gelosia d'urtaura, performed

Scarlatti

in

was

January of

714. Capeci based his libretto on a combination of the two fables

Echo and Narcissus and of Cephalus and Procris, from Ovid's Metamorphoses. He remarks in his preface: "I will excuse myof

self

only for having somewhat changed the ending, as in making

Narcissus fall in love not with himself but with Echo, and in mak-

ing Cephalus not this

manner

than a tragic

remainder

I

kill

but only lightly

wound

Procris, because in

end the opera with a happy rather event, according to modern taste and custom. In the have sought not to depart from what was written

I

have thought

by that inimitable pen.

.

.

."

to

Quite content with having utterly de-

stroyed the fundamental meaning of Ovid's allegories in a

manner

among

writers,

that has

become

classic

librettists

and

scenario

Capeci adds a protest designed for the eyes of the ecclesiastical censor.

"The words

Fate, Divinity, Destiny, Adore, and like are to

be recognized as conceits of him

who

writes as a poet, not as senti-

ments of him who professes himself Similar notes had been appended to

a

true

Roman

Tolomeo and

ScirOj to the effect that the believing heart of the

compromised by the

Of

to

Catholic."

Tetide in

author was not

poetic licenses of his pen.

Domenico Scarlatti for Queen Maria Casimira there survive only the complete first act of Tolomeo, ten vocal pieces from Tetide in Sciro with the omission of all instrumental parts except the continuo, and the Overture and vocal pieces of Amor d'utfombra without the recitatives and with some of the instrumental parts suppressed to permit publication in short score. It was Domenico's friend Roseingrave who produced and published Amor d'un'ombra in London in 1720 under the title of Narciso. Apart from a few charming passages, all

the music composed by

especially the serenade with pizzicato violin imitating a mandolin,

reminiscent of Mozart's 55

Don

Giovanni, Narciso leaves us with

Capeci mentions these authors in his prefaces to the respective librettos. *

53

*

ROMAN TATR/MONY but

regret for that dramatic music of Domenico's which

little

has been

lost.

Burney remarks on

many new and

it

with some justice that "though there were

pleasing passages and effects, yet those acquainted

with the original and happy freaks of this composer in his harpsi-

chord

pieces,

would be surprised

at the sobriety

and almost dulness

of his songs. His genius was not yet expanded, and he was not so

much used

to write for the voice as his father,

who was

the greatest

vocal composer of his time, as the son afterwards became the most original

and wonderful performer on the harpsichord,

composer for that instrument. But

it

as well as

seems impossible for any

individual to be equally great in any two things of difficult

at-

tainment!" 56

Notwithstanding the magnificence of her opera productions, or

more properly perhaps because ning short of money. conferring on too

Scarlatti

way

No

of them,

them questionable

may have

Maria Casimira was run-

longer could she satisfy her creditors by titles

of nobility.

57

Domenico

noticed that her payments were in no

as regular as her extravagances.

The Queen was

obliged to

abandon all hopes of ending her days in an atmosphere of theatrical sanctity.

Although she was welcome

in

few countries of Europe,

she needed to reestablish herself near a secure source of revenue. In

permitting her to return to France, Louis

XIV

offered her a choice

of the royal chateaux on the Loire on condition that she stay

from

Versailles.

58

away

Bidding farewell to Pope and Cardinals, to

embarked from Civitavecchia

court and opera, in June 1714 she

in

a papal galley decorated with gilded sculptures, red damask, and

gold

lace.

Villars

59

saw her

"She was

at Blois in 1715.

at a

very advanced

much rouge, having age, but nevertheless wore many for her person the attentions which queens who have been gallant patches and

56

Burney, A General History of Music, Vol. II, p. 706. She solemnly named her landlord, Giacomo Zuccari, "uno dei nobili Famigliari attuale della Nostra Corte" on July 1, 1709. (Korte, pp. 50, 86.) In this patent she styled herself: "Maria Casimira, per grazia di Dio, Regina di Polonia, Granduchessa di Lithuania, Russia, Prussia, Moscovia, Semogizia, Kiovia, Vol57

hinia, Podolia, Podlachia, Livonia, Severia, Smolensckia, Cirnicovia, etc." 58 Saint-Simon, Vol. XXIV, p. 320.

"Labat, Vol. VII, pp. 29-31. *

54

*

ROMAN TATRIMONY [galantes]

preserve

longer

than other

women." 60 Saint-Simon

paints an unflattering picture of her last days.* 1

1

On

January 30,

715, she died at Blois. Alessandro Sobieski had died in

shortly after her departure.

returned to

Rome

as the wife of the

in Saint-Simon, Vol. XXIV, p. Saint-Simon, Vol. XXIV, p. 320. 62 Waliszewski, pp. 282-283.

Quoted

324^

61

*

55

'

later

English Pretender to carry

on the tradition of realmless Queens/ 2 60

Rome

Her granddaughter Clementina

IV

CHURCH AND THEATER



THE PORTUGUESE EMBASSY ROMAN THEATERS AND DOMENICO's LAST OPERAS EMANCIPATION THE MYTHICAL LONDON VOYAGE DEPARTURE THE VATICAN







uring the

year of his employment with

last

Queen Maria

Domenico had

Casimira,

lished connections with the Vatican.

clined to suspect that he as

he had

went frequently

Rome;

to

performed there and he never friends and patrons. During his years

stantly

have moved

to

father.

From

in

Alessandro

music was con-

his

Roman Rome Domenico seems

lost

;

in-

is

these to his father,

previous posts.

his

all

owed

estab-

One

touch with his

under the shadow of

in relative obscurity,

Handel

the time of his competition with

his

at Cardinal

Ottoboni's, probably in 1709, until his departure ten years later,

not one single anecdote or direct

Only the dry opera librettos, and an to light.

on

his activities j

comment concerning him has come employment at the Vatican,

records of his occasional

document throw any

light at all

they throw none whatever on his private

life.

Paolo Lorenzani, the old maestro di caffella of the Basilica Giulia,

had died

member

the senior

October 1713. 1 In November,

in

was declared maestro di assistant.

2

many

of the chapel and for

On December

cap-pella,

Tommaso

Bai,

years a tenor there,

with Domenico Scarlatti as his

22 of the next year Bai died and Scarlatti

succeeded him. 3 Evidently Bai was incapacitated before his death,

Domenico had already prepared

for

the Vatican on Christmas Eve. 4

The

performed

a cantata to be libretto

at

composed by one of

the Arcadians, Francesco Maria Gasparri, provided roles for the allegorical

and

and not altogether Roman

figures of Charity, Faith,

Virginity, for the archangel Gabriel,

In previous years Alessandro Scarlatti 1

2

4

no

— —

— 30— 1658-1726.

Appendix II. ibid., p. 307. Appendix II. Cantata da Red tarsi nel Palazzo Afostolico

MDCCXIV

.

.

.



56

'

la

a choir of angels.

had written music

Baini, Vol. II, p. 280. From Colignani's diary. Arch. Cap. S. Petri in Vat. Diari 33 1 700-1 714,

Diari 3

and for

p.

298,

original

Notte del SS m0 Nat ale .

for

in

NeW An-

CHURCH AND THEATER these ceremonies,

5

and

was probably for such an occasion that

it

Corelli wrote his beautiful Christmas Concerto.

The

President de Brosses paints an amusing picture of one of

these Christmas

Eve ceremonies

After a concert and Pope offered a magnificent supper to the Cardinals. "We were making conversation, Lord Stafford and I, with Cardinal Acquaviva and Cardinal Tencin. This latter, seeing near him the cardinal-vicar Guadagni, a good monk, at the Vatican.

the performance of an oratorio, the

bigoted Carmelite, archetype of Sulpician, in the process of devouring a sturgeon in

humility and of drinking like a Templar,

all

turned in his direction, and contemplating his pale

face, said to him and hypocritical tone: 'La sua Eminenza sta poco bene, e mi par che non mangia [Your Eminence is not well, and seems not to eat].' After supper the cardinals, having resumed their church vestments, went to the Sistine Chapel. ... As for poor

in a tender

Guadagni, he had fasted to such a degree that he was taken with a fainting spell during matins, and had to be carried out.

people behind

me

and penances have brought him

Domenico

heard

I

saying: 'Alas, look at this holy man, his austerities to this state.'

"6

name does not appear on

Scarlatti's

the payrolls of

Tom-

the Cappella Giulia at any time during his assistantship to

maso

Bai.

He

7

1715, and on

was

ordered put on the payroll on February 28,

first

March

he was paid thirty scudi for the preceding

1

8

two months. Thereafter he received cessor

and

fifteen scudi

This was the same salary

rest of his tenure.

The

his successor.

monthly for the

as that of his prede-

musical complement of the Cappella

Giulia proper at the time of Scarlatti's appointment consisted, besides himself, of sixteen singers, four

a maestro d'organi.

The

other singers seven, the organist

and the chaplains the Vatican, the

four.

By

number

5

Dent, pp. 99-102,

6

De

on each part, an organist and

sopranos were paid five scudi a month, the six,

the maestro d'organi two,

the time of Domenico's departure

of sopranos had been

augmented

from

to six.

in.

Brosses, Vol. II, pp. 152-154.

7 Biblioteca Vaticana, Archivio di S. Pietro, Cappella Giulia 203, Del Registro dal 1713 a tt°. VAnn 1750, Filza 14. 8 Biblioteca Vaticana, Archivio di S. Pietro, Capella Giulia 174, Registro de Mandati della Caffella Giulia E 1713 a tutto 1744. From this source is drawn .

——

the remaining information in this paragraph. .

5y

.

Appendix

II.

CHURCH AND THEATER For the larger functions upon, especially during

at St. Peter's, other choirs

were drawn

annual vespers

Scarlatti's tenure, for the

of SS. Peter and Paul on June 30, for the Sacra di San Pietro on

November body of

18,

On

9

zations.

St.

and

and canoni-

for special ceremonies, beatifications,

the occasion of the feast and the translation of the

Leo on April

11, 1715, the

whole chapter of

St. Peter's,

with a large number of singers, went through the streets in procession with lighted torches, singing the is

hymn

Iste Confessor.

10

It

not unlikely that the plain and sober setting by Scarlatti of this

hymn,

still

in the archives of the

made

Cappella Giulia, was

for

this occasion.

The

traditions

Scarlatti's

and functions of the papal choir

day were outlined by an old friend of

fellow Arcadian, Andrea

Adami da

Bolsena, in a

in

Domenico

his father's little

and

book pub-

1. It was entitled Osservazioni fer ben regolare il Coro dei Cantori delta Caf fella Pontificia. and embellished

lished in 171

.

.

,

with a portrait of Cardinal Ottoboni, the protector of the Chapel,

and with etchings by none other than Filippo Juvarra. It may be difficult to imagine Domenico of the harpsichord sonatas conducting the music of the Cappella Giulia or officiating at the

organ behind the enormous altar of Bernini

employment

of St. Peter's. Yet during his

was composing music quite

in the basilica

at the Vatican,

Domeni-

though overwhelming than the Last Judgment of Michelangelo and considerably more churchly than the swooning saints of Bernini. There still exist in the archives of the Capella Giulia two Misereres composed by Domenico in the severe a caffella style of an earlier co

as stately as his surroundings,

less

The

day.

separate vocal parts of the Miserere in

G

minor are

in

known musical autograph (Fig. 21 ). More imposing is a Stabat Mater in ten a cappella parts, which was probably written when Domenico was still at the Vatican. It is a genuine masterpiece, perhaps the first really great work we Domenico's handwriting,

his

only

have seen from Domenico's hand. Large tion,

and of a lordly ease

in scope, rich in imagina-

in the conduct of the counterpoint,

does justice in every way to the eloquence of

The ''

absence of music by

Domenico

Biblioteca Vaticana, Archivio di

jatti 10

daW

Esattor

Pma P

c .

Colignani. Arch. Cap.

dal.

171$. a

gbre, 1729.

tt°.

S. Petri in Vat.,



in the Vatican library, other

Pietro, Cappella Giulia 203,

S.

58

Diari •

it

its text.

-

Appendix

34, p. 10.

II.

/>

fagam xi

.

CHURCH AND THEATER than the Iste Confessor and the two Misereres, explained by

its

is

probably not to be

disappearance from the archives (for unauthor-

ized borrowing of music brought the threat of excommunication),

but by the fact that the music written for the functions of the chapel frequently remained the personal property of the composer.

Perhaps Domenico took most of

where he

to Portugal,

of 1755, or took lost.

left

with

it

his Italian

him

to Spain,

where

church music

Lisbon earthquake

to perish in the

it

it

was subsequently

11

In the meantime, just as Maria Casimira was leaving Rome, Domenico had found employment as maestro di caffella to the Portuguese ambassador, the Marques de Fontes. To celebrate the birth of the Crown Prince of Portugal on June 6, 1714, Domenico composed an Afflauso Genetliaco del Signor Infante di Porto gallo. This piece was the first of a long series that Domenico was to set to music in honor of Portuguese royalty. Little did Domenico know that fifteen years later he would be furnishing music for that same prince's wedding in a specially constructed palace on the Spanish-Portuguese border.

The magniloquence flattery

court

was quite

and

in

of this obsequious piece of mythological

keeping with the way of

ambassadors.

its

No

life

less pretentious

of the Portuguese

than that of

Queen

Maria Casimira, but considerably more solvent, thanks to gold from Brazil, the establishment of the Marques de Fontes presented a show hardly to be outdone by any other embassy in

Rome. The splendor 1

that surrounded his mission to the

Pope

in

71 6 in connection with the elevation of Lisbon into a patriarchy

is

commemorated by

three enormous gilded coaches especially con-

structed for the occasion.

earthquake, they are

still

Having miraculously survived to be seen in the carriage

the great

museum

in

Lisbon. Grandiose sculptured figures surmount the shafts and serve as

allegorical

footmen, gesticulating with

all

the eloquence of

operatic characters or of fountain figures in the Piazza

would seem

that they

might have reduced

Navona.

It

to insignificance the

important personages they were intended to conduct. 11

The music Scarlatti left behind at the Vatican was not entirely forgotten. The Confessor is a copy made many years later, and the Miserere in E minor shows evidence of having been altered for a performance long after Scarlatti's deIste

parture. '

59

*

CHURCH AND THEATER Montesquieu observed that "tout ce qui est spectacle charme les 12 This love of spectacle might well be attributed to Italiens."

yeux

Romans

the Mediterranean countries in general, to the ticular,

tions.

and equally divided between churchly and

In

Rome

one almost suspects the periodic

clergy to the theater as

stemming from

lamation

street

may

and the

there

The

theater.

hostility of the

a desire to discourage the

Rome

competition of rival spectacles. In

between the

in par-

theatrical func-

is little

demarcation

theater's passionate dec-

be heard on every corner, the attitudes of

its

actors

indistinguishably duplicated by the fountain figures of the public

The

squares and by the activities of the populace around them.

imposing perspectives of tragical scenery and the intimate courtyards and balconies of comedy are to be found on every hand,

ready peopled with born secular

Nor

actors.

is

al-

the separation between

world and church appreciably greater than that between

The

proscenium and public.

same poses

saints strike the

as the

allegorical fountain figures ; music, candles, incense, costume

of the faithful

is

no

less

engrossing within a

and

and the behavior

color heighten the baroque of the architecture;

Roman

church than

without.

Under

relaxation of ecclesiastical restraint the

had taken on a new

eenth century. As in Naples or in Venice, a said of the theater in

theology

.

.

.

Rome: "Thence

last

theater

little later it

could be

the abbes go to study their

even the shoemaker or the

First in importance for this public

and

Roman

lease of life in the second decade of the eight-

tailor

were the

is

texts,

a connoisseur."

13

next the scenery,

the music, except of course for the tyrannical supremacy

accorded the singers.

A

text in Italian opera of the eighteenth

century could be old and could have already been used times, but the music

was generally expected

to be

many

new, largely

out of compliance with the special demands and capacities of the

performers. In Italy an old and successful libretto was cherished (witness the works of Metastasio in a later day), but old music

was seldom revived.

"There

is

another mark of character in which the Italians, with-

out the exception of a single state, or that of any rank, or class of 12

Montesquieu, Vol.

I,

p.

13

681. •

ibid., p.

60

'

680.

CHURCH AND THEATER people, universally partake ; tacles,

and indeed every

mean

I

their rage for theatrical spec-

species of public exhibition, or entertain-

ment. This passion they seem to inherit from the antient Romans,

and the bequest has world, the morning

lost is

nothing in their hands. In the fashionable

spent in a slovenly dishabille, that prevents

their

going out, or receiving frequent

work

takes

home. Reading, or

visits at

it

up a very small portion of this part of the day; so that passes away in a yawning sort of nonchalance. People are scarcely

wide awake,

about dinner-time. But, a few hours after, the

till

important business of the toilette puts them gently into motion;

them completely

and, at length, the opera calls

into existence.

But

must be understood, that the drama, or the music, do not form principal object of theatrical amusement. Every lady's box is the

it

a

scene of tea, cards, cavaliers, servants, lap-dogs, abbes, scandal,

and assignations attention to the action of the piece, to the or even to the actors, male, or female, is but a secondary j

If there be

some

actor, or actress,

scenes, affair.

whose merit, or good fortune,

happens to demand the universal homage of fashion, there are pauses of silence, and the favourite airs this cause, or the

confusion, in an Italian audience.

with

all its

may

presence of the sovereign,

mobbing and

The hour

disturbance,

is

be heard. But without

all is noise,

hubbub, and

of the theatre, however,

the happiest part of the

day, to every Italian, of whatever station ; and the least affluent will sacrifice some portion of his daily bread, rather than not enjoy it. Those who have not one sous [sic] that can possibly be spared (for life is found preferable to theatric diversions) are however not so y

forlorn as to be cut off

never rites

fail to

attend the

from

all opportunities of spectacle.

pompous ceremonies

and mummeries of the

and

saints,

to swell the

sequence of every farthing-candle procession.

Such

of the church, the

shabby con-

,m .

.

.

was with an old and established drama that Domenico made appearance before the spoiled and capricious Roman operagoers. Thitherto he had composed operas only for private performances. For his public debut he was given a text that had 15 already been set by Gasparini in Venice in 1705, the Ambleto of It

his first

who was living when Domenico's

Apostolo Zeno and Pietro Pariati. But Gasparini, in

Rome 14

at

this

Beckford, Vol.

I,

time, was probably present pp. 251-253. Written in •

6l

'

1781.

15

Wicl, p.

9.

CHURCH AND THEATER version was performed in the Capranica theater during the carnival

season of 1715. theater a

Two

years earlier Juvarra

new proscenium. 16 Of

trace remains in the building

eighteenth century.

The

text

film

it

dramas are presented

and extravagant

that are quite as improbable

for this

standing today. At present

still

Cinema Capranica, where

serves as the

had designed

function as an opera house no

its

as the operas of the

17

Ambleto had

of Scarlatti's

Shakespeare's Hamlet.

The

librettist's

little

common

in

with

preface refers to the ancient

sources of the story, but betrays no acquaintance whatever with

Th€ drama

avoids any form of King of Denmark, has been murdered by a usurper who has forced Hamlet's mother to marry him. Hamlet, not knowing how to escape the death being prepared for him, pretends a madness the reality of which his the English poet.

itself strictly

psychological ambiguity. Hamlet's father,

stepfather proceeds to test in three principal ways. successful test

who

is

a confrontation of

Hamlet by

his

The

un-

first

former betrothed,

has been captured and brought to court as the mistress of the

The second confrontation is with his mother Queen in the concealed presence of a supposed agent of the tyrant who is really his enemy. Not knowing this, Hamlet searches him out and kills him, but then at last speaks freely with his General of Denmark.

the

mother

in a conversation utterly

devoid of any of the overtones

with which Shakespeare has endowed the parallel scene. test of

Hamlet's madness

is

even more commonplace.

The

final

It consists

simply of an attempt on the part of the tyrant to make Hamlet disclose himself a banquet.

under the influence of wine, during the gaiety of

However

it

the tyrant himself

is

a beverage especially prepared for

orders he

The

is

who

is

overcome by

him by Hamlet. On Hamlet's

taken off to be executed and the opera ends happily.

Ambleto were Domenico Tempesti (Ambleto), Domenico Genovesi (Veremonda), Giovanni Paita (Gedone), Insingers in

nocenzo Baldini (Gerilda), Antonio Natilii (Ildegarde), Giovanni

Antonio Archi, known Vitali (Siffrido), all 16 17

as

Cortoncina (Valdentaro), and Francesco

male or

castrati, of course.

Filiffo Juvarra, Volume Primo, pp. 54, 143. At the time these lines were written, the Capranica was presenting a drama

entitled

"La Famiglia

Sullivan." •

62

'

CHURCH AND THEATER Of

Scarlatti's

music for Ambleto only one

an adagio with

aria,

Despite an expressive chromatic passage in the

strings, survives.

middle, this aria scarcely arouses regret for the rest of the opera.

Domenico

Scarlatti

music of the

lost

never again composed an

would appear that his first and only attempt for the public theater was none too successful. Perhaps Domenico would have had better luck with ha Dirindina, the Intermezzo that was to have been performed with Ambleto, but which seems to have been withdrawn at the last moment, and replaced by Intermedj Pastorali. La Dirindina was a satire by Girolamo Gigli on the nature and habits of opera singers, entire opera for public performance. It

Moda.

a delicious pendant to Benedetto Marcello's Teatro alia

Don

Its three characters are

Carissimo, an old singing teacher ; his

The

pupil the singer Dirindina j and Liscione, a castrate

first

scene

opens at the harpsichord with the coughing, vocalizing, and complaints of catarrh that

form the timeless heritage of

Carissimo's penchant for Dirindina

is

sanely jealous even of the castrato Liscione, entirely to disrupt the singing lesson

The

operatic contract in Milan. satirical allusions to

of

memory,

singers.

so hopeless that he

who

is

by offering to Dirindina an

poet omits few of the customary

the mothers of virtuose, to protectors, to lapses

to singing out of tune, to inability to act,

allowed to speak of "amor

acteristics of his

ing review.

The

forgiveness is

to the

castrato

Platone," and the char-

probably caused the piece to be taken

Rome, and

replaced at the

was the development

simo's jealous credulity

scione

di

and

stand and profession are subjected to a fairly search-

What

boards in clerical interludes,"

in-

arrives in time

dubious respectability of opera singers in general. Liscione

Don is

when he

is

last

off the

minute by "pastoral

in the second scene.

Don

Caris-

strained even to the point of pity and

misinterprets a rehearsal during which Li-

putting Dirindina through her rather faltering paces in

preparation for Milan. Poor

Don

Carissimo

is

led to believe on

hearing the words of despairing Dido rehearsed that Dirindina

is

with child by Liscione and

is

in

high tragedy

about to take her

life with an operatic sword. The Intermezzo ends with Dirindina and Liscione nearly dying of suppressed laughter, and the excel-

lent

Don

Carissimo endeavoring to unite the two

marriage! •

63



in a

legitimizing

CHURCH AND THEATER Whether Dirindina was actually prohibited or only withdrawn out of discretion, we do not know, but it was performed at Lucca in the

same

year,

and a note

in the printed libretto

public that "the excellent music of this farce Scarlatti,

who

will gladly place

exists.

by

informed the

Sig.

Domenico 18 Un-

at the disposal of all."

it

fortunately Domenico's music has been

by Padre Martini

is

lost.

Only

a later setting

19

Throughout the eighteenth century, the unfortunate castrati of the operatic stage were the butt of satire or the unwilling participants in awkward situations such as are related in the memoirs of Casanova. Montesquieu remarks: "At Rome, women do not appear on the stage, but castrati dressed as women. That makes a very bad

more

effect

in the

on morals: for nothing,

Romans

philosophical love.

know, inspires There were in Rome

as far as I .

.

.

my time, at the Capranica theater, two little castrati, Mariotti and Chiostra, dressed as women, who were the most beautiful creatures I have ever seen in my life, and who would have inspired the tastes of Gomorrah in people whose taste is least depraved in this respect. A young Englishman, believing that one of them was a woman, fell madly in love, and was kept in that passion for more 20 than a month." in

In collaboration with Nicolo Porpora, Domenico Scarlatti com-

posed what

as far as

for Berenice, it

we know was

his last

Regina d'Egitto, on

was produced

at the

music for the theater,

a libretto

Capranica in 171 8.

by Antonio Salvij

The

architect of the

scenery was Antonio Canavarij the designer of the "machines and transfigurations"

was the Cavalier Lorenzo Marianij

Among

painter Giovanni Battista Bernabo.

menico Gizii and Annibale Pio Fabri, who

and the

the singers were later

appeared

at

Dothe

21 Spanish court during Domenico's residence there.

On at

January 28, 171 7, a curious legal document was drawn up

Naples, in which Alessandro Scarlatti accorded to Domenico full

emancipation from paternal rights and Neapolitan citizenship. 18 19 p.

22

Luciani, Postilla Scarlattiana, p. 201. Gaspari, Catalogo della Biblioteca del Liceo Musicale di Bologna, Vol. Ill,

315. 20

21 Montesquieu, Vol. I, p. 679. See Carmena y Millan and Cotarelo. Arch. Not. Nap. Prot. N.r Gio. Tufarelli. Ann. 171 7, fols. 45-46. ProtaGiurleo, pp. 34-36, quotes it in full.

22



64



CHURCH AND THEATER Domenico's brother Raimondo was named ever

may have been

as

proxy

Notwithstanding legal

certain symbolism.

in

Rome. What-

the purpose of this document,

it

presents a

Domenico still needed many years complete independence from his father. the age of thirty-two

On

even

attestations,

at

to achieve

October 18, 171 7, Alessandro obtained leave to return from in 171 8, just as Domenico was

Naples to Rome. 23 At carnival time

making his last appearance in the theater,- Alessandro produced his Telemaco at the Capranica, on a libretto by none other than 24 Capeci. Four more productions for the Capranica, including his 25 last opera Griselda y which was performed in 1721, brought the number of stage pieces composed by Alessandro Scarlatti to the 26 impressive total of one hundred and fourteen. Domenico may well have abandoned any ambition to emulate his father in the realm of the theater.

In August

719 Domenico quit

1

An

his post at the Vatican.

entry

of September 3, 1719, in the manuscript diary of Francesco Coli-

gnani states that "Sig. Scarlatti having

who was at From this time,

tavio Pitoni,

Master." 27 actual date

in 1828, is

now

No

England

in

Scarlatti

itself.

London on September

a concert in

Domenico. Probably

on September

6,

Queen Marianna

24

it

Scar-

[sic]

1720 was

1,

was Francesco. 29 Moreover,

1720, Domenico's Serenade for the birthday of of Portugal was being performed in Lisbon, al-

most certainly under Domenico's

336,

his notes

evidence that he went to that country has yet

("brother to the famous Allessandro

who gave

certainly not

23

are impossible

the only authority for assuming that Scarlatti ever visited

been found

latti")

Ot-

Sig.

and on which he and subsequent writers have improvised,

Great Britain.

The

movements

remark, on which Baini published

to trace. Colignani's 28

England,

until after his arrival in Portugal (the

uncertain), Domenico's

is

left for

Giovanni in Laterano, was made

S.

direction.

Dent, p. 156, from Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dei Viccre, Vol. fol.

44.

Lorenz, Vol.

"Appendix

I,

p.

25

36.

Dent,

p.

164.

26

Lorenz, Vol.

I,

p.

Baini, Vol. II, p. 280, footnote 623. 29 Dent, pp. 34-35. Utterly unjustified by any evidence is the fanciful

W. H.

Grattan

Flood's

1741." See Appendix

16.

28

II.

I

A.

article,

The

"Domenico

Scarlatti's

Scarlatti concerned



65

Visit

to

title

Dublin,

was probably Francesco.

of

1740-

CHURCH AND THEATER Unlikely, but not entirely controverted by the Lisbon dates,

Domenico was in London the Haymarket Theatre on

is

the hypothesis that

for the performance

of his Narciso at

May

30, 1720. This

performance was conducted by Thomas Roseingrave, Domenico's devoted friend and protagonist, who had composed for

and two d un ombra e arias

y

duets. Narciso

two

it

was none other than a revival of

Amor

Domenico had comFor the London revival modifications of Capeci's original libretto had been supplied by Paolo Rolli. There is no record of any participation by Domenico y

gelosia d'urfaura, the last opera

posed for the Queen of Poland

in this

in 1714.

performance, either in conducting or in composing new

music.

Roseingrave's production of Narciso was the

last definitely

appearance on the stage of any work by Domenico his edition of the overture

and the

arias

known

Scarlatti,

and

was the only vocal music

The report that arias London opera productions with Giuseppe Scarlatti, who was their real

of Domenico's ever printed in his lifetime.

by Domenico were inserted rests

on a confusion

in

later

composer. 30

By

1

72

1,

Domenico

Scarlatti

seventy-two years of his

life.

had lived exactly one half of the

In his music thus far there was

little

would serve to raise him above the more competent of his contemporaries. His enduring contribution was made toward the end of that half of his life which was spent away from Italy, parted from his loving but overwhelming father. that

30

Appendix VII.

66

V

LISBON PATRIARCHY



ROYAL CHAPEL MARIA BARBARA DON ANTONIO SEIXAS ALESSANDRO's DEATH DOMENICO's MARRIAGE ROYAL WEDDINGS LISBON



JOAO V











n first venturing beyond the cules,

Domenico

Scarlatti

Pillars of

Her-

found himself

redis-

covering certain eastern strains of his Sicilian ancestry

mained

and the Saracen

traces that

had

re-

in the surroundings of his early child-

hood. In Portugal the singing was even more extravagant and raucous, and tinged with a strange melancholy. It

resembled more closely the long outmoded plain chants of

his

had been

ac-

which

ancestors,

customed

as

chapelmaster of

to reclothe in the suave

day. Also the

more

violent

St.

Peter's he

baroque investitures of

rhythms of

this Iberian

his

music were

with a savage continuity whose full impact he was later to

own felt

know

in Spain.

Many liant

aspects of Lisbon

light,

were familiar enough

to

him: the

bril-

the luminous materials of the houses in stone and

and the enormous distance separating the and magnificent nobles from the ragged populace or the suntanned and filthy beggars asleep at noon on palace steps. Some of the precipitous descents and ascents and the amphitheater-like shape of Lisbon he had known in Naples, but not quite the openness of the Atlantic light, and the large flat squares giving onto a broad river estuary instead of a bay. The ships came not merely from Mediterranean ports, but also from America and the far Orient,

plaster, the noisy streets,

richly clad

often bringing exotic Indians in their native costumes, half-naked 1

and gold from Brazil Colonial treasure was helping

Africans,

in limitless profusion.

to maintain

one of the most lavish

"King of Portugal and of the Algarves, in Africa hither and beyond the seas, Lord of Guinea, of navi2 gation, conquest and commerce of Ethiopia, Persia and the Indies." courts in Europe, that of Joao V,

1

2

Almeida, Vol. IV, p. 279. This title is taken from one of the

(May

15,

certificates

1738, Scarlatti family papers). •

67



of

Domenico'i knighthood

LISBON PATRIARCHY Flamboyant, but cultivated his ancestors,

V

Joao

in his taste,

and learned

like

oriental sultan with the ostentatious devoutness of a ate.

8

Not without

remarked that

many

of

combined the luxurious sensuality of an

Roman

prel-

malice, his contemporary Frederick the Great

fame was "his strange passion

his chief claim to

He

churchly ceremonies.

for

had obtained the pope's permission

establish a patriarchy, another authorizing

him

to say the

to

Mass,

and became practically a consecrated priest. Priestly functions were his amusements, convents his buildings, monks his armies, and nuns 4 his mistresses." Few traces of Joao's court have survived the earthquake of 1755, but some fragments of the unparalleled prodigality

may

of his establishments

still

be seen in the royal coaches, in the

furnishings of the chapel of St. John in the church of Sao in Lisbon,

and above

all in

Roque

the gigantic monastery, church, and

palace overlooking the Atlantic at Mafra.

(When

Baretti visited

Mafra in 1760, he found his Majesty's bell-ringer playing Handel and the "most difficult lessons of Scarlatti" on a kind of xylophone of his

own

Joao

invention.)

5

V had persuaded the Pope to

elevate Lisbon to a patriarchy,

in return heavily subsidizing a crusade against the

Turks

in 1716.

6

Thenceforth the church functions were more magnificent than ever,

and

special attention

was paid

to the music.

The

king had gone to

prodigious expense in obtaining copies of the choirbooks used at the Vatican, and special schools had been established for plain chant.

7

The

so-called a cappella style of composition

8 here as in the Papal chapels.

A

number of the

Vatican had been lured to Portugal,

garded

as

from the

and doubtless the King

re-

one of his principal triumphs the acquisition of the

chapelmaster of Scarlatti

9

was cultivated

singers

St.

Peter's in the person of

had under

Domenico

Scarlatti.

his direction thirty or forty singers,

•Almeida, Vol. IV, pp. 278-289. CEuvres de Frederic le Grand, Vol. II, p. 13. 6 Baretti, A Journey from London to Genoa, Vol.

and

4

I,

pp. 254-255. September 13,

1760. 6 7

8

Almeida, Vol. IV, p. 268; Lambertini, p. 2421. Lambertini, p. 2421. ibid.

9

Celani, / Cantori della Caf fella Pontificia nei secoli XVI-XVIII, P- 69. In 71 7 three singers left the papal chapel to enter the service of the King of Portugal, and on June 13, 1719, another. 1



68



LISBON TATRIARCHY nearly as

many

instrumentalists,

church functions here as in

most of them

Rome, Domenico continued

music in pseudo-contrapuntal

10

For the

to

compose

Italians.

style, a cappella or

with organ

ac-

companiment, with alternating solo and choral passages, often with double choirs, music such as Alessandro Scarlatti had composed

in

quantity. Little of this music remains in Portugal other than an

eight-part

Te Deum and

Te

a four-part

Gloriosus, copied out for

the Patriarchal of Lisboa Occidental after the earthquake, and a

few other compositions that are extant Portuguese

"On

in

of

libraries

other

cities.

the last day of the year 1721," reports the Gazeta de Lisboa,

"there was sung in the Church of Saint Roch in this city in celebra-

God

our Lord

inhabitants, the

hymn Te

tion of thanks for all the benefits accorded

during the year to

this

realm and

its

by

Deum

Laudamusy elegantly composed

among

various choirs of musicians by the famous

latti,

to

music and distributed

Dionisio Carneiro de Sousa, Archdeacon of the

Church, assisted by

The an

Domingos

Scar-

the function being administered by the illustrious D. Joseph

entire

infinite

all

Holy

the ministers and masters of ceremonies.

Church was magnificently decorated and

number

Patriarchal

filled

with

of lights, and the musicians arranged in

angular tribunes especially constructed and adorned with

tri-

rich

hatchments, all at the order and expense of the Senhor Patriarch, whose generosity most demonstrates itself in the functions of the Divine Service arranging everything with the same magnificence ;

and solemnity

as has

been practiced

in

preceding years. All the

Nobility of the Court was present and the concourse of the people

was innumerable." 11

Whether or not identical with the surviving one, the music of Te Deum doubtless exhibited a similarly excellent workman-

this

ship, but scarcely intimated the fantasy Scarlatti's later ficial

and bizarre inventions of

keyboard sonatas. Like the elaborate and super-

frescoes of the late baroque, music of this nature, magnificent-

ly executed, lent splendor to the religious ceremonies

scarcely noticed

by or for

itself.

10 Walther, Musicalisches Lexicon, p. 489, gives a Portuguese royal chapel in 1728. See Appendix II. 11 Gazeta de Lisboa, January 1, 1722.



and was

Likewise the snarling organs of

69



list

of musicians

in

the

"

LISBON TATRIARCHY Spain and Portugal, with ranks of pipes pointing out horizontally

formed

like trumpets,

part, as they still do, of a sensuous

whole

with the reedy chanting of boys and priests, the rustle of fans, the jangling of sanctus bells, and the smell of incense and garlic.

But the musicians of the Royal Chapel were not occupied exAs in other countries, they supplied

clusively with church music.

music for the

and functions of the

festivities

court,

more

especially

the royal birthdays and the name-days of saints.

With tions

the importation of musicians from Italy the musical func-

and serenades held

Royal Palace became more frequent.

at the

On

September 24, 1719, there was a serenade in the apartment of the King, "sung by the new and excellent musicians which His

Majesty

.

had brought from Rome, in the presence of Their 12 There is a very strong probability was among them. 13 A month later, for the King's

.-.

Majesties and Highnesses." that Scarlatti

birthday on October 22, there occurred a performance of the

serenade "Triunfos de Ulysses, Italian text.

14

The composer

is

&

glorias de Portugal" with an

not named.

The Gazeta de

Lisboa

reports other musical functions during the next year, without ever

mentioning

Nor in the

Scarlatti.

he mentioned

is

Italian

composer of "an excellent Serenade

as the

language intitled 'The Contest of the Seasons'

which was performed

in the

Royal Palace on September

6,

1720,

Queen Marianna. 15 This piece however Serenata of Domenico Scarlatti now in the

to celebrate the birthday of is

none other than the

Biblioteca I

am

Marciana

in Venice.

16

Barring evidence to the contrary,

Domenico arrived in Lisbon in Sepwithout going to England. At the very latest, if

inclined to believe that

tember,

1

71 9,

he ever went

to

England, he was certainly

in

Portugal by August

of 1720, in other words, in time for rehearsals of the Serenata for

Queen Marianna's birthday. The Contesa delle Stagioni part of the music are extant)

any of the surviving operas

(of which only the libretto and a

Poland. All trace of dryness has disappeared. 12 ibid. , 13

14

It

shows a constant

September 28, 17 19. Unless he really went to England. See Chapter IV and Appendix II. 15 Gazeta de Lisboa., October 26, 1 7 1 9. ibid., September 12, 1720.

"Appendix VI B

first

much more mature work than written in Rome for the Queen of is

5. •

70

'

LISBON TATRIARCHY and vocal

sense of instrumental

effectiveness

and a mastery of

broad dramatic contrasts. Especially handsome are the trumpet fanfares alternating with the strings, the antiphonal choruses, the flute solos to

one of the

arias,

and the vocal and instrumental

Most

acterization of the seasons.

accompanied only by the continuo, but

Queen,

at the central point of

a gloreole of

accompanying

char-

of the recitatives are sober and at the reference

the piece, the voice

is

to the

illuminated by

strings, a secular version of a device

we know so well in connection with the words of Christ in the Matthew Passion of Bach. At the end of the year, the King's name-day, the day of St. John

St.

the Evangelist, was celebrated in the Palace with "an Italian Sere-

nade entitled, Cantata Pastorale; the discreet and harmonious work of the composer Scarlatti, performed in the apartment of the Queen. .

.

." 17

Henceforth the Gazeta de Lisboa reports serenades, mostly

on the birth or name-days of the King and Queen, but seldom with mention of composer or of

title.

The Queen's

and for subsequent years, was celebrated

birthday in 1722,

in inimitable bluestock-

ing style by a meeting of the Academia Real da Historia Portuguesa. "In the evening there

Palace,

the

"Abbade

was an excellent Serenade

music composed by the Aboade

Scarlatti"

a Serenade for

is

27,

in

The earthquake

the presence of their

19

After 1722, the reports about Scarlatti's

Mediterranean

the

The

1722, the name-day of the King,

by the musicians

Majesties and Highnesses."

are few.

at 18

reported also to have been the composer of

December

"felicitously executed

Scarlatti."

activities in

Portugal

of 1755, combined with the habits of

archivists, has eliminated

most of the records of

the court of Joao V, and of his musicians as well.

In addition to his duties as chapelmaster, Domenico had charge of the musical instruction of

Don

Antonio, the younger brother of

the King, and of the King's daughter, Maria Barbara, later of Spain.

20

The

musical ancestry, and later reports 17

Queen

Infanta Maria Barbara came of a distinguished all

agree on the exceptional

Gazeta de Lisboa, January 2, 1721. 19 ibid., December 31, 1722. September 10, 1722. Vieira, Vol. II, p. 286; Lambertini, p. 2421; Scarlatti, dedication of the

18 ibid., 20

Essercizi. *

71

'

LISBON TATRIARCHY quality of her

own accomplishments. Her great-grandfather was IV of Portugal, who accumu-

the famous musical polemicist, Joao

lated a fabulous musical library, of which only the catalogue sur21 Her maternal grandfather Leovived the earthquake of 1755. pold I of Austria had composed some really distinguished music. 22

All sources

—except

portraits

official

—agree

that

Maria Barbara

was no beauty, but she had an equable temper, and a capacity arouse affection in all those

who knew

If she really did justice to the harpsichord sonatas, she

is

was not confined

to

must have

Her

musical

mere harpsichord playing,

for she

been, for her time, an extraordinary player indeed. instruction

to

her well. 23

24 reputed also to have been a competent composer. With more

cases, Padre Martini, in volume of his Storia delta Musica in 1757, praises her as having learned from the "Cavaliere D. Domenico Scarlatti the most intimate knowledge of music and its profoundest artifices." In later life music seems to have been

sincerity

perhaps than was usual in such

dedicating to Maria Barbara the

first

the central focus of her existence, the one revivifying force in the

deadly round of ceremonies and spectacles. Scarlatti apparently

remained always

in a personal contact

exempted from the

Her

official

gratitude for this lifelong association found expression

years later in her will,

sand doubloons to "dn. has followed Scarlatti's

me

when Domingo

she bequeathed a ring Escarlati,

my

other royal pupil was 26

He

Don

who

25

Antonio, the younger

was only ten years younger than

himself, and passionately fond of music.

Giustini da Pistoia dedicated in 1732 the

many

and two thou-

music-master,

with great diligence and loyalty."

brother of the King. latti

with her which was often

formalities of her other relationships.

first

To him

Scar-

Lodovico

sonatas ever pub-

21

Lambertini, pp. 2418-2419. Musikalische Werke der Kaiser Ferdinand III, Leo fold I, und Josef A I [Edited by Guido Adler], Vienna [1892]. 23 For accounts of Maria Barbara, see Ballesteros, Coxe, Danvila, Florez, and Keene. 24 Lambertini, p. 2421, without locating the work or indicating- a source for his reference, states that she composed a Salve with orchestra for the Salesas 22

.

Madrid. Testament of Maria Barbara of Braganza, Palace, VII E 4 305. 26 See the dedication of Domenico's Essercizi.

.

.

in

25



72

'

Madrid,

Library

of

Royal

LISBON TATRIARCHY 27

lished for pianoforte.

Mater

of the Stabat

A setting by Don

is

the Patriarchal chapel in Lisbon.

A

Don

protege of

Portuguese musical

28

Antonio, and Domenico's most eminent

was Carlos

associate,

He

Patriarchal chapel.

Antonio of several stanzas

reported to have existed in the archives of

was born

in

Seixas, organist of the

Coimbra on June

II, 1704. Be-

fore his fourteenth birthday he succeeded his father as organist in

the cathedral there.

He

arrived in Lisbon, hardly sixteen years old,

1720, at about the same time as Scarlatti, with a talent so

in

conspicuous that he was almost immediately appointed organist of the Basilica.

A

29

[Scarlatti], lessons,

who was

guided

remarks

later eighteenth-century writer

Most Serene Senhor Infante D. Antonio asked as

in

Lisbon

that,

"the

the great Escarlate

at the time, to give Seixas

some

he was by the erroneous idea that whatever the

Portuguese do they cannot equal foreigners, and sent him to Scarlatti.

Hardly did

Scarlatti see Seixas put his

hands to the keyboard

but he recognized the giant by the finger [so to speak], and said are the one who could give me lessons.' Upon enDon Antonio, Scarlatti told him, 'Your Highness commanded me to examine him. But I must tell you that he is one of

him,

to

c

You

countering

30 the best musicians I have ever heard.' "

The keyboard lel

sonatas of Seixas present a most interesting paral-

with those of Scarlatti. 31 For the most part the best of them

date from after Scarlatti's departure from Portugal, but Seixas died in 1742,

long before Scarlatti attained his full development.

Some

form in the pieces of Seixas seem to antedate those of Scarlatti. One might be tempted to think that their influence was mutual. But by comparison with Scarlatti Seixas remains a provincial composer. His music is full of lyricism, brilliant ideas, and many of the same Iberian characteristics that appear in Scarlatti, but it never achieves Scarlatti's unified consistency. Only

developments

in

27 edited in facsimile Giustini di Pistoja, L., Twelve Piano-Forte Sonatas by Rosamond E. M. Harding, Cambridge, 1933. The dedication is signed by D. Giovanni de Seixas. It mentions D. Antonio's skill as a player. .

28

Mazza,

p.

.

.

18.

29

This biographical information concerning Seixas is drawn from Kastner, Carlos de Seixas. 80 Mazza, p. 32. My translation substitutes proper names for the ambiguous personal pronouns of the original. Italics are mine. 31 See M. S. Kastner, Cravistas Portugt/ezes, I and II (Main/: Srhott, [1935, i95o]). *

73

*

LISBON TATRIARCHY rarely does Seixas achieve the perfection of

form and the balance

of tonal scheme which seldom fail in the sonatas of Scarlatti.

In 1724 Scarlatti returned to Italy. Quantz, the

remembered having met him

in

flute player,

Rome, where he was then

study-

ing with Gasparini, Domenico's old friend and adviser. 32 There

was doubtless a most cordial reunion between the master and

his

former apprentice. At the same time Domenico must have encountered the singer who was later to enjoy his friendship for so

many

known

as

an opera of Gasparini 's

at

years at the Spanish court. Carlo Broschi, better

was performing

Farinelli,

the Portuguese

Embassy

just then in

in

He

Rome. 33

was

still

at the

very be-

ginning of the career that was to bring him far greater fame and

power than Domenico ever achieved or presumably cared to possess. Here also or in Naples Scarlatti may have met the poet Metasta3 sio, * the idol of the eighteenth-century operatic theater and later the author of

many

librettos for Farinelli's lavish productions at

the court of Spain.

Most important This

composer had written

prolific

nade

of all was Domenico's visit to his aging father.

did not long precede Alessandro Scarlatti's death. This

visit

He

Naples. 35

opera in 1721, his

his last

1723, and had settled

in

down

had lived long enough

in

last sere-

relative retirement

to be looked

in

on with the

greatest respect as the patriarch of Neapolitan music, but also long

enough

to

have become somewhat old-fashioned.

ing the harpsichord, and Quantz, 82

He

who heard him

was

still

play-

in the winter

in his autobiography in Marpurg, Historisch-kritische Beitrage, 223-226, says that he was first in Rome from June II, 1724, to January 13, 1725. He remarks: "Mimo Scarlatti, the son of the old Neapolitan, Alessandro Scarlatti, an elegant keyboard player in the style of that time, who was in Portuguese service, but who later entered that of Spain, where he still

Vol.

is,

Quantz, I,

pp.

was then in Rome." Mendel & Reissmann, Erganzungsband, p. 522. 34 For accounts of Metastasio's presence in Naples see Croce,

83

Anno XV,

p.

Domenico may Naples

in

May

/

Teatri di Nafoli,

Metastasio, Vol. 1, pp. 193-194. Burney, Memoirs of have met Metastasio in Rome before Metastasio's departure for 1719. Metastasio was for a time betrothed to Gasparini's daughter,

341

;

also

.

.

.

February 6, 1719. (Celani, // frimo amore di Pietro Metastasio, p. 246.) The earliest mention I can find of an almost certainly apocryphal performance in Rome in 1724 of Metastasio's Didone Abbandonata with music by "Scarlatti" appears in Clement & Larousse, Dictionnaire Lyrique, p. 214. Riemann, OfernHandbuch, attributes it to Alessandro; and Brunelli, Tutte le of ere di Pietro Metastasio, Vol. I, p. 1384, to Domenico. after

35

Dent, pp. 191-192. •

74

*

:

LISBON TATRIARCHY of 1725, mentions his "learned style of playing, although he did

much

not have as

performance

as did his son."

36

Johann Adolf Hasse was studying with Alessandro in Naples at the same time. Hasse was to become the glory of his age, the only opera facility in

composer whose fame almost rivaled that achieved by Metastasio

Many years later in Vienna, when talking with Dr. recalled hearing the Scarlattis play, and spoke of Hasse Burney, "wonderful hand, as well as fecundity of invention." 37 Domenico's Alessandro Scarlatti died on October 24, 1725. At the foot of

as librettist.

the altar of Saint Cecilia in the church of Montesanto slab

on which

is

is

a marble

the following epitaph, written perhaps by Cardinal

Ottoboni

"Here

lies

the Cavalier Alessandro Scarlatti, a

and

for moderation, beneficence

man

distinguished

piety, the greatest of all restorers

of music, who, having softened the solid measures of the ancients

with a

new and wonderful

posterity of

he died

hope of

suavity, deprived antiquity of glory

Dear above

imitation.

in the sixty-sixth

all to

and

nobles and kings,

year of his age on October 24, 1725, to

Death knows no mode of appeasement." 38 Alessandro's death closed for Domenico an adolescence that had protracted itself for exactly twenty years since he had left Naples in 1705. Outwardly he was perfectly grown, as might naturally be expected, for he was now forty years old. Moreover there had Italy's

utmost

grief.

been nothing tentative even

in his earliest music. It

was balanced

and complete, but for the most part it was utterly lacking in personality other than an anonymous reflection of the musical styles of the time, and

more

particularly of that of his father.

was there a hint of that inner

we

force that to

call genius,

every production.

It

is

intensity, fecundity,

which lends

my

the

The first

rarely

and driving

own independent

life

conviction that nearly every artist

undergoes a second adolescence, first.

its

Only

twenty years after the

fifteen or

flowering of talent, accomplishment, or precocity between

and second adolescence seldom

indicates the true span

•Marpurg,

Historisch-kritische Beitrdge, Vol. I, pp. 228-229. Burney, The Present State of Music in Germany, Vol. I, p. 347. "Dent, p. 192. A drawing of the coat of arms on Alessandro Scarlatti's tombstone is to be found in Madrid, Archivo Historico Nacional, Carlos III, No. 1799, fol. 66r. This coat of arms is now concealed by the altar step which has been ,T

laid over the

upper part of the tombstone. See *

75

*

p.

326.

LISBON TATRIARCHY and capacity of the

artist.

the nourishment and digestion of

It is

experience during this time that determines the ability of an

life

remain fully alive and growing, and later to impose

artist to

own

vitality in greater or less

This becomes fully clear only

his

measure on every work he produces. at the

end of the second adolescence.

In the years immediately following Alessandro's death Domenico Scarlatti

had completed

promising, adolescence.

his first satisfactory, but not

He

was

extremely

to wait another ten years before

reaching his early maturity, in other words until the extraordinarily late age of

The tion in

by

fifty.

mysteries of Domenico's early

life

and

his obvious

domina-

and musical, tempt interpretation

his father, both personal

terms of modern psychology.

Suffice

however

it

an outward indication of a complete change

to say that

Domenico's

in

On May

occurred three years after his father's death.

15,

life

1728,

before the altar of the Blessed Virgin of the Assumption in the

church of San Pancrazio on the outskirts of Rome, he was married to

Maria Catalina

and Margarita

Gentili, the daughter of Francesco

Romans. 39 Domenico

Rossetti, both

Maria Gentili Scarlatti

was

nearly forty-three years old, and his bride was sixteen. (She was

born on November 13, 1712.)

Of

the circumstances of this marriage

more than

It is

tom the match was an vision, it

and

we know almost

cus-

one, arranged under family super-

official

no sense the result of a love

in

was arranged

nothing.

Mediterranean

likely that in accordance with

affair.

in advance, the bride appears to

Whether

have had

or not

as little

say in the matter as a royal princess. Like royal marriages, the

whole bride

affair

may have been

would have been but

last in

Rome

in

to

me

sold in 39

in

when Domenico was

1725. Reports agree that she was very beautiful.

She had chestnut hair and posed her portrait by a

by correspondence, for the

settled

thirteen years old

now unknown

in a

dark red decollete gown for

painter.

This picture was described

by those of her descendants who had seen

March

it

before

it

was

19 12, along with that of Domenico by another un-

For the marriage record,

see

Appendix

II.

Italian sources, I have retained the Spanish

although she was probably originally

known

76

as

Not having found her mentioned form of Maria Catalina's name, Maria Caterina.

LISBON TATR1ARCHY 40

(Both portraits have disappeared, by way of a known artist. Madrid dealer to whom they were sold by the Scarlatti family, and reputedly thence to Lisbon and afterwards to London. Today they probably repose unrecognized in the garret of an English

country house.)

The

Gentili family lived in the Palazzo Costacuti on the Piazza

delle Tartarughe,

and the marriage was registered

in the parish

of Santa Maria in Publicolis. Nearly a century later Domenico's

grandson was able to obtain satisfactory reports of their

Of Domenico's

gentility.

41

we know

previous acquaintance with this family

nothing. After his marriage, at any rate, he became closely associated with

it.

Gaspar Gentili,

his brother-in-law,

Rossetti Gentili, his mother-in-law, both

went

42

and Margarita

to Spain

and

sur-

vived him there. Margarita Gentili took care of some of Domeni-

and remained in close contact with the family after 43 Catalina's death and Domenico's second marriage. A puzzling note and possible explanation of Domenico's late marriage is injected by the Gazeta de Lisboa which in 1722 twice mentions him as the "Abbade Scarlatti." 44 Had Domenico's occupation with church music induced him to take minor orders, or co's children

was

this a

mere

journalistic inaccuracy induced

tinuing to wear black as he

by Domenico's con-

had done many years before

In later years however there

is

did not customarily wear black. His transformation

extended

developments that

40

Carlos

may

well have

itself to clothing.

Domenico's decision the time

in Venice?

every indication that Domenico

to

marry may have been

were taking place

Domenico undertook Scarlatti,

Historia

Appendix II) Conversations by latti, and Senora Rosa Rallo, .

de

at the

affected by the

Portuguese court. By

his last visit to his father in Italy

y mi ultima voluntad,

familia

p.

2

(see

author with Luise, Julio, and Carmelo ScarMadrid on July 14, 1947, later also with

this

in

Senora Encarnacion Scarlatti. The portrait of Catalina was considered of greater artistic importance than that of Domenico. No photographs were taken before they were sold. 41 See Chapter VII and Appendix II, note in connection with Francisco Scarlatti's

proofs of nobility, 181 7-1 820.

42

Appendix II. Baptismal certificates of Domenico's five youngest children (1738-1749); document of December 15, 1763. 48 See Chapter VII and Appendix II, documents of September 1757, 17601763. 44

Gazeta de Lisboa, September 10, 1722, and December 31, 1722. '

77

'

LISBON PATRIARCHY in

1724

his pupil the princess

Maria Barbara was approaching mar-

riageable age, or at least that early age at which royal marriages

were negotiated. On October 9, 1725, to the accompaniment of Te Deums in Lisbon churches, her betrothal to Fernando, crown

He was then eleven years old. Maria Barbara was nearly fourteen. The diplomatic advantages of this match were made perfectly clear by the simultaneous announcement of the betrothal of the Spanish Infanta to the Portuguese crown prince Don Jose. The customary correspondence, pourparlers, and expedition of

prince of Spain, was announced.

45

appropriately flattering portraits culminated in an exchange of

ambassadors between Spain and Portugal for the signing of marriage contracts.

46

On

January

1728, a Festeggio

11,

Armonko

composed for the occasion by Scarlatti (the music of which has been lost) was performed in the Queen's apartment, in conjunction with fireworks and the illumination of the entire city of expressly

Lisbon.

47

It is possible that

Domenico was

told at this time that he

would

be expected to follow the princess Maria Barbara to Spain. Probably Maria Barbara herself requested

it.

Her

devotion to music,

while partly the result of heredity and natural inclination, can only

have been enhanced by her association with Domenico during her formative years. There

Domenico's own development

is

even the

as a harpsichord

Scarlatti

possibility

that

composer was stim-

ulated by constant contact with his talented pupil and by the necessity of providing music to further her progress. later production

is

His

entire

reported to have been composed expressly for

Maria Barbara. Perhaps the demands and responsiveness of her much further as a player and as a composer than he would have gone had he worked only for himself or for an unspecified public. There is every evidence that

highly cultivated taste carried him

despite differences of position between the royal princess

and her music master the relation was one of mutual devotion, and that the

young Maria Barbara would have regarded separation with

dismay. Although Domenico later had associates it is 45

in

her affections,

probable that at this time Maria Barbara identified her entire Gazeta de Lisboa, October n, 1725. 1030; Danvila, pp. 47-49, 74. See Fig. 25. January 15, 1728.

46 Florez, Vol. II, p. 47 Gazeta de Lisboa,



78



LISBON TATRIARCHY

A reflection of Domenico's own attachment might be seen in the curious coincidence that his bride was almost the same age as Maria Barbara. musical

with him.

life

for his royal pupil

external reasons may have been for his marwere affected by the prospect of going to Spain more

Whatever Domenico's riage, they

more

or less permanently under patronage

The

he had thitherto enjoyed.

Domenico

ing point in life

firmly assured than any

mark the turnNot only had his personal

years 1725 to 1729

Scarlatti's life.

taken a change of direction with the death of his father and

with his marriage, not only was he launched on his second, his

we

adolescence, which was to produce the mature artist

artistic

know and remember,

but he was about to adopt a

it

country, in

more Spanish than

musical respects at least to become

Perhaps

new

was only because of the new

life that

Italian.

he was beginning,

with a young wife, and in a strange country, that during the next

twenty years he was able to develop the most strikingly original musical style of his century.

In January 1729 the Portuguese and Spanish royal families met on the River Caya at the border of the two countries for the double

wedding.

The

Spanish court, after a nine day journey "notwith-

standing the deep Snows," arrived at Badajoz on January 16,

"much ceas'd,

fatigu'd with the bad Weather, which had scarce ever from the Time they left. and made the Roads not , .

withstanding

all

.

the Precautions taken, almost impassable."

48

One

can imagine their shivering Catholic Majesties, bundled up in furs,

trundling in coaches over icy roads and being dug out of snowdrifts,

with their utterly miserable dependents lurching behind

them.

At the

arrival of the Spaniards

on January 19 the Portuguese

court was assembled on the opposite side of the River

array of one hundred and eighty-five coaches and fifteen or

twenty servants

fifty chaises,

and

uniforms! 49

The

number

The

in

it

in

an

each with

one hundred and resplendent

new

"no inconsiderable MorKing did not on this Edicts against the wearing of Gold upon

was reported

as

the Grandees of Spain, that the

Occasion dispence with his 48

thousand soldiers

Caya

Spaniards were accompanied by an equivalent

of soldiers, but

tification to

in the richest liveries,

at least six

six,

Historical Register

.

.

.

for the Year 1720, p. 69.

49 ibid., pp. 73-74. *

79

*

LISBON TATRIARCHY might make

their Cloaths, that they

as bright a

Figure as the

Portuguese." 50

Here time.

ing

the brides and bridegrooms saw each other for the

The

first

apprehensive curiosity of the hordes of courtiers watch-

them was exceeded only by

their

own. The four young persons

destined by wholly external circumstances to intimate and inseparable unions

met

their breath.

in punctilious formality while the bystanders

One

he was present

Domenico

can imagine

Observing Maria

at this ordeal of his royal pupil.

Barbara with especial interest was the British ambassador Spanish court, Sir Benjamin Keene.

He

held

Scarlatti's sentiments if

at the

wrote the next day: "I

had placed myself very conveniently yesterday to see the first meeting of the two families j and I could not but observe, that the princess's figure, notwithstanding a profusion of gold and diamonds, really shocked the prince. He looked as if he thought he had been imposed upon. Her large mouth, thick lips, high cheek bones and small eyes, afforded him no agreeable prospect} but," adds Sir Benjamin, "she is well shaped and has a good mien." 51 Actually Sir Benjamin later became very fond of her. Fernando's subsequent devotion was unswerving.

The exchange

of royal personages took place in a magnificent

pavilion especially constructed across the River

Caya so that the

Spanish and Portuguese kings might meet "without ever going out of their

own

Territories, entering just at the

same

Instant, Step

by Step." Upon signature of the marriage contracts "the Princesses were handed to the other Side of the Table, with much Grief parting."

52

The two

courts

met three

at

times, with "a fine Consort

of Music perform'd by the Musicians of both the King's Chapels" at the

second meeting. 83

After the

final

meeting the Spanish court

set

out from Badajoz

on January 27 "and took the Route of Andalusia, designing to be ." 54 By command of Joao V, 6B at Seville, ... in eight Days. .

Domenico

Scarlatti

He

remain

was

to

.

followed the princess Maria Barbara to Spain.

in

her service for the rest of his

life.

60 ibid., 51 Quoted in Coxe, Vol. Ill, pp. 231-233. p. 69. 52 The Historical Register . . for the Year 17 20, pp. 73-74. 58 ibid. The patriarch of Lisbon was sent to the wedding as .

eleven canons, fourteen singers, and 54

The

Historical Register

.

.

.

many

for the Year 1729, pp. 69ft.

56 Scarlatti, dedication of the Essercizi.



80

chaplain, with

instrumentalists (Danvila, p. 92).



VI



THE SPANISH SCENE

felipe v and isabel farnese / fernando and maria barbara aranjuez, la granja, escorial madrid juvarra and the royal palace arrival of farinelli madrid opera scarlatti's knighthood essercizi per gravicembalo scarlatti's portrait death of catalina scarlatti death of felipe v seville























iith

Domenico

Scarlatti's

arrival

Spain begins that period of his

most intensely concerns

us, the

life

in

which

period that

brought to fruition the transformation

al-

ready begun in Portugal and produced the extraordinary late flowering of his genius in the harpsichord sonatas. Spain has always had a pronounced effect it both fascinates and unsettles them. On those who makes an unforgettable impression, and on those who go there to live, it works a drastic and sometimes catastrophic change. For some it is a stimulant for others it is utter destruction. We shall shortly see to what extent the Versailles-bred Felipe V was destroyed by his adopted country. Someone has remarked on the curious dissolution of all the French diplomats who crossed the Pyrenees in his reign. Juvarra and Tiepolo died in Spain, perhaps not quite accidentally. There the painter Mengs was attacked by the "marasmus." There the aging Casanova had the bitterest and most sombre experiences of his adventurous career. Scarlatti, perhaps by his youth in a Spanish-dominated country, by his early contact with the half-oriental traditions of the Saracens, which had almost obliterated those of Magna Graecia in Sicily and the Nea-

on foreigners

j

visit, it

j

was better prepared to meet the explosive mixMoorish sensuality and idolatrous Counter-Reformabigotry. Spain is a country of extremes, upsetting and

politan provinces,

ture of pagan tion

threatening to the disciple of moderation. There the Renaissance

could take but straight

little root.

from the Gothic

Spain passed like into the Baroque,

its

architecture almost

from the Middle Ages

into the Counter-Reformation. Scarlatti

seems to have escaped the threats with which the •

81



for-

THE SPANISH SCENE him it was a stimulant. and melancholia he seems to have danced with unprecedented animation and sensibility, at times with eigner in Spain finds himself beset. For

Over the

abysses of despair

the agility of a tightrope walker. In Spain the undefeatable dyna-

mism of his nature found its fullest expression. Domenico Scarlatti arrived in Spain most probably time as the Princess Maria Barbara, or

at the

same

at least shortly thereafter.

On February 3, 1729, it is reported, "in the Evening, the Court being arriv'd at Seville, their Majesties and Highnesses took a Turn

in the

Garden of the Alcasar, which is the ancient Palace of m For the next four years the Spanish court

the Moorish Kings.

was

.

.

.

to occupy the Alcazar of Seville as its principal residence.

The

numerous dependents of the court, presumably Scarlatti among them, were housed in various quarters in the vicinity. In the light of his later music, it is by no means difficult to imagine Domenico Scarlatti strolling under the Moorish arcades of the Alcazar or listening at night in the streets of Seville to the intoxicating

rhythms of

Andalusian chant.

castanets

To them

and the half

oriental melodies of

the Saracen of his Sicilian ancestry and

Neapolitan childhood must have responded.

The

days of his

Latinization as a disciple of his father, Bernardo Pasquini, and

had passed j no longer was he a composer of polite operas Maria Casimira and the classicists of Arcadia. No longer was for follower of Palestrina at St. Peter's. Now as he listened to he a Spanish popular music and "imitated the melody of tunes sung 2 by*carriers, muleteers, and common people," his real destiny was unfolding. Thenceforth Scarlatti was to become a Spanish musician. The Princess Maria Barbara had brought Scarlatti to Spain almost as part of her musical dowry, as it were. In addition to continuing to serve as her music master, he became music master to Prince Fernando as well. 3 Fernando does not appear to have been particularly gifted in music or to have had the highly cultivated Corelli

we read on

taste of his wife, but

later occasions of his playing

the harpsichord to accompany her singing or that virtuoso. 1

The Historical Register for the Year 1720, pp. 73-74. Burney, The Present State of Music in Gertnany, Vol. I, pp. 247-249. Appendix II, record of payment due for 1732-1733. See Chapter VII. .

2 3

4

of a court

4

.

.



82

'

THE SPANISH SCENE Actually the Spanish court hardly ever remained in Seville for

more than at the end

few weeks

a

At

of 1729.

at a time, except for a

three-month stay

undertook a continual

first it

series of ex-

and other ports along the coast. On all of these excursions the Prince and Princess of the 5 Asturias were present. Indeed their attendance at most court funcpeditions to the Sierras, to Granada, to Cadiz,

was obligatory. In his capacity as music master to the Prince and Princess, Scarlatti was almost certainly included in the royal retinue, which patiently endured the discomforts of continual tions

and temporary lodgings. Along with the vast

traveling

quantities

of provisions and supplies necessary for the court, harpsichords

were trundled by muleback over narrow mountainous roads for the use of the Princess and her music master.

6

It

was only when

the court established itself in Seville from the middle of October

May

1730 until

of 1733 that any degree of stability was estab-

lished in the court routines, or perhaps for that matter in co's

Domeni-

own household.

Domenico and Catalina Scarlatti's first child was born in Seville, Most appropriately they christened him Juan

apparently in 1729.

Antonio, in honor of Domenico's royal Portuguese patrons, Joao

V

and

March

Don

Antonio. Their second son Fernando was baptized on

1731, under circumstances indicating that perhaps he was

9,

not expected to live.

been used

home

at

The

record states that holy water had already

because of an emergency. Actually he lived to

engender the direct

line of Scarlattis that survives to the present

name Fernando

day. Obviously he was given the

in

honor of

Domenico's new patron, the Prince of the Asturias. (It was only later that

Domenico honored

his father

by naming a child after

him.)

have been attached entirely to the household and Princess of the Asturias, and to have had little, contact with the King and Queen. But, as might be

Scarlatti appears to

of the Prince if

any direct 5

The Gaceta de Madrid

The Gaceta de Madrid, of which there is Nacional in Madrid, furnished me with weekly reports on the movements of the Spanish court during the years 1729 to 1757. On these are based all the following assertions of its whereabouts. 6 A document from San Lorenzo, November 15, 1767, presents the difficulties which Nebra and Sabatini had with mules and drivers in transporting instruments. They request a cart. (Quoted in unpublished dissertation of Luise Bauer. Source not stated.)

a complete

file

so reports.

in the Biblioteca



83



THE SPANISH SCENE expected, their personalities determined the entire character of the

Spanish court. Court

one of

official

which the self

life

proceeded on two entirely different levels,

and formal

dispatches

official

dispatches give but

routine,

little hint,

and another, of which betrays

it-

only in memoirs and confidential reports of ambassadors. Con-

versation was pursued on correspondingly separate levels of polite

Under cover of the events which Madrid announced with a dreary regularity was

formality and backstairs gossip. the Gaceta de

concealed a truly fantastic and

little

edifying spectacle.

V

had undergone a most lamentable transformation since Scarlatti had first seen him in Naples twenty-seven years before. From the handsome, finely bred grandson of Louis XIV, he had turned into a shrunken, prematurely aged caricature, sunk in an apathy that was only occasionally relieved by glimmerings of in7 telligence or moments of activity. Educated as a younger son in submission and dependence, as a "prince made expressly to allow himself to be shut up and governed," 8 he had been unexpectedly thrust on the throne of Spain pathetically ill-equipped for the Felipe

task of governing.

"One

an absolute monarch but

much emphasize

cannot too

the least act of will caused

him

total exhaustion.

.

.

the fact that

." 9

Ostensibly

in reality the slave of those

who won

ascendency with him, this pathetic combination of majesty and

misery was himself governed largely from the confessional and

from the bedchamber, to such an extent that his minister Alberoni said to have remarked that all his royal master needed was "un 10 reclinatorio Over these two necessities e le coscie d'una donna." the royal confessor and the Queen held absolute sway. In a kind of perverse passive resistance the King had completely is



He

upset the hours of the court.

and went

to

bed

at five, rising to

dined

at three in the

morning,

hear Mass and to retire again at

ten, finally to rise at five in the afternoon.

The

courtiers

who were

unable to adapt their habits to his nearly died of exhaustion. 11

(But in the King's quarters they deferentially avoided speaking 7 Accounts of Felipe V and his character are given by Armstrong-, Ballesteros, Cabanes, Coxe, Keene, Louville, and Saint-Simon. 8 Saint-Simon, Vol. XI, pp. 229-230. 9 Louville, Vol. I, pp. 131-132. 10 Ballesteros, Vol. VI, p. 524; Duclos, Vol. II, p. 64. 11 In this paragraph the information not otherwise accredited is drawn from

Armstrong, pp. 260, 269, 287. •

84



THE SPANISH SCENE of the night at three o'clock in the morning, or of the day at high

noon.)

12

For long periods

at a

time the King took to his bed and

refused to be roused from a melancholic lethargy. For years he

would not permit his hair to be cut, and it was a well-known fact that for months on end he would not allow his linen to be changed. In fact he often wore the identical garments for as long as a year and a half! For fear of losing her control of him to some ambitious courtier, the Queen never left him alone for an instant except at public audiences. Moreover, she saw to it that he was never given the opportunity to use a pen, lest as he had once done in a fit of melancholic despair, he might sign his abdication. In the meantime, the King's melancholia, augmented on the one hand by encouragement from the confessional of an exaggerated sense of guilt and on the other hand by what Saint-Simon terms "trop de nourriture et d'exercise conjugal,"

13

was gradually deteriorating

into positive insanity.

In another country the king might have been ruled through concubines, but in Spain with respect to the royal family the principles of

monogamy and

theoretical sway,

conjugal fidelity held actual as well as

and the way

to kings led

through wives and

confessors rather than through mistresses and ministers.

Hence

the complete control that Isabel Farnese was able to achieve over

her husband. she

managed

By to

skillful

manipulation of ministers and confessors,

render herself inseparable not only from the

King, but from the slightest exertion on his part of ruling power. 1 *

Although heartily disliked by many contemporaries and subQueen was a most capable woman. It was she who was able to counterbalance the prevailing atmosphere of melancholia and madness with one of intelligent mediocrity, later sequent historians, the

perpetuated by her son Carlos III.

The marriage

of Isabel Farnese

V

had been arranged on the assumption that she would be as easy to govern as he, but her first act on entering Spain was to send packing across the snows of the Pyrenees Mme. des Ursins, his most powerful adviser and confidante. From that moment until the end of his reign she never lost control, thanks to a realism to Felipe

12

Fernan-Nunez, Vol.

I, pp. 92-93. Saint-Simon, quoted by Ballesteros, Vol. VI, p. 528. 14 This paragraph and the next are drawn from Armstrong, Ballesteros, Coxe, Danvila, and Saint-Simon.

18



85



)

THE SPANISH SCENE and diplomacy which tempered and concealed her jealousy of power and her devouring ambition for her children. In the end indeed she was remarkably successful in winning them thrones. In view of her hopes for her own children, she distrusted the children of Felipe's first marriage and feared for her position, should Fernando ascend the throne of Spain. She had given her consent to the marriage of Fernando and Maria Barbara only because she saw no other alternative. Her relations with her stepson and his princess were correct but hardly cordial. Fernando,

like his father originally destined to a subordinate

had been a younger son, but even after it became apparent that he would succeed to the throne everyone around him found it convenient to encourage in his retiring and docile nature such unenlightened piety and such habits of inactivity that like his father he might be ruled from confessional and bedchamber. 15 The disappointment which had been noted in Fernando upon his first meeting with Maria Barbara had early been overcome, and the ever-watchful British ambassador reports him to be "very fond of the princess, who knows how to humour him, and will necessarily have a great influence whenever the government de16 volves upon him." Despite the flattering charm of her betrothal portrait, Maria Barbara was admittedly lacking in the advantages of beauty j she had excessively thick lips, and smallpox had left its traces on her face. Moreover in later life she became enormously 17 fat. But she had been well trained for her role and her natural grace of character stood her in good stead. Within a few weeks role,

after her marriage

it

could be reported that "the Princess of the

by the Politeness of her Carriage, raises the Admiration and Esteem of all that have the Honour to approach her. She has a great deal of Wit, and speaks six Languages, viz. Latin, Italian, German, French, Spanish, and Portuguese" 1 * (It is clear that

Asturias,

linguistically this Princess sible

had been prepared

matrimonial contingencies

for nearly all pos-

!

Fortunately for Fernando, Maria Barbara was utterly lacking 15

Accounts of Fernando and his character are given by Argenson, Ballesteros, Cabanes, Coxe, Danvila, Richelieu, and Saint-Simon. 16 Keene, February 23, 1732, quoted by Armstrong, p. 278. 17 Ballesteros, Vol. V, pp. i3 3ff. 18

The

Historical Register

.

.

.

for the Year r72o y pp. 73-74. •

86



THE SPANISH SCENE in the jealous

and overpowering ambition of her mother-in-law.

She was quite content

to share his subsidiary role, to

humor

his af-

and generous nature against the tendency to melancholia that he had inherited from his father. They became, and remained throughout their lives, royal models of conjugal devotion. But fectionate

despite their lack of initiative, their life was not easy.

The

Prince

and Princess of the Asturias were completely dependent on the wishes and caprices of the King and Queen, and their attendance was expected at all sorts of official functions in which they could play but a passive role. In the privacy of their ever, they appear to

the King. versions,

They

own

quarters,

how-

have avoided most of the topsy-turvy hours of

occupied themselves with the usual courtly

and indeed when

di-

in later life they ascended the throne,

these diversions of music, serenades, hunting, fireworks, and spectacles

formed such a conspicuous part of their reign that it seemed were but continuing their life as Prince and Princess

as if they

of the Asturias.

Music however was Maria Barbara's chief solace, almost as if she had sought to ward off the underlying melancholy and incipient madness of the atmosphere into which she had been thrust. It became her chief means of diverting and entertaining the Prince as well. (Curiously enough, his father, on whom was later performed some of the most famous musical therapy of all history, was at this time notoriously indifferent to music.) 19 But perhaps the most enlightened trait in Fernando's sluggish and fundamentally unimaginative nature was his love of music. It is not without reason that we later speak of the reign of Fernando and Maria Barbara as that of the melomanes. Repeatedly the court communiques report evenings of music in the apartment of the 20 Princess. At these evenings Domenico Scarlatti was undoubtedly present and active. It is amusing to speculate on the sound of Scarlatti's

harpsichord under the Moorish ceilings of the Alcazar,

whether his music had already developed the oriental and the elaborate surface decoration that rendered it not un-

to speculate traits

like his

surroundings in Seville.

19

Keenc, quoted by Armstrong, p. 20 Gaceta de Madrid, No. 21, May Princesa en su Quarto el festejo de mentos." There are similar reports in •

338. 19,

1729:

".





tcniendo algunas noches

una primorosa Musioa de vozes, y Nos. 49 and 52 for the same year.

87



la

instro-

THE SPANISH SCENE For more than

his first four years in Spain, Scarlatti

May

nothing of Castile. But on

16, 1733, the Spanish court left

northward for the

Seville to return

haa seen

first

time since the marriage

of the Prince of the Asturias. Thenceforth were resumed the cus-

tomary seasonal migrations of the court among the royal residences of

Madrid and

its

vicinity.

During

Scarlatti's lifetime the court

never again returned to Andalusia.

The King was

still in

bulletins of the Gaceta

a lamentable state, although the weekly

de Madrid nearly always asserted him to

be enjoying "perfect health."

It

was necessary for the court to

proceed in such a way as to avoid large

cities

and possible observa-

by the people of the King's true physical and mental condi-

tion tion.

21

In the next months Scarlatti caught sight, one after another,

of the various surroundings in which he was to spend the rest of his life, of the scenes

which form the background of

all his later

music.

On

June 12 the court reached Aranjuez, the ancient countryV and Felipe II in the Tagus valley between Madrid

seat of Carlos

and Toledo. After the long and

through the

blistering journey

parched Spanish countryside, the fountains and shade

:rees of the

royal gardens must have presented a paradise. Surrounding the

gardens the dammed-up Tagus flowed

such a

in

manner

the palace was always within the sound of running water. the Spanish royal residences, Aranjuez

is

by

far the

that

Of

all

most cheerful,

the most peaceful, and the most lacking in sombre undertones,

beyond those of a

delicate

and

poetic melancholy. Travelers have

always arrived there with delight. In 1679

Mme.

d'Aulnoy had

when we arrived, I believed myself in some enchanted Palace. The morning was fresh, birds singing on all sides, the waters murmuring sweetly, the espaliers loaded with delectawritten: ".

ble fruit



109

'

d'Orsav, this

Coron

report

THE REIGN OF THE SVLELOMANES those below him,

ng those who

and with respect

forgot their

a disinterestedness station."

to his superiors ; often banter-

rank to pay him court, and displaying

and independence worthy of a more exalted

11

There

is

not the slightest evidence that Scarlatti resented the

it was Farinelli who and who spoke of him in later years with affection. In fact Burney was quite correct in remarking that Farinelli appears to have been a person almost incapable of inspiring jealousy. Seldom has a man been so unani-

ascendency of the famous castrate Moreover, befriended him in his financial

mously praised both for ".

.

.

seems

it

common

his art

and for

his character. Says

as if the involuntary loss of the

of all animal faculties,

cumstance of his existence."

With

difficulties

Burney:

most gross and

had been the only degrading

cir-

12

the accession of Fernando and Barbara, and the retirement

of the Marquis Scotti with the

Queen Mother

La

to

Farinelli took over the entire direction of court operas.

Granja,

For them

he engaged the best singers in Europe, commissioned new music

and frequently new

librettos,

and spared no expense

in scenery.

In addition to works by the resident composers, Corselli and Cor-

Mele, who went away

radini,

in 1752,

and Conforto, who arrived

1755, Farinelli also produced operas with music by Hasse,

in

Galuppi, Jomelli, and others. Metastasio had written librettos at Farinelli's request, a

court.

cussed

many

of the

few especially for the Spanish

With his dear Twin, as he called Farinelli, Metastasio dismany details of the Spanish opera productions in a lively 13

For the designing of scenery Amiconi was called to Madrid in 1747 j he was succeeded after his death in 1752 by Antonio Jolli and by Francisco Bataglioli, who and

affectionate correspondence.

arrived in

and the

among

1

754. Exceedingly complicated were the stage machinery

For crowd scenes

lighting.

extras

were recruited from

the workers engaged in rebuilding the royal palace.

Buen Retiro the

Coliseo, or theater,

was

At

so constructed that the

rear of the stage could be opened to disclose, stretching into the

"Coxe,

Vol. IV, pp.

3 iff.

12

Burney, Memoirs of

18

Farinelli's part of the correspondence

has been published

many

.

.

.

Metastasio, Vol. Ill, pp. 284-288. is. not known to survive. Metastasio's

times. •

no



THE REIGN OF THE MELOMANES distance, the brilliantly illuminated perspective of the gardens.

(Now

but

little

14

remains of Buen Retiro save the shell of a few

sections of the building, the gardens,

now

a public park,

and the

magnificent frescoed ceiling of the Cason, or antechamber of the

by Luca Giordano. This fresco now extends

Coliseo,

over a dreary collection of plaster las

casts

its

belonging to the

splendors

Museo de

Refroducciones Arttsticas.)

FarinelPs opera productions reached their climax in 1750 with 15 the celebrations for the wedding of the Infanta Maria Antonia.

On

the evening of April 8 a serenade,

VA

d y Amove, with

silo

by Metastasio, music by Corselli, and decorations by Jolli, was produced in "two great salons of the Retiro adorned and

text

manner that," according to the British ambaswas un Paradiso" 16 On the evening of April 12 the opera Armida Aflacata was performed in the Coliseo, with a libretto by Migliavacca based on Metastasio, and with music by Mele. Two of the scenes were designed by Amiconi, and the remainder by Jolli. The Gaceta de Madrid for April 21 gives an elaborate and appetizing description of both performances. For the performance of the opera the theater was illuminated with more than two hundred crystal chandeliers of various sizes, and the orchestra newly uniformed in scarlet and silver. The first tiffed

up

in such a

sador, "it

act

represented an agreeable landscape, and the sound of singing

birds was to be heard fountains, the

two

from cages on the

stage.

There were eight

central ones shooting so high that they ex-

The High

tinguished the lights of a chandelier hanging sixty feet above. last

scene of the opera represented the temple of the Sun.

columns of red and white figures in silver

was

rose.

crystal

were adorned with transparent

and gold, and the predominating

In the inner part of the stage hung

tint

many

of the scene

celestial

globes

of crystal in various colors and two hundred silver stars all rotating at once.

Above were

to be seen the transparent signs of the zodiac.

In the center was the octagonal house of the Sun,

its

columns of

green and white crystal contrasting with the red and rose of the 14 The foregoing- information in this paragraph is drawn from Cotarelo. Eighteenth-century descriptions of the palace and theater of Buen Retiro are to be found in Townsend, Vol. I, pp. 256-257; and Caimo, Vol. I, pp. 144-151. 15 An account is given in Cotarelo, pp. 144-152. 16 Keene, p. 221. '

III

'

THE REIGN OF THE fMELOMANES In the house of the Sun stood the chariot of

rest of the scene.

the Sun in gold and crystal, driven by Apollo attended by the Sciences,

and with

moving on globes

horses

its

made

the house rotated the wheel of the Sun. It was feet in diameter, with

two

The

brilliance of

its

of crystal five

series of spiral rays in crystal

in opposite directions, spreading to a total feet.

of cloud. Behind

lights, together

from the theater was such that

it

revolving

diameter of twenty-one

with

its

dazzled the

reflection of those

As concealed

sight.

machinery slowly elevated the house and chariot of the Sun, the park of Buen Retiro was disclosed with

its

nated by fireworks and many-colored

lights.

entire perspective illumi-

(Let the pampered

stage director accustomed to electric power, projectors, spotlights stop to reflect that this entire spectacle

and colored

was accomplished

with lamps and candles and coordinated by hand-worked machines in

the ever-present danger of accidents and ensuing royal dis-

The fire hazard alone would be almost incalculable to any modern insurance company.) Small wonder that on this occasion Farinelli received the cross of the Order of Calatrava, one of the

pleasure.

highest orders of knighthood in Spain!

The

orchestra in these performances included sixteen violins,

four violas, four violoncellos, four double basses, five oboes, two horns, two trumpets, two bassoons, and two drums. three keyboard players

who

acted as conductors,

There were

among them

Jose

de Nebra. Frequently Corselli, Corradini, Mele, or Conforto presided at the harpsichord.

The

string players included Jose

Her-

rando, the author of a treatise on violin playing, 17 and one of the

wind players was Luis Mison. Among the singers who in these years at Buen Retiro were Peruzzi, Uttini, Mingotti, Elisi, Raaff, Caffarelli, Manzuoli, and Panzacchi. 18

principal

performed

When

the court was at Aranjuez, Farinelli saw to

serenades,

and

all

royal pleasures.

19

it

that operas,

forms of music-making alternated with the other

But not

with the rich resources of the

satisfied

17 Arte,

y funtual Exflicacion del modo de Tocar el Violin con ferfeccion, y 1756-7]. The engraved portrait in Herrando's treatise permits identifying him as the violinist shown in the musicians' tribune of the engraving after Amiconi's portrait of Fernando and Maria Barbara discussed

facilidad [Madrid,

later in this chapter. 18 Cotarelo,

(Figs. 36, 38) V and VI. The

foregoing information concerning in-

Chapters

strumentalists 19

The

is

drawn from Cotarelo,

theater at

p.

Aranjuez was rebuilt •

127. in

112

1754. Cotarelo, '

p.

161.

THE REIGN OF THE iMELOMANES palace and the palace gardens, in 1752 he offered his sovereigns a

miniature

fleet

each with

its

court.

on the Tagus, with frigates for the royal personages,

own

orchestra,

The embarkations

and smaller boats for the

rest of the

summer

took place in spring and early

evenings, amid fanfares of the royal band, salvoes of cannon, and, as the darkness

deepened, elaborate displays of fireworks.

Embarcadero, from which these still

exists not far

from

a

bling into decay along the

stately expeditions

charming

little

weedy banks

The

were launched,

garden house now crum-

of the Tagus.

Sometimes Farinelli sang, accompanied on the harpsichord by the Queen, or even on occasion by the King, and sometimes he sang duets with the Queen. In addition to music, there was fishing and hunting parties were so arranged that from his boat the King ;

could shoot the

game

that

was driven near

to the

banks of the

Tagus. Farinelli

had

by Amiconi with a few ships

his portrait painted

of his miniature fleet proudly visible in the background. In 1758

he appended to an account of his opera productions an elaborate record of the royal embarkations, handsomely copied out and

decorated with watercolors illustrating the this

volume, now

Farinelli

lists

in the library of the

flotilla in

Royal Palace

homely

in

details as the unfortunate effect

He on

20

In

Madrid,

the participating musicians and describes the

works and the hunting exploits of the King. such

detail.

fire-

also mentions his

own

voice,

or that of the Queen, of the chill night air or of the dampness rising castrati

from the water

;

or the fright occasioned

some

illustrious

by the too-close approach of wild boars of the royal quarry.

But nowhere is there any mention of Scarlatti. Most natural it would have been, in the gulfs of stillness between artillery salvoes 20 Madrid, Library of Royal Palace, i. 412, Description del estado actual del Real Theatro del Buen Retiro de las junciones hechas en el desde el ano de 1747, hasta el fresente: de sus y individuos, sueldos, y encargos, segun se exfresa in este Primer Libro En el segundo se manifiestan las diversiones, que annualmente n Carlos tienen los Reyes Nrs Sers en el Real sitio de Aranjuez Disfuesto for 8 Broschi Farine 10 Criado jamiliar de S 8 Ano de 1758. Sacchi, p. 23, states that Farinelli had three copies of this volume prepared, one for the King, one for the director of the theater, and one for himself which he took with him when he retired to Bologna. Cotarelo, p. 125, referring to Leandro Fernandez de Moratin, Obras fostumas, Vol. II, p. 55, states that a copy is to be found in the Biblioteca di San Clemente in Bologna. This copy is no longer there. The only one located by this author is that in the Royal Palace in Madrid. .

'

M

113

D

.

*

.

THE REIGN OF THE tMELOMANES and fireworks, to hear floating over the water the and explosive coruscations of the Scarlatti sonatas. It is

brilliant tinkle

not possible at present adequately to explain Scarlatti's

apparent absence from these

by no means

inactive.

festivities.

But

was

Scarlatti himself

In the year 1752 the copying out of the great

final series of sonatas

began. During the next five years thirteen

volumes, each containing thirty sonatas (except for volume X,

which contains thirty-four) were prepared for the use of the Queen. Scarlatti's autographs have disappeared. Except for a few

have been coland there is every

earlier pieces, the sonatas of this series appear to

lected in approximately chronological order, indication that

most of them were composed

at this time.

A parallel

however, more of the earlier pieces and the last twelve sonatas was also prepared during the same years, and largely series containing,

21 copied out in the same hand.

In these pieces Scarlatti

and

at last

first

shows the

full

demonstrates his full maturity.

Yet a gradual change

is still

perceptible, a

maturing that continues through the very

range of his genius

He still

was 67 years

old.

further process of

last sonatas.

The

"in-

genious jesting with art" and the "happy freaks" of the Essercizi

and the sonatas of the intervening period have given way

to a

style of writing that renders the harpsichord sonata a full vehicle

for the entire expression of Scarlatti's personality lation of his entire life's experience

and

for the distil-

and fund of sentiment.

This music ranges from the courtly to the savage, from a wellnigh saccharine urbanity to an acrid violence.

Its gaiety

more

moments

tive

intense for an undertone of tragedy. Its

melancholy are

operatic passion. life life,

Most

which was lived

overwhelmed by

all

the

a surge of extrovert

particularly he has expressed that part of his

There

in Spain.

of Spanish popular music

self a place in the

No

at times

is

of medita-

is

hardly an aspect of Spanish

and dance,

microcosm that

that has not

Manual de

Spanish composer, not even

found

it-

Scarlatti created with his sonatas.

Falla, has expressed

the essence of his native land as completely as did the foreigner Scarlatti.

He

guitars, the 21

has captured the click of castanets, the strumming of

thud of muffled drums, the harsh

See Chapter VIII;

Appendix

V

A, •

i

bitter wail of

and 2; and Figs. 43-44.

114

'

gypsy

THE REIGN OF THE ZMELOMANES lament, the overwhelming gaiety of the village band, and above the wiry tension of the Spanish dance.

all

All of this does not find expression merely in loosely knit im-

program music, but

pressionistic

and

assimilated

is

distilled with

the rigor that Scarlatti had learned from his sixteenth-century

all

and

ecclesiastical masters,

given forth again in a pure musical

is

language that extends far beyond the domain of mere harpsichord virtuosity. In late Scarlatti there is

of the pedantic. All

is

is

as little of the

haphazard

as there

assimilated into an unfailing sense of

the larger context. In those last five years as he wrote sonata after sonata Scarlatti was reliving his entire

than ever before, bringing

We narily

life,

living

it

more

intensely

to fruition.

it

can only guess at the outward stimulus for the extraordi-

and copious harvest of

late

genius.

Scarlatti's

Spanish

archives have thus far been as unyielding of information concern-

ing Scarlatti's rich

life

and character

as Italian. It

is

possible that the

may have

production of Scarlatti's late years

represented

merely the natural outpouring of slowly accumulated forces that

had hitherto found only a

partial outlet.

ever that in 1752 Scarlatti was

We

have indications how-

and confined

ill

to his house.

22

Perhaps during a long period of absence from court functions he confided

more

collecting of existing sonatas

One ney

what

fully to paper

in the habit of improvising.

he had been

The Queen too may have urged and the composition of new ones.

further possibility remains

tells

in previous years



the

that of financial pressure. Bur-

us that "this original composer and great performer, like

many men concerns,

of genius and talents, was so inattentive to

and

distressed in

bounty of

so

much addicted

his

circumstances,

his royal mistress y -

to play, that

and

who,

as

common

he was frequently

often extricated by the

as Farinelli assured

me, not

only often paid his debts, but, at his intercession, continued a pension of four thousand

who were

crowns to

his

widow and

left destitute at his decease."

23

Is

it

three daughters,

possible that the late

22

His letter to the Duke of Alba, p. 121. Burney, Memoirs of Metastasio, Vol. II, pp. 205-206, note (u). In his article on Domenico in Rees' CyclopoeJia, Burney writes thus: "Farinelli informed us, that Domenico Scarlatti, an agreeable man in society, was so much 23

.

.

.

addicted to play, that he was frequently ruined, and as frequently relieved distresses

by

his

royal patroness, the queen of Spain, •

115

'

who was

constant

in in

his

her

THE REIGN OF THE tMELOMANES sonatas were extorted from Scarlatti by the Queen payment of his gambling debts?

Outwardly,

Scarlatti

manner

be-

Cavaliere di San Giacomo. Burney's

ac-

seems to have been living

fitting the dignity of a

in return for

in a

count of the destitution in which his family was left at his death

seems slightly exaggerated

in the light of the surviving portions

of the inventory of his estate.

The

Scarlatti

household was well

supplied with the gilded marble-topped tables characteristic of eighteenth-century Latin gentility, with silver plate, paintings, and

many estate,

from

gifts

even

his share.

his

Scarlatti's royal patrons.

At the

division of the

youngest son but one received a coach as part of

24

Domenico's second wife,

whom

he married some time between

1740 and 1742 (the marriage document has not yet come to light) was a native of Cadiz, 25 Anastasia Ximenes (or Anastasia Macarti, Maxarti, or Anastasia Ximenes Parrado, as the documents sometimes call her). Almost nothing

One

is

known about her

is

wife one of the final steps in the hispanization of latti.

at present.

tempted, however, to consider the acquisition of a Spanish

With

Domenico

Scar-

Catalina Scarlatti he must naturally have spoken Italian,

but his children seem to have been brought up as Spaniards.

One

wonders which language Domenico now spoke more frequently.

Every

we know

direct utterance of his

is

written in Italian, but in

signing legal documents he used the Spanish form of his name,

"Domingo

Scarlatti."

Certainly,

however, after the advent of

Anastasia Scarlatti the household was bilingual. Anastasia Scarlatti's

first

child

was born on January

12,

1743,

admiration of his original genius and incomparable talents. He died in 1758 at 76 [Burney's dates are clearly incorrect], in very bad circumstances, leaving a wife and two daughters totally unprovided of a subsistence} but the queen extended her liberality to the family of her old master, and settled a pension upon them, nearly equal to Scarlatti's own court appointment." Sacchi, pp. 29-30, says of Farinelli: "Not only did he help his friends while they were living, but also their families after their death. Thus he did with the painter Amigoni, and with Domenico Scarlatti. The first did not live long enough to make a fortune for his dependents, and the second had miserably dis-

gambling the fruits of his talent and the gifts of royal generosity." Appendix II, the accountings prepared for Maria and Domingo Scarlatti

sipated in 24

in

September 1757. 25

Appendix

II,

baptismal notice of Maria Barbara, Domingo, and Antonio

Scarlatti. In that of Rosa,

however, she •

is

named

Il6

'

as a native of Seville.

THE REIGN OF THE tMELOMANES and christened Maria Barbara, in honor of the Princess. The second was also a daughter, born on March 29, 1745, and named Rosa Christina Anasthasia Ramona. The third, Domingo Pio Narciso Christoval Ramon Alexandro Genaro Scarlatti, was born on July 11, 1747. If we were to inspect the complete baptismal records of Scarlatti's nine children, we would find similar lengthy strings of names. Like this one, they would reveal the saint, ancestor, relative, patron, or friend uppermost at the time in the thoughts of the parents. Young Domingo's last four Christian

names are

easily

Romero de

traceable.

who

baptized Fernando Scarlatti Ramona, refers to a brother of was living in Rome, 26 Alexandro to his

friend of the family. It was he

1731.

Domenico's who

Ramon,

in 171 7

and Genaro

latti child,

Cristoval

Torres, executor of Scarlatti's testament and an old

in Seville in

father,

Don

Christoval refers to

like

to the patron saint of Naples.

Antonio, was born on

May

8,

The

last Scar-

1749.

After Domenico's second marriage, Margarita Rossetti Gentili, the mother of Catalina Scarlatti, seems to have remained close to the family and to have played an important part in the bringing

up of her daughter's children. In as

fond of Anastasia's children

fact she

as of

her

seems

own

to

have become

grandchildren.

Many

years later she expressed a decided preference for going to live

with Maria Barbara Scarlatti, the eldest child of the second marriage, rather than with

None

Fernando

Scarlatti,

own grandson. 27

her

of Domenico's children, whether by his

first

or by his

second marriage, was a musician. This represents a notable departure in the Scarlatti dynasty from the generation in which

Domenico had been brought

Did

up.

his children abstain

from

music by his express wish?

The

eldest son of the family,

university of Alcala in

Juan Antonio, had entered the de frima tonwra. He spent

as a clerigo

under the faculty of the

his first year

Aquinas and

1 746

his

second

in the

Summa of St. Thomas On December 31,

study of logic.

1749, he was assigned a benefice in the parish church of Alijar in the archbishopric of Seville.

He

ceeded by his brother Fernando, 26 27

28

Appendix Appendix Appendix

II, II,

II,

died before 1752, and was suc-

who had

taken minor orders. 28

document of January 28, 171 7. document of July 15, 1762. documents of March 2, 1747 and March •

117

'

3,

1752.

THE REIGN OF THE (MELOMANES From

the time of Maria Barbara's birth in 1743, and most proba-

bly from that of Domenico's second marriage, the Scarlatti family

was living

in casas

de administration

in the Calle

de Leganitos, 29

most appropriately situated just off the Plaza San Domingo, the square dedicated to Domenico's namesake. The Scarlatti house was most probably the one with the handsome baroque doorway still standing at No. 35 Calle de Leganitos, and now occupied by auction

rooms

for secondhand furniture. (Fig. 40)

What we may

suppose to be a portrait of Scarlatti was drawn

by Jacopo Amiconi during the period immediately preceding the final great collection of sonatas. It

appears as a detail in a large en-

graving by Joseph Flipart after a painting of Amiconi showing

Fernando VI, Maria Barbara, members of their court, and a among billowing ermine and silks and clouds of what is probably adulation. Holding a sheet of music and trumpet-brandishing angel,

standing beside Farinelli as foremost figure in the musicians'

balcony to the right of the picture

is

a figure in all probability

Domenico Scarlatti. It bears a plausible rethe Lemoine lithograph and to surviving portraits

identifiable as that of

semblance to

of his father. This engraving was published by Farinelli shortly

some commemorative from which we learn that Amiconi's painting had been left

after Amiconi's death in 1752, along with

verses

unfinished

Born

among

his last works.

30

(Figs. 36, 38)

in Venice in 1675, a lifelong friend of Farinelli

and the

26 In the baptismal notices of Maria Barbara and Rosa Scarlatti, the Scarlatti domicile in the Calle de Leganitos is described as "Casas de Dn Joseph Borgonaj" in that of Domingo, as "casas de administracionj" and in that of Antonio, as "Casas de la Diputacion de San Sebastian." At the time of his death, Domenico Scarlatti was domiciled in "Casas de administracion" in the Calle de Leganitos. I

have not yet been able definitely to identify this domicile. Of the houses still standing in the Calle de Leganitos, the Scarlatti house is probably No. 35, or possibly No. 41 or No. 37. However Luise Bauer reports, p. 20, that Scarlatti and his family were domiciled from the beginning of 1750 in the "Calle de San Marcos anejo in casas de D. Sebastian de Espinosa," according to the Matr'tcula de San Marcos anejo de San Martin del ano 17s 1 ^°1« 34/36/54. In Madrid in October 1948 I was unsuccessful in locating this document. 80 Amiconi's painting is not known still to exist. The Calcografia Nacional in Madrid, however, has the original copperplate of Flipart's engraving. Unlike the copperplate in its present state, the copy in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, described in Barcia, p. 316 (it disappeared during the Spanish Civil War), bore at the bottom the arms of Spain and Portugal, and at the sides- the commemorative verses, followed by the note: "Esegue la mente dell'Autore nel comprimento di quest'opera il suo buon amico il Cavallier Carlo Broschi Farinello." •

Il8

'

THE REIGN OF THE iMELOMANES numerous

painter of

portraits of him,

Amiconi came

to Spain in

and to Buen Retiro and Aranjuez. 31 Even before his arrival in Spain he had been associated with Scarlatti, perhaps through Farinelli's mediation. In 1738 he had designed the frontisto design scenery for Farinelli's opera productions

1747

paint in the palaces at

piece for Scarlatti's Essercizi. (Fig. 32) ceiling of an

Amiconi painted the

enchanting oval room at

Aranjuez which was apparently designed as a music room. In the not utterly ruined by the hideous Empire

marble pavement,

still

furniture imposed

upon



musical instruments

accompanied by reproduced

it

by Fernando VII, are

own manuscript

its

In

in colored marbles.

inlaid vignettes of

and oboes. Each instrument

violins, horns,

is

part of a minuet meticulously this

room, on a harpsichord

as

elaborate as that depicted on the title page of the Essercizi, Scarlatti

or the

Queen may have performed

A comparison of Scarlatti with

—Amiconi,

Tiepolo, and

Bourbons

to the Spanish

vocative.

Amiconi

great talents are

the sonatas.

three of the greatest court painters



Goya is proown very

the court painter par excellence \ his

is

submerged under the conventional

rhetoric of the

occasion. Tiepolo, for all his unfailing urbanity, never loses his

own

personality, never sacrifices his

detail.

Goya

Later he

is

is

an adequate court painter only in his earliest work.

swept away by the force of his

torrent of his

own

ternal submission. three.

His

powers of observing living

own

personality,

by the

sentiments, and can no longer recognize exScarlatti

lies

somewhere midway among the and light-

courtliness resembles that of Amiconi, his wit

ness that of Tiepolo,

and

his

genuine attachment to popular sources

that of Goya's tapestry cartoons. I doubt that Scarlatti ever thought

consciously in terms similar to those of the later Goya. scious artistic conventions

Before the

artist

of the eighteenth-century Spanish court lay

an enormous gulf between what consciously and to see

and what

His con-

were undoubtedly those of Amiconi.

as a private

human being

officially

he chose

of heightened sensibility

and perceptions he cannot have helped observing. The same gulf lies

between

official

ceremony and inner personal

life

on the part

of royal personages, between public announcements and private 81

Ballesteros, Vol. VI, p.

461; Cotarelo, pp. 127-128; Thieme-Becker. •

119

'

REIGN OF THE iMELOMANES

b-

^

*

\

S=

-M/JB iEi

F

in original

**

D

in

f-

original

Fourth movement of "Tocata 10" "del Sig. Doming. Escarlati." Biblioteca da Universidade de Coimbra: MS 58. K. 94

Ex.

I.



150

'

ROYAL SONATAS Unlike nearly

first

the later Scarlatti pieces, the

all

first

two move-

"Tocata" (K. 85 and 82) have no double bar. The might easily represent the kind of music Scarlatti was playing

ments of

this

when he competed with Handel

at

Cardinal Ottoboni's in Rome.

example of the extent of the virtuoso keyboard technique on which he, and Handel for that matter, had been nurtured. In fact this piece might easily be mistaken for one It furnishes a perfect

The

of Handel's own. in

second

the Coimbra manuscript.

Marcello and

J. S.

movement (K. 82) is called a "Fuga" As in similar works of Benedetto

Bach, this brilliant harpsichord approximation

of the string orchestra has

much

in

common

style of the early eighteenth century

with the international

which stems from Vivaldi's

concertos. In both these pieces Scarlatti's two-voice writing dissolves itself at

cadences into brilliant arpeggiation that already anticipates

the Essercizi.

In the Minuet of the "Tocata" and in the minuets and small pieces published

by Roseingrave (K. 32, 34, 40, 42)

Scarlatti's

Neapolitan origins betray themselves in sudden changes of major

minor and

thirds to tervals.

in

chromatic alteration of certain obvious

The Roseingrave

the music that Scarlatti was writing in 1 7 14 for the

Queen

Rome

of Poland.

Further evidence of

found

in-

from between 1708 and

pieces, for that matter, differ little

Scarlatti's early kinship

with

Handel

is

to be

G

major Capriccio (K. 63). It might be a piece by Handel but for an asperity that is even more apparent in the acin the

ciaccaturas of the

D

minor Gavotta (K. 64). These two

slightly

expand the keyboard

such as

we have

Scarlatti

A

style of the simple dance

seen in Roseingrave.

Among

pieces

movement

the early works of

they furnish the most elementary prototypes of the sonata.

further expansion of the binary dance

is

to be

found

in

the

G

minor Allemande movement of Sonata 35. This piece, by the way, might easily be attributed to almost any early eighteenth-century composer. In tinue)

all

of these pieces there

is

a strong feeling for basso con-

or for imitating a solo instrument accompanied by continuo.

Echoes of this feeling persist in the two-movement sonatas K. 77 and 83, and in the partially figured bass of the second Minuet of Sonata 73, but

movement

it

comes frankly

to light in a series of five multi-

sonatas for one upper voice with figured bass (K. 81, •

151



i

'

1

ROYAL SONATAS 88, 89, 90, 91

j

Although not

the figures have been omitted in Longo's edition). specified, the

upper voice may have been intended

for a solo instrument, probably a violin, with continuo. This hypoth-

substantiated by the fact that, unlike most keyboard pieces,

esis is

these have the

same number and character of movements

as the

average eighteenth-century instrumental "solo" with continuo

companiment.

On

the other hand they

may

ac-

possibly have been

intended, like similar pieces or passages by Pasquini, Alessandro Scarlatti,

Marcello, Rutini, Telemann, and

Bach, as simple

J. S.

two-voice pieces for keyboard, of which the harmonies were to be filled

up by the player. 7 For neither keyboard alone nor solo

ment with continuo, however, can

these

instru-

sonatas be considered

genuinely idiomatic. Minuet

F—





'

3=r—~K

•-

1

$*-«

I

.*-N

[>

4

bF

V* -9

-«-v

"f=

rnd

'

>

r

j

^.^



-•



^

"7^

n

M

tr

4 -^-

»

*^f ^

Ex.

2.

Venice xiv 45b. K. 80

[The manuscript 7

leaves

See Gerstenberg, p.

some doubt about the exact placing of

96m

152

'

the

slurs.]

ROYAL SONATAS The

foregoing piece with figured bass, hitherto unnoticed,

be found in Venice xiv, forming the second

movement

is

to

of Sonata

45 (K. 79). It was omitted by Longo in his edition and has remained unpublished. (Example 2) All of the pieces we have discussed so far bear significance only in retrospect.

For the most part they represent tendencies that became largely unrecognizable in

Scarlatti later discarded, or that his later works.

Only the

form can be con-

pieces in binary sonata

subsequent development.

Before

sidered to point to

Scarlatti's

turning to them,

us examine the few surviving examples of

Scarlatti's

let

keyboard fugue, a form he almost entirely abandoned

after reaching his maturity as a harpsichord composer.

THE FUGUES Three of Domenico's

fugues (K. 58 and 93; K. 41, not published by Longo) appear to antedate the Cat Fugue of the five

Essercizi. (K. 30) All three of

them might have been conceived

for

organ, despite their irregularities in part writing and their indication of the repeated notes necessary for sustaining the harpsichord basses in the final

pedal points.

They

represent the orthodox tradition of

from the published

the Italian eighteenth-century organ fugue,

collections of Aresti to those fugues in Clementi's Practical

ny which are

For most

Italians of Scarlatti's time the

keyboard fugue was a

manner, not a structural principle. Except for a few sages, the

Harmo-

falsely attributed to Frescobaldi.

melodic structure of the counterpoint

only as a kind of animated continuo,

filling

salient pas-

lies inert

and

acts

out the harmonic

framework and decorating chords or the two-part movement of bass

and

treble.

power inherent

One

feels

none of the dynamic force and shaping

in the subject itself, that force

which makes every

fugue of Bach or of Frescobaldi or Froberger assume an individual character.

There harmony* and counterpoint enter

organic collaboration.

handled

Here way without

into full

and

the melodic subject material can be

in a conventional

attention to

its

organic

in-

corporation into the structure. For an Italian architect, a colonnade is

not necessarily a structural element.

surface. •

153



It

is

a

decoration of a

ROYAL SONATAS It

is

much

not so

the conduct of parts in these fugues or in the

implied polyphony of the sonatas that tary vertical clashes of passing or basic

is

important, as the

harmony, and the shadings of sound

duced by doublings or

momen-

changing notes with the simple in that

harmony

pro-

or thinning out of notes that do not

filling

play an essential role in the fundamental two-voice structure.

The

Essercizi

end with a fugue

some undetermined period tury, has been

known

at the

as the

Cat Fugue. (Longo traces the feline

allusion to Clementi's Practical

on the

in G minor (K. 30) which, since beginning of the nineteenth cen-

Harmony. Another

title-page of an edition of the

showing four

cats variously

is

found

to be

W. H.

fugue by

Callcott

engaged about a pianoforte.) 8

might be remarked that only a lightfooted and accurate

It

cat,

or possibly a kitten, could refrain from involuntary neighboring tones on the

may,

flats

and sharps of the fugue

Scarlatti's choice of bizarre intervals

baldi tradition, even

if

his

Be

subject. is

that as

it

quite in the Fresco-

handling of the material

is

not. Scarlatti's

fugues are dominated by the vertical harmony of basso continuo,

over which a surface decoration in fugal style

is

applied like a

stucco fagade over the bare brick of an Italian church. This fact less

obvious in the Cat

Fugue because

is

of the broken-up nature of

the subject, which superficially conceals the conventionality of the

harmonic progressions. Actually the subject of the Cat Fugue

basic is

not designed for melodic contrapuntal treatment ;

it

serves to

outline the basic harmonies on which, with various modulations, this piece

basic

is

built (i.e., I, IV, V,

harmonies

is

laid

a

IV

of V,

V

of V, V).

Over

these

magnificent tangle of passing notes,

suspensions, syncopations, bizarre intervals,

and changes of melodic

direction which gives an impression of richness far in excess of the actual contrapuntal content. Scarlatti tends frequently to revert to

There are seldom more than three real parts. When a is present, it rarely moves in a conventional manner, but is likely to drop out without notice and to reenter with equal irregularity. Although the texture is rich, the principal rhythmic activity seldom involves more than the two main voices. two

voices.

fourth part

After the Cat Fugue of the Essercizij Scarlatti seems to have written only one 8

more keyboard fugue (K. 417). To the

See Newton, p. 15611. •

I54

'

earlier

ROYAL SONATAS fugues like

it

adds nothing newj in

fact

broken basses of Alessandro

even reverts to the Alberti-

For Domenico

the fugue was largely an old-fashioned and archaistic

Scarlatti

form.

it

Scarlatti's fugues.

He saw in it none of the

principal vehicle for

possibilities that

expanding the language of

made

it

J. S.

Bach's

tonality.

EARLY SONATAS Most sonatas

They

of the early binary pieces that can be regarded as real

and not mere dance movements are unmistakable

lie

relatively close to the Essercizi in style. Seen

selves they

seem mature, yet

if

we

turn the pages of Longo's

edition to a later sonata in which every note

and

flexibility,

is

infused with life

these early sonatas seem rigid and inert by com-

parison. Such a piece, for all

Here

Scarlatti.

by them-

its

and

fantasy

vitality, is

Sonata 31.

can be seen such features of the Essercizi as repeated phrases,

contrasting figurations, leaping arpeggios, expanding

and diminish-

ing intervals, and octave doublings. But

curiously con-

stricted.

and

The

its

range

is

arpeggios turn back on themselves (measures 12, 28)

scale passages are

ures 1-4, 6-8 ).

9

broken by transpositions of octave (meas-

Thematic material

is

altered to

fit

what was obvi-

ously a one-manual instrument with four octaves only, from c

8

(compare measures

Yet few of the as clearly as this.

1-2

C

to

with measures 54-55).

Scarlatti

show

sonatas

their musical ancestry

In the heavy chords are to be found vestiges from

the continuo style of the filling up of

harmony (measures

1-24).

In later Scarlatti sonatas these disappear completely; chords are

used only for effects of color.

show

traces of the

Scarlatti

Some

of the figurations of this sonata

keyboard styles of Pasquini and Alessandro

(compare for example the "batterie"

with some of Alessandro's toccatas).

in

measures 43-47

The rough chord

writing

(measures 48-52) perpetuates the tradition of Diruta's "sonatori di ballo," but the written-out

diminuendo ending of both halves

foreshadows similar treatment

in later sonatas.

Another sonata of about the same period a prototype for Essercizi

is

K. 39.

It

looks like

24 (K. 24). Although Scarlatti uses

full

9 This is true of the notation of Venice xiv 57, but Roseingrave's version expands these figures, continuing the scale passage of measure 2 downward into measure 4, and running the last half of measure 12 an octave higher, etc.

*

155

'

ROYAL SONATAS (measures 49-50) and chords complete with the third (measures 25-26) such as are generally replaced in the later sonatas

closes here

by unison

closes,

he already tapers

his phrase

endings by thinning

chords. This sonata might well have been written for a two-manual

instrument, although

its

"batteries" are such as were often executed

on one manual.

A

few more sonatas appear

to antedate the Essercizi, or at least

to represent Scarlatti's earliest style. their probable chronology in

Longo's edition with

and not

When

in their

seen in the light of

confusing juxtaposition

later sonatas, their stylistic features

become

so readily apparent in the actual music as to render further discus-

sion unnecessary here.

THE ESSERCIZI In the thirty sonatas of the Essercizi fer Gravicembalo (1738) there is little that can be looked at retrospectively. All the elements of Scarlatti's style are fused into a consistent musical language so

own

completely his

that comparisons with earlier music or with

the music of contemporary composers serve only to heighten an appreciation of Scarlatti's originality.

Everywhere spacing which istics.

in the Essercizi

is

recognizable that keen sense of

is

one of Domenico

Scarlatti's

most

salient character-

Small intervals alternate with large; steps are opposed to

leaps j notes that remain static as repeated notes or pedal points set off the

melodic movement of other

parts.

register extend the expressive interval

into the

One

Sudden

leaps

beyond the

and

shifts of

limits of voice

realm of imaginary dance. of Scarlatti's favorite melodic devices, even dearer to

than to his contemporaries,

is

him

the progressive expansion of intervals

which makes one voice suddenly

split in

two. Generally one half

remains stationary while the other half moves away from

it

like a

dancer measuring off the space of a stage against the stationary spinning of his partner in the middle. This perpetual splitting off of one or two voices into the outlining of other voices produces a

The

frequent confusion of identity.

forming themselves,

as if in a

voices are continually trans-

dream. They desert their own planes

to outline other planes, to hint, as

it

were, at the existence of other

personages, to indicate depth as well as outline of space, in a con.

56



ROYAL SONATAS tinually shifting perspective in which these imaginary personages

and disappearing. The thoughts of

are unpredictably appearing

drama become

the personages in the

as real as the personages

themselves. Scarlatti's

harmonic structure

space, particularly in the

is

allied with his sense of intervallic

movement

of his basses.

The

cadential

formulas that outline already assured areas of tonality are full of leaping

movements

certain tonality,

move

and

of fourths

fifths.

modulatory passages or

In the moments of un-

transitions, the basses often

in cautious stepwise progressions like a fencer jockeying for

position, cling to pedal points like a quivering cat about to spring, or

undulate from side to side of a dominant like a dancer maintaining

movement

in a limited space.

movement

Acting on another level, imperceptible in lodic intervals,

is

orients the widest

or in me-

the inexorable magnetic force of tonality which

movements and most

distant modulations. It

is

the dancer's sense of direction that communicates itself to the onlooker;

it is

the unseen pull of harmonic tensions producing that

mysterious reaction of the inner organs which renders unnecessary the equivalent of

On

map

or compass.

both a melodic and harmonic level, Scarlatti has another

trick of dispersing his material

Like a baroque

—the

architect, in places

use of the repeated phrase.

where one column

two or even

for the structure, Scarlatti puts

will suffice

three, to achieve a sense

of unity in multiplicity, to allow the gradations imposed by the perspective or

by lighting

repeated phrase or a

its

is

to create a sense of richness.

thrown back

inflection puts

it

Sometimes the

into a different plane, like an echo,

under a different

Frequently, however,

light.

group of repeated phrases will compose

itself into one.

In this case

nothing can be more destructive in performance than the relentless

Many

application of echo dynamics.

ment can acquire

a repeated two-measure frag-

far greater significance

half of a /o«r-measure phrase than

when

if it it

functions as the last

functions merely as a

repetition of a /wo-measure phrase.

Both with

his

repeated and his unrepeated phrases Scarlatti often

establishes a remarkable contrast is

stationary

and what

is

between what

moving. In

its

in the larger sense

derivation from the dance,

the phrase often deserts the usually regular periods of *

157

'

Western

ROYAL SONATAS decorum,

as in Essercizi 6

with one of

(K. 6), to answer a four-measure phrase

continue the next with five and three, and to

five, to

conclude with twelve

(first half, after

measure

8).

Later a series of

answered by one of seven (measures 54-60). Thus by massing short phrases in contrast with extended passages, four-measure phrases

is

by asymmetrical juxtaposition of irregular phrases, by extensions and contractions he achieves miraculous rhythmic effects. Scarlatti's

melodic outlinings tend to dissolve into impressionistic

suggestions of a multiplicity of planes. Likewise his harmonic figures extend, retract,

like the movements of Major chords may suddenly shrink into

and blur themselves

a revolving kaleidoscope.

minor or minor expand

into

major;

common

consonances

may

un-

predictably be enriched by chromatic alteration, by diatonic dis-

placement, or by added neighboring tones.

They may be

posed to form dissonances that dissolve into consonances

A

unorthodox fashion. tonal function

may

a pedal point.

At

nies

may

all

or of a given

fundamental harmo-

certain tonal crossroads the

sound together. At cadences the clear resolutions of

element to the

Cadences

may

final tonic

may

resolution, or they

be blurred by a carryover of a dominant note by means of a

trill

or an appoggia-

be expanded by long preparation and reiterated

may

be contracted by a jamming together of

the dominant and subdominant. Finality

moved from

harmony

be allowed to stray into the next, or to form

the dominant to tonic

tura.

strand of a given

super-

in quite

may sometimes

be

re-

cadences by simply superposing dominant and tonic.

For Scarlatti's newly formed style the fixed schemes of conttnuo harmony will no longer do. The basic elements of the harmonic language must be rendered

infinitely flexible

;

larger constructions

can no longer be tied to simple harmonic or modal formulas; the-

matic interrelationships and contrapuntal structure will no longer suffice;

the unifying, clarifying, and fundamental force must be a

fully developed language of tonality. Scarlatti's harmonies are

no

longer chords or meeting points of combined melodies; they are

degrees of tonality. For this reason they develop a behavior entirely their Scarlatti's

own.

It

harmony

is

natural in the light and airy texture of

same laws and Rameau, that his basses basses and not like the upper

that his chords be not subject to the

of gravity, so to speak, as those of Bach

transposed to upper parts behave like •

158



ROYAL SONATAS seem to be. (Witness, for example, his habit of resolving a dominant seventh a fourth downwards, like a subdominant bass moving to the tonic.) In Scarlatti's architecture stone need not be piled on stone any more than in Juvarra's theater drawings stresses and tensions, balances and counterweights will hold the structure parts they

;

upright.

No

eighteenth-century treatise on thoroughbass, nor any nine-

harmony book,

teenth-century

ever

will

"explain"

a

Scarlatti

10 sonata properly or account for the "original and happy freaks"

that are really not freaks at all but parts of a perfectly consistent

and

unified musical language.

Although

keyboard treatment

his

is

but rudimentary by com-

parison with the sonatas that follow, and although his formal constructions are

still

relatively simple, in the Essercizi Scarlatti

has achieved an unprecedented

flexibility,

not only in manipulating

harpsichord sound, but in lending variety and volatility to the

Keyboard music

ordinarily static binary form.

of the early eight-

eenth century hardly ever expresses more than one character or

mood

within a single movement, especially within dance move-

ments or the movements derived from binary dance forms. Only

movements with

the free fantasy, the toccata, and the

French ouverture move from one mood

sections like the

or undergo gradual changes in character. piece

apparent in the

is

page or

first

The mood

in the first

contrasting to another

of the entire

few bars of the

average early eighteenth-century concerto, sonata, or dance move-

ment.

The

undergoes separate tained.

rest

is

little

movements

character, once established,

alteration.

The moods

within

of a suite, sonata, or concerto are self-con-

Like allegorical figures

in their

A

only complement./

development or

own unchanging

in isolated niches they are absorbed

essence. In Scarlatti's Essercizi

we

see

taking place the process by which an ever widening range of

nuances

is

introduced into the expression of a single movement.

Although some and dramatic

pieces are entirely unified, others are given sharp

contrasts,

while

others shift

still

from gaiety

to

sadness and announce lyric cantabiles that scamper off in a burst of laughter. 10

Burney,

A General

History of Music, Vol. *

159

*

II, p.

706.

ROYAL SONATAS Iberian and Italian elements appear to be almost equally bal-

Some

anced in the Essercizi.

of the pieces are as dry and bony as

any sunbaked Mediterranean landscape. Others alternate echoes of Italian opera and

mock

lyric

tears in descending chromatics

with scherzando leaps and arpeggios. In some sonatas the brittle

and intoxicating rhythms of the Spanish dance are heightened by the wail of a harsh flamenco voice accompanied by guitars tensions

and

castanets

and punctuated by shouts of

of stamping feet.

A

ole

and the

chestras of small Spanish towns with their shrill

breathy overblown

flutes,

wind instruments,

squealing provincial oboes, and percussive

basses like tight drums, or almost like cannon shots.

others a jangling of tambourines

thump

Sometimes

in

interrupted by a resounding

is

of the guitar.

(K. 24)

Essercizi 24

This

cross accents

sonata like Essercizi 20 (K. 20) recalls the or-

is

Scarlatti at his

a veritable orgy of brilliant sound.

is

most abandoned,

at his coarsest,

and

at

an

undeniable perfection, despite the puerility of this sonata, by comparison with the measured and expressive later sonatas. In the light of harpsichord music up to 1738 this sonata

The harpsichord, is made to imitate

paralleled sound effect.

and supremely

itself,

Spanish popular

It

fair.

is

a miracle of un-

while remaining superbly the whole orchestra of a

no longer a solo instrument

is

;

it

is

a

crowd.

There

is

no limit

harpsichord.

Many

to the

of

imaginary sounds evoked by

them extend

far

Scarlatti's

beyond the domain of

musical instruments into an impressionistic transcription of the

sounds of daily

life,

of street cries, church bells, tapping of danc-

ing feet, fireworks, artillery, in such varied and fluid form that any

attempt to describe them precisely in words results in colorful and embarrassing nonsense. For me, nearly

some root

in the experiences

fantasies of the

dream world, but

be stated only in music. scenarios which I

may

all of Scarlatti's

and impressions of

The

music has

real life or in the

in a fashion that ultimately can

notions and outwardly ridiculous

suggest to myself or to a pupil in order to

heighten a sense of the character of a piece bear the same relations to latti's

performance

as did the original real life stimulus to Scar-

composition. After they have served their purpose they must •

160



ROYAL SONATAS be forgotten in favor of the real music.

When

perpetuated on pa-

per they become sad and dangerously misleading caricatures.

The sense j

no

Scarlatti sonatas tell if

story, at least not in a narrative

they did, they would always have to

They

each half.

once in

tell it twice,

have no exact visual or verbal equivalents, but they

are an endlessly varied record of experience on constantly shifting

and remembered sound. They

levels of gesture, dance, declamation,

ridicule translation into words, but, with all the vitality that

them, they

Among

the

is

in

any attribution of abstractness.

resist

miscellaneous pieces that

Queen's manuscript (Venice xiv)

were copied

contemporary with the Essercizi. At

that are probably

Among them however

represent similar tendencies.

the

into

1742 are a number of sonatas

in

least

they

are four an-

dante movements (Sonatas 52, 69, 87, 92), the earliest slow move-

ments that we have seen among the harpsichord for those in the continuo sonatas. is

marked Moderato,

all

(

pieces,

except

Except for the Cat Fugue which

the pieces in the Essercizi are

marked

Allegro or Presto, save number 11, which has no tempo indica-

They show

tion.)

a style of rich

and irregular

three-

and four-part

writing that has only been hinted at in Sonata 8 of the Essercizi

An

(K. 8).

almost Brahmsian sample will be found

measures 48-52. Similar pedal-points appear

Sonata 52

in

Sonata 84 in

in

,

C

minor, measures 52-60. These sonatas serve to demonstrate the ex-

from the fleshy full realization of and muscular delineations of the

tent of Scarlatti's transition

continuo later

harmony

to the lean

slow movements.

THE FLAMBOYANT PERIOD AND THE EASY PIECES Scarlatti

easier

promised the players of

and more varied

The

style.

to follow the Essercizi are

his Essercizi

some

pieces in an

pieces that appear immediately

anything but easy. These are

virtuoso pieces par excellence.

They

Scarlatti's

revel in the rich, brilliant

sound already intimated by the later sonatas of the Essercizi, and in what the German musicologists call Spielfreude. The most extravagant handcrossings in sonatas. In

This

is

them

what

I

Scarlatti's

am tempted

all

Scarlatti are to be

keyboard technique to call Scarlatti's

Scarlatti's feats of acrobatics •

stem 161

as



found

attains full

in these

growth.

flamboyant period.

much from

a love of the

ROYAL SONATAS instrument and from an intense joy in playing to

show

chord

He

off.

becomes so much absorbed

as

it

from a

desire

dance his harpsi-

in the

leading that his entire body participates, in gestures that

is

speaking are quite unnecessary, in risks that like those of a

strictly

sportsman lend intensity to the moment. Such a piece

is

Sonata

120. It has the wildest handcrossings of any Scarlatti sonata.

only does the

left

hand continually

instrument, but the right reaches

Not

cross over to the top of the

down

to the lowest bass.

At times

both are en route at the same time, to the peril of the player, and the optical confusion of the onlooker. in this piece

The most

difficult

passages

could perfectly well be played without crossing the

hands, but the excitement would be

The

lost.

player would no

artist, and the would no longer hold his breath in astonishment. (Fortunately for the mere harpsichordist, a note missed does not necessarily mean a broken neck. My readers may

longer share the glorious dangers of the trapeze hearer, or rather witness,

me

allow of

my

to confide that

life

graph recording of of difficulty in

one of the most disappointing experiences

was the making of an absolutely note-perfect phonothis piece. I

had disappeared.

found on hearing

It felt like

it

that all sense

going down a

ski

jump

an elevator.)

Some

of these "flamboyant" sonatas were copied into the Queen's

volume of 1742 (Venice xiv; the first fifteen sonatas, K. 43-57), and a few overlap into the first two volumes of the Queen's series proper (Venice and 11), but most of them are to be found in the volume that was copied out for the Queen in 1749 (Venice xv) and a related volume (now in the British Museum) that once 1

belonged to one of the organists of the Spanish royal chapel

(Worgan manuscript

42, 43, 44 K. 142, 143, 144). It is in the volume of this period (Venice xv) that the pairwise arrangement of sonatas which dominates the later volumes first makes its appearance. ;

principal

In addition to expanding his keyboard technique to

its

fullest

resources in this period, Scarlatti reinforces the foundations of the peculiar

and consistent harmonic style that he invented in the and establishes such principles of form as were not al-

Essercizi,

ready apparent.

what

To

I shall call

this

the

period belongs the

Open Form, •

162

first

real flowering of

the form with discarded intro•

ROYAL SONATAS two halves, and with

duction, with asymmetrical balance of the

an excursion in the second half that develops previously stated

themes or introduces new material.

we

In a piece like Sonata g6 (Venice xv 6)

from the

pletely liberated

restrictions of the

dance form with which he started.

He

com-

see Scarlatti

symmetrical binary

has retained only the sym-

metrical ends of each half as foils for an unprecedented display of

spontaneous fantasy.

From

here on, what happens in the opening

sections of each half of a Scarlatti sonata

free

A

and

is

entirely a matter of

and not a restriction of mere formality. xv and 18 Venice 19 (K. 775 and 776) gives some

spontaneous choice,

glance at

idea of the increasing variety of Scarlatti's formal treatment, but it

shows nothing

in

as easy to play or

comparison to what

their variations in

gives

The

way

old unity of

mood

to a spontaneous

freer,

almost

result.

is a change dynamic conception of

Thus

or the old series of set con-

growing of a mood out of previ-

ous material, whether in answer to

an inevitable

is

the Essercizi to the later sonatas

relatively static to an increasingly

musical form. trasts,

(It

form and tonal balance.)

The change from from a

lies in store!

copy out completely these sonatas as to describe

it,

as a

complement

to

it,

or as

the second halves of sonatas become

and the tendency toward free interludes or excursions

after

the double bars of sonatas corresponds to a tendency toward bal-

ancing and complementing of

mood

rather than of form.

The

sequence and balance of ideas are poetical rather than logical.

At about the same time virtuosity to

its

been working players

who

that Scarlatti

was carrying keyboard

heights in the flamboyant sonatas he appears to have

in the opposite direction as well.

As

could not "vanquish the peculiar

if

to console the

difficulties

of ex-

ecution" of the Essercizi and the flamboyant sonatas, Scarlatti com-

posed a series of pieces that seem almost childishly simple by com-

These are the promised pieces in "easier style." They are in the first two volumes of the Queen's manuscripts (Venice and 11). Were not the Queen known to have been a brilliant performer, it would almost seem as if Scarlatti, cowering under a violent outburst of royal displeasure at the perverse dif-

parison. to be

found 1

ficulties

of the sonatas in Venice xv, had willfully discarded his

choicest effects in an effort to satisfy a •

163



command

for simplicity.

ROYAL SONATAS These two volumes would provide

a

good hunting ground

for

an anthologist of easy sonatas. In the Essercizi and their varied treatment of relatively simple forms, in the flamboyant sonatas with their virtuosity and ex-

pansion of formal freedom, and in the simple sonatas, the main currents were established which persisted throughout the rest of

harpsichord compositions.

Scarlatti's trical

and

free

The

contrast between

symme-

forms and between flamboyant and modest style

and

later

and a unified but infinitely varied style is achieved, in which keyboard virtuosity is infused with sobriety, and form is conditioned more and more by internal thematic becomes

less

less striking,

and by the forces of tonality. few exceptions the flamboyant period marks the outermost boundary of the music by which Scarlatti was known 11 His reputation throughout the eightoutside the Spanish court. eenth century and a good portion of the nineteenth was based on these pieces and the Essercizi. This music is externally rich, but relationships

With

it

a very

has not the internal richness of the later sonatas.

THE MIDDLE PERIOD With

the sonatas of Venice in and iv (i 752-1 753)

we approach

the fully mature Scarlatti. In his greatly extended scope of ex-

new

makes itself felt, even a certain quality There are more slow movements, especially those used as the introductory members of pairs of sonatas. Startling as are many of these sonatas, in them the flamboyancy of the earlier pieces has been tempered by a certain mellowness. In the sonatas of the earlier period Scarlatti's keyboard technique had reached its heights. Now his command of harpsichord sound becomes even more mellowed and refined. In the sonatas of this period he reaches pression a

lyric vein

of introversion.

the fullest extent of his system of modulations. In the earlier sonatas he completed his harmonic vocabulary j in these he perfects his

command

of tonality.

Without deserting the

harmonic language of the earlier sonatas, sibilities

and succeeds

in

Scarlatti

consistent

expands

its

pos-

making conventional harmony sound even

Appendix V C, for lists of the contents of the eighteenth-century printed Only with the publication of Czerny's edition of two hundred sonatas (Five, however, are not by Domenico) in 1839 did a larger number of Scarlatti's later sonatas become available to the public. (See Appendix V D 1.) 11

See

editions.

*

164

'

stranger than before. alterations

ROYAL SONATAS He greatly extends

minors.

More and more

scheme.

When

now

he

frequently he calls on an extended tonal

Scarlatti wishes to startle or astonish the listener,

does so through sudden turns of modulation or audacious

tonal constructions.

more and more poser.

the structural use of

between major and minor, and of relative majors and

A

to

The

virtuosity of the keyboard player tends

become absorbed

in the virtuosity of the

com-

certain crassness perceptible in the sonatas of Venice

xv

has completely disappeared. In Scarlatti's new-found freedom the sonata form has become an agent rather than a vessel of ex-

seemed set and preestablished in the Scarlatti more and more absorbed in a dynamism that makes

pression. All that

sonata becomes

each form seem newly invented.

The very

first

sonata of Venice in (K. 206)

is

one of those

in-

creasingly frequent pieces which stretch themselves over a variety

of moods, not consciously earlier sonatas, but as

if

and almost

some of the

cynically, as in

they were being experienced for the

first

time and not willfully and rationally ordered in retrospect. Scarlatti

takes the listener into his confidence.

ing to an

enced ;

official,

we

No

longer are

carefully prepared version of

are experiencing

with him.

it

When

we

listen-

what he has experiafter a

sunny open-

ing he suddenly throws a cloud over the music at measure 17 by

modulating from the dominant of

we

E

major

to that of

We

can only dimly prefigure the outcome.

E

flat

minor,

forget for an in-

form as such. Poetic symmetry, as if the passionately expanded and altered termination of the piece in minor were the only real form of expression. We are caught up in experience, not protected from it by an orderly, predigested philosophy. The sonatas of Venice in and iv are so varied that I would like to interrupt analysis and commentary to play them all. They are warm, free, and direct communications of experience. If there should remain any doubt that Scarlatti has made of the binary stant the serene predictability of the binary

feeling has even sprung the bonds of formal

sonata an infinitely flexible vehicle of poetic expression rather than a formalistic construction, sonatas

24

260, 261, 262, 26$y 264) should dispel

to 29 of Venice iv (K. 259, it.

They have

tration of Scarlatti's last sonatas, but they at

which earlier sonatas have only hinted. •

165



have a I

not the concen-

lyric

mellowness

can explain on paper

ROYAL SONATAS all

the modulations of Sonata 260, but I have never played

out feeling each time that a miracle has taken place. tions that Scarlatti once

it

with

The modula-

used only to surprise have here become

the inner core of the poetic imagery that he uses to

move and

to

transport. I

learned some of the sonatas of this period shortly after I had

been at Aranjuez, and they have never since been disassociated

from the memory of the evening

I

spent there walking in the

Jardtn de la Isla near the palace.

I

followed some of the same

paths Scarlatti must have trod, past crumbling marble fountains trees that were already old in his time. The gentle seemed pervaded by a soft melancholy that even in Scarlatti's time cannot have been entirely dispelled by faultless maintenance of the gardens, by the newness of palace installations, and by the presence of swarms of courtiers and guards. Within hearing everywhere was the sound of running water from the diverted branch of the Tagus which separates the garden from the palace

shaded by twilight

and makes of it an island. As the darkness deepened and I left the palace grounds, I remembered the manuscript of Farinelli which I had been reading a few days before in the royal palace in Madrid. I remembered his

terrace

loving account of the June evenings of embarkations and music at

Aranjuez and the drawings representing the royal

over the Tagus.

I

remembered

would blaze among

startled

From

from the

calls

The melancholy

I

and torches

would be from the military band, and the quiet

elms by salvoes of

alleys of ancient

the terrace where

fleet scattered

was the hour when candles

crystal prisms in the palace

minate the garden paths. rupted by trumpet

that this

was dining

I

illu-

inter-

birds

artillery.

might have seen the royal

barges rounding the bend of the Tagus, their lanterns mirrored in the rippling river, and in the newly established quiet I might have

heard the voice of Farinelli soaring over the water. Presently the

might have begun to rise and the sky to fill with showering stars. As the echoes of their reports died away through the darkened valley, I might again have heard Farinelli, the dis-

rockets

multicolored

tant tinkling of the

horns.

Queen's harpsichord, or the royal hunting

12

12 I heard only Liebestraum blaring from a nearby radio. Yet Liszt better than anyone else would have understood all this. His was the same combination



166

'

ROYAL SONATAS Since that evening

Aranjuez

I

have fancied that

dozens of the later

in

I

heard echoes from

Scarlatti sonatas.

There are the

daytime or twilight echoes, with their evocations of a gentle nostal-

and the evening or night pieces full of regal splendor, and the coruscations of fireworks, and there are the pieces that echo the fanfares and stately cavalcades of the royal processions, or choruses of the royal hunting horns, as if from the distant woods of Aranjuez or the Pardo. But, as we have seen, Scarlatti's sources of inspiration since the Essercizi are by no means confined to the palace grounds. No comgic calm,

military bands,

more keenly the impact of Spanish popular music or more completely to the demon that inhabits every Spanish dancer's breast. Burney tells us that Scarlatti "imitated the melody of tunes sung by carriers, muleteers, and common people." 13 poser has felt has yielded

Perhaps Venice in 3 (K. 208) is Scarlatti's impression of the vocal arabesques spun over random guitar chords in long arcades of extended breath, such

as are still to

southern Spain. This

is

among

be heard

the gypsies of

courtly flamenco music, rendered elegant

and suitable for the confines of the royal palace, as were its players and singers when Goya brought them into his tapestry cartoons a few years later. (Figs. 42-44) Its companion piece (Venice 4, K. 2og) is a jota. Under this dizzying whirl of twinkling feet, stamping heels, and shrill village

m

instruments the inevitable castanets are in the built-up

not actually heard

felt if

crescendos of rhythmic acceleration which culminate

at the trills in measure 45 and measure 61. from the gavottes and minuets that harpsichord composers were writing in other European courts. The Spanish Bourbons were separated from Versailles by more than the in a clattering

This

is

whir

a far cry

Pyrenees.

But

Scarlatti's recollections of

confined to Spain.

My

popular music are by no means

Portuguese friends

me

tell

that Venice iv

3 (K. 238) resembles a folksong from the Estremadura. One can easily imagine it executed out of doors by wind instruments, by flutes,

oboes and oboes da

caccia,

and bassoons.

of delicacy, melancholy splendor, and fanache.

he would have it

summoned

With

a

Its

mate (Venice

charming regal gesture

the waiter to turn off the radio, while

with a sullen humility bred of a later age. 13 Burney, The Present State of Music in Cermany, Vol. •

.67



iv

I,

I

only ignored

pp. 247-249.

ROYAL SONATAS wind instruments, with overblown and drums marking the basses and underlining the dominant rhythmic figure. I have heard similar combinations of dry, partly muffled percussion and shrill sounds accompanying the processions of gigantes y cabezas in Segovia with their masked figures stalking high on stilts and small urchins completely concealed by enormous painted papier-mache heads that 4,

K. 239)

likewise recalls

sforzatos (measure 30, etc.)

bob about their

feet.

In the succeeding volumes of the Queen's manuscript (Venice v-vn,

1

753-1 754) the pieces for the most part are thinner,

restrained, almost as

if

more

were unconsciously gathering ener-

Scarlatti

The keyboard techand there are handcrossings in only two of the sonatas (Venice vn 23 and 27). Like Venice 1 and 11, these volumes would make an excellent hunting ground for an gy for the nique

is

final

flowering of his last years.

relatively modest,

anthologist of easy Scarlatti sonatas.

An

anthologist of representa-

and important Scarlatti sonatas, dazzled by the splendors of Venice ill and iv, might be tempted to overlook them.

tive

Scarlatti's

divisions

thematic organization frequently deserts the sectional

of

his

harmonic construction. There

is

an easy and

emotionally consequent succession of themes flowing freely over the tonal form, but not always coinciding. In these volumes sonatas tend toward unity of

mood and

violent contrasts of Venice xv, or even of Venice

volumes contain partures

G

major

from is

a

number

many

texture, with fewer of the

m

and

iv.

These

of experiments in form, or rather de-

Scarlatti's usual practice.

Venice v 19 (K. 284) in

a kind of modified rondo, built on limited thematic

material, with drone basses that are unusual in Scarlatti except in pastorales,

and with the feeling of a peasant dance.

piece of Scarlatti which reminds

me

of

chord rondos, especially those of Couperin. (I ever, that Scarlatti either did not

know

French harpsichord composers. Besides pieces

in

all

of

Scarlatti's

It

is

the only

some of the French

am

harpsi-

convinced, how-

or chose to ignore the

this piece

only two other

harpsichord music resemble

rondos

vn 26, K. 351 and Venice iv 30, K. 265). A new thinness makes itself felt in the sonatas of this period. More and more Scarlatti is emancipating himself from the very sound effects that he cultivated so masterfully. More and more (Venice

j



168



ROYAL SONATAS he refuses

them

to be led

by them,

on dominating and controlling

insists

as agents of expression. Such a piece

with

308) companiment. j

delicately

its

molded

Venice vi 13 (K.

is

vocal line against a sparse ac-

One wonders whether

was singing with similar purity and

Farinelli in his later years

restraint.

The companion

piece

(Venice vi 14, K. ^og) achieves an orchestral variety of timbre with similar

economy of means. Never again does

the reckless flamboyance of his earlier pieces.

and

osity

retains his virtu-

the colors of his instrumental palette, but he handles

all

them with

Scarlatti return to

He

a sobriety

the attributes of the

and

a concentration that have always been

mature

is

The

his old age.

artist in

purity of this pair of sonatas

youthful

something seldom known by the

very young. Yet, except for a few pieces (such as Sonatas 284, 296, 308, 337, I find irresistible, I cannot feel that the sonatas of

343) which these three

contain

volumes add appreciably

many

to

Scarlatti's

glory.

excellent pieces, but almost none that in

They

some meas-

ure does not duplicate what he has already said or what he will say later.

To

or to a

among

a musical housebreaker

modern

the Queen's manuscripts,

thief in the Biblioteca Marciana, I

would give the

following advice, in the event of limited baggage: Take can carry, but 1, 11,

v, vi,

if

something must be

left

behind,

let it

all

you

be volumes

and vn.

THE LATE SONATAS With

the sonatas of Venice vin (1754)

we

enter on the final

glorious period. In this volume, which seems to return to the richness of color

and the inventiveness of Venice in and

iv after the

experimental thinness of the intervening volumes,

we

marvelous piece after another.

of keyboard

virtuosity

Scarlatti's resources

have become so much assimilated

find one

into the service of

specifically musical effects rather

than of display that one senses

a certain independence on his part

from the instrument over which

he has gained complete command.

A

few of the sonatas

feel as if

they had been composed away from the harpsichord, with

consummate knowledge of sound provising, but in such a

way

effects

as not to

the conformations of the hand. •

169



gained

become

in

all

the

years of im-

entirely enslaved by

ROYAL SONATAS The

handcrossings of the earlier sonatas, increasingly rare in the

volumes of the Queen's

earlier

collection,

have completely disap-

peared in volumes v and vi and vin to x (1754-1755). Thenceforth they make only rare appearances. This brings to mind a well

known anecdote

"M.

of Dr. Burney's:

(whom Dr. Burney met in Vienna in 1772) "in uncommon corpulency, possesses a most active and

L'Augier,"

despight of

cultivated mind.

His house

the rendezvous of the

is

Vienna, both for rank and genius tertaining, as his

knowledge

;

and

extensive

is

a most refined and distinguishing taste,

melody

in all parts of the

"He

people of is

and profound.

acquirements he has arrived at great

his other

first

his conversation

skill in

as en-

Among

music, has

and has heard national

world with philosophical

ears.

has been in France, Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Constan-

modern music. In Spain Domenico Scarlatti, who, at he was intimately acquainted with seventy-three, composed for him a great number of harpsichord and

tinople,

is,

in short, a living history of

lessons which he

possesses,

pieces,

who

have been a collector of Scarlatti's compositions

had never seen more than three or 1756, when Scarlatti was too fat to

four.

Spain,

when

princess of Asturias."

There are some

forty-two all these,

all

my

hands

more

as

detail.

life,

in

he used to

juvenile works,

and patroness, the

late

queen of

14

flaws in this story, the

most notable being that

did not live to be seventy-three. That, however,

Scarlatti

minor

his scholar

with

They were composed

cross his

do, so that these are not so difficult, as his

which were made for

me

and of which he favoured

The book in which they are transcribed, contains among which are several slow movements, and of

copies.

I,

now

Handcrossings do occur

is

a

in the latest Scarlatti sonatas

of the Queen's series (1756-1757), though infrequently (Venice xi 5

and

458 and 482; and xm 15 and 16, K. 528, and 529). however, that they are rare from 1752 to 1757, espe-

29, K.

It is true,

compared with the sonatas of 1749. Perhaps this difa partial indication that most of these later sonatas were actually composed at the time the manuscripts were copied. But another fact must be taken into consideration. It is common knowledge that the Queen, even before she had ascended to the throne cially as

ference

14

is

Burney, The Present State of Music in Germany, Vol. *

170

*

I,

pp. 247-249.

ROYAL SONATAS 15 had become extremely corpulent. Moreover, Mr. L'Augier him-

was notorious for

self

his dimensions. Metastasio

on February

Farinelli

12,

1756:

"He

had written

to

often visits me, notwith-

standing his immeasurable corpulency ; and mounts to the third

where

story,

I reside,

your sake, embrace 16

circumference."

was

it

with the lightness of the most slim dancer.

as much as possible of his majestic Now, was it the Queen, or was it Scarlatti, or Mr. L'Augier who had become too fat to play the earlier

I shall for

sonatas?

Had

Burney confused

crossings as

other hand,

his notes? In the case of the

good reason

there might have been

Queen,

for eliminating such hand-

were hardly compatible with regal dignity.

On

the

supposed portrait drawn by Amiconi in

Scarlatti's

1752 shows him to be altogether of a type not given to corpulency.

Another evidence that these posed

at

later sonatas

may have been com-

about the time of their transcription into the Queen's

manuscripts

is

furnished by the fact that certain sonatas in volume

(1754) and thereafter demand a drastic expansion of the keyboard range over that required by the sonatas of the earlier

viii

volumes. In the Essercizi and in the Queen's volume of 1742 the range of the sonatas

is

only four octaves and a half, from

A

t

to

or fifty-four notes. In these two volumes Scarlatti frequently

tered his thematic material to reduce

to

it

d3

,

al-

the compass of the

instruments he was playing. In one half of a sonata a theme

may

be stated completely; in the other half the transposed statement of the same

theme may be truncated

to

fit

the range of the instru-

ment. In the Queen's volume of 1749 the compass runs the

G

d 3 In the Queen's

fifty-

volume of 1752 it runs from A to e 3 and in the second volume again from G to d 3 In the eighth volume of the Queen's series (1754) occurs a

six notes x

from

x

to

.

first

,

.

y

sonata (Venice viii 27, K. 384) calling for only four octaves, to c

3 ,

with some evidence (measure 35) to show that

for an instrument lacking a

low B^ But

this

C

was written

it

evidence

is

offset

by

the fact that the companion sonata of the pair (Venice viii 28, K.

385)

we 15

16

calls for a

find for the

range of fifty-nine notes from Gj to first

time

in this

volume

.

.



171



3 .

Moreover,

a sonata calling for a full

Coxe, Vol. IV, pp. 16-21; Noailles, Memoires, Vol. VI, Burney, Memoirs of Metastasio, Vol. II, p. 164. .

f

p.

J65.

ROYAL SONATAS five-octave range of sixty-one notes,

from Fi

to f

3

vm

(Venice

30,

vm

3

K. 387), and one calling for a high g (Venice 23, K. 380). From 1754 to 1757 the fullest range ever called for is one of runs either from

five octaves. It

F

x

to f

3

or

from

G

t

to

3 g (Venice

17

It would seem that after 1754 Scarlatti was using ix 11, K. 398). instruments with a wider range than those available earlier, in

1749 for example. This consistent change

in

range corroborates in

some measure the hypothesis that the dates of the later manuscripts more or less coincide with the actual dates of composition. A few pieces in Venice vm and ix are more sober in style than the others and make only modest demands on the player, but for the most part these rarely,

late sonatas

Extravagant leaps

earlier.

and the

full

demand no still

less technical ability

abound, even

if

than the

the hands cross

range of keyboard figuration

is

called into

366 and 367, 380 and 381, 386 and 387, $94 an d 395, 402 and 403^ 406 and 407, 415 and 416. play. Characteristic pieces of this period are Sonatas

Even the page

the note picture of these later sonatas is

less cluttered,

and there

is

is

cleaner, clearer ;

a tendency to use larger note

values, to write in alia breve time with eighth notes instead of

with sixteenths.

The

later sonatas,

even the most

more highly developed melodic sense tours are drawn in longer lines. If one sonatas, in

which every turn of phrase

brilliant,

in the figuration.

4/4 show a

The

con-

looks back from these later is

imbued with muscularity

and implications of expressive gesture, how angular,

inert, and immature by comparison some of the earlier sonatas seem. (For example, K. 31 compared with K. 350.) Despite their jets of

melodic inspiration and their bizarre and striking figures, the the mechanical formulas of florid

earlier sonatas are closer to

from which they took their flight. The harmonic foundation of the later works fuses with a sense of line which imbues even the most obvious cliche of keyboard figuration with an expressiveness far beyond that of a mere harmonic armathoroughbass realization

ture clothed with bright

and

striking keyboard colors

17

and animated

The unaccustomed extension of range so confused the copyist that he wrote low F's of K. 387 as G's in both Venice and Parma. He had similar difficulties with the high G's of K. 470. The high a 3 which appears in measure 71 of Longo 495 (K. 533) is written an octave lower in its source. Venice xm 20, also in Parma. the



172

*

ROYAL SONATAS with a compelling rhythm.

musical organism of the later

more and consistently integrated. volumes there are few new musical devices. Scarlatti uses the simplest closed forms of the early sonatas, the free and poetically expanded open forms of the middle period, the harmonic vocabulary on which the Essercizi were founded, the sonatas

more

The

is

In these

nervous,

finely

last

modulatory schemes and expansion and command of tonality that

were already affirmed by the middle period. The thematic material is

not conspicuously different, nor the rhythmic vitality any greater,

than that of the early sonatas, but everything

and

is

at

once thinner

richer.

Side by side with symmetrical Essercizi forms and simple minuets

and minuet-like movements appear open forms, for the most Along with one of the shortest Scarlatti

part rather concentrated.

sonatas in existence (Sonata 431) are to be found

some of the most

elaborate and highly developed of all the sonatas (K. 402, for

example). Venice

x,

xn, and xin contain almost entirely sonatas of such

high quality and such great variety that like an overenthusiastic

Baedeker one

tempted

is

to double star nearly every piece.

harvests, at least in the case of Scarlatti, are the richest. to the

The

end

player

it is

extremely

who

difficult

From

Late here

not to linger with every piece.

has been reading through the sonatas in chrono-

now, more than ever, it is possible for more than four hundred sonatas, to make him gasp

logical order will find that Scarlatti, after

with surprise and pleasure. In addition to the late sonatas' included

in

my

anthology,

I specially

I

have

recommend Sonatas 422 and

423, 428 and 429, 443 and 444, 478 and 479, 524 and 525. Especially eloquent are the florid slow movements with their variety of figuration

and

their extended bravura melodies.

usual for Scarlatti are the free decorated fermate of Venice

Unxn

25 (Sonata 508).

Like the riches

final displays in

and ever varying

an evening of fireworks, scintillating

spectacles are being

they suddenly disappear into blackness.

Now

showered on us Scarlatti

is

until

showering

the largesse of his whole musical legacy on us in an ever-increasing

crescendo that

is

interrupted only by death. *

173

*

ROYAL SONATAS The Queen's series of manuscripts ends with in 1757. The parallel volume, Parma xv,

->ut

sonatas and twelve

more

as well.

Venice xin, copied

contains the same These twelve sonatas may well

have been gathered together and copied out after in

July of 1757.

With

set.

They never found

their

way

Scarlatti's

into the

death

Queen's

the exception of Sonata 35 (K. 548) they are all in Scarand presumably the last he wrote.

latti's latest style,

I

doubt

among

if

any more harpsichord pieces of importance remained

Scarlatti's papers, except possibly early

not considered worth having copied. Perhaps

had already been

lost or discarded.

The

works that he had

many

early works

series of late sonatas has

every appearance of being complete. Despite occasional regressions to an earlier exhibit a tendency

toward the hermetic

style, these sonatas

style that characterizes the

productions of the very old, toward absolute sureness, infinitely rich dryness, It

is

and all-embracing detachment.

tempting to speculate on what might have been the develop-

ment of the youthfully dead, what might have been the productions of a seventy-year old is

to

Mozart, Purcell, or Schubert. But

even more mysteriously fascinating, even terrifying, imagine what with

full

it

to attempt

powers preserved Titian might have

instead of ninety-nine, what Haydn would have written in 1830, what Goethe might have been writing had he lived until today, what these geniuses might still have achieved whose destiny never rounded itself in a closed circle but continued to open up infinite vistas until the very end. Scarlatti might never have written large symphonies 5 he might never have

painted at a hundred and

fifty

deserted the binary sonata form, but there are no indications what-

ever that he had exhausted

its possibilities.



174

'

IX

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD



NSTRUMENTS CONCLUSIONS the early pianoforte to scarlatti's harpsichord Scarlatti's organ music Scarlatti's harpsichord playing scarlatti's keyboard technique harpsichord sound as the organ, guitar, bounded by and orchestra shadings of harpsichord sound imitations of other instruments the influence of the spanish guitar as











'



known at present of any keyboard instruments owned by Scarlatti. Some account of them may still be discovered, should the complete set of the seven inventories come to light

(Ro trace I

that

is

were prepared for the division of

after his death.

found among the instruments. 1

account of his

visit to Farinelli at

"Signor Farinelli has long still

no mention

made

is

I

of

hint of the character of the instru-

Spanish court

at the

his estate

two portions that

in the

Scarlatti family papers

However, some

ments available

But

is

to be

Bologna

in

found

Burney's

in

1770:

left off singing,

but amuses himself

on the harpsichord and viol d'amour: he has a great number

of harpsichords

made

in different countries,

which he has named

according to the place they hold in his favour, after the greatest of the Italian painters.

His

first

favourite

Florence in the year 1730, on which

is

is

a -piano forte,

Rafael d'Urbino-, then Coreggio, Titian, Guido, &c. considerable time delicacy,

ment.

upon

The

next in favour

it

was for

of lessons, cated, 1

and

when

Appendix

is

at

He

played a

Raphael, with great judgment and

and has composed several elegant

queen of Spain, who was Spain;

his

made

written in gold letters,

pieces for that instru-

a harpsichord given

Scarlatti's scholar,

this princess that Scarlatti

both

made

him by the in

his

late

Portugal and

two

to her the first edition, printed at Venice,

first

books

was dedi-

she was princess of Asturias: this harpsichord, which

II,

documents of September 1757. •

175

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD was made

in Spain, has

third favourite rection ;

it

more tone than any

one made likewise

is

under

his

Of

and the

di-

higher or

these Spanish harpsichords the natural keys are black,

flats

and sharps are covered with mother of pearl

wood

are of the Italian model, all the

and they are put

they

j

cedar, except the bellies,

is

2

into a second case."

Further information about these instruments Farinelli's biographer,

two of

own

has moveable keys, by which, like that of Count Taxis,

at Venice, the player can transpose a composition either

lower.

His

of the others.

in Spain,

He

Giovenale Sacchi. 3

Farinelli's favorite instruments.

The

is

furnished by

speaks in detail of

was a cembalo

first

"a martellini," obviously the same pianoforte as the "Rafael" described by Dr. Burney. Sacchi tells us that this instrument was

by the Florentine, Ferrini, "a pupil of Bortolo inventor of the pianoforte"

made

Padovano,

(sic)

first

Bartolomeo Cristofori).

(i.e.

was a cembalo

Farinelli's second favorite, according to Sacchi,

"a penna," in other words a harpsichord, "but which with various devices forms different orders of tones." 4 This it

was a transposing instrument, probably

described by Burney, or that Sacchi

is

and

in part to

extricated himself

neglected. that she

the

Queen

new

invention, due in part

would have liked

replied that he

had

which he lived

mentioned

have a harpsichord with more

to

not.

in

in talking with Farinelli

ous tones [voci], and asked him

He

a

is

Diego Fernandez, who with such work

from the obscurity and poverty

By chance

one

stops.

something he does not quite under-

stand ; hence his vagueness. "This to Farinelli,

either that

had an unusual number of

it

clearly talking about

means

identical with the

if

vari-

he had ever seen such a one.

But then, leaving the Queen without

saying anything further, he consulted Fernandez, whose talent

he knew, and after they had designed the work together and executed it, he arranged for it to be found as a surprise by the

Queen

in

her apartments. Such was Farinelli's custom that once

he perceived a desire he contrived to carry

making any promise

much

consideration,

in advance.

He

it

into execution without

held both of these cembali

in

and carefully taking the measurements, Signor

2

Burney, The Present State of Music in France and Italy, pp. 202-204.

8

Sacchi, p. 47. Farinelli describes this instrument in his testament.

* ibid.



176



(Appendix

III

C.)

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD Paolo Morellati of Vicenza,

made

mechanics,

on commission, a gift of

My

it

his.

This

at the

quite learned in music

who

expense of Farinelli himself,

and

Duke

then

made

Parma, Infant of Spain." 5 about the instruments used by Scarlatti has always

to the present

curiosity

who was

latter built the first of his harpsichords

of

many passages in his music do correspond to the character of Flemish, French, Gerseem to not man, and English harpsichords, nor to their modern approximations. (This does not imply that in many cases the equivalent sound been very great, especially because

cannot be obtained from these instruments. But

know

to

sirable

the

of

characteristics

the

would be de-

it

original

instruments

because the means of obtaining the same effects from other in-

What

struments are often quite different.

is

almost automatic on

one instrument has to be achieved on another by a special effort of the player.) Scarlatti sonatas do not seem to call for a harpsichord

with a wide variety of registers ; his writing

They seem

itself is

too colorful.

rather to call for a relatively simple instrument, yet

one which gives the impression of great variety of sound. difficult

it

has been, in

modern harpsichord

ing, to lend to single stops, instead of

of the old instruments.)

I

as well as

monotony, the

have always

felt

(How

organ build-

rich simplicity

that the

Scarlatti

sonatas call for a harpsichord that has a full and powerful treble

and sonorous

basses, yet

Italian harpsichords I acteristics, albeit

is

capable of great delicacy. In some old

have found an approximation of these char-

rather coarse, but

good examples

are rare.

rarer are Spanish harpsichords of the eighteenth century,

must confess that

my

Even and

I

in

Spain were utterly

discovered

much valuable inQueen Maria

hopes of finding any

deceived.

By

happy chance, however,

a

I

formation in the testament drawn up in 1756 by Barbara,

pended

now

to

it

in the library of the

after her death in 1758

Royal Palace

in

Madrid. Ap-

was an inventory that included

a description of the keyboard instruments in her possession.

6

These

would have been the instruments which Scarlatti had at his disposal in the apartments of the Queen, and on which the Queen would have played his sonatas. Presumably they form a representa5

Sacchi, p.

47.

6

Quoted

in

Appendix *

177

III B.

*

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD tive assortment of the instruments for

posing in his

which

Scarlatti

was com-

last years.

The Queen owned twelve keyboard instruments, distributed among the palaces of Buen Retiro, Aranjuez, and Escorial. She bequeathed the three best ones to Farinelli. Seven of these instruments were harpsichords of various makes and dispositions, and five were pianofortes made in Florence. This points unmistakably to Cristofori or to his pupil Ferrini.

had been turned

Two

Queen's harpsichords had

of these pianos, however,

The most

into harpsichords!

five registers

elaborate of the

and four

sets of strings,

keys in ebony and mother of pearl, and a walnut

with

fifty-six

case.

This instrument apparently had a sixteen-foot

ways a

rarity in the eighteenth century. Its

pearl keyboard indicates that

The Queen had two

was probably Spanish.

it

harpsichords with three sets of strings and

and

respectively fifty-six

register, al-

ebony and mother of

fifty-eight keys in

ebony and bone; also

a Flemish harpsichord (perhaps a Ruckers) of unspecified com-

and keys

pass again with three sets of strings

in

ebony and bone.

She had another harpsichord of cedar and cypress on the

interior,

with two sets of strings and sixty-one keys in ebony and mother of

This was evidently a Spanish instrument corresponding to

pearl.

Dr. Burney's description of the one

in Farinelli's possession.

addition she had two similar harpsichords with an unspecified

In

num-

ber of strings. Presumably all three of these Spanish harpsichords

were

alike.

In the inventory there

is

no mention of

a transposing

instrument.

Each of the palaces

at

Aranjuez and Escorial was supplied with

a pianoforte (the one at Aranjuez had forty-nine keys and that at the Escorial

had

sixty-one keys.

The

with

fifty-six

fifty-four)

and a Spanish harpsichord with

other eight instruments, including a piano

keys and,

among

the harpsichords mentioned above,

the Spanish instrument with two registers and sixty-one keys, were

presumably

The

as pianos

been

at

Buen

Retiro.

pianos all had interiors of cypress, and the three kept

had keys

fitted

in

boxwood and ebony, but the two

that

with quills and converted into harpsichords had

spectively fifty

and

fifty-six

keys in ebony and bone. •

i

78



had re-

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD HARPSICHORD This inventory throws an entirely new light on the

Scarlatti

sonatas, long considered the exclusive province of the harpsichord.

But other surprises are

in store.

Before

we jump

to conclusions,

seem particularly pianistic in style, whether on account of their color or on account of their extended range, let us compare the compass of the Queen's instruments with the range demanded by the sonatas themselves. The most extended of the Queen's pianos had fifty-six keys, or four octaves and a half. Many of the cantabile pieces and many of the latest and most highly deespecially in sonatas that

veloped sonatas, however, demand a full five-octave range in such a

manner

as to be impossible of execution

The most

pianos.

on any of the Queen's

elaborate of the Queen's harpsichords, moreover,

the one with five registers, could not have been used for the most

imposing and extended of the sonatas because or four octaves and a half.

fifty-six notes,

it

also

had only

The same was

true of

two of the three harpsichords with three sets of strings. The remaining one had fifty-eight notes, but that was still insufficient for the larger sonatas.

The

only instruments in the Queen's possession

on which the full jive-octave sonatas of Scarlatti could have been flayed were the three Spanish harpsichords with sixty-one notes

and two registers! Of these the harpsichord with sixty-one notes and the two registers specifically mentioned in the inventory was presumably at Buen Retiroj the other two were respectively at Aranjuez and the Escorial.

The range to P, or

d

to

of these five-octave instruments was presumably 3

g

.

was by no means standardized 1800

it

pass of

five octaves,

of Mozart, for example, there

However some

r

in the eighteenth century, before

was only rarely that harpsichords were

more than

F

Although the keyboard compass of harpsichords

F

x

is

built with a

to P. In all the

com-

keyboard works

nothing that exceeds

this range.

of the late sonatas of Scarlatti call for a high

8

g

.

But no one sonata, or pair of sonatas, ever exceeds a five-octave

The

3 g seems to have been a peculiarity of Spanish harpsichords. Soler also makes use of it in his sonatas. The pitch of the various sets of strings is not mentioned in the

range.

inclusion of a high

Queen's inventory, but we can assume that the harpsichord with *

179

*

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD commanded two

four sets of strings

and one

at four-foot,

two-foot set instead.

The

would have had two

sets at eight-foot pitch

The

one was a

sets at eight-foot pitch,

at sixteen-foot, unless possibly there

harpsichords with three sets of strings

and one

at four-foot.

harpsichords with two sets of strings, though they might have

had one

set at eight-foot pitch

likely to

have had both

at four-foot, are far

more

seems, the majority of the late Scarlatti sonatas were

If, as it

composed

and one

sets of strings at eight-foot pitch.

for a sonorous harpsichord in cedar

keyboard and two stops

at eight-foot pitch,

have been voiced very delicately

and

cypress, with one

one of the stops must

to permit the

performance of

and the other must have been voiced strongly in order to lend brilliance and power to the tutti. The Queen's inventory makes no mention of the number of manuals of any of the instruments. It is probable that the harpsichords with three and fours sets of strings had two manuals, but it is unlikely that those with only two sets of strings had more cantabile pieces,

than one manual. This corresponds with observations in playing

many

I

have made

of the later five-octave sonatas, to the effect that

the changes in color and register are often incorporated in the writ-

way

ing of the piece in such a

as to

render unnecessary the use

of a second manual.

There

is

very

little

harpsichord literature, except for a few

and of J. S. Bach (most notably the Goldberg Variations), for which a second manual is absolutely

pieces croisees of Couperin

indispensable.

The

presence in the notated music of unisons formed

by the meeting of voices or of the hands, or the presence of crossing voices,

chord

is

is

not necessarily an indication that a two-manual harpsi-

intended.

Moreover many

pieces that can

most conveniently

be played on two keyboards are notated in such a

way

that they

can nevertheless be played on one (Sonata 2q). It should be re-

membered sible

that the use of

two keyboards

is

for the

most part pos-

only in relatively light textures, never in passages demanding

the full instrument.

The

full instrument, in all harpsichords,

could

only be played from the lower keyboard. Most harpsichords con-

from the upper manual, occasionally two contrasting eight-foots using the same set of strings (for mechanical reasons seldom satisfactory when used simultaneously), trolled only one eight-foot stop



1

80



SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD

A

or at the most, eight-foot and four-foot.

notion propagated by

writers with little experience at the harpsichord

is

that Scarlatti's

handcrossings were facilitated by the use of two keyboards.

matter of

fact,

most such passages have

to be executed

lower keyboard, even when rendered more of sound,

Let

it

demanding the

difficult

if

effects

forte of the instrument.

be noted, however, that the harpsichord on the

of the Essercizi, even

a

thereby, be-

demanding massed

cause they generally occur in passages

As

on the

engraved backwards, appears

to

title

page

have two

keyboards. There can be no doubt that the paired Sonatas 109 and

no

were intended for two keyboards. For Sonata 109 the Venice

manuscript bears directions in letters of gold for an exchange of

hands (suppressed by Longo) which produces crossings of voices in contrasting colors.

(Example

1

and

its

parallel passages)

[eAdagio]

34

T>

Ex.

Moreover 29-44 and

I.

Venice xv 12 (Longo 138) K. 109

Sonata

in its

1

10

it is

quite clear that the passage in measures

two manuals, even though

parallel are intended for

notated so as to be possible on one keyboard, albeit with

difficulty.

Unequivocal cases of writing for two manuals are extremely rare in Scarlatti. I think

however

that Sonatas 21, 48,

intended for a two-manual harpsichord. is

light

and the whole piece lends

itself to

The

and 106 are

texture of Sonata 21

being performed through-

out on two keyboards, probably on two eight-foot stops, with the left

hand on the upper keyboard. Pieces

like

Sonata §35 a *"e most

conveniently executed on a two-manual harpsichord, and Sonata

554 in measures 63-66, 70-73, becomes very inconvenient to play on a one-manual instrument. (Example 2) But

it is

perfectly clear that all of these pieces could be played on

one keyboard

sound

effect

in case of necessity or in the absence of a satisfactory

from the two manuals. •

181

It



should be remembered that

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD harpsichords, like organs, were so completely lacking in standardization that the final choice of registration

Ex.

2.

Parma xv 41 (Longo

S.

had

to be left to the

21) K. 554

The notation of Sonata 1 (Example 3) and of many other sonatas which appear to require two keyboards, can be taken seriplayer.

ously only

when

the voicing of the harpsichord used permits a

satisfactory sonority.

When

than Scarlatti to play

it

did not, probably no one was quicker

it

on one keyboard.

[Allegro]

Ex.

3. Essercizt

1

The inventory how the registers

(Longo 366) K.

I

of the Queen's instruments leaves no indication

of the harpsichords were manipulated. It can be taken for granted that in the Spanish harpsichords built on the Italian

model with an inner and outer

case, as

Burney

indicates,

the registers were changed by means of hand stops. (I have never

come upon any evidence

of Italian harpsichords originally supplied with pedals. In any case, pedals for changing registers, except for the swell and machine stops of English harpsichords, were rare

in the eighteenth century.)

were

lifted

But the dampers of most early pianos in France in the eighteenth cen-

by knee levers, and

tury harpsichords were occasionally supplied with knee levers for

changing

registers.

to consider

it

However, these were

so rare that I

am

inclined

unlikely that the registers of any of the Queen's

harpsichords were controlled otherwise than by hand stops.

Hand

most eighteenth-century harpsichords were located inside in the front end of the case, near the tuning pins, or were controlled from outside immediately above the keyboard. Sometimes,

stops in



182



SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD however, in Italian harpsichords they were controlled from the side of the case

and could not be reached by the player while

In any

was impossible for the player

case,

it

during a piece except where the music In

many

left

seated.

change hand stops

to

one or both hands

free.

most of the eighteenth-century

Scarlatti sonatas, as in

literature of the harpsichord, variations of figuration or shifts of

octave were written into the piece to take the place of actual changes of stops. (For example, in Sonata 387 the repeated phrases of

the opening are varied by the addition of of the repeated phrases so

common

A

trills.)

large

in Scarlatti sonatas

number

appear to

have relied on changes of touch and phrasing rather than on actual changes of color.

On

a well-regulated harpsichord with

hand

stops a considerable

choice of strength and, to a certain extent, of character of tone

depending on whether the individual stop

possible,

is

is

pulled out

moves the plectra either nearer or making them pluck strongly or weakly,

fully or only part way. This

farther

from the

strings,

A

as the case

may

will always

sound more legato. This

weakly plucked

set of

harpsichord strings

possibility of choosing either

and aggressive tone or a weaker and more cantabile quality

a strong is

be.

too often forgotten by the

modern harpsichord

builders

mechanisms that do not allow the player

construct pedal

to

who

modify

the strength of the various registers.

THE EARLY PIANOFORTE There

is little

evidence that Scarlatti was in any

way tempted

abandon the harpsichord for the pianoforte. Most of sonatas

had a range that extended beyond that of the Queen's

pianofortes.

Moreover, the

earliest pianoforte

was almost entirely

lacking in the orchestral colors of the harpsichord,

rather sober in comparison with

the brilliance; forte

was a

its

(and

kind used

this

at the

it.

chief advantage

distinctly

It

was

and seemed

had neither the power nor flexibility.

The

early piano-

modest and intimate instrument. The

keyboard music published with a forte

to

his latest

specific designation for

would have been

earliest

the piano-

a Florentine pianoforte of the

Spanish court) was the collection of sonatas which

Giustini di Pistoia dedicated in 1732 to •

183



Domenico's old patron and

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD Don

Antonio of Portugal. 7 They are fairly modest in charOnly between 1760 and 1770 did the piano begin successfully

pupil, acter.

compete with the harpsichord.

to

Barring definite proof to the contrary,

I am inclined to believe that the pianoforte was used at the Spanish court largely for ac-

companying the voice (witness Farinelli's fondness for the pianoforte), and that the harpsichord retained its preeminence for solo music. Certainly in the case of Scarlatti this appears to have been true. But in the first two volumes of the Queen's manuscripts, i.e.

Venice

1

and

11,

we

Scarlatti's usual

number

find a

eight sonatas of Venice

1,

of pieces, particularly the

that are quite different in character

harpsichord writing.

The

first

from

basses have little of the

animation and color to which Scarlatti has accustomed us. In terms of the harpsichord they remain inert and without overtones like a bare

unharmonized continue (Example 4)

tAllegro

has occurred to

It

AV

-f-

1

.

^J-

S

Ex.

4.

me

that these sonatas

Venice

1

2

the early piano.

^

-

^

flf.

(Longo 93) K. 149

might represent experiments

Moreover

the Queen's pianofortes.

on the harpsichord.

in writing for

their range falls within the compass of

The

delicate

and

fluid

nuance of the

make them sound better than they do However, on grounds of style it is almost im-

early pianoforte might well

7

-tfp

See Chapter V, note 27. •

184

'

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD draw

possible to

a definite borderline

between mid-eighteenth-cen-

tury harpsichord music and music for the early piano.

works of

Haydn and Mozart

piano style

Only

is

Even

in the

the transition from harpsichord to

almost imperceptible.

a handful of pieces remain to give us an idea of Scarlatti's

treatment of the organ. Sonatas 287 and 288 are actually not sonatas at

all,

but a pair of organ voluntaries without double bar;

they share none of Scarlatti's usual procedures of tonal arrange-

ment and thematic restatement. (The double bar tion of the Sonata

in

Longo's

edi-

288 has been inserted by the editor.) In the

Parma manuscript (vn

17) the

superscribed: "Per

first is

Organo

da Camera con due Tastatura Flautato e Trombone." In both sonatas the changes of

manual are almost completely

In both the Venice and

Parma manuscripts they

indicated.

8

are specified by

drawings of hands that point up for the upper manual and down for the lower.

Although not superscribed for organ, Sonata 328 bears complete and Parma manuscripts for what are evidently changes of manuals, from "Org ." to "Fl°." In Sonata indications in both Venice

255 the words "Oytabado" (measure 37) and "Tortorilla" (measure 64) in both the Venice and Parma manuscripts would seem to indicate that this piece likewise, probably together with

(Sonata 254), was for organ. Moreover,

it

is

its

possible that

mate

some

of the other pieces in relatively sober style were also intended for

organ. Certainly the early fugues (K. 41, 58, 93) bear strong

in-

dications of having been conceived interchangeably for harpsichord

or organ. I

have played on a delicious small organ

royal palace in Madrid.

Carlos III,

it

differs little

cept of course that

it

a variety of colorful

9

Appendix III D. According to the

is

Although

in the

dates

from the organs of

chapel of the

from the reign of Scarlatti's time, ex-

considerably larger than the organ pre-

Parma vn

17 (Sonata 287). It has, however, registers, with the usual snarling

inscription on the case:

Bernat-Veri. Natural de

it

and piquant

scribed by Scarlatti in

8

9

'

Construido por D. Jorge Bosch Magd Ano 1778."

Palma de Mallorca. Organero de Su •

185



.

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD Spanish reed pipes projecting horizontally from the

case. Its

keys

of ebony and mother of pearl recall those of the Spanish harpsichords described by Dr. Burney. One must not overlook the possibility of still other Scarlatti sonatas being executable on a chamber organ. After all, frivolity is no obstacle, as some of the organ music of Scarlatti's pupil, Padre Soler, will testify. There is at present no evidence that Scarlatti ever used the clavichord. An occasional mistranslation of the Spanish word clavicordio, which means harpsichord, has sometimes given rise to the belief that he did use it.

The

existing accounts of Scarlatti's playing are

though recorded many years

later, all of

few indeed. Al-

them date from the

first

and confine themselves largely to remarking on the 10 brilliancy of his execution and the richness of his fantasy. Not a single known report dates from the period when he had really developed the style of most of his surviving harpsichord comhalf of his life

positions.

Probably

modern

Scarlatti

sense.

never in his

life

played in a concert in the

In contrast to the singers of his time, he remained

completely unknown to the general public. As far as

played only for his friends and patrons. for the theater

and when he abandoned

When

his

we know, he

he ceased

to write

church functions he lost

his last possible contact with the bourgeoisie. Outside the royal

palaces in which he performed for his royal patrons

known only by

hangers-on, Scarlatti's virtuosity was

way

and

their

hearsay, or by

of those few of his pieces which were printed or circulated in

manuscript copies.

There

is

every indication that Scarlatti must have been a fabu-

lous improviser. I

written

down

am

quite certain that for every Scarlatti sonata

there were dozens improvised and forgotten.

Scarlatti sonata

is

an organism that developed

at the

The

keyboard,

not on paper. In Scarlatti's time keyboard players were judged less as executants than as composers

and improvisers. But few key-

board players possessed a universal technique that permitted them 10

Burney, from Roseingrave and Hasse; Quantz,

hearsay. See Chapters II and V. •

186



in

Marpurg; Mainwaring,

by-

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD immediately any music

to negotiate

greatest players

were accustomed

or the music of their pianists,

own country

though on an all

Even the own music modern jazz

before them. their

or school. Like the

more cultivated level, they destyle and adhered to it. On the other

infinitely

veloped their own particular

hand they

set

perform only

to

possessed an extreme facility in continuo playing, in

manipulating instantaneously

and figurations

in all keys.

all possible

combinations of chords

This meant a complete and

domination of the instrument as a

medium

flexible

for expressing their

own

musical thoughts, however limited the range of their style. I

doubt

if

chord in his

Couperin, despite his peculiar

own

command

of the harpsi-

would have been able to negotiate a single Although Handel would probably have played

style,

sonata of Scarlatti.

the Scarlatti sonatas with great dash, I venture to guess that he

would have scarcely avoided a great many wrong notes. J. S. Bach would have been among the very few who could have played all of them perfectly. He was one of the earliest exponents of a keyboard technique universal in physical competence as well as in variety of style

and scope of expression. Only when keyboard play-

ing became a profession in itself as apart from improvisation and

composition did a genuinely universal technique such as that exemplified

in

Hummel

the piano methods of

and Czerny become

standard equipment even for players of only average

ability.

Despite his fabulous accomplishments at the keyboard, Scarlatti

had no such pretensions his

own

style. I

to universality.

He was concerned only with

doubt even that he would have been

at ease

with

the pieces of Couperin or the partitas and fugues of Bach, had he

known them. His virtuosity mere keyboard player,

of the

is

easily mistaken for the virtuosity

like the dazzlingly

nism of the non-composing pianist of

Hummel

who

and Czerny, but actually

a subsidiary detail of his

own

competent mecha-

has mastered

all

the studies

Scarlatti's virtuosity

was but

creative musical language.

scarlatti's keyboard technique Almost no indications of vived.

The

Scarlatti's

system of fingering have sur-

manuscripts give no fingerings, but only directions for

the distribution of notes between the hands and occasionally for

the playing of a two-voice passage in one hand, as in Sonatas 126 •

187



SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD and 1 89 "mutandi j

for a change of fingers i

on rapid repeated notes (marked

and Parma manuscripts of

deti" in both the Venice

Sonatas 96, 211, and others) or in a long trill (Sonata 357) j or for the use of one finger "Con dedo solo" to make a glissando out of a scale passage.

Ex.

Like

J. S.

5.

(Example 5)

Venice

vm

22 (Longo 73) K. 379

Bach and Rameau,

must have early

Scarlatti

culti-

vated a system tending toward equal development and independ-

The

ence of the five fingers of each hand.

older systems of finger-

ing, including that exemplified in Alessandro Scarlatti's toccatas,

are based on a frank inequality of fingers. difference between strong

and weak

They make

use of the

and between long and

fingers

short fingers. In scale passages they cross long fingers over shorter (for example, in 3

4j

2

1

descending: 3 2

1

Example It is

j

C

major ascending

54321321$

descending:

in the right

in the left

12343434

or

hand:

123434

hand ascending:

543

1234534

(See

5.

6 for samples of Alessandro Scarlatti's fingerings.)

probable that, like C. P. E. Bach, Scarlatti retained the old

fingerings for certain passages principle of passing the fingering,

thumb under

most arpeggios,

divided between

and made use

as well as

in others of the

modern

in scale passages. In the old

extended

scale passages,

were

the hands. Traces of this are to be seen in the

Essercizi. In later sonatas Scarlatti's vocabulary of scales, includ-

ing those in contrary motion (Sonata 567), and broken arpeggios

is

quite complete.

A

degree of digital independence unusual

in

Scarlatti's

time

is demanded by some of his rapid repeated notes (Sonatas 141, 366 y 42 1 455), by trills in thirds in one hand (Sonata 470) such as were considered well-nigh impossible or at best miraculous by Couperin, 11 by trills within chords (Sonata 116 and Example 7), ,

11

Paris

Francois Couperin, VArt de [1933L Vol- h PP- 36-37-

Toucher

le

Clavecin,

in

CEwvres Comfletes,

SCARLATTI'S HARPSICHORD

5l

2

N

*

543 2353 23

1512 4 I 24

1

512

34 34

3

151

b=4 3V

~

L 2

a

*

*

L5I 5

VAt

i

3 2

^

2 3 1

a

Trill ° tra

^4

* Fingering corrected from mistakes in the symbols used in the original.

Ex. 6. Alessandro Scarlatti: Toccata Prima in the Higgs manuscript (Yale School of Music). Published by J. S. Shedlock (Alessandro ScarLondon, 1908). latti: Harpsichord and Organ Music .

.

.

\

• L-l—

/W

r

1 1

—J

^

~o

*

'

-a

-c

xm

Ex. 16. Venice

To

O^

>\

understand

7

#



*

c/

(Longo 86) K. 520 unorthodox treatment of dominant

Scarlatti's

we must

sevenths and other seventh chords, practice of freely transposing

recognize both his

chord elements from one voice or

from one octave to another, and his practice of superposing elements from one harmony on another. The apparently unresolved dominant seventh in Scarlatti

IV and V with

is

nothing other than a compression of

the bass of the subdominant put into an inner part

and performing a perfectly natural resolution of a fourth downwards. (Example 17) Generally in such combinations of subdomi-

Ex. 17

nant and dominant elements the sounding bass represents the pre-

dominant harmonic function. In all cases of harmonic superposition one of the harmonic components must prevail over the others. We •

216



HARMONY

SCARLATTI'S shall shortly see

ic

we

such superpositions are explained by suspensteps.

More-

shall see that those parts representing the genuine

melod-

sions, pedals,

over,

how

and contractions of

essential

harmonic

function of the two-voice skeleton generally prepare and resolve

themselves in orthodox fashion, whereas the supplementary inner parts, especially those resulting

from held-over pedals and supersame laws. For this

position, are not necessarily subject to the

reason

it is

notable that Scarlatti's unresolved sevenths always ap-

pear in inner parts.

An

unresolved seventh in the top part, or

rather one taken upward,

is

always resolved for the ear in another

(Example 18)

voice or given a delayed resolution. Trestissimo ]

I

Ex.

The

1

8.

Venice xin 4 (Longo 266) K. 517

sidewise diatonic resolution of dominant and diminished

sevenths, the infrequence of their resolution to a simple triad, can

generally be explained by the horizontal

by the

fact that these

movement

of parts,

and

chords represent a combination of triads, a

meeting or crossing point of tonal functions, most often produced

by suspensions or pedals that oblige one harmony other. (See examples 40, 42, 47, 53.)

to overlap an-

Occasionally the pedal

understood but not heard, or the preparation omitted.

Then

is

the

seemingly arbitrary dissonances produced are really nothing but contracted progressions of orthodox harmony. But

we

are in ad-

vance of our material.

The

six-five

chord

in Scarlatti, as in the

seldom bears a contextual relation

to

thoroughbass

its

theoretical

treatises,

root,

the

seventh chord, except in the case of arpeggiated basses. It generally represents an intensification of a sixth chord by the addition of a fifth.

II

%

II 6.

This is

is

especially true in the case of

V

(Example 19)

%.

a further reinforcement of the subdominant function of

(Example 20) For an unresolved

fifth in a

V%

chord, rep-

resenting a superposition from the subdominant, but doubled by an

upper part that resolves

it

correctly, see Sonata 206. •

217



(Example 21)

SCARLATTI'S

Ex. 21. Venice

ill

(Longo 257) K. 206

I

Four-three chords, like

HARMONY

six-five chords, in

thoroughbass terms

often represent a reinforcement of a chord of the sixth, but by

the addition of the fourth.

(Example 22) In arpeggiated

they bear a strong relationship to their so-called root position. are generally

formed by the

diatonic

movement

basses

They

of parts, some-

Ex. 22 times by the changing-note activity of the third and the fourth, so that they

may

derive either from a chord of the sixth or from

a six-four chord. Four-three chords in Scarlatti are generally prelike V 7, frequently pared and resolved diatonically, but V

%

and subdominant. (Example 23) (For an unresolved II % chord, actually a superposition of IV and V, see Sonata 206.) (Example 24) functions as a combination of dominant

[^Allegro]

i J 30

^

/W

r^+L-

J

j

^e

*4j»

\

Ex. 23. Venice x 3 (Longo

S.

2) K. •

218

420 '

—— ^

J

HARMONY

SCARLATTI'S [zAndante]

Ex. 24. Venice

ill

I

(Longo 257) K. 206

Four-two chords likewise are always prepared and resolved diatonically and V Vi mixes dominant with subdominant. It is notable, however, that wards, as

J.

Scarlatti

never resolves the bass a fourth down-

Bach resolves

S.

it

(Example

in certain recitatives.

25) Bach's occasional use of this formula and of the following harmonic compression constitutes direct admission of the subdominant function of what

we would

an inversion of a dominant

call

seventh chord. (Examples 26 and 27) Frequently in a passage in which a four-two has been prepared, Scarlatti avoids placing

This %.

is

weight on

particularly the case with

by eliminating the second.

it

V

%, which then becomes VII

(Example 28) [Evangelist

Ex. 25.

J. S.

Bach:

St.

Matthew

J. S.

Bach:

St.

Wcrkc,

iv, p.

223

Petrus

Evangelist

Ex. 26.

Passion,

John •

Passion,

219



Werke xn

1 ,

p.

29

SCARLATTI'S

HARMONY

[Evangelist]

Ex. 27.

Bach:

J. S.

'J>

Matthew

j.

,

xn

Ex. 28. Venice

CADENTIAL

St.

7

j.

,

parts.

may

is

The

either cadential or

may

cadences

be

j.

formed by the

final

or merely

outline large sections of a piece, or they

be reiterated in a series of small sequential passages. latti

223

DIATONIC MOVEMENT OF HARMONY

VS.

motion of

tentative, they

IV, p.

(Longo 206) K. 490

All of Scarlatti's harmony diatonic

j.

Werke

Passion,

Many

may

a Scar-

sonata exhibits a distinct contrast between the sections domi-

nated by cadences and those dominated by diatonic parts.

In every Scarlatti sonata the

tion of each half

is

dominated by cadences, but the

between cadential and non-cadential sections subsidiary

movement

is

often

distinction

masked by

harmonic decoration and diatonic figurations

cadential sections

and by the

final section

in

the

insertion of subsidiary cadences in the

primarily non-cadential portions of the piece. in Sonata 190;

of

final tonality-establishing por-

and particularly

The

distinction

is

clear

456 between the of the second half (measures 59-77), which is based clear in Sonata

on nothing else but A, D, E, and A, and the stepwise sliding movement of basses in the earlier section (measures 36-58), moving from E through F sharp, G sharp, F sharp, E, D sharp, D natural,

C

natural, B, to A.

harmony

Moreover, the only departure from three-chord

in the entire first half of the sonata occurs

thirteen to measure fifteen.

movement

of parts

As usual

it

is

from measure

explainable by stepwise

and by the holding over of internal pedals, •

220

*

SCARLATTI'S

HARMONY

which produce momentary superpositions of elements from two or all three of the basic chords.

The Phrygian

cadence over a diatonically moving bass (minor

subdominant, major dominant, often decorated by the relative

major of the minor subdominant, leading real or unstated)

to a

major tonic whether

(Example 29) continually turns up

in the

Span-

Ex. 29 ish sonatas of Scarlatti, just as

popular music. Scarlatti

is

it is

to be

heard today in

particularly fond of

it

all

Spanish

modulatory

in the

excursion of the second half, and the hovering passages that occur just before the definitive establishment of the closing

a half. Generally

it is

dominant of

blurred by the carrying over of pedal points

and by the simultaneous sounding of several elements from component harmonies to form acciaccaturas. (Example 30)

its

\Mlegro\

Ex. 30. Parma

ill

24 (Longo 204) K. 105

This blurring occurs particularly when the cadence too strong,

when he wishes

eliminate any suggestion of finality (see

ambiguous the outcome of

Scarlatti does not

to continue the phrase, to

Example 45),

or to leave

Such passages often form a

tonality.

sharp contrast with the clear cadences of the tonal section.

221

want



HARMONY

SCARLATTI'S

VERTICAL HARMONIC INTENSITIES The network Scarlatti

This

than in

many

much

looser in

much

less closely knit than, for

example,

in

Bach. Scar-

suspensions are generally lacking in tension. Bach uses

as interweaving in the

or as

is

other composers of the eigthteenth century.

partly because the horizontal bindings of the individual

is

voices are latti's

of vertical harmonic intensities

momentary

harmonic

them

fabric, Scarlatti as surface color

plaintive inflections. Scarlatti often deliberately

destroys the tension that might be created by suspensions, dissonances, or leading tones, by not resolving fashion.

heat

is

They

is

orthodox

seems as

if

any continued form of

There

visceral tension

implied by the dissonances of Germanic harmony was

abhorrent to Scarlatti and as it.

in

not transmitted from one part of the phrase to the other,

as in Bach. It

such as

them

are simply thrown off into the air like sparks; the

is

if

he took every opportunity to avoid

not the continual fluctuation of intensity from con-

sonances through middle dissonance to extreme dissonance that lends a specific harmonic shape to any chorale or recitative of Bach

(Example 31), or

for that matter to any

movement

of Mozart. «\

r\

Jpft

*

,fl

1

P

P

J

.

\

j

is i

MS

A

$k-

-

-

ffiti

\±>

Ex. 31. J. p. 190

S.

i/

Bach: Chorale Es

ist

2 genug (Cantata 60), Werke, xn

Scarlatti's scale of tensions resides in the pull

,

exerted by tonali-

more or less remote from the tonal center, and in the clashes and momentary vertical intensifications created by passing notes and non-harmony tones against the simple harmonic pattern. Scarties

latti avoids the visceral pull by destroying the horizontal interweaving except for the simplest and most obvious connecting forces, i.e., dominants, relative majors and minors, and stepwise

melodic motion. These he decorates and arranges as to give the illusion of a

much

richer

the one he actually uses. •

222



in such a

manner

harmonic vocabulary than

SCARLATTI'S

HARMONY

Broad, open, and, to a certain extent,

flat

harmonies have long

especially of that in the

been a characteristic of Italian music, more harmotheatrical style where passionate declamation soars above expressivenies that in themselves contribute little to heighten the ness, that

seem

at

times even to have very

little to

do with the

much more in terms Yet how often the common-

free flowing melodies above. Italians think

of upper parts than in terms of basses.

and early Verdi become infused with

place basses of Bellini

tragic

grace by the miracles performed above them. Scarlatti's

wildest freedoms are rendered intelligible by the

Example

simplicity of his basic harmonies (see

32, "corrected" by

Longo, for four consecutive sevenths, one after another, when they and are but surface decoration of a simple cadential formula), by the

clarity of their

attachment to a tonal center, whether that

2

Ex. 32. Venice

ill

17

3

4

13

(Longo 309) K. 222

[In the original, and in Longo's text.

The

was given by Longo

original

in

a

footnote.]

On

the other hand, the

Scarlatti

slow movements to

center be fixed or momentarily shifting.

apparent loose-jointedness of

many

exan ear accustomed to greater intensity of individual harmonies around the plains itself in the orientation of simple harmonies

tonal center.

Harmonic progressions

that

knit

well and sound

simple and clear in fast passages sometimes seem to lose their momentum at a slow tempo, unless heard in terms of the long span •

of tonal structure.

223



HARMONY

SCARLATTI'S

treatment: dropping and adding of voices, transposition of voices, harmonic ellipse, pedal points both real and understood For an understanding of the consistency of music

style in his harpsichord

it is

harmonic

Scarlatti's

necessary to take into considera-

tion several typical Scarlattian procedures that distinguish

such music, including his

own

vocal music, as

is

more

it

from

readily ex-

plainable in terms of the conventional theory of the eighteenth

and

nineteenth centuries. Scarlatti's impressionistic

most of the freedom

handling of the harpsichord exhibits

in the horizontal connection of vertical

which that instrument shares with the guitar. This

is

harmony

particularly

apparent in Scarlatti's habit of dropping or adding voices without preparation, either for purposes of harpsichord sound or inflection, or of

harmonic

color, or of deliberate

ambiguity where needed.

Continually certain elements or filling-up intervals of a chord are omitted, for example, the third or even the fifth of a final tonic

chord

in a cadence, in order to give

lightness or fluidity.

it

They

are left to be understood or taken for granted. So they should re-

main, since their actual presence

Longo's

fillings

up

is

highly undesirable (as

of chords will demonstrate).

network of harmony

is

The

many

horizontal

seldom sustained by more than the two

outer parts, to which the others act as mere supplements or Soler says in his tion (p. 84), ".

Have .

.

de

la

tion

it

filling.

Modulation, Chapter X, on modula-

[All the principal

movements

be concentrated in the outer voices because]

two parts

of

better, rather than those in the

.

.

.

of parts should

the ear hears these

middle, and in

all

modula-

will be observed that the voices in the middle, those being

the Alto and Tenor, only accompany, in accordance with the

consonance that

Most

is

to be

produced."

of Scarlatti's "forbidden" consecutives,

when

not explain-

ing themselves in terms of instrumental doubling and reinforce-

ment,

as

do most of

his parallel octaves

and many of

his ap-

parently unconnected nonvocal progressions of parts, can be ex-

plained as resulting from his inveterate habit at the keyboard of •

224

HARMONY

SCARLATTI'S

The

transposing and interchanging parts. sion

is

perfectly correct in terms of the

the eye only, not the ear,

is

basic

harmonic progres-

two guiding outer parts

;

troubled by the lack of correspondence

between the conduct of the actual written parts and the conventional conduct of the

they represent. into an

harmonies whose interchangeable inner voices

When,

in a

dominant seventh,

upper part the borrowed subdominant

never puts

it

into the top part but allows

it

to

Scarlatti transposes bass, nota bene,

merge

he

into the tex-

ture of the inner parts.

Frequently a progression that

chainment of harmonies for

common

actually based

is

fulfilling all the

tones or suspensions

is

harpsichord in terms of consecutive

realizecf

fifths

on a simple en-

orthodox requirements

by

Scarlatti at the

and apparently entirely

nonvocal movement of parts, as in Example 33. Yet regarded

Ex

-

33- Venice ix 7

in

(Longo 275) K. 394

terms of interchange and transposition of parts, such a passage

is

seen to outline a progression of the utmost simplicity and ortho-

doxy, and to be rich in

common

tones.

(Example 34)

hx. 34.

Quite frequent, especially

in the early sonatas,

is

the

downward

sequence of sixth chords, realized in broken consecutive

tween the upper

fifths be-

(Example 35) This is of course, merely the conventional three-voice progression with the voices interchanged parts.

a manner that sounds altogether proper on the harpsichord. (Example 36)

in



225



SCARLATTI'S

HARMONY

Ex. 35. Essercizi 18 (Longo 416) K. 18

~~r=i

^T-TTir

HD h

Ex. 36

An

excellent

of octave

464 and

its

example of

Scarlatti's transposition of voices

a small detail to be

is

parallel passage.

found

and

measures 28-33 °f Sonata

in

(Example 37) This

is

not immediately

[Allegro]

Ex. 37. Venice xi 11 (Longo 151) K. 464 explainable in

its

"correction," as

examples of

own terms and might

it

Scarlatti's practice.

the

F

sharp eliminated by

E)

is

a suspension that has

But

in

easily

move an

editor to a

did Longo, were he not forewarned by other

What

been prepared

terms of vocal harmony

voice, an octave above.

F

actually happening

is

Longo from measure 29

The

it

in the

is

that

(in favor of an

preceding measure.

has been prepared in another

real progression of the

upper voice

in

D. Longo's "correction," moreover, flattens out the harmonic shape of the phrase by eliminating the vertical intensity from measure 29 and giving it approximately the same value as measure 30. measures 28-31

is

G,

sharp, E,

Frequently Scarlatti will not only leave the individual intervals of a chord to be understood or taken for granted by the hearer j he will also omit an entire

chord or leave

it

to be taken for granted

in the general sense of the progression. Associated •

226



with this

is

his

SCARLATTI'S

HARMONY

practice of contracting essential steps of a progression so that they

Example

are not immediately recognizable. (See

One

47.)

of Scarlatti's favorite devices for binding together unex-

pected progressions of

harmony and

and superposition of harmonies

is

for preparing the overlapping

the pedal point. Except in his

fugues, Scarlatti's pedal points occur but briefly on basses.

For

that

matter Scarlatti's real basses, as focal points of tonality, are to be

found

as often in the

middle or on top,

as

on the bottom of

his

musical fabric. (See Sonata 14, measures 12-17, etc -> f° r a domi-

nant pedal held high in the

while the lower part

air

rises to

meet

or see Sonata 12, for a series of clanging pedal points rising

itj

upper

in thirds in the

however,

Scarlatti's

part, in

measures 14-18,

etc.)

Generally,

pedal points are imbedded in the inner parts

and maintained by the

reiterations of figuration or allowed

mo-

mentarily to disappear or to yield temporarily to decorative shifts of harmonic detail. Often in inner voices, occasional pedal points, as

if

played by horns or by the open strings of a guitar, gleam like

polished highlights on rough bronze. (See Sonata 8.)

Many

of Scarlatti's pedal points appear to take their inspiration

from the open

strings of the guitar, as in Sonata 26,

to be conceived

which appears

almost entirely in terms of that instrument. Nearly

half the 148 measures of this sonata contain unmistakable pedal points.

The

half

first

is

dominated by two principal pedals, one on

the dominant of the dominant (measures 30-42) and one on the

dominant

that,

although occasionally broken, actually rules the

remainder of the is

a

first

half (measures 43-68).

more obvious example than usual

(Example 38) This

of the gigantic cadence that

rules the essential structure of the Scarlatti sonata.

In an internal pedal "corrected" by

Longo

in

Sonata 321

in

A

major, Scarlatti contrives in both halves of the sonata to have the note

B

sounding throughout

ample of the fundamental

this passage.

This

an excellent ex-

is

simplicity of Scarlatti's tonal thinking.

In this piece he has early established the dominant, but he needs the dominant of the dominant, so without allotting section as he usually does, he simply keeps the note

other things are going on,

jamming

the

harmony

it

a separate

sounding while

together. In the

restatement he uses this same dominant of the dominant to add •

227



HARMONY

SCARLATTI'S [Tresio]

S>

p-



-^-

IS

r~M

"

f J~3 $+$-]*~r^ •ij

r

r

J

p

v



J

mi r

J

J

-^l

Ji.jy^^_

J

j

* i~ •

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m

^1

1

W-PW

J

J

r r r

r

j

JW

k

rr

j

r

r

rrrr

j

^

3Vi

^

^/

tp*

~^p -

4.

rflprq Puesto

**\

as consonant.

[VI]

[For explanation of Rule

j

Not

III

_

Salida

,



i^-ftf

rC

Ex. 50. Soler, Chapter x [Soler writes these examples on four staves, soprano, alto, tenor, bass.] 1. (Linking by common tone or suspension): In moving from one key to another one should make use of a note that forms a consonance with the tonic of both keys. (For example, the third of E flat equals the fifth of C major.) In the absence of this com-

mon

tone, a suspension should be used to bind the

two keys (or

the chords representing them) together. 2.

(Use of the dominant

to establish a key):

modulation one should reach the 3.

fifth of

To

establish

a

the desired tonality.

(Enharmonic modulation): Enharmonic change of notation

from sharps

to flats or vice versa will facilitate

many

a distant

modulation. 4.

(Binding by nonsimultaneous movement of voices):

better

when

In every progression the principal

two outer

It

is

move at once but alternately. movement takes place in the

the four voices do not all

parts, to

which the inner parts are but accompaniment.

Soler illustrates these rules with examples of modulations into

E

from the remaining twenty-two major and minor keys, and with analytical comment on the examples. These examples are all written in free keyboard style, generally stricter and more conflat

sequent than Scarlatti in the conduct of inner parts, but like Scarlatti,

Soler

is

not frightened by an occasional octave doubling be'

245

*

SCARLATTI'S tween

In the fourth example, illustrating the modulation

parts.

F

from

parallel

minor

to

and

fifths

\(l\\r^

1

E

flat

major, there occur typical Scarlattian

(Example 51) Soler concludes

octaves.

i-f tS r

rVfr

'

A,^

rT "

r

Salida

Puesto

it;

HARMONY

J

"[

«

*c

-e

;

Y p.

** "'

L

Vv

Ex. 51. Soler,

his

f

109, Ex. 4

demonstration with eight modulatory preludes for keyboard that share

many

of the mannerisms of notation of the Scarlatti sonatas,

as

example the same signs for ornamentation, and directions such Arbitri for ad libitum and deto solo to indicate a glissando.

is

important.

for

between temporary and structural modulation

Soler's distinction

The

art of

temporary modulation was well known to

the experimental chromaticism of the seventeenth century, but

without relation to a coordinated scheme of tonality based upon the assumption of equal temperament. Soler's rules and examples illustrate all of Scarlatti's

immediate procedures for getting from

one key to another, but they contribute

modulatory system

However, tions

may

little to

explain Scarlatti's

as such or his conception of tonal structure.

in the light of Soler's principles, Scarlatti's

be divided into two

classes,

modula-

those which proceed by

smooth enchainment of diatonically moving

parts,

common

tones,

and enharmonic changes and those which jump abruptly from one key to another, generally after a pause. The former belong to Soler's classification as temporary or quick modu-

suspensions,

lations

;

inasmuch as they

may

be undertaken in a more or

less

limited degree without entirely depending on the tonal balance of the piece as a whole. But in such measure as their importance

is

extended, they become structural modulations as well as temporary transitions or decorations.

The modulations by jumps

fre-

quently explain themselves only in the light of their general tonal context,

in

other words as structural modulations, despite the

concealed smoothness with which they are often prepared. Both kinds of modulation are designed not merely to get from one key to another, but to set

up

cross currents of tonality •

246

'

and

to punctuate

SCARLATTI'S established tonality with

ambiguity, and

all

harmony without

moments

HARMONY of deliberate questioning and

the delights that result therefrom. Scarlatti's

his

modulatory technique would be

indeed.

flat

TEMPORARY AND STRUCTURAL MODULATION I

mention here a few

lations,

characteristic

examples of

Scarlatti's

modu-

but only in the light of their temporary and rhetorical

significance, not in their structural

function in relation to their

context as a whole. Particularly charming in their ambiguity are the modulatory passages in

smooth diatonic enchainment that lead the ear

to hear

new change of harmony with surprise, even though the harmony may be travelling over a well-known path, or, indeed, reeach

turning presently to

smooth and

its

brilliantly

starting point.

Such passages are

conducted argument or jeu

double meanings, such as

may

deliriously

and

hold an entire dinner table or drawing room

in

like a

d'es-prit, full

all too

of

infrequently

enchanted suspense.

(Example 52 and Example 53) Surely Scarlatti has written nothing more poetically evocative or mysterious than the modulations in Sonata 260 or the stepwise passages in Sonatas 518 and 420. With what delight one momentarily surrenders one's sense of direction! Some of Scarlatti's most mystifying modulations combine smooth enchainment with wholesale transposition of parts. One is sur-

Possibly a copyist's error.

Ex. 52. Parma xv 38 (Longo 396) K. 551 '

247

'

SCARLATTI'S

HARMONY

r*

"fTf"*

rf>r\

«TCJ and ffyj with plenty of rhetorical pauses, while the left hand apparently pursues an inexorable movement of eighth notes. I say apparently, because if the right hand is to have any freedom and is not to be driven into mechanical

right

crowding of one rhythmic fragment on another without any possibility

of punctuation, the left

hand must throw its weight on the them so as to diminish the

offbeat eighths, imperceptibly delaying •

301

'

'PERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS first to second which would inevitably pull the right hand along with it and leave it no freedom. Given the correct phrasing and the appearance of stability, it matters little whether the right hand actually coincides with all of the eighths of the left hand. With a difference of sonority between the hands by means of the touch, the right hand can be given all the freedom of a soprano against an orchestra. (For a completely paralyzing phrasing of this passage, see Longo's edition.)

drive from

In the light of the foregoing, the remaining divisions of rhyth-

mic impulse are

remainder of the sonata,

easily located in the

measures 21, 23, 25, 29, 34, 43, etc. There remains only the precaution that the rhythmic stability of measures 25-29 de-

namely

at

pends on the opposition of the upbeat figure inherent in the melodic contour of the

it

to the right,

is

likely to

destructive in this piece

hand

left

right, that stressing of the

is

downbeat of the

against the

downbeat by the

instead of leaving

left,

What

produce an upset.

can be utterly

downbeat rhythm, unprepared, or un-

opposed by upbeats. For nothing the second eighth of the left

in the

hand

world, for example, should

figure in measures 44-45 be

from the impulse given by the upbeat. the smooth sixteenth-note motion should be detached from the preceding eighth. (The

accented. It should relax

Moreover,

contrast

to

against

it,

reader

who

it

is

with

following these observations with Longo's edition

will experience an understandable difficulty, for

articulation.)

One

further parting

clear that the Presto with

which

comment:

Longo's phrasings

and not on rhythmic

are based almost entirely on swell dynamics

it

Scarlatti has

should be perfectly

marked

this piece in

no way prescribes a vertiginous rate of speed, that a speed of

MM.

J

=

120

is

quite sufficient

if

its

declamation and inherent

color are to be brought out.

Concomitant is

unimportance of the bar

in Scarlatti with the

line

the rhythmic independence of the separate voices, the freedom

with which they interlock and compensate one another, occasionally coincide

and move

apart, exert cross influences.

independence and interaction of voices

ony

is

based. (See Sonata 263)

Even

Scarlatti's

in the

On

this

combined

rhythmic polyph-

dance pieces based on a

regular and driving pulse simultaneous accents in both voices are frequently highly undesirable. For example in Sonata 421, meas•

302



TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS ures 3

unqualified accents in both hands on the

iff.,

A in motion

set

the soprano

of

harmony one

to a bar

for all of

repetitions ; the

its

beats

suffices to

movement

and the accent of the three

so clear

is

simultaneous notes on the

first

(Example 4) One impulse

kill this passage.

completely

beat so strong that the passage

first

needs the syncopating balance furnished by the second beat of the left

hand. This passage should sound as

I

J.

jn

J"3

y

1 y

1

y

h

y

y

played by four different

mm mm

J.

n mm n

J.

if

y

y

Jl

r

1

r

rn rn

y

y

si

Ex. 4 sections of an orchestra, each pursuing fact of coincidence tion. Suffice

it

its

own rhythm. The mere

strong enough, and needs no further accentua-

is

to give the basses the sonority of

trombones or the

heavy tubas of a brass band, against the offbeats of the

clarinets

some other instrument of middle range, while the flutes and oboes pursue their separate way on top. In the final closing theme, full of inherent cross accents, the declamation of the two voices or

should hardly ever coincide.

Nearly

all

of Scarlatti's music

is

rich in syncopations that

some-

times play the role of cross accents and sometimes frankly represent

displacements of pulse. Yet

it is

equally rich in syncopations not im-

mediately shown in the note picture, but implied by melodic con-

by a single voice, and by the

tours, outlinings of additional voices

cross relationship of fast notes

for example, except for

its

moving

against slow. Sonata 105,

imitative opening, has a superficial note

picture that gives the impression of a predominantly style (unfortunately this sonata, like so

homophonic

borne out by Longo's phrase markings), yet

many

of the others, has all the rhythmic po-

lyphony of the Spanish dance. Almost nowhere

in this piece

should

accents fall simultaneously in both voices, nor has the bar line any

function other than that of indicating a basic meter that has

al-

ready been established by the network of cross accents between the two voices.

The

accents

and bursts of rhythmic

303

*

intensity in

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS conditioned by melodic contours and by

this piece are entirely

changes of note value and of harmony. (See the following section

on phrasing,

articulation,

and

inflection.)

Sixteenths played against eighth notes should in most cases furnish syncopated cross accents on the sixteenths falling between

when they form

the eighth notes, especially notes. In

measures 19-20, for example, there

momentum

in each

hand

that lasts for the

is

dissonant passing

a burst of rhythmic

two measures, but

a sixteenth note apart between each hand. In

measure

1 1

it

falls

and others

of this kind, the second eighth note of the bass represents a crescen-

rhythm that has begun with the eighth-note motion. The right hand above it must be played melodically, as a long upbeat, if all the rhythmic richness is to be extracted from the do

in the

phrase. In passages like that beginning on measure 27, the left

hand should pursue right. It shapes its

its

inexorable course, knowing nothing of the

own

phrase from measure 27 to measure 42

while the right hand weaves like the gestures of a

all sorts of cross accents against

it,

dancer against the steady beat of a percussion

band.

Nothing

is

more

fatal in the closing

ure 71 than an accent on the

first bea.t

theme beginning

at

meas-

of the measure in these basses.

One rhythmic impulse moves from

1

the eighth notes of measure

71 to the longer note on measure 76, and thence from the eighth

note of the same measure to measure 83. Against this bass, the

changes

in

melodic direction in the right hand provide

all sorts

of syncopation and opportunity for cross accents. But nowhere in this

whole passage does a simultaneous accent

lie

in

both hands.

PHRASING, ARTICULATION, AND INFLECTION and staccato marks are so few as to be Some, however, may be found in Essercizi

Scarlatti's slurs

negligible.

practically 16, Venice

xiv 4, 40, 45, 46, 54-56, Venice x 9, Venice xi 18, to cite a very few examples. Those in Venice xv 4 and 5 are particularly complete.

marks appear in Venice x 1 and 3. Little trace of Scarlatti's and staccato marks can be found in Longo's edition.

Staccato slurs

1 Measure numbers here refer to my edition (Sixty Sonatas), not to Longo. Between measures 60 and 61 of Longo's edition, three measures (corresponding to his measures 49 to 51) have been omitted.

'

304

*

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS Longo's own phrasings cannot be too assiduously disregarded. Despite their

many good

they are frequently debatable

qualities,

in syntax and highly injurious to clear melodic articulation and to

rhythmic

They

vitality.

are nevertheless guided by a genuine

them dangerously convincing in The only way to that the player is away at least sensitively is to clear and play Scarlatti intelligently of editor's text and to make accretions the in imagination all the musical sense that often makes

led to disregard their defects.

No

one's

own

make

use of the long slur in a sense other than the carrying over

phrasings.

one, however, even for himself, should

of syllables in vocal music or of slur as a

means of

bowing

in string music.

The long

indicating melodic divisions or phrase lengths

has a tendency to be confused with an indication of continuous legato all

and

sound

to destroy all inner declamation. It threatens to reduce

to

vowels without consonants. For the player who wishes

and groupings of

visually to indicate musical punctuation

the use of

commas and square

In the sense in which

performance

is

I

brackets

use the

is

word

notes,

far safer.

here, phrasing in musical

the uniting of what belongs together and the

separation of what belongs apart. It parallels the casting of words into phrases, of

movements

into gestures ;

and sentences, the

of those phrases

art

it

is

the punctuation

of syntactically correct

and telling rhetorical declamation, of movement balanced by countermovement or by repose, of tensions balanced by releases. Inseparable from good phrasing is the articulation of melodic intervals and contours, and of the scale and contrast of rhythmic and correct accentuawords and of the vowels and consonants of their com-

values. It parallels the clear pronunciation tion of

A

ponent syllables.

further concomitant of good phrasing

is

the

correct inflection of harmonies, of the relationships of consqnances

and dissonances, of the gamut of

vertical

intensities

in

the

in-

herent terms of their context.

Good

phrasing

is

first

of all determined by inherent musical

values, to which the caprices

and variations of the performer's

declamation are but secondary. Most editor's phrasings, by obscuring the distinction between the inherent and the arbitrary, mislead

more than they

instruct.

Legato and

staccato are not absolutes ,

they are only means, not ends, of articulation and phrasing. '

305

'

"PERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS Degrees of legato and

staccato are subject to continual adjust-

The

ment, according to instrumental and acoustical conditions.

kind of too-short staccato with which most pianists approach the harpsichord, for example, utterly destroys the possibility of an

eloquent and sonorous gradation of sound duration on that

in-

strument. I do not intend to discuss here the endless possible gradations, sustaining or nonsustaining insofar as they affect the

overall sound of a piece.

Nor do

I

intend to discuss the means by

which a player of a nonsustaining instrument or piano

may way

in such a

like the harpsichord

adjust the relationships of long notes to shorter ones as to

make tones seem to sustain and to contribute when actually they do not. I intend here

to a sustained texture

and staccato largely as means of musical articulaand phrasing, as means of bringing out the melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic content of a piece of music. to discuss legato

tion

There are composers who themselves have given

indications of

legato and staccato that are so complete and so completely united

with the inherent syntax of the music

itself that

they form an

extraordinarily faithful guide to the executant, that

mere

respect

of the text ensures a relatively high level of performance. I

am

thinking particularly of certain works of Mozart, of nearly

the

works of Chopin or Hindemith, when available

in

an unadulterated

because of the sparsity of his indications, Scar-

text.

In this

latti,

like Bach, does not belong.

class,

all

His note-picture must be not only

respected but also supplemented by the performer. in the following passages

is

much

not so

My

intention

to attempt a historical

reconstruction of Scarlatti's phrasing as to indicate to the reader

own method

my

of supplementing Scarlatti's missing directions to

the performer. This involves certain basic principles that are actually applicable to nearly all music.

What

precisely are the expressive values of legato

and

staccato?

Vocally, legato corresponds to the unbroken continuation

vowel sound, while

staccato in

momentary punctuation

many

of a

aspects corresponds to the

of a continuous sound by a consonant. In

terms of gesture, legato corresponds to a continuous movement, while staccato in but leave

Hence

its

its

various characters

may

suggest a

movement

realization free to the imagination of the dancer.

the frequence of staccato upbeats. All that implies gathering '

306



TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS of energy

and

by a spring

release

its

is

suggested by staccato,

all

that suggests arriving at a certain point without continuously prescribing the way.

Hence

the usefulness of detache in accompanying

dancers and in achieving both freedom and precision in ensemble playing.

All musical phrasing stems either from the vocal sense or from the dance gesture. But in instrumental music the underlying vocal

phrase or the fundamental rhythmical gesture

is

not always im-

mediately apparent in the note-picture because of the overlaying of decoration that

rhythmic

not literally executable by the voice, or of

is

main gesture. Sometimes

details that are subsidiary to the

a melodic line

is

read literally in terms of

to be

its

The

notation.

separate parts of sixteenth-century church music, for example, are

always to be read and interpreted literally in terms of the voice,

whereas

in their instrumental counterparts the vocal line often un-

Sometimes a subsidiary

derlies a not entirely vocal decoration.

figure or a fast passage

is

fundamental interval or

to be read as a as

mere decoration of

a

a kind of blur of sound in which

rhythmic and melodic details are absorbed into the general sense of the passage. Frequently vocal and rhythmic declamation occur on

A

several levels at once.

passage which represents a fundamental

unit or a decoration of a fundamental step

out slighting the vocal inflection of

rhythmic

its

may

be read as such with-

component

intervals or the

activity of its subsidiary figures.

Let us consider for the moment the melodic read literally, that

as if the voice

is

every detail of the notation.

The

line that

putting

down

is

not neces-

the keys accurately and automatically like

punching a button for each note, nor agreeable tone in the process. is

to be

essential quality of rendering a

melodic line expressively on a keyboard instrument sarily

is

were expected to negotiate

What

is

it

the achieving of an

brings a melodic line to

life

the imaginary duplication or suggestion of what the voice has

to do, ideally speaking, to negotiate that line, tions of negotiating

melody.

it.

The problem

Therein is

lies

literally

and of the

sensa-

the physical expressiveness of

how

to get

from one note

to

another, other than by merely punching buttons that correspond in

time and pitch to the arrangement of the notes;

words, the vocal declamation of intervals. •

307



it

is,

in

other

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS On

a keyboard instrument all intervals feel alike, except those

demanding

leaps,

displacements of the hand, or unaccustomed

stretches or combinations of ringers.

For the voice stepwise and

leaping motion never feel the same. Each interval has a different character according to the sensation of executing

it;

never feel like a second, nor a

Ascending

fifth like a sixth.

a fourth will

not

is

the same as descending ; notes that outline changes of melodic direction have a different sensation essential expressive quality of a

from those

do

that

melodic interval

lies

not.

The

not in the

notes themselves but in the sface between the notes y in the

manner

which one gets from one note to another. The assumption that musical value lies in the notes themselves and not in the transition in

from one Its

to another

the prime heresy of the keyboard player.

is

spread to vocal teaching

and out-of-tune singing

is

the cause of most of the unmusical

heard today. There

to be

no inherent

is

musical reason for the piano to have had such a disastrous fluence

on

singers,

Without going

had

it

into details or into theoretical explanations, I

have never failed to get a tion

from

a pupil

precept: Sing

and

in-

been properly employed.

who

sensitive

and expressive vocal declama-

made an

once

effort to grasp the simple

everything you play. Use your fingers

listen to

hammers. and relatively unresponsive keyboard of what sometimes seems more a machine than an instrument, be it harpsichord, piano, or organ, achieves its own specific color and its own specific value in relation

as extensions of the vocal chords, not as automatic little

Once

this precept

to the phrase

it

is

obeyed, each interval on the

stiff

helps to build.

In such vocal treatment of melodic intervals

it

becomes readily

apparent that stepwise moving notes are more likely to be given

an unbroken legato than leaping notes, that leaping breaks in a stepwise line otherwise unqualified by rhythmic or harmonic context are likely to

demand

expression in a detache.

Let us examine the influence of rhythm on is

to be taken literally.

By

quantitative values, of long

rhythm here and short

I

a melodic line that

refer to the scale of

notes, their gradations

mathematical proportions, and not to meter or pulse. influence of

rhythm on

a

melody occurs

in a

and

The primary

change of values from

long to short or from short to long. Notes of the same rhythmic '

308

'

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS value, unless otherwise separated by their context, tend to belong together. Translated into terms of imaginary gesture in which

each note

is

movement, Slow notes

when

to be taken literally, that fast

to be represented

is

not absorbed into a unit, into a passage,

The

important points, rhyth-

melody are those lying between

mically, in any

a long slow note

J„JJ or a series of faster notes, and which a slower speed of movement is established after

and a shorter those in

faster note

namely with the repose represented by a

fast notes,

or the change of rate of

J J J,

movement

single slow

established by the

second of a group of slow notes following fast notes

(Obviously the change the

by a

in relation to fast often represent repose. Fast notes,

their individuality

maintain a higher level of intensity.

note,

is,

notes require a greater effort than slow notes.

in

movement

JJJJ.

J J J J

not yet announced during

is

slow note of such a passage.)

first

In relation to a pulse, whether basic or temporary, the notes of a

melody

are active or inactive. In a duple rhythm, or merely in

a group of two notes, for that matter, the second since the first alone

is

powerless to

make

triple

rhythm the second and third

active.

The

entire secret of

is

the active note,

the relation clear. In a

are rhythmically the most

ensemble playing or of the maintenance

tempo lies in the treatment of the and third beats of a V* meter, or in the second and third of a triple meter, in

or imperceptible alteration of a offbeat notes, in the second their subdivisions, in

passing notes, in short, in everything that itself is

powerless, except after the fact.

corrects a

tempo with downbeats

is

A

is

off

by what

mand

is

One who

who

The

beat

catches or

merely giving a primitive

metronomic indication of a tempo that requires of time to grasp.

the beat.

conductor

at least a short space

prepares a change or correction of tempo

not downbeat can maintain a direct and flexible com-

at all times.

As the notes themselves are important only

relation to the intervals that lie

between them, so the beat

is

in

im-

manner in which it is approached. For example, when the tempo of an Allegro of a Bach concerto is about to go on the rocks, the secret of saving it lies not in the downbeats but in the eighth notes that subdivide the 44 beat. To return for the moment to rhythm, regardless of pulse, we will find that if otherwise unqualified the notes of a melody will portant only in relation to the

*

309

*

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS fall into certain indivisible

rhythmic

units.

These

broken or uninterrupted rhythmic impulses. otherwise unqualified,

sufficient to set in

is

units represent un-

One rhythmic

motion a

impulse,

series of notes of

equal value JJJJ, or a series of notes moving from fast to slow J 0/ Wherever fast movement follows slow notes or a pause, (This new imnew rhythmic impulse is required J J^.JJ J pulse may be subsidiary to the larger context to such an extent that it passes unnoticed.) The principal divisions of rhythmic units JJ J

.

a

J,

.

therefore fall on changes from slow to fast motion.

Frequently the divisions of melodic contour or of rhythmic impulse

may

gether. It units

counteract each other.

An

sufficient to

So far

I

At other times they work

to-

on these divisions and the rhythmic and melodic

bounded by them

are based. is

is

that all literate articulation

and phrasing

understanding of the basic principles of such divisions

make Longo's long

slurs forever unnecessary.

have spoken largely of melodic contours that are to be

interpreted literally as tiated in imagination

if

each note were individually to be nego-

by the voice and by a corresponding physical

movement. Many, however, are the groups of notes which amalgamate into units or blurs of sound. Such especially are rapid scale figures and melodies outlining arpeggios. They generally turn out to be decorations of a single important note or harmony and

demand only

the treatment given to a single note.

Many

highly

decorated passages or instrumental figures have at their center a

demand the same interpretation as a Of prime importance in such passages are the

kernel of simple notes that literal

vocal line.

fundamental basses and the movements of simple harmony which they determine. Frequently the guiding melodic element of a passage

is its

bass.

One

of the surest methods of putting oneself

musically on the right track in an unfamiliar or puzzling piece is

to sing the essential basses.

be partially understood are

Over them

still

and thereby make themselves

figures that

may

only

likely to fall correctly into place

clear.

Phrases, in contrast to the small indivisible rhythmic and melodic

units that

overlap,

compose them, are generally separated;

marked

at the point of

or, if

they

overlapping by a point of relative

repose in the harmony, or by a turning point or pause in the rhythmic gesture, or by the imaginary taking of breath in the •

310



TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS vocal sense.

The

basis of all

melodic phrases

is

vocal.

Even

they

if

exceed the breath span, they are based on an idea) extension of All vocal phrases that are not mere fragments of

span.

that

phrases initiate with the expansion of the lungs and take place

during the holding or exhalation of a single breath. instrumentalist

is

guided by the same

economy and

The

sensitive

distribution of

expansion and contraction as the singer, ruled by the same tensions

and

diaphragm. (For a characteristic sonata based

releases of the

on the breath phrase, see Sonata 185.) Frequently the dance phrase takes precedence over the breath phrase.

phrase

More than by an imaginary vocal may be sustained by a continuity

feeling, an instrumental

of gesture, one phrase

divided from another by a change in direction or by a change in character of the gesture. latti

The imaginary choreographing

sonatas cannot be overdone.

Many

Spanish dance pieces, are ruled far

movement than by est in

of Scar-

of them, especially the

more by the

sense of bodily

vocal feeling. Scarlatti's vocal feeling

the pieces of his Italianate heritage. It

is

is

ble even in the popular music of today that the Italians relatively restricted

strong-

distinctly observa-

have

a

rhythmic sense, that they are dominated by

the voice, whereas the Spaniards have the most highly developed

rhythmic sense of any European nation.

from music, makes

apart

itself

The

difference,

quite

perfectly obvious in the spoken

languages, in the observable physical carriage and dance gestures of the

two peoples.

Scarlatti

maximum

is

a past master of phrase structure, of achieving the

from

and extensions and the insertion of irregular phrases, whether they be dominated by the voice or by the dance. Even in the pieces of rigorously unchanging pulse, nothing is more fatal effect

juxtapositions, contractions,

of phrases of varying lengths

than counting in terms of the pulse rather than in terms of the phrase lengths that help to create the pulse and give significance. in time, all

Beyond the elementary

it

life

and

business of learning to play

counting should be done in dancer's terms,

the duration of a breath or of a gesture, no matter

in

terms of

how

irregular

and seemingly ridiculous the mathematics.

The double and latti

triple

repeated phrases so frequent

in

Scar-

often raise a problem in counting. Despite the frequent eight*

3"

*

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS eenth-century examples and the examples in Scarlatti himself,

nothing

many

is

more

fatal to the

a Scarlatti piece

rhythmic structure or the continuity of

than the relentless separation of repeated

phrases or the excessive application to

Many

a Scarlatti repeated

phrase

them of echo dynamics.

not intended to Le separated

is

from its mate or mates or to be counted separately. Many a twomeasure repeated phrase gains in effect by being counted, not as one, two, one, two; but as one, two, three, four. The third measure of a four-measure phrase, in relation both to breath and to gesture, has a feeling entirely different from that of the first measure of

Even Scarlatti's triple repetitions by being lumped together as AAA rather

a repeated two-measure phrase.

frequently gain in effect

than separated into

ABA. When

repeated phrases are separated

into single statements they often lose their contrast with phrases

that are actually stated only once.

The

echo inflections intended to

give variety to repeated phrases often produce the opposite

Three and four of

a four-measure phrase,

if

effect.

played as such,

in-

evitably sound different, by reason of their situation in the imagi-

nary breath or gesture, from one and two. These are things known to

every dancer, but which frequently escape the keyboard player

who

is

rooted to his chair in imagination as well as in physical

fact.

In any piece

in

more than one

voice,

whether real or imaginary,

an inseparable element of the shaping of a good phrase correct inflection of

its

basic

harmony.

It

passing that most involuntary vagaries of

may

is

the

be remarked in

tempo or

difficulties of

ensemble stem not only from unnatural declamation of melodic intervals inflection.

or rhythmic

The

fragments, but from incorrect harmonic

progress from consonance to dissonance and from

dissonance to consonance underlies and rules the melodic and

rhythmic structure of any phrase involving harmony. All vertical

harmony

is identifiable in terms of the gamut of harmonic intensifrom consonance to dissonance, in terms of the progressions of its context, whether moving toward or away from greater intensity, and in terms of the modifications induced by suspensions and by changing and passing notes. No two different vertical combinations of sounds, whether basic or temporary, have the same intensity. The compilation of a theoretical scale of intensities

ties

'

3

J

2

*

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS unnecessary in practice, and even dangerous in view of the con-

is

harmonic values by their context. But the

stant modifications of ear, if

given a chance and not misled by inert and unsensing pre-

conceptions or habits, can always be counted on to render a correct

As with melodic

evaluation.

once

inflection,

I

have persuaded

a

pupil really to listen, to divest himself of unmusical automatisms

produced by the

of the instrument, by incomplete

inflexibilities

musical perception, or by the precepts of an fully responsive technical

specific directions or theoretical analysis

and

perfectly correct inely musical all

human

is

no

harmonic

sensitive

secret, partakes of

them

beings have within

choose not to ignore

it.

dictates of habit or the

artificial

mechanism, he has never

failed,

from me, inflection.

to

in

common,

without

produce a

What

nothing occult ;

and not

it

is

is

genu-

what

will they only

In sharpening one's ear beyond the empty

mechanical opposition of the instrument,

method suffices. It suffices to compare the intensity of one harmony with another, to ask which of two or three or more harmonies is the more or most intense, first separately and then a simple

induced by their context.

in relation to possible modifications

The

center of physical response to the tensions

harmony

and

releases of

the solar plexus. It acts like an infinitely sensitive

is

seismograph, recording and responding to the countless possible inflections

one

who

and

sings

progression

is

variations of harmonic context. That is why anyand listens to the component voices of a harmonic bound to discover their correct inflection, to sense

physically

and not necessarily

intervals,

of

intellectually the nature of sensitive

resolving dissonances,

suspensions against other voices. alone,

is

of

The a

pull

of

dissonances

or

solar plexus, unlike the voice

capable of sensing a multiplicity of voices and of cross

currents at the ing.

the

The

same time.

brain

alone has

It is

the source of polyphonic playto

little

do with the development

polyphonic ear, of the capacity to hear and develop

set of

independently functioning voices and to sense their

action.

No

a

inter-

keyboard technique has more than an incomplete musical

value which does not

make

of the hands not only an extension of

the body as a whole, but also of the ruling center of both, the solar plexus.

The most

capacities of voice

sensitive

and

manner

solar plexus '

of extending to the hands the to

is

3*3

*

develop

in

them

a sense of

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS constantly fluctuating tension and release in relation to the har-

monic, rhythmic, and melodic context of the phrase one

is

playing.

A

hand thus developed is capable of shaping a phrase within itself, of contracting and relaxing with the music. It is capable of rooting every action in the musical structure

itself.

No

musical

phrase remains on an unchanging level of tension. Except for

moments

of complete repose, one

away from

or relaxing release. It

and and

is

always moving toward tension

tension

always counterbalanced by

is

the correct placing and balancing of these tensions

is

releases

it;

which make of

all

musical and technical problems

one and the same. This

their solutions

the completely relaxed hand,

when

is

why

the notion of

carried towards

its

verbally

suggested conclusion, can be such a dangerous heresy. Fortunately

many

releases.

to

who talk about relaxed playing do not do it. What mean is a correct and efficient balance of tensions and

of those

they actually

But unfortunately the notion of "relaxation" has tended

encourage a whole school of playing

relatively inert

of sensibility

and

and lack of

intensity

in

which the hand remains

which the inevitable dullness

insensitive, in

is

partially staved off

by a

set

of superficial and artifically produced sound effects, whether organ registration, piano pedaling, or the contrast of a series of agree-

able qualities of tone.

board playing

lies

The whole

distribution of tensions

The less

secret of genuinely musical key-

not in relaxation but in the correct and

and

vertical inflection of

important role

efficient

releases.

harmonies on the whole plays a much

in Scarlatti

than in Bach and Mozart, largely

because of the looseness of vertical structure and

its

horizontal

bindings, which I have already pointed out in the chapter on Scarlatti's

harmony. But what

playing

the sense of tonality, the sense of the progress of his

is

is

of prime importance in Scarlatti

modulations, the identification of the sensitive notes, those which

mark

the turning point of a modulation and the consequent shift

of harmonic inflection in relation to the tonic in

ferent inflection in

chord

new

tonality.

What

one tonality, for example, may achieve an entirely its

function as a dominant in another.

in a Scarlatti sonata in

G

AD

major has an entirely

is

a

dif-

major

different

significance at the opening than at the double bar. Likewise, a G major chord may cease to represent the repose of the tonic and *

3H

*

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS become a subdominant pulling toward a D major cadence. many

a Scarlatti sonata

possible to falsify the

it is

In

whole opening

by misinterpreting an apparent tonic as genuine, when it has already passed into another key. (This is equally possible in the

many a Bach fugue.) Sometimes the tonal function may be deliberately left ambiguous, even if the actual

exposition of

of a chord

as at the first

modulation has not yet taken place,

775

C

in

minor, where

G

major

is

corona in Sonata

neither tonic or dominant, but

suspended between the two. (See also Sonatas 57 and 124.) The effect of many a gradual or ambiguous Scarlatti modulation

new

hinges on those notes which introduce or prepare a

which mark a new key or cancel an old.

tonality, those accidentals

Harmonic

inflection in Scarlatti

is

much more important

tion to the tonal context of the piece than in

of vertical consonances that seems to lack

modest

in scope,

metrical,

and dissonances.

in rela-

terms of the scale

Many

a Scarlatti piece

harmonic variety, whose modulations may be

whose balance may seem

comes immediately

to life

when

sym-

to be excessively

considered in

detail in relation to the tonal structure of the whole.

its

every

Then

simple tonic, subdominant, and dominant harmonies of the part will

move towards

a

the first

dominant or other closing tonality that

will maintain a certain tension in relation to the sonata as a

whole

;

moving back toward the basic tonic of the piece, even if it consists of the same melodic material and the same harmonic progressions, will sound different, and to a certain exand the second

half,

tent new, in relation to

its

function in the larger sense.

Many

a

and big in performance, or merely small and trifling, depending on the performer's grasp of tonal organization. Here again Longo's dynamics, or anyone else's, are of no help. There is no genuine agent of musical sensibility but the performer's ear and musical intelligence, as editors of "practical editions" of music would do well to realize. What is necessary in performing every Scarlatti sonata is a continuous and unfailing Scarlatti sonata can

sound

full

sense of direction in terms of the piece as a whole.

The

inflection of dissonant passing notes,

nonharmony tones

in

changing notes, and

general demands a word, because

is

fre-

quently allied with the controlling of rhythm and tempo bv

off-

beats.

A

it

consonant passing note tends to be rhythmically inactive. *

315

'

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS It

moves forward more or

on.

When

less automatically

and cannot be leaned

notes are both off the beat and dissonant they can often

be dwelt on and compensated in the following consonance without perceptible interruption of rhythmic continuity. These are the notes par excellence which can be used to change or influence a

tempo, the notes on which can be based a tempo rubato that

is

not

otherwise justified by melodic contour or by change of rhythmic

On

nonharmony tones can be based a whole fabric and rhythmic cross-relations between voices. For example in sixteenths moving against eighth notes, the offbeat sixteenths can be used to set up a counterbalance and opposition to values.

dissonant

of syncopations

movement of the eighths. Frequently in such continuously moving passages, especially those containing accented passing notes, the

the question of off or on the beat

The

or dissonance. establish

is

subsidiary to that of consonance

irregularly falling dissonances can be used to

an irregular rhythmic surface pattern that lends color

and variety

to the basic

rhythmic structure.

In this connection might be mentioned the notes inegales of

French music, the practice of playing the second and fourth, of a group of short notes shorter than the

thus rendering

more

J J J J

similar to

and

first

J. 3«l.3,

This procedure

etc.

the French called 'pointer les croches, or doubles croches, as the case

might

be.

etc.,

third, etc.,

etc.,

Nearly every French instruction book of

comments upon it. (See St.-Lambert, Les For a digest and quotations from the principal treatises see Arger, Les Agrements et le Rhythme, and Borrel, Interpretation de la Musique Francaise.)

the eighteenth century Principes

du

Clavecin, for example.

All these treatises attempt to account for this practice on the basis of meter.

The

conscientious

modern

revival of this practice how-

ever has a tendency to produce an intolerable two-by-two grouping of notes which destroys all genuine phrasing.

of this practice

is

that

it is

to a certain extent has

age by

a

more

French authors (see Couperin,

was peculiar

own

explanation

been followed in every school and

all sensitive musicians, despite

this style

My

or less unconscious procedure that

the remarks of

UArt de Toucher

le

every

Clavecin) that

French school and that the

to the

in

some of the Italians

did not share the French habit of writing evenly notes that were

intended to be played unevenly. •

316



TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS my

In

opinion this practice of notes inegales

meter only to the extent that trast to the passive

My

downbeats

is

conditioned by

treats the offbeats as active in con-

it

in the

manner

have outlined above.

I

further explanation of the notes inegales

is

that they are very

largely conditioned by melodic contours and above all by their function as dissonant passing tones. If their inequality

is

graded

so as to correspond to the degree of dissonance or consonance they

represent in relation to the main voices, the unpleasant

harmony or

two-by-two grouping

to the concomitant

disguised and the

is

larger phrase emerges flexible but undistorted. In other words, the

eighteenth-century treatises simply account inadequately for this well-established practice, as for

explain

it

this sense,

only in terms of meter. is

remote than

less

It

is

I

and from the treatment of

have recommended

dis-

in Scarlatti.

often produced on an

is

instrument incapable of swelling or diminuendo. clash intensifies the basic

harmony

against notes otherwise in repose, causes

sympathy

The momentary

like a crescendo

laxes into consonance like a diminuendo.

first

CBC

CDC)

or

would have with

it

re-

them

to appear to swell

This

is

why

or main note of a three note changing-note

(for example

pressive value

and then

This occurs frequently

like the sustained notes of the voice.

accenting the figure

in

with dissonant passing notes or changing notes that the

musical equivalent of a swell within a note

in

to

purports to be from the handling

it

of offbeats in small note values

sonant passing tones that

many others, by attempting The French doctrine, viewed

diminishes the ex-

often

a stress

on the second or

dis-

sonant note, especially in moderate or slow tempo. This faulty inflection

and missing of the expressive value (and indeed of the

mechanical usefulness in maintaining a tempo or establishing physical coordination) of passing or in that school of

changing notes

playing which concentrates

is

its

especially

common

principal stresses on

and main beats rather than on what prepares and follows them. much emphasized that in slow movements all flexibilities and liberties depend on such notes, that it is the management and compensation of such notes that can keep a fast movement from running away or a slow movement from dragging. Most

first

It

cannot be too

questions of

tempo are not rooted

are traceable to faulty phrasings. *

in

tempo. Most faulty tempi

The more

3*7

'

sensitive a musician, the

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS more

likely

is

one single faulty phrasing or

inflection to upset the

rhythmic balance of a phrase, or indeed of a

among

piece.

Arguments

musicians concerning tempi are almost never really con-

cerned with tempi j they spring from misunderstanding or ences in the inflection of germinal details.

Once the

differ-

basic inflections

upon or unconsciously discovered, the argument conis generally forgotten. The way to correct a tempo, tempo cerning are agreed

whether with a pupil or with an orchestra,

metronome

is

not to consult the

or resort to an artifically rigorous or regular beat,

but to discover the cause of the difficulty. Given a pupil free of physical handicaps of coordination

reasonably competent,

it

is

and who

is

who

is

technically

frequently possible to correct a tempo

without once mentioning the word tempo or resorting to any form of counting.

Of prime importance

in

maintaining a tempo, undertaking a

rubato, or negotiating a ritard

is

the recognizing of an enchainment

of rhythmic impulses communicable

Most

ritards

are undertaken

too

from one voice to another. and then rendered con-

late

vincing by dynamic inflections, by corresponding crescendos or

diminuendos.

namic ritards

On

inflection

and

more than

limited dy-

becomes more than ever necessary

to root all

instruments incapable of

it

alterations of

tempo

in the basic musical structure.

If they are not musically correct, there is no way of rendering them even superficially convincing. On instruments without appreciable dynamic variation, the alteration in tempo of a series of notes of the same rhythmic value is singularly unconvincing except where justified by their melodic contours or their harmonic context. On such instruments notes of the same rhythmic value,

not otherwise qualified by melodic contour, can generally be effectively altered in

tempo and duration only in and dissonance

relative functions of consonance

them.

A

slowing

dependent on

its

down

of an even series of notes

relation to the to be is

found

in

nearly always

dissonances. In the case of notes of varying value,

most successful ritards or fluctuations of tempo on such instruments depend on an identification of the points at which indivisible rhythmic impulses begin, and on the manner in which they are enchained and transmit themselves to other voices. These points are to be discovered in breaks of diatonic •

318



motion and

in

changes of

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS rhythmic values from long to short. tempo, or

final ritard

measures before the

eral

An

may depend on an final result

entire rubato, change of initiative

undertaken sev-

becomes perceptible.

should

It

be noted, moreover, in connection with ritards at final cadences that

most such

ritards are

commonly undertaken

too late in rela-

the harmonic enchainment, and that they frequently

tion to

fail

dominant, and relax too soon

to maintain the tension of the



in

other words, before arriving at the tonic. Harmonically speaking,

uncompensated by dynamic

cadential ritards

all

begin

inflection

harmony, in other words from the beginning of the enchainment of chords which forms the from the

last separable division of

part of the cadence. In a progression 16, IV, V,

initial

ample,

it is

gression

altered to 16, II %, V,

is

the dissonance II %,

and

make any change

too late to

added

I,

for ex-

after the 16. If the pro-

I, it is still

possible to dwell

to relax thereafter.

In the light of the foregoing general principles of phrasing,

and

ulation,

on

subdominant, as represented by the

to the

inflection, let us consider a

the keyboard player

may

few

practical

ways

enlist his resources of legato

in

and

artic-

which

staccato

in their services.

The

enormous damage to and Alberti basses, Scarlatti

sustaining pedal of the piano can do

Scarlatti's music.

Even

in arpeggios

has often conceived his figuration in terms of lines, as instrumental

melodies and not mere blurred fillings-out of harmony.

He

does

not wish thick washes of color. In playing Scarlatti, the piano

pedal should be used for heightening and varying of color, not for sustaining of notes that cannot be sustained with the fingers.

Used otherwise color which

it

risks substituting a

Scarlatti

confused uniformity for the

has composed into his music by breaking

harmonies and alternating their components. (Few players succeed in extracting the color that is

within a piece, so preoccupied are

they with irrelevant concepts of beauty of tone and with the imposition of a color

Even the

from without

—most often the piano pedal.)

the figures that at the harpsichord can be sustained under

hand often sound better when played as lines. Their melodic more color than would a blur of harmony. It was

contours add traditional,

however, throughout harpsichord literature to leave

to the player the optional sustaining of .

3

i

9



broken harmonies lying

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS under the hand, without their necessarily being indicated in the notation. In such a piece as Sonata 260 an extreme of overlapping even

legato,

In Venice xin 13

in diatonic passages, is desirable.

(K. 526) Scarlatti has written out the overlapping legato of a two-voice passage in broken

harmony

second appearance he writes

at its

at its first appearance, but

in the simpler

it

open two-voice

notation, leaving the player to assume the sustaining as in the parallel passage. \%Allegro

(Example

5)

Comodo]

SAls

Ex.

xm

Venice

5.

13 (Longo 456) K. 526

One color forte,

of the most potent means of obtaining fine shadings of from any keyboard instrument, be it harpsichord, pianoor organ, and of heightening the relief of small harmonic

details inherent in lines,

is

the overlapping not only of tones out-

harmony, but of diatonic passages. Effects of crescendo and diminuendo can be obtained both on harpsichord and organ by lining

allowing a diatonically adjacent tone momentarily to clash with its

neighbor.

middle of a

A

scale

crescendo

perceptible

by grading from the

can

be

staccato or

obtained

in

the

from the legato

of juxtaposed notes to the overlapping of them. Particularly on

the harpsichord, overlapping can be used to cover the sharp attack of one note by the continuing

sound of the preceding. I often momentarily overlap a dissonance and its resolution for the purpose of concealing the attack of the second note and of achieving

the appearance of a diminuendo. It

is

possible to give scales the inflections of their underlying

harmonies by overlapping. For example •

320



in a

C

major

scale

played

PERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS as related to a

C

major

may dwell on

triad, I

all

the

nonharmony

tones according to the dissonance they form with the triad, whether appears as a dissonance or not the actual triad is sounding. The

D

of a second with the I

would play the

C

(were

I

D in relation

playing a modal scale in the following E)

to

sound

G, but

like a

subdominantj the same for the

would make the most

I

B

of the

;

D F

emphasis because

tion to the E, but with relatively little to

the

A

minor

in relait

tends

in relation to the

as a leading tone resolving

to the C.

To

this

kind of coloring, the two-voice writing of Scarlatti

more than

particularly susceptible. Such coloring, far

is

actual filling

up of chords or sustaining with piano pedal, expands the harmonic implications of Scarlatti's lines and lends them an appearance of richness which they lines.

(The same

One organ

is

do not possess when played

of the principal expressive is

literally as

mere

true of all the Bach two-part Inventions.)

means of both harpsichord and

the obtaining of stress or accent by allowing the attack

of a note to be preceded by a brief silence. In

many

a passage that

vocally constitutes an indivisible melodic unit, dissonances at the

keyboard can be heightened

in relation to

lows by detaching immediately beforehand.

what precedes and

Many

fol-

dissonant passing

notes that could be expressed smoothly in the voice or on a stringed

instrument with a slight swell gain their full value at the harpsi-

chord or organ (quite against theoretical musical logic), by being

An unbroken legato tends to cover by the continuing sound of the preceding note the attack of a note needing stress. A detached.

general rule in both harpsichord and organ playing

is

to overlap

those notes which need to be minimized and to detach those notes

needing special

stress.

At the harpsichord,

notes against sixteenths,

many an

for example, in eighth

offbeat sixteenth note completely

covered by the previous sixteenth sounding simultaneously with the accompanying eighth note, judicious

common the right

detachments, in

Scarlatti in

u

Qr,

J?$3^J3

needs to be brought out by

etc.

,

Passages

are

extremely

which a melodic sixteenth-note figure

hand can be completely covered by the

in

attacks of the

accompanying chords in the left. The solution is to minimize the detachment of the repeated chords so that one covers slightly the attack of another,

and

to detach before elements, generally dis.

32I

.

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS sonances and cross accents or offbeats in the melody which need to

be brought out. Yet the solution at the organ of such passages exactly the reverse

is

they are to be played on one keyboard. There

if

the melody notes need to be held longer in order to be heard and the chords to be detached in order not to cover everything else

with their sustained sound.

EXPRESSIVE RANGE At the beginning to

which

Scarlatti

is

myself. For years

and

striking

I

commonly

subjected. I have been guilty of

it

considered the Scarlatti sonatas extraordinarily

brilliant

to achieve the

but

I

of this chapter I spoke of the "type casting"

and knew that a few of them were bound effect at the end of a harpsichord recital,

maximum

thought that too much of their excessive brilliance was

fatiguing: that

it

was possible

tude toward Scarlatti

is

them.

to tire of

the early notes for this book a

remark

likely to be

I

even discovered

in

to the effect that one's atti-

changing and unstable, that

Mozart and Bach was Nothing could have impossible. been more false. The excessive brilliance of the sonatas was indeed fatiguing when too many of them were played in a row, because like too many players of Scarlatti, I played them largely as virtuoso pieces. I saw relatively little of what was actually in the music. During the ten years in which I have been occupied with this book, my attitude has changed. This was owing partly to close study of the music and its background, to my visit to Spain, and perhaps to a maturing process taking place within me. In studying

a constant devotion like that aroused by

the music, in going through the complete sonatas several times in

chronological order and writing and revising

made an seemed

effort

to escape

to

me,

my

commentary,

understand everything that thitherto to

I

had

understand everything that did not make

first aroused an adverse judgment. After my visit and during the completion of the biographical part, I

sense or at to Spain

prepared performances of forty or of what

I

fifty

of the sonatas in the light

had learned and was learning. The

no longer of virtuosity piled on

result

was a discovery,

virtuosity, of striking but

ephemeral

"happy freaks," but instead of an inexhaustible variety of pression inherent in the music, running the •

322



gamut

ex-

of a complete

TERFORMANCE OF THE SCARLATTI SONATAS artistic personality.

The

reader can have at best but a moderate

and months

idea of the days, weeks,

I

have spent with

Scarlatti.

this period I can honestly say, that, despite the labor

At the end of

of this book, I never once reached a saturation point, I never once tired of Scarlatti, that at the I

end of the longest periods of drudgery

have been repeatedly surprised, dazzled, and delighted by Scar-

latti's

music.

This

the evolution

is

own

reader's

I

hope by

book

this

feelings about Scarlatti.

My

to

own

have aided

in the

evolution has been

one from thinking what most people have thought about Scarlatti

and are

since the eighteenth century

still

thinking, to the point

of view represented in every page of this book. I insert these re-

marks

into a chapter

on performance, because

Scarlatti

sounds the

way he is played. I heard Scarlatti, even in my inner ear, in the way in which I formerly played his music, which was the way in which nearly everyone else plays

some measure of what has become a restoration of the pairwise

posing on it is

I

hear Scarlatti com-

clear in writing this book.

With

arrangement, with the attempt to ex-

it

formulas from without, what has become clear

perfectly possible, which I once doubted, to play a

program of

Scarlatti sonatas

sorting to artificial

means

Another thing that book and in

Now

inherent expressiveness from every piece instead of im-

tract the

that

it.

have tried to put into performance

pletely differently because I

in

I

is

whole

without falling into sameness or

re-

to give the impression of variety.

would

performance

is

like to

have demonstrated

in this

that one can use one's brain without

any way hampering one's capacity for sentiment or expression.

show what has been demonstrated and constantly forcenturies, that hard work and scholarship are not dangerous that the more highly developed the society in which one lives the more necessary they are. I would like to have demonI

hope

gotten

to

for

j

strated the simultaneous possibility not only of a completely hard-

headed workman's analytical and technical approach

to music, but

warm, imaginative, and even romantic willingness to transcend syntax and literal meaning, to move humbly and fear-

also of a

lessly in the

realm of the unexplainable.



323



ILLUSTRATIONS

2.

Alessandro Scarlatti, by an

Bologna, Liceo Musicale. Photograph

unknown

Frick Art

painter

Reference

Library

3.

New

Italian

Harpsichord Museum

York, Metropolitan

of Art

§6 no

il^*!

Q

3

.

*

N N CJ

3~

£?

U 0


1729, fatti dall* Esattor Pma P. 7.

Bibl.

Filza 105V.

[For

facsimile of autograph portion, see Fig.

19.]

Domenico* s Departure from the Vatican. S. Petri in Vat., Diari - 30 - 1658-1726 more legible copy in Diari- 34 - 17 15-1734).

1719, Seft.

3.

Rome, Arch. Cap.

'

333

'

(later,

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND "Per

essere partito per l'lnghilterra

Cappella

di S.

il

Maestro

Pietro, fu fatto

HIS OFFSPRING

Sig.

il

Maestro

Scarlatti

Sig.

di

Ottavio Pitoni, che

era a S. Giovanni in Laterano." i

J 28. List of Musicians in the Portuguese Royal Chafel. Walther, Musicalisches Lexicon, Leipzig, 1732, p. 489. (Although not, properly speaking, a

foregoing

document,

I insert

it

here to supplement the

Domenico's

concerning

information

musicians

at

the

Vatican.)

und vornehmsten In-

"Portugall. Verzeichniss der Capellmeister

strumentisten in der Konigl. Portugiesischen Capelle zu Lissabon, an.

Romer. Joseph Antoni, ViceAvondano, erster Violinist, ein Genueser. Antonio BaghetU, erster Violinist, ein Romer. Alessandro Baghetti, zweyter Violinist, ein Romer. Johan Peter, 1728.

Capellmeister,

Scarlatti,

ein

Capellmeister, ein Portugiese. Pietro Giorgio

zweyter as,

Violinist, ein Portugiese,

dritter Violinist,

ein

aber von Teutschen Eltern.

zweyter Hautboist, ein Franzose. Veith, vierdter Hautboist, ein

Thom-

Florentiner. Latur, vierdter Violinist,

Bohme. Ventur, Braccenist, ein Ludewig, Bassonist,

Braccenist, ein Catalonier.

Violoncellist, ein Catalonier. Laurenti,

Violinist,

und

und

erster

Catalonier. Antoni, ein

Bohme. Juan,

Violoncellist, ein Florentiner.

Paolo, Contra- Violinist, ein Romer. Antonio Josefh, Organist, ein Portugiese.

Floriani,

Tenorist, ein in dieser

ein Castrat und Romer. Mossi, wohl noch einst so viel Instrumentisten befinden; und die Anzahl der Sanger sich auf

Discantist,

Romer. Es

Capelle sich

sollen

40 Personen belauffen, so mehrentheils Italianer sind." [On p. 546 Walther says of Domenico: "Diesen beriihmten Romischen Capellmeister hat der Konig von Portugall an. 1728 in Dienste genommen, und ihm zu seinen Reise-Kosten 2000 Thaler auszahlen lassen. s. die Hallische Zeitungen nro. cxxn." Walther is obviously wrong about the date of Domenico's Portuguese appoint30

bis

ment, but the subsidy for his journey may have had something to do with the following document.] 1728, May 75. Domenico* s Marriage Certificate. Rome, Arch. Vat., Sez. Vicariato di Roma, Sta. Maria in PubLiber Matrimonium 1679-1757, fol. 7orv. "Dominus Dominicus Scarlactus cum Domina Maria Catarina

licolis,

Gentili

Tribus denunciationibus praeter missis dispensatis ab Illustrissimo Reverendissimo Domino meo vicegerente ego Sextilius de Caiolis Rector ecclesiae Parochialis Santae Mariae in Publicolis de licentia Illustrissimi et Reverendissimi Domini mei vicegerentis data ex officio et

Domini rentis

Basilij Quintilij notarij

mensis

Maij

Sancti Pancratij

;

et

Eminentissimi

quam apud me

servo

vicarij [

sub die 14 cor]

In

ad Altare Assumptionis Beatae Mariae '

334

*

Ecclesia virginis

D

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

Dominum Dominicum Scarlatti fib'um bonae memoriae romanum de Parrochia Sancti Mariae in Monterone Dominam Mariam Catarinam Gentili filiam Domini Francisci

interrogavi

AJexandri

equitis et

Mariae Gentili Puellam romanam de mea Parochia, eorumque consensu habilo coniunxi

in

matrimonium per verba de

presenti, vis et

volo ad predictam Ecclesiam et Altare Sancti Pancratij, et vigore

Domino Canonico Joanne Monterio memoriae Antonij Freitas Guimeranensis de Parochia Santae Mariae in Aquiro Lusitano et Domino Jacobo Cavalli filioque Federici Jacobi Veronensis de Parochia Santae Mariae in Monterone testibus, qui interfuerunt praedicto matrimonio." [The praedictae licentiae Presentibus

Brano

bonae

filio

orthography of the original reproduce

is

so

confused that I do not attempt to

punctuation. I have written out

its

abbreviations.]

all

[7729, or iyjo. Baptismal Certificate of Juan Antonio Scarlatti.] [The date of birth of Domenico's eldest child mentioned in later documents may probably still be discovered in the archives of Sta. Cruz in Seville. We know that he was born in Seville. (See the

document

March

of

2,

1747.)

Dicionario Biografico of Jose lisboeta,

Alegria

51), annotating the

(p.

Mazza, mentions

that:

um

manuscrito da Biblioteca de £vora,

"Num

diario

langou a

escriba

Muzico Escarlate com a molher fermosa e continuam os seus grandes ordenados.' Data de 27 de Dezembro de 1729. Talvez se trate de alguma visita a Lisboa depois de ter partido na comitiva da sua Real discipula para Madride." This

seguinte nota: 'chegou o

dous

filhos se Ihe

report,

if

indeed

it

has any foundation in fact, can only be interpreted

Juan Antonio and another Scarlatti child who was dead by February 12, 1735, and hence not mentioned in the mutual testament of Domenico and Catalina Scarlatti to which reference is

as referring to

made

in the notice of Catalina's death,

7737, March

9.

Seville, Sta.

May

6,

1739.]

Bafttsmal Certificate of Fernando Scarlatti. Cruz, Baptismal records, Libro 8, fols. 36V and 37r.

(Copy in Madrid, Arch. Hist. Nac, Carlos III No. 1799, fol. 14.V, which reads as follows:) "En nueve dias del mes de marzo de mil setecientos y treinta y un r anos, yo el D D. Xpt Romero, Pro. de Licencia del D r D. Xpt Alvarez de Palma Cura de esta Iglesia Parroquial de Sta. Cruz de Sevilla catequize y puse oleo y cresima por haberle echado agua en casa yo en caso de necesidad a Fernando Nicola Jose Alexandro Julian, hijo de D. Domingo Escarlati, natural de la ciudad d". Napoles 1

.

y de su

DV

1

.

.

Catalina Gentili, natural de

madrina

del

catecismo

Da

obligaciones y lo firmamos ut supra D. Cristobal Romero." *

Roma

Ana Manteli

335

— *

r .

su legitima a

la

D. Xpt

1 .

qual

.

muger

fue

adverti

sus

Alvarez v Palma

'DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND HIS OFFSPRING IJS 2 ) dfril 20. Record of Payment

Due

Scarlatti

from

the Sfanish

Court.

Madrid, Archivo General de Palacio, Felipe V, Legajo 292, 20 de Abril de 1732 corresfonde al Legajo n° 2 de dicha Jornada. (Published

Mesillas de la Jornada de Andaluzia. 2a Relation desde

by Solar Quintes,

144.)

p.

"A D. Domingo

Maestro de Musica de la Prinzesa 90 Reales diariamente, le corresponden en 418 dias ultimos de dicha Jornada de Andalucia 37.620 rs. en quenta de los quales tiene rezivido por la Maestria 24.200 Rs. y se le restan deviendo. 13.420" [As transcribed by Solar Quintes.] [17S 2 ) d-fril 20, to 1733, June 12 .] Record of the Same. Madrid, Arch. Gen. de Palacio, Registros 561, Relazion del Imforte de Naziones extraordinarias ocasionadas for los Criados de la R Casa en la Jornada que hizieron sus Mag', a Badajoz y las Andalucias el ano de 1729 [unnumbered fol. 5r]. "A Dn. Domingo Escarlatti Mro de Musica de S. M. siendo Escarlati,

nra. Sra. al respecto de

.

.

.

l

.

Vn

8

le Restan deviendo de los 37620 r de con su mesilla de 90 r8 al dia devengo en los mismos 418 ultimos de la mencionada Jornada. 13,420"

Principe se

.

[1732-1735. Baftismal Certificate [Has not yet been found.]

of

Mariana

.

Scarlatti.]

[1735, Feb. 12. Mutual Testament of Domenico and Catalina Scarlatti.']

[Has not been found. Mentioned on

May

6,

in the notice of Catalina's

death

1739.]

[1736-1737- Baftismal Certificate of Alexandro Scarlatti.] [Has not yet been found. I could find neither this nor that of Mariana Scarlatti in the archives of San Martin in Madrid.] 1738, March

8.

Decree

of

Joao V Citing

Scarlatti for the

Order

of

Santiago.

Lisbon, Archivo da Torre do

Tiago, mago

I,

no.

5,

letra

Tombo,

Habilitagoes da

D. (Published

in

Ordem

de

S.

Archivo Historico

Portuguez, Vol. V, pp. 457-458.) [Declares Scarlatti eligible by reason of purity of blood, quality, and parts, and evidently dispenses him from presenting the customary proofs.] 1738, March 22. Order of Joao V to a Qualified Ecclesiastic in Madrid. Lisbon, Archivo da Torre do Tombo, Chancellaria da ordem de S. Tiago, liv. 28.0, fls. 366 e seguinte. (A copy, published, with abbreviations, in Archivo Historico Portuguez, Vol. V, p. 458.) [Request to receive Scarlatti into the Order of Santiago, and to

personal

supply a report for the archives of the Order.] '

336

'

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

1738, March 22. Order of J oao V to a knight in Madrid of the Order of Santiago , or of Another Portuguese Order. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. (Copy in Lisbon, Archivo da Torre do Tombo, Chancellaria da ordem de S. Tiago, ibid., published in Archivo Historico Portuguez, ibid.) [Order to assign two sponsoring knights and to initiate Scarlatti according to the ceremony indicated by the royal notary.] 1738, March 22. Order of J oao V Dispensing Scarlatti from the Customary Yearns Noviciate. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. (Copy in Lisbon, ibid., published in Archivo Historico Portuguez, Vol. V, pp. 458-459. Spanish translation also in the Scarlatti family papers.)

[Addressed to a qualified Scarlatti

be admitted

ecclesiastic

in

Madrid, requesting that

immediately, according to the ceremony in-

dicated by the royal notary, and that a report be filed in the archives of the Order.] 1738, March 22. Decree of J oao V, by Virtue of a Papal Bull, Relaxing the Customary Restrictions on Clothing and its Richness. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. (Copy in Lisbon, ibid., published in

Archivo Historico Portuguez, Vol. V, p. 458.) [Permits Scarlatti "para que possa trazer vestidos do pano

e seda de

quaisquer cores, anneis, joyas, cadeas e habito de ouro, comtanto que ."] na capa o traga de pano y 1738, April iq. Authorization by Catalina Scarlatti of Domenico s Entry into the Order of Santiago. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. (Notary's certified copy.) [Signed at Aranjuez before the notary, Pablo Martinez.] .

[1738, March, Afril.]

.

Form

of

Ceremony

for Initiation into the

Order

of Santiago.

Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. (Together with and notes, omitting the Latin responses.)

a

Spanish transla-

tion

[Supplied by the Portuguese royal notary, Lourenco Vas Preto

Monteiro.]

[1738, Afril.] Historical Accounts of the Order of Santiago. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. [Supplied

to

Scarlatti

Joachin

by

Fernandez Solana de

Mal-

donado.]

1738, April 21. Certification of Scarlatti's Reception into the Order of Santiago by his Sponsor, Joachin Fernandez Solana de Maldonado. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. [The ceremony took place before the high altar of the convent of S. Antonio de los Capuchinos de el Prado on April 2 1 between four and five in the afternoon. Co-sponsor was Pedro Garcia de la Vega.] '

337



DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

1738, April 21. Certification by the Chaplain Nicolas Filiberti of Scarlatti's Receftion into the Order of Santiago on Afrit 2i f 1738. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. [Certification of the various necessary measures taken in connection with it. There follows, dated May 15, 1738, an additional certification by Joao Pereyra da Gama, chaplain of the convent of Palmella

Order

of the

hood

of Santiago, authorizing the entry of Scarlatti's knight-

Order.] 1738, April 21 Account of the Reception of Scarlatti into the Order of SantiagOy by the Madrid Notary Matheo Albo Rivero. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. 1738, May 75. Certification by Joao Pereyra da Gama of Scarlatti's in the archives of the .

Knighthood in the Order of Santiago. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. (One-fourth missing.) 1 7 38j Nov. 13. Baptismal Certificate of Maria Scarlatti. Madrid, San Martin. L°. 33. [Baptisms, April 1, 1735, to December 31, 1739],

"Maria

fols.

346V

-

347r.

Escarlatti Gentili

M

de Parroq 1 de San Mar. de a Treze de Novre. de 1* mil setez y treinta y ocho anos; Yo fr. Mauro Plaza Then Cura de dha. Igl a Bautize a Maria, del Patrocinio, Juana, hija

En

la

Ig la

.

.

.

tos

.

.

Lexma nat

1

nat

1

.

.

Dn

Domingo

Escarlati Cavallero del Orn. de Santiago, y a de la Ciudad de Napoles; y de Cathalina Gentili Escarlatti, de la Ciudad y Corte de Roma; nacio en nuebe de dho. mes y

de

.

.

D

.

d0 Casas del Noviciado de ano; Calle ancha de San Bern .

110

Dn

la

Compania

de Jesus; fue su Pad Gaspar Gentili Abad y Comendador de San Felize de Ettalauto, aquien adverti el parent 00 Espir 1 Test 8 .

.

.

Fran 00 Herrera, y Manuel Bayon; y .

.

lo firme

P de Mauro Plaza" J 1 '39y

May

6.

Death Notice

of Catalina Scarlatti.

Madrid, San Martin, L°. 17 De difuntos desde /°. de Enero de 1738 h~ta 30 de Junio de 174 3, fols. 1 09V - nor. "D a Cathilina Gentile muger que fue de D n Domingo de Escarn Fran 00 Gentile, y late, y natural de la Ciudad de Roma, e hija de D n d0 na la a de D Maria Rosete Parroq de Esta Ig calle ancha de S Bern on casas de Administraz otorgo poder para testar en compania del dho no Real, en doze de febrero de mil su marido ante Manuel Alvarez ss tos setez treinta dandosele el uno al otro, y se nombraron por y y cinco Testam tlos y por herederos nombraron, a Juan Ant 10 Fernando, y .

;

,

,

Maria Ana Margarita Escarlati, sus hijos lex mos rezivio los s t08 sacram t08 murio en seis de Mayo de mil setez y treinta y nueve en a de la Buena Esperanza el R. Sitio de Aranjuez: Enterrose en la Igl de la Villa de Ocana en donde pago la fabrica." [The mutual testament mentioned here has not been found. The Archivo Historico de tos

,

,



338



— DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND Madrid contains no papers

Protocolos in

HIS OFFSPRING the

of

above-mentioned

notary.] I

739> J une J 0. Copy from Lisbon of Royal Decree Concerning Domenico's Portuguese Revenues. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. [Provides that in case of Domenico's death they shall be divided equally

I

I

among

his legitimate offspring.]

739> November 23. Cofy from Lisbon of Royal Decree Assigning Scarlatti 47,1 19 Reis Annually. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. [Alludes to the preceding document of June 10.]

to

743> January 75. Baptismal Certificate of Maria Barbara Scarlatti. Madrid, San Martin, Libro 34 [Baptisms, January 1, 1740, to

June 30, 1744], fol. 319^ "Maria Escarlati, Ximenez

En

la

Ig

.

.

R

d

a treze de Enero de mil Juan Allen, Presvitero, con Miguel de Herze Abad y Cura proprio

.

Yo D n

1

.

.

.

u Bautize a Maria, Barbara, Xaviera, Vitoria de la Conma n hija Lex de D Domingo Escarlati, nat de la Ciu d de

de dha Ig ception,

M

Parroq 1 de S n Mar. de

la

cientos y quar *. y tres; mo Licencia del P e . Mro. fr. sete

.

1

.

.

D

.

a

.

d Napoles; y de Anasthasia Ximenez, nat de la Ciu de Cadiz, n nacio en doze de dho. mes y ano Calle de Leganitos Casas de 1

.

.

.

D

110 D n Gaspar Gentili Comendador de la Joseph Borgona, fue su Pad n Abadia de S Felix Aelauto, a quien adverti el parent 00 espir Test 8 .

.

1

.

.

,

Antonio Mantel, y Dom°. de

la

Plaza

;

y lo firme

Dn

.

Juan Allen"

1744, March 1. Renewal of Royal Decree Concerning Scarlatti's Portuguese Assets. Lisbon, Archivo da Torre do Tombo, Chancellaria de D. Joao V, liv. in - fs 37V. (Published in Archivo Historico Portuguez, Vol. V, p. 459-) [Additions dated July 9, 1744, and Sept. 2, 1745. Assigns Scarlatti's Portuguese assets to be divided equally among his legitimate children in case of his death.]

IJ4 5, March 50. Baptismal Certificate of Rosa Scarlatti. Madrid, San Martin, L°. 35 [Baptisms, July 1, 1744, to June 29, I749l> fol. 81. u Rosa Escarlati, Ximenez. d En la Yg la Parroq de S n Mar. de a treinta de Marzo de te t0 u mil setez *. y quar y cinco; Yo fr. Benito de Hermida then

M

1

.

.

.

.

.

Cura de dha.

Yg la

hija lex"", de

Dn

de

D\

.

.

.

Bautize a Rosa, Christina, Anasthasia,

Domingo

Escarlati, nat

Anasthasia Ximenez, nat *

1 .

339

de '

la

1

de

Ciu

la

d .

Ramona,

Ciu d de Napoles, .

v

de Sevilla. Nacio en

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

D

n nueve de dho. mes y ano Calle de Leganitos casas de n no Fran 00 Maria Gentile, a quien Joseph Borgona fue su Pad 00 espir Test 8 Marcos Juarros y Domingo de la adverti el parent Plaza y lo firme

veinte y

D

.

.

.

.

1

.

,

.

Hermida"

Fr. Benito de

IJ4Y, March

Madrid,

Matriculation of Juan Antonio Scarlatti

2. Certificate of

at the University of Alcala

de Henares.

Scarlatti family papers.

[Refers to Juan Antonio as "Natural de la Ciudad de Se villa," and as "Clerigo de Prima tonsura, y que en la Unibersidad de esta

Ciudad de Alcala de

dicha

Don Juan Antonio

ha

Henares,

Dos anos que

Escarlati

cursado el

dicho

el

primero

fue

el

Proximo-pasado de Mill Sete cientos y Quarenta y Seis en la r facultad de Sumulas del Angelico D Santo Thomas de Aquino, y en este presente de la fecha logica," and testifies as to his good .

character.]

IJ4J, July 12. Baptismal Certificate of Domingo Scarlatti. Madrid, San Martin, L°. 35 [Baptisms, July 1, 1744,

1749],

fol.

"Domingo

to

June 29,

322.

Ximenez

Escarlattiy

la d Ig Parroq de Sn. Map. de Ma a doce de Julio de mil t08 r n te siete, setez cuar el Christoval Romero Cura del yo y y la a a e de Sevilla; con liz Sacrario de la St del dh. R. P Mr5 Ig Fr. Sebastian de Vergara, Abad y Cura prop del Rl. Monast. y Parrocuia de S n Mrn de esta Corte, bautize a Domingo Pio Narciso

En

1

la

.

.

.

D D .

.

.

.

.

.

,

.

Ramon Alexandro Genaro, hijo leg mo de D n Domingo d Cavallero del Orn~ de Santiago nat de la ciu de Napoles,

Christoval

D

.

.

1

Escarlati

.

.

d a 1 Anasthasia Ximenez, Parrado, nat de la Ciu de Cadix. y de Nacio en once de dho mes, y ano; calle de Leganitos, casas de .

.

Dn

adm., Fue su Padrino Corps, y Presv ., y

le

Dn

adverti .

Fern 00

el .

.

Julio

parent

00

Moda esp

1 .

cadete de las testigos

D

n .

R

8 .

Guardias de

Juan de Ziordia

firme—

Escarlati, y lo

D Dn r

.

.

Xstoval Romero."

1748, March 22. Power of Attorney Granted by Scarlatti to Fernando Ferrer a de Silva in Lisbon, autograph signature. Madrid, Archivo Historico de Protocolos, 16343 [the papers of the notary Gaspar Feliciano Garcia], fol. 6orv. [In connection with Scarlatti's Portuguese assets.] iy49, May 11. Baptismal Certificate of Antonio Scarlatti. Madrid, San Martin, L°. 35. [Baptisms, July 1, 1744, to June 29, 1749], fol. 522V. "Antonio Escarlati Ximenez En la Yglesia Parroquial de s n Marn de Madrid a once de Mayo y

.

*

340

'



— DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND D

HIS OFFSPRING

n

Juan Joseph Ziordia y de mil setezientos y quarenta y nueve, yo mo P e Mro fr. Joseph del Mirafuentes Presbytero, con lizencia del R n 1 Benito, y Presidente de este dho Rio, Mro Gen de la Religion de s n Bautize a Antonio, Manuel, Martin. de s R Monast ., y Parroquia n mo Domingo Escarlati, Cavallero del de Miguel, Ramon hijo lex a Anaorden de Santiago, natural de la ciudad de Napoles, y de stasia Ximenez Parrado, natural de la Ciudad de Cadiz, nazio en ocho de dho mes, y afio, Calle de Leganitos, Casas de la Diputacion .

.

.

.

,

1

.

.

D

.

.

D

n

de

s

.

Dn

Sebastian, fue su padrino

adverti

el

Parentesco espiritual,

test

Juan Antonio

.

os .

Dn

.

Silbio

.

Escarlatti, a quien

Panego, y

Dn

.

Gaspar

Gentil, y lo firme.

Dn

Juan Joseph Ziordia Mirafuentes" I749t Oct. ig. Testament of Domenico Scarlatti, autograph signature [For facsimile, see Fig. 20.]. Madrid, Archivo Historico de Protocolos, 16343 [Papers of the notary Gaspar Feliciano Garcia], fols. 7541* -755V. .

"Testamento e 19 Oct

En

Dn

Domingo Scarlati En el Nombre de Dios

.

.

todo poderoso

Amen:

Sepase por esta

Testamento, Ultima y postrimera Voluntad, como Yo D n Domingo Scarlati, Cavallero del orden de Santiago, residente en esta corte, hijo legitimo y de legitimo matrimonio de D n Alexandro Scarlati, y D a Antonia Ansaloni, su muger ya difuntos, d vecinos que fueron de la ciu de Napoles, de donde soy natural, marido que he sido en primeras numpcias, de D a Cathalina Gentil y a el presente lo soy en segundas de D Anastasia Maxarti: Estando con salud, por la bondad Infinita de Dios nro S r en mi entero Juicio 10 d qual su divina Mag ha sido servido repartirme, y natural entendim creyendo firmemente en el sacro santo misterio de la Santissima Trinidad, Padre hijo y espiritusanto, tres Personas distintas y un solo Dios Verdadero, y en los de la Encarnacion y Resurecion de r nro. S Jesuxsto. Verdadero Dios y Hombre, y en todos los demas que

publica escriptura de .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

crehe y confiesa, la santa Madre Iglesia, Catholica, Apostolica Romana, vajo de cuya fee y crehencia, he vivido y protesto vivir y morir como hijo suyo, aunque indigno, y haviendo entrado en temerosa consideracion, de que la muerte

me puede

arrevatar la

vida

con

improviso accidente, y deseando en el ultimo tranze de ella, no tener cuydado alguno temporal que me embarase pedir a Dios nro. Senor

Verdadero perdon de mis culpas: otorgo que hago y ordeno, mi t0 testam en la forma siguiente Lo primero encomiendo mi Alma a Dios nro. S r que la crio y redimio con el infinito precio de la sangre de su hijo nro. Senor Jesuxsto, y el cuerpo sea restituido a la tierra de que fue formado Es mi voluntad que quando la de Dios nro. S r fuere servido .

.

.

'

341

*

'DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND HIS OFFSPRING llevarme de esta presente vida, mi cuerpo sea vestido 6 amortajado el manto capitular de la referida orden de Santiago, como cava-

con

y sepultado en la Iglesia, parte, y sitio que (6 adonde Yo dajese prevenido en memoria que dejare a parte) a cuya eleccion dejo la forma y disposicion de mi funeral y entierro: En cuyo dia siendo ora competente, y si no en el siguiente, se me dira misa cantada de Requien con Diacono[s], Vigilia, y responso, y mas cinquenta resadas, pagadas llero

que soy de

ella,

pareciere a mis testamentarios,

razon de

estas a

R

tres

8

de

.

Von

.

por

la

limosna de cada una, y

sacada la quarta parte de ellas tocante a la Parroquia, las demas

se

celebraran, en donde y por quien pareciere a mis Alvaceas las mandas forzosas y accostumbradas y Santos Lugares de

A

8 Gerusalem, dejo para todas ellas de limosna por una vez, seis R de on V con que las desisto y aparto del dfo. y accion que podian tener a .

.

mis vienes r Declaro dejare una memoria firmada de mi mano, o de la de d n Presvitero, Capellan de Torres, de su Mag Romero Xstoval

D

D

.

.

.

res

Reyes nuevos de Toledo, residente en esta corte, y uno de mis testamentarios que adelante nombrare, en mi poder, 6 el suyo, en donde pasare a expresar prevenir, ordenar y en su real

capilla de los S

.

se me ofrecen y en adelante ocurrieren, pudieren ofrecer, quiero que lo que en ella se contubiere y

Declarar, las otras cosas que

y

me

se

continuare, se guarde cumpla y execute en todo tiempo imbiolablemente, como parte y porcion de este mi testamento segun y en

forma que si en el a la letra fuera expresado, con el qual originalmente luego despues de mis dias se pondra y protocolizera Dejo y nombro por mis Alvaceas testamentarios, a los mencionados

la

D Dn r

.

en

Xstoval

.

Maxarti, el

Romero

Poder

para que

que por

de Torres, Presvitero capellan de su

Magd

.

Reyes nuevos de Toledo, y D a Anastasia mi muger, a los quales y cada uno de por si Insolidum, doy y Facultad que en tal caso se requiere, sin limitacion alguna, entren, y se apoderen de todos los vienes hacienda y efectos mi muerte quedaren, y los vendan y rematen, o la parte

su real capilla de los S

res

.

.

Almoneda o

fuera de ella, y de su procedido, contenido en este mi testamento, y que se contubiere en la citada memoria, que dejare, como parte y porcion

necesaria, en publica

cumplan y paguen de

el,

pasado

cuyo cargo el

ano

lo

les

dure todo

el

tiempo nezesario, aunque sea

del Alvazeazgo, por que desde luego lo prorrogo por

que hubieren menester t0 despues de cumplido y pagado todo lo que en este mi testam dejo expresado, y que se contendra en la tal memoria que dejare, en el remanente que quedare de todos mis vienes hacienda y efectos,

todo

el

Y

.

raizes y muebles, creditos, dros. y acciones, havidos y por haver, y

que por qualquier razon 6 causa, '

342

me puedan •

y pudieren tocar y





VOCUMESTS OS SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

nombro por mis unices y universales herederos, a n Fernando: D*. Mariana: D n Alexandro: Juan Antonio: D y D\ Maria Scarlati, mis cinco hijos legitimos, y de la nominada Cathalina Gentil, mi primera muger, y a D*. Barbara: D\ Rosa: D B Domingo: y D n Antonio Scarlati, tambien mis hijos legitimos, y de la expresada DV Anastasia Maxarti, mi actual y segunda muger, y a los demas que constante mi matrimonio con la susodicha fuere Dios pcrtenecer dejo y

Dn

.

.

.

.

.

servido darme, para que

todos nueve,

Yendirion de Dios y la mia:

Dn

Y

lo

ayan y hereden con

respecto de que los referidos

Dn

la

D\

Antonio Scarlati, mis hijos Barvara: D*. Rosa: Domingo: y hallan en la edad pupilar, desde luego valiendome de leyes y dros. de estos reynos, elijo y nombro por tutora y curadora de sus .

.

se

D\

Anastasia Maxarti, mi muger su personas y vienes, a la predicha madre, relevada de dar fianzas algunas, por la gran satisfacion que

tengo de su buena capacidad y Xstiano proceder, y

sin

que

las de,

pido y suplico al Senor Juez ante quien esta clausula se presentare la discierna dho. cargo, que asi es mi voluntad

Revoco anulo, y doy por ningunos, y de ningun valor

ni efecto,

todos otros qualesquier testamentos, cobdicilos, poderes para testar, y otras ultimas disposidones, que antes de esta, aya hecho y otorgado, por escripto, de palabra, 6 en otra forma, para que no valgan ni hagan fee,

en juicio ni fuera de el, y solo quiero subsista y valga por tal mi ultima disposkion y voluntad, este mi testamento que al presente hago, y la referida memoria que dejare, como parte y pordon de el, en aquella via y forma, que de derecho, mejor lugar aya: En cuyo testimonio lo otorgo

asi, ante el presente escrivano en la villa de Madrid, a diez y nueve dias del mes de octubre de mul setedentos quarenta y nueve arios, siendo testigos llamados y rogados, D". Juan Joseph Ciordia Mirafuentes, Pres\itero, Joseph de la Rera, Andres Pasqual, Juan Antonio Alvarez, y Miguel [Mieria?], vecinos y r residentes en esta corte, y el S otorgante a quien Yo el Ss" doy fee que conozgo, [lo firmor] .

D".

Domineo

.

Scarlatti

Antemi Gaspar Feliciano Garda"

[The

separate memorial, to which Scarlatti alludes, has not been

found. Solar Quintes, p. 148, states that he vainly searched the papers of the above notary for the years 1 749-1762, and those of his successor,

Francisco Miranda.]

7757. Note

of Scarlett?* DomtciU. Madrid, San Marcos, Matricula de San Marcos aneio de San Martin del ano 175 1, fols. 34, 36, 54. [Bauer, p. 20, states that this document indicates that from the beginning of 1750 Scarlatti and his family lived in the Calle de San *

343

'

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND Marcos anejo "in

casas de

D

Madrid

to find this record in

n

HIS OFFSPRING

Sebastian de Espinosa." I

in

was unable

1948.]

[17 52, Sfring.~\ Letter from Scarlatti [to Don Fernando de Silva y Alvarez de Toledo , Duke of Huescar, later twelfth Duke of Alba]

.

AUTOGRAPH. Madrid, Museo Luciani,

Subira;

Alba. (Published in facsimile

Archivi and

in

in

Berwick y Alba;

in

Domenico

Scarlatti

[Torino,

I939]-) [For

facsimile, see Fig. 39. See also Chapter VII; and Subira, 46-48, Plates V to VIII. The left hand margin of the Scarlatti letter shows signs of once having been bound with the original voice

pp.

Hymns of Pierre du Hotz to which Hymns are the work of a copyist. Their

The

parts of the

it

of the

horizontal format

refers.

scores is

same as the vertical of Scarlatti's letter. At the end of the writtenout title and text of the Hymn to Fernando, Grand Prior of Malta, is s Novembris Anno Domini MDCCXCIV." the date: "Matriti Kal the

.

On in

the back of the letter, at the margin, sideways,

is

an inscription

"Ano de 1752 / Scarlati, Musico de M." "En la carpeta referente a los dos

an eighteenth-century hand:

clavicordio y compositor de S.

Subira, pp. 46-47, notes: mencionados documentos musicales de Pierre du Hotz, ambos autografos, se halla esta nota, escrita por un archivero del siglo XVIII: '. El Archivo puso en mano del Duque mi Senor, difunto abuelo de V. E., estos Laudos la Semana Santa del ano 1752, y los tuvo en " . .* su poder hasta el lunes 20 de agosto de 1770. manuscript instruthe Essercizi and the The manuscript copy of mental parts of four cantatas by Pergolesi in the Alba collection were destroyed during the Spanish Civil War. The latter were suspected by .

.

.

Luciani

(Alia scoferta degli autograft di Domenico Scarlatti) Scarlatti, but this seems doubtful to me.]

to

have been written by

7752, March to

3.

Fernando

Power

of Attorney in

Scarlatti

Connection with the Transfer Assigned to Juan

of a Benefice formerly

Antonio.

Madrid, Archivo Historico de Protocolos 16344, fol. 72. (Pub149-150.) [This benefice in the parish church of Alijar, archbishopric of Seville, was assigned to Juan Antonio Scarlatti on Dec. 31. 1749. Juan Antonio having died in the meantime, and the benefice having lished by Solar Quintes, pp.

Scarlatti, a "clerigo de menores ordenes," and administrator, grants a power of attorney

been given to Fernando

Domenico, in

as his father

connection with

its

administration to Francisco Baquero, curate

of the Sagrario of the cathedral of Seville. Signed before the notary, Gaspar Feliciano Garcia. The signature is presumably autograph.] *

344

*

'DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND HIS OFFSPRING I

J 53, October 3. Plenary Indulgence Granted Scarlatti and and Relatives by Pofe Benedetto XIII.

Madrid,

J u ty

i~JS4'

Wife

family papers.

Scarlatti

Power

9-

his

Granted by

of Attorney

Scarlatti

Nicolas

to

Olivier in Lisbon.

Madrid, Archivo Historico de Protocolos 16347,

fol.

254. (Pub-

lished by Solar Quintes, p. 151.)

[In connection with Scarlatti's Portuguese assets. Signed before Gaspar Feliciano Garcia. The signature is presumably

the notary,

autograph.] I

D

eatn Notice of Domenico Scarlatti. 757> J u h 2 3n Madrid, San Martin, Libro de difuntos de la Parroquia de S Martin que da frincife en 1°. de Marzo de 1756 concluye en 75 de Diciemb. de ij6 3, fol. 62. "D n Domingo Escarlati, Cavallero del or~n de Santiago, Marido a que fue de primeras Nupzias de D Cathilina Gentili, y de segundas a Anastasia Maxarti, y nat. de la Ciudad de Napoles, lo hera de D n e hijo de D Alessandro Escarlati, y D a Antonia Ansaloni (difuntos) Parroq 110 de esta Iglesia, Calle de Leganitos, Casas de adm on ., otorgo to no ante Gaspar Feliciano Garcia, ss su Testam R. en nuebe de Octubre de mil setecientos quarenta y nuebe, en el que senala Cinquenta Missas, su lim a a tres r s nombro por Testamentarios a la .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Da

Y

.

,

dha.

Anastasia, su muger, y

.

Cap

Torres, Presbytero,

an .

de

al

S.

D or D n .

M

8

Christoval

.

R

en su

.

1 .

Romero

Capilla de los

de res

s

.

Reyes nuebos de Toledo. Y por Herederos nombro 2 D n Juan n Antonio, D Fernando, D a Mariana, D n Alexandro, y D a Maria n mos Escarlatti, sus hijos lex y de la referida su primera muger, y a D Domingo, D n Antonio, D a Barbara, y D a Rosa Escarlati, tambien moB tos sus hijos lex y de la citada su segunda muger. Recivio los s 108 08 Sacram cinquenta murio en veinte y tres de Julio de mil setez .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

y

siete,

enterrose en

el

secreto, con licencia del s [

I

7S7> J u h

2 3-

Conv to or .

.

de

n s

Norberto, de esta Corte, de

.

Vicario."

Document on Death, Testament and

Burial of Scar-

latti.]

(Mentioned by Bauer,

pp.

49-50, as

Desposorios y Difuntos ano de 1757.

document

in



among

." I

the

was unable

"Legajos de to trace this

1948.)

Roque de Galdames.]

[Signed, I

.

757> Sept. i8 y iq, 20, 22, 30, Oct. 30. Accounting of the Portion of Scarlatti

y

s

Estate Allotted to Maria Scarlatti, and of the Royal Widow and Children.

Pension Accorded Scarlatt?s

Madrid,

Scarlatti family papers.

"Para

D

a .



Maria

345

Scarlatti

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND Dn

Roque de Galdames. Escrivano de

sala de los senores Alcaldes de

HIS OFFSPRING

S.

M.

Camara En

de

la

Corte, y de los Reales Bureos y Casas de las Reinas Reynante y Viuda Nuestras Senoras (que Dios guarde) etc. Certifico que

su casa y

Dn

haviendo fallecido

Domingo

veinte y tres de Jullio de este ano, en serbicio de la

Scarlatti,

El

dia

Reyna Reynante

nuestra senora (que Dios guarde) bajo la disposition del testamento

que tenia otorgado En esta Corte, el dia diez y nuebe de Octubre de mill setecientos quarenta y nuebe, ante Caspar Feliciano Garcia

M. dexando por sus hixos lexitimos, y herederos, a a Fernando, D a Maria; D Barbara; D a Rosa; D n Domingo, y Antonio Scarlatti, sus hixos, y por la Representacion de D n Alexandro que tambien lo fue, y havia fallecido, a D n Alexandro Domingo Scarlatti su Nieto, A pedimento de D a Anastasia Gimenez Parrado su Viuda, Con su Zitacion y asistencia, y la de los demas Interesados, y por la de los Menores, Con la de su Curador [adlitem ? ] Lorenzo Joseph de la Camara, Procurador de los n reales Consexos; En Virtud de Autos del senor D Pedro de Castilla Caballero, de los consejos de Castilla y Guerra de S. M. y Juez del Real Bureo y Casa de la Reyna nuestra senora, durante la ausencia escrivano de S.

Dn Dn

.

.

.

del S

or

Marques de Monterreal, a presencia de

.

ante mi

el

scrivano,

Infraescripto

Imbentario de todos

los vienes,

dio

se

su senoria, y por y Finalizo el

principio,

Alhaxas, y efectos que dejo, y n Domingo, se prozedio a

hallaron por Fallecimiento de dho

D

.

Conformidad y

tasacion de ellos, por los Maestros, que de

se la

Judicial-

mente, nombraron todos los Interesados, y a la practica de las demas Correspondientes diligencias; En cuio Estado se les notifico, que para la Liquidacion, quenta y Particion que entre ellos debia haver, de lo que a cada uno, por sus Derechos Correspondiese, nombrasen, el Contador, 6 Contadores que juesen de su aprobacion; y haviendo hecho en mi el infraescripto, y azeptadolo en forma debida, teniendo presentes todos los Autos,

Con

arreglo a

ellos,

y

los

Supuestos Necesari-

Forme dha

Liquidacion, y por Consiguiente, las debidas Hixuelas a Maria Escarlatti, a siendo una de ellas a cada Interesado, os,

Y

D

.

quien segun dicha Liquidacion tocaban por razon, de sus lexitimas,

Paterna y Materna, treinta y ocho mill, quatrocientos sesenta y ocho rrB y m°. de vellon, se la hizo pago de esta Cantidad, En los efectos, Dinero, y Alhajas que se expresan, y su tenor Con el de las tasas de dhas Alhaxas, Es en esta forma .

Haver de D* Maria hixa de

Dn

habida en

Por

la lexitimia

el

.

Materna como siete

mrs de *

D a CathaCinquenta y

hija de

lina Gentili, catorce mill novecientos,

un Reales, y diez y

Scarlatti,

Domingo Scarlatti, primer Matrim

vellon.

346

.

.

.

l4(///)95 1.17

— DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND de

Por

la lexitimia

Dn

Domingo

.

Paterna,

como una de

los hijos

D a Cathalina,

dha

Scarlatti y de la

HIS OFFSPRING

veinte y tres mill quinientos, diez y seis r nuebe mrs de vellon. . .

8

y diez

23(7//) 5 16.19

.

Importa

el

Haver de dha

Da

38 (///) 468.2

Maria

.

expresados Treinta y ocho mill quatrocientos, 8 sesenta y ocho R y dos mrs de vellon, y de esta

los

.

Cantidad,

se la

hace pago, en los expresados vienes

Credito, y Dinero Imbentariados, y Tasados, en la forma Siguiente

Primeram te

se la

cientos y cinco rr

B

Pago. hace pago en diez mill quatro-

que

En

corresponden

la

el

Cre-

Ciento y quarenta y cinco mill seiscientos 8 y settenta y un rr de Portugal Asimismo se continua, el pago, en dos mill ciento dito de los

io(///)405

quarenta y dos rr 8 y veinte y nuebe mrs de vellon, que En efecribo dinero, la tocan de los treinta mill

que quedaron existentes, respecto a que mill de su metad, se han adjudicado, a

los quince la referida

D\ Anastasia, y los otros quince mill, se reparten con igualdad entre los siete herederos. En un Relox de Bolsillo de 6ro, de nueba Imben8 on cion, Tres mill r de v En ocho Camisas [Hereafter I omit the .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

tonia

(//)l04

bata

quatro pares de Enaguas

.

Mangas

dos pares de

.

En En

.

.

.

(//)°37

.

Almilla de Co-

de

(//)oo4 (//)o20

.

quatro pares de Calzettas

quatro Panuelos de

.

.

.

musulina y una cor-

(//)030

.

.

En Tres toallas y un Peynador En un par de Buelos de Cambray En dos pares de Buelos ordinarios En quatro pares de bueltas y quatro escotes En dos Debantales de Cambray En quatro Debantales de Lienzo En Cinco Panuelos de Faldriquera En dos Capotillos En una Mantilla En dos Zagalexos, uno de Lienzo, y otro .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

En En

.

.

.

.

.

(//)o40 (//)oo8 (//)oo6 (//)oi5

.

.

.

.

dos pares de Guantes de Ylo

347

.

.

.

de

(//)oi6 (//)o04

.

dos Pares de medias viexas

(//)o2o (//)oo4 (//)o04 {/ /)o'jo

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

(//)c»38

.

.

vaieta

3(///)ooo

.

written-out figures.]

En En

2(///) 142.29

.

.

(//)oc»4

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

En una media vata de Coton ... En dos sabanas quasi nuebas En tres Cortinas de Estopa En quatro Almoadas ... En una Manta de vaieta blanca En una Colcha de Cotonia En un Cobertor de Pano En dos Vasquinas de tafetan Negras En dos Casacas de Griseta En dos Briales de Griseta En un Brial biexo En una Cotilla de Damasco azul En dos Paletinas, y dos Petos En un Manto viejo En dos Sabanas vien tratadas En otras dos sabanas En dos Almoadas En quatro Serbilletas, vien tratadas alistadas En una Colcha de Tafetan de [Nubes ] ... En tres colchas de Terliz de Francia y dos .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

(//)o32 (//)oi8 (//)o6o

.

.

.

(//) I 35

.

.

.

.

(//)oio (//)o6o

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

(//)°30 (//)o8o (//)o45 (//)o6o (//)oo2 (//)o20 (//)oo6 (//)oo8 (//)o6o (//)o6o (//)oo6 (//)o24 (//)°5 2

?

Fundas...

(//)i8o

En En En En

un colchon de lana, con sus Fundas (//)o6o una Marmita de Cobre, su peso siete libras (//)o56 uno de los Cantaros de Cobre (//)°9^ un Calentador de Azofar (//) 0I 5 [Marginal note, by Margarita Gentili:] "lo llevo mi hijo" En un velon de Azofar (//)oi4 En un Chocolatero (//)oc>4.i7 En dos Garrajones de Cobre i//)°3% En una Sarten (//)oo4 En una Copa de Azofar que pesa doze libras, (//)o8i y ocho onzas En una Tetera de Plata, su peso un marco y Cinco onzas (///)i6o En una Salbilla de Plata grande, con sus Contornos (//)865 En tres Cubiertos de plata, Compuestos de Cuchara, tenedor y Cuchillo {//)S 00 .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

En

.

.

.

dos Candeleros de Plata pequenos su peso dos

onzas, y una ochaba Flamenquilla redonda, su peso Tres marcos, y Seis ochabas En un Plato, su peso, dos marcos, dos onzas y Tres ochabas

marcos,

seis

.

.

.

(//) 44 2

En una

.

.

.

.

.

.

'

348

*

(///)495 {//)3>^V l l

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND En

otro Plato, su peso, dos marcos, dos onzas,

y Tres ochabas

En

.

.

un marco,

siete

onzas y quatro

.

.

.

(//)3°7

.

otro su peso

ochavas

En En

HIS OFFSPRING

otro su peso, dos marcos y seis ochavas su Aderezo de Cruz, y Arracadas que tienen .

ocho piedras, y

treinta y

chorreras

.

.

Cruz y

la

.

.

(//)3 10 (//)335

[fazo ?], con

i(///)o20

.

[Marginal note, by Margarita Gentili:] "la cruz la di a la virgen del colegio de Monterrey y las a arracadas a Nra S de Monserrate." En una Sortixa, de dos Diamantes y un Rubi En la Venera apreciada en treinta y seis mil .

.

.

doscientos y siete rr

8

de v

on

.

(//)o24

repartidos entre los

.,

herederos la corresponden, y se le adjudican, 8 on cinco mill Ciento y settenta y dos rr de v

siete

En azul

... .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

[Marginal note, by Margarita Gentili:] "Le di a mi hijo quando fue a Barcelona" En un Cofre, de terciopelo encarnado En una Cama de tres tablas dadas de verde, y dos pieis de Yerro En dos Quadros grandes de Prespectiba de .

Roma En

.

.

.

.

.

72

(//)o20 (//) J 5°

i(///)500

.

otros Cinco que

tres viejas

En

.

l

(//)345 (//)3 00 (//)i64 (//)o40

_

En un Buro de Nogal, con sus Cajones En Zien Arrobas de Lena En un vaul, con sus dibisiones para Plata

.

S(///)

oro Esmaltados de

tres pares de votones de

.

.

representan

dos viejos y

l(///)500

.

quatro Prespectibas de Mariano

hechadas

.

.

.

En dos Damesanas, enrexadas En dos Taurettes. de los diez y ocho iguales En quatro Taurettes de vaqueta encarnada En seis sillas de Paxa, Color de Cafe En un tocador de palosanto En dos Escaparatitos, con dos mesitas y .

.

.

.

.

vidrios

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

(//)240 (//)o32

.

En quatro Barillas de Yerro En un maleton viexo, y otro .

.

.

de los de vaqueta

nuebo [Marginal note, by Margarita Gentili:] "estos n los llevo mi hijo D Gaspar a Barcelona" En una de las Libreas .

.

2(///)400 (//)024 (//)450 (//)o66 (//)o30 (//)500

.

(//)i8o

.

.

.

.

*

349

'

(//)o8o

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

[Marginal note, by Margarita Gentili:] "se rompio con el uso" En un espexo de marco dorado, de tres quartas de ancho En dos Cornucopias Con su luna En tres Cortinas, mediante que las quatro se las .

.

.

Da

llebo la viuda

En

.

Anastasia

Gimenez

.

.

.

(//)900

.

dos Tablas de Manteles grandes

adamascadas En una salbilla de Plata [Marginal note, by Margarita Gentili:] "Esta te de la lampara." [ ] es q En Cinco Cortinas de Canamazo .

.

(//)o6o (//)$$2

.

.

.

(//)l8o (//)o30

.

.

.

.

la

.

.

En En

dos espexos

.

.

(//)o30 (//)520 (//)o52

.

.

.

dos teteras de Azofar ... [Marginal note, by Margarita Gentili:] llevo mi hijo" En unas Puertas Vidrieras .

.

"las

(//)°57

.

3 8(////) 4 68.2

De la Liquidacion referida, se dio Traslado a todos los Interesados por auto de Siete del Corriente, y haviendo se les notificado pusieron Con

su respuesta, cuio tenor,

S

el

del auto de Aprobacion, orden de

M,

y auto, en que se manda guardar, y Cumplir, es como se sigue [In margin, above:] Nota. En las Pensiones y Gracias de los

Reyes nfos S re8

.

incluso lo de Portugal corresp

i2(//)4o6

en .

annualm te a

esta

8

y 31 mrs de vellon on 08 Notificaz a los Interes y su respuesta En la Villa de Madrid a diez y ocho dias del mes de septiembre de

Interesada

r

.

.

n0

Cinquenta y Siete, yo el ss de Camara de la sala y de esta Commision, notifique el auto de Traslado que antecede a n a Anastasia Gimenez Parrado, y Macarti Viuda de Domingo mill setecientos

D

.

D

.

Da

Barbara; D* Rosa, n Domingo, y Antonio Scarlatti, sus quatro hijos, v del dho su difunto marido de los que se halla tutora, y Curadora de Personas n Fernando, Scarlatti, maior de veinte y cinco anos, A y vienes; A Scarlatti, n

D

por

Si,

y por la Representacion de

D

.

.

.

D

Da

Margarita Gentili Abuela de D\ Maria Scarlatti, y su tutora y Curadora; a D a Maria del Pilar Perez viuda de D n Alexandro Scarlatti, como Madre Tutora y Curadora de la Persona y vienes de D n Alexandro Domingo Scarlatti, su hixo, y del dho D n Alexandro su difunto Marido; tambien notifique dho auto, a Lorenzo Joseph .

.

.

.

.

Y

de la Camara, Procurador de los rr8

D Dn

y

.

D\

Da

.

consejos,

Dn

Como Curador

Dn

Domingo,

de

Antonio, n Alexandro Domingo, los cinco, hijos y nieto, del expresado Domingo Scarlatti, a todos en sus Personas, q nes dijeron, que

Expresados,

los

Barbara,

Rosa,

.

.

.

*

350

*

.

— DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

con su respectiba asistencia y consentimiento, se ha formado por el presente escrivano la liquidacion, Quenta, Particion, e hijuelas antecedentes, y que sin embargo de que las tienen reconozidas, haviendolo buelto, a executar nuebamente, hallan estar en todo conforme, sin

agrabio alguno, por lo que en su devida aprobacion,

no

se

les

ha

menor

reparo, y en todo la tienen consentida y nuebala contienten, pidiendo que respecto, a haver y a recivido

ofrecido

mente

el

y passado a su parte y poder realmente, y con efecto, la dha D*. a Barbara, Anastasia, lo que asi a ella, como a sus quatro hixos, n n Antonio, les ha correspondido, y Domingo, y D* Rosa;

D

D

D

.

.

.

n Fernando lo suio, y tambien con conel citado D a sentem t0 de su hermana D Maria y su Abuela D*. Margarita lo de la dha D*. Maria Scarlatti, y la expressada D\ Maria del Pilar Perez, n Alejandro Domingo q. unos y otros, lo perteneciente a su hixo D asi en Dinero, como en Alhaxas, y vienes, a exception de lo perteneciente al Credito y debito de los ciento y quarenta y cinco mill,

adjudicado

.

.

.

8

y seis mrs de Portugal, por dejarlo, asi n prebenido en la testamentaria memoria, el dho Domingo Scar-

un

seiscientos settenta y

r

D

.

Esto no obstante que el referido Credito, se halla En el dia disposicion de su recobro, y quando le tenga, deberan percebir Interessados, el todo de lo que les va adjudicado, v de la parte

latti;

sin

x

los

que

se

Cobrase, lo que a cada uno perteneciese

dejado de percebir en

la

la parte

Joya tasada por

el

8 .

tambien han va adjudicada treinta

de vellon, mediante a que esta

dia prohindibisa exsistente

DQ

en poder de

de los testamentarios del dho

no poderse

Y les

Thasador Joseph Serrano, en

el

mill doscientos y siete rr

;

que a dhos Interesados,

Dn

.

dibidir, percibiran, a su

Cristobal

y

seis

se halla

En

Romero, uno

Domingo, de la que vendida por tiempo Cada uno de los a quien

les toca, y va adjudicado, 6 lo que si tubiese vaxa, pueda Corresponder, Prebiniendose que en la nominada Joya, nada va adjudicado, a la expresada D a Anastasia, por ser Alhaxa Correspondiente, Como otras en que tampoco la ha tenido, al primer Matrimonio, con Cuias adbertencias, attendiendo a la Zerteza de todo lo expresado, y al nuebo Consentimiento, que prestan para la aprovacion de dha Quenta y Particion, y de las Hixuelas que Comprehende; todos unanimes y Conformes, y cada uno por la accion que representa, piden, y suplican, al sor Juez que de estos Autos Conoze, ponga en ellos a la referida, quenta y Particion su debida approbacion, mandando que a cada Interesado, se les de para en guarda de su Derecho las Copias que pideren, v lo Firmaron, de que Certifico DV Anastasia Gimenez Macarti Maria del Pilar Perez

va adjudicada lo que

les

.

.



— Fernando

Scarlatti

— Roque



de

Galdames

Auto de Aprovacion

En

la Villa de Madrid, a diez v nuebe dias del mes de Septiembre n de mill settecientos Cinquenta y Siete: El sor Pedro de Castilla

D

*

351

*

.

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

Cavallero, de los Supremos Consexos de Castilla y Guerra de S M. y Juez propietario de los Reales Bureos y Casas de las Reynas Reynante, y viuda nras senores (que Dios guarde) Durante la Dixo que por quanto, ausencia del senor Marques de Monterreal se han concluido y executado, de Conformidad, de las partes, las quentas y Particiones de los vienes, y efectos que quedaron por n Domingo Scarlatti, entre su mujer D a fin y muerte de D a a n Anastasia Gimenez, y sus quatro hijos, D Barbara, D Rosa, D Domingo, y D n Antonio Scarlatti, de este segundo Matrimonio, y D n Fernando, y D a Maria Scarlatti del primero, y repressentando n Alexandro, su hijo D n Alexandro Domingo Scara su Padre D latti su nieto, y a nombre de este, y demas menores, su Curador [adlitem ?], de las quales, haviendose dado Traslado no se les ha ofrecido reparo, ni agrabio alguno, por lo que las han consentido, y pedido, su aprovacion Por tanto las debia de aprovar, aprobo, y a ellas, ynterponia E Interpuso Su authoridad y Judicial Decreto para su maior validacion y subsistencia, y Condenaba, y Condeno a las partes, a estar y pasar por ellas en todo y por todo, y mando, que a cada una, se le de la Copia que pidiere, de su hijuela, para guarda de su Derecho, otorgando Carta de Pago en Forma, In n Domingo Scarlatti por su testam t0 vajo respecto de que dho D



.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Y

.

.

cuia disposition murio, dejo, a la referida su

Tutora y curadora de

Da

expresados sus quatro

los

relebada de Fianzas, cuio

muger

Cargo

les esta

.

Anastasia por

menores,

hixos

discernido, y se

obligo a

cumplirle con Juramento y en Forma, y recibido y llebado a su poder, los vienes y efectos de sus Hixuelas, en attention, a no haverle,

dejado Frutos por alimentos de

Tres

senalar, y senalo,

que su Madre,

les asista

Dn

[adlitem ?] sus Pensiones,

en forma,

.

que

yntereses pupilares,

referidos su hijos, le

los

Ducados annuales

en sus Colejios, y

Lorenzo de

como

Con

cientos

la

debia de

a cada uno, con

se los satisfara, su

Camara, por mesadas, o

Curador

tercios,

de

Cobrando, para todo lo qual le abilita residuo lo vaia poniendo en los Gremios a

las fuere el

Con

ynterbencion del presente Secretario para que

D

a en todo tiempo Conste, y lo mismo practicara, Con la pension de n Fernando, los TresMaria Scarlatti, entregando, a su hermano cientos Ducados para sus alimentos, y subsistencia en su Colejio, y el Residuo en los Gremios Como ba dispuesto, con la misma ynter.

D

bencion, y con la obligation ordinaria de restituirlos, cada y quando mande por este Juzgado, para poner los en estado, 6 en carrera

se les

a su tiempo, y otorgando a este fin, las obligaciones Correspondientes, y para que en los Thessorerias de sus Magestades, Catholicas, y Fidelisima les tengan por partes lexitimas para su percepcion, y Cobranza, como a d a Anastasia; y a D n Fernando, para las suias, se les dara testimonio autentico y en forma de este auto, Con Insercion de los R". Decretos de estas Mercedes Con que Sus .

.

*

352

*



D

——

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND



HIS OFFSPRING

D

n dignaron onrrar, la buena memoria de Domingo Scarlatti, y expresion del Plan, de la Prorrata, que toco a cada uno, por este su auto, su senoria, asi Con los demas Insertos necesarios;

Magestades,

lo

mando Ofn de

se

y Firmo S

M

Y



n

Pedro de

Castilla

—Roque

de

.

Galdames

Haviendo hecho presente a s M. el auto de V S que debuelbo, se ha servida aprobarle siendo de su real agrado que VS. tenga a su Cuidado la puntual Observancia de el, y unico manejo y distribucion de las Pensiones de los menores, entregando las suias a la viuda, y a n Fernando, todo Judicialmente, para que en qualquier tiempo

D

.

Conste, Cuidando asimismo de que los menores, no salgan

motibo que de su real orden participo a V. S, para su cumplimento: Dios guarde a VS muchos anos como deseo. Buen Retiro a veinte de Septiembre de de sus respectibos Colexios para ebitar Distracciones;

mill

senor

Cinquenta y Pedro de Castilla

setecientos

Dn

Siete

—El

sin

Lo

Conde de Valdeparaiso

Auto

M

Guardese y Cumplase en todo y por todo lo resuelto por S que se comprehende en el Papel antecedente, del senor Conde de Valdeparaiso, su fecha, veinte del corriente, y en su consequencia, y la aprobacion que incluie se ponga en practica todo lo contenido en el auto que Zita, executandose, segun y en la forma que en el se prebiene El senor D n Pedro de Castilla Caballero, de los Supremos, Consexos de Castilla y Guerra de s M. y Juez del Real Bureo y Casa de la Reyna nuestra senora; Lo mando y senalo, en Madrid, a veinte y dos dias del mes de septiembre de mil settecientos Cinquenta



y Siete



— Roque

Esta rubricado

Segun que originales,

de Galdames

Consta y Concuerda Con sus del Real Bureo de mi para que conste en fuerza de lo prebenido

lo relacionado eynserto

que lo quedan en

la

escrivania

Cargo a que me remitto, Y y mandado en el auto ynserto, por lo que corresponde Maria Escarlatti, A su ynstancia, y la del expresado

a la diha

D

Da

.

n

Fernando del mes de

Doy la presente en Madrid, a treinta dias Septiembre de mil settecientos Cinquenta y siete Roque de Galdames su hermano.

Nota

Que despues de sacadas las hixuelas, se pago el papel sellado y amanuense, y quedaron liquidos de resto que partir de la Cuenta de testamentaria Diez mill quatrocientos treinta y un r 8 de que 8 tocaron a la sr\ Viuda Cinco mil doscientos quinze r y diez y 8 siete mfs que se le pagan En tres mill r para mudarse y dos mill



doscientos quinze los siete

r

herederos

septimos que mil setez

08

.



8 .



se les

.

Y

a cada uno de y diez y siete mrs en dinero; 8 Setezientos quarenta y cinco rr dos mrs y tres

r pagaron efectivamente. Madrid y 6ct *. treinta de

cinquenta y

siete

— •

Rezivi estos, settecientos, quarenta, y

353

*

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND cinco

HIS OFFSPRING

dos maravedis, y tres septimos"

reales,

[a

rubric,

this

last

sentence in a different hand]

*757> Seft. i8> *9> 20) 22 i 30, Oct. 50. Accounting of the Portion of Scarlatt?s Estate Allotted to Domingo Scarlatti, and of the Royal Pension Accorded Scarlatti^ Widow and Children. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers.

Dn

"Para .

is

.

[Text

.

Domingo

in itself so inconsistent as to

an orthography which

defy consistent transcription, with that

accounting prepared for Maria Scarlatti.]

the

of

Scarlatti

identical, except for variants of

Uno

Interesado, y siendo.

Dn

de

ellos.

Dn

Domingo

.

"...

a cada

Scarlatti, hixo, del

mencionada D\ Anastasia, a quien segun Corresponden por su haver, veinte y 8 tres mill quinientos diez y seis r , y diez y nuebe mfs de vellon, se le hizo pago de esta cantidad, en los efectos Dinero y Alhaxas que se expresan, y su tenor con el de las tasas de dhas Alhaxas Es en esta forma

dho

.

Domingo, y de

la

expresada Liquidacion

la

le

D n Domingo Scarlatti D n Domingo Scarlatti,

Haver de hixo de

.

havido en

Por

Dn

la lexitimia

Domingo

.

como uno

Paterna,

Scarlatti, difunto da

Gimenez. su seg 'quinientos diez y

de v

Segundo Matrimon

el

.

seis

de los hixos de

Da

y de

.

Anastasia

Mujer, Veinte y tres mill reales, y diez y nuebe mfs

on .

.

.

Importa

el

Haver de dho

Dn

.

Domingo,

los

2 3 (///)5i6.i 9 23(///)5i6.i9

expresados, Veinte y tres mill quinientos diez y seis 8 r y diez y nuebe mfs de vellon de Cuia Cantidad se le

hace pago, en los expressados vienes, Credito, y

Dinero Imbentariados y Tassados, en sigu

la

forma

te .

Pago.

Primeram te cientos y

Cinco

hace pago, en diez mil quatro

se le r

8 .

de

Vn

.

que

le

Corresponden en

el

Credito de los Ciento y quarenta y cinco mill seis8 cientos y settenta y un rr de Portugal Asimismo se Continua el Pago en Dos mill ciento

io(///)405

8 y quarenta y dos rr y veinte y nuebe mfs de Vellon, que En efectibo Dinero, le tocan de los treinta ,

mill que

quedaron

referida

D

a .

respecto a que han adjudicado a

existentes,

quince mill de su mitad

se

los la

Anastasia, y los otros quince mill, se

reparten con igualdad Entre los •

siete

354

herederos *

.

le .

.

2(///) 142.29

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND En

HIS OFFSPRING

Venera grande Tassada En

la

mill, doscientos

rr

siete

y

s

treinta y seis adjudican, Cinco

se le

.

Catorce mfs

mill Ciento y setenta y dos, y

.

5

.

.

(///) 172.14

En una

Flamenquilla su peso, tres Marcos y [Hereafter I omit the writtenquatro Ochabas .

.

.

out figures.]

En un

(//)49 2

Trinchero redondo su peso

Marcos

tres

y Cinco ochabas En dos Japonzitos para Frasquitos su peso .

ochabas

.

.

(//)oi8

(///)o84

.

En una Moneda Adarmes

quatro

.

En

.

.

y

(//) 375

.

en que esta pintada una Caveza

(//)o6o

.

Moldura

otro del Dilubio Unibersal, con

antigua

En En

.

.

Onza

de oro que pesa una

.

En un Quadro de Lutero

siete

Cuchara, y tenedor de plata que dice .

.

(//)420

.

.

En una Scarlatti

.

(//)8oo

.

otro que representa la Prizina

.

.

(//) 180

.

dos Quadros Companeros que representan un

Rio con Jente

.

.

.

En dos de vattallas En otros dos Companeros de los antecedentes En dos Mesas de Piedra grandes doradas En otra mas dorada Cubierta de Vaqueta En otra Chica verde En un vanco En tres Camisas, nuebas y viejas En Cinco Camisas ynteriores En tres pares de Calzetas En dos Almoadas de Coruna En dos Justillos En dos Almoadas de Coruna En dos Corbatines y dos Gorros En tres Servilletas En una Colcha de Indiana En un vestido de Gala En una Casaca de Pano En una Chupa de varragan En una Casaca de Barrag n En una Chupa de varragan azul En dos pares de Calzones de lo mismo En una Bata de Damasco En una Bata de Ratina En una Almilla de Ante .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.



.

355

*

.

.

.

.

.

(//) 150

.

.

(//)o6o (//)o6o (//)o6o

.

(//)o20 (//)oo8 (//)oo3 (//)o30 (//)c>50

(//)oo9 (//)oo8 (//)oo8 (//)oo8 (//)oo6 (//)ooj.[lj'\

(//)o50 (//)i25 (//)oiO (//)o20 (//)oo8.[i7] (//)oi5 (//)oi5 (//)020 (//)oio (//)oio

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND En En En En En En En En En En En En En En En En En En

un sombrero de Gala un par de medias una Capa de Pano, y otra de [Lamparilla un Colchon de Coti, bien tratado un [Corte ? ] dado de verde una Colcha de Indiana .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Con

lana

otras dos sabanas

otras dos

.

.

Almoadas

dos Toallas

.

dos serbilletas

.

seis

el

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

es

de plata

.

.

.

.

Cuchillos .

.

.

.

iguales,

.

(//)020 (//)oo6 (//)o 5 o (//)o 7 5 (//)o 9 o (//)0 3 2 (//)°75 (//)026 (//)034 (//)oio (//)oo8 (//)oo8 (//)02 4 (//)02 4 (//)450 i(///)28 5



07)375

.

Dos Cucharas

.

.

.

lisos

.

dos Quadros que representan un Rio tres

.

.

.

.

.

.

un Puno de vaston de oro tres

]

.

Taurettes, de los diez y ocho iguales

Coche

?

.

.

.

un Espadin, que no una peluca .

.

.

.

otro Colchon, tambien de Coti

dos Fundas

y dos Tenedores En un Catre

En En

HIS OFFSPRING

.

.

.

Cucharas, y una Espumadera de Cobre

.

.

(//)36o (//)o6o (//)o 9 o (//)Qi3

»3(///)5'6 [In margin, above:] Nota. res

Reyes nfs Inter

d0 .

En

Incluso lo de Portug

s

i2(//)4o6

r

8

Pensiones Concedidas por los

las 1

Corresp

n .

annualm te

.

a

este

y 31 mrs.

[Except for orthographical variants, the remainder of this docuthe same as that prepared for Maria Scarlatti.]

ment reads

1 J 59, December Scarlatti.

9; iy6o } Jan. 21. Marriage Certificate of Fernando

Madrid, San Martin. (Copy in Archivo Historico Nacional, Carlos No. 1799, fols. I3r- I4r.)

III,

1760, June 10. Receift by Margarita Rossetti Gentili for a Loan from

Fernando Madrid,

[The share

Scarlatti.

Scarlatti family papers.

loan of

4224

reales de vellon to be repaid

(a seventh), as heir of Maria Scarlatti

from Margarita's

(who had

evidently

"Venera" valued at 36207 reales de vellon, or in the eventual payment by the royal hacienda of a sum owing from the "Jornada que Sus Magestades hizieron a Sevilla," namely thirteen thousand four hundred reales. (This evidently refers to the sum that we have noted as owing to Domenico Scarlatti for the period from April 20, 1732, to June died in the meantime), in the eventual sale of a

12, 1733-)] •

356-

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

1762 f July 75. Testament of Margarita Rossetti Gentili. Madrid, Arch. Hist. Nac, Carlos III, No. 1799, fols. 23r-3iv. [A copy. Some difficulty was experienced in drawing it up because of Margarita's illness, advanced age, and apparently, touchiness. Fernando Scarlatti seems to have excused himself from having her in his house. She preferred to pass the rest of her days in the

house and company of

"D n

Eugenio Cachurro,

R

duria gfal de la distribucion de la Scarlatti, his wife.

1

oficial

de la Conta-

Da

Hacienda," and of

Barbara

Passages quoted in Solar Quintes, pp. 141-143.]

1763. December 15. Declaration of Inventory of Estate of Margarita Rossetti Gentili.

Madrid,

Scarlatti

family papers.

on August 24, 1763. The Scarlatti family papers include a number of documents from the years 1762 and 1763 concerning her last illness and death, and correspondence between her son, Gaspar Gentili and Fernando Scarlatti.] [She

1

died

766 June f

16. Petition of Antonio Scarlatti to

Become

a Cadet in the

Infanteria de Soria.

Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. [Mentions his mother, apparently

as not yet deceased, and mentions hundred ducats a year.]

receiving a royal pension of four

1768\ June 14. Commission

Domingo

of

Scarlatti in the Infanteria

de

Soria.

Madrid,

Scarlatti family papers.

7769, July 26. Baptismal Certificate of Francisco Scarlatti. Madrid, San Martin. (Copy in Arch. Hist. Nac, Carlos III, No. fols. I2v- I3r.) [He was born July 24, 1769, at Calle de Leganitos No. 8. His godmother was Maria Antonia Escarlati, (otherwise unidentified).]

1799,

7777, June 12. Certification that Domingo Scarlatti Secretaria de la Nueva Esfana from 176 1 to 1763. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers.

1782 y Feb. 75. Death Notice

of

Da

.

Worked

Lorena Robles, Wife

of

in the

Fernando

Scarlatti.

Madrid, San Martin. (Copy made March 12, 18 19,

in

Scarlatti

family papers.)

[She died, "Calle de Leganitos, casas de

178 3 y Afril

12. Inventoried Receipt

los

Premostatenses."]

Given by Alexandro Maria Scar-

for his Share in the Estate of Margarita Gentili. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers.

latti

*

357

'

DOCUMENTS ON SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

1794, Sept. 17. Testament of Fernando Scarlatti. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. (Copy in Arch. Hist. Nac, Carlos III, No. 1799, fols. I5r- I9r.) [In Carlos III, No. 1799, fol. ir, Fernando Scarlatti is qualified de la Contaduria gen de Salinas."] as "Oficial 1

.

.

.

,

Death Notice of Fernando Scarlatti. 1794, Madrid, San Martin. (Copy made March 12, 18 19, Sept. 20.

in Scarlatti

family papers.)

[He died at Calle de Leganitos No. 13.] 1794, Seft. 26. Power of Attorney, from Antonia

to

Francisco Scar-

latti.

Madrid, J 799>

J une

Scarlatti family papers.

2 5>

Mutual Testament

of

Domingo

Scarlatti

and Maria

Severa de Alverdi. Madrid, Scarlatti family papers. [A copy, dated April 15, 1801, after the death of Maria Severa de Alverdi. Here Domingo's mother, "Anastasia Ximenes Parrado" is

He

referred to as deceased.

Ximenes." Antonio 1802, August

5.

Scarlatti

Testament

is

of

calls

himself

mentioned

as

Maria Perez,

"Domingo

Scarlati

y

an executor.]

Widow

of

Alexandro

Scarlatti.

Madrid, [Filed in

Scarlatti family papers.

May, 1803,

after her death.]

1820, June 23. Proofs

of Nobility of Francisco Scarlatti. Madrid, Archivo Historico Nacional, Carlos III, No. 1799.

[Francisco Scarlatti, "Ministro Honorario con antiguedad en el Consejo de la Real Hacienda, Gentil Hombre y Contador General de la Real Casa y Patrimonio," nominated to the order of Carlos III on Sept. 4, 1 8 1 7, with a right to the first vacant place. Proofs approved on June 23, 1820. This volume includes transcripts of the baptismal certificate of Francisco Scarlatti, the marriage and baptismal certificates of Fernando Scarlatti, his testament and that of Domenico and of Margarita Rossetti Gentili, the baptismal certificates of Domenico and Catalina Scarlatti and their marriage certificate, Alessandro's death notice, the marriage certificate of Francisco and

Margarita Gentili (1699), the epitaph of Alessandro and a report on his tombstone with a drawing of his coat of arms, records of Domenico's knighthood, and documents concerning the Robles family.

The Scarlatti family papers include a number of documents that were evidently gathered by Francisco Scarlatti at this time. Some duplicate the above, and some were evidently not considered necessary for inclusion. Among them are notes on the Tuscan Scarlatti •

358



2

DOCUMENTS OS SCARLATTI AND

HIS OFFSPRING

family which were evidently considered irrelevant, and an extensive series

of

documents and notes concerning the GentQi family, the first wife. A document from Sta. Maria in

forebears of Domenico's

Rome, dated May

Publicolis in

8 19,

1

7,

testifies

that the

parish

Margarita Rossetti lived in the palace of the Marchese Costacuti "nobly, and with splendor, employregisters indicate that the family of

ing servants, a cook, and maids."

dated April 22, 18 19, in the

testifies

A

document from the same source, Maria Gentfli lived

that Francesco

same palace from 1697 to 1699. The on the Robles and Aldama

also include notes

I

am

told by

members

Scarlatti family papers families.

of the Scarlatti family that the portrait of

work of Goya, Lopez, Madrid. Solar Quintes, pp. 152-153, reveals the existence of a series of documents showing that Francisco Scarlatti had inherited his grandfathers tendency to financial irregularities. He was disastrously mired in debt, and owed even the rent of his apartment at 33, calle de Leganitos.] Francisco Scarlatti, allegedly the composite

and

others,

still

exists in

igi2 [date of last entries]. Carlos mi ultima voluntad. [Ms.] Madrid, Senora Rosa Rallo.

Scarlatti:

Historia de familia y

[Includes a history of the Scarlatti family and an autobiography.

On

page 2

is

given the following account of Domenico, one that

obviously highly inaccurate, especially in father

and

to

Florentine

connections,

its

is

references to Domenico's

and

in

its

supposition

that

Catalina was Domenico's second wife.]

"Caso a

disgusto de su padre, que era musico celebre y vico en

Florencia, capital del

Gran Ducado de Toscana, donde radicabon Duque. Hace

sus bienes y titulo de Baron, con honores y corona de

pocos anos aun existia su palacio en Florencia, con annas sobre la el Gobierno italiano en sus dependencias. Nacio Napoles y su esposa D\ Catalina Gentfli Rosetti en Roma (segundas nupcias) Tengo el retrato de este abuelo y el de su esposa ( I ) y muchos papeles de familia, con las armas y arboles genealogicos,

puerta, disputandolo

en

.

etc.

Era

caballero de

Santiago.

[Footnote:]

En Marzo

fueron cedidos estos dos retratos en 700 pesetas."



359

*

de

191

APPENDIX

III

Documents Concerning Instruments

The

inventory of the Ottoboni estate runs to four thousand pages. (R.

Archivio

di Stato in

marzo 1740,

prot.

Roma. Atti del notaio Ang. Ant. de Caesaris, 1838 & 1839. The instruments are mentioned

5 in

1838, fols. 88v, 1 25V, 134™, 1 75V, i82rv, 298V, 698™, 704™, 723r.) Besides the organ, fourteen harpsichords and one small spinet are mentioned. prot.

The

organ

principali voci

is

704™): "Un organo

so described (fol.

umane

corista

voce puerile, e tutto

flauto, cornetto,

il

con due

suo ripieno

12 con suo tiratutti, mostra di stagno, tastatura credenza di noce lavorata a specchi scorniciata, e ornata mo d'intagli di legno tutti dorati con arma dell'E defonto stimato scudi seguito di registri n°.

d'avorio,

tre cento

Of

—300—

."

the fourteen harpsichords eight

were constructed "d'ottava

stesa,"

range of keys, not the short octave in the bass that was so common in the seventeenth century. Two were small harpsichords of two registers. Of the remaining twelve, six had two registers and six had three. One of the large harpsichords was made by Giuseppe Mondini. It is described (fol. 298V) as "longo dodici palmi" and "d'ottava stesa a tre registri." The cases of all these instruments are so fully described that it might be possible to identify some of them if they are still in existence (See Cametti, / Cembali del Cardinale Ottoboni). The harpsichord painted by Pannini (whose signature, incidentally, frequently appears in the protocol as one of those concerned in settling Ottoboni's estate) is described (fol. I34rv) as follows: "Un Cimbalo a ottava stesa a tre registri con cassa levatora con a cassa sportello piegatore dipinto a prospettiva da Gio. Paolo Panini e d dipinta al di fuori a chiaro oscuro e dorata a oro buono con piede that

is,

with the

full

.

intagliato

The

con festoni

e putto,

tutto indorato stimato

il



harpsichord case painted by Gaspard Poussin

[scudi]

60



(161 3- 1675)

." is

described (fol. i82rv) as:

"Un Cimbalo, anzi una Cassa da cimbalo senza cimbalo dipinta a tempera dentro e fuori da Gasparo Pusin rappresentante Paesi con doratura liscia intorno; e serratura dorata con sua chiavetta con piede di d°. Cimbalo con Putti n°. 3. con festoni al d'intorno, et Aquila in mezzo ." (This is not the same as the case 70 a due teste il tutto dorato. of the harpsichord painted by Gaspard Poussin now in the Palazzo

— —

Rospigliosi in vicini

Rome,

property of the Princess Pallavicini.

instrument has one manual, two eight-foot

a-half-octave range from

G

without the '

360

*

G

stops,

sharp to c

3

.)

The

Palla-

a three-and-

See also Fig. 3.

'DOCUMENTS CONCERNING INSTRUMENTS INVENTORY OF QUEEN MARIA BARBARA^ INSTRUMENTS

B.

Madrid, Library of Royal Palace VII E 4 305 Testament of Maria Barbara of Braganza. Appended inventory of estate. Fol. 228r to fol. :

23

m

Clavicordios

Un clavicordio de Piano echo en Florencia todo lo interior de Zipres; Cassa de chopo dada de color de palosanto, teclado de Vox, y ebano, con cinquenta y seis teclas, y pie torneado de aya. Otro clavicordio de nogal con cinco registros, y quatro ordines de la

cuerdas para pluma, teclado con cinquenta y

seis

teclas de

ebano, y

nacar, pie de pino en tres columnas con adorno de talla.

Otro

alamo bianco y

clavicordio de pluma, la cassa de

lo interior

de

zedro, y zipres con sesenta y una teclas de ebano y nacar con pie torneado de aya.

Otro

clabicordio de

pluma que antes

fue de piano echo en Florencia,

de zipres y lo esterior dado de color berde con cinquenta y teclas de ebano y hueso en pie torneado de aya.

lo interior seis

Otro

clavicordio de la

misma manera y color berde echo tambien en pluma con cinquenta teclas de

Florencia que fue de piano, y aora es de ebano y hueso en pie torneado de aya.

Otro clavicordio de nogal con tres ordenes de cuerdas para pluma con cinquenta y ocho teclas de ebano y hueso en pie torneado de aya. Otro echo en Flandes dado de charol obscuro con tres ordines de querdas para pluma teclado de ebano y hueso en pie torneado de aya. Otro

clavicordio de nogal con tres ordenes de cuerdas para

teclado con cinquenta y

pluma

de ebano y hueso en pie torneado de

seis teclas

aya.

Por

Dn

.

Gregorio Garcia de

la

Vega, que

esta presente

&

expresso

que amas de los citados clavicordios havia dexado Su Magestad otros quattro que estaban dos en Aranjuez y dos en S n Lorenzo de los quales tenia puntual noticia y segun la que ahora se imbentarean asauer. .

.

.

.

Un clavicordio de Piano echo en Florencia de cipres dado de color encarnado teclado de Vox y ebano con quarenta y nuebe teclas en pie torneado de aya, que esta en Aranjuez. Otro que lo esterior es de alamo bianco y lo interior de zedro y zipress con dos ordines de cuerdas para pluma teclado de ebano y nacar con sesenta y una teclas en pie torneado de aya que tambien esta en Aranjuez. Otro Clavicordio de Piano de Zipres color berde teclado de Box y ebano con cinquenta y quattro teclas y pie torneado de Aya el qual se halla en el Real sitio de San Lorenzo. Otro Clavicordio de pluma la cassa de alamo bianco y lo interior de cedro y cipres tecleado de ebano y nacar con sesenta y una teclas en pie torneado de Aya que tambien esta en el Sitio de San Lorenzo. •

361



DOCUMENTS CONCERNING INSTRUMENTS MUSIC AND INSTRUMENTS Bologna, Archivio Notarile. Testamento di me, D. Carlo Broschi r n detto Farineli consegnato al Sig Notaro Lorenzo Gambarini questo di 20 Febraio 1782. [pp. 20-22]



D

Ora come

passo a specificare quelle cose che voglio conservate in essere

mio fideicommisso,

parte principale ed essenziale del

detto di sopra di eccettuare

degne da conservarsi

affine

vendite perche

dale ordinate di

e

che ho

le

giudico

perpetuare la mia gratitudine verso la

sorgente dalla quale mi sono venute dai Principi Sovrani, e

Magnanimo Trono

innumerabili munificenze del Luminoso e colle quali

fui

cumulato mentre

vissero

miei Clementiss.

li

di

ml

fra

le

Spagna Augusti

Reali Patroni.

Nel suo Testamento Sua Maesta

Regina Maria Barbara (che sia Spagnola sta fra le mie scritture, n si degno di farmi un legato che dice. Item Comando che a Carlo Broschi Farineli, il quale mi ha servito semfre con molto zelo e jedelta se li dia Vanello di diamante grande rotondo giallo } e tutti li in cielo)

il

la

traslato del quale in lingua

.

miei

libri

e carte di musica, e tre cembali,

.

D

.

uno

di registro, altro a

marteU

Questa distinta, e pia memoria fenna, li migliori. essendomi stata consegnata con tutta formalita dalli Sig rl Ministri Taa a gati del Re, cioe il sudetto anello per mano della Sig Giuseffe Geldruta de Gama Camerista della defonta Sua Maesta Regina e le 16 pappelliere (o siano armarii di musica) con li tre cembali per mano linoy

ed

altro a

.

.

.

.

1

del Sig

".

Dn



Gregorio Garzia della Vega

quella di color torchino con le

con galloncino d'oro

al

Armi

tra le quali

16

D



papelieri v'e

Reali, e foderata di velluto verde

frontale di tutte le nicchie, nelle quali stanno

delli spartiti di Musica, e di libri stampati Spagnola delle Opere di Metastasio, tutti li quali libri manuscritti o stampati tengono le coperte ricamate in oro, in argento, con sete di varii colori e che le sere di rappresentazione le Loro Maesta (che siano in Cielo) tenevano avanti di se nel Real Palchetto ed acciocche resti sempre vivo, e si conservi in perpetuo con la mia

collocati

li

libri

manuscritto

in lingua Italiana e

la Memoria dei Magnanimi Monarchi comando che tale luminoso legato sia uno de

gratitudine

voglio e

miei

Benefattori,

capi di questo

mio

fideicommisso da conservarsi perpetuamente, e che di questo distinto

monumento ne debbono mente quella

non

avere la piu vigilante, ed esatta cura particolar-

ne prestare fuor di casa a chicchesia, libro ne cembali, (i quali tengono come le descritte fafelliere le armi di Spagna dipinte.) e tener questi raccommandati a buono ed esperto accordatore di cembali con tenere tutto il complesso di musica gelosamente conservato ed in buon ordine per servirsene familiarmente divertendosi solamente fra dilettanti e professori amici sempre nella medesima camera dell'archivio di musica della quale alcuno,

di

ne carte

di

fidare,

musica,

362

DOCUMENTS CONCERNING INSTRUMENTS musica

si

trova fra

mie carte

le

il

suo inventario in lingua Spagnola, nella

quale conservazione voglio che vada compresa sica

con

li

cembali con

tre altri

le

mie armi,

tastatura movibile che cala, e cresce

movendola

il

altri

miei

carte di

libri e

mu-

piu grande de quali tiene la

mezzo tono

per

commodo

di

chi

alzando 6 portanto la detta tastatura verso gl'acuti, e calando verso il basso. Altro cembalo di minor grandezza che si piega in tre parti e che si riduce in un corpo dentro la sua cassa. Altro piccolo che egualmente si piega e si ripone

canta,

nella sua

sul fatto al bisogno delle voci

lavorato nella etna intarziato

cassetta

graziosamente

in tutto

cassetta quadrata

il

suo complesso;

e dipinta

'

di piu

una

debani e

matreperla

ed altra spinettina nella sua

cassetta bislunga coperta di pelle

panno torchino con uno deWautore A matt. Altro violino (d'amore) a cinque corte del Granatino (Autore Sfagnolo) ad uso di violino, o di viola. Altro violino di Strdvario [sic] in altra cassetta a forma di violino e formando tutti capi soprascritti un complesso di concerto privato e domestico lo stimo meritevole che sia conservato come ho disposto di sopra. [Farinelli's spelling and punctuation. His capitalization is too ambiguous to be followed consistently.] rossa contornata di chiadetti [chiavetti?] foderata di

due

violini

cioe

i



D.

INDICATIONS FOR REGISTRATION IN SCARLATTI'S

ORGAN PIECES I.

Manual Changes

in

Venice v 22 (K. 287)

Uffer

Lower

Uffer

Lower

Measures:

Measures:

Measures:

Measures

10

20

-

-

I

-

10

35-37

14

-

20

39-42

[22] -28

48-49

29-30

50-51

37-39

14

42-48

[22]

28-29

49-50

30-31

51 31

-52

52-54

-[32]

[32] -34

54-57 34-35

363

DOCUMENTS CONCERNING INSTRUMENTS 2.

Manual Changes

Venice v 23 (K. 288)

in

Uffer

Lower

Uffer

Lower

Measures:

Measures:

Measures:

Measures:

1 -

56-63

11

15

64-67

28-31

74-77

44-47

85-88

12 16

-

-

68-73

27

78-84

32-43 48-55

89- 100 101

3.

Registration in Venice

Org

.

Measures: [1

vn

3 (K.

-

328)

Org

Fl°.

no

.

Measures:

Measures:

Fl°.

Measures:

[57-62]

-13]

62

I3- J 7

-

64

64-66

17-25

66-68

25-27

27-29

68-70 29 "3 1

70-72

31-35

72-74

35-39

74-78

78-84

39-43

84-86

43-45

86-88

45-50 50-51

88-92

51-52

92-96 52-54

96-97

54-56

97-98 98 100

364

-

102

-

100

APPENDIX Ornamentation

IV

in Scarlatti

THE APPOGGIATURA THE SHORT APPOGTHE LONG APPOGGIATURA THE TRILL THE TIED TRILL THE TRILL WITH TERMINATION THE UPPER APPOGGIATURA AND TRILL THE LOWER APPOGGIATURA AND TRILL THE RHYTHMIC THE TREMULO THE REMAINING ORNAVALUES OF THE TRILL MENTS NOT INDICATED BY SIGNS! THE MORDENT, THE TURN, THE SLIDE, THE ACCIACCATURA, ARPEGGIATION ADDITIONS TO SCARLATTl's TEXT PECULIARITIES OF RHYTHMIC NOTATION SOURCES OF INFORMATION

GIATURA

























*

SOURCES OF INFORMATION Like most Italian composers, Scarlatti never used a completely codified and articulate vocabulary of musical ornamentation such as that which came into existence in France at the end of the seventeenth century, and which permitted Couperin and Rameau to indicate with a high degree of precision their intentions for the improvisatory realization of musical embellishments by the player. Scarlatti's indications for improvised ornamentation confine themselves to trills and appoggiaturas, generally without further qualification. Yet there is no reason to suppose that he expected the player, like the Italian violinists and singers of his day, to add any embellishments not indicated in the text, except for the supplementing of an occasional trill or appoggiatura. Like Bach, but even more completely, Scarlatti realized his keyboard figurations

and decorations in the written notes. For Scarlatti's music, or for that matter for any Italian keyboard music of his time, there is available no such body of information concerning the execution of ornaments as can be found in the treatises and manuals of the French school and its imitators. From the end of the seventeenth century to the end of the eighteenth, Italian and Spanish treatises dealing with ornamentation are rare, especially in contrast to the numerous such publications which appeared in other countries. The principal treatises that have any historical connection with Scarlatti's ornamentation are those of Penna, Gasparini, Tosi, Herrando, Geminiani, Tartini, Lorenzoni, and Sabatini, all of them too elementary or too remote to be of much use. To a certain extent, however, the treatises of Quantz and Agricola may be considered to have some bearing on with the Italian-inspired internaIt is not possible, as in the case of Couperin, Rameau, much of J. S. Bach, and the later German eighteenth century, to cite chapter and verse in reconstituting an "auScarlatti because of their association tional school of

opera and instrumental music.

thentic" execution of the ornaments in Scarlatti.

•36J



Yet

there

is

no

availa-

ORNAMENTATION

IN

SCARLATTI

show that Scarlatti's treatment of trills and appoggiaturas any way exceptional to the common practice of his time. On the basis of Scarlatti's own methods of notation and of the variants in parallel passages and between different manuscripts, it is possible to arrive at a set of principles that give every appearance of being close to Scarlatti's intentions. Nothing is drearier, or more frequently false, than a historical reconstruction of musical style which attempts to overprove its authenticity. What is really important is to know how to identify as nonobligatory those practices which are genuinely foreign or which stem from a later age, and how to distinguish between those cases which are determined by fixed principles founded on historical fact and known practice and those in which the taste and judgment of the player is the evidence to

ble

was

in

sole arbiter.

For the sake of clarity and consistency I have adopted the method and most of the terminology of the best and most representative of all mid-eighteenth-century treatises dealing with ornamentation, C. P. E. Bach's Versuch. It has no direct historical connection with Scarlatti; it

deals with

much

that

from a Franco-German

is

not to be found in his music; and

tradition with

it

stems

which he was never associated; treatment of trills and appog-

seems to occur in Scarlatti's is not clearly and authoritatively discussed in Bach's treatise. Moreover this treatise in reprint and translation has the advantage of

but

little

giaturas that

being currently available as a central point of departure for eighteenth-

century ornamentation, and

in relation to which variations of practice can be more easily described. In the following pages I draw heavily on Agricola's expanded translation of Tosi's treatise on singing. It forms an admirable bridge between the Franco-German tradition of C. P. E. Bach and the current international style of Italian opera singing. Agricola avowedly adopts the method and terminology of C. P. E. Bach in dealing with ornamentation, but his examples are drawn largely from the kind of music which was being performed at the opera in Madrid in Scarlatti's time. Like C. P. E. Bach's Versuch, it has the advantage of consolidating and clearly exposing representative mid-eighteenth-century practice. Neither work can be accepted as binding historical evidence for the performance of Scarlatti's ornaments, but both contribute highly valuable reflections of a contemporary practice that despite its obvious divergences cannot have been too remote from Scarlatti's own. My approach to Scarlatti's ornamentation, unlike that which I would make to that of the French composers or to Bach, makes little attempt at justification by specific historical examples, except for passages clearly indicated by Scarlatti himself. Rather it is based on a knowledge of all the eighteenth-century treatises concerning ornamentation and on a long experience in eighteenth-century practice as therein represented.

in

any

style

Although

my

conclusions

may

be debated in those passages which per•

366



ORNAMENTATION

IN SCARLATTI

mit several ways of treatment, I can give assurance in any debatable ways of treatment current in

case to have adopted at least one of the Scarlatti's time.

In the following discussion of Scarlatti's ornamentation, all examples Scarlatti are quoted from a collation of the Venice and Parma manuscripts. Hence they frequently present an aspect quite different from that of Longo's edition. This latter is unfortunately misleading

from

with

respect

and systematization of tion

Longo's prefatory recommendations in part on his own alteration

ornamentation.

to

for the execution of the

ornaments, based

founda-

Scarlatti's indications, are so lacking in

eighteenth-century practice that they must be completely

in

my

regarded. (It should be understood that

Longo's

jection of or disagreement with

dis-

frequent expressions of re-

edition should in

no way be

interpreted as disparagement of his conspicuous qualities of sensibility, of his

enormous labor of

love, or of the extraordinarily high tradition

of Neapolitan piano playing that he represented.

of the most distinguished musicians of the past

have espoused practices

in

connection with eighteenth-century music

that can only be characterized as unqualifiedly

own

For that matter, many and present centuries

inevitable errors, our generation

is

wrong. But

despite

our

a better position than the

in

preceding to rediscover eighteenth-century practice and to free

it

from

accretions of a later age.)

THE APPOGGIATURA At

practice, with a few largely (most particularly the Nachschlag as described by Quantz 1 and deplored by C. P. E. Bach), 2 is the principle that all ornaments begin on the beat, namely that they subtract their value from the note which they precede. To this practice Scarlatti seems consistently to subscribe; he seems to have written out all anticipated

the

of

basis

eighteenth-century

negligible exceptions

appoggiaturas. Scarlatti

always indicates the appoggiatura with a small note,

or other of the following ways:

Jf^^J)

J

generally linked to the main note by a slur: sages

and variant manuscripts

the slur

is

J.

The

^J, but

in

one

appoggiatura

is

in parallel pas-

frequently omitted, probably by

oversight of the copyist. (In the examples in this chapter I have not in-

and Parma

dicated variants between Venice

Bach, and frequently inconsistent and careless

of these

many

Like

slurs.)

parallel

many

in the inclusion

other composers,

in the insertion of

passages and sequential figures they are omitted

was undoubtedly expected. Sometimes,

parallel passage

mav demonstrate

1

2

Scarlatti

trill.

(See

as in

where

Bach, a

an appoggiatura to be interchangeable

Example 44.)

Quantz, Chapter VIII, Par. 6; Tab. VI, Figs. 5, C. P. E. Bach, Chapter II, Sect. 2, Pars. 24, ?$. '

is

appoggiaturas. In

their execution

with a short

or omission

367

*

6.

ORNAMENTATION The

IN SCARLATTI

value of the small note indicating the appoggiatura

sistently indicated.

Example

For a conspicuous example

is

never con-

of such inconsistency see

I.

[^Allegro]

*

An

Ex.

i.

eighth-note appoggiatura in Parma.

Venice in

Scarlatti

is

u

(Longo 273) K. 216

as inconsistent in this respect as

Bach recommended always

Bach and Mozart. (C. P. E. value to be given the ap-

indicating the

poggiatura by the value of the small note, and did so in in the

shown by

is

its

parallel passages to correspond

(Example 2) But he

realization.

\Mlepo\

™76

* Written

2.

m

*,

examples

"'

ir

Parma.

in If

the intended value of

tf'V

J.

\* J*

to

seldom consistent. (Example 3)

is

f

r

** Written

Ex.

all his

Versuch.) In some cases Scarlatti's notation of the appoggiatura

in

Parma.

Venice xi 17 (Longo 304) K. 470

[Allegro] Jtr

* Quarter-note appoggiaturas in Parma.

Ex.

3.

Venice xv 30 (Longo 186) K. 127

Moreover there

is

variance

considerable

among

notation of appoggiaturas. Scarlatti's inconsistency

manuscripts is

such that

in all

the his

appoggiaturas could well be reduced to a unique formula. (I have however respected the original notation in the following examples and I

have

given

account of

be clearly understood that

variance }r •

among

manuscripts.)

It

should

a variant of the eighteenth-century

is

368



ORNAMENTATION

IN SCARLATTI

notation of the sixteenth note, and that although for short appoggiaturas (see

modern grace

the

The

note.

Example 13),

is

it

frequently used

has nothing to do with

it

only factor that determines the value to

be given a Scarlatti appoggiatura

context within the piece

is its

itself. 3

C. P. E. Bach distinguishes between two kinds of appoggiaturas, the short appoggiatura which is fixed in value (i.e. as short as possible) and which corresponds to the modern grace note performed on the beat; and the long appoggiatura which is variable in length, according to its context.* This distinction is perfectly applicable to the Scarlatti appoggiaturas.

THE SHORT APPOGGIATURA The

Bach

short appoggiatura, as C. P. E.

says,

is

generally applicable

to fast notes, to triplets or other notes intended to retain their notated

rhythmic identity.

5

Many

themselves form

in

of the examples he gives apply to notes which

dissonances

against

another

voice.

Agricola has

the following to say about short appoggiaturas:

"All appoggiaturas are assigned to the time of the main note they its written value, therefore together with the bass and the other accompanying voices of this main note. Accordingly they all belong in the time y not of the preceding, but of the following note 2 precede, according to

and

this

note loses of

its

"Some appoggiaturas

duration what

assigned to the appoggiatura.

is

.

.

.

and no matter what the value of any notes they precede, or what the tempo, they are of uniform value. They absorb as little as possible of the duration of the main note. Yet it is understandable that they occur mostly only before short notes, because their purpose is to increase the animation and brilliance of the melody. If therefore in a fast tempo an appoggiatura should precede each of the four following melodic figures: (Example 4) are quite short,

Ex. 4

These appoggiaturas should be executed not thirty-seconds, in order that the listener figures instead:

Ex. 3

* B

ibid.,

Chapter

(Example 5)

5 II, Sect. 2.

See also Agricola, pp. 60-61. C. P. E. Bach, Chapter II, Sect. 2, Pars. '

369

1

'

1,

as sixteenth notes but as

may

13.

not hear the following

ORNAMENTATION

IN SCARLATTI

which would be against the intention of the composer, if otherwise he 6 (See however Scarbe accustomed to write correctly and precisely." the appoggiaturas Example version of in latti's own 17, and his apparent suggestion in Example 27, measure 40.)

"When two

descending leaps of a third succeed each other, the ap-

poggiaturas that

Should

still

fall

between are generally invariable

a third succeed them,

it

is

variable.

in value [i.e. short]

(Example 6)

Ex. 6

Some famous performers

prefer to include the

of the preceding note, in the the appoggiatura

may

first

French manner, but

in

two

in

such a

the time

way

that

be given a slight breath in order to distinguish

it

from an afterbeat of the preceding note and that it may otherwise be treated like any other appoggiatura. They execute this example thus: (Example 7) Lento

Ex. 7

Thereby they wish to from that of another which the

first

note

is

distinguish the expression of these appoggiaturas

on the same notes, of and which is particularly (Example 8)

really written-out figure

shorter than the second,

characteristic of the so-called

Lombard

Style.

Ex. 8

Yet they admit

first note should be sounded were an appoggiatura. Other famous performers, however, include these above-mentioned appoggiaturas in the time of the following note, according to the general rule. Yet they prefer that these appoggiaturas, especially before long notes and in an

that in this figure the

stronger and sharper than

if

it

Adagio, be not too short, but rather that they absorb a third of the following note, in other words as much of the note as the first of a group of triplets, were that main note to be imagined so divided. They would execute the above example thus: (Example 9) 6

Agricola, p. 60. '

370

'

ORNAMENTATION

IN SCARLATTI

3

A.

Ex. 9 "Appoggiaturas which stand before value

[i.e.

short]."

triplets are

always invariable

in

7

"Yet, before long notes on downbeats, not all appoggiaturas are long, some rare cases short appoggiaturas can be introduced before long notes. For example: (Example 10) since in

Ex. 10

"However

such appoggiaturas as these are not taken as short as

the invariable, yet also not according to the rule for the variable. are

midway between

the other two."

Here follow a few examples in some of these

terpreted to illustrate

They

8

Scarlatti

sonatas that

principles.

may

(Examples II

be into

13)

\Mleg J.

Ex. 11. Venice xiv 9 (Longo 20) K. 51 [^Allegro]

*t=— f-r-

55

^—r y"uLs Ex. 12. Venice T

r~ n

iHJ., pp. 67-68.

17

JT-l

i.

j_

(Longo 239) K. 188 'ibid., p.

72

37

ORNAMENTATION

IN SCARLATTI

[tAllfgrelto]

Ex. 13. Parma xv 35 (Longo 404) K. 548

THE LONG APPOGGIATURA For the long appoggiatura C. P. E. Bach rules,

to the effect that a note

divisible

establishes certain general

by two gives half

its

value

9 and that one divisible by three gives two thirds. But he cites many exceptions, and the exceptions are so numerous in Scarlatti that I mention this rule only as a point of departure. Scarlatti

to the appoggiatura

is

so inconsistent in notating his appoggiaturas that frequently within

the

same

piece a passage indicating appoggiaturas in small notes will

be found fully written out in lessness gives us a fairly Scarlatti expected the

its

parallel.

Fortunately

this

very care-

complete idea of the various ways

in

which

long appoggiatura to be treated. Let us examine

the following passages, all

drawn from such

cases.

(Examples 14

to

18) (See also Example 2.)

[

*

ft

n


10,

9,

5,

30,

2,

14,

33,

3,

7,

13, 35, 29,

22,

6,

19,

20. 8. PIECES / POUR LE / CLAVECIN / Comfosees / PAR / DOMENICO SCARLATTI. / DEUXSIEME volume. / Grave far L. Hue. / Prix 9 It / A PARIS / r Le Cterc Rue S Honore, entre la Rue du Roule,

M

Chez

l

.

.

et la

/

Rue de

l

}

Arbresec ; a S

tc

ir

Genevieve au I

.

.

sure le

devant / Le S' Le Clerc rue du Roule, a la Croix d y Or. / y e Boivin rue S*. Honore a, la Regie d Or. / .

M

Avec

.

Privilege du Roy. [ca. 1742] Cambridge, King's College, Rowe Music Library Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale [later imprint]

Contents: K. 36, 39, 24, 26, *,

[*:

The

fugue

Roseingrave, Vol. II,

17, in

F

28,

15,

16,

27, 42, 38,

21,

18, 23, 41. minor, by Alessandro Scarlatti, published by

25, 37,

11, 40,

p. 9.]

Except for minor deviations, such as omissions of ornaments, this volume, although better engraved, is a straight reprint of Roseingrave's texts, even to the extent of leaving untranslated the indications for disposition of hands, L and R, which Roseingrave had translated from the (Manca) and (Destra) of the Essercizi. This thoroughly discredits Hopkinson's otherwise unfounded hypothesis (pp. 52-53) on which he has based his consequently incorrect chronological listing of first publications of Scarlatti sonatas, that this and other Boivin publications were the sources from which Roseingrave's edition and the Essercizi were taken. 0MC0 scar9. pieces / Pour le / clavecin / Composees / par / D latti / Maitre de Clavecin du Prince des Asturies. / troisieme elle volume / Prix 9 It en blanc / Gravees par Vendome / a

M

D

.

M

.

Paris /

{Madame,

M M

Avec

T .

elUs .

Boivin rue

S*.

Honore, a

la

Regie d'Or.

Clerc y rue du Roule y a la Croix d'Or.

le

Castagnerie,

Privilege

rile

des Prouvairs.

du Roi. [presumably between 1742 and 1746]

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale.

Contents:

[Spurious],

K. 49,

[Spurious],

33,

96,

97,

55,

[By

Galuppi], 48, [Spurious]. 10. Six

/ DOUBLE FUGUES / For the / ORGAN or HARPSICHORD / M r roseingrave, / To which is added Sig r Dominico

Comfos y d

by

Scarlatti's

Celebrated Lesson / for the Harfsicord } with several Addi-

.

y

'

407

*

.

KEYBOARD WORKS

M

by

tions

r

/ / London. Printed for

Roseingrave.

Walsh,

I.

in

Catharine Street, in the Strand./ New Haven, Yale School of Music. .

The

.

.

is K. 37, also published in Roseingrave's (1739)- Newton (p. 144) says of Roseingrave: "Unless the plural is a misreading, the 'Dublin Journal' seems to record his playing of several sonatas with his own additions, in 1753." 11. LIBRO DE XII / SONATAS / MODERNAS para CLAVICORDIO / Compuestas por / el senor d. domingo scarlati / caballero del ORDEN de / SANTIAGO Y / MAESTRO de LOS REYES / CATHOLICOS /

XLll

D.

Lesson mentioned

Suites de Pieces

FERNANDO EL

for the Editor

New

&

VI.

Y / DONA MARIA BARBARA / / LONDON / Printed JOHNSON facing Bow Church Cheafside.

sold by J.

Haven, Yale School of Music.

Amyand to John Worgan, August from the Worgan manuscript. See Appendix V A

[License granted by Claudius 13, 1752.] Published 5, also

Chapter VII.

Contents: K. 106, 107, 140, 116.

55, 117,

53, 101, ioo, 105,

44, 104,

r / sonatas / For the / harpsichord / Composed by / Sig Domenico Scarlatti / vol. III. / / London Printed for John Johnson at the Harp & Crown in Cheapside, / London, British Museum. This collection was obviously issued as a supplement to Johnson's reprint of Roseingrave's first two volumes. (See Newton, p. 148.) The

12. Six

.

.

.

.

advertisement mentions "Scarlatti's 12 Sonatas" (Hopkinson, 63), so that the following notice in The Daily Advertiser, January 1753, probably refers to this collection. "This Day will be ready

title

Dominico

deliver to the Subscribers, Sig.

Scarlatti's

new

p. I,

to

Sonatas for

the Harpsichord: Therefore those that have subscrib'd are desir'd to

send for their Books to

Mr. Johnson's Musick Shop,

Church, Cheapside." On the other hand, Newton advertising to

show

(p.

148)

that this collection

cites

facing

Bow-

evidence from title-page

appeared between

1756 and

1760. Only a careful collation of all known copies, however, would permit the accurate deduction of the date of first issue of a music publication

from title-page advertising, change during successive

to frequent

since

that

material

was

subject

reprintings.

Reprinted, together with Roseingrave's two volumes: [Same title, with "Pr. 6 s /-" added after "Vol. III." on the same line] / London, Printed and sold by preston and son at their Warehouses 97 Strand.

New Haven, Yale School of Music. Contents: K. 298, 120, 246, 113, 247, 299. 13. VI SONATE / PER IL CEMBALO SOLO, / CompoSte / dal / Sig"* Don Domenico Scarlatti, / Cavalier di San Giacomo / in Madrid. / •

408

'

KEYBOARD WORKS ma

/ Alle Spese di Giovanni Ulrico Haffner, / Sonatore di [ca. 1753, to judge Norimberga. / N ro lxxvii. Stor fe. from other Haffner plate numbers dated by Deutsch] Brussels, Bibliotheque du Conservatoire. Opera

Liuto

I

.

in

.

.

.

.

Contents: K. 125, 126, 127, 131, 182, 179.

Opera 14. XX / sonate / Per Cembalo / Di varri Autorri / [Advertised, according to HopkinVenier Prima. / a Paris / son (p. 68) in a Venier catalogue of 1775.] Washington, Library of Congress. Nos. 13 and 14 of this collection are by Scarlatti (K. 180 and 125). [Hopkinson (p. 67) cites an earlier issue, ca. 1765, und?r the im.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

Vernandez, Bayard and Castagneri. seum, King's Music Library)] print of

(London,

Mu-

British

15. LIBRO DE XII / SONATAS / MODERNAS para CLAVICORDIO / Compuestas por / el senor d. domingo scarlati / caballero del ORDEN de / SANTIAGO Y / MAESTRO de LOS REYES / CATHOLICOS / D. FERNANDO EL VI. Y / DONA MARIA BARBARA / LIBRO II / / LONDON / m Printed and Sold by Owen Bookseller and Music Printer, be- / -tween the Temple-Gates, and at the Editors House N°. 23 Rathbone / Place: where may be had, libro I. being xn Sonatas, by the same / Author published by the Editor some time since, also vi new Sonatas / for the Harpsichord composed by 1. worgan m. b. [License to John Worgan dated June 13, 177 1.] Cambridge, Kings College, Rowe collection. (Hopkinson p. 63) Contents: K. 298, 43> Il8 47> 57> I2 3» 49> II 5, U9> 4°,

W

.

>

99, 141.

Edited by Dr. John Worgan. See Chapter VII. 16. Libro de / VI sonatas / Modemas fara clavicordio / Comfuestas for / EL senor d. domingo scarlati / Caballero del Orden de Santiago y / maestro de los reyes catholicos / d. Fernando

EL VI / Y / DONA MARIA BARBARA / Libro JOHNSON .

.

/

.

.

/ LONDON

.

.

.

.

du Conservatoire. (Cat., Vol. IV, p. 278. title from the Welcker

Brussels, Bibliotheque I

VI

.

have taken the orthography of the above

plate.)

Reprints:

[Main

London

title

Market Opposite

"libro vi:"] / Price

as in preceding. After

Printed and the

Sold

John welcker

by

Opera House /

.

.

.

[Between

n°. ca.

9

in

7

the

-6 / Hay

1776 and 1777,

according to Hopkinson, pp. 63-64.]

New York

A

Public Library.

catalogue of the publisher, Bland, dated

vertises "Scarlatti's Six Sonatas.

such an edition

As Newton

is

at present

points out

Book

the 6th.

known (Hopkinson,

March

25, 1786, ad5/-," but no copy of

p.

64).

153-154), the designation "Libro vi"

(pp. *

409

*

KEYBOARD WORKS be interpreted only in relation to the five previous English publica-

may

two volumes, Worgan's two, Vol. III." and Johnson's "Six Sonatas Contents: K. 125, 179, 182, 131, 126, 127. 17. pieces choisies / De Divers Auteurs / Pour le Clavecin ou tions of Scarlatti sonatas: Roseingrave's .

.

.

Forte-Piano. / Contains Sonata K. 113. This publication without imprint .

.

.

is described by Hopkinson (p. 68) from a copy in his possession, as containing an Ouverture by C. Ditters and an arrangement of Haydn's London Symphony (B. & H. 69) preceding the Scarlatti sonata. Because of the Haydn, composed in 1779, he dates it ca. 1780. 18. QUATRE / OUVERTURES / Composees / PAR GUGLIELMI, WANHAL, / diters, et haydn; Arrangees / Pour le Clavecin ou FortePiano / et / DEUX SONATES / PAR / CLEMENTI, et SCARLATI. / .

.

.

/ a Paris / Chez M. Bailleux London, British Museum, Hirsch .

.

The

.

Collection.

contents include those of the preceding Pieces Choisies,

among

K. 113 (Hopkinson, p. 68). 19. The / beauties / of / dominico scarlatti. / Selected from his Suites de Legons, / for the / Harpsichord or Piano Forte / and Revised with a Variety of Improvements / by / Ambrose pitman. / [London, Preston, 1785, according to HopkinVolume the first /

them

the Scarlatti sonata

.

.

.

son (p. 64)]

London,

The

of fifteen (p.

are

British

Museum.

contents are described by

Newton

sonatas already published

64) says that he has seen only K. 31, 13, 5, 23, 1, 19.

20. Scarlatti's

154-155) as consisting But Hopkinson containing six sonatas. These (pp.

Roseingrave.

by

copies

/ Chefs-d'oeuvre, / for the / Harpsichord or Piano-

Forte; / Selected from an Elegant collection of Manuscripts, / in the Possession of / muzio clementi. / / London: / Printed for the .

Editor

Muzio Clementi,

Maker, /

Cf? to

.

.

Mr. Broadwood

be had at

}

s

Harfsichord

in Great Pulteney Street, Golden Square. [1791, according

Hopkinson (p. 65)] Washington, Library of Congress. Contents: K. 378, [spurious, Czerny 195], 380 (transposed), 490, 400, 475, 381 (transposed), 206, 531, 462, 463, [by Soler, No. 5 in his XXVII Sonatas (London, Birchall) Czerny 196]. Gerstenberg (pp. 36-37) cites a Paris edition of the same collection: "Douze Sonates Pour Clavecin ou Forte Piano. Composees dans le stile du celebre Scarlati par Muzio Clementi. Opera 27. Paris: Lobry.

to

;

Berlin, Preussische Staatsbibliothek.

21.

Two

Favorite / Sonatas /

and Sold by

J.

By / Scarlatti Pr: / London. Printed Whitcomb Street, near Coventry

Cooper. N°. 39. •

410



KEYBOARD WORKS 1792, according to Hopkinson (p. 65), who owns the only copy known to me.] Contents: K. 32 and 33, and a sonata beginning: Street, [ca.

^Allegro

22. Thirty / Sonatas y / for the / Harpsichord / or / PianoForte; / Publish* d (by 'permission) from Manuscripts in / the Possesr Domenico sion of Lord Viscount Fitxwilliam y / Composed by / Sig .

8 / / Price 15 /- / London / Printed for R*. Birchall at his Musical Circulating Library 133 New Bond Street / Of whom may be had / Soleras 2j Lessons 15/0. [Lord Fitzwilliam dated his copy 1800 (Newton, p. 155).] Published from the manuscript now in Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum 32 F. 12. Contents: K. 478, 492, 445, 454, 455, 372, 373, 236, 237, 438, 446, 533> 266 26 7> 3 66 3 6 7> 520, 524, 490, 386,

Scarlatti.



>

>

401, 387, 525, 517, 534, 535, 545, 552, 553,

54.

Boston Public Library. y 23. Clementi s / Selection

of / practical harmony, / for / Organ or Piano Forte; / Containing / Voluntaries , Fugues, Canons &* other Ingenious Pieces, / By the most eminent composers. / To which is prefixed an Epitome of Counterpoint / by the / Editor. London, Printed by Clementi, Banger, Collard, Davis & Collard, ... [4 vols., first issue ca. 1811-1815. There exist varying

the

.

.

.

imprints.]

Vol. II contains K. 41, and K.

domenico Scarlatti, D.

is

30 (with note: "The following, by fugue.").

the celebrated cat's

THE

EDITIONS OF CZERNY, LONGO, GERSTENBERG, AND NEWTON

Sammtliche Werke fur das Piano-Forte von Dominic Scarlatti. Wien: Tobias Haslinger, [1839]. According to StassofT (p. 2on), this edition was published largely from the volumes now in Miinster, which Santini loaned for this purpose. (See Appendix V A 3.) At Santini's house in Rome, Cramer in 1 837-1 838 and Liszt in 1839 "played piano or organ pieces of the old schools, and most of all particularly the pieces of Domenico Scarlatti, whose Cat Fugue, such an original and admirable masterpiece, was always one of the most decided favorites of this select and intelligent music-loving audience." (Stassoff, p. 20) In 1837 in London, incidentally, Ignaz Moscheles was actually performing the Cat Fugue I.

Redigirt von Carl Czerny.

411



KEYBOARD WORKS on the harpsichord. (Harding, pp. 88-89) Nos. 191, 192, and 200 are by Alessandro Scarlatti; No. 196 by Soler; and No. 195 certainly not by Domenico Scarlatti. (See Appendix VII B.)

and other

Of

pieces by Scarlatti

this edition,

Czerny's edition his

editions of

(less carefully

annotated, hence

Bach) formed the

basis

for

many

less disturbing

than

of the subsequent

nineteenth- and twentieth-century collections of Scarlatti sonatas.

In

order to further their sinking into a well-deserved oblivion, I pass over

them in silence. However, the preface to Hans von Biilow's edition (Achtzehn aus gewahlte Klavierstiicke, Leipzig: Peters, [1864]) should be mentioned, along with Robert Schumann's surprisingly unsympathetic comments at the appearance of Czerny's edition. They mark the lowest ebb of Scarlatti's fortunes in the two centuries since his death. (Schumann, Vol. I, pp. 400-40 1 2. Opere Complete per Clavicembalo di Domenico Scarlatti. Criticamente rivedute e ordinate in forma di suites da Alessandro Longo. Milano: Ricordi, [i9o6ff.]. This is the most nearly complete of existing editions of the Scarlatti sonatas. In ten volumes and a supplement it includes 545 sonatas, published from the Venice, Vienna, and Fitzwilliam manuscripts, and from the original edition of the Essercizi. It does not include Sonatas

204

K. 41,

452, 453, nor the concluding The manuscript sources of these pieces appear to have been unknown to Longo. Unfortunately, Longo's numbering, and his arrangement of the sonatas in suites, completely disrupts the chronological and stylistic sequence of Scarlatti's keyboard work. Numerous inaccuracies and copious insertion of editorial markings render a more satisfactory complete edition of the Scarlatti sonatas urgently 80, 94, 97, 142-144, portion of Sonata 357.

a or

b,

desirable.

An

indispensable supplement to Longo's edition

is

the Indice Temati-

co {in ordlne di tonalita e di ritmo), Milano: Ricordi, 3.

Domenico

Scarlatti.

Four Sonatas

1

937.

for Harpsichord. Transcribed

from the manuscripts, with a brief introduction, by Richard Newton. London: Oxford University Press, [1939]. This includes Sonatas 42-44 of the Worgan manuscript (K. 142144), previously unpublished, and a sonata from a manuscript by Charles Wesley (British Museum Add. 35018 f. 55b) which I cannot accept as genuine Scarlatti. See Appendix VII B 5. 4. Domenico Scarlatti. 5 Klaviersonaten herausgegeben von Walter Gerstenberg. Regensburg: Gustav Bosse Verlag [1933]. This forms a "Notenbeilage" to Gerstenberg's Die K lamer komfositionen Domenico Scarlattis and includes Sonatas K. 452 and 454 from the Miinster manuscript, Sonatas K. 204 a and b from the Parma manuscript, all previously unpublished; and the complete version of Sonata K. 357 from the Parma manuscript. •

412



APPENDIX

VI

Vocal Music OPERAS

A.

L'OTTAVIA / RISTITUITA / AL TRONO / MELODRAMA / DELL' CONVO / DEDICATO / IllustrtSS. &? Eccellentiss. S'vgfiora, / D. CATARINA / DE MOSCOSA, OSSORIO, / URTADO DE MENdoza, / sandoval, Y rocas. / Contessa di San Stefano de / Gormas, (Rome, &c. / in napoli 1703. / Per il Parrino, & il Mutio. / . Bibl. Sta. Cecilia 11662) 1.

AW

ABB. GIULIO

.

[On Scarlatti."

p.

appears the note:

8

The

dedication

Arte con stromenti

Del

Sig3".

Domenico

Pietro a Maiella,

is

"La musica

del

e

Sig.

.

Domenico

signed by Nicola Barbapiccola.]

deWOfera

intitolata

Ottawa

ristituita al

(Naples, Bibl. del Conservatorio

Scarlatti.

Trono. di San

32-2-33)

[Contains thirty-three

arias,

among them two

duets.

The

re-

mainder of the music is unknown.] 2. il giustino / drama per musica / da Rappresentarsi nel Regio Palazzo in quest' Anno 1703. / per il giorno natalitio / di filippo

quinto / Monarca

delle

Spagne. / dedicato /

AW

Eccellentiss. Si-

gnor. / marchese di viLLENA, / duca d'ascalonia, & c. / Vicere, e Capitan Generale / in questo Regno di Napoli. / in napoli 1703. /

Per il Parrino, & il Mutio. / (Bologna, Bibl. Universitaria Segn. A. V. Tab. I, F. Ill, 37, 4) [The author of the libretto is not named on the title page, but his preface on the sixth unnumbered page reveals him as the librettist of UOttavia, the Abbate Giulio Convo. The libretto is a revision of the Naples performance in 1684 of the drama of the same title by Conte Nicolo Beregani, which originally had music by Legrenzi. On unnumbered page 8 of the libretto is stated: "Musica del Sig. Domenico .

.

.

But the preface on unnumbered page 6 states that certain marked S were by the first author. Although he is not named, this was presumably Legrenzi. (See Sartori, Gli Scarlatti a Nafoli, pp. 374-377.) Eight of these arias are so marked, among them one, E un foco amore, which was also set by Scarlatti. Of the fifty-two arias in the libretto which were apparently set by Scarlatti, only twenty-four survive in the Naples ms. On unnumbered page 7 of the libretto

Scarlatti." arias

appears the note: "Ingegniere,

Among of

e

Pittore

il

Giuseppe Scarlatti."

Sig.

was Tommaso Scarlatti playing Amantio. The impresario was Nicola Barbapiccola.] r Scelta di arte con stromenti del Giustino. Del Sig Domenico the performers listed

.

(Naples, Bibl. del Conservatorio '

di

San Pietro a Maiella, 32

413

*

the part

Scarlatti. - 2 -

33)

vocal music [Contains twenty-four arias, among them three duets. The remainder of the music is unknown.] 3. l'irene / drama per musica / Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Illustriss. ed Eccellentis. di / S. Bartolomeo di Napoli / dedicato / Sig. IL SIGNOR / D. MERCURIO ANTONIO / LOPEZ, FERNANDEZ, PAcheco, / acugna, giron, e porrtocarrero, / Conte di S. Stefano de Gormaz, &c. Maestro di / Campo, &c. Capitano delle Guardie Alema- / ne, Figlio dell' Eccell. Signor Duca d' / Ascalona, Marchese di Vigliena, &c. / Vicere, e Capitan Generale in / questo Regno di (WashNapoli. / in napoli 1704. / Per il Parrino, & il Mutio. /

AW

.

ington, Library of Congress, Schatz

.

.

9539)

page A3 of the libretto appears the note: "Sappi, in tanto, che fer non dejraudare alia lode (che degnamente e dovuta al Sig. Gio: Battista Pullaroli frimo Compositore della Musica) si segneranno VArie

[On

del

medesimo

latti."

The

col segno S.

dedication

is

Tutte Valtre sono del

Sig.

Domenico Scar-

signed by Nicola Barbapiccola.

The

libretto

is

an adaptation of a text by Girolamo Frigimelica Roberti.]

Maiella,

Scarlatti.

DeW

Irene. [Next line and a half crossed out] (Naples, Bibl. del Conservatorio di San Pietro a

Arte con stromenti.

Domenico

32-2-29)

arias. Remainder of music unknown.] la / silvia / dram ma pastorale / Per il Teatro Domestico di Sua Maesta / la regina / maria casimira / di polonia. / comPOSTO, E DEDICATO / ALLA MAESTA SUA / DA CARLO SIGISMONDO CAPECI, / E POSTA IN MUSICA / DAL SIG. DOMENICO SCARLATTI / IN roma, Per il Rossi, 17 10. / (Rome, Dr. Ulderico Rolandi)

[Contains thirty-three

4.

.

.

.

[Cametti (Carlo Sigismondo Cafeci p. 60), without citing , source, gives the date of performance as January 27, 17 10. The music .

is

.

.

unknown.] 5.

TOLOMEO / ET / ALESSANDRO, / OVERO / LA CORONA DISPREZdramma per musica / Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Dome- /

zata /

Regina / maria casimira / di polonia / composto, e DEDICATO / ALLA MAESTA SUA / DA / CARLO SIGISMONDO CAPECI, / Tra gli Arcadi / METISTO OLBIANO. / E POSTO IN MUSICA / DAL SIG. domenico scarlatti. / in roma MDCCXi. Nella Stamperia di An- / tonio de' Rossi alia Chiavica del Bufalo. / (Rome, Bibl. Casana1 tense, Commedie 492 f ]) stico della

.

.

.

[Cametti (op. cit., p. 60), without citing source, gives the date of performance as January 19, 171 1. Rolandi, p. 4, mentions librettos of the same title but without mention of poet or composer, for performances at Fermo in 1713 and at Jesi in 1727. This opera was performed also for the Arcadia. (See Chapter III.) The Arcadians pub-

commemoratory volume entitled: rime / di diversi autori / PER LO NOBILISSIMO DRAMMA / DEL / TOLOMEO, ET ALESSANDRO / Rappresentato nel Teatro* Domestico della Sacra / Real Maesta / DI /

lished a



414



vocal music MARIA CASIMIRA / REGINA DI POLLONIA, / DEDICATE / ALLA MAESTA roma, Per Antonio de' Rossi alia Piazza di Ceri. 171 1. / (The dedication is dated April I, 17 11.)] TolomeOy et Alessandro / o vero / La Corona disfrezzata, / Of era / Del Sig: Carlo Sigismondo Cafeci / Musica / Del Sig. Domenico Scarlatti / Uanno / 171 1. (Rome, the late S. A. Luciani) sua. / in .

.

.

[First act only,

in

full

—and

The

score.

cover bears the inscription:

"Ad'Uso CS." At

first I was was in the hand of Domenico Scarlatti, but, after several weeks' study and comparison of it with samples of Domenico's handwriting, I came to the conclusion that it was not an autograph but a copy, prepared perhaps for the librettist. (See Luciani, Un'ofera inedita di Domenico Scarlatti. See also Chapter III. For facsimile, see Fig. 22.)] 6. L'ORLANDO, / OVERO / LA GELOSA PAZZIA. / DRAMMA / Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Domestico / della regina / maria casimira / DI POLLONIA. / COMPOSTO, E DEDICATO / ALLA MAESTA SUA / DA carlo sigismondo capeci / Suo Segretario / Fra gli Arcadi metisto olbiano, / E posto in Musica / DAL SIG. DOMENICO SCARLATTI, / Mastro di Caffella di sua maesta. / in ROMA, Per Antonio de' Rossi / alia Chiavica del Bufalo. 1711. / (Rome, Bibl. Casanatense, Commedie 461 f 1 ])

"dominicus capece"

the fly leaf:

inclined to agree with Luciani's opinion that this manuscript

.

.

.

[Cametti {of. cit., p. 60), without giving source, states that this opera was performed during Carnival of 171 1. The music is unknown.]

tetide / in sciro / dramma per musica / Da rappresentarsi Teatro Domestico / della regina / maria casimira / di polLONIA / COMPOSTO, E DEDICATO / ALLA MAESTA SUA / DA CARLO sigismondo capeci / Suo Segretario / Fra gli Arcadi metisto olbiano, / E posto in Musica / dal sig. domenico scarlatti, / Mastro di Caffella di sua maesta. / in roma, a Spese di Antonio de' Rossi, / e si vende dal medesimo alia Chiavica / del Bufalo. 17 12. / (Rome, 2 Bibl. Casanatense, Commedie 45 1 [ ]. This copy of the libretto is incomplete after Act ill, Scene 3. Pp. 49-64 are missing, through a binder's y mistake, and replaced by pp. 49-64 of L Orlando.) [Cametti {of. cit., p. 60), without citing source, gives the date of performance as January 10, 1 7 12.] Arie della Regina I J 12. In Arie diverse, fols. ir-6v, 57r~90v. (Naples, Bibl. del Conservatorio di San Pietro a Maiella, 34-5-14) [Ten arias from Tetide in Sciro, including two terzets. Of the 7.

nel

.

instrumental parts,

all

.

.

but the basses are missing in these scores.

The

remainder of the music for this opera is unknown.] 8. IFIGENIA / IN AULIDE. / DRAMMA PER MUSICA / Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Domestico / della maesta / di maria casimira / REGINA VEDOVA DI POLLONIA / COMPOSTO, E DEDICATO / ALLA maesta sua / da carlo sigismondo CAPECI / Suo Segretario / Fra •

415



VOCAL mUSIC Arcadi metisto olbiano, / E posto in Musica / dal sig. domenico scarlatti, Mastro di Caffella di Sua Maesta. in roma, Per Antonio de' Rossi, e si / vende dal medesimo alia Chiavica / del Bufalo. 17 13. /

gli

.

.

(Rome,

.

XII 21)

Bibl. Sta. Cecilia

[Cametti {of. cit., p. 60), without citing source, gives the date of performance as January II, 17 13. The music is unknown. For mention of Juvarra's scene designs see Chapter III.]

ifigenia / in tauri. / dramma per musica / Da rappresentarTeatro Domestico / della maesta / di maria casimira / REGINA VEDOVA DI POLLONIA / COMPOSTO, E DEDICATO / ALLA maesta sua / da carlo sigismondo capeci / Suo Segretario / Fra gli Arcadi metisto olbiano, / E posto in Musica / dal sig. domenico scarlatti, / Mastro di Cappella di sua maesta. / in roma, Per Antonio de' Rossi, e si vende / dal medesimo alia Chiavica del 9.

si

nel

Bufalo / Panno 17 13. /

.

.

(Rome,

.

Casanatense,

Bibl.

Commedie

451H) [Cametti {of. cit., p. 61), without citing source, gives the date of performance as ca. February 15, 17 13. The Biblioteca Santa Cecilia has a libretto for a performance of this opera at the Teatro Carignano

Turin during Carnival 17 19. (Accademia Chigiani, Gli Scarlatti, The music is unknown.] 10. AMOR D'UN OMBRA, / E / GELOSIA d'uN AURA. / DRAMMA PER musica / Da rappresentarsi nel Teatro Domestico / della maesta / DI MARIA CASIMIRA / REGINA VEDOVA DI POLLONIA / COMPOSTO, E DEDICATO / ALLA MAESTA SUA / DA CARLO SIGISMONDO CAPECI / Suo Segretario / Fra gli Arcadi metisto olbiano / E posto in Musica / dal SIG. domenico scarlatti / Mastro di Caffella di sua maesta. / in roma, Per Antonio de' Rossi, e si / vende dal medesimo alia Chiavica / del Bufalo. 17 14. / (Rome, Bibl. Casanatense, Commedie 451 [ 3 ]) in p.

85.)

;

.

.

.

[Cametti {of. cit., p. 61), without citing source, gives date of performance as ca. January 20, 1 14.] 10 b. NARCISO / DRAMA / DA RAPPRESENTARSI NEL / REGIO TEATRO

D'HAYMARKET, / PER / LA REALE ACCADEMIA DI MUSICA / LONDRA. / per Giovanni pickard, mdccxx. (London, British Museum 163. g-

16)

[A

Paolo Rolli, the as

Amor d un Ombra. The dedication is signed by reviser of the libretto. The list of "Interlocutori" reads

revision of

follows:

Narciso,

y

Signora

Durastanti;

Cefalo,

Signor

Benedetto

Mr. Gordon; Eco, Mrs. Anastasia Robinson; Procri, Mrs. Turner Robinson. This is followed by the note: "La Musica e del Signor Domenico Scarlatti." According to Burney {A Baldassarri;

Aristeo,

General History of Music, Vol. II, p. 703), the performance took place on May 30, 1720, and was conducted by Thomas Roseingrave.] songs / in the New / opera / Call'd / narcissus / as they are •

416



VOCAL {MUSIC perform'd at the / kings theatre / For the Royal Academy / Compos'd by / Sig r Dom: co Scarlatti / With the Additional Songs / Composed by M: r Roseingrave / London, Printed for & sold by I: (Washington, Library of Congress, Walsh. 1500 .S285N3) :

.

.

M

.

[Short score, without the recitatives. It includes two

airs

and two

The remainder of the music is unknown.] AMBLETO / DRAMA / Per MuSl'ca / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / Sala de' Signori Capranica / nel Carnevale dell' Anno /

duets by Roseingrave. 11.

Nella

vendono a Pasquino nella Libraria di Pietro / Leone all'Giovanni di Dio. / In Roma, per il Bernabo, l'Anno (Rome, Dr. Ulderico Rolandi) 1 7 15. / [By Apostolo Zeno, who is not mentioned in the libretto. On p. 7 the "Attori" are listed as: Ambleto, II Sig. Domenico Tempesti; Veremonda, II Sig. Domenico Genovesi; Gedone, II Sig. Giovanni Paita; Gerilda, II Sig. Innocenzo Baldini; Ildegarde, II Sig. Antonio Natilii; Valdemaro, II Sig. Gio. Antonio Archi, detto Cortoncina; Siffrido, II

mdccxv. /

Si

Insegna

S.

di

.

.

.

Francesco

Sig.

Vitali.

On

p.

8 appears the note: "Ingegniere, e Pittore

Pompeo Aldobrandini."] re [Aria] Del Sig : Domenico Scarlatti NeW Ambleto. [Text:] Ne

delle Scene. II Sig.

mia sfortunata frigonia [from Act I, Scene 8]. (Bologna, Bibl. Liceo Musicale Ms. 47, fols. 39r - 42V) [This is followed in the manuscript (fols. 43r - 45r) by an

la

del

DD

completely noted aria bella,"

in

A

which does not appear

in-

major, *%, with the text: "Si Candida in the libretto

nor

in

Zeno's Poesie

si

Dram-

matiche (Venezia, 1744). 12. la dirindina, farsetta per musica. (Seconda Edizione. In Lucca mdccxv, Per Leonardo Venturini.) (Brussels, Bibliotheque du Con[Title

servatoire.)

[Note

s

at

end:

Domenico

Scarlatti,

Postilla, p.

201.)]

from Luciani,

"La musica che a

Postilla]

eccellente di questa farsetta e del Sig. volentieri ne fara

tutti

comodo." (Luciani,

[Ms. copy, Rome, Dr. Ulderico Rolandi: // Maestro di CafIntermezzo / ... da jarsi nel Teatro di Cafranica / In Roma il re Girolamo Gigli. In the Rolandi copy of the libretto of 17 15 del Sig Ambleto appears the note on p. 7, but crossed out in pen: "Intermedj. / La Sig. Dirindina. II Sig. Domenico Fontana. / D. Carissimo. II Sig. Michele Selvatici. / Liscione. II Sig. Tommaso Bizzarri Sanose [?]. / Musica del Sig. Domenico Scarlatti." This intermezzo was evidently withdrawn from the performance of Ambleto, and substituted by the Intermedj Pastorali. The music is unknown.] 13. INTERMEDJ / PASTORALI / DA RAPPRESENTARSI / Nella Sala de' rl Sig Capranica / nel drama / dell' ambleto. / Si vendono a Pasquino nella Libraria di Pietro / Leone alPInsegna di S. Giovanni di Dio. / In Roma, per il Bernabo, l'Anno 17 15. / (Rome, Dr. fella

.

.

Ulderico Rolandi) *

417

*

.

.

vocal music [On

page 2: "Attori. / Elpina.

Signor Domenico Fontana.

/ unknown.] 14. Berenice / regina di egitto, / o vero / Le Gare di Amore, e di Politica / dramma per musica / Da recitarsi nella Sala de' Signori Capranica / nel Carnevale dell' anno 17 18. / dedicato / AW Iir a & Ecc ma Signora, / la sig. contessa / ernestina / di galasso, / Nata Contessa di Dietrechstein. / Ambasciatrice di S. Maesta Cesarea Cattolica / alia Santa Sede. / / In Roma, nella Stamperia del Bernabo. 17 18. (Rome, Bibl. Casanatense, Commedie

Silvano. II Signor Michele Selvatici."

II

The

music

is

.

.

.

96).

Sign. Sig.

On

p.

listed the

[7] are

Gaetano Narici; Selene, Pio

Fabri;

Arsace,

Carlo Macciochini;

Michele

zioni.

II

II Sig.

II

Domenico Gaspare

Sig.

.

.

.

delli

Sign.

;

Gizii; Fabio, II Sig.

Geri;

Domenico

Aristobolo,

Menenio,

Scarlatti,

e

II

II Sig.

Nicolo

[8] are mentioned the "Architetto delle Scene. / II Antonio Canavari. / Ingegniere delle Machine, e Trasfigura-

Porpora." Sig.

On

II

Demetrio,

Carlo Scalzi

Sibillina, II Sig. Pietro Ricci;

"Musica

Selvatici.

"Personaggi deH'Opera:" Berenice,

II Sig.

Carlo Bernardi; Alessandro,

Annibale Sig.

.

[By Antonio Salvi, who is not mentioned in the libretto. Salvi's was set by Perti in 1709, and by Handel in 1737 (Loewenberg,

text p.

.

/

Battista

II

p.

Cavalier Lorenzo Mariani.

Sig.

The

Bernabo."

music

is

/

Pittore

/

II.

Sig.

Gio

unknown.]

ORATORIOS, SERENADES, AND OTHER

B.

OCCASIONAL PIECES LA CONVERSIONE DI CLODOVEO RE DI FRANCIA ROMA. A. Rossi 1709. (Rome, Bibl. Vat. [Cametti, of. cit., p. 60]) 1.

.

.

.

de*

[Probably performed in Lent, 1709.]

LA CONVERSIONE / DI CLODOVEO / RE DI FRANCIA. / ORATORIO / DEL SIG. CARLO SIGISMONDO CAPECI. / Posto in Musica / DAL SIGNOR DOMENICO SCARLATTI. / FATTO CANTARE / DA' SIGNORI CONVITtori / del seminario romano. / L'Anno 1 7 1 5 / In Roma, Per Gaetano Zenobi, Stampatore, e Intagliatore / della Santita di N. s. clemente xi. / (Rome, Dr. Ulderico Rolandi) [The music is unknown.] 2. Afflauso Devoto / al nome DI / maria santissima / Cantata a tre Voci / Da recitarsi nel Palazzo della Regina / maria casimira / DI polonia. / Comfosta, e dedicata a Sua Maesta / Da Carlo Sigismondo Cafeci / Suo Segretario. /Detto fra gli A r cadi Metis to Olbiano y / E posta in Musica / Dal Signor Domenico Scarlatti / Maestro di Caffella della Maesta Sua. / In Ronciglione Per il Toselli Stamp. Vescovale, e Pub. 17 12. / (Rome, Dr. Ulderico Rolandi) [Note on p. 3: "Per VAnniversario della Liberatione di Vienna" (September 12, 1683) The music is unknown.] .

.

.

.

.

.

.



418



VOCAL MUSIC 3. APPLAUSO GENETLIACO / ALLA REALE ALTEZZA / DEL SIGNOR INFANTE / DI PORTOGALLO, / DA CANTARSI NEL PALAZZO / DELL' ECCELENTISSIMO SIGNORE / MARCHESE DI FONTES / Ambasctadore Straordinario della Maesta / Portoghese alia Santita di N. S. Papa / CLEMENTE XI. / POSTO IN MUSICA / DAL SIGNOR DOMENICO SCAR-

LATTI / Maestro di Caffella di Sua Eccellenza. / In Lucca per (Rome, Dr. Ulderico Rolandi) Girolamo Rabetti. 1714. / [Performed, as the text indicates, in honor of the birth (on June .

6,

1

.

.

14) of the Infante of Portugal. On p. 3 appears the note: "inCirce. La Signora Caterina Lelii Mossi. / Aurora. La

7

terlocutori. /

Signora Paola Alari. / Ulisse.

II

Signor Vittorio Chiccheri."

The

music

unknown.]

is

4. CANTATA / DA RECITARSI / NEL PALAZZO APOSTOLICO / LA NOTTE / DEL / SS. m0 NATALE / NeWAnno MDCCXIV. / COMPOSTA / DA FRANCESCO MARIA GASPARRI / Tra gl'Arcadi / EURINDO OLIMPIACO / MUSICA / DEL SIGNOR DOMENICO SCARLATTI. / IN ROMA. mdccxiv. / Nella Stamperia della Reverenda Camera Apostolica. /

(Rome, Dr. Ulderico Rolandi) [The music is unknown.] 5. CONTESA / DELLE STAGIONI, / SERENATA / DA CANTARSI NEL felicissimo / Giorno Natalizio / della s. r. maesta / di / marianna gioseffa / Regina di Portogallo, / nel regio palazzo. / / lisbona occidentale, / Nella Officina di pasquale da sylva, / Impressore di Sua Maesta. / m.dccxx. / (Lisbon, Biblioteca Nacional L. 1.327.

.

.

.

.

.

A) serenatta /

a quatro

voci

Dom co

/ Di

[On singers:



verno

unnumbered

the



"Primavera D. Luiggi."

is

cori.

/ Primavera

(Venice, Biblioteca

leaf preceding the title are listed the solo

Floriano. Estate

It

Scarllati.

.

Invern. / Estat. Autun. / [added note:] con Nazionale Marciana, Ms. 9769)



clear that this

is

the



Autunno Mossi. Inwork performed at the

Cristini.

royal palace in Lisbon on September 6, 1720, to celebrate the birthday

Queen Marianna {Gazeta de Lisboa, September 12, 1720). The end of the manuscript (fol. 72v) bears the inscription: "Fine della Prima Parte." The music for the "Seconda Parte" of the printed libretto of

unknown. The work is scored for two solo sopranos, alto, tenor, two trumpets, two horns, flute, and strings.] 6. CANTATA / PASTORALE, / SERENATA / DA CANTARSI NEL GIORNO / DI / S. GIOVANNI / EUANGELISTA, / NEL REGIO PALAZZO / di / Giovanni quinto / Re di Portogallo. / LISBONA occidentale, / Nella Officina di pasquale da sylva, / Impressore di Sua Maesta. / m.dccxx. / (Lisbon, Mario de Sampayo Ribeiro) [The performance of this work at the royal palace in Lisbon on December 27, 1720, is reported by the Gazeta de Lisboa (January 2, 172 1 ) The music is unknown.]

is

chorus,

.

.

.

*

419

'

VOCAL mUSIC J.

SERENATA.

[The performance of this work at the royal palace in Lisbon on September 6, 1722, is reported by the Gazeta de Lisboa (September 10, 1722). Both libretto and music are unknown.] 8.

SERENATA.

[The performance of this work at the royal palace in Lisbon on December 27, 1722, is reported by the Gazeta de Lisboa (December 31, 1722). Both libretto and music are unknown.] 9. FESTEGGIO / ARMONICO / NEL CELEBRARSI IL REAL MARITAGGio / De' molto Alti, e molto Poderosi / Serenissimi Signori / d. ferdinando / di spagna / Principe d'Asturia, / e d. maria / infanta di portogallo, / che Dio guardi, / che si esegui nel real Palazzo / di S. Maesta / A di II. di Gennaio del fresente anno / di 1728. / posto in musica da domenico / Scarlati, Regio compositore. / lisbona occidentale, / Nella Officina de gioseppe antonio (Rome, Bibl. Sta. Cecilia 6387) di sylva. / m.dcc.xxviii. / [The music is unknown. Bound in the same volume as the Sta. .

.

.

Cecilia copy are other librettos for official celebrations of the Portuguese

court: //

D.

Chisciotte,

1728;

Dramma

Pastorale, 1726; // Sacrifizio

Diana, IJ22\ GVamori di Cefalo e d'Endimione, 1 722. In these, however, no composer is named. Sampayo Ribeiro ("El-Rei D. Joao, o

di

no composer is named in I.327-A): GVAmorosi Avveni> menti (June 24, 1722); GVAmori di Cefalo e d Endimione (October 22, 1722) (see above); La Costanza gradita (October 22, 1725); Amor nasce da un'sguardo (December 27, 1725); Andromeda (July y 26, 1726); // doffio amor vilifeso (June 6, 1726); L Aurora Gazeta (December 27, 1727). The de Lisboa for October 24, 1 7 20, mentions, without naming the composer, a performance on October 22 of an Italian Serenata, Triunjo das Virtudes. Might some of these works have had music by Scarlatti?]

quinto," p. 8

1

)

lists

further librettos for which

the Biblioteca Nacional in Lisbon (L.

c.

chamber cantatas and arias ATTRIBUTED TO DOMENICO SCARLATTI

partial list of

[Such confusion by

members of

exists in the

cataloguing and attributions of music

the Scarlatti family,

and Domenico's

style in his vocal

music is for the most part so lacking in individuality, that I cannot vouch for the authenticity of the following works. Except for those in

Munster or where

specifically

mentioned, they are

listed in

lished catalogues of the after-mentioned libraries, or in Eitner's

the pubQuellen-

few of those which on inspection seemed too doubtful to include, and I have added qualifying notes and silently corrected mistakes in references to those works I have actually seen. Ex-

lexikon. I have omitted a

cept in the case of the arias in Dresden, the



420

'

titles listed

apply to cantatas.]

:

VOCAL fMUSIC Berlin, Preussische Staatsbibliothek

Dorme la rosa, sop. & Onde delta mia Nera,

cont.

&

voice

cont.

[Also in Vienna, Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, according to Eitner.]

T'amai Clori

1?amai, voice

Two

&

cont.

du Conservatoire:

Brussels, Bibliotheque

cantatas

Bologna, Biblioteca del Liceo Musicale: A chi nacque injelice, alto solo

Ah

troffo infelice

set

Dresden, Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Ms.

Four

B

38.

and instruments.

arias for alto

Se fensi mat se sfe Se tu sarai fedel Consolati

e

(Published

sfera

antiche, Vol.

11,

in

Alessandro

Se vuoi ch'io t'ami [Eitner qualifies these arias as coming from an

He

does not state his reasons. In examining the

librettos

Parisotti,

Arte

Milano, Ricordi)

unknown opera. known published

(with the exception of that of // G'tustino), I have not

located them.]

Florence, Biblioteca del Conservatorio:

A

cantata in a volume entitled: "Stravaganze" (Luciani, Postilla)

London,

British

Amenissimi

Museum:

frati, bass

&

cont.

Selve, caverne e monti, sop.

&

cont.

London, King's Music Library: Se fer un sol momento, two voices & cont. Tirsi caro, two voices & cont. Se dicesse un core, voice & cont. Pur nel sonno almen taVora, voice, two violins & Sosfendi o man fer foco, voice No, non juggire o Nice, voice

Qual

Fille gia fiu

Ti ricorda

Con

O

&

fensier, voice

non

farlo, voice

qual

meco Nice

&

cont.

&

cont.

cont.

cont.

&

o bella Irene, voice

qual cor, voice

&

cont.

&

cont.

cont.

two

cangiata, voice,

violins

&

cont.

vendicarmi vorrei, voice & cont. London, Library of the Royal College of Music:

Di

Fille

Quando

fenso, sop.

&

cont.

Vago il del, sop. & cont. [Dent lists a cantata in Munster by Alessandro, which begins with the same words.] •

421



VOCAL 3IUSIC Miinster, Bischofliche Santini-Bibliothek:

two violins & cont. 1702"] Dofo lungo servire, alto, two violins & cont. [Inscribed "2 Lug. 1702"] Other cantatas for voice and and arias for voice and strings attributed to Domenico. Care

fufille belle, sop.,

[Inscribed "Luglio

Naples, Biblioteca del Conservatorio Bella rosa adorata, sop.

&

Sono un alma tormentata,

di

cont.

San Pietro a Maiella:

cont. sop.

&

cont.

Padua, Biblioteca Antoniana: Deh che jate o mie fufille Quando miro il vostro joco Rimirai la rosa un di Paris, Bibliotheque de L'Arsenal: Cantatas Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale:

Al

fin diviene

amante

[Attributed to

Domenico

a ms. note.

in

Not

so listed in

pub-

lished catalogue.]

Parma,

[housed

Biblioteca Palatina, Sezione Musicale

in

the

Con-

servatorio Arrigo Boito]

Ninfe

belle e voi fastori, sop.

[Bears the note: "Fatta

& in

cont.

Livorno dal

Sig.

Domenico Scar-

latti."]

Se sat qual sia la fena, sop. Vienna, Nationalbibliothek:

&

Eight cantatas for sop., two qual mecOy o Nice Se fedele tu m'adori

cont.

violins

&

cont.

O

D'tr vorrei

Pur nel sonno almen Che vidiy oh del Piangete, occhi dolenti

Tinte a note di sangue con falso inganno Washington, Library of Congress: Scritte

E V

y

fur fer mia sventura, sop. & cont. adoro o luci belle, sop. & cont. D.

I.

Miserere [in

G

CHURCH MUSIC

minor, S.A.T.B., concertino, doubling ripieno].

(Rome, Bibl. Vaticana, Basilica Giulia, graph] For facsimile, see Fig. 21.)

V-31

[Separate parts,

auto-

[Thanks to the incipits sent me by Mario de Sampayo Ribeiro, I have been able to identify with this work the Miserere in the Biblioteca de Elvas, which he mentions {A musica em Portugal, p. 65).]

422

;

VOCAL ZMUSIC 2.

Miserere [in

(Rome, later,

E

minor, S.A.T.B., concertino, doubling ripieno].

V-31

Bibl. Vaticana, Basilica Giulia,

[Separate parts, altered

but showing the original])

Confessor [in

3. Iste

G

major, S.A.T.B., organ continuo]. (Rome,

V-32

Bibl. Vaticana, Basilica Giulia,

[Separate parts, later score and

additional parts]; Bologna, Bibl. del Liceo Musicale,

LL. 281)

C

minor, 4 S. 2 A. 2 T. 2 B (double five-part chorus), organ continuo]. (Bologna, Bibl. del Liceo Musicale, 92 4. Stabat

Mater

[in

KK

[score]

Preussische

Berlin,

;

Staatsbibliothek,

Mb. O. 605

[score]

Vienna, Nationalbibliothek 16739. P [Score]; Cambridge, Mass., George B. Weston [Separate parts] Munster, Bischofliche SantiniBibliothek, Sant Hs 3961 [Score, but obviously not the "manuscrit original" as mentioned by StassofT, p. 61]) Published (Roma, De Santis, 1 941) in an edition by Bonaventura ;

Somma, with

a preface by Alfredo Casella. (Casella mentions the excopy in the Ospedaletto in Venice.)

istence of a manuscript

Dominus

a 4. (Rome, Basilica Liberiana [Casella, Mater] ) 6. Missa. (Rome, Basilica Liberiana [Casella> ibid.]) [This is perhaps the work to which Mendel & Reissmann allude (Vol. IX, p. 72): "In Rom componirte S. mehrere Kirchenmusiken, eine vierstimmige Messe (17 12) und ein Salve Regina sind bekannt."] 7. Salve Regina [in A minor, sop., alto, organ continuo]. (Bologna, Bibl. del Liceo Musicale, KK 93 [Score and voice parts, last half of 5.

Nisi quia

preface to Stabat

soprano part missing] 8.

Magnificat

)

D

[in

minor,

S.A.T.B.,

Bischofliche Santini-Bibliothek, Sant e

si

crede originale

/

II

Hs 3959

(continuo)].

(Munster,

[Score, annotated ".

.

.

Basso Organico e stato posto da Fortunato San-

tini"]) 9. Te Deum [in C major, S.A.T.B., concertino, doubling ripieno, organ continuo]. (Lisbon, archives of the See of Lisbon, now in the custody of Mario de Sampayo Ribeiro [Score, late 1 8th century ms.])

[Sampayo Ribeiro

Te Deum

tells

in the Biblioteca

me

that, to the best of his recollection, the

de Guimaraes

{Te

10. Mottetto fer VOgnissanti

(Lisbon,

ibid.

[Separate parts, late

1

is

a

copy of

this

work.]

S.A.T.B.].

Gloriosus) |

8th century ms.])

[Note: In the opinion of Sampayo Ribeiro, the Motetto al S. Sacramento ad 8 voci, and the Salmo (Laudate) ad 8, mentioned by Casella in his preface to the Stabat Mater, are not by Domenico but by Alessandro.] 11. Missa

Quatuor

use

G

Vocum

Palacio Real, Capilla 102,

minor, S.A.T.B.]. (Madrid, [in ic>3v-l38r [Separated parts, copied for

fols.

from one volume] For facsimile of the Et Incarnatus, [In a volume dated 1754.] *

423

*

see Fig. 23.)

VOCAL {MUSIC Dominus, and Lauda Jerusalem^ mentioned by 1 15) as copied out by him, and apparently as by Scarlatti. Whereabouts unknown. 13. Salve Regrna [in A major, soprano and strings]. (Naples, Bibl. del Conservatorio di San Pietro a Maiella, 22-4-2 [Score, bearing the inscription: "Fatta nell'anno 1756."]; Bologna, Bibl. del Liceo Musicale, KK 95. [Score, inscribed: "Ultima delle sue composizione fatta in Madrid poco prima di morire," and: "All'Ottimo Amico ed egregio Professore in Musica il Sig. Luigi Bandelloni F. Santini." A co note at the end reads: "Questa e l'ultima Opera di Dom. Scarlatti Berlin, Preussische Staatsfatta in Madrid poco prima di morire."] bibliothek, Ms. Winterfeld 13. [Score, inscribed: "Ultima delle sue opere, fatta in Madrid poco prima di morire."] Miinster, Bischofliche Santini-Bibliothek, Sant Hs 3514 [Score, with the same annotation as 12. Psalms, Dixit

Soler [Llave de la Modulacion, p.



;

;

the preceding, also inscribed: "Fortunato Santini per suo uso."])

424

APPENDIX

VII

Works

Miscellaneous, Doubtful, and Spurious A.

MISCELLANEOUS WORKS ATTRIBUTED TO

DOMENICO SCARLATTI The

1.

Slow Movements from Manuscript Twelve Concerto* s (London, 1744). See Ap-

unidentified "additional

Solo Pieces" in Avison's

V C 4. Two pieces

pendix

in a manuscript collection of donate e fughe fer cem(Bologna, Bibl. del Liceo Musicale, 96, pp. 17-18, 23-26)

2.

KK

balo.

Fuga p.

17

P-

23

3. Ten Madrigali a quattro. (Florence, Bibl. del Conservatorio, according to Luciani, PostMa, p. 201) They bear the note: "Ridotti in questa guisa da Ciccio Durante, ma il canto e il basso sono di Domenico

Scarlatti." 4.

Tre Sonate a Violoncello KK 410) Of doubtful

Musicale, 5.

Cafriccio fugato del Sig

Museum, Egerton Ms. 2451,

(Bologna,

Basso.

e

Bibl.

del

Liceo

authenticity.

r

a dodici.

Scarlatti

.

fols.

(London,

92V- 99r) The twelve

British

parts are not

There is no indication of voices or instruments. Fuga Estemforanea. (Minister, Bischofliche Santini-Bibliothek, Sant Hs 3969 [Score, S.A.T.B., S.A.T.B., no words, and strings], also Sant Hs 3960 as a "fuga a 12" [no voices or instruments indi-

entirely independent. 6.

cated] apparently attributed to Durante) 7. Sonatas 10 and 13 in Ventiseis Sonatas Ineditas, transcribed by Enrique Granados. See Appendix V A 8.

8.

[ca.

A

sonata in

Two

Favorite Sonatas

1792]. See Appendix B.

VC

.

.

.

London ...

Cooper

SPURIOUS KEYBOARD WORKS

Fugue in F minor (Roseingrave II, p. 9; Vienna G 200) by Alessandro Scarlatti. (See Appendix V C 2.) 2. Four Sonatas in Boivin III. (See Appendix V C 9.) 1.

Sonata 1 Sonata 3

J.

21.

in

C

major.

in

F

major. •

425

5

Czerny

{MISCELLANEOUS AND SPURIOUS WORKS Sonata 8 in C major. [This is the third movement of Sonata I in r Sonate fer Cembalo comfoste dal Sig Galuffi. London: Printed for .

Walsh. ... (I owe this discovery to Vere Pilkington.)] Sonata 10 in F major. [This, and the foregoing spurious sonatas in this collection, like Sonata 8, may well be discovered in an eighteenth-century printed collection by another author. I did not find them in the Galuppi collections available to me. I have accepted Sonata 6 of this volume (K. 97, elsewhere unpublished) as genuine Scarlatti.] C 3. [Six] SONATES / POUR LE CLAVECIN. / Par / DOM °. SCARPrince Asturies. OPERA Maitre de Clavecin du des IV. / LATTI / / / I.

.

.

/ A

.

/

Paris,

.

.

.

Boivin

.

.

.

/ Le Clerc

.../...

(Paris,

Bibliotheque Nationale)

[Each sonata

is

in

four movements, except Sonata 4, which

is

in

two voices, and the bass is figured. Their authenticity as works of Domenico Scarlatti is entirely discredited by the fact that the following movements are to be found in Songs in the New Of era caWd Pyrrhus and Demetrius (Alessandro Scarlatti's Pirro e Demetrio) (London), Walsh, Randall, Hare, (ca. 1708). Sonata 2, first movement: Sento fiu dolce il vento (p. 49) Sonata 2, second movement: Ruggiadose odorose violette (p. 22) Sonata 2, third movement: Love thou airy vain Illusion (p. 45) Sonata 4, first movement: Gentle sighs a while releive us [sic] All are noted in

five.

.

(p-

.

15) Sonata

My

.

5, third

was

attention

movement: Rise

first

O

Sun

(p. 2)

called to one of these by

Manfred Bukofzer.]

C

major (Allegro, C), number five in raccolta MUSICALE / CONTENENTE / VI. SONATE / PER IL CEMBALO SOLO / da / a Norimberga. / Alle Spese di Giovanni Ulrico / Opera II Haffner [ca. 1 757, Hopkinson p. 67]. [Gerstenberg (p. 36), on stylistic grounds, rejects this as a work 4.

.

.

Sonata

.

.

.

of

in

.

.

Domenico

Scarlatti.

The

heading of

collection attributed to Scarlatti, styles

Madrid." This appears

di Cristo, in

this sonata, the

him

only one of the

as "Cavalliero dell'

to be the origin

Habito

of assertions to

that effect by later writers.]

F major (Andante, C). (Published by Newton as from a manuscript copy by Charles Wesley. London, British Museum Add. 35018, fol. 55b.) [In my opinion this sonata is a conscious imitation of certain more obvious features of Scarlatti style by someone steeped in Italian music of the later eighteenth century. Passages such as measures 9 to 16, and the handling of dominant and 5.

Sonata

number

in

four,

secondary sevenths render 6.

Sonata

in

it

particularly suspect.]

F major (Andante

cantabile,

%). (Clementi

2,

Czerny

95-) [Gerstenberg (p. 39) quite rightly rejects this sonata as a work of Domenico Scarlatti. It is probably by Clementi.] J



426

'

MISCELLANEOUS AND SPURIOUS WORKS 7.

Sonata

196.) This

F major

in

(Allegro, alia breve). (Clementi 12, Czerny

XXVII

Sonata 5 of

is

Sonatas fara Clave for el Padre

Fray Antonio Soler, London: Birchall.

minor (Vienna G 48, Czerny 191). This is part of Higgs manuscript (Yale School of Music), published by J. S. Shedlock in Alessandro Scarlatti, Harfsichord and Organ Music, London, 1908. For the pedigree of this and the fugue in G major, see the notes by Claudio Sartori in Alessandro Scarlatti, Primo e Secondo Libro di Toccate, pp. 1 40- 1 43. 9. Fugue in G major (Vienna G 47, Czerny 192). This is part of 8.

Fugue

A

in

Toccata No. 10

in the

Higgs manuscript (see above). It appears as a in the editions of Domenico's pieces by Biilow (Leipzig, Peters), and Buonamici (New York, G. Schirmer). d0 10. Concerto a cembalo concertato, Violino Imo y Violino II } Flauto d0 do Imo, Flauto II y Corno Imo y Corno II y Viola e Basso. (Berlin, Toccata Settima

in the

Domenico

prelude attributed to

Preussische Staatsbibliothek,

On

Mus. ms. 19679).

stylistic

cannot possibly be accepted as a work by Domenico it

is

by

Giuseppe.

SPURIOUS VOCAL WORKS

C. 1.

Two

cantatas for soprano,

Stravagante non e di

grounds this Perhaps

Scarlatti.

Vamor ch yio

San Pietro a Maiella, 57

-

Al

39)

miei fensieri, and

fine m'uccidete

sento.

(Naples, Bibl. del Conservatorio

[Although catalogued as works of

Domenico Scarlatti, in the manuscript they are attributed to Alessandro. Dent includes them in his catalogue of Alessandro's works.] 2. Canzone fer Alto. [Listed by Eitner as being in Berlin, Preussische

3.

and

Staatsbibliothek,

work was not Motet,

the

in

Wagener

collection.

In

1938

this

in the Preussische Staatsbibliothek.]

Memento Domine David. (London,

Egerton Ms. 2451,

65) [The same work,

fol.

tributed to Alessandro. It

is

so listed by

in

Museum,

British

Add. 14 166,

is

at-

Dent.]

Opera, Didone Abbandonata (Rome, 1724), to Metastasio's text. no eighteenth-century reference to a setting by Domenico of this opera. The references as recent as those of Bouvier, and Brunelli (Tutte le of ere di Pietro Metastasio) are surely founded on a mistake. 4.

[I can find

Burney (Memoirs formed in Rome Naples -premiere 5.

Three

in

of

.

.

.

Metastasio, Vol.

Domenico

to music by 1

7 24. See

Arias: Sfarge al

I, p.

36)

says that

it

was per-

Sarro, the composer of the

Chapter V, footnote 34.]

Mare, Passagier che

fa ritorno, and

Im-

magini dolenti, by Giuseppe Scarlatti. [Sfarge al Mare, and Passagier che fa ritorno, from Giuseppe Scarlatti's Merofe (Rome, 1740), were performed in London on October 31, 1 74 1, in the pasticcio Alessandro in Persia, and discussed by *

427

*

{MISCELLANEOUS AND SPURIOUS WORKS Burney as works of Domenico Scarlatti (A General History of Music, Vol. II, p. 838). Burney (ibid., p. 840) likewise discusses as a work of Domenico's the air, Immagrni dolenti, from Giuseppe's Arminio in in London on April 20, 1742, Merasfe, o I'OUmfiade. (See Walker, p. 195.)]

Germania (Florence, 1741), performed in the pasticcio

428

.

BIBLIOGRAPHY The

following bibliography includes only those works which have

me

been useful to

give a complete latti,

to include

in preparing this book. It does not

list

of publications concerning

purport to

Domenico

Scar-

works entirely drawn from sources already men-

tioned here, nor to perpetuate the

titles

of works of doubtful

value. Unless otherwise indicated, the editions listed are those to

which reference

is

made

in the present book.

[Accademia Musicale Chigiana.] Gli

Scarlatti

(A lessandro-Francesco-

Pietro-Domenico-Giuseffe). Siena, 1940. Adami da Bolsena, Andrea. Osservazioni fer ben regolare il Coro dei Cantori delta Caffella Pontificia. Roma, 1 7 1 1 Addison, Joseph. Remarks on several farts of Italy, &c. In the Years, ijoi, 7702,7703. 5th ed.; London, 1736. Ademollo, Alessandro, / teatri di Roma nel secolo decimosettimo. Roma, 1888. Agricola, J. F. Anleitung zur Singkunst. A us dem Italianise hen des Herrn Peter Franz Tosi y mit Erl'duterun gen und Zus'dtzen von .

Johann Friedrich Agricola.

.

.

Berlin,

IJS7Almeida, Fortunato de. Historia de Portugal. Coimbra, 1 922-1 926. Alvarez de Colmenar, Juan. Annates d'Espagne et de Portugal. Amster-

dam,

1

74 1.

Angles, Higini. [See Soler, Antoni; .

"Das

Quintets.]

Sis

spanische Volkslied," Archiv fur Musikforschung, III

(1938), PP. 331-362. Annunzio, Gabriele d\ Leda senza Cigno. Milano, 19 16. Argenson, R. L. de V. de P., marquis de. Memoires et journal inedit du Marquis dy Argenson. Paris, 1857-1858. Armstrong, Edward. Elisabeth Farnese. London, 1892. Aulnoy, Madame d\ Relation du Voyage d'Esfagne, avec une introduction et des notes par R. Foulche-Delbosc. Paris,^ 1926.

Avison, Charles.

An

Essay on Musical Expression. London, 1752.

Bach, C. P. E. Versuch uber die wahre Art das Clavier zu sfielen. Berlin,

1759, 1762. Essay on the True Art of Playing Keyboard Instruments, trans, and ed. by William J. Mitchell. New York, 1948. Bach, J. S. Keyboard Practice Consisting of an Aria with Thirty .

Ed. by Ralph Kirkpatrick. New York, 1938. Werke. Herausgegeben von der B ach-G es ells ch aft zu Leifzig. Leipzig, 1851-1899. [Reprinted, Ann Arbor, 1947.] Variations. .

*

429

*

'BIBLIOGRAPHY W.

Queen of Sweden. London, 1890. Memorie storico-critiche delta vita e delle of ere di Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina. Roma, 1828. Ballesteros y Beretta, D. Antonio. Historia de Esfana. Barcelona, Bain, F. Baini,

Christina,

Giuseppe.

1919-1941. A. M. Catalogo de los retratos de fersonajes esfaiioles que se conservan en la seccion de estamfas y de bellas artes de la Biblioteca Nacional. Madrid, 1901. Baretti, Joseph. An Account of the Manners and Customs of Italy. 2nd ed.; London, 1769. A Journey from London to Genoa, through England, PortuLondon, 1 770. gal, Sfain, and France. 3rd ed. Bauer, Luise. Die Tatigkeit Domenico Scarlattis und der italienischen Meister in der ersten Halfte des 18. J ahrhunderts in Sfanien. [UnBarcia,

.

;

published Inaugural-Dissertation,

The

Munchen, 1933.]

of William Beckford of Cambridge, 1928. Berwick, M. del R. F. y O., 16. duquesa de Alba, 9. duquesa de. Documentos escogidos del archivo de la casa de Alba. Madrid, 1 89 1. Blainville, [ de. Travels through Holland, Germany, Switzer) land, but especially Italy. London, 1757. Bonaventura, Arnaldo. Bernardo Pasquini. Roma, 1 923. Bouvier, Rene, Farinelli, le chanteur des rois Paris [1943]. Branco, M. B. Portugal na efocha de D. Joao V. 2nd ed.; Lisboa,

William.

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1886.

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[ 1

Brosses, Charles de. Lettres familieres sur Vltalie. Paris,

Burnet, Gilbert.

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in

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Years 1685. and 1686. 2nd ed.; Rotterdam,

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Memoirs London, 1796. .

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and Writings

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Abate Metastasio.

The

Present State of Music in France and Italy. London,

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1771. .

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Maria

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XXVI(i 9

i

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Aracoeli

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Arcadia dal i6go al i8go. Roma, 189 1. D. Luis. Cronica de la ofera italiana en Madrid desde el ano 1738 hasta nuestros dias. Madrid, 1878. Casaglia, Ferdinando. Per le onoranze di Bartolommeo Cristofori. Carini, Isidoro.

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Firenze, 1876. Casanova, Jacques. Memoires. Paris: Gamier [1880]. Celani, Enrico. "I canton della Cappella Pontificia nei secoli XVIXVIII," Rivista Musicale Italiana, XVI (1909), pp. 55-112. "II primo amore di Pietro Metastasio," Rivista Musicale Italiana, XI (1904), pp. 228-264. Chase, Gilbert. The Music of Spain. New York, 1 94 1. Chedlowski, Casimir von. Neafolitanische Kulturbilder XIV. -XV III. Jahrhundert. 2nd ed.; Berlin, 1 920. Choron, A. E., and Fayolle, F. Dictionnaire historique des musiciens y artistes et amateurs. Paris, 1810-1811. Chrysander, Friedrich. G. F. Handel. 2nd ed.; Leipzig, 1 919. Cian, Vittorio. Italia e Sfagna nel secolo XVIII. Torino, 1896. Clarke, Edward. Letters concerning the Sfanish Nation, written at Madrid during the years 1760 and 176 1. London, 1763. Conti, Giuseppe. Firenze dai Medici ai Lorena. Firenze, 1909. [Cormatin, P. M. F. D., baron de.] Voyage du ci-devant due du Chatelet en Portugal. Revu par J. F. Bourgoing. Paris, an VI [I797]Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio. Ori genes y e stable cimiento de la ofera en Esfana hasta 1800. Madrid, 191 7. Coxe, William. Memoirs of the Kings of Sfain of the House of Bour.

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XXXI, Dent, E.

J.

pp. 5-7. his Life and Works. London, 1905. N. L'Esfagne de Vancien regime. Paris,

Alessandro Scarlatti,

Desdevises du Dezert, G.

1897-1904. Deutsch, Otto Erich. Music Publishers* Numbers. London, 1946. D. Joao V. Conferencias e estudos comemorativos do segundo centenario

da sua morte (1750-1050). Lisboa, 1952. Dominici, Bernardo de'. Vite de* Pittori} Scultori } ed Architetti Nafoletani. Napoli,

1

742-1 744.

Doria, Gino. Storia di una cafitale: Nafoli dalle origini al i860. Napoli

[1935]. Dotto, Paolo. "Gaspare A. Scarlatti

XVII (1935),

il

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383-386. Duclos, C. P. Memoires. Paris, 1 79 1. [Dumouriez, C. F. D.] fLtat Present du Royaume de Portugal en 1766. Lausanne, 1775. pp.

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Enciclofedia Italiana di scienze y lettere ed

arti.

Roma, 1936.

Faustini-Fasini, Eugenio. "Gli astri maggiori del *bel canto' Napoletano



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5

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1745. Gazeta de Lisboa Occidental. 171 _1 7 2 9* Geminiani, Francesco. The Art of A ccomfaniament

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94 1.

Keene, Benjamin. The Private Correspondence of Sir Benjamin Keene, K.B. Cambridge, 1933. Klenze, Camillo von. The Interpretation of Italy, during the last two centuries. Chicago, 1 907. Korte, Werner. Der Palazzo Zuccari in Rom. Leipzig, 1935. Krebs, Carl. "Die Privatkapellen des Herzogs von Alba," Vierteljahrsschrift fiir Musikwis sense haft, IX (1893), PP- 393~4°7Labat, P. Voyages du P. Labat de Vordre des Ff. Prescheurs y en Esfagne et en Italie. Amsterdam, 1 73 1. Laborde, J. B. de. Essai sur la Musique Ancienne

et

Moderne.

Paris,

1780. Lambertini, Michelangelo. "Portugal," Lavignac-Laurencie, Encyclopedic de la Musique, Sec. I, Vol. IV, pp. 2401-2469. Laparra, Raoul. "La musique et la danse populaires en Espagne,"

Lavignac-Laurencie, Encyclopedic de PP- 2353-2400. Lasses, Richard.

An

Italy.

Italian

la

Musique, Sec.

I,

Vol. IV,

Voyage, or a Compleat Journey through

London, 1698. *

434

'

.

'BIBLIOGRAPHY Lavignac, Albert, and Laurencie, Lionel de la. Encyclofedie de la Musique. Paris, 1913-1931. Lee, Vernon. Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy. London, 1880. Leichtentritt, Hugo. Handel. Stuttgart-Berlin, 1924. Ligi, B. "La cappella musicale del Duomo d'Urbino," Note d'archivio fer la storia musicale, II (1925).

Lima Cruz, M. A. Carlos de

Seixas (1704-1742). Lisboa, 1943. [Limojon] de St. Didier, [A. T.] The City and Refublick of Venice. London, 1699. Loewenberg, Alfred. Annals of Opera, 1597-1940. Cambridge [I943]Longo, Alessandro. Domenico Scarlatti e la sua figura nella storia della

musica. Napoli, 1913. Lorenz, Alfred. Alessandro Scarlatti's Jugendofer. Augsburg. 1 927. Lorenzoni, Antonio. Saggio fer ben sonare il Flauto traverso. Vicenza,

1779-

D. A. d'A., marquis de. Memoires secretes sur V etablissement Maison de Bourbon en Esfagne. Paris, 1818. Luciani, S. A. "Alia scoperta degli autograft di Domenico Scarlatti," Louville,

de

la

Archivi, Serie III, .

.

.

.

pp.

Anno

II (1935), Fascicolo IV.

Domenico Scarlatti. Firenze, 1939. "Domenico Scarlatti," Enciclofedia Domenico Scarlatti. Torino [ 1 939] "Postilla Scarlattiana,"

200-203. -. "Un'opera inedita

Italiana,

La Rassegna Domenico

di

XLVIII (1946),

Italiana,

Musicale,

XXXI,

pp. 7-9.

XLIV

(1940),

Scarlatti," Rivista

Musicale

433-445. Lustig, Renzo. "Filippo Juvarra scenografico," Emporium, LXIII (1926), pp. 246-253. "Per la cronistoria dell'antico teatro musicale. II Teatro della Villa Medicea di Pratolino," Rivista Musicale Italiana, XXXVI (1929), pp. 259-266. Luynes, [C. P. d'A.] due de. Memoires (1735-1758). Paris, 1860-1865. pp.

.

.

[Main waring, John.] Memoirs Handel. London, 1760. Malipiero, G. F. "Domenico (1927),

pp.

.

.

of the Life of the

Scarlatti,"

Late George Frederic

Musical

Quarterly,

XIII

476-488.

Mancini, Giambattista. Rifiessioni fratiche sul canto figurato. 3rd ed.; Milano, 1777. Manfredini, Vincenzo. Regole Armoniche o sieno frecettt ragionati fer

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Marpurg, F.

W.

Anleitung

zum '

Claviers fielen. Berlin, 1755.

435

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Marpurg, F.

W.

Musik. Berlin,

1

Kritische Brief e. Berlin,

.

Beitrage

Historisch-Kritische

zur Aufnahme der

754-1 778. 1

7 60- 1

763.

Martini, G. B. Storia delta Musica. Bologna, 175 7-1 78 1. Maugham, H. N. The Book of Italian Travel, 1 580-1900.

New York

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1929.

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XX

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Pavan, Giuseppe. "II Teatro Capranica," Rivista Musicale Italiana,

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.

.

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.

Prota-Giurleo,

Ulisse.

Alessandro Scarlatti

b

;

;

Bb;%;

D

;

alia breve

%

;

18 19

%; Andante commodo

C Moderato Bb;%; Minuet P»b

XII XII

14 15 16 17 18 19

Allegro Allegro

;

13 14 15 16 17

III III II II II II II II

XIII

57

F5

58 29 30

F6

31

32 33 34

II 35 II 36 III 59

G46

60

F8 F9

F7

di ballo

Allegro Allegro

Andante

;

D C

12

12 13

;

D;%;

29 30

XII XII XII XII XII XII

11

;

G;%;Vivo d

XI XI

5

8 9 10

;

tempo 431

3 4

7

Presto, quanto sia possibbile Allegro %; Allegro Non presto ma a alia breve

III 55 III 56

6

;

%; Andante

g;

27 28

1

2

che allegro alia breve Allegro

XLII

XI XI

Allegro

;

Piu tosto presto

;

;

;

;

30

;

31

32 33 34

XII 2 XII 3 XII 4 XII 5 XII 6 XII 7 XII 8 XII 9 XII 10 XII 11 XII 20 XII 21 XII 22 XII 23 XII 24 XII 25 XII XII XII XII XII

III III III III III II II III III II II

61 62 63 64 27 28 65

66

F10 Fll F12

F13 F14

37 38

II 39 II 40 II 41 II 42

26 27

II 43 II 44

28 29 30

II 45

II 46

V55

A

40

Miinster II

452

A

453

A; %; Andante

;

alia breve

;

Andante

51

II 51

Gerstenberg

1

52

II 52

Gerstenberg

2

allegro

1756 Venice

XI 454 455

184 209

G % Andante spiritoso G alia breve Allegro ;

;

1

;

2

;

*

45 3

XIII XIII



1

II 47

2

II 48

CATALOGUE OF SONATAS KlRKSixty Sonatas

LONGO

456 457 458

491

459

XLV XLVI

Prim. Source

PAT-

RICK

460

292 212 S.14

324

Key, Time, Tempo

A

breve Allegro A; %; Allegro D;%; Allegro (d;%; Allegro alia breve Presto ( C alia breve Allegro C;%; Allegro alia

;

D

Parma

Munster

XIII 3 XIII 4 XIII 5 XIII 6

3 4

;

5

6

Vtenna

Notes

II 49

II 50 II 53

G27

II 54

;

;

;

8

438

f

;

%; Andante

471

f

;

alia breve

8 9 10

Multo

;

XIII 7 XIII 8 XIII 9 XIII 10

7

;

461

462 463

II 55 II 56

II 57 II 58

G 19 G20

allegro

464 465 466 467 468 469

alia breve; Allegro

151

C;

242 118 476 226

C;%;

431

f

i;%; Allegrissimo F;%; Allegro F alia breve Allegro ;

II 59

15 16 17

20

XIII 17 XIII 18 XIII 19 XIII 20

21

XIII

22

XIII 22

I

25 24 25

XIII 23 XIII 24 XIII 25

26

XIII 26

114

C13

27

118

28

XIII 30 XIII 27

I 15

C 14 G31

29

XIII 28

I

16

G30

30

XIII 29

I 17

G28

XIV XIV 2

I 19

C 15 C16

XIV 3 XIV 4 XIV 5 XIV 6 XIV 7 XIV 8 XIV 9 XIV 10

121

12 13 14

C; Andante moderato

;

XIII 11 XIII 12 XIII 13 XIII 14 XIII 15 XIII 16

11

Allegro

15

16

;

II 60

11

12 13 14

CI C2

C3 C4

Also Vienna Also Vienna

G G

29

Also Vienna

G

45

10

molto

XLVII XLVIII

472 473

304 82 99 229

G; alia breve; Allegro G; %; Minuet Bb % Andante

474

203

Eb; %\ Andante

475

220

476 477 478

340 290

470 471

17

18 19

;

;

Bb;

alia breve; Allegro

18

C5

C6 C7 C8

molto

12

479

S.16

480 481

S.8 187

482

435

483

472

e

cantabbile breve Allegrissimo g; %; Allegro G; %; Allegrissimo E(j

;

alia

;

D; %; Andante

e

cantabbile D; alia breve; Allegrissimo alia breve Presto alia breve Andante e f cantabbile F alia breve Allegrissimo F;%; Presto

D

;

;

;

;

;

;

19

C9

10

G25

I 11

C10

112 113

Cll C12

21

1756 Venice

XII

484 485

XLIX L LI LII

486 487 488 489 490 491

492 493

419 153 455 205 S.37 S.41

206 164 14 S.24

D;%;

Allegro C alia breve Andante e cantabile C; alia breve; Allegro C;%; Allegro Bb alia breve Allegro Bb;%; Allegro D; alia breve; Cantabile D;%; Allegro D; %; Presto G alia breve Allegro

1

;

;

1

2

;

;

3 4 5

;

6 7

8 9

10

;

120

122 123 124 125 126 127 128

C17 C18 C 19 C20 G44 C21 C22 C23

Source

in

correctly

IV



454

'

5

Longo Venice

CATALOGUE OF SONATAS KlRK-

Sixty Sonatas

LIU

494 495 496 497 498 499 500

287

426 372 146

350 193

492 137

503 504 505

196 29 326

506 507

70 113

511 512 513

Key, Time, Tempo

Lonco

501 502

508 509 510

LIV

Prim.

PAT-

RICK

3

19

311 277 314 339 S.3

G;%;

;

%

;

D

;

;

D;%;

Moderato-Molto

C38 C39

25 26 27 28

XIV 25 XIV 26 XIV 27 XIV 28 XIV 29 XIV 30

145 132 133 146 147 150

C40 C27 C28 C41 C42 C45

XVI

157 158 159 160

D7 D8 D9

21

cantabile Eb;%; Allegro alia breve Allegro d; %; Allegro alia breve Allegro Allegro C; !%,%; Pastorale; ;

143 144

20

;

;

;

XIV 23 XIV 24

18 19

Eb; %; Andantino

D

23 24

17

;

;

142

16

;

;

22

15

;

;

C24 C25 C26 C31 C32 C29 C30 C33 C34 C35 C36 C37

13 14

;

Vienna

129 130 131 136 137 134 135 138 139 140

12

;

;

MUNSTER

XIV 11 XIV 12 XIV 13 XIV 14 XIV 15 XIV 16 XIV 17 XIV 18 XIV 19 XIV 20 XIV 21 XIV 22

11

Allegro E alia breve Allegro E;%; Allegro b alia breve Allegro b; %; Allegro A alia breve Andante Allegro A C alia breve Allegreto C;%; Allegro Bb alia breve Allegreto Bb;%; Allegro F alia breve Allegro non presto F;%; Allegro ;

Parma

Source

29 30

141

al-

legro-Presto

1757 Venice

XIII

LV LVI LVII LVIII

514 515 516 517 518 519 520 521 522 523 524 525 526

1

255 S.12

266 116 475 86 408 S.25

490 283 188 456

C alia breve Allegro C;%; Allegro ;

d

1

;

%

12

XV 2 XV 4 XV 3 XV 5 XV 6 XV 7 XV 8 XV 9 XV 10 XV 11 XV 12

13

XV

2

Allegretto d; alia breve; Prestissimo F; alia breve; Allegro f %; Allegro assay alia breve Allegretto Allegro alia breve Allegro G;%; Allegro F;%; Allegro F;%; Allegro c; alia breve; Allegro ;

3

;

4 5

6

;

G G;%; G ;

;

;

;

7

8 9 10 11

13

161

162 148 149 151

152 155 156 153

D D D

10 11

12

C43 C44

D D2 D5 D6 D3 1

comodo 527 528 529 530 531 532 533

458 200 327 44 430 223 395

C; %; Allegro

Bb

alia breve

14

assai

Allegro Allegro E;%; Allegro E;%; Allegro a; %; Allegro A alia breve Allegro ;

15

;

Bb;%;

;

16 17

18 19

20

;

XV 14 XV 15 XV 16 XV 17 XV 18 XV 19 XV 20

154 163 164

XV 21 XV 22 XV 23 XV 24 XV 25 XV 26 XV 27 XV 28

D4 D D D D D D

13 14

169 170

D

19

171

D21

172 173 174 175 176

D22 D23 D24 D25 D26

165 166 167 168

15

16 17

18

assai

534 535 536 537 538 539 540 541

11

D;

alia breve;

Cantabbile

21

262 236 293 254

D %

121

G;

alia breve; Allegro

22 23 24 25 26

F;

alia breve; Allegretto

27

S.17 120

;

;

Allegro

A;

alia breve;

A

%

;

;

G;%; F;%;

Cantabbile Prestissimo Allegretto

28

Allegretto



455



D20

Notes

CATALOGUE OF SONATAS KlRKSixty Sonatas

Prim. Source

PAT-

RICK

LONGO

542 543

167

227

Key, Time, Tempo

F;%; F;%;

29 30

Allegretto Allegro

Parma

MUNSTEJt

VffiNNA

XV 29 XV 30

177 178

D27 D28

XV 31

179

D29

Notes

1757

Parma

XV LIX

544

497

Bb;%;

LX

545

500

Bb

546

312

547

S.28

548

404

31

Cantabile

breve Prestissimo Cantabile g; %;

G

alia

;

alia breve

;

C;%;

549

S.l

C;

550

S.42

Bb

;

Allegro

;

Allegretto

alia breve; Allegro

;

alia

breve

;

Allegretto

32

XV 32

180

D30

33

XV 33

181

D31

34

XV 34

182

D32

35

XV 35

183

D33

36

XV 36

184

D34

37

XV 37

185

D35

551

396

Bb;%;

Allegro

38

XV 38

186

D36

552

421

d; alia breve; Allegretto

39

XV 39

187

D37

553

425

d;

%;

40

XV 40

188

D38

554

S.21

F

alia

555

477

;

{;%;

Allegro

breve

;

Allegretto

Allegro

*

A

41

XV 41

189

D39

42

XV 42

190

D40

56'

Longo's source Vienna D 29 Longo's source Vienna D 30 Longo's source Vienna D 31 Longo's source Vienna D 32 Longo's source Vienna D 33 Longo's source Vienna D 34 Longo's source Vienna D 35 Longo's source Vienna D 36 Longo's source Vienna D 37 Longo's source Vienna D 38 Longo's source Vienna D 39 Longo's source Vienna D 40

Table of Sonatas in the Order of Longo's Edition Volume

1

Volume

Lonco 1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

PATKICK

514 384 502 158 406 139 302 461 303 84 534 478 60 492 160 306 371 331 508

20

51

21

162 198

22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41

42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

380 292 46 418 238 194 504 82 318 67 87 376 319 88 325 196 249 43 268 217 405 530 62 47 439 266 234 70

Volume

2

LONGO

51

52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74

75 76 77 78 79 80 81

82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91

92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100

LONGO

PATJUCX

166 165 75 200 330 281 288 64 164 346 291 232 163 148 395 317 294 354 411 506 59 186 379 393 78 374 171 289 391 79 71 471 431 63 290 520 338 304 102 284 285 300 149 74 323

101 102

103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150

154

440 373 472 334

*

3

Volume

457

*

PATKICK

156 423 259 159 340 90 140 213 436 396 123 226 507 68 307 518 150 466 366 541 539 118 210 260 413 347 348 426 201 111 428 429 211 383 212 61 501 109 182 341

332 193 189 311 272

497 197 261

416 409

4

Kmk-

KlFK-

KlRK-

KntK-

Longo

151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191

192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200

PAIWCK

464 327 485 235 271 362 48 58 252 363 236 178 176 491 214 85 542 77 257 349 386 367 185 250 387 91 179 258 152 241 121 412 277 454 76 127 481 525 184 130 342 313 499 181

65 503 155 296 229 528

TABLE OF SONATAS Volume

5

Volume

LONGO

201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219

220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245

246 247 248 249 250

PATRICX

326 242 474 105 487 490 191 397 455 299 89 458 400 223 120 192 73 398 254 475 134 404 532 135 381 468 543 256 473 350 31 124 103

390 315 536 280 208 188 369 54

465 451 117 36 392 361 310 108 190

Volume

6

KlRK-

KlRK-

LONGO

251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300

7

Volume

KlRK-

LONGO

PATRICK

49 372 170 470 251 345 269 237 222 414 509 546 353 511 137 370 99 283 442 253 263 305 215 460 98 505 529 275 167

168 239 133 524 385 187 427 494 432 424 477 343 457 537 447 344 128 274 112 316

301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349

131

350

PATRICK

339 421 199 538 515 247 206 321 221 246 53 535 377 312 45 517 52 224 333 295 81

180 216 399 394 378 510 437 419

458

151

169 324 425 122 55 93 336

450 512 476 320 220 434 114 113

408 227 244 146 498

LONGO

351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369

370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383

384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400

8

KlRKPATWCK

225 11

243 230 100 56 40 95 308 22 435 92 21 177 401 1

5

26 145 10 207

496 28 15

20 147 136 3 7

203 438 69 19 17

445 35 14 2

375 4 39 218 219 286 533 551 16

273 228 360

TABLE OF SONATAS Volume

9

Volume

Lonco

401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431

432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450

PATRICK

72 126 86 548 157 37 115 521 231 174 23 358 9 388 119 18 161 443 484 444 552 141 32 33 553 495 402 209 175 531 469 44 446 267 482 364 106 462 255 50 314 104 356 449 153 262 173 359 27 245

10

Supplement

KlRK-

KlRK-

Lonco

PATRICK

422 116 433 309 486 526

451 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 482 483 484 485 486 487 488 489 490 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 498 499 500

132 527 270 129 29 417 430 138 96 264 233 279 110 403 463 483 183 107 519 467 555 38 6

365 25 389 322 282 448 13 125 8 12 523

456 500 301 101 24 66 544

202 30 545

459

KlRK-

Lonco

PATRICK

S.l

549 420 513 407 329 298 34 480 287 335 415 516 352 459 278 479 540 195 297 276 554 355 205 493 522 337 328 547 240 368 83 265 382 351 248 42 488 57 441 172 489 550 410 293 357

S.2

S.3 S.4

S.5 S.6 S.7 S.8 S.9

S.10 S.ll S.12 S.13 S.14 S.15 S.16 S.17 S.18 S.19 S.20 S.21 S.22 S.23 S.24 S.25 S.26 S.27 S.28 S.29 S.30 S.31

S.32 S.33 S.34 S.35 S.36 S.37 S.38 S.39 S.40 S.41 S.42 S.43 S.44 S.45

THE SCARLATTI FAMILY TREE i.

PIETRO SCARLATA Married (5 V 1658) to

-by 1678

(

1

)

Eleonora D'Amato Children: Anna Maria Antonia Diana (8 II 1659-28 X 1659), Pietro Alessandro Gaspare (2 V 1660-24 1725), Anna Maria (8 XII i66i 2 -i 4 XII 1703), Melchiorra Brigida (5 X 1663-2 XII 1736), Vincenzo Placido (10 1665 4— ), Francesco Antonio Nicola (5 XII 1666- ), Antonio Giuseppe 18 (15 I 1669), Tommaso (between 1669 and i672 -i VIII

X

X

1760) 2.

(2 V 1660-24 X 1725) Antonia Anzalone Children: Pietro Filippo (5 I 1679-22 II 1750), Benedetto Bartolomeo(24VIII 1680-21 VIII 1684), Alessandro Raimondo 7 6 (23 XII 1681 — 1717 or after ), Flaminia Anna Caterina (10 IV 8 Cristina Leonora Magdalena (6 IV 1683-C.1724 or 1725 ), 1684-1714 or after 9 ), Giuseppe Domenico (26 X 1685-23 VII 1757), Giuseppe Nicola Roberto Domenico Antonio (17 II 1689 10 - ), Caterina Eleonora Emilia Margherita (15 XI 1690- ), Carlo Francesco Giacomo (5 V 1692- ), Giovanni Francesco Diodato (7 V 1695- )

ALESSANDRO SCARLATTI Married (12 IV 1678)

to

ANNA MARIA SCARLATTI

(8

XII i66i 2 -i 4 XII 1703)

Married (1685?) to Paolo Massonio Astrolusco 17 ( Married (9 II 1699) to Nicola Barbapiccola Children: Carlo Giuseppe Nicola 11 (7 XI 170 1-

MELCHIORRA BRIGIDA SCARLATTI

(.'/;

DOM EN ICO SCARLATTI./ / Pieces de Clavecin pdU a mis en /

Concertos.

W.

/

/

of

line 10 from end. For 4.10, Washington, Library of Congress. New Haven, Yale School of Music [A presentation copy from Clementi to Samuel Weslev]. 10 from end. For 41 1, line

/*.

GRANDS

A SEPT PARTIES C

de

/

XII

bis.

TO /

410,

A PARIS /

/

.

.

Music. p.

404, line 32. For Largo (?), read Largo (derived from the second movement of K. 81),

4

.

dominico scarlatti. / Selected from his Suites de Lecons, / for the / Harpsichord or Piano Forte / and Revised zvith a Variety of Improvements / by / Ambrose pitman. / Volume the -first / [London, Preston, 1785, according to Hopkinson (p. 64)] New Haven, Yale School of

from the third movement of

tion

GUGLIELMI, et HAY-

/ DITERS,

.

Concerto

K.

20.

/

19.

(26).

404, line (89b)

ouvertures /

BAILLEUX

It.

1-.

404, line

/

DX; Arrangees / Pour le Clavecin ou Forte-Piano / et / deux sonaTES / Par / CLEMENTI, et SCAR-

portrait

Scarlatti's

QL'ATRE

18.

attribu-

a paris,

406, line 23. For Regie d'Or. read Regie d'Or. / 410, lines 1 3-16. Should read

Composees / Par

Domingo Antonio de Ve-

tion to

w /

Asturies. Prix 9. p.

Portuguese

lasco.

406, lines 20 to 22: Should read / Pour le / clavecin. / Composees / Par Dom 00 Scarlatti./ aitre de Clavecin du Prince des 6. Pieces

359, end. Add [Domenico's portrait has found in Alpiar^a, Portugal, bequest of Jose

The

lection. p.

+3.]

-1

[Violino

part only].

contents are those of Avison's col-

Scarlatti, his wife. Passages

in Solar Quintes,

Pincherle

Primo Concertino

trio Musical, IV, p.

J57,

Marc

Paris,

ScsrUtti.

(Paris,

servatoire

Res.

Siff:

Bibl.

2634,

Don du

Con-

fols.

4OV-

4+v)

Musique

[In

a

volume of seventeen such

works. See Appendix VI, 15. This

468



"Introdu^i©!^ of Tolo-

the

is

and

meo.] p.

before

415,

from

9

line

end.

Drams

del

(except

end)

There are arias, and the work is one oboe, two flutes,

[4.} strings

forty-seven

I2V)

and continuo. (Recorded, an edition bv Terenzio Z:r-

D

,

(Fols.

major,

8v-iov)

Temfo

?'i. ::..:—;

.-:_'j/;;.

;\;

in three ms. volumes.

for

Allegrissimo,

major,

and contin uo

rna)

for four missing pages at the

scored

G

[3.]

c

[The complete opera

di marci:':;

:

.

and continuo. (Fob.

A

[5.]

:-:c.

r-

1 1

minor, Allegro, Adagio,

•:••:-

i-i

...-.-:

::r.::- _:.

strings

:'::

in

(Fob. I3r-I4r) major, Allegro, Grace [6.]

dini,

a leaflet reprinting the

with

lines

415,

the

of

complete text Westminster,

opera,

by

The

:-:::::

violins

5

i8v)

1305.)] and 6 from end.

this opera

for

unknown,

is

before

line

:'::

.-...'.:-:

"

-.z-zt.

:

:

and continuo. (Fob. 14V-

C

major, Presto, Adagio e AUegrissmto, for strings and continuo. (Fob. iox-22v) [7.]

mask

remainder of the

415,

D

'.

OPW

Delete

p.

ir- 3 v)

(Fols.

major, Allegro, Grace,

Mtnuet, for transverse Bote, oboe, and continuo. (Fob. 4r-8r)

{'

Scarlet.

Convenraale

ioteca

Francesc:

p.

G

strings

Insert

'.

continuo.

[2.]

staccato,

4 from end.

[8.]

Domenico du Conser-

[9.]

B

flat

Allegro,

major,

Insert

Smfonia

del

Sif:

(Paris, Bibl.

Scarlatti.

2634, fols. 51V-52V) [In a volume of seventeen such

vatoire Res.

works. See Appendix VI. is

Ouverture

the

1

5.

m

me

Delete

6.

der of the music

417, after line ::x>.]

is

The

remain-

unknown.

6. Insert

(Hamburg

manuscript score, complete with recitatives, from the library of Friedrich Chrysander.] Sinionia Scarlatti.

del

Sig*:

(Paris, Bibl.

vatoire Res.

2634,

Domenico du Conser3~r-40r)

fols.

[In a volume of seventeen such works. See Appendix VI, 15. This the Ouverture or

Sinfonia

G

(Paris,

-..z.-z.

Yz'.i.

[This

is

-

Bibl.

du

Conservatoire Res. 2634)

strings

the Ouverture of Nor-

continuo. (Fols. 4OV-44V)

[This

is

the "Introduttionew of

Tolomec] major, AUegro-P

and continuo. [The Adagio, howand violin only.] (Fob. 45^490 ever, calls for flute, oboe

Contents: [1.]

Adagio, Allegrissimo fresto, strings

and con-

:-.--xC:

B flat major, I [13.] Grace, Pre-;c, for oboe, strings and

G

1

418, after line 2: Seventeen works each entitled

G

and con-

[ 1 1.] C major, Allegro, Adagio, Minuet, for oboe, strings and continuo. (Fols. 33V-36V)

[12.]

[Fall

is

Allegro,

Allegro, for oboe, strings

Minuet, for oboe,

tatsbibliothek)

p.

minor, Presto-Allegro,

tinuo. (Fols. 29:-

Seiro.]

p.

D

Minuet, for oboe, strings and continuo. (Fob. 26v-2v

This

TetU;

of

:;ntinuo. (Fob. 23r-26r)

egro,

Grace, Allegro, for cbc^

and continuo. (Fob. 4Qv-5ir)

A

[i6.]

major, Allegro, Grave, and con-

Paris,

tinue (Fols. 51V-52V) [This is the Ouverture of Te-

toire

tide in Sciro.]

sop.,

C

[17.] to,

Largo e

major, Allegro e Presstaccato, Presto, for

and continuo.

oboes, strings

53r~58v) [In [It

p.

two p.

ther operas by

Domenico

but they are for the

p.

identifiable.]

421,

lines

7

to

II.

Should read

Bologna, Archivio di San Petronio: A chi nacque injelice, alto &

Add

i960)

an

trof-po

injelice,

sop.

1728).

p.

Two 422,

5

[Inscribed for

Cafriccio

Tu mi

subject

logue

"2

fols.

&

There

sop.

chiedi are

all

Avison's adapta-

del

fugato

to

7,

Sig*.

the

ex-

cata-

Dent's Alessandro Scar-

Mi

Bibliothek, Sant

tormenta

Tu mi

il

chiedi

b

Tiranna

and

fensiero

a

mio ben

si

&

cont.

"fuga

dix

sara

[ca.

Ruscelletto ch e lungi dal

Gelo avvamfo considero Two further arias without face si

alle sue fene fub celar

apparently

at-

mare

e sento specific

in

Two

Favorite

London ... J. Cooper 1792]. See Appendix V C 21.

427,

p. y

no

V A 8. A sonata

Sonatas

Vedi Vafe Dice amor

Dona

indicated]

as

instru-

by Enrique Granados. See Appen-

Domeni-

7.

attribution

12" [no voices or

a

10 and 13 in VenSonatas Ineditas, transcribed

tiseis

co:

Che

words,

Hs 3960

Sonatas

6.

and strings [for soprano, except Vedi Vafe, which voice

for tenor], attributed to

[Score,

no

tributed to Durante).

feni in amore, alto for

Hs 3969

S.A.T.B.,

strings], also Sant

ments

Belle fufille care

Arias

is

S.A.T.B.,

Che che fretendi

independent.

entirely

no indication of voices or instruments. The same piece appears as a Fuga E stemforanea in (Bischofliche SantiniMunster

included,

in

not

are

[At-

cont.

latti.]

No

c.

identification

(London, BritMuseum, Egerton Ms. 2451, 92v-99r) The twelve parts

Should read Lug. 1702"]

6.

question,

to

of

ish

to

Domenico, but

tributed to

is

(London,

this

from K. 91, 89 and 81) Robert Lee.] 425, Appendix VII A 5, 6, and 8. Should read 5.

cantatas

lines

Cantatas

Che

Fugues

owe

[I

Scarlatti a dodici.

toire:

cept

Volk,

by Rudolf

edition

tions

cont.

p.

and

tarys

&

[Both published in an edition by Lino Bianchi, Milano, Ricordi.] Brussels, Bibliotheque du Conserva-

Arno

(Koln,

in

(as well as that of set

961

425, line 5. Add The fugue appears as number five of Thomas Roseingrave's Volun-

cont.

Ah

1

Ewerhart.

Scarlatti,

moment un-

core,

an edition by Lino Bianchi.

424, end. Published

fur-

still

mio

il

423, end. Add Published (Roma, de Santis, in

(Fols.

hand.]

a different

Chi in catene ha & cont.

probable that this volume

is

contains the ouvertures of

p.

422, lines 13 and 14. Should read Bibliotheque du Conserva-

p.

Allegro, for oboe, strings

.

.

.

after line

Two

18. Insert

end of a first two volumes edited by Worgan. (See Appendix V C 11 and 15.) This 11.

sonatas at the

manuscript bound with the

manuscript

contains

nineteen

so-

natas in a late eighteenth-century

47O



hand, originally numbered twelve

The

p.

[Appendix V A 5]); by Soler which is that listed in Appendix VII B 7; a sonata in C major ^4 P fesi0 and a sonata in C major 9/8 Prestissimo. Neither of these last two can be

p.

a sonata

accepted

as

They

are

(New Haven,

Yale

Scarlatti.

closer to Soler.

School of Music,

Ma

31 /Sea 7k/

135; the annotation "1754 Aranjuez" for K. 375 and 377; and a not entirely legible date [1752?] for K. 483. Vienna G 132,

contains the "Introduction" from Roseingrave's collection, but

also

V

vicembalistica

di

Domenico

Roma, 1956. 432, after line 8. Insert " 'Tetide in

unnumbered. notes on Longo's erroneous attributions of sources are based on my copy of his edition. I have dis-

Scar-

The

latti.

.

L'Opera ritrovata,"

di

Domenico

Sciro,'

281-289.

il

Principe Ferdinando de' Firenze,

p.

p.

434. Insert Kirnberger, J. P. Die Kunst des reinen Satzes in der Musik. Zwey-

und Konigsberg,

p.

alia

p.

p.

line 13. Insert

"Observations sur la valeur historique des compositions

Add



,

pour clavecin de Dominique Scarlatti." Congres inter nationale d'histoire de la musique. Paris, 1900. 438, lines 8 and 7 from end. Should read

471

p.



breve;

alia

breve read C;

354, column

451, K.

Munster,

5

451, K. 354, column Vienna. Delete II

.

p.

Notes.

445, K. 95. For read Vivace 449, K. 270, column Key, Time,

Insert II

435, after

are

444, K. 80, column Notes. Depreviously unpublished

Tempo. For C;

1776. p.

n, column XIV 18

442, K.

lete

Me-

1961.

ter Theil. Berlin

they

that

Also Venice

432. Insert

dici.

however,

not the same in different printings. p.

pp.

Fabbri, Mario. Alessandro Scarlatti

p.

covered,

Scarlatti

La Rassegna Musicale,

XXVII (1957),

e

Vienna volumes

A

Leipzig, 1957.] 430. Insert Arte ClaBogianckino, Massimo.

p.

end. Should read

to

perusal of the

revealed the date 1752 in Vienna G, in connection with K. 206, 119,

429, line 7 from end. Should read Berlin, 1753, 1762. [Reprinted in

p.

.)

441, line 10

A

facsimile, p.

(1956), pp. 165-193. 440, lines 20 and 21. Delete (For K. 95 the original tempo indication was not available.) 440, line 4 from end. For read

p.

C n.) p.

Annuario Musical, IV

.

Worgan

so-called

f

(1949), pp. 137-154. "Musicos de Mariana de Neuburgo y de la real capilla de Napoles," Annuario Musical, XI

K. 96, 121, 109, 54, 139, 143, 48, 144, 50, HO, 142, 181, 347, 108, 380, 381 (of which only 181, 347, 380 and 381 do not the

la

Scarlatti,"

nineteen sonatas

are

appear in manuscript

sobre

tos

manuscript

either

sonatas,

or printed).

N. A. "Documenam ilia de Domenico

Solar Quintes,

13-31

(obviously to follow a collection of

451,

5

K.

355,

column Munster.

Insert II 6 p.

451, K. 355, column Vienna. De6

lete II p.

481, right

read 269

column,

line

28.

For 296

FURTHER ADDITIONS April 1968 p. xvi, line 12.

Printed by

Should read

BORN

(Columbia, reissued on Od-

sonatas

footnote 29.

By October

Add new

footnote 30. I

Add

p. 412, at end. 1

an eighteenth-century impres-

ment of Sonata IV

patrick.

63) appears with

in Solos for

a German

for the Harpsichord or Violoncello compos'd by Signor Giovanni Adolf Hasse.

London,

Seconda.

p.

1

740].

(I

.

.

owe

.

John

this in-

440,

Insert

5.

Le Sonate di Domenico

Torino, 1967.

first line.

Should read

This catalogue 1 p. 440. 1

Addfootnote

The musical

incipits are given in

the catalogue in the tion of this book,

409, lines 4 to 2 from end. Should read

"LIBRO

For Ademollo, Alessandro,

437, after line

Scarlatti. p.

(demolished before 1967)

title

and

York, Johnson Reprint

Pestelli, Giorgio.

Add

[Main

manuscript

read Ademollo, Alessandro.

formation to John Parkinson.)

p.

New

p. 429, line 14.

Flute or Violin with a Thorough Bass

[c.

Keyboard Works, in

the

Corporation.

The Capriccio (K.

.

from

printed sources, edited by Ralph Kirk-

in Barcia.

only slight variants as the third move-

.

Addfootnote

Scarlatti: Complete

151, third paragraph, first sentence.

Fig. 40.

Hallowell and

J.

In preparation (1968), Domenico

facsimile

Suffix footnote

.

p. 64).]

412, line 16. Should read

p.

bought from Paul Proute

one described

Walsh

25,

George B. Vaughan.

sion of this engraving similar to the

Opera

HOL-

March

desirable. 1

In 1967

p.

N°. 45

[Advertised

Harborside, Maine,

since

Leganitos.

in Paris

BLAND

J. .

(Hopkinson,

1967 buildings

1948 had been constructed on the sites at 9 to 13, 35, 37 and 41 Calle de p. 118,

.

1786 in a catalogue of the publisher

yssey Records). p. 118,

.

as in preceding. After

VI:"]/Price 5 s ..od /LONDON

472

now

German

transla-

(1968) in prepa-

ration (Miinchen, Heinrich Ellermann

Verlag).

INDEX The

following index covers Chapters I-XII, and Appendices

While

it

includes informative material in footnotes,

bibliographical

IV.

and source references.

Abos, Girolamo, 10 Academia Real da Historia Portuguesa,

Aranjuez,

88-89, IX 9> I2 6, 166-167, 2-1 14 201, Fig. 28; embarkations, Arcadia, 37, 42-45* 47> S 1 2 j 82 Archi, Giovanni Antonio, 62

n

S

71

Acquaviva, Cardinal, 57 Addison, Joseph, quoted opera librettos, 48

on

Italian

393; on turns, 394} examples quoted, 369-371,

mordents,

musical

393 Alari, Paola, 52 Alba, third Duke of, 120

Alba, twelfth Duke of (earlier Duke of Huescar), 1 20-1 21 j DS's letter to, 120-121, Fig. 39 Albani, Cardinal, 19 Albano, Rosalina, 328 Albero, Sebastian, 122, 124

Domenico, 141, 155, 298 Alberti bass, 148, 200, 319

Alberti,

Alexander VIII (Pope), 38 d'Amato, Eleanora (grandmother

DS),

Aresti, Floriano,

Ariosti, Attilio,

l'Augier, 170; on DS's attitude towards

composition, 104 d'Aulnoy, Mme., 89; quoted on Aranjuez, 88 Avison, Charles, 124, 145, 284, 285,

286

125,

372. 379> 382, 393) quoted 388} musical example quoted, 388 Bach, Johann Sebastian, 8, 19, 25, 121, 369,

of

83, 184 Anzalone, Antonia (mother of DS). See Scarlatti, Antonia Anzalone Anzalone, musicians by the name of, 7 Afflauso Devoto, 52 Afflauso Gemtliaco, 59

Aquinas,

St.

Thomas,

12,

195, 211, 214, 219,

379>

194,



158,

155,

3^1) 382-383, 384} BrandenConcertos, Chromatic 229;

tions,

180,

390,

398;

Matthew

St.

Passion, 71, quoted 219, 220;

part

Inventions,

quoted, 222;

St.

Two-

Cantata

60 John Passion quoted, 321;

219 Bach, Wilhelm Friedemann,

8

Bach family, 149

Tommaso, 56, 57 Baini, Giuseppe, 65 Baldini, Innocenzo, 62 Bai,

Barbapiccola, Niccola, Baretti,

Joseph,

6,

quoted

17, 18

on

Mafra, 68 basso continuo. See continuo Bataglioli, Francisco, 110

Bauer, Luise, 134-135

117

153,

Fantasy, 206, 229; Goldberg Varia-

38; of Fernando VI, Queen Maria Barbara, and the Spanish Court, Fig. 38 Amor d'un'ombra, 53, 66. See also

d'Annunzio, Gabriele, // Piacere, 47 Antonio (Infant of Portugal), 71-73,

152,

burg

37,

Narciso.

142, 151,

188,

309, 314, 315, 322, 365, 367, 368,

101, Fig. 32; portraits of 118, Figs. 36, 38; of Farinelli,

d'Anglebert, Jean Henry, 379; musical example quoted, 386

125,

187,

222, 241, 252, 259, 280, 281, 306,

Essercizi,

31,

Emanuel, 8, 103, 188, 192, 211, 366, 367, 368,

Bach, Carl Philipp

5

Figs.

96

Ariosto, Lodovico, 23, 50, 120; chanted by Venetian fishermen, 23

Ambleto, 25, 61-63; singers, 62 Amiconi, Jacopo, 105, no, 113, 118119, 120, 132; frontispiece for DS's

DS,

153

Arger, Jane, 316

Agricola, Johann Friedrich, 365, 366; quoted on appoggiaturas, 369-371;

on

IA and

does not cover

it

473

'

visit

to

INDEX

guese "Scarlati," 327 Beethoven, Ludwig van, 125, 142, 253, 264, 281 Bellini, Vincenzo, 223 Benedict XIII (Pope), 127, 135

no,

land, 124; on Farinelli, 94-97,

Beckford, William, quoted on music at the Pieta in Venice, 255 on Italian opera audiences, 60-61; on Portu-

132; on Farinelli's keyboard instruments, 175-176} on Worgan and sonatas of DS, 124; on visit to DS's brother, 134, 328; on l'Augier and DS, 170; on A. Scarlatti's children,

328 Byfield, John, 32

Berenice, 64

Cachurro, Eugenio, 130 Caffarelli (Gaetano Majorano), 112

Bernabo, Giovanni Battista, 64 Bernacchi, Antonio, 94 Bernat-Veri, Jorge Bosch, 185

Callcott, W. H., 154 Camarero, Encarnacion

Bernini, Filippo, 4 Bernini, Gian Lorenzo, 4, 58 Bibbiena family, 13 Blainville, quoted

on Ottoboni, 38} on

Bordoni Borrel, Eugene, 316 Bosco Parhasio y 43 Braganza, Maria Barbara de (Infanta Princess

of

the

Queen of Spain). See Maria Barbara de Braganza Brahms, Johannes, 139, 276 Asturias, later

Broschi, Carlo. See Farinelli

President de, on Carlos III, 132; quoted on Ottoboni, 38; on Christmas Eve at the Vatican, 57 Biilow, Hans von, 125, 237 Buen Retiro (Madrid), 91, 97, 98, Brosses,

1 1

o- 1

1

Buonacorsi, Jacopo, 52 Burney, Charles, quoted on actresses, 6; on Naples conservatories, 9-10; on reputed pupils of A. Scarlatti, io;on Hasse's report of A. Scarlatti, 11; on music at the Pieta in Venice,

24; on Gasparini and A. Scarlatti, 25-26; on Italian audiences, 29-30; on Roseingrave, 30-32; on Roseingrave's account of DS's playing, 30-31; on performances of cantatas by A. Scarlatti, 39-40; on Narciso, 54 on Hasse's account of DS's playing) 75> on DS and popular music, 82, 167; on DS compared to C. P. E. Bach, 103; on DS's attitude towards i

composition, bling,

Canaletto, Antonio, 22 Canavari, Antonio, 64 Cantata da Recitarsi .

Bordoni, Faustina. See Hasse, Faustina

later

DS)

la Notte del SS mo Natale, 56 Cantata "fatta in Livorno," 15

Mme., 125, 139, 145, 393 Bolsena, Andrea Adami da, 58

Boivin,

Portugal,

of

135

Ottoboni's concerts, 40 Boiardo, Matteo Maria, 50

of

Scarlatti (great-

great-great-granddaughter

104; on DS and gam115; on DS's vogue in Eng*

.

.

Cantata Pastorale, 71 Capeci, Carlo Sigismondo, 34, 43, 52; librettos for operas by DS, 47-54, 66; and A. Scarlatti, 47, 65; aria text quoted, 48; argument of Tolonteo quoted, 51 ; preface of Amor d'un'ombra quoted, 53 Cappella Giulia, 56-59 Capranica theater, 62, 64, 65 Carafa, Domenico Martio (Duke of

Maddaloni), 4 Carbone, Antonia, 328 Caresana, Cristoforo, 20 Carlos II (King of Spain), 12, 90 Carlos III (King of Spain, earlier King of Naples), 85, 98, 131, 132, 185; Order of, 100; portrait, Fig. 27 Carneiro de Sousa, Joseph Dionisio, 69 Carpio, Eleanora del (Princess of Colobrano), 4

Casanova, Giacomo, 22, 24, 64, 81 Casini, Giovanni Maria, 41 Cat Fugue. See DS Sonata 30 Cerone, Domenico Pietro, 244 Cesti, Marcantonio, 41 Chambonnieres, J. C. de, 146 Charles

VI (Emperor

Chopin, Frederic,

of Austria), 95 197, 198-199,

191,

242, 306 Choron, A. E., 125 Clarke,

Edward, quoted on

Farinelli,

97 clavichord,

474

288;

as

mistranslation

Spanish clavicordio, 186

of

INDEX Clement IX (Pope), 37 Clementi, Muzio, 125, 146, 153, 154} DS, musical example of editing

equal temperament, 194, 241-242 Escorial, 90, Fig. 29 Essercizi fer Gravicembalo, 1 01-104,

99, 105-106, 109-110,

di Clodoveo, 34, 48 Giulio, librettos for operas

by

Convo, DS, 16

Coreggio, 175 Corelli, Arcangelo, 25, 35, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43-44, 57, 82, 150, 229, 276* portrait, Fig. 6

Corradini, Francesco, 98, no, 112 Corselli, Francesco, 98-99, no,

in,

112, 122, 243

Giovanni An-

96-97, 109-110, 116; his instruments, 175-178} portraits, 113, 118,

38; and DS, 97, 132-133, 138 Farnese, Isabel (Queen of Spain, wife of Felipe V), 85-86, 89, 93-94, 95" 9 6 97, 99, io 7, IQ 8, 126} portrait,

Cotumacci, Carlo, 10, 328 Couperin, Francois, 149- 168, 180, 187, 188, 280, 281, 316, 365, 382-383 Coxe, William, quoted on Farinelli, 9596, 109-110; on death of Felipe V, 106; on Fernando VI, 108 } on Queen Maria Barbara, 108 Crescimbeni, Giovanni Mario, 43; on meeting of the Arcadians, 44 } quoted on performance of Tolomeo, 52

(Queen of Sweden),

4, 5,

30,

31,

37,

115-116,

,

Fig. 27

Faulkner's Journal, quoted on Dublin concert by a Scarlatti, 328 Faustina. See Hasse, Faustina Bordoni Felipe (Duke of Parma, Infant of Spain), 177 Felipe II (King of Spain), 90, 120 Felipe

tonio

V

(King of Spain),

Fernando VI (King of Spain,

earlier

Prince of the Asturias), 78, 79-80, 83, 85, 89, 97, 98, 99, 106, 109, no} character, 86, 87, 107-108, 126, 131; musical activities, 82, 130,

1135 portraits, 118, Figs. 26, 27, 38}

"9

12

Ferrini

David, Jacques Louis, 47

(pianofortes), 15, Festeggio Armonico, 78 figured bass. See continuo

De

Fitzwilliam, Lord, 123-124

Sanctis, F., 12

La Dirindina, 63-64

176,

178

Flipart, Joseph, 118 Foggia, Antonio, 16 Fontana, Carlo, 49

Diruta, Girolamo, 147, 155 Dixit Dominus, 140

1

16, 81,

96,

and DS, 82, 83, 99 Fernando VII (King of Spain), 100,

Czerny, Carl, 164, 187

Elisi, Filippo,

13,

107} character, 84-85, 88, 90-91, 93-94, 105-106} portrait, Fig. 27 Feo, Francesco, 10 Fernandez, Diego, 176 89,

35-

36, 41, 43, 45, 46, 47 Cristofori, Bartolomeo, 15, 176, 178

Dominici, Bernardo de, quoted Flaminia Scarlatti and Solimena, Durante, Francesco, 141

94-98,

119, 125-126, 130-131, 132-133, 138, 169, 175-177, 184; character,

109-110,

La Conver stone

74,

in, 112-113,

166,

Figs.

397

(Carlo Broschi),

Farinelli

153, 154, 155, 158, 159, 187, 193, 213, 214, 238, 259, 276, 278,

Croce, Benedetto,

156-161, Figs.

Fabri, Annibale Pio, 64 Falla, Manuel de, 114

in,

See Archi,

144,

Euripides, 53

24-25 Contesa delle Stagioni y 65, 70-71 continuo, 122, 148, 149, 150, 151-152,

Cortoncina.

137,

32-34

Conca, Sebastiano, 38 Conforto, Domenico, quoted on Scarlatti family scandal, 6 Conforto, Nicolo, no, 112, 243 conservatories, Naples, 9-10 } Venice,

Cristina

125,

124,

quoted, 394"395 Colignani, Francesco, 65

on 8

Fortier,

Fontes,

B.,

10

Marques

de, 59, 93 Franceschiello, 39 Frederick the Great (of Prussia), 26}

quoted on Joao V, 68

12

*

475

INDEX 147-148, 153, 154, 276, 277; compared with DS, 147-148 Friedrich II der Grosse. See Frederick

Gonzaga, Maria Luisa, 45 Goya, Francisco de, 91, 92, 119, 120, 167, Fig. 42 La Granja, 89-90, 107

the Great Froberger, Johann Jacob, 153 Frugoni, Carlo Innocenzo, 43

Greco, Gaetano, 10, 149 Grimaldi, Nicolo, 20, 21-22, Grimani, Cardinal, 46

Fux, Johann Joseph, 328

Guadagni, Cardinal, 57

Gabrieli, Andrea,

Guardi, Francesco, 22 Guido. See Reni, Guido guitar, influence on DS, 196, 205-206,

Girolamo,

Frescobaldi,

27-28,

146,

147 Gabrieli, Giovanni, 147 Gaceta de Madrid, on opera at Buen Retiro, 111-112; quoted on music in Maria Barbara's quarters, 87 Galuppi, Baldassare, no, 298 Gasparini, Francesco, 25-27, 30, 32, 41, 61, 74, 208, 213, 231, 365, 393, 395; portrait, Fig. 4; and DS, 25-27, 42; quoted on Pasquini, 41 ; on Corelli, 42 musical example quoted, ;

224 Gustavus Adolphus (King of Sweden), 35 HafTner, Johann Ulrich,

125 Handel, George Frederic, 19, 32-34, 41, 45, 46, 56, 68, 146, 187; and DS,

32-34, 40, 151 harpsichord, handstops,

182-183, 284285; pedals, 182-183, 287; range, 176-183; registers, use of, 177, 180J 83, 197, 283-292; regulation, 180, 183; and organ style, 147-149, 152; sound as bounded by the organ, guitar, and orchestra, 194-196

394 Maria, 56 Gazeta de Lisboa, quoted on performance of Te Deum by DS, 69 ; on royal serenades, 70, 715 on DS ser-

Gasparri, Francesco

enades, 70, 71

Geminiani, Francesco, 10, 39, 231, 365,

harpsichords, lish,

395> 396 Genovesi, Domenico, 62 Gentili, Francesco

of

178;

Maria (father-in-law

Gaspar (brother-in-law of DS),

77

Margarita Rossetti (mother-inlaw of DS), 76, 77, 105, 117, 130 Gentili, Maria Catalina (first wife of DS). See Scarlatti, Maria Catalina Gentili,

Gentili

Johann Adolf, 10, 11, 27, 75, 96, 98, 110; arias sung by Farinelli, 96; on DS's playing, 75

Haydn, Joseph,

Giacomelli, Geminiano, 96 Gigli, Girolamo,

63 Giordano, Luca, 1 1 Giusti, Maria, 52 Giustini da Pistoia, Lodovico, 183 // Giustino, 16-17

72-73,

Domenico, 64

J. W. von, 174 Goldoni, Carlo, 22, 23, 329 Goldschmidt, Hugo, 393

Goethe,

French,

Hasse,

Gerber, Ernst Ludwig, 125 Gerstenberg, Walter, 142, 190

Gleichen, Baro;., quoted on VI, 131

15-16; Eng287; Flemish, 177, 177, 182; German,

Cristofori,

182,

182, 283-285 Hasse, Faustina Bordoni, 26

Gentili family, 77

Gizii,

177,

177; Italian, 15-16, 40, 176, 177, Kirkman, 15; 182-183, Fig. 3; modern, 177, 287; Ruckers, 178; Spanish, 175-180, 284; transposing, 175-177; Tschudi, 15; two-manual, 180-182; two-manual, use of, 180-

DS), 76

Gentili,

28

Fernando

103,

125,

174,

185,

253, 281 Heinichen, Johann David, 125, 395 Herrando, Jose, 112, 365 Herrera, Juan, 90 Hindemith, Paul, 306 The Historical Register, quoted on wed-

ding of Fernando VI and Maria Barbara, 79-80; on Spanish Court in Seville, 82; on Maria Barbara, 86 Hotz, Pierre du, 120, 121 Huescar, Duke of. See Alba, twelfth

Duke of Hummel, Johann Nepomuk, 187

476

INDEX Longo, Alessandro, edition of DS's so-

Ifigenia in Aulide, 50, 53 Ifigenia in Tauri, 50, 53

Innocent

natas,

XI (Pope), 37

Inquisition,

V

V (King

Joao 68,

71,

72,

59

of Portugal), 43, 6783,

93,

126} portrait,

245 and DS, 68, 71, 80, 99, 101-102, 137 Jolli, Antonio, no; painting of Naples, Fig.

Fig.

1

Jomelli, Nicolo,

Jose

no

(Crown Prince of Portugal,

later

Jose I), 78 Juvarra, Filippo, 49-50, 51, 58, 81, 90, 1595 portrait, Fig. 8; theater designs,

49-50, 62, DS, 49-5o> 93

Figs.

9-145

155, 156, 367, "corrections,"

and

394; 223,

226, 227-228, 230-231, 233, 234, 236, 237-241, 282, 283,-293, 380} insertions, 185, 215, 224, 231, 269, 282, 287, 293, 302, 303, 305, 310, 315, 380, 396, 397; omissions, 142, 153, 181, 284, 304, 390; quoted,

Spain, ^0-91

Intermedj Pastoralt, 63 Irene y 18-19 Isabel (Farnese). See Farnese, Isabel Iste Confessor, 58,

143,

alterations

and

223, 238, 239, 380 Lorenzani, Paolo, 56 Lorenzoni, Antonio, 365 Lotti, Antonio, 32 Louis XIV (King of France), 54, 109 lute, and harpsichord style, 147, 194, 196, 205 Louville, Marquis de, quoted on Felipe

V, 84

Macarti, Anastasia (second wife of DS). See Scarlatti, Anastasia Maxarti

Ximenes Madrid, character, 92 opera and theater, 97-99; Royal Palace, 91, 93, ;

Keeble, John, 32

Keene, Sir Benjamin, quoted on Fernando VI and Maria Barbara, 80, 86; on Escorial, 90; on Felipe V and music, 93-94; on Felipe

V

and Fari-

106; on Queen Maria Barbara, 108-109; on Spanish Court opera,

nelli,

111, 126; on musician refugees from Lisbon earthquake, 126

Kelway, Joseph, 125

122

Mafra, 68, 93 Mainwaring, John, quoted on Handel and DS, 32-34 Maio, Giuseppe de, 329 Manzuoli, Giovanni, 112 Maratta, Carlo, 40 Marcello, Benedetto, 26, 63, 151, 152; quoted on libretto prefaces, 17; on libretto dedications,

Kirkman (harpsichords), 15

Laborde, Lasses,

J.

of

B. de, 125

Richard,

quoted

on

Franz, 166-167, 199 Longhi, Pietro, 22

8

Princess

of

Queen of Spain),

no;

illness

the 15,

and

character, 1 30-131; 71-72, 86-87, 108-109, 126; musical activi-

death,

71-72, 78-79, 82, 83, 87, 113, 193; her keyboard instruments, 175180, 182, 183, 184; portraits, 78, 118, 193, Figs. 25, 27, 38; and DS, 7>> 7*> 78-79> 82, 83, 99, 102, 109, 114, 115-116, 117, 131, 137-138,

ties,

163,

1

70-1

7 1,

Maria Casimira

29

Liszt,

later

78-80, 89, 97, 107,

36-37 Lauda Jerusalem, 140 Legrenzi, Giovanni, 16 Lemoine, Alfred, 104-105; portrait of

DS, Fig. 35 Leo, Leonardo, 10, 329 Leopold I (Emperor of Austria), 72 Limojon de St. Didier, quoted on Venetian serenades, 23-24; on Venetian opera and theater audiences, 28-

Portugal,

Asturias, later

Roman

opera,

Lisbon, character, 67 Literes, Antonio, 122

1

Maria Antonia (Infanta of Spain), in Maria Barbara de Braganza (Infanta

Krieger, Johann Philipp, 41

37,

43.

45-47>

175

(Queen 54-55,

of 5«,

Poland), 59,

82,

93; her theater, 47-54 Mariani, Lorenzo, 64 Marianna (Queen of Portugal, wife of Joao V), 65, 70

477

INDEX Marpurg, Friedrich Wilhelm, 125; mu-

Nicolino. See Grimaldi, Nicolo

examples quoted, 382, 388 Martelli, Pier Jacopo, 43>,5 2 > 53 Martini, Padre G. B., 64; quoted on DS, 72 Mass in G minor, 121-122, Fig. 23 Maxarti, Anastasia (second wife of

notes inegalesy 316-317

DS). See Scarlatti, Anastasia Maxarti Ximenes Mazza, Jose, quoted on Seixas and DS,

mira, 47-54 > Rome, 36-37, 60-65; Venice, 23, 28-30 opera audiences, Italian, 28-30, 60-61 opera librettos, 17-18, 47-53, 56, 60,

sical

73 Medici, Cosimo III

de',

Medici, Ferdinando

de', 13, 15, 21, 22,

32 Medici, Gian Gastone

15

32 98-99,

de',

Mele, Giovanni Battista, 112

no,

99,

on Aranjuez per-

171 Migliavacca, Giovanni Ambrogio,

1 1

Mingotti, Regina, 112 Miserere in E minor, 59; in G minor, 58, Fig. 21 Mison, Luis, 1 12 Misson, F. M., quoted on Queen Cristina, 35 Mizler, Lorenz Christoph, 125 Moliere, J. B. C. de, 132 Montesquieu, quoted on spectacle, 60; on Italian theater, 60; on castrati,

Morellati, Paolo, 177

Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 42,

53, 179, 185, 200,

214, 222, 253, 264, 269, 276, 280, 281, 288, 306, 314, 322, 368 Muffat, Georg, 41

Queen Maria Casi-

69-70

V Orlando,

50

ornamentation, 365-398 VOttavia, 16-17 Ottoboni, Pietro, Cardinal, 32, 37, 3839, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 5*, 5*, 58, 75, 93, I 5 I 5 ms concerts, 39-40; his theater, 39, 49-50; portrait, Fig. 7 Ovid, 53 Oxinaga, Joaquin, 122

Paganini, Nicolo, 197, 199 Pagano, Nicolo, 6, 7, 327, 328 Paita, Giovanni, 62

Giovanni Pierluigi da, 42,

Palestrina,

122, 148, 277 Pamphili, Benedetto, Cardinal, 4 82,

Pamphili

e

Pallavicini,

Flaminia, 4-5

Paolucci (singer), 40 Paradies, Domenico, 141

Pardo, 91, 167 Pariati, Pietro, 25, 61

Parrado, Anastasia Ximenes (second wife of DS). See Scarlatti, Anastasia

Naples, character,

3, 11-12; conserva9-10; Neapolitan characteris11-12; royal chapel, 12; royal

tories, tics,

132; Otto-

Pannini, Giovanni Paolo, 40-41 Panzacchi, Domenico, 112

64

174,

131,

132, 329;

62 operas by DS. See DS, operas organ, pieces by DS, 142, 185, 283284, 285; registration by DS, 185, 283-284, 285; and harpsichord style >

gier,

142,

125-126,

16-19, 98,

boni, 39, 49-50;

ish,

formances, 125-126; on Queen Maria Barbara's illness, 130-131; on l'Au-

125,

110-112,

Naples,

organs,

Metastasio, Pietro, 27, 43, 60, 74, 75, 98, no, in, 120, 125-126} letters

103,

Madrid and Spanish Court, 97-

147-149, 153, 194-195, 196 Madrid royal chapel, 185-186; Ottoboni, 40; Portuguese and Span-

Mengs, Anton Rafael, 81 Mereaux, Amedee, 104 Merulo, Claudio, 147, 277

to Farinelli quoted

opera,

palace, 12; view of, Fig. 1 Narciso, 31, 53-54, 66. See also

Amor

d'un'ombra Antonio, 62 Nebra, Jose (or Joseph) 122, 124, 243 Natilii,

Maxarti Ximenes Pasquini, Bernardo, 25, 35, 4*-4 2 , 43" 44, 82, 148, 149, 150, 152, 155, 190,

276; quoted on Palestrina, 42 Penna, Lorenzo, 365 Pergolesi, Giovanni Battista, 10 Peruzzi, Anna,

de,

83,

112,

1

12

Petrarca, Francesco, 43, 120 Petrarch. See Petrarca, Francesco

478

INDEX Philip

V

(King of Spain). See Felipe

Margarita (mother-in-law of Gentili, Margarita Ros-

Rossetti,

V

DS). See

pianoforte, 73, 288-289, 3195 DS's possible use of, 179, 183-185} sustaining pedal, 319

Rossi, Michelangelo, 148

pianofortes, 15, 175-176, 178-179, 1831855 converted into harpsichords,

Ruspoli, Prince, 52 Rutini, Giovanni Placido, 152

setti

Ruckers

(harpsichords),

178

15,

178} range, 179 Picchi, Giovanni, 147

Sabatini, F.,

church and conservatory (Venice), 24-25 Pistocchi, Francesco Antonio, 94 Pistocco. See Pistocchi, Francesco An-

Sabbatini, L. A., 365

Pieta,

83

Giovanni

Sacchetti,

Battista,

93

Sacchi, Giovenale, 134; quoted on Farinelli and DS, 1 1 6 ; on Farinelli's

instruments, 176 Saint-Lambert, Michel de, 316 Saint-Simon, L. de R., due de, on Queen Maria Casimira, 55; quoted on Ottoboni, 38; on Felipe V, 84,

tonio

Pitman, Ambrose, 125 Pitoni, Ottavio, 65

Pla, Jose, 33 Pla, Juan, 33

Baron, quoted on Venetian masquerades, 23} on Venetians, 24} on church of the Pieta in Venice, 24 Pollaroli, Carlo Francesco, 18, 149 Porpora, Nicolo, 10, 64, 94 Portugal, Court of, character, 67-68; royal chapel, 68-70, 71, 72, 80; serPollnitz,

enades, 70-71, 78 Poussin, Gaspard Dughet, 40 Provenzale, Francesco, 5, 13

A

Salve Regina in major, 121, 129 Salvi, Antonio, 64 Sannazaro, Jacopo, 12, 43 Santiago, Order of, 99-100, 134 Santini, Fortunato, 139 Sao Roque, church (Lisbon), 68, 69 Sarro, Domenico, 10, 329

Alessandro

Scarlatti,

(father

of

DS),

32, 69, 127, 327, 328, 329; birth, early life and marriage, 4; 31,

Purcell, Henry, 103, 174

establishment in Naples, 4-6; family

Quantz, Johann Joachim, 26, 74, 125, 365, 367; quoted on Gasparini, 26) on A. Scarlatti and DS playing, 75 Raaff, Anton,

1

7-8

life,

4,

16,

22,

;

employment, Rome,

35,

Naples, 4,

5,

4,

36, 37, 39, 46, 65; 11, 13, 16, 46; Court

of Tuscany, 13-16, 22; knighthood, 134; as teacher, 8, 10-11, 5, 100, 75; friendship with Gasparini, 25-

12

Rabaxa, Miguel, 122 Rallo, Rosa, 135 Rameau, Jean Philippe, 103, 149, 158,

26; in Arcadia, 43-44; playing, 7475; death and epitaph, 75; coat of arms, 75, 134, 326; keyboard mu-

188, 191, 194, 208, 211, 365 Raphael, 175 Reger, Max, 280 Renda, Domenico, 52 Reni, Guido, 175 Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 47 Rivera, Abate, 44 Rolli, Paolo, 43, 66 Rome, character, 14, 60; opera

sic,

i49>

*5 2 >

portrait, Fig.

l

5S> fingering,

2; and

DS,

188;

8, 9,

11,

13-14, 16, 19, 20, 21-22, 25-26, 3738, 45-47. 54, 56, 64-65, 66, 74-76. 103, 149; quoted on music, 11 ; letter presenting

DS

to

Ferdinando

de'

Medici, 21-22; Toccata Prima quot-

and 60-65 Roseingrave, Thomas, 30-32; edition of DS's sonatas, 124, 139, 145, 151, 155, 284, 285, 286, 393, 398; quoted, 388; friendship with DS, 30-31; and Narciso, 53, 66; on DS's plaving, 30-31 theater,



ed,

189

Scarlatti,

Scarlatti,

Alessandro (Abate), 43 Alessandro (nephew of DS),

329 Scarlatti,

Alexandro or Alessandro (son

of DS), 92, 129 Scarlatti,

479

son of

Alexandro Domingo (grand-

DS), 129

INDEX Scarlatti,

Maxarti

Anastasia

Ximenes

(second wife of DS), 116, 117, 127, 129,

130

Scarlatti, Scarlatti, 5. 6, 7,

Scarlatti,

Anna (niece of DS), 329 Anna Maria (aunt of DS), i7> 3^7 Antonia

(granddaughter

of

DS), 130 Scarlatti,

DS),

Antonia Anzalone (mother of

4, 7,

Scarlatti,

»*7

Antonio (son of DS),

117,

M6-152, 194; reputed England, 65-66, 70; confused identity, 65, 66, 74, 128, 164, 329; as teacher, 71-73, 78, 82, 123-124; mentioned as "Abbade," 71, 77; influence, 73, 123-125, 194; marriages, 76-77, 116; family life, 77, 83, 92, 105, 115-118, 127; descendants, 7677, 83, 100-101, 104, 130, 133-136, 140, 330; offspring, 83, 92, 105, 116-

Scarlatti,

Scarlatti,

(daughter of DS).

Barbara

Maria Barbara

See Scarlatti,

1 29-1 30; influence of Spain 81-82, 87, 88-91, 114-115, 116, 1 19-120, 167-168; of Spanish music and dance, 82, 91, 114-115, 160,

Scarlatti,

167-168, 202, 204-205, 221, 295-296,

Carlo (brother of DS), 328 Carlos (great-great-grandson

303, 311; knighthood, 99-100, 11 6, 134; opinions, 101-103, 104, 121; reputed gambling, 115-116; reputation,

DS), 135-136

Scarlatti,

DS,

(brother of DS),

Benedetto

328 Scarlatti,

to

117, 128,

on

130

of

28, 4i-4*> 73»

visit

Cristina

(sister

of

DS), 328

(y Aldama), Dionisio (greatgrandson of DS), 100-101, 135, 327,

124-125, 133, 164, 281; reminiscences of Neapolitan folkmusic, 129, 202-203;

Scarlatti

death, 129; legendary corpulence, 170-

33°

171; technique compared with that of contemporaries, 186-194; audiences for his playing, 186; improvising,

Scarlatti,

Domenico

(referred to as

DS).

birth, 4;

92,

1

186-187$

20-1 21, 139-140, Figs.

7-2 1) 39) portraits, 76-77) 104-105, 118, i35- I 36, i7*> 193-/94, Figs. 35, 36, 38; quoted, Essercizi dedication, 1

I

drid,

autographs, 58,

.

LIFE

domiciles, Naples, 45

118, Fig. 40; sojourns,

Ma-

101-102,

Na-

Duke

4-13, 16-20, 74; Rome, 13-14, 32-65, 74, 76-775 Florence, 14-15, 21 ; Pratolino, 14-155 Leghorn, 15; Venice, 22-32; Lisbon, 67-73, 7&>

ples,

83-87; Aranjuez, 88-89rL; La Granja, 89-9off., Escorial, 9ofF. ; MaSeville,

drid, 9 2ff.; early life, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9,

nicknamed Mimo,

1

1

74; education, 89, 11, 25-26; character, 12, 13-14, 19, 3o, 33» 56, 75-77) 79) 81-82, 89, 91, 103-105, 114-116, 119, 120-121, 126127; employment, Naples, 12,13; Rome, Maria Casimira, 46-54, Vatican, 56-

and A.

2

1

59, 65, Portuguese embassy, 59; Portu68-73; Spain, 80, 82, 83; and church music, Naples, 12; Vatican, 56-

59; Portugal, 68-70; Spain, 1 21-122, 129; evolution of style, 15, 17, 18-19,

1

Scarlatti.

;

letter

to

testament, 127-128;

See

Scarlatti,

Ales-

sandro, and DS. For further relation-

Antonio (Infant of Portugal), Farinelli, Fernando Gasparini, Handel, Joao V, Juvarra, Maria Barbara de Braganza, Roseingrave, Seixas, Soler. ships see

Arcadia, Capeci, VI, Frescobaldi,

8,

gal,

102-103;

preface,

of Alba,

2

cantatas,

.

WOR KS serenades,

oratorios,

and

other occasional pieces, 15, 34, 48, 52, 56, 59, 65, 70-71, 78: Afflauso De•votOy 52; Afflauso Genetliaco, 59; la Notte del Cantata da Recitarsi .

.

.

SS™ Natale, 56; Cantata "fatta in Livorno" 1 5 Cantata Pastorale, 7 1 Contesa delle Stagioni, 65, 70-71; La .

;

152, I55-M6, 159, 162-165, 168-170, 172-174; and public theater, 30, 61-66;

Conversione di Clodoveo, 48; 34, Festeggio Armonico, 78; Serenades (1722), 71 church music, 56-59, 68-70, 121122, 129, 140: Dixit Dominus, 140;

playing, 30-31, 33, 75, 186-194; musiantecedents and influences, 25, 27-

Iste Confessor, 58, 59; Lauda Jerusalem, 140; Mass in G minor, 121, Fig.

33-34, 51, 53-54, 58, 70-71, 75) 78, 82, 103-104, 114-115, 145-146, 149-

cal

480

;;

INDEX Scarlatti,

Domenico

{continued)

23; Miserere in E minor, 58, 59$ Miserere in G minor, 58, 59} Salve Regina in A major, ill, 1295 Stab at Mater, 58} Te Deum in C major, 69;

Te

Gloriosus, 69

operas, 16-19, 25, 31, 47"54-> 61-64,

66: Ambleto, 61-63; Amor d'un'ombra, 53, 66, see also Narciso; Berenice, 64;

La Dirindina, 63-64;

Ifigenia in Aulide,

5°> 53> Ifigenia in Tauri, 50, 53; // Giustino, 16-17; Intermedj Pastorali,

63;

L'lrene,

54,

66,

L

see

18-19; Narciso, 31, 53Amor d'un'ombra',

also

Orlando, 50; VOttavia, 16, 17; La 50; Tetide in Sciro, 50, 52, 53; Tolomeo, 50-52, 53 sonatas: Sonata 1, 210, quoted 182, 384; Sonata 2, 272; Sonata 3 (1), 255, y

Silvia,

256, *57> 258, 259, 262, 263, 265, 266, 274, 277; Sonata 5, quoted 386; Sonata 158; Sonata 7 (n), 255, 274, quoted 384, 385; Sonata 8, 161, 227, 398, quoted 396; Sonata 9, 203, quoted 6,

376; Sonata 11, 161; Sonata 12, 227, quoted 377; Sonata 14, 227; Sonata 16 (in), 255, 262, 274, 304; Sonata 18 (iv), 255, 256, 276, 287, 289, 291, 296, 299, quoted 215, 226; Sonata 19, 198, 268, quoted 372; Sonata 20, 160, quoted 201, 377; Sonata 21, 181,

quoted 376; Sonata 23, quoted 191; Sonata 24, 155, 160, 195, 286; Sonata 26, 205, 227, quoted 228; Sonata 28 (v), 276, 278; Sonata 29 (vi), 180, 213, 267, 270, 276, 286, 299, 300302, quoted Fig. 34; Sonata 30, 153, 161, 269; Sonata 31, 14.4., 155, 172, quoted 388; Sonata 32, 144, 151 ;

154,

Sonata 33, 144; Sonata 34, 144, 151 Sonata 35, 25, 33, 144, 151 ; Sonata 36, 144; Sonata 37, 144, 200, quoted 199; Sonata 38, 144; Sonata 39, 144, Sonata 41, 155; Sonata 40, 144, 151 x 44> 1 53> 185, 269; Sonata 42, 144, 151 Sonata 43, 162; Sonata 44 (vn), ;

nata 85, 33, 141, 144, 150, 151, 2695

Sonata 87, 161; Sonata 88, 144, 152, 269, 282, 283, 285; Sonata 89, 144, 152, 269, 304; Sonata 90, 144, 152, 269, 304; Sonata 91, 144, 152, .269, 304; Sonata 92, 161, 398; Sonata 93, 144, 1 53> 1 ^5i 2 96; Sonata 94, 141, 144, quoted entire 150; Sonata 96 (xm), 141, 163, 188, 200, 205, 213, 255, 261, 267, 291, 392, quoted 210, 234$ Sonata 99, 142; Sonata 100, 142; Sonata 102, 304; Sonata 103, 304; Sonata

105 (xiv), 210, 234, 255, 256, 257, 258, 263, 272, 303-304; quoted 221; Sonata 106, 143, 181, 274; Sonata 107, 143, 211, 274; Sonata 108, 201, quoted 375; Sonata 109, 142, 293, 398, quoted 181, 387; Sonata no, 142, 181, quoted 392; Sonata 113, 293; Sonata 114, 392; Sonata 115 (xv), 163, 209, 258, 259, 261, 298, 315, 392, 398; Sonata 116 (xvi), 163, 188, 243; Sonata 118, quoted 391; Sonata 119

(xvn), 189, 193, 197, 204, 231, 234, 392, quoted 162, 191,

304;

232; Sonata 192; Sonata 124, 315, quoted 231; Sonata 125, 265; Sonata 126, 187; Sonata 127, quoted 368, 383, 389; Sonata 130, 274; Sonata 132 (xix), 89, 248, 255,

181

2 59>

;

14J, 162, 191, 197-198, 211, 260, 262, 263, 277, 286, 393; Sonata 45, 152, 162; Sonata 46 (vin), 162, 249,

255, 258, 262, 287, 298, 299, Sonata 47, 162; Sonata 48, 162, Sonata 49, 162, 392; Sonata 50, 162; Sonata 51, 162, quoted 371,

Sonata 52 (xn), 161, 162, 192, 270, 278, 291, 388, 397; Sonata 53, 162, quoted 398; Sonata 54 (ix), 162, 193, 198, 276, 289, 295; Sonata 55, 141, 162; Sonata 56, 162; Sonata 57 (x), 162, 200, 255, 262, 269, 315; Sonata 58, 144, 153, 185, 269; Sonata 59, 144; Sonata 60, 144; Sonata 61, i44> 149, 200, 269; Sonata 62, 144, 276} Sonata 63, 33, 144, 151; Sonata 64, 144, 151; Sonata 69, 161; Sonata 70, 144, 282, 283, 285; Sonata 71, 144} Sonata 72, 144; Sonata 73, 144, 151, 282, 283, 285; Sonata 74, 144; Sonata 75, 144; Sonata 76, 144, 304; Sonata 77, 144, 151 ; Sonata 78, 141, 144, 150; Sonata 79, 144, 153, 304; Sonata 80, 144, quoted entire 152; Sonata 81, 144, 151, 269, 304; Sonata 82, 141, 144, 150, 151, 269; Sonata 83, 144, 151; Sonata 84 (xi), 161, 270; So-

141,

389;

48

261,

120

291,

(xvm),

263, 266, 267, 268, 273, 294, 392; Sonata 133 (xx), 211, 255, 259, 267, 273; Sonata 136, quoted 391;

INDEX Scarlatti,

Domenico

(continued)

2765 Sonata 14.1, 162} Sonata 143, 144, 162; Sonata 149, quoted 184} Sonata 150, 304} Sonata 159, 266} Sonata 172, 392} Sonata 175 (xxi), 255, 260, 261, 263, 286, 392, quoted

Sonata 140 (xxn), 188; Sonata 142, 162, 203; Sonata 148, 304; Sonata

(xxxiv), 169, 263, 265, 277} Sonata 296; Sonata 318, 241 $ Sonata 319, 241 } Sonata 321, 227, quoted 228} Sonata 328, 185, 282, 284, 285; Sonata 337, 169; Sonata 343, 1695 Sonata 347, 142 j Sonata 348, 141, 142; Sonata 350, 172) Sonata 351, 168, 2695 Sonata 355, quoted 376; Sonata 356, 190, 1985 Sonata 357, 188, 198, quoted 190, 374, 381 j Sonata 358, quoted 200 j Sonata 359, quoted 2 30$ Sonata 360, quoted 376} Sonata 366 (xxxv), 172, 188, 271, 277; Sonata 367 (xxxvi), 172, 188, 276} Sonata 368, quoted 378; Sonata 373, 277, 293} Sonata 379, quoted 188; Sonata 380, 172, 294} Sonata 381, 172 j So315,

233} Sonata 185, 311; Sonata 188, quoted 371, 395; Sonata 189, 188; Sonata 190, 220, 264; Sonata 194, quoted 389, 392; Sonata 199, quoted 3755 Sonata 206, 165, 216, 217, 218, 398, quoted 215, 218, 219, 238; Sonata 208 (xxm), 143, 167, 197, 239, 286, 289, 290, 291, quoted entire Figs. 4344; Sonata 209 (xxiv), 143, 167, 261, 271, 290, 291; Sonata 211, 188, 203 Sonata 213, 2695 Sonata 214, 269} Sonata 215 (xxv), 241, 249, 259, 268, 273> 279, 287, 290, quoted 236, 376, 380; Sonata 216 (xxvi), 258, 264, 268, quoted 235, 368; Sonata 222, quoted 223; Sonata 223, 197, 210, quoted 211; Sonata 224, 1 97 j Sonata 225, quoted 3805 Sonata 235, 269, quoted 378} Sonata 237, quoted 249; Sonata 238 (xxvn), 167, 201, 255, Sonata 256, 276, 398} 294, 239 ;

(xxvm), 168, 255, 258, 259, 263, 267, 276, 277, 2795 Sonata 246, 195, 215, quoted 3735 Sonata 249, 275; Sonata 253, 264; Sonata 254, 185; Sonata 255, 185 j Sonata 256, 266, quoted 216, 376, 380, 385, 389, 395; Sonata 258, 237; Sonata 259 (xxix), 1 ^5> 257, 258, 259, 290; Sonata 260 (xxx), 89, 165, 166, 247, 271, 273, 287, 289, 3205 Sonata 261, 165, 249, quoted 3735 Sonata 262, 1 65 j Sonata 263 (xxxi), 165, 260, 267, 268, 277, 2 7 8 > 279, 2 9o,

298, 302; Sonata 264

(xxxn),

165, 248, 254, 262, 266, 268, 270, 273, 290; Sonata 265, 168, 200, 269; Sonata 268, 250, Sonata 269, 269; Sonata 273, 269; Sonata 274, 143; Sonata 275, 143 j Sonata 276, i43> 269; Sonata 277, 269; Sonata

282, 2695 Sonata 284, 1 68, 169, 2695 Sonata 287, 142, 185, 269, 277, 282, 284, 285; Sonata 288, 142, 185, 269, 282, 284, 285; Sonata 296, 169; Sonata 298, 269, quoted 203; Sonata 299,

Sonata

,

Sonata 428, 173} Sonata 429, Sonata 431, 173, 2715 Sonata 1 73 j 434, 143; Sonata 435, i43> quoted 204; Sonata 436, 143, quoted 2045 Sonata 437, quoted 203; Sonata 443, 173; Sonata 444, 173; Sonata 445, 141; Sonata 446, 293; Sonata 455, 188 Sonata 456, 220 j Sonata 458, 170, quoted 387 j Sonata 460 (xlv), 248, 269, 270, 276, 278, quoted 377; Sonata 461 (xlvi), 200, 264, 267, 279; Sonata 463, quoted 394; Sonata 464,

2975

;

quoted

482



226;

Sonata

466,

234,

398}

}

INDEX Scarlatti,

Domenico

{continued)

5

3895

Sonata

490

(xlix),

143,

keyboard range, 144, 171-172, 179; use of two manuals, 180-182, 185 pianoforte, 178-179, 183-185} organ sonatas, 185-186; organ registration, 185, 283-284} sonatas with figured 180}

Sonata 470 (xlvii), 143, 172, 188, quoted 368; Sonata 471 (xlviii), 143, 3045 Sonata 474, quoted 3775 Sonata 477, 201} Sonata 478, 173; Sonata Sonata 481, 479> x 73> quoted 373 266, quoted 377; Sonata 482, 170; Sonata 484, quoted 192; Sonata 485, 1435 Sonata 486, 1435 Sonata 487, *43> 1 9 1 > 2 4 2 > quoted 199; Sonata 488, quoted 202; Sonata 489, quoted 201,

51-152; technique, 187-194} 188, 187-190} glissando, handcrossings, 161-162, 168, 246} 169-170, 181, 192; shadings of harpsichord sound, 196-199, 285-286, 288bass,

1

fingering,

289; orchestral effects, 196, 199-200, 205, 291-292, 295, 303; imitations of other instruments, 199-205, 227, 291292 sonatas, harmony, 157, 158-159, 207250: consistency, 207-208; 237^241} materials, 208-220 cadential vs. diatonic, 220-221} intensities, 222-223} peculiarities, 224-237} superpositions, 229-233} contractions and extensions, equal 2 33 _2 37> tonalities used, 241 temperament, modulation, 241-242} }

}

243-250 sonatas, form, 251-279: variety, 251252} Scarlatti sonata defined, 252-253} component sections, 253-265} compared with classical sonata, 253-255, 256, 258, 263-264, 266} main types of form, 265-269} exceptional forms, 269-271; fugues, 152-155; tonal structure, 271-275} treatment of thematic material, 253-271, 276-279 sonatas, performance, 280-323: fashions, 280-28 1 ideals, 281-282} DS's text, 282-283} dynamics and registration, 283-292} DS's tempo markings, 161, 292-293} performer's choice of tempo, 293-295} pulse, 294-298} effectiveness of corona, 298; relation of pulse and rhythm, 298-300; independence from bar line, 298-299; problems of rhythmical playing, 298-304; rhythmic perceptions and mathematical precision, 299-300; divisions of rhythmic impulse, 299-302; rhythmic polyphony, 295, 297, 298, 302-304} treatment of syncopations, 303-304; rhythmic activity and passivity, 309; units of rhythmic impulse, 309-310; negotiation of ritards and rubato, 318319 sonatas, performance (phrasing) slurs and staccato marks, 304; definition of phrasing, 305 methods of mark}

sonatas, origin, 114-116, 137; script

sources,

114,

137-1415

manuuse

of oi

term sonata and other qualifying titles T m 1 noi ru'icp arrangement, n rri n crt*rr\&Y\t UNI A7 pairwise 141 141-143} triptychs, 142-143; chronology, 144144146, 156, 170-172; instrumental treatment, 175-206: harpsichords used, 175• ;

"

483

:

;

INDEX Scarlatti,

Domenico

(continued)

310; phrasing based on vocal breathing and dance gesture, 307, 310-31 1; harmonic inflection, 312-316; physical basis of harmonic sensibility, 313-314; keyboard player's use of tension and release, 313-314; tonal inflection, 314inflection

315;

of

dissonant

92, 129

passing

315-317; relation of phrasing to tempo and rhythm, 308-312, 315-319 sonatas, ornamentation, 365-398

Scarlatti, 6,

Domingo

Nicolo (brother of DS), 328 Orencio (great-great-greatgrandson of DS), 1 36 •

Scarlatti,

Encarnacion

( great-great-great-granddau ghter

DS).

See

Camarero,

o

Encarnacion

Scarlatti

Fernando (son of DS), 83,

Scarlatti,

92, 117, 128, 129, 130, 133

DS),

7,

Francesco (uncle of DS),

5,

Flaminia

Scarlatti,

(sister

of

328

Scarlatti,

n6, 327 Scarlatti, Raimondo

(grand-

DS), 100, 130, 133, 135 Giulio Alessandro (Canon),

son of Scarlatti,

DS),



(brother of DS),

117, 328

65,

Scarlatti,

Rosa (daughter of DS), 117,

130 Scarlatti,

Tommaso

(uncle of

DS),

5,

16-17, 18, 327, 328 Scarlatti family, 4-8, 17, 36, 43, 77, 6,

7>

100-101,

115-117,

129-130,

133-

Schubert, Franz, 103, 174 Scola, Adamo, 101 Scotti,

Annibale, Marquis, 98,

Giuseppe (unidentified), 17 Giuseppe (parentage uncer-

Scarlatti,

nephew of DS),

66, 128, 327,

329

Juan Antonio (son of DS),

Scarlatti,

9 2 > H7> i27> 129 Scarlatti (y Guillen), Julio 8 3>

great-great-great-grandson

(great-

of

DS),

MS Scarlatti,

Julito (great-great-greatgreat-great-grandson of DS), 136

Scarlatti,

Maria

no

Segovia, Andres, 196 Seixas, Carlos, 73-74,

150; and DS, 73-74 Serenade (for December 27, 1722), 71 Seville, Alcazar, 82, 87 Shakespeare, William, Hamlet, 62

La

Silvia,

(daughter

of

DS),

92, 129, 130

Maria Barbara (daughter of DS), 117, 118, 130 Scarlatti, Maria Catalina Gentili (first wife of DS), 76, 83, 92, 105, 116,

Scarlatti,

127; portrait, 76-77,

Jan

(King of Poland), 45,

46, 52

Maria Casimira (Queen of Poland). See Maria Casimira Soler, Antonio, 123-124, 140, 179, 186, 208, 211, 212, 224, 243-246, 251, 398; quoted on DS's harpsichord works, 140; on his notation of works of DS, 140; on part-writing, 224; on ornaments, 393; musical examples quoted, 212, 245, 246; and DS, 123-

Sobieski,

124, 140

Solimena, Francesco, 7-8 sonata, term as applied by DS, 141 sonatas, by DS. See DS, sonatas Spain, character,

135-136 •

50

Sobieski, Alessandro, 50, 51, 52, 55 Sobieski, Clementina, 55 Sobieski,

43 Scarlatti,

I, 7>

7,

Sidney, Sir Philip, 43

65, 327-328

Scarlatti (y Robles), Francisco

tain,

DS),

Scarlatti family papers, 135-136, 175

Eduardo, 327 (Camarero),

Scarlatti

7>

(brother of

136, 327-330

Scarlatti,

6,

Pietro

*9> 46, 327, 328, 329 Scarlatti, Pietro (grandfather of

130

8,

5,

Scarlatti,

DS), 117,

(son of

Melchiorra (aunt of DS),

327> 328

7>

Scarlatti,

tones,

Scarlatti,

Mariana (daughter of DS),

Scarlatti,

305; use of legato and staccato, 305-307, 308, 319-322; overlapping and sustaining of broken harmonies, 319-321; vocal inflection of melodic lines, 307-308; rhythmic values and groupings of melodic lines, 308ing phrasing,

484

of,

character,

81-82, 90-91; Court 107, 1 19-120,

83-87,

132; itinerary, 83, 88-90, 91-92, 107; opera and theater, 97-99, 110112, 125-126, 131, 132, orchestra,

INDEX 112, scenery, 110-112; royal chapel,

122-123, choir and orchestra, 123; residences. See Aranjuez, Buen Retiro, Escorial, La Granja, Madrid (Royal Palace), Pardo, Seville (Alcazar) Spain, music and dance, 82, 114-115, 204, 205, 221, 295-296, 114-115, 167, 204, 205, 221, 295-296,

160,

Mme.

Ursins,

des,

Uttini, Isabella,

1

85 12

167,

303; and DS, 81-82, 87, 160,

Vaureal (French ambassador), quoted on DS and Farinelli, 109 Velasquez, 92 Veneziano, Gaetano, 19 Venice, character, 22-24;

303 Stabat

Tosi, Pier Francesco, 365, 366 Trevisani, Francesco, 38 Tschudi (harpsichords), 15

Mater\ 58

Stafford, Lord, 57

Richard, quoted on Nicolo Grimaldi, 28

Steele,

Giuseppe,

24-25

;

conservato-

opera and theater, 23, 28-

30 Venier, G. B., 125 Verdi, Giuseppe, 103, 223 Vico, Giambattista, 12, 43

Stravinsky, Igor, 229 Tartini,

ries,

365

Tomas Luis de, 122 Vignola, Giuseppe, 329

Tasso, Torquato, 23 Tausig, Karl, 125 Taxis, Count, 176

Victoria,

Te Deunty 69 Te GloriosuSy 69

Queen Maria Casimira, 54-55 Vinci, Leonardo, 10, 329

Teatro Capranica (Rome), 62, 74, 65 Teatro de los Canos del Peral (Ma-

Vitali, Francesco, 62

drid), 98

Teatro San Bartolomeo (Naples), 329 Teatro San Carlo (Naples), 98, 132,

Lorenzo, 41

Vittorio

Amedeo

Vivaldi, Antonio,

Madrid, 97-985 Ottoboni, 39, 49-50 Queen Maria Casimira, 47j

54; Rome, 36-37, 60-65; Venice, 2830 thorough bass. See continuo. Tiepolo, Giovanni Battista, 81, 93,

term as applied by DS, 141 of

third

Duke of Alba), 120 Tolomeo, 50-52, 53, Fig. 22

Tor

Witvogel, G. F., 125

Worgan, John, Ximenes,

122,

Anastasia

Zipoli,

(second

Domenico, 149

Torres, Joseph, 122

Zuccari, Palazzo

theater

125 wife

Zappi, Giambattista, 44 Zarlino, Gioseffo, 244 Zeno, Apostolo, 25, 43, 61-62 Zuccari, Federigo, 47 Zuccari, Giacomo, 54

Nona

124,

of

DS). See Scarlatti, Anastasia Maxarti Ximenes

(Rome), 36 Torres, Cristoval Romero de, 117, 128 di

199; por-

Winckelmann, Johann Joachim, 47

119, 120, 265 Titian, 174, 175

(son

151,

25,

Fig. 5

Wesley, Charles, 125

in Sciro, 50, 52, 53

Hernando de

(King of Savoy),

.

theater,

toccata,

quoted on

Wagner, Richard, 280 Walther, Johann Gottfried, 125

Tencin, Cardinal, 57

Toledo,

II

de,

93 trait,

Telemann, Georg Philipp, 152 Tempesti, Domenico, 62

due

H.,

Vittori,

329

T elide

C. L.

Villars,

485

(Rome), 47

MUSIC

DOMENICO

SCARLATTI

RALPH KIRKPATRICK From the

NICO SCARLATTI:

original reviews of

ndtrw^o the subject which has ap"Not only the best examinatH^of peared up to the present time. It is the only one commensurate with [Scarlatti's] true artistic stature, and the significance of his Olin Downes, The New York Times music to his time and ours."



"Has brought the composer

to

life

man and

as a

an

as

artist

against an 18th-century background as vigorous and as detailed

by Canaletto Herald Tribune

as a picture

"The

entire

but for

book

is

.

.

." .



Virgil

New

Thomson,

York

remarkable not only for its completeness its material has not only been scrupu-

fullness as well;

its

assembled but has been wisely, ripely and significantly The whole is illuminated by the vivacious sensitivity to Albert Frankmusic for which Kirkpatrick's playing is famous." lously

used.



enstein,

New

York Herald Tribune

"However much unearthed

book

will

is

it

hard to believe that

admirable

this

not remain the standard work which every scholar and

The (London) Times

player of Scarlatti must consult."

"This fascinating

composer has found

Ralph Kirkpatrick's book deserves

when

all

a

RALPH KIRKPATRICK Quarterly as an "author rank performing

artist

has

worthy biographer.

a

encomiums

the

major work appears that Paul Henry Lang, The Saturday Review

order

may be

additional information about Scarlatti

the future,

in

fills

been described

who combines

that are in

need."

a long-felt

in

the

Musical

the qualities of a front

with those of a dedicated scholar."

the foremost American harpsichordist and

one of the

He

is

principal

on keyboard music of the eighteenth century. In addiand abroad, and to teaching at Yale University, Mr. Kirkpatrick spent twelve years completing this

authorities

tion to concerts, both here

!

book.

The

Italian

Government awarded Ralph

Kirkpatrick the Knight

Cross of the Order "al Merito della Repubblica" for his remarkable contributions as performer on behalf of

and

for this outstanding

— of

translation-

one

biography

of the

most

Domenico

— now available

original

in

to

Scarlatti

an

composers of

all

Italian

time.

x^FOLLO EDITIONS 425 PARK AVENUE SOUTH,

NEW YORK, N. Y.

1

001